THE 
 
 WORKS 
 
 OF 
 
 SIR WILLIAM TEMPLE, 
 
 BART. 
 
 COMPLETE. 
 
 IN FOUR VOLUMES. 
 
 TO WHICH IS PREFIXED, 
 
 THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF THE AUTHOR, 
 
 CONSIDERABLY ENLARGED. 
 
 A NEW EDITION. 
 VOL. I. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED FOR F. C. AND I. RIVINGTON; F. WINGRAVE; R. LEA 
 LONGMAN AND CO.; WHITE, COCHRANE, AND CO.; S. BAGSTER 
 J. MAWMAN; J. FAULDER ; J. BOOKER; CLARKE AND SONS 
 J. HATCHARD; R. BALDWIN; AND CRADOCK AND JOY. 
 
 Printed by S. Hamilton, AVey bridge. 
 1814.

 
 CONTENTS 
 
 OF 
 
 VOLUME THE FIRST. 
 
 Advertisement page i 
 
 Life of the Author iv xxvii 
 
 An essay on the original and nature of go- 
 vernment 1 30 
 
 Observations upon the United Provinces of 
 
 the Netherlands 31 
 
 1. Of the rise and progress of the United 
 
 Provinces 41 
 
 2. Of their government 94 
 
 3. Of their situation 125 
 
 4. Of their people and dispositions . . 133 
 
 5. Of their religion 151 
 
 6. Of their trade 163 
 
 7. Of their forces and revenues ... 1 85 
 S. The causes of their fall in 1672 . . 191 
 
 Letters containing an account of the most 
 important transactions that jmssed in 
 
 Christendojn from 1665 to 1672 . . . 205
 
 ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 In this new edition of the celebrated Sir William 
 Temple's Works his Political Tracts are printed 
 according to the order of time in which they were 
 written ; with this exception, that as the essay On 
 the original and nature of government, and the Ob* 
 servations on the United Netherlands, will give the 
 reader a just idea of government in general, and 
 in particular of the constitution, revenue, and 
 forces of that country which was the scene of the 
 author's important negotiations, these are placed 
 first, as the best introduction to the subsequent 
 tracts. 
 
 The Author, unhappily for posterity, committed 
 to the flames the First Part of the Memoirs of his 
 negotiations, for reasons which are guessed at by 
 Dr. Swift (see vol. ii. p. 500.) ; but to supply that 
 loss he permitted the publication of the Letters 
 he wrote during the period which made the sub- 
 ject of that part : those Letters are therefore, in 
 this edition, prefixed to the Second Part of his 
 Memoirs. 
 
 VOL. J.
 
 LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 THE AUTHOR. 
 
 Sir William Temple was the son of Sir William 
 Temple, of Sheen in Surrey, Master of the Rolls 
 and Privy-counsellor in Ireland, in the reign of 
 Charles II. by a sister of the learned Dr. Henry 
 Hammond. His grandfather, Sir William Tem- 
 ple, the founder of the family, was the younger 
 son of the Temples, of Temple-hall in Leicester- 
 shire. He was fellow of King's-college in Cam- 
 bridge, afterwards master of the free-school at 
 Lincoln, then secretary successively to Sir Philip 
 Sidney, to William Davison, Esq. one of Queen 
 Elizabeth's secretaries, and to the celebrated Earl 
 of Essex ; whom he served while he was Lord- 
 Deputy of Ireland. In 1609, upon the importu- 
 nate solicitation of Dr. James Usher, he accepted 
 the provostship of Trinity-college in Dublin ; after 
 which he was knighted, and made one of the 
 Masters in Chancery of Ireland. He died about 
 1626, aged seventy-two, after having given proof 
 of his abilities and learning, by several publica- 
 tions in Latin. 
 
 a 2
 
 iv Life of the Author. 
 
 The subject of the present Memoir was born in 
 London in 1628, and first sent to school at Pens- 
 hurst in Kent, under the care of his uncle Dr. 
 Hammond, then minister of that parish. At the 
 age of ten he was removed to a school at Bishop 
 Stortford in Hertfordshire, kept by Mr. Leigh, 
 where he was taught Greek and Latin. At the 
 age of fifteen he returned and remained at home 
 for about two years, from some doubts, during 
 these turbulent times, as to the propriety of send- 
 ing him to any university. These having been 
 removed, he was about two years after entered of 
 Emanuel-college, Cambridge, under the tuition of 
 the learned Cudworth. His father, intending him 
 for political life, seems not to have thought a long 
 residence here necessary ; and therefore about 
 the year 1647, or 1648, sent him on his travels. 
 While on his way to France, he visited the Isle 
 of Wight, where his Majesty Charles I. was then 
 a prisoner ; and there formed an attachment to 
 Dorothy, second daughter of Sir Peter Osborn, 
 of Chicksand in Bedfordshire, whom he afterwards 
 married. 
 
 His travels extended to France, Holland, Flan- 
 ders, and Germany; during which he acquired a 
 facility in speaking and reading those modern lan- 
 guages, which then formed a necessary accom- 
 plishment in a statesman. In 1654, on his return, 
 he married the above-mentioned Mrs. Osborn, and 
 passed his time for some years with his father and 
 family in Ireland, improving himself in the study 
 of history and philosophy, and cautiously avoiding
 
 Life of the Auihor. v 
 
 any employment during the Usurpation. At the 
 Restoration, in 1660, he was chosen a member of 
 the Convention in Ireland, and first distinguished 
 himself by opposing the Poll-Bill, a very unpo- 
 pular ministerial measure ; which he did with so 
 much independence of spirit, as to furnish a pre- 
 sage of his future character. In the succeeding 
 Parliament, in ] 661, he was chosen, with his father, 
 for the county of Carlow, where he distinguished 
 himself by voting and speaking indifferently, as he 
 approved or disapproved their measures, without 
 joining any party. In 1662 he was chosen one of 
 the commissioners to be sent from that Parlia- 
 ment to the King, and took this opportunity of 
 waiting on the Lord Lieutenant, the Duke of 
 Ormond, then at London, and seems at the same 
 time to have now formed the design of quitting 
 Ireland altogether, and residing in England. It 
 was necessary, however, to return to Ireland ; 
 where on a second interview with the Duke of 
 Ormond, then at Dublin, the Duke made extraor- 
 dinary professions of respect for him, complaining 
 with polite irony, that he was the only man in 
 Ireland who had never asked him any thing : and 
 when lie found him bent on going to England, 
 insisted on giving him letters of recommendation 
 to Clarendon, the Lord Chancellor, and to Ar- 
 lington, Secretary of State. 
 
 This recommendation was effectual with both 
 these statesmen, as well as with the King, although 
 he was not immediately employed. Sir William 
 Temple was never forgetful of this obligation ; he
 
 vi Life of the Author. 
 
 constantly kept up a correspondence with the 
 Duke of Ormond, and afterwards zealously de- 
 fended him against the attempt of the Earl of 
 Essex to displace him from the government of 
 Ireland. In the mean time, during his interviews 
 with Lord Arlington, who seems to have had his 
 promotion at heart, he took occasion to hint to 
 his Lordship, that if his Majesty thought him 
 worthy of any employment abroad, he should be 
 happy to accept it, but begged leave to object to 
 the northern climates, to which he had a great 
 aversion. Lord Arlington expressed his regret at 
 this, because the place of Envoy at Sweden was 
 the only one then vacant. In 1665, however, 
 about the commencement of the first Dutch war, 
 Lord Arlington communicated to him that his 
 Majesty wanted to send a person abroad upon an 
 affair of great importance, and advised him to 
 accept the offer, whether in all respects agreeable 
 or not, as it would prove an introduction to his 
 Majesty's service. This business was a secret 
 commission to the Bishop of Minister, for the 
 purpose of concluding a treaty between the King 
 and him, by which the Bishop should be obliged, 
 upon receiving a certain sum of money, to join 
 his Majesty immediately in the war with Hol- 
 land. Sir William made no scruple to accept 
 this commission, which he executed with speed 
 and success, and in the most private manner, 
 without any train or official character. In July 
 he began his journey to Coesvelt, and not long 
 after it was known publicly, that he had in a very
 
 Life of the Author. vii 
 
 few days concluded and signed the treaty there, 
 in which his perfect knowledge in Latin, which he 
 had retained, w T as of no little advantage to him, 
 the Bishop conversing in no other language. After 
 signing the treaty, he went to Brussels, saw the 
 first payment made, and received the news that 
 the Bishop was in the field, by which this nego- 
 tiation began first to be discovered ; but no person 
 suspected the part he had in it ; and he continued 
 privately at Brussels till it was whispered to the 
 Marquis Castel-Rodrigo the governor, that he 
 came upon some particular errand (which he was 
 then at liberty to own). The governor immedi- 
 ately sent to desire his acquaintance, and that he 
 might see him in private, to which he easily 
 consented. Soon after a commission was sent 
 him to be Resident at Brussels, a situation which 
 he had long contemplated with pleasure ; and his 
 commission was accompanied with a Baronet's 
 patent. 
 
 Sir William now sent for his family (April 1666) ; 
 but, before their arrival, was again ordered to 
 Munster, to prevent the Bishop's concluding peace 
 with the Dutch, which he threatened to do, in 
 consequence of some remissness in the payments 
 from England, and actually signed it at Cleve the 
 very night Sir William Temple arrived at Mun- 
 ster. On this he returned to Brussels ; and before 
 he had been there a year, peace with the Dutch 
 was concluded at Breda. Two months after this 
 event, his sister, who resided with him at Brus- 
 sels, having an inclination to see Holland, he went
 
 viii Life of the Author. 
 
 thither with her incognito, and while at the Hague, 
 became acquainted with the celebrated Pensionary 
 De Witt. 
 
 In the spring of 1667, a new war broke out be- 
 tween France and Spain, which rendering Brussels 
 a place of insecurity, as it might fall into the 
 hands of the French, he sent his family to Eng- 
 land, but remained himself until the end of the 
 year, when the King ordered him to return pri- 
 vately to England, and in his way to go secretly 
 to the Hague, and concert with the States the 
 means of saving the Netherlands. Sir William, 
 whom, Hume says, philosophy had taught to de- 
 spise the world, without rendering him unfit for it, 
 was frank, open, sincere, superior to the little 
 tricks of vulgar politicians j and meeting in De 
 Witt with a man of the same generous and enlarged 
 sentiments, he immediately opened his Master's 
 intentions, and pressed a speedy conclusion. A 
 treaty w r as from the first negotiated between these 
 two statesmen, with the same cordiality as if it 
 were a private transaction between intimate com- 
 panions. Deeming the interests of their country 
 the same, they gave full scope to that sympathy of 
 character which disposed them to an entire reli- 
 ance on each other's professions and engagements. 
 The issue was the famous triple alliance between 
 England, Sweden, and Holland, whichbeing ratified 
 Feb. 15, 1668, Sir William Temple had orders to 
 return to Brussels, and promote the treaty of peace 
 between France and Spain, then carrying on at 
 Aix-la-Chapelle. He was accordingly sent thither
 
 Life of the Author. ix 
 
 in April, as his Majesty's ambassador-extraordi- 
 nary and mediator, and brought the affair to a 
 happy conclusion. Soon after, he was sent ambas- 
 sador-extraordinary to the States-General, with in- 
 structions to confirm the triple alliance, and solicit 
 the Emperor and German princes, by their mini- 
 sters, to enter into it. Being the first English am- 
 bassador that had been there since King James's 
 time, he was received and distinguished by every 
 mark of regard and esteem they could express for 
 his character and person ; and, by the good opi- 
 nion he had gained, was able to bring the States 
 into such measures, as, M. de Witt said, he was 
 sure was not in the power of any other man to do. 
 He lived in confidence with that great minister, 
 and in constant and familiar conversation with the 
 Prince of Orange, then eighteen years old. Yet, 
 although he had a difficult part to act, he com- 
 passed the chief design of his embassy, in enga- 
 ging the Emperor and Spain in the measures that 
 were then desired ; but by this time the measures 
 of his own Court took a new turn ; and though he 
 had observed a disposition before, to complain of 
 the Dutch upon trifling occasions, yet he suspected 
 nothing till Lord Arlington, in September 1669, 
 hurried him over, by telling him, as soon as he 
 received his letter he should put his foot into the 
 stirrup. When he came to his Lordship, whom 
 he always saw the first, and with great eager- 
 ness desired to know the important affair that 
 required his sudden recall, he found that his 
 Lordship had not one word to say to him ; and.
 
 x Life of the Author. 
 
 after making him wait a great while, only asked 
 him several indifferent questions about his jour- 
 ney ; and next day he was received as coldly 
 by the King. The secret, however, soon came 
 out ; and Sir William Temple was pressed to 
 return to the Hague, and make way for a war 
 with Holland, which, less than two years before, 
 he had been so much applauded for preventing by 
 a strict alliance : but he excused himself from 
 having any share in it; which so much provoked 
 the Lord Treasurer Clifford, that he refused to 
 pay him an arrear of two thousand pounds, due 
 from his embassy. All this passed without any 
 particular unkindness from the King ; but Lord 
 Arlington's usage, so unlike to the friendship he 
 had professed, was resented by Sir William Tem- 
 ple with much spirit. 
 
 He now retired to his house at Sheen, and em- 
 ployed this interval of leisure in writing his " Ob- 
 servations on the United Provinces," and one part 
 of his " Miscellanies." 
 
 In 1673, the King becoming weary of the se- 
 cond Dutch war, and convinced of its unpopu- 
 larity, sent for Sir William Temple, and wished 
 him to go to Holland, with the offer of the King's 
 mediation between France and the Confederates 
 then at war, which was not long after accepted ; 
 and in June 1674, Lord Berkley, Sir William 
 Temple, and Sir Lionel Jenkins, were declared 
 ambassadors and mediators, and Nimeguen ap- 
 pointed, by general consent, as the place of treaty. 
 During Sir William's stay at the Hague, the Prince
 
 Life of the Author. xi 
 
 of Orange, who was fond of speaking English, 
 and of English habits, constantly dined and sup- 
 ped once or twice a week at his house. Sir Wil- 
 liam insensibly acquired his Highness's confidence, 
 and had a considerable hand in his marriage with 
 the Princess Mary, of which he has said so much 
 in his " Memoirs." One instance of his employ- 
 ing his influence with the Prince, he used to 
 reckon amongst the good fortunes of his life. 
 Five Englishmen happened to be taken and 
 brought to the Hague whilst he was there, and 
 in the Prince's absence, who were immediately 
 tried, and condemned by a council of war, for 
 deserting their colours : some of his servants had 
 the curiosity to visit their unfortunate country- 
 men, and came home with a deplorable story, that, 
 by what they had heard, it seemed to be a mis- 
 take ; and that they were all like to die innocent ; 
 but, however, that it was without remedy, that 
 their graves were digging, and they were to be 
 shot next morning. Sir William Temple left no- 
 thing unattempted to prevent their sudden exe- 
 cution ; and sent to the officers to threaten them, 
 that he would complain first to the Prince, and 
 then to the King, who, he was sure, would demand 
 reparation, if so many of his subjects suffered un- 
 justly : but nothing would move them, till he 
 made it his last request to reprieve them one day, 
 during which the Prince happened to come with- 
 in reach of returning an answer to a message he 
 sent, and they were released. The first thing 
 they did was to go and look at their graves; and
 
 x'n Life of the Author. 
 
 the next, to come and thank Sir William Temple 
 upon their knees. 
 
 In July 1676, he removed his family to Nime- 
 guen, where he passed that year without making 
 any progress in the treaty, which, owing to various 
 circumstances, was then at a stand ; and, the year 
 after, his son was sent over with letters from the 
 Lord Treasurer, to order him to return and suc- 
 ceed Mr. Coventry in his place of Secretary of 
 State, which the latter made some difficulty of 
 resigning, unless he had leave to name his succes- 
 sor, which the King refused. Sir William Tem- 
 ple, who was not ambitious of the change at this 
 time, requested his Majesty would defer it until 
 all parties were agreed, and the treaty he was 
 then concerned in concluded. This business, 
 however, required his presence in England, and 
 he did not return to Nimeguen that year. About 
 the same time the Prince of Orange came over 
 and married the Lady Mary, which seems to have 
 occasioned a coolness between Sir William Tem- 
 ple and Lord Arlington, the latter being offended 
 at Sir William's intimacy with the Lord Treasurer 
 Osborn, who was related to Lady Temple, they 
 two being the only persons intrusted with the 
 affair of the marriage. 
 
 In the mean time, in 1678, the King finding 
 that affairs were not likely to come to any conclu- 
 sion with France, sent for Sir William Temple to 
 the council, and told him, that he intended he 
 should go to Holland, in order to form a treaty of 
 alliance with the States j and that the purpose of
 
 Life of the Author. xiii 
 
 it should be, like the triple league, to force both 
 France and Spain to accept of the terms pro- 
 posed. Temple was sorry to find this act of vi- 
 gour qualified by such a regard to France, and by 
 such an appearance of indifference and neutrality 
 between the parties. He told the King, that the 
 resolution 'agreed on, was to begin the war in 
 conjunction with all the Confederates, in case of 
 no direct and immediate answer from France ; 
 that this measure would satisfy the Prince, the 
 Allies, and the people of England; advantages 
 which could not be expected from such an alli- 
 ance with Holland alone ; that France would be 
 disobliged, and Spain likewise ; nor would the 
 Dutch be satisfied with such a faint imitation of 
 the triple league, a measure concerted when they 
 were equally at league with both parties. For 
 these reasons Sir William Temple declined the 
 employment ; and Lawrence Hyde, second son of 
 the Chancellor Clarendon, was sent in his place ; 
 and although the measure was not palatable to 
 the Prince, the States concluded the treaty in the 
 terms proposed by the King. Just afterwards 
 we find the King a little out of humour with Sir 
 William Temple; and when the Parliament would 
 not pass the supplies without some security against 
 the prevalence of the Popish party, the King 
 thought proper to reproach Temple with his po- 
 pular notions, as he termed them ; and asked him 
 how he thought the House of Commons could be 
 trusted in carrying on the war, should it be en- 
 tered on, when in the very commencement they
 
 xiv Lfe of the Author. 
 
 made such declarations ? Sir William, however, 
 was not daunted by this reproach; and when the 
 King, thwarted by his Parliament, began to lend 
 an ear to the proposals of the King of France, 
 who offered him great sums of money, if he would 
 consent to France's making an advantageous peace 
 with the allies, Sir William, though pressed by 
 his Majesty, refused to have any concern in so 
 dishonourable a negotiation. He informs us that 
 the King said, there was one article proposed, 
 which so incensed him, that as long as he lived, 
 he should never forget it. What it was Sir Wil- 
 liam does not mention ; but Dean Swift, who was 
 the editor of his works, informs us, that the 
 French, before they would agree to any payment, 
 required as a preliminary, that King Charles should 
 engage never to keep above 8000 regular troops in 
 Great Britain ! 
 
 Sir William appears frequently to have retired 
 from Court disgusted with the fluctuating coun- 
 sels which prevailed there, but was ever ready to 
 lend his aid to measures which bore the appear- 
 ance of public advantage : and in July 1678, upon 
 the discovery of the French design not to evacu- 
 ate the Spanish towns agreed on by the treaty to 
 be delivered up, the King commanded him to go 
 upon a third embassy to the States, with whom he 
 concluded a treaty, by which England engaged, 
 upon the refusal of the French to evacuate the 
 towns in forty days, to declare immediate war 
 with France : but, before half that time was run 
 out, one Du Cros was sent from our Court into
 
 Life of the Author. xv 
 
 Holland, upon an errand that again embarrassed 
 the relative state of affairs ; and such sudden and 
 capricious changes in our councils, which Sir Wil- 
 liam Temple had seen too often to be astonished 
 at, increased his growing distaste to all public 
 employment. 
 
 In 1679, he went back to Nimeguen, where the 
 French delayed signing the treaty to the last hour; 
 and after he had concluded it, he returned to the 
 Hague, from whence he was soon sent for to enter 
 upon the Secretary's place, which Mr. Coventry 
 was at last resolved to part with ; and my Lord 
 Sunderland, who was newly come into the other, 
 pressed him with much earnestness to accept. He 
 very unwillingly obeyed his Majesty's commands 
 to come over, as he had long at heart a visit he had 
 promised to make the Great Duke, as soon as his 
 embassy was ended ; having begun a particular 
 acquaintance with him in England, and kept up a 
 correspondence ever since. Besides, having so 
 ill succeeded in the designs (which no man ever 
 more steadily pursued in the course of his employ- 
 ments) of doing his country the best service, and 
 advancing its honour and greatness to the height 
 of which he thought it capable, he resolved to ask 
 leave of the King to retire. At this time, indeed, 
 no person could engage in public affairs with a 
 worse prospect ; the Popish plot being newly broke 
 out, and the Parliament violent in the persecution 
 of it, although it is now generally allowed to have 
 been an absurd imposture. On these accounts, 
 although the King, who, after the removal of the
 
 xvi Life of the Author. 
 
 Lord Treasurer Danby, whom the Parliament 
 sent to the Tower, had no one with whom he 
 could discourse with freedom on public affairs, 
 Sir William, alarmed at the universal discontents 
 and jealousies which prevailed, was determined to 
 make his retreat, as soon as possible, from a scene 
 which threatened such confusion. Meanwhile, as 
 he could not refuse the confidence with which his 
 Master honoured him, he represented to the 
 King, that, as the jealousies of the nation were 
 extreme, it was necessary to cure them by some 
 new remedy, and to restore that mutual confi- 
 dence, so requisite for the safety both of the King 
 and people ; that to refuse every thing to the 
 Parliament in their present disposition, or to yield 
 every thing, was equally dangerous to the consti- 
 tution, as well as to public tranquillity ; that if the 
 King would introduce into his councils such men 
 as enjoyed the confidence of his people, fewer 
 concessions would probably be required ; or if 
 unreasonable demands were made, the King, un- 
 der the sanction of such counsellors, might be en- 
 abled, with the greater safety, to refuse them; and 
 that the heads of the popular party, being gratified 
 with the King's favour, would probably abate of 
 that violence by which they endeavoured at pre- 
 sent to pay court to the multitude. 
 
 The King assented to these reasons ; and, in 
 concert with Temple, laid the plan of a new 
 Privy-council, without whose advice he declared 
 himself determined for the future to take no mea T 
 sure of importance. This council was to consist
 
 Life of the Author. xvii 
 
 of thirty persons, and was never to exceed that 
 number. Fifteen of the chief officers of the Crown 
 were to be continued, who, it was supposed, would 
 adhere to the King, and, in case of any extremity, 
 oppose the exorbitances of faction. The other 
 half of the council was to be composed, either of 
 men of character, detached from the Court, or of 
 those who possessed chief credit in both Houses. 
 The experiment seemed at first to give some satis- 
 faction to the people; but as Shaftesbury was made 
 president of the council, contrary to the advice of 
 Sir William Temple, the plan upon the whole was 
 of little avail. Temple often joined them, though 
 he kept himself detached from public business. 
 When the bill was proposed for putting restric- 
 tions on the Duke of York, as successor to the 
 throne, Shaftesbury thought them insufficient, 
 and was for a total exclusion ; but Sir William 
 Temple thought them so rigorous as even to sub- 
 vert the constitution ; and that shackles, put 
 upon a Popish successor, would not afterwards be 
 easily cast off by a Protestant. 
 
 In 1 680, when the Council was again changed, 
 Sir William gradually withdrew himself, for rea- 
 sons which he has assigned in the Third Part of 
 his Memoirs ; but soon after the King sent for 
 him again, and proposed his going ambassador 
 into Spain, and giving credit to an alliance pretend- 
 ed to be made with that Crown, against the meet- 
 ing of the Parliament ; but when his equipage was 
 almost ready, the King changed his mind, and 
 told him, he would have him defer his journey till 
 
 vol. i. b
 
 -win Life of the Author. 
 
 the end of the sessions of Parliament, of which he 
 was chosen a member for the University of Cam- 
 bridge, and in which the factions ran so high, that 
 he saw it impossible to bring them to any temper. 
 The Duke of York was sent into Scotland : that 
 would not satisfy them, nor any thing but a bill of 
 exclusion, against which he always declared him- 
 self, being a legal man, and said, his endeavours 
 should ever be to unite the royal family, but that 
 he would never enter into any counsels to divide 
 them. This famous bill, after long contests, was 
 thrown out, and the Parliament dissolved ; and it 
 was upon his Majesty's taking this resolution with- 
 out the advice of his Privy Council, contrary to 
 what he had promised, that Sir William Temple 
 spoke so boldly there, and was so ill-used for ta- 
 king that liberty, by some of those friends who had 
 been most earnest in promoting the last change. 
 Upon this he grew quite tired with public busi- 
 ness, refused the offer he had of serving again for 
 the University in the next Parliament, that was 
 soon after called and met at Oxford, and was even 
 uneasy with the name of a Privy Counsellor : but 
 this he soon got rid of; for the Duke being re- 
 turned, and all the councils changed, Lord Sun- 
 derland's, Essex's, and Sir William Temple's names 
 were by the King's order all struck out of the 
 council-book together. On this occasion he in- 
 formed Tlis Majesty that he would live the rest of 
 his life as good a subject as any in his kingdom, 
 but never more meddle with public affairs. The 
 King assured him that he was not at all angry.
 
 Life of the Author. xix 
 
 and ever after received his visits, when he came 
 into the neighbourhood of Sheen, with respect : 
 nor was less attention shewn to Sir William by 
 King James, who used to address his conversation 
 to him the moment he saw him enter the room of 
 the palace at Richmond. 
 
 After this retirement, which occurred in 1685, 
 Sir William Temple continued a year at Sheen, 
 and, having purchased a small seat called Moor 
 Park, near Farnham in Surrey, which he preferred 
 for its retirement, and the healthy and pleasant 
 situation, and being much afflicted with the gout, 
 and broken with age and infirmities, he resolved 
 to pass the remainder of his life there ; and in No- 
 vember 1686, in his way thither, waited on King 
 James, then at Windsor, and begged his favour 
 and protection to one that would always live a 
 good subject, but, whatever happened, never enter 
 again upon any public employment ; and desired his 
 Majesty never to give credit to whatever he might 
 hear to the contrary. The King, who used to say, 
 Sir William Temple's character was always to be 
 believed, promised him what he desired, made him 
 some reproaches for not coming into his service, 
 which he said was his own fault, and kept his word 
 as faithfully to Sir William Temple, as he did to 
 his Majesty during the turn of affairs that soon 
 after followed by the Prince of Orange's coming 
 over, which is said to have been so great a secret 
 to him, that he was not only wholly unacquainted 
 with it, but one of the last men in England that 
 believed it. 
 
 1)2
 
 xx Life of the Author. 
 
 At the time of this revolution in 1 688, Moor 
 Park growing unsafe by lying in the way of both 
 armies, he went back to the house he had given up 
 to his son at Sheen, whom he would not permit to 
 go and meet the Prince of Orange at his landing, 
 as this might appear a breach of his engagement, 
 never to join in any measure that seemed to divide 
 the royal family. After King James's abdica- 
 tion, and the Prince's arrival at Windsor, however, 
 Sir William Temple went to wait upon his High- 
 ness, along with his son. On this occasion the 
 Prince pressed him to enter into his service, and 
 to be Secretary of State ; said, it was in kindness 
 to him that he had not been acquainted with his 
 design ; came to him two or three times at Sheen, 
 and several of his friends made him very uneasy, 
 in urging how much the Prince (who was his 
 friend), his country, and his religion, must suffer 
 by his obstinate refusal to engage in their defence; 
 adding, that his conduct would give the world an 
 unfavourable opinion of this great undertaking, 
 and make them mistrust some bad design at the 
 bottom, which a man of his truth and honour did 
 not care to be concerned in. Sir William, however, 
 continued unshaken in his resolutions, although 
 very sensible of the trouble and uneasiness the 
 Prince and all his friends expressed, and was the 
 more anxious to return to his retirement at Moor 
 Park, about the end of the year 1689, that he 
 might be less exposed to similar solicitations. 
 
 From that time he employed himself wholly in 
 the cares and amusements of a country life, and
 
 Life of the Author. xxi 
 
 saw little company; but had the honour of being 
 often consulted by King William in some of his 
 secret and important affairs, and of a visit from 
 him in his way from Winchester, and used to wait 
 upon his Majesty at Richmond and Windsor, 
 where he was always very graciously received with 
 that easiness and familiarity, and particular con- 
 fidence, that had begun in Holland so many years 
 before. 
 
 Sir William Temple died towards the end of 
 1700, in his seventy-second year, at Moor Park, 
 near Farnham in Surrey ; where, according to ex- 
 press directions in his will, his heart was buried 
 in a silver box, under the sun-dial in his garden. 
 This sun-dial, we are told, was opposite to the 
 window whence he used to contemplate and ad- 
 mire the works of nature with his sister, the in- 
 genious Lady Giffard* ; who, as she shared and 
 eased the fatigues of his voyages and travels du- 
 ring his public employments, was the chief delight 
 and comfort of his retirement in old age, as he had 
 the misfortune to lose his Lady in 1694. As to 
 his person, his stature was above the middle size : 
 he was well-set and well-shaped ; his hair chesnut 
 brown, his face oval, his forehead large, a quick 
 piercing eye, and a sedate and philosophical look. 
 Those who have endeavoured to set Sir William's 
 character in the best light, have allowed him to have 
 had some tincture of vanity and spleen. Bishop 
 Burnet has painted him most unfavourably, allow- 
 
 * Lady Giffard died in 1722, at the age of 84.
 
 xxii Life of the Author. 
 
 ing him to possess a true judgement in all affairs, 
 and very good principles with relation to govern- 
 ment, but in nothing else. The Bishop adds, that 
 " he seemed to think, that things were as they are 
 from all eternity ; at least, he thought religion was 
 fit only for the mob. He w T as a great admirer of 
 the sect of Confucius in China, who were atheists 
 themselves, but left religion to the rabble. He 
 was a corrupter of all that came near him: and he 
 delivered himself up wholly to study, ease, and 
 pleasure." Burnet's dislike to Sir William Tem- 
 ple seems, therefore, to have arisen from a very 
 sufficient cause ; from his holding and propaga- 
 ting irreligious principles : but this others have not 
 only doubted but peremptorily denied, and have 
 cited his beautiful letter to Lady Essex, as a proof 
 of his piety. Burnet, however, we perceive, allows 
 him to have been a great statesman ; and, in the 
 very next words to those just cited, refers his 
 reader for " an account of our affairs beyond sea, 
 to his Letters ; in which," says Burnet, " they are 
 very truly and fully set forth." 
 
 Sir William Temple was not only a very able 
 statesman and negotiator, but also a polite and 
 elegant writer. As many of his works have been 
 published, at different times, as amount to two 
 volumes in folio ; which have also been printed 
 more than once in 8vo. His " Observations upon 
 the United Provinces of the Netherlands," were 
 published in one volume, 8vo, in 1G72. His 
 " Miscellanea," consisting often tracts upon dif- 
 ferent subjects, were originally published in 2 vols.
 
 Life of the Author. xxiii 
 
 8vo. One of these tracts is upon ancient and 
 modern learning ; and what he advanced there, 
 as it in some measure gave occasion to, so it in- 
 volved him in the controversy, which was soon 
 after agitated here in England, concerning the 
 superiority of the ancients and the moderns. His 
 " Memoirs" also, of what had passed in his public 
 employments, especially those abroad, make a 
 very interesting part of his works. They were 
 written in three parts ; the First of which began 
 with his journey to Minister, contained chiefly his 
 negotiations of the triple alliance, and ended with 
 his first retirement from public business, in 1671, 
 a little before the second Dutch war. He began 
 the Second Part with the approaches of the peace 
 between England and Holland, in 167^, and con- 
 cluded it with his being recalled from Holland in 
 February 1678-9, after the conclusion of that of 
 Nimeguen. The Third Part contains what passed 
 from this peace to Sir William's retirement. The 
 Second Part of these " Memoirs" was published 
 in his life-time, and, it is believed, with his con- 
 sent ; though it is pretended that they were written 
 only for the use of his son, and sent into the world 
 without his knowledge. The Third Part was pub- 
 lished by Swift, in 1709, many years after his death. 
 The First Part was never published at all; and 
 Swift, in the preface to the Third, tells u^, that 
 " Sir William often assured him lie had burnt 
 those Memoirs ; and for that reason was content 
 his letters during Ins embassies at the Hague and 
 Aix-la-Chapelle (lie might have added Minister)
 
 xxiv Life of the Author. 
 
 should be printed after his death, to supply that 
 loss. What it was," continues Swift, " that 
 moved Sir William Temple to burn those First 
 Memoirs, may, perhaps, be conjectured from some 
 passages in the Second Part formerly printed. In 
 one place the author has these words : ' My Lord 
 Arlington, who made so great a figure in the for- 
 mer part of these Memoirs, was now grown out of 
 all credit,' &c. In other parts he tells us, ' That 
 that Lord was of the ministry which broke the 
 triple alliance, advised the Dutch war and French 
 alliance ; and, in short, was at the bottom of all 
 those ruinous measures which the court of Eng- 
 land was then taking : so that, as I have been told 
 from a good hand, and as it seems very probable, 
 he could not think that Lord a person fit to be 
 celebrated for his part in forwarding that famous 
 league, while he was Secretary of State, who had 
 made such counterpaces to destroy it.' " 
 
 In 1693, Sir William published an answer to a 
 scurrilous pamphlet, entitled, " A Letter from Mr. 
 
 du Cros to the Lord ." This Du Cros bore 
 
 very impatiently the character which Sir William 
 had given him in the Second Part of his " Me- 
 moirs," and wrote the above letter to abuse him 
 for it. In 1695, he published " An Introduction 
 to the History of England:" in which some few 
 mistakes have been discovered ; as his speaking of 
 William the Conqueror abolishing the trial of 
 camp-fight, or duel, who, on the contrary, intro- 
 duced it. Not long after his death, Dr. Swift, 
 then domestic chaplain to the Earl of Berkley,
 
 Life of the Author. xxy 
 
 who lived many years as an amanuensis in Sir Wil- 
 liam Temple's family, published two volumes of 
 his " Letters," containing an account of the most 
 important transactions that passed in Christendom, 
 from 1667 to 1672 ; and, in 1703, a third volume, 
 containing " Letters to King Charles II., the 
 Prince of Orange, the chief Ministers of State, 
 and other persons,'' in 8vo. The editor informs 
 us, that these papers were the last of this or any 
 kind, about which he had received his particular 
 commands ; and that they were corrected by him- 
 self, and transcribed in his life-time. The whole 
 of his Works are now before the reader. 
 
 Sir William Temple had one son, John Temple, 
 Esq. ; a man of great abilities and accomplish- 
 ments, and who, soon after the Revolution, was 
 appointed Secretary at War by King William ; but 
 he had scarce been a week in that office, when 
 he drowned himself at London bridge. This ex- 
 traordinary affair happened the 14th of April, 
 1689, when Mr. Temple, having spent the whole 
 morning at his office, took a boat about noon, as 
 if he designed to go to Greenwich ; when he had 
 got a little way, he ordered the waterman to set 
 him ashore, and then finishing some dispatches 
 which he had forgot, proceeded. Before he threw 
 himself out, he dropped in the boat a shilling for 
 the waterman, and a note to this effect : 
 
 <c My folly in undertaking what I was notable 
 to perform, has done the King and kingdom a 
 great deal of prejudice. I wish him all happiness, 
 and abler servants than John Temple."
 
 xxvi Life of the Author. 
 
 It was thought, at first, that he meant by this 
 his incapacity for the Secretaryship at War, which 
 he had asked the King leave to resign the day 
 before ; but the fact was, that he had been melan- 
 choly for some months before, and the great 
 prejudice to the King's affairs, mentioned in his 
 note, could not be occasioned by mistakes com- 
 mitted in a place in which he had yet done little 
 or nothing. Another cause of his melancholy is 
 assigned, which carries more probability. Gene- 
 ral Richard Hamilton being upon suspicion con- 
 fined in the Tower, Mr. Temple visited him some- 
 times upon the score of a former acquaintance ; 
 when discoursing upon the present juncture of 
 affairs, and how to prevent the effusion of blood 
 in Ireland, the general said, " That the best way 
 was, to send thither a person in whom Tyrconnel 
 could trust; and he did not doubt, if such a person 
 gave him a true account of things in England, he 
 would readily submit." Mr. Temple communi- 
 cated this overture to the King, who approving of 
 it, and looking upon General Hamilton to be the 
 properest person for such a service, asked Mr. 
 Temple whether he could be trusted? Temple 
 readily engaged his word for him, and Hamilton 
 was sent to Ireland ; but, instead of discharging 
 his commission and persuading Tyrconnel to sub- 
 mit, he encouraged him as much as possible to 
 stand out, and offered him his assistance, which 
 Tyrconnel gladly accepted. Mr. Temple con- 
 tracted an extreme melancholy upon Hamilton's 
 desertion ; although the King assured him he was
 
 Life of the Author. xxvii 
 
 convinced of his innocence. Mr. Temple had 
 married Mademoiselle Du Plessis Rambouillet, a 
 French lady, who had by him two daughters, to 
 whom Sir William bequeathed the bulk of his 
 estate ; but with this express condition, that they 
 should not marry Frenchmen : " a nation, " says 
 Boyer, " to whom Sir William ever bore a general 
 hatred, upon account of their imperiousness and 
 arrogance to foreigners." 
 
 Hume's character of Sir William Temple is ac- 
 curate and comprehensive. " Of all the consider- 
 able writers of this age," says that historian, " Sir 
 William Temple is almost the only one that kept 
 himself altogether unpolluted by that inundation, 
 of vice and licentiousness which overwhelmed 
 the nation. The style of this author, though ex- 
 tremely negligent, and even infected with foreign 
 idioms, is agreeable and interesting. That mix- 
 ture of vanity which appears in his Works, is 
 rather a recommendation to them. By means of 
 it, we enter into acquaintance with the character 
 of the author, full of honour and humanity ; and 
 fancy that 'we are engaged, not in the perusal of a 
 book, but in conversation with a companion."
 
 AN 
 
 ESSAY 
 
 UPON 
 
 THE ORIGINAL AND NATURE 
 
 OF 
 
 GOVERNMENT. 
 
 WRITTEN IN THE YEAR 1672. 
 
 THE nature of man seems to be the same in all 
 times and places, but varied, like their statures, 
 complexions, and features, by the force and influ- 
 ence of the several climates where they are born 
 and bred ; which produce in them, by a different 
 mixture of the humours, and operation of the air, 
 a different and unequal course of imaginations and 
 passions, and consequently of discourses and ac- 
 tions. 
 
 These differences incline men to several customs, 
 educations, opinions, and laws, which form and go- 
 vern the several nations of the world, where they are 
 not interrupted by the violence of some force from 
 without, or some faction within, which, like a great 
 blow, or a great disease, may either change or de- 
 stroy the very frame of a body ; though, if it lives 
 to recover strength and vigour, it commonly re- 
 turns in time to its natural constitution, or some- 
 thing near it. 
 
 (1 speak not of those changes and revolutions of 
 State, or institutions of government, that are made 
 
 vol. r. jj
 
 Q, An Essay upon the Original 
 
 by the more immediate and evident operation of 
 divine will and providence ; being the themes of 
 divines, and not of common men ; and the sub- 
 jects of our faith, not of reason.) 
 
 This may be the cause that the same countries 
 have generally in all times been used to forms of 
 government much of a sort ; the same nature ever 
 continuing under the same climate, and making re- 
 turns into its old channel, though sometimes led 
 out of it by persuasions, and sometimes beaten out 
 by force. 
 
 Thus the more northern and southern nations 
 (extremes, as they say, still agreeing) have ever 
 lived under single and arbitrary dominions ; as all 
 the regions of Tartary and Muscovy on the one 
 side, and of Afric and India on the other : while 
 those under the more temperate climates, espe- 
 cially in Europe, have ever been used to more mo- 
 derate governments, running anciently much into 
 commonwealths, and of later ages into principali- 
 ties bounded by laws which differ less in nature 
 than in name. 
 
 For, though the old distinctions run otherwise, 
 there seem to be but two general kinds of govern- 
 ment in the world ; the one exercised according to 
 the arbitrary commands and will of some single per- 
 son ; and the other according to certain orders or 
 laws introduced by agreement or custom, and not 
 to be changed without the consent of many. 
 
 But under each of these may fall many more 
 particular kinds than can be reduced to the com- 
 mon heads of government received in the schools. 
 For those of the first sort differ according to the 
 dispositions and humours of him that rules, and of 
 them that obey : as fevers do according to the tem- 
 per of the persons, and accidents of the seasons. 
 And those of the other sort differ according to the 
 quality or number of the persons upon whom is
 
 and Nature of Government. 3 
 
 devolved the authority of making, or power of ex- 
 ecuting, laws. 
 
 Nor will any man, that understands the state of 
 Poland, and the United Provinces, be well able to 
 range them under any particular names of govern- 
 ment that have been yet invented. 
 
 The great scenes of action, and subjects of an- 
 cient story, Greece, Italy, and Sicily, were all di- 
 vided into small commonwealths, till swallowed 
 up and made provinces by that mighty one of 
 Rome, together with Spain, Gaul, and Germany. 
 These were before composed of many small go- 
 vernments, among which the cities were generally 
 under commonwealths, and the countries under 
 several Princes, who were Generals in their wars, 
 but, in peace, lived without armies or guards, or 
 any instruments of arbitrary power ; and were only 
 chief of their councils, and of those assemblies by 
 whose consultations and authority the. great affairs 
 and actions among them were resolved and enter- 
 prised. 
 
 Through all these regions, some of the smaller 
 States, but chiefly those of the cities, fell often 
 under tyrannies, which spring naturally out of po- 
 pular governments; while the meaner sort of the 
 people, oppressed or ill protected by the richer 
 and greater, give themselves up to the conduct of 
 some one man in chief credit among them, and 
 submit all to his will and discretion, either running 
 easily from one extreme to another, or contented 
 to see those, they hated and feared before, now in 
 equal condition with themselves ; or because a 
 multitude is incapable of framing orders, though 
 capable of conserving them : or that every man 
 comes to find by experience, that confusion and 
 popular tumults have worse effects upon common 
 safety, than the rankest tyranny. For it is easier 
 to please the humour, and either appease or resist 
 
 13 2
 
 4 An Essay upon the Original 
 
 the fury, of one single man, than of a multitude. 
 And, taking each of them in their extremes, the 
 rage of a tyrant may be like that of fire, which 
 consumes what it reaches but by degrees, and de- 
 vouring one house after another ; whereas the rage 
 of people is like that of the sea, which, once break- 
 ing bounds, overflows a country with that sudden- 
 ness and violence, as leaves no hopes either of fly- 
 ing or resisting, till, with the change of tides or 
 winds, it returns of itself. 
 
 The force and variety of accidents is so great, 
 that it will not perhaps bear reasoning, or inquiry, 
 how it comes about that single arbitrary dominion 
 seems to have been natural to Asia and Afric, and 
 the other sort to Europe. For though Carthage 
 was indeed a commonwealth in Afric, and M ace- 
 don a kingdom in Europe ; yet the first was not 
 native of that soil (being a colony of the Tyrians, 
 as there were some other small ones of the Gre- 
 cians upon the same coasts) and the King of Mace- 
 don governed by laws, and the consent, as well as 
 councils, of the Nobles ; not, like the Kings of 
 Persia, by humour and will ; as appears by the 
 event of their quarrel, while so few subjects con- 
 quered so many slaves. 
 
 Yet one reason may be, that Sicily, Greece, and 
 Italy (which were the regions of commonwealths) 
 were planted thick with rich and populous cities 
 (occasioned by their being so far encompassed with 
 the sea) and the vein of all rich cities ever inclines 
 to that kind of government ; whether it be, that, 
 where many grow rich, many grow to power, and 
 are harder to be subjected : or, where men grow 
 to great possessions, they grow more intent upon 
 safety, and therefore desire to be governed by laws 
 and magistrates of their own choice, fearing all 
 armed and arbitrary power ; or that the small com- 
 pass of cities makes the ease and convenience o
 
 and Nature of Government. 5 
 
 assemblies and councils ; or that conversation 
 sharpens men's wits, and makes too many reason- 
 ers in matters of government. 
 
 The contrary of all this happens in countries thin 
 inhabited, and especially in vast campania's, such 
 as are extended through Asia and Afric, where 
 there are few cities besides what grow by the resi- 
 dence of the Kings or their governors. The peo- 
 ple are poorer, and, having little to lose, have lit- 
 tle to care for, and are less exposed to the designs 
 of power or violence. The assembling of persons, 
 deputed from people at great distances one from 
 another, is trouble to them that are sent, and charge 
 to them that send. And, where ambition and ava- 
 rice have made no entrance, the desire of leisure 
 is much more natural, than of business and care : 
 besides, men conversing all their lives with the 
 woods and the fields, and the herds, more than with 
 one another, come to know as little as they desire ; 
 use their senses a great deal more than their rea- 
 sons ; examine not the nature or the tenure of 
 power and authority ; find only they are fit to obey, 
 because they are not fit to govern ; and so come to 
 submit to the will of him they found in power, as 
 they do to the will of Heaven, and consider all 
 changes of conditions, that happen to them under 
 good or bad Princes, like good or ill seasons, that 
 happen in the weather and the air. 
 
 It may be said further, that, in the more intem- 
 perate climates, the spirits, either exhaled by heat, 
 or compressed by cold, are rendered faint and slug- 
 gish ; and by that reason the men grow tamer, and 
 fitter for servitude. That, in more temperate re- 
 gions, the spirits are stronger, and more active, 
 whereby men become bolder in the defence or re- 
 covery of their liberties. 
 
 Hut all government is a restraint upon liberty; 
 and, under all, the dominion is equally absolute 
 where it is in the last resort.
 
 6 An Essay upon the Original 
 
 So that when men seem to contend for liberty, 
 it is indeed but for the change of those that rule, 
 or for the forms of government they have formerly 
 been used to, and (being grown weary of the pre- 
 sent) now begin to regret ; though when they en- 
 joyed them it was not without some pressure and 
 complaint. Nor can it be, in the other case, that 
 when vast numbers of men submit their lives and 
 fortunes absolutely to the will of one, it should be 
 want of heart, but must be force of custom, or 
 opinion, the true ground and foundation of all go- 
 vernment, and that which subjects power to au- 
 thority. For power, arising from strength, is al- 
 ways in those that are governed, who are many : 
 but authority, arising from opinion, is in those that 
 govern, who are few. 
 
 This distinction is plain in the forms of the old 
 Roman State, where laws were made, and resolu- 
 tions taken, authoritate senatus, and jussu populi. 
 The senate were authors of all counsels in the 
 State ; and what was by them consulted and 
 agreed, was proposed to the people, by whom it 
 was enacted, or commanded ; because in them was 
 the power to make it be obeyed. But the great 
 opinion which the people had at first of the persons 
 of the Senators, and afterwards of their families 
 (which were called Patricians) gained easy assent 
 to what was thus proposed, the authority of the per- 
 sons adding great weight to the reason of the things. 
 And this went so far, that though the choice of all 
 magistrates was wholly in the people, yet, for a 
 long course of years, they chose none but Patri- 
 cians, into the great offices of State, either civil or 
 military. But when the people began to lose the 
 general opinion they had of the Patricians, or at 
 least so far as to believe some among themselves 
 were as able and fit, as these, to advise the State 
 and lead their armies, they then pretended to share 
 with the Senate in the magistracy, and brinsc in
 
 and Nature of Government. 7 
 
 Plebeians to the offices of chiefest power and dig- 
 nity. And hereupon began those seditions which so 
 long distempered, and at length ruined, that State. 
 
 Authority arises from the opinion of wisdom, 
 goodness, and valour in the persons who possess it. 
 
 Wisdom is that which makes men judge what 
 are the best ends, and what the best means to at- 
 tain them ; and gives a man advantage among the 
 weak and the ignorant, as sight among the blind ; 
 which is that of counsel and direction : this gives 
 authority to age among the younger, till these be- 
 ing at certain years change their opinion of the 
 old, and of themselves. This gives it more abso- 
 lute to a pilot at sea, whom all the passengers suf- 
 fer to steer them as he pleases. 
 
 Goodness is that which makes men prefer their 
 duty and their promise, before their passions or 
 their interest ; and is properly the object of trust : 
 in our language, it goes rather by the name of ho- 
 nesty ; though what we call an honest man, the 
 Romans called a good man : and honesty in their 
 language, as well as in French, rather signifies a 
 composition of those qualities which generally ac- 
 quire honour and esteem to those who possess 
 them. 
 
 Valour, as it gives awe, and promises protection, 
 to those who want either heart or strength to de- 
 fend themselves : this makes the authority of men 
 among women ; and that of a master-buck in a 
 numerous herd, though perhaps not strong enough 
 for any two of them ; but the impression of single 
 fear holds when they are all together, by the igno- 
 rance of uniting. 
 
 Eloquence, as it passes for a mark of wisdom ; 
 beauty, of goodness ; and nobility, of valour (which 
 was its original), have likewise ever some effect 
 upon the opinion of the people ; but a very great
 
 8 An "Essay upon the Original 
 
 one when they are really joined with the qualities 
 they promise or resemble. 
 
 There is yet another source from which usually 
 springs greater authority than from all the rest ; 
 which is the opinion of divine favour or designa- 
 tion of the persons, or of the races that govern. 
 This made the Kings among the heathens ever 
 derive themselves, or their ancestors, from some 
 God ; passing thereby for heroes, that is, persons 
 issued from the mixture of divine and human race, 
 and of a middle nature between Gods and men : 
 others joined the mitre to the crown, and thereby 
 the reverence of divine, to the respect of civil 
 power. This made the Caliphs of Persia and Egypt, 
 and the great Emperors of Arabia, derive them- 
 selves by several branches from their great prophet 
 Mahomet : the Yncas in Peru from the Sun : and 
 the Ottoman race to be adored among the Turks, 
 as designed by Heaven for perpetual empire. And 
 the sacring of the Kings of France fas Loysel says) 
 is the sign of their sovereign priesthood, as well as 
 kingdom ; and in the right thereof they are capa- 
 ble of holding all vacant benefices of the church. 
 
 Piety, as it is thought a way to the favour of 
 God ; and fortune, as it looks like the effect cither 
 of that, or at least of prudence and courage, beget 
 authority. As likewise splendor of living in great 
 palaces, with numerous attendance, much observ- 
 ance, and rich habits differing from common men : 
 both as it seems to bo the reward of those virtues 
 already named, or the effect of fortune ; or as it is 
 a mark of being obeyed by many. 
 
 From all these authority arises, but is by nothing 
 so much strengthened and confirmed ashy custom. 
 For no man easily distrusts the persons, or disputes 
 the things, which lie and all men that he knows of 
 have been always bred up to observe and believe ; 
 or, if he does, he will hardly hope or venture to in-
 
 and Nature of Government. 9 
 
 troduce opinions wherein he knows none or few 
 of his mind, and thinks all others will defend those 
 already received : so as no man nor party can offer 
 at the change of a government established with- 
 out first gaining new authority by the steps already 
 traced out ; and in some degree debasing the old 
 by appearance or impressions of contrary qualities 
 in those who before enjoyed it. This induces a 
 general change of opinion concerning the person 
 or party like to be obeyed or followed by the great- 
 est or strongest part of the people : according to 
 which, the power or weakness of each is to be mea- 
 sured. So as in effect all government may be 
 esteemed to grow strong or weak, as the general 
 opinion of these qualities in those that govern is 
 seen to lessen or increase. 
 
 And power must be allowed to follow authority 
 in all civil bodies ; as in natural, the motions of 
 the body follow those of the mind ; great numbers 
 ever acting and pursuing what the few (whom they 
 trust) begin or advise. 
 
 From this principle, and from the discovery of 
 some natural authority, may perhaps be deduced 
 a truer original of all governments among men, 
 than from .any contracts : though these be given 
 us by the great writers concerning politics and 
 laws. Some of them lay for their foundation, 
 that men are sociable creatures, and naturally 
 disposed to live in numbers and troops together. 
 Others, that they are naturally creatures of prey, 
 and in a state of war one upon another ; so as to 
 avoid confusion in the first case, and violence in 
 the other, they found out the necessity of agree- 
 ing upon some orders and rules, by which every 
 man gives up his common right for some parti- 
 cular possession, and his power to hurt and spoil 
 others for the privilege of not being hurt or spoiled
 
 10 An Essay upon the Original 
 
 himself. And the agreement upon such orders, 
 by mutual contract, with the consent to execute 
 them by common strength and endeavours, they 
 make to be the rise of all civil governments. 
 
 I know not whether they consider what it is that 
 makes some creatures sociable, and others live and 
 range more alone, or in smaller companies ; but I 
 suppose those creatures whose natural and neces- 
 sary food is easy and plentiful, as grass, or plants, 
 or fruits (the common product of the earth) are 
 the sociable creatures, because, where-ever they 
 go, they usually find what they want, and enough 
 for them all, without industry or contention. And 
 those live more alone, whose food (and therefore 
 prey) is upon other sensitive creatures, and so not 
 attained without pursuit and violence, and seldom 
 in such quantities at once, as to satisfy the hunger 
 of great numbers together. Yet this does not hold 
 so far, but that ravens are seen in flocks where a 
 carrion lies, and wolves in herds to run down a deer. 
 Nay, they feed quietly together while there is 
 enough for them all ; quarrel only when it begins 
 to fail ; and when it is ended, they scatter to seek 
 out new encounters. Besides, those, called sociable, 
 quarrel in hunger and in lust, as well as the others ; 
 and the bull and the ram appear then as much in 
 fury and war, as the lion and the bear. So that, 
 if mankind must be ranged to one of these sorts, I 
 know not well to which it will be : and considering 
 the great differences of customs and dispositions in 
 several men, and even in the same men at several 
 times, I very much doubt they must be divided 
 into several forms. Nor do I know, if men are 
 like sheep, why they need any government ; or, if 
 they are like wolves, how they can suffer it. Nor 
 have I read where the orders of any state have 
 been agreed on by mutual contract among great 
 numbers of men, meeting together in that natural
 
 and Nature of Government. 1 1 
 
 state of war, where every man takes himself to have 
 equal right to every thing. But often, where such 
 orders have been invented by the wisdom, and re- 
 ceived by the authority, of some one man, under 
 the name of a lawgiver ; and where this has not 
 happened, the original of government lies as un- 
 discovered in story, as that of time : all nations 
 appearing, upon the first records that are left us, 
 under the authority of kings, or princes, or some 
 other magistrates. 
 
 Besides, this principle of contract, as the ori- 
 ginal of government, seems calculated for the ac- 
 count given by some of the old poets, of the ori- 
 ginal of man, whom they raise out of the ground 
 by great numbers at a time, in perfect stature and 
 strength. Whereas, if we deduce the several races 
 of mankind in the several parts of the world from 
 generation, we must imagine the first numbers of 
 them, who in any place agree upon any civil con- 
 stitutions, to assemble not as so many single heads, 
 but as so many heads of families, whom they re- 
 present, in the framing any compact or common 
 accord ; and consequently, as persons who have 
 already an authority over such numbers as their 
 families are composed of. 
 
 For if we consider a man multiplying his kind 
 by the birth of many children, and his cares by 
 providing even necessary food for them, till they 
 are able to do it for themselves (which happens 
 much later to the generations of men, and makes 
 a much longer dependence of children upon pa- 
 rents, than we can observe among any other crea- 
 tures) : if we consider not only the cares, but the 
 industry he is forced to, for the necessary suste- 
 nance of his helpless brood, cither in gathering the 
 natural fruits, or raising those which are purchased 
 with labour and toil ; if he be forced for supply of 
 this stock to catch the tamer creatures, and hunt
 
 12 An Essay upon the Original 
 
 the wilder, sometimes to exercise his courage in 
 defending his little family, and fighting with the 
 strong and savage beasts (that would prey upon 
 him as he does upon the weak and the mild) ; if 
 we suppose him disposing with discretion and order 
 whatever he gets among his children, according 
 to each of their hunger or need, sometimes laying 
 up for to-morrow what was more than enough for 
 to-day, at other times pinching himself, rather than 
 suffering any of them should want ; and as each of 
 them grows up, and able to share in the common 
 support, teaching him both by lesson and example, 
 what he is now to do as the son of this family, and 
 what hereafter as the father of another ; instructing 
 them all, what qualities are good, and what are 
 ill, for their health and life, or common society 
 (which will certainly comprehend whatever is ge- 
 nerally esteemed virtue or vice among men), che- 
 rishing and encouraging dispositions to the good ; 
 disfavouring and punishing those to the ill ; and 
 lastly, among the various accidents of life, lifting 
 up his eyes to Heaven, when the earth affords him 
 no relief; and having recourse to a higher and a 
 greater nature, whenever he finds the frailty of his 
 own ; we must needs conclude, that the children 
 of this man cannot fail of being bred up with a 
 great opinion of his wisdom, his goodness, his 
 valour, and his piety. And, if they see constant 
 plenty in the family, they believe well of his for- 
 tune too. 
 
 And from all this must naturally arise a great 
 paternal authority, which disposes his children (at 
 least till the agewhen they grow fathers themselves) 
 to believe what he teaches, to follow what he ad- 
 vises, and obey what he commands. 
 
 Thus the father, by a natural right as well as au- 
 thority, becomes a governor in this little State ; 
 and if his life be long, and his generations many
 
 and Nature of Government. 13 
 
 (as well as those of his children), he grows the go- 
 vernor or King of a nation, and is indeed a pater 
 patriae, as the best kings are, and as all should be ; 
 and as those, which are not, are yet content to be 
 called. Thus the peculiar compellation of the 
 King, in France, is by the name of Sire, which in 
 their ancient language is nothing else but father, 
 and denotes the Prince to be the father of the na- 
 tion. For a nation properly signifies a great num- 
 ber of families, derived from the same blood, born 
 in the same country, and living under the same 
 government and civil constitutions ; as Patria does 
 the land of our father ; and so the Dutch, by ex- 
 pressions of dearness, instead of our country, say 
 our father-land. With such nations we find in 
 Scripture all the lands of Judaea, and the adjacent 
 territories, were planted of old ; with such the 
 many several provinces of Greece and Italy, when 
 they began first to appear upon the records of an- 
 cient story or tradition ; and with such was the 
 main land of Gaul inhabited in the time of Caesar ; 
 and Germany in that of Tacitus. Such were the 
 many branches of the old British nation; the Scepts 
 among the Irish ; and such the infinite variety and 
 numbers of nations in Afric and America upon 
 the first discoveries, distinguished by their several 
 names, and living under their several Kings or 
 Princes, till they came to be swallowed up by 
 greater empires. 
 
 These seem to have been the natural and original 
 governments of the world, springing from a tacit 
 deference of many to the authority of one single 
 person. Under him (if the father of the family or 
 nation) the elder of his children comes to acquire 
 a degree of authority among the younger, by the 
 same means the father did among them ; and to 
 share with him in the consultation and conduct of 
 their common affairs. And this, together with an
 
 14 An Essay upon the Original 
 
 opinion of wisdom from experience, may have 
 brought in the authority of the elders so often men- 
 tioned among the Jews ; and in general of aged 
 men, not only in Sparta and Rome, but all other 
 places in some degree, both civil and barbarous. 
 For the names of Lord, Signior, Seigneur, Sennor, 
 in the Italian, French, and Spanish languages, 
 seem to have at first imported only elder men, who 
 thereby were grown into authority among the se- 
 veral governments and nations, which seated them- 
 selves in those countries upon the fall of the Roman 
 empire. 
 
 This perhaps brought in vogue that which is 
 called the authority of the ancients in matters of 
 opinion, though by a mistaken sense ; for I sup- 
 pose authority may be reasonably allowed to the 
 opinion of ancient men in the present age ; but I 
 know not why it should be so to those of men in 
 general that lived in ages long since past ; nor why 
 one age of the world should be wiser than another ; 
 or, if it be, why it should not be rather the latter, 
 than the former, as having the same advantage of 
 the general experience of the world, that an old 
 man has of the more particular experiments of 
 life. 
 
 Thus a family seems to become a little kingdom, 
 and a kingdom to be but a great family. 
 
 Nor is it unlikely that this paternal jurisdiction 
 in its successions, and with the help of accidents, 
 may have branched out into the several heads of 
 government commonly received in the schools. 
 For a family, governed with order, will fall natu- 
 rally to the several trades of husbandry, which are 
 tillage, gardening, and pasturage (the product 
 whereof was the original riches). For the manag- 
 ing of these and their increase, and the assistance 
 of one man, who perhaps is to feed twenty, it may
 
 and Nature of Government. \$ 
 
 be a hundred children (since it is not easily told 
 how far generations may extend with the arbitrary 
 choice and numbers of women, practised anciently 
 in most countries) the use of servants comes to be 
 necessary. These are gained by victory and cap- 
 tives, or by fugitives out of some worse governed 
 family, where either they cannot or like not to live, 
 and so sell their liberty to be assured of what is 
 necessary to life ; or else by the debased nature of 
 some of the children who seem born to drudgery, 
 or who are content to increase their pains that 
 they may lessen their cares, and upon such terms 
 become servants to some of their brothers whom 
 they most esteem or choose soonest to live with. 
 
 The family, thus increased, is still under the fa- 
 ther's common, though not equal care ; that what 
 is due to the servants by contract, or what is fit 
 for them to enjoy, may be provided, as well as the 
 portions of the children ; and that whatever they 
 acquire by their industry or ingenuity (beyond 
 what the masters expect, or exact from them by 
 the conditions of their servitude) should be as much 
 their property as any divisions of land or of stock 
 that are made to the sons ; and the possession as 
 secure, unless forfeited by any demerit or offence 
 against the customs of the family, which grow 
 with time to be the orders of this little State. 
 
 Now the father of a family or nation, that uses 
 his servants like children in point of justice and 
 care ; and advises with his children in what con- 
 cerns the commonweal, and thereby is willingly 
 followed and obeyed by them all ; is what I sup- 
 pose the schools mean by a Monarch. And he 
 that by harshness of nature, wilfulness of humour, 
 intemperance of passions, and arbitrariness of com- 
 mands, uses his children like servants, is what they 
 mean by a Tyrant. And whereas the first thought 
 himself safe in the love and obedience of his chil-
 
 16 An Essay upon the Original 
 
 dren ; the other, knowing that he is feared and 
 hated by them, thinks he cannot be safe among his 
 children, but by putting arms into the hands of 
 such of his servants as he thinks most at his will ; 
 which is the original of guards. For against a fo- 
 reign enemy, and for defence of evident interest, 
 all that can bear arms in a nation are soldiers. 
 Their cause is common safety ; their pay is honour ; 
 and, when they have purchased these, they return 
 to their homes and former conditions of peaceable 
 lives. Such were all the armies of Greece and of 
 Rome in the first ages of their states. Such were 
 their gens d' ordonnance in France, and the train- 
 bands in England : but standing troops, and in con- 
 stant pay, are properly servants armed, who use 
 the lance and the sword, as other servants do the 
 sickle or the bill, at the command and will of those 
 who entertain them. And therefore martial law 
 is of all other the most absolute, and not like the 
 government of a father, but a master. 
 
 And this brings in another sort of power distinct 
 from that already described, which follows autho- 
 rity, and consists in the willing obedience of the 
 people ; but this in the command of soldiers, who 
 as servants are bound to execute the will and or- 
 ders of those that lead them. And as authority fol- 
 lows the qualities before-mentioned, so this power 
 follows riches, or the opinion of it ; a multitude of 
 servants being his that is able to maintain them. 
 And these kind of forces come to be used by good 
 Princes, only upon necessity of providing for their 
 defence against great and armed neighbours or ene- 
 mies ; but by ill ones, as a support of decayed au- 
 thority, or as they lose the force of that which is 
 natural and paternal, and so grow to set up an inter- 
 est of those that govern, different from that of those 
 that are governed, which ought ever to be the same. 
 
 Yet this seems a much weaker principle of go-
 
 and Nature of Government. 17 
 
 vernment than the other ; for the number of sol- 
 diers can never be great in proportion to that of peo- 
 ple, no more than the number of those that are idle 
 in a country, to that of those who live by labour or 
 industry : so as if the people come to unite by any 
 strong passion, or general interest, or under the 
 wise conduct of any authority well rooted in their 
 minds, they are masters of armies. Besides, the 
 humour of the people runs insensibly among the 
 very soldiers, so as it seems much alike to keep off 
 by guards a general infection, on an universal sedi- 
 tion : for the distemper in both kinds is contagious, 
 and seizes upon the defenders themselves. Be- 
 sides, common pay is a faint principle of courage 
 and action, in comparison of religion, liberty, ho- 
 nour, revenge, or necessity ; which make every sol- 
 dier have the quarrel as much at heart as their lead- 
 ers, and seem to have spirited all the great actions 
 and revolutions of the world. And, lastly, with- 
 out the force of authority this power of soldiers 
 grows pernicious to their master, who becomes 
 their servant, and is in danger of their mutinies as 
 much as any government can be of the seditions of 
 a people. 
 
 If the father of our family govern it with pru- 
 dence, goodness, and success, and his eldest son 
 appear heir to the virtues and worth of his father, 
 he succeeds in the government by a natural right, 
 and by the strength of an authority both derived 
 from his father, and acquired by his own personal 
 qualities : but if either the eldest son, by qualities 
 degenerate and ill, happen to lose all trust and 
 opinion (and thereby authority) in the family; or 
 else to die before his time, and leave a child in his 
 room ; when the father comes to fail, then the 
 children fall into counsels of election, and either 
 prefer the eldest of the sons then living, or per- 
 haps one later, and so remoter in birth, according 
 
 vol. i. c
 
 13 An Essay upon the Original 
 
 as he may have acquired authority by those quali- 
 ties which naturally produce it, and promise the 
 best conduct and protection to the common affairs 
 of the family. 
 
 Where the father comes to lose his authority, 
 many of the elder, or wiser, of the sons increase 
 in theirs by the same degree ; and when both these 
 arrive at a certain height, the nature of the govern- 
 ment is ready for a change ; and upon the father's 
 death, or general defection of the family, they 
 succeed in his authority, whilst the humour of the 
 whole body runs against the succession or election 
 of any single person, which they are grown w r eary 
 of by so late an example ; and thus comes in what 
 they call an Aristocracy. But authority contract- 
 ing itself (as it seems natural to do till it ends in a 
 point or single person) this government falls some- 
 times into the hands of a few, who establish it in 
 their families ; and that is called an Oligarchy. If 
 the authority come to be lost in either of these 
 forms, while the children of the family grow into 
 the manners and qualities, and perhaps into the 
 condition and poverty, of servants ; and while 
 many of the servants, by industry and virtue, ar- 
 rive at riches and esteem ; then the nature of the 
 government inclines to a Democracy, or popular 
 State, which is nearest confusion, or Anarchy; and 
 often runs into it, unless upheld or directed by the 
 authority of one, or of some few in the State, 
 though perhaps without titles, or marks of an ex- 
 traordinary office or dignity. 
 
 Governments, founded upon contract, may 
 have succeeded those founded upon authority : 
 but the first of them should rather seem to have 
 been agreed between Princes and subjects, than 
 between men of equal rank and power. For the 
 original of subjection was, I suppose, when one
 
 and Nature of Government. \ 9 
 
 nation warring against another (for things neces- 
 sary to life, or for women, or for extent of land) 
 overcame their enemies ; if they only won a bat- 
 tle, and put their enemies to flight, those they 
 took prisoners became their slaves, and continued 
 so in their generations, unless infranchised by their 
 masters : but if, by great slaughter, or frequent 
 victories, they subdued the very courages of their 
 enemies, while great numbers of them remained 
 alive ; then the vanquished nation became subject 
 to the conquerors by agreement, and upon certain 
 conditions of safety and protection, and perhaps 
 equal enjoyment of liberties and customs with the 
 common natives under the other government : if, 
 by such frequent successes and additions, a nation 
 extended itself over vast tracts of land and num- 
 bers of people, it thereby arrived in time at the 
 ancient name of kingdom, or modern of empire. 
 
 After such a victory, the chiefest of the con- 
 quering nations become rich and great upon the 
 divisions of lands, of spoils, and of slaves : by all 
 which they grow into power, are Lords in their 
 own lands, and over those that inhabit them, with 
 certain rights or jurisdictions, and upon certain 
 homages reserved to the Prince. The custom of 
 employing these great persons in all great offices 
 and councils grows to pass for a right ; as all cus- 
 tom does with length and force of time. 
 
 The Prince that governs according to the con- 
 ditions of subjection at first agreed upon (of which 
 use is the authentic record), and according to the 
 ancient customs, which are the original laws (and 
 by which the right of succession in the Crown, as 
 well as private inheritance and common justice, is 
 directed and established), is called a lawful sove- 
 reign : lie that breaks and violates these ancient 
 constitutions (especially that of succession) ii 
 termed an usurper. 
 
 C 2
 
 20 An Essay upon the Original 
 
 A free nation is that which has never been con- 
 quered, or thereby entered into any conditions of 
 subjection ; as the Romans were, before they were 
 subdued by the Goths and Vandals ; and as the 
 Turks seem to be at this time, who, having been 
 called from Scythia to assist the Grecian empire 
 against that of the Saracens, made themselves 
 masters of both. 
 
 In countries safer from foreign invasions either 
 by seas or rivers, by mountains and passes, or great 
 tracts of rough, barren, and uninhabited lands, 
 people lived generally in scattered dwellings, or 
 small villages : but, where invasion is easy, and 
 passage open, and bordering nations are great and 
 valiant ; men crowd together, and seek their safety 
 from numbers better united, and from walls and 
 other fortifications, the use whereof is to make the 
 few a match for the many, so as they may fight or 
 treat on equal terms. And this is the original of 
 cities ; but the greatness and riches of them in- 
 crease according to the commodiousness of their 
 situation, in fertile countries, or upon rivers and 
 havens, which surpass the greatest fertility of any 
 soil, in furnishing plenty of all things necessary to 
 life or luxury. 
 
 When families meet together, surround them- 
 selves by walls, fall into order and laws (either in- 
 vented by the wisdom of some one, or some few 
 men, and from the evidence of their public utility 
 received by all ; or else introduced by experience 
 and time), and these cities preserve themselves in 
 the enjoyment of their possessions, and observance 
 of their institutions, against all invasions; and 
 never are forced to submit to the will of any con- 
 queror, or condition of any absolute subjection ; 
 they are called free cities ; and of such there were 
 many of old, in Greece and Sicily, deducing their 
 original from some one founder or lawgiver: and
 
 and "Nature of Government. 21 
 
 are many now in Germany subject to no laws but 
 their own, and those of the Empire, which is an 
 union of many sovereign powers, by whose general 
 consent in their diets all its constitutions are 
 framed and established. 
 
 Commonwealths were nothing more in their ori- 
 ginal, but free cities, though sometimes by force of 
 orders and discipline, or of a numerous and valiant 
 people, they have extended themselves into mighty 
 dominions ; and often, by situation and trade, grow 
 to vast riches, and thereby to great power, by force 
 of mercenary arms. And these seem to be more 
 artificial, as those of a single person the more na- 
 tural, governments ; being forced to supply the 
 want of authority by wise inventions, orders, and 
 institutions. 
 
 Fo authority can never be so great in many as 
 in one, because the opinion of those qualities, 
 which acquire it, cannot be equal in several per- 
 sons. 
 
 These governments seem to be introduced, ei- 
 ther by the wisdom and moderation of some one 
 lawgiver, who has authority enough with the 
 people, to be followed and observed in all his or- 
 ders and advices ; and yet prefer that which he 
 esteems public utility, before any interest or great- 
 ness of his own (such were Lycurgus in Sparta, 
 and Solon in Athens, and Timoleon in Syracuse:) 
 or else by the confluence of many families out of 
 some countries exposed to some tierce or barbarous 
 invasions, into places fortified by nature, and se- 
 cure from the fury and misery of such conquests 
 (such were Rhodes of old, and several small islands 
 upon the coasts of Ionia; and such was Venice, 
 founded upon the inundation of the barbarous 
 nations over Italy): or lastly, by the suppression 
 and extinction of some tyranny, which, being 
 thrown off by the violent indignation of an oppres-
 
 22 An Essay upon the Original 
 
 sed people, makes way for a popular government, 
 or at least some form very contrary to that which 
 they lately execrated and detested: such were 
 Rome upon the expulsion of the Tarquins, and the 
 United Provinces upon their revolt from Spain. 
 Yet are none of these forms to be raised or upheld 
 without the influence of authority, acquired by the 
 force of opinion of those virtues above mentioned, 
 which concurred in Brutus among the Romans, 
 and in Prince William of Orange among those of 
 the Netherlands. 
 
 I will not enter into the arguments or compari- 
 sons of the several forms of government that have 
 been, or are in the world ; wherein that cause seems 
 commonly the better, that has the better advocate, 
 or is advantaged by fresher experience, and impres- 
 sions of good or evil, from any of the forms among 
 those that judge : they have all their heights and 
 their falls, their strong and weak sides ; are capa- 
 ble of great perfections, and subject to great cor- 
 ruptions ; and though the preference seem already 
 decided in what has been said of a single person 
 being the original and natural government ; and 
 that it is capable of the greatest authority (which 
 is the foundation of all ease, safety, and order in 
 the governments of the world) yet it may perhaps 
 be the most reasonably concluded, That those 
 forms are best, which have been longest received 
 and authorized in a nation by custom and use ; 
 and into which the humours and manners of the 
 people run with the most general and strongest 
 current. 
 
 Or else, that those are the best governments, 
 where the best men govern ; and that the differ- 
 ence is not so great in the forms of magistracy, as 
 in the persons of magistrates ; which may be the 
 sense of what was said of old (taking wise and good 
 men to be meant by philosophers), that the best
 
 and Nature of Government. S3 
 
 governments were those, where Kings were phi- 
 losophers, or philosophers Kings. 
 
 The safety and firmness of any frame of govern- 
 ment may be best judged by the rules of Archi- 
 tecture, which teach us that the Pyramid is of all 
 figures the firmest, and least subject to be shaken 
 or overthrown by any concussions or accidents 
 from the earth or air ; and it grows still so much 
 the firmer, by how much broader the bottom and 
 sharper the top. 
 
 The ground, upon which all government stands, 
 is the consent of the people, or the greatest or 
 strongest part of them ; whether this proceed from 
 reflections upon what is past, by the reverence of 
 an authority under which they and their ancestors 
 have for many ages been born and bred ; or from 
 a sense of what is present, by the ease, plenty, and 
 safety they enjoy; or from opinions 01 what is to 
 come, by the fear they have from the present go- 
 vernment, or hopes from another. Now that go- 
 vernment which by any of these, or all these ways, 
 takes in the consent of the greatest number of 
 the people, and consequently their desires and re- 
 solutions to support it, may justly be said to have 
 the broadest bottom, and to stand upon the largest 
 compass of ground ; and, if it terminate in the 
 authority of one single person, it may likewise be 
 said to have the narrowest top, and so to make the 
 figure of the firmest sort of pyramid. 
 
 On the contrary, a government which by alien- 
 ating the affections, losing the opinions, and cross- 
 ing the interests of the people, leaves out of its 
 compass the greatest part of their consent, may 
 justly be said, in the same degrees it thus loses 
 ground, to nanow its bottom : and if this be done 
 to serve the ambition, humour the passion, satisfy 
 the appetites, or advance the power and interests
 
 C4 An Essay upon the Original 
 
 not only of one man, but of two, or more, or many 
 that come to share in the government; by this 
 means the top may be justly said to grow broader, 
 as the bottom narrower by the other. Now by the 
 same degrees that either of these happen, the sta- 
 bility of the figure is by the same lessened and im- 
 paired ; so as at certain degrees it begins to grow 
 subject to accidents of wind and weather ; and 
 at certain others, it is sure to fall of itself, or by 
 the least shake that happens to the ground. 
 
 By these measures it will appear, that a mo- 
 narchy where the prince governs by the affections, 
 and according to the opinions and interests, of his 
 people, or the bulk of them (that is, by many de- 
 grees the greatest or strongest part of them) makes 
 of all others the safest and firmest government : 
 and on the contrary, a popular state which is not 
 founded in the general humours and interest of 
 the people, but only of the persons who share in 
 the government, or depend upon it, is of all others 
 the most uncertain, unstable, and subject to the 
 most frequent and easy changes. 
 
 That a monarchy the less it takes in of the peo- 
 ple's opinions and interests, and the more it takes 
 in of the passions and interest of particular men 
 (besides those of the Prince, and contrary to those 
 of the people) the more unstable it grows, and 
 the more endangered by every storm in the air, or 
 every shake of the earth: and a commonwealth, 
 the more it takes in of the general humour and 
 bent of the people, and the more it spires up to a 
 head by the authority of some one person founded 
 upon the love and esteem of the people ; the 
 firmer it stands, and less subject to danger or 
 change by any concussions of earth or of air. 
 
 'Tis true that a pyramid reversed may stand a 
 while upon its point, if balanced by admirable skill, 
 and held up by perpetual care, and there be a calm
 
 and Nature of Government. 25 
 
 in the air about it : nay, if the point be very hard 
 and strong, and the soil very yielding and soft ; it 
 may pierce into the ground with time, so as to 
 grow the firmer the longer it stands : but this last 
 can never happen if either the top of the figure 
 be weak or soft, or if the soil be hard and rough ; 
 and at the best it is subject to be overthrown, if 
 not by its own weight, yet whenever any foreign 
 weight shall chance to fall upon any part of it ; 
 and the first must overturn whenever there hap- 
 pens any unequality in the balance, or any negli- 
 gence in the hands that set it up ; and, even 
 without either of those, whenever there arises any 
 violence to shake it, either from the winds abroad, 
 or those in the bowels of the earth where it stands. 
 I will not pretend from this scheme to presage 
 or judge of the future events that may attend any 
 governments ; which is the business of those that 
 are more concerned in them than I am, and write 
 with other design than that alone of discovering 
 and clearing truth : but I think any man may 
 deduce from it the causes of the several revolutions 
 we may find upon record to have happened in the 
 governments of the world ; except such as have 
 been brought about by the unresistable force and 
 conquests of some nations over others whom they 
 very much surmounted in strength, courage, and 
 numbers: yet the brave, long, and almost incredi- 
 ble defences that have still been made by those 
 governments, which were rooted in the general 
 affections, esteem, and interests of the nation, 
 make it seem probable that almost all the con- 
 quests we read of have been made way for, or in 
 some measure facilitated, if not assisted, by the 
 weakness of the conquered government, grown 
 from the disesteem, dissatisfaction, or indifterency 
 of the people ; or from those vicious and efi'emi-
 
 26 An Essay upon the Original 
 
 nate constitutions of body and mind among them, 
 which ever grow up in the corrupt air of a weak 
 or loose, a vicious or a factious, State ; and such 
 can never be strong in the hearts of the people, 
 nor consequently firm upon that which is the true 
 bottom of all governments in the world. 
 
 Thus the small Athenian State resisted with 
 success the vast power and forces of the Persians 
 in the time of Miltiades and Themistocles ; Rome 
 those of the Gauls in the time of Camillus, and the 
 vast armies collected from Afric, Spain, and the 
 greatest part of Italy, in the Carthaginian wars, 
 (under the conduct of several great Captains, but 
 chiefly Fabiiis and Scipio ): the little principality 
 of Epire was invincible by the whole power of the 
 Turks in three several invasions under their Prince 
 Castriot (commonly called Scanderbeg) : the king- 
 dom of Leon and Oviedo, by all the wars of the 
 Moors or Saracens for many ages ; the State of 
 Venice, by those of the Turks ; the Switzers, by 
 the power of the Emperors ; and the Hollanders 
 by that of Spain ; because in all these wars the 
 people were both united and spirited by the com- 
 mon love of their country, their liberty, or religion, 
 or by the more particular esteem and love of their 
 Princes and leaders. 
 
 In the conquest of the Lydians by Cyrus, and 
 the Persians by Alexander ; of the great Asian and 
 Egyptian Kings by the Roman State ; and of all the 
 Roman provincesbytheseveralNorthern (or, asthey 
 were usually called, barbarous) nations; of the Spa- 
 niards by the Moors ; the Gauls by the Franks; and 
 of our ancient Britons by the Saxons ; it is easy and 
 obviousto observe thatthe resistances were rendered 
 faint and weak, either by the soft and effeminate 
 dispositions of the people grown up under the ea- 
 siness, or examples of vicious or luxurious Princes
 
 and Nature of Government. 27 
 
 whom they neither honour nor willingly obey ; 
 or else by the common hatred and disdain of their 
 present servitude, which they were content to 
 change for any other that came in their way ; or 
 lastly, by the distracted factions of a discontented 
 nation, who agreed in no one common design or de- 
 fence ; nor under any authority grounded upon the 
 general love or esteem of the people. 
 
 Of instability and changes of government arrived 
 by narrowing their bottoms, which are the con- 
 sent and concurrence of the people's affections 
 and interests, all stories and ages afford continual 
 example. From hence proceeded the frequent 
 tumults, seditions, and alterations in the common- 
 wealths of Athens and Rome, as often as either 
 by the charms of orators, or the sway of men grown 
 to unusual power and riches, the governments 
 were engaged in counsels or actions contrary to 
 the general interests of the people. Hence the se- 
 veral violent changes that have arrived in the races 
 or persons of the Princes of England, France, or 
 Spain : nor has the force hereof appeared anywhere 
 more visible than in France, during the reign of 
 Henry III. and a constant succession of minions 
 (as they were then called), where all was conducted 
 by the private passions, humours, and interests of a 
 few persons in sole confidence with the King, con- 
 trary to those more public and current of the peo- 
 ple ; till he came to lose at first all esteem, and af- 
 terwards obedience, and, at last, his life in the 
 troubles given him by the League. 
 
 That government wasin the samemanner exposed 
 to the dominion of succeeding favourites during the 
 regency of the Queen-mother, in the minority of 
 Lewis XIII. which occasioned perpetual commo- 
 tions in that Stale, and changes in the ministry; 
 and would certainly have produced those in the go-
 
 28 An Essay upon the Original 
 
 vernment too, if Richlieu, having gained the abso- 
 lute ascendant in that Court, had not engaged in 
 the designs, at first, of a war upon the Hugonots, 
 and, after that was ended, upon Spain ; in both 
 which he fell in with the current humour and dis- 
 positions of the people ; which, with the prosperous 
 successes of both those enterprises, helped to bear 
 up him and the government against all the hatred 
 and continual practices of the great ones in the 
 kingdom. 
 
 But the two freshestexampies maybe drawn from 
 the revolutions of England in the year sixty, and of 
 Holland in seventy-two. In the first, the usurped 
 powers, that had either designed no root, or at least 
 drawn none but only in the affections and interests 
 of those that were engaged with the government; 
 thought themselves secure in the strength of an un- 
 foiled army of above sixty thousand men, and in a 
 revenue proportionable, raised by the awe of their 
 forces, though with the mock-forms of legal sup- 
 plies by pretended Parliaments ; yet we saw them 
 forcedto give way to thebentand currenthumourof 
 the people, in favour of their ancient and lawful 
 government ; and this mighty army, of a sudden, 
 lose their heart and their strength, abandon what 
 they had so long called their cause and their in- 
 terest, and content themselves to be moulded again 
 into the mass of the people ; and, by conspiring 
 with the general humour of the nation, make way 
 for the King's glorious restoration without a drop 
 of blood drawn in the end of a quarrel, the begin- 
 ning and course whereof had been so fatal to the 
 kingdom. 
 
 For the other in Holland, theconstitution of their 
 government had continued twenty years in the 
 hands of their popular magistrates, after the exclu- 
 sion or intermission of the authority of the house of
 
 and Nature of Government. 29 
 
 Orange, upon the death of the last Prince, and 
 infancy of this. The chief direction of their affairs 
 had for eighteen years lain constantly in the hands 
 of their Pensioner De Witt, a minister of the great- 
 est authority and sufficiency, the greatest applica- 
 tion and industry that was ever known in their State. 
 In the course of his ministry, he and his party had 
 reduced not only all the civil charges of the go- 
 vernment in his Province, but in a manner all the 
 military commands in the army, out of the hands 
 of persons affectionate to the house of Orange, in- 
 to those esteemed sure and fast to the interests of 
 their more popular State. And all this had been 
 attended, for so long a course of years, with the 
 perpetual success of their affairs, by the growth of 
 their trade, riches, and power at home, and the con- 
 sideration of their neighbours abroad : yet the ge- 
 neral humour of kindness in the people to their own 
 form of government, under the Princes of Orange, 
 grew up with the age and virtues of the young 
 Prince, so as to raise the prospect of some unavoid- 
 able revolutions among them, for several years be- 
 fore it arrived. And we have seen it grow to that 
 height in this present year, upon the Prince's com- 
 ing to the two and twentieth of his age (the time 
 assigned him by their constitutions for his enter- 
 ing upon the public charges of their milice), that, 
 though it had found them in peace, it must have oc- 
 casioned some violent sedition in their State : but, 
 meeting with the conjuncture of a foreign invasion, 
 it broke out into so furious a rage ot" the people, 
 and such general tumults through the whole coun- 
 try, as ended in the blood of their chief ministers ; 
 in the displacing all that were suspected to be of 
 their party throughout the government ; in the lull 
 restitution of the Prince's authority to the highest 
 point any of his aneestors ever enjoyed ; but, with-
 
 30 On the Original and Nature of Government. 
 
 al, in such a distraction of their counsels, and their 
 actions, as made way for the easy successes of the 
 French invasion, for the loss of almost five of their 
 Provinces in two months time, and for the general 
 presages of utter ruin to their State.
 
 OBSERVATIONS 
 
 UPON THE 
 
 UNITED PROVINCES 
 
 NETHERLANDS.
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 Having lately seen the State of the United Pro- 
 vinces, after a prodigious growth in riches, beauty, 
 extent of commerce, and number of inhabitants, 
 arrived at length to such a height (by the strength 
 of their natives, their fortified towns and standing- 
 forces, with a constant revenue proportioned to the 
 support of all this greatness) as made them the en- 
 vy of some, the fear of others, and the wonder of all 
 their neighbours : 
 
 We have, this summer past, beheld the same State, 
 in the midst of great appearing safety, order, strength, 
 and vigour, almost ruined and broken to pieces in 
 some few days, and by very few blows ; and reduced 
 in a manner to its first principles of weakness and 
 distress; exposed, oppressed, and very near at mer- 
 cy : their inland provinces swallowed up by an in- 
 vasion, almost as sudden, and unresisted, as the 
 inundations to which the others are subject: and 
 the remainders of their State rather kept alive 
 by neglect or disconcert of its enemies, than by 
 any strength of nature, or endeavours at its own 
 recovery. 
 
 Now, because such a greatness, and such a fall 
 of this State, seem revolutions unparalleled in any 
 story, and hardly conceived even by those who 
 have lately seen them; I thought it might be worth 
 an idle man's time to give some account of the rise 
 and progress of this commonwealth, the causes of 
 their greatness, and the steps towards their fall: 
 which were all made by motions, perhaps little taken 
 
 VOL. I.
 
 34 PREFACE. 
 
 notice of by common eyes, and almost undiscerni- 
 ble to any man that was not placed to the best ad- 
 vantage, and something concerned, as well as much 
 inclined, to observe them. 
 
 The usual duty of employments abroad, imposed 
 not only by custom, but by orders of State, made 
 it fit for me to prepare some formal account of this 
 country and government, after two years' embassy 
 in the midst of so great conjunctures and negotia- 
 tions among them. And such a revolution as has 
 since happened there, though it may have made 
 these discourses little important to his Majesty, or 
 his council ; yet it will not have rendered them less 
 agreeable to common eyes, who, like men that live 
 near the sea, will run out upon the cliffs to gaze 
 at it in a storm, though they would not look out 
 of their windows, to see it in a calm. 
 
 Besides, at a time when the actions of this scene 
 take up, so generally, the eyes and discourses of 
 their neighbours, and the maps of their country 
 grow so much in request; I thought a map of 
 their State and government would not be unwel- 
 come to the world, since it is full as necessary as 
 the others to understand the late revolutions and 
 changes among them. And as no man's story can 
 be well written till he is dead ; so the account of 
 this State could not be well given till its fall, which 
 may justly be dated from the events of last sum- 
 mer (whatever fortunes may further attend them), 
 since therein we have seen the sudden and violent 
 dissolution of that more popular government, which 
 had continued, and made so much noise, for above 
 twenty years, in the world, without the exercise 
 or influence of the authority of the Princes of 
 Orange, a part so essential in the first constitutions 
 of their State. Nor can I wholly lose my pains 
 in this adventure, when I shall gain the ease of an- 
 swering this way, at once, those many questions I
 
 PREFACE. 35 
 
 have lately been used to upon this occasion : which 
 made me first observe, and wonder, how ignorant 
 we were, generally, in the affairs and constitutions 
 of a country, so much in our eye, the common 
 road of our travels, as well as subject of our talk, 
 and which we have been, of late, not only curious, 
 but concerned, to know. 
 
 I am very sensible, how ill a trade it is to write, 
 where much is ventured, and little can be gained; 
 since whoever does it ill, is sure of contempt; and 
 the justliest that can be, when no one provokes 
 him to discover his own follies, or to trouble the 
 world. If he writes well, he raises the envy of 
 those wits that are possessed of the vogue, and are 
 jealous of their preferment there, as if it were in 
 love, or in state; and have found, that the nearest 
 way to their own reputation lies, right or wrong, 
 by the derision of other men. But, however, I 
 am not in pain ; for it is the affectation of praise, 
 that makes the fear of reproach ; and 1 write 
 without other design than of entertaining very idle 
 men, and, among them, myself. For 1 must con- 
 fess, that being wholly useless to the public, and 
 unacquainted with the cares of increasing riches 
 (which busy the world;) being grown cold to the 
 pleasures of younger or livelier men ; and having 
 ended the entertainments of building and plant- 
 ing, (which used to succeed them ;) finding little 
 taste in common conversation, and trouble in much 
 reading, from the care of my eyes since an illness 
 contracted by many unnecessary diligences in mv 
 employments abroad : there can hardly be found 
 an idler man than I, nor, consequently, one more 
 excusable for giving way to such amusements as 
 this : having nothing to do, but to enjoy the ease 
 of a private life and fortune, which, as 1 know no 
 man envies, so, 1 thank God, no man can reproach. 
 
 I am not ignorant, that the vein of reading ne- 
 
 i) 2
 
 36 PREFACE. 
 
 ver ran lower than in this age ; and seldom goes 
 farther than the design of raising a stock to fur- 
 nish some calling or conversation : the desire of 
 knowledge being either laughed out of doors by 
 the wit that pleases the age, or beaten out by inter- 
 est that so much possesses it ; and the amusement 
 of books giving way to the liberties or refinements 
 of pleasure that were formerly less known, or less 
 avowed than now. Yet some there will always be 
 found in the world, who ask no more at their idle 
 hours, than to forget themselves; and whether 
 that be brought about by drink or play, by love or 
 business, or by some diversions as idle as this, it is 
 all a case. 
 
 Besides, it may possibly fall out, at one time or 
 other, that some Prince, or great Minister, may 
 not be ill pleased in these kind of memorials (upon 
 such a subject) to trace the steps of trade and 
 riches, of order and power in a State, and those 
 likewise of weak or violent counsels, of corrupt or 
 ill conduct, of faction or obstinacy, which decay 
 and dissolve the firmest governments ; that so, by 
 reflections upon foreign events, they may provide 
 the better and the earlier against those at home, 
 and raise their own honour and happiness by equal 
 degrees with the prosperity and safety of the na- 
 tions they govern. 
 
 For, under favour of those who would pass for 
 wits in our age, by saying things which, David 
 tells us, the fool said in his ; and set up with bring- 
 ing those wares to market, which, God knows, 
 have been always in the world, though kept up in 
 corners, because they used to mark their owners, 
 in former ages, with the names of buffoons, pro- 
 fane or impudent men who deride all form and 
 order, as well as piety and truth, and, under the 
 notion of fopperies, endeavour to dissolve the very 
 bonds of all civil society, though by the favour
 
 PREFACE. 37 
 
 and protection thereof they themselves enjoy so 
 much greater proportions of wealth and of plea- 
 sures, than would fall to their share if all lay in 
 common, as they seem to. design (for then such 
 possessions would belong of right to the strongest 
 and bravest among us.) 
 
 Under favour of such men, I believe it will be 
 found, at one time or other, by all who shall try, 
 that, whilst human nature continues what it is, 
 the same orders in State, the same discipline in 
 armies, the same reverence for things sacred and 
 respect of civil institutions, the same virtues and 
 dispositions of Princes and Magistrates, derived, 
 by interest or imitation, into the customs and hu- 
 mours of the people, will ever have the same effects 
 upon the strength and greatness of all govern- 
 ments, and upon the honour and authority of those 
 that rule, as well as the happiness and safety of 
 those that obey. 
 
 Nor are we to think Princes themselves losers, 
 or less entertained, when we see them employ 
 their time and their thoughts in so useful specula- 
 tions, and to so glorious ends : but that rather 
 thereby they attain their true prerogative of being 
 happier, as well as greater, than subjects can be. 
 For all the pleasures of sense that any man can 
 enjoy, are within the reach of a private fortune and 
 ordinary contrivance ; grow fainter with age, and 
 duller with use ; must be revived with intermis- 
 sions, and wait upon the returns of appetite, which 
 arc no more at call of the rich than the poor. The 
 flashes of wit and good humour that rise from the 
 vapours of wine, are little different from those 
 that proceed from the heats of blood in the first 
 approaches of fevers or frenzies, and are to be va- 
 lued, but as (indeed) they are, the effects of dis- 
 temper. Uut the pleasures of imagination, as they 
 heighten and refine the very pleasures of sense, so
 
 33 PREFACE. 
 
 they are of larger extent, and longer duration ; 
 and if the most sensual man will confess there is a 
 pleasure in pleasing, he must likewise allow there 
 is good to a man's self in doing good to others : 
 and the further this extends, the higher it rises, 
 and the longer it lasts. Besides, there is beauty 
 in order, and there are charms in well-deserved 
 praise : and both are the greater, by how much 
 greater the subject ; as the first appearing in a 
 well-framed and well-governed State, and the 
 other arising from noble and generous actions. 
 Nor can any veins of good humour be greater than 
 those that swell by the success of wise counsels, 
 and by the fortunate events of public affairs ; since 
 a man that takes pleasure in doing good to ten 
 thousand, must needs have more, than he that 
 takes none but in doing good to himself. 
 
 But these thoughts lead me too far, and to little 
 purpose ; therefore I shall leave them for those I 
 had first in my head, concerning the State of the 
 United Provinces. 
 
 And whereas the greatness of their strength 
 and revenues grew out of the vastness of their 
 trade, into which their religion, their manners and 
 dispositions, their situation and the form of their 
 government, were the chief ingredients ; and this 
 last had been raised, partly upon an old foundation, 
 and partly with materials brought together by many 
 and various accidents : it will be necessary, for the 
 survey of this great frame, to give some account 
 of the rise and progress of their State, by pointing 
 out the most remarkable occasions of the first, and 
 periods of the other ; to discover the nature and 
 constitutions of their government in its several 
 parts, and the motions of it, from the first and 
 smallest wheels ; to observe what is peculiar to 
 them in their situation or dispositions, and what 
 in their religion ; to take a survey of their trade,
 
 PREFACE. 39 
 
 and the causes of it ; of the forces and revenues 
 which composed their greatness, and the circum- 
 stances and conjunctures which conspired to their 
 fall. And these are the heads that shall make the 
 order and arguments in the several parts of these 
 Observations.
 
 OBSERVATIONS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Of the Rise and Progress of the United Provinces, 
 
 WHOEVER will take a view of the rise of this 
 commonwealth, must trace it up as high as the 
 first commotions in the Seventeen Provinces un- 
 der the Duchess of Parma's government, and the 
 true causes of that more avowed and general re- 
 volt in the Duke of Alva's time : and, to find out 
 the natural springs of those revolutions, must re- 
 flect upon that sort of government under which 
 the inhabitants of those provinces lived for so many 
 ages past, in the subjection of their several Dukes 
 or Counts, till, by marriages, successions, or con- 
 quest, they came to be united in the house of Bur- 
 gundy, under Philip surnamed The Good : and 
 afterwards in that of Austria, under Philip father 
 of Charles the Fifth ; and lastly, in the person of 
 that great Emperor incorporated with those vast 
 dominions of Germany and Spain, Italy and the 
 Indies. 
 
 Nor will it be from the purpose, upon this search, 
 to run a little higher into the antiquities of these 
 countries; for though most men are contented 
 only to see a river as it runs by them, and talk of 
 the changes in it as they happen ; when it is trou- 
 bled, or when clear ; when it drowns the country 
 in a flood, or forsakes it in a drought : yet he that
 
 42 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 would know the nature of the water, and the causes 
 of those accidents (so as to guess at their continu- 
 ance or return), must find out its source, and ob- 
 serve with what strength it rises, what length it 
 runs, and how many small streams fall in, and 
 feed it to such a height, as make it either delightful 
 or terrible to the eye, and useful or dangerous to 
 the country about it. 
 
 The numbers and fury of the Northern nations, 
 under many different names, having by several in- 
 undations broken down the whole frame of the 
 Roman empire (extended in their provinces as far 
 as the Rhine), either gave a birth, or made way for 
 the several kingdoms and principalities that have 
 since continued in the parts of Europe on this side 
 that river, which made the ancient limits of the 
 Gallick and German nations. The tract of land, 
 which we usually call the Low-Countries, was so 
 wasted by the invasions or marches of this raging 
 people (who passed by them to greater conquests), 
 that the inhabitants grew thin ; and, being secure 
 of nothing they possessed, fell to seek the support 
 of their lives, rather by hunting, or by violence, 
 than by labour and industry ; and thereby the 
 grounds came to be uncultivated, and in the course 
 of years turned either to forest, or marshes ; which 
 are the two natural soils of all desolated lands in 
 the more temperate regions. For by soaking of 
 frequent showers, and the course of waters from 
 the higher into lower grounds, when there is no 
 issue that helps them to break out into a channel, 
 the flat land grows to be a mixture of earth and 
 water, and neither of common use nor passage to 
 man or beast, which is called a marsh. The higher, 
 and so the drier parts, moistened by the rain, and 
 warmed by the sun, shoot forth some sorts of plants, 
 as naturally as bodies do some sorts of hair, which 
 being preserved by the desolateness of a place un-
 
 chap. i. Of their Rise and Progress. 43 
 
 trodden, as well as untilled, grow to such trees or 
 shrubs as are natural to the soil ; and those in 
 time, producing both food and shelter for several 
 kind of beasts, make the sort of country we call a 
 forest. 
 
 And such was Flanders for many years before 
 Charlemaign's time, when the power of the Francs, 
 having raised and established a great kingdom of 
 their own, upon the entire conquest of Gaul, began 
 to reduce the disorders of that country to the 
 form of a civil, or(at least) military government ; 
 to make divisions and distributions of lands and 
 jurisdictions, by the bounty of the Prince, or the 
 services of his chief followers and commanders : to 
 one of whom a great extent of this land was giv- 
 en, with the title of Forester of Flanders. This 
 office continued for several descents, and began to 
 civilize the country, by repressing the violence of 
 robbers and spoilers, who infested the woody and 
 fast places, and by encouraging the milder people 
 to fall into civil societies, to trust to their industry 
 for subsistence, to laws for protection, and to their 
 arms united under the care and conduct of their 
 governors, for safety and defence. 
 
 In the time of Charlemaign, as some write, or, 
 as others, in that of Charles the Bald, Flanders was 
 erected into a county, which changed the title of 
 Forester for that of Count, without interrupting 
 the succession. 
 
 What the extent of this county was at first, or 
 how far the jurisdiction of Foresters reached, 1 
 cannot affirm ; nor whether it only bordered upon, 
 or included the lower parts of the vast woods of 
 Ardenne, which, in Charlemaign's time, was all 
 forest as high as Aix, and the rough country for 
 some leagues beyond it, and was used commonly 
 by that Emperor lor his hunting : this appears by 
 the ancient records of that city, which attribute
 
 41 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 the discovery, or, at least, retrieving the know- 
 ledge of those hot baths, to the fortune of that 
 Prince while he was hunting : for his horse, poch- 
 ing one of his legs into some hollow ground, made 
 way for the smoking water to break out, and gave 
 occasion for the Emperor's building that city, and 
 making it his usual seat, and the place of coro- 
 nation for the following Emperors. 
 
 Holland, being an island made by the dividing 
 branches of the ancient Rhine, and called former- 
 ly Batavia, was esteemed rather a part of Germany 
 than Gaul (between which it was seated), in regard 
 of its being planted by the Catti, a great and an- 
 cient people of Germany, and was treated by the 
 Romans rather as an allied than subjected pro- 
 vince ; who drew from thence no other tribute 
 besides bands of soldiers much esteemed for their 
 valour, and joined as auxiliaries to their legions 
 in their Gallick, German, and British wars. 
 
 It is probable, this island changed in a great 
 measure inhabitants and customs, as well as names, 
 upon the inroads of the barbarous nations, but 
 chiefly of the Normans and Danes, from whose 
 countries and language the names of Holland and 
 Zealand seem to be derived. But, about the year 
 860, a son of the Count of Frize, by a daughter of 
 the Emperor Lewis II, was by him instituted Count 
 of Holland, and gave beginning to that title ; which, 
 running since that time through so many direct or 
 collateral successions and some usurpations, came 
 to an end at last in Philip II. King of Spain, by 
 the defection of the United Provinces. 
 
 Under these first Foresters and Counts (who be- 
 gan to take those wasted countries and mixed peo- 
 ple into their care, and to intend the growth, 
 strength, and riches of their subjects, which they 
 esteemed to be their own) many old and demolished 
 castles were rebuilt, many new ones erected, and
 
 chap. I. Of their Rise and Progress. 45 
 
 given by the Princes to those of their subjects or 
 friends whom they most loved or esteemed, with 
 large circuits of lands for their support, and seig- 
 neurial jurisdiction over the inhabitants ; and this 
 upon several easy conditions, but chiefly of attend- 
 ance on their Prince at the necessary times of either 
 honouring him in peace, or serving him in w r ar. 
 Nay possibly, some of those seigneuries and their 
 jurisdictions may, as they pretend, have been the 
 remains of some old principalities in those countries 
 among the Gallick and German nations, the first 
 institutions whereof were lost in the immensity of 
 time that preceded the Roman discoveries or con- 
 quest, and might be derived perhaps from the first 
 paternal dominion, or concurrence of loose people 
 into orderly neighbourhoods, with a deference, if 
 not subjection, to the wisest or bravest among 
 them. 
 
 Under the same Counts were either founded or 
 restored many cities and towns ; of which the old 
 had their ancient freedoms and jurisdictions con- 
 firmed, or others annexed ; and the new had either 
 the same granted to them by example of the others, 
 or great immunities and privileges for the encou- 
 ragement of inhabitants to come and people in 
 them : all. these constitutions agreeing much in 
 substance, perhaps by imitation, or else by the 
 agreeing nature of the people for whom, or by 
 whom, they were framed, but differing in form 
 according to the difference of their original, or 
 the several natures, customs, and interests of the 
 Princes, whose concessions many of them were, 
 and all their permissions. 
 
 Another constitution, which entered deep into 
 their government, may be derived from another 
 source. For those Northern nations, whose un- 
 known language and countries perhaps made them 
 be called Barbarous (though indeed almost all
 
 46 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 nations out of Italy and Greece were styled so by 
 the Romans), but whose victories in obtaining new 
 seats, and orders in possessing them, might make 
 us allow them for a better policied people, than 
 they appeared by the vastness of their multitude, 
 or the rage of their battles : wherever they passed, 
 and seated their colonies and dominions, they left 
 a constitution which has since been called, in most 
 European languages, the States; consisting of three 
 orders, Noble, Ecclesiastical, and Popular, under 
 the limited principality of one person, with the 
 style of King, Prince, Duke, or Count. The re- 
 mainders, at least, or traces hereof, appear still in 
 all the principalities founded by those people in 
 Italy, France, and Spain ; and were of a piece with 
 the present constitutions in most of the great do- 
 minions on the other side of the Rhine : and it 
 seems to have been a temper first introduced by 
 them between the tyranny of the eastern kingdoms, 
 and the liberty of the Grecian or Roman common- 
 wealths. 
 
 It is true, the Goths were Gentiles when they first 
 broke into the Roman empire, till one great swarm 
 of this people, upon treaty with one of the Roman 
 Emperors, and upon concessions of a great tract of 
 land to be a seat for their nation, embraced at once 
 the Christian faith. After which, the same people 
 breaking out of the limits that had been allowed 
 them, and by fresh numbers bearing all down 
 where they bent their inarch ; as they were a great 
 means of propagating religion in many parts of 
 Europe, where they extended their conquests ; so 
 the zeal of these new proselytes, warmed .by the 
 veneration they had for their Bishops and Pastors, 
 and enriched by the spoils and possessions of so 
 vast countries, seems to have been the first that 
 introduced the maintenance of the churches and 
 clergy, by endowments of lands, lordships, and vas-
 
 chap. I. Of their Rise and Progress. 47 
 
 sals, appropriated to them : for before this time the 
 authority of the priesthood in all religions seemed 
 wholly to consist in the people's opinion of their 
 piety, learning, or virtues, or a reverence for their 
 character and mystical ceremonies and institu- 
 tions ; their support, or their revenues, in the 
 voluntary oblations of pious men, the bounty of 
 Princes, or in a certain share out of the labours and 
 gains of those who lived under their cure, and not 
 in any subjection of men's lives or fortunes, which 
 belonged wholly to the civil power : and Ammia- 
 nus, though he taxes the luxury of the Bishops in 
 Valentinian's time, yet he speaks of their riches, 
 which occasioned or fomented it, as arising wholly 
 from the oblations of the people. But the devo- 
 tion of these new Christians introducing this new 
 form of endowing their churches ; and afterwards 
 Pepin and Charlemaign, Kings of the Francs, upon 
 their victories in Italy, and the favour of the lto- 
 man Bishop to their title and arms, having annexed 
 great territories and jurisdictions to that see ; this 
 example, or custom, was followed by most Princes 
 of the Northern races through the rest of Europe, 
 and brought in to the clergy great possessions of 
 lands, and by a necessary consequence a great share 
 of temporal power, from the dependences of their 
 subjects or tenants ; by which means they came to 
 be generally one of the three orders that composed 
 the assembly of the States in every country. 
 
 This constitution of the States had been esta- 
 blished from time immemorial in the several pro- 
 vinces of the Low-Countries, and was often assem- 
 bled for determining disputes about succession of 
 their Princes, where doubtful or contested ; for de- 
 ciding those between the great towns ; for raising a 
 mi lice for the defence of their countries in the wars 
 of their neighbours ; for advice in time of dangers 
 abroad, or discontents at home : but always upon
 
 48 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 the new succession of a Prince, and upon any new 
 impositions that were necessary on the people. The 
 use of this assembly was another of those liberties 
 whereof the inhabitants of these provinces were so 
 fond and so tenacious. The rest, besides those an- 
 cient privileges already mentioned of their towns, 
 were concessions and graces of several Princes ; 
 in particular, exemptions or immunities, jurisdic- 
 tion both in choice and exercise of magistracy and 
 civil judicature within themselves ; or else in the 
 customs of using none but natives in charges and 
 offices, and passing all weighty affairs by the great 
 council composed of the great Lords of the coun- 
 try, who were in a manner all temporal, there be- 
 ing but three Bishops in all the Seventeen Pro- 
 vinces till the time of Philip II. of Spain. 
 
 The revenues of these Princes consisted in their 
 ancient demesnes, in small customs, (which yet 
 grew considerable by the greatness of trade in the 
 maritime towns) and in the voluntary contributions 
 of their subjects, either in the States or in particu- 
 lar cities, accordingto the necessities of their Prince, 
 or the affections of the people. Now were these fre- 
 quent; fortheforcesof these Counts were composed 
 of such Lords, who, either by their governments, or 
 other offices, or by the tenure of their lands, were 
 obliged to attend their Prince on horseback, with 
 certain numbers of men, upon all his wars : or else 
 of a milice, which was called Les gens cFordonnance, 
 who served on foot, and were not unlike our train- 
 bands ; the use, or at least style, whereof was re- 
 newed in Flanders upon the last war with France 
 in 1667, when the Count Egmont was made, by the 
 Governor, General des gens d'ordonnance. 
 
 These forces were defrayed by the cities or coun- 
 tries, as the others were raised by the Lords when 
 occasion required ; and all were licensed immedi- 
 ately when it was past, so that they were of little
 
 chap. i. Of their Rise and Progress. 49 
 
 charge to the Prince. His wars were but with 
 other Princes of his own size, or competitors to his 
 principality ; or sometimes with the mutinies of 
 his great towns ; short, though violent ; and de- 
 cided by one battle or siege ; unless they fell into 
 the quarrels between England and France, and 
 then they were engaged but in the skirts of the 
 war, the gross of it being waged between the two 
 Kings, and these smaller Princes made use of for the 
 credit of alliance, or sometimes the commodious- 
 ness of a diversion, rather than for any great weight 
 they made in the main of the affair. 
 
 The most frequent wars of the Counts of Hol- 
 land were with the Frizons, a part of the old Sax- 
 ons; and the fiercest battles of some of the Counts 
 of Flanders were with the Normans, who passed 
 that way into France, and were the last of those 
 nations that have infested the more southern parts 
 of Europe. I have sometimes thought, how it 
 should have come to pass, that the infinite swarm 
 of that vast Northern hive, which so often shook the 
 world like a great tempest, and overflowed it like a 
 great torrent ; changing names, and customs, and 
 government, and language, and the very face of 
 nature, wherever they seated themselves ; which, 
 upon record of story, under the name of Gauls, 
 pierced into Greece and Italy, sacking Rome, and 
 besieging the Capitol in Camillus's time ; under 
 that of the Cimbers, marched through France, to 
 the very confines of Italy, defended by Marius ; 
 under that of Hunns or Lombards, Visigoths, 
 Goths, and Vandals, conquered the whole forces 
 of the Roman empire, sacked Rome thrice in a 
 small compass of years, seated their kingdoms in 
 Spain and Afric, as well as Lombard}' ; and, under 
 that of Danes or N T onnans, possessed themselves of 
 England, a great part of France, and even of Maples 
 and Sicily : how (I say) these nations, which seem- 
 
 VOL. I. E
 
 SO Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 ed to spawn in every age, and at some intervals of 
 time discharged their own native countries of so 
 vast numbers, and with such terror to the world, 
 should, about seven or eight hundred years ago, 
 leave off the use of these furious expeditions, as if 
 on a sudden they should have grown barren, or 
 tame, or better contented with their own ill cli- 
 mates. But, I suppose, we owe this benefit wholly 
 to the growth and progress of Christianity in the 
 North, by which early and undistinguished copula- 
 tion, or multitude of wives, were either restrained 
 or abrogated ; by the same means learning and ci- 
 vility got footing among them in some degree, and 
 inclosed certain circuits of those vast regions, by 
 the distinctions and bounds of kingdoms, princi- 
 palities, or commonalties. Men began to leave their 
 wilder lives, spent without other cares or pleasures, 
 than of food, or of lust, and betook themselves to 
 the ease and entertainment of societies : with or- 
 der and labour, riches began, and trade followed; 
 and these made way for luxury, and that for many 
 diseases or ill habits of body, which, unknown to 
 the former and simpler ages, began to shorten and 
 weaken both life and procreation. Besides, the 
 divisions and circles of dominion occasioned wars 
 between the several nations, though of one faith ; 
 and those of the Poles, Hungarians, and Mosco- 
 vites, with the Turks or Tartars, made greater 
 slaughters : and by these accidents, I suppose, the 
 numbers of those fertile broods have been lessen- 
 ed, and their limits in a measure confined; and we 
 have had thereby, for so long together, in these 
 parts of the world, the honour and liberty of draw- 
 ing our own blood, upon the quarrels of humour or 
 avarice, ambition or pride, without the assistance, 
 or need, of any barbarous nations to destroy us. 
 
 But to end this digression, and return to the Low- 
 Countries, where the government lasted, in the
 
 chap. i. Of their Rise and Progress. 51 
 
 form and manner described (though in several 
 principalities) till Philip of Burgundy, in whom all 
 the Seventeen Provinces came to be united. 
 
 By this great extent of a populous country, and 
 the mighty growth of trade in Bruges, Ghent, and 
 Antwerp (attributed by Comines to the goodness 
 of the Princes, and ease and safety of the people) 
 both Philip, and his son Charles the Hardy, found 
 themselves a match for France, then much weak- 
 ened, as well by the late wars with England, as 
 the factions of their Princes. And in the wars witli 
 France was the house of Burgundy, under Charles, 
 and Maximilian of Austria (who married his daugh- 
 ter and heir) and afterwards under Charles V. their 
 grand-child, almost constantly engaged; thecourse, 
 successes, and revolutions whereof are commonly 
 known. 
 
 Philip of Burgundy, who began them, was a 
 good and wise Prince, loved by his subjects, and 
 esteemed by his enemies ; and took his measures 
 so well, that, upon the declining of the English 
 greatness abroad by their dissensions at home, ho 
 ended his quarrels in France, by a peace, with 
 safety and honour : so that he took no pretence 
 from his greatness, or his wars, to change any 
 thing in the forms of his government: but Charles 
 the Hardy, engaged more rashly against France 
 and the Switzers, began to ask greater and ll 
 quent contributions of his subjects; which, gain- 
 ed at first by the credit of his father's government 
 and his own great designs, but spent in an unfor- 
 tunate war, made his people discontented, and him 
 disesteemed, till he ended an unhappy life, by an 
 untimely death, in the battle of Nancy. 
 
 In the time of Maximilian, several German 
 troops were brought down into Flanders, for their 
 defence against France ; and in that of Charles V. 
 much greater forces of Spaniards and Italians, 
 
 e 2
 
 52 Observations upo)i the United Provhices. 
 
 upon the same occasion ; a thing unknown to the 
 Low-Country-men in the time of their former 
 Princes. But, through the whole course of this 
 Emperor's reign, who was commonly on the for- 
 tunate hand, his greatness and fame, increasing to- 
 gether, either diverted or suppressed any discon- 
 tents of his subjects upon the increase of their pay- 
 ments, or the grievance of so many foreign troops 
 among them. Besides, Charles was of a gentle and 
 a generous nature ; and, being born in the Low- 
 Countries,was naturally kind and easy to thatpeople, 
 whose customs and language he always used when 
 he was among them, and employed all their great 
 men in the charges of his court, his government, 
 or his armies, through the several parts of his vast 
 dominions ; so that, upon the last great action of 
 his life, which was the resignation of his crowns to 
 his son and brother, he left to Philip II. the Se- 
 venteen Provinces in a condition as peaceable, and 
 as loyal, as either Prince or subjects could desire. 
 
 Philip II. coming to the possession of so many 
 and great dominions, about the year 1.5.56, after 
 some trial of good and ill fortune in the war with 
 France (which was left him by his father, like an 
 incumbrance upon a great estate) restored, by the 
 peace of Cambray, not only the quiet of his own 
 countries, but in a manner of all Christendom, 
 which was in some degree or other engaged in the 
 quarrel of these Princes. After this, he resolved 
 to return into Spain, and leave the Low-Countries 
 under a subordinate government, which had been 
 till Charles V's time the constant seat of their 
 Princes, and shared the presence of that great Em- 
 peror, with the rest of his dominions. But Philip, 
 a Spaniard born, receiving from the climate or 
 education of that country the severeness and gra- 
 vity of the nation, which the Flemings called re- 
 servedness and pride ; conferring the offices of his
 
 chap. i. Of their Rise and Progress. 53 
 
 house, and the honour of his council and confi- 
 dence, upon Spaniards, and thereby introducing 
 their customs, habits, and language into the Court 
 of Flanders ; continuing, after the peace, those 
 Spanish and Italian forces, and the demand of 
 supplies from the States, which the war had made 
 necessary and the easier supported, he soon left off 
 being loved, and began to be feared, by the inha- 
 bitants of those provinces. 
 
 But Philip II. thought it not agreeing with the 
 pomp and greatness of the house of Austria, already 
 at the head of so mighty dominions, nor with his 
 designs of a yet greater empire, to consider the dis- 
 contents or grievances of so small a country ; nor 
 to be limited by their ancient forms of govern- 
 ment : and therefore, at his departure for Spain, 
 and substitution of his natural sister the Duchess 
 of Parma for Governess of the Low-Countries, 
 assisted by the ministry of Granvell, he left her 
 instructed to continue the foreign troops, and the 
 demand of money from the States for their support, 
 which was now by a long course of war grown 
 customary among them, and the sums only dis- 
 puted between the Prince and the States ; to 
 establish the fourteen Bishops, he had agreed with 
 the Pope, should be added to the three that were 
 anciently in the Low-Countries ; to revive the 
 edicts of Charles V. against Luther, published in a 
 diet of the empire about the year 15.50, but eluded 
 in the Low-Countries even in that Emperor's 
 time ; and thereby to make way for the inquisition 
 with the same course it had received in Spain, of 
 which the Lutherans here, and the Moors there, 
 were made an equal pretence. And these points, 
 as they came to be owned and executed, made the 
 first commotions of men's minds in the Provinces. 
 
 The hatred of the people against the Spaniards, 
 and the insolences of those troops, with the charge
 
 .54 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 of their support, made them looked upon by the in- 
 habitants in general, as the instruments of their 
 oppression and slavery, and not of their defence, 
 when a general peace had left them no enemies : 
 and therefore the States began here their com- 
 plaints, with a general consent and passion of all 
 the nobles, as well as towns and country. And 
 upon the delays that were contrived, or fell in, the 
 States first refused to raise any more monies, either 
 for the Spaniards pay, or their own standing troops; 
 and the people ran into so great despair, that in 
 Zealand they absolutely gave over the working at 
 their digues, suffering the sea to gain every tide 
 upon the country ; and resolving (as they said) 
 rather to be devoured by that element, than by the 
 Spanish soldiers : so that, after many disputes and 
 intrigues between the Governess and the Pro- 
 vinces, the King, upon her remonstrances, was in- 
 duced to their removal; which was accordingly per- 
 formed with great joy and applause of the people. 
 The erecting of fourteen new Bishops' sees rais- 
 ed the next contest. The great Lords looked upon 
 this innovation as a lessening of their power, by- 
 introducing so many new men into the great coun- 
 cil. The Abbots (out of whose lands they were 
 to be endowed) pleaded against it, as a violent 
 usurpation upon the rights of the Church, and the 
 will of the dead, who had given those lands to a 
 particular use. The commons murmured at it, as 
 a new degree of oppression upon their conscience 
 or liberty, by the erecting so many new spiritual 
 courts of iudicature, and so creat a number of 
 judges, being seventeen for three that were before 
 in the country, and those depending absolutely 
 upon the Pope, or the King. And all men de- 
 claimed against it, as a breach of the King's oath, 
 at his accession to the government, for the pre- 
 serving the Church and the laws in the same state
 
 chap. i. Of their Rise and Progress. 55 
 
 he found them. However, this point was gained 
 entirely by the Governess, and carried over the 
 head of all opposition, though not without leaving 
 a general discontent. 
 
 In the midst of these ill humours stirring in Flan- 
 ders, the wars of religion breaking out in France 
 drove great numbers of Calvinists into all those / 
 parts of the Low-Countries that confine upon J 
 France, as the troubles of Germany had before of 
 Lutherans into the provinces about the Rhine ; and 
 the persecutions under Queen Mary those of the 
 Church of England into Flanders and Brabant, by 
 the great commerce of this kingdom with Bruges 
 and Antwerp. 
 
 These accidents and neighbourhoods filled these 
 countries, in a small tract of time, with swarms of 
 the reformed professors : and the admiration of 
 their zeal, the opinion of their doctrine and piety, 
 the compassion of their sufferings, the infusion of 
 their discontents, or the humour of the age, gained 
 them every day many proselytes in the Low-Coun- 
 tries, some among the nobles, many among the 
 villages, but most among the cities, whose trade and 
 riches were much increased by these new inha- 
 bitants ; and whose interest thereby, as well as con- 
 versation, drew them on to their favour. 
 
 This made work for the inquisition, though mo- 
 derately exercised by the prudence and temper of 
 the Governess, mediating between the rigour of 
 Granvell, in straining up to the highest his master's 
 authority and the execution of his commands upon 
 all occasions, and the resoluteness of the Lords of 
 the Provinces to temper the King's edicts, and pro- 
 tect the liberties of their country against the ad- 
 mission of this new and arbitrary judicature, un- 
 known to all ancient laws and customs of the coun- 
 try, and for that not less odious to the people, than 
 for the cruelty of their executions. For, before the
 
 56 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 inquisition, the care of religion was in the Bishops ; 
 and before that in the civil magistrates throughout 
 the Provinces. 
 
 Upon angry debates in council, but chiefly upon 
 the universal ministry of Granvell, a Burgundian 
 of mean birth, grown at last to be a Cardinal, and 
 more famous for the greatness of his parts, than the 
 goodness of his life, the chief Lords of the country 
 (among whom the Prince of Orange, Counts Eg- 
 mont and Home, the Marquis of Berghen and 
 Montigny, were most considerable) grew to so vio- 
 lent and implacable an hatred of the Cardinal (whe- 
 ther from passion or interest) which was so univer- 
 sally spread through the whole body of the people, 
 either by the causes of it, or the example, that 
 the Lords first refused their attendance in council, 
 protesting, not to endure the sight of a man so ab- 
 solute there, and to the ruin of their country : and 
 afterwards petitioned the King, in the name of the 
 whole country, for his removal : upon the delay 
 whereof, and the continuance of the inquisition, 
 the people appeared, upon daily occasions and ac- 
 cidents, heated to that degree, as threatened a ge- 
 neral combustion in the whole body whenever the 
 least flame should break out in any part. 
 
 But the King at length consented to Granvell's 
 recess, by the opinion of the Duchess of Parma, 
 as well as the pursuit of the Provinces : whereupon 
 the Lords reassumed their places in council ; Count 
 Egmont was sent into Spain to represent the griev- 
 ances of the Provinces; and being favourably dis- 
 patched by the King, especially by remitting the 
 rigour of the edicts about religion and the inquisi- 
 tion, all noise of discontent and tumult was ap- 
 peased, the Lords were made use of by the Gover- 
 ness in the counsel and conduct of affairs, and the 
 Governess was by the Lords both obeyed and ho^ 
 noured.
 
 chap. i. Of their Rise and Progress. 57 
 
 In the beginning of the year 1565, there was a 
 conference at Bayonne between Catherine Queen- 
 mother of France and her son Charles IX. (though 
 very young) with his sister Isabella Queen of Spain: 
 in which no other person but the Duke of Alva in- 
 tervened, being deputed thither by Philip, who ex- 
 cused his own presence, and thereby made this in- 
 terview pass for an effect or expression of kindness 
 between the mother and her children. Whether 
 great resolutions are the more suspected where 
 great secresy is observed, or it be true, what the 
 Prince of Orange affirmed to have by accident dis- 
 covered, that the extirpation of all families, which 
 should profess the new religion in the French or 
 Spanish dominions, was here agreed on, with mu- 
 tual assistance of the two crowns; it is certain, and 
 was owned, that matters of religion were the sub- 
 ject of that conference ; and that soon after, in the 
 same year, came letters from King Philip to the 
 Duchess of Parma, disclaiming the interpretation 
 which had been given to his letters by Count Eg- 
 mont, declaring, his pleasure was, that all heretics 
 should be put to death without remission ; that the 
 Emperor's edicts, and the council of Trent, should 
 be published and observed ; and commanding, that 
 the utmost assistance of the civil power should be 
 given to the inquisition. 
 
 When this was divulged at first, the astonishment 
 was great throughout their provinces ; but that 
 soon gave way to their rage, which began to appear 
 in their looks, in their speeches, their bold meet- 
 ings and libels ; and was increased by the miserable 
 spectacles of so many executions upon account of 
 religion : the constancy of the sufferers and com- 
 passion of the beholders conspiring generally to 
 lessen the opinion of guilt or crime, and heighten 
 a detestation of the punishment, and desire of re- 
 venge against the authors of that counsel, of whom 
 the Duke of Alva was esteemed the chief.
 
 58 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 In the beginning of the year 1566, began an 
 open mutiny of the citizens in many towns, hin- 
 dering executions, and forcingprisons and officers ; 
 and this was followed by a confederacy of the Lords, 
 never to suffer the inquisition in the Low-Countries, 
 as contrary to all laws, both sacred and profane, 
 and exceeding the cruelty of all former tyrannies ; 
 upon which, all resolutions of force or rigour grew 
 unsafe for the government, now too weak for such 
 a revolution of the people ; and on the other side 
 Brederode, in confidence of the general favour, 
 came at the head of two hundred gentlemen , through 
 the Provinces, to Brussels, and in bold terms peti- 
 tioned the Governess for abolishing the inquisition 
 and edicts about religion, and that new ones should 
 be framed by a convention of the States. 
 
 The Governess was forced to use gentle reme- 
 dies to so violent a disease ; to receive the petition 
 without show of the resentment she had at heart, and 
 to promise a representation of their desires to the 
 King ; which was accordingly done : but though 
 the King was startled with such consequences of 
 his last commands, and at length induced to recall 
 them ; yet, whether by the slowness of his nature, 
 or the forms of the Spanish Court, the answer came 
 too late : and as all his former concessions, either 
 by delay or testimonies of ill will or meaning in 
 them, had lost the good grace, so this lost abso- 
 lutely the effect, and came into the Low-Countries 
 when all was in flame by an insurrection of the 
 meaner people through many great towns of Flan- 
 ders, Holland,andUtrecht,whofellviolently upon the 
 spoil of churches, and destruction of images, with 
 a thousand circumstances of barbarous and brutish 
 fury; which, with the institution of consistories and 
 magistrates in each town among those of the re- 
 formed profession, with public confederacies and 
 distinctions, and private contributions agreed upon 
 for the support of their common cause, gave the
 
 chap. i. Of their Rise and Progress. 59 
 
 first date in this year of 1566 to the revolt of the 
 Low-Countries. 
 
 But the nobility of the country, and the richest 
 of the people in the cities, thougli unsatisfied with 
 the government, yet feeling the effects, and ab- 
 horring the rage, of popular tumults, as the worst 
 mischief that can befall any State; and encouraged 
 by the arrival of the King's concessions, began to 
 unite their counsels and forces with those of the 
 Governess, and to employ themselves both with 
 great vigour and loyalty for suppressing the late 
 insurrections, that had seized upon many, and 
 shaked most of the cities of the Provinces; in which 
 the Prince of Orange and Count Egmont were great 
 instruments, by the authority of their great charges 
 (one being Governor of Holland and Zealand, and 
 the other of Flanders) but more by the general love 
 and confidence of the people ; until by the redu- 
 cing Valenciennes, Maestricht, and the Burse, by 
 arms ; the submission of Antwerp and other towns ; 
 the defection of Count Egmont from the counsels 
 of the Confederate Lords (as they were called;) the 
 retreat of the Prince of Orange into Germany; and 
 the death of Brederode, with the news and prepa- 
 rations of King Philip's sudden journey into the 
 Low-Countries, as well as the prudence and mode- 
 ration of the Duchess in governing all these cir- 
 cumstances ; the whole estate of the Provinces was 
 perfectly restored to its former peace, obedience, 
 and, at least, appearance of loyalty. 
 
 King Philip, whether having never really de- 
 creed his journey into Flanders, or diverted by the 
 pacification of the Provinces, and apprehension of 
 the Moors rebelling in Spain, or a distrust of his son 
 Prince Charles's violent passions and dispositions, 
 or the expectation of what had been resolved at Bay- 
 onne growing ripe for execution in France, gave 
 over the discourse of seeingthe Low-Countries; but
 
 GO Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 at the same time tookup the resolution for dispatch- 
 ing the Duke of Alva thither at the head of an army 
 often thousand veteran Spanish and Italian troops, 
 for the assistance of the Governess, the execution of 
 the laws, the suppressing and punishment of all who 
 had been authors or fomenters of the late seditions. 
 
 This resultwas put suddenly in execution, though 
 wholly against the advice of the Duchess of Par- 
 ma in Flanders, and the Duke of Feria (one of the 
 chief ministers) in Spain, who thought the present 
 peace of the Provinces ought not to be invaded by 
 new occasions ; nor the royal authority lessened by 
 being made a party in a war upon his subjects; 
 nor a minister employed where he was so profess- 
 edly both hating and hated, as the Duke of Alva 
 in the Low-Countries. 
 
 But the King was immoveable ; so that, in the 
 end of the year 1567, the Duke of Alva arrived 
 there with an army of ten thousand, the best Spa- 
 nish and Italian soldiers, under the command of 
 the choicest officers, which the wars of Charles V. 
 or Philip II. had bred up in Europe ; which, with 
 two thousand Germans the Duchess of Parma had 
 raised in the last tumults, and, under the command 
 of so old and renowned a General as the Duke of 
 Alva, made up a force, which nothing in the Low- 
 Countries could look in the face with other eyes, 
 than of astonishment, submission, or despair. 
 
 Upon the first report of this expedition, the 
 trading people of the towns and country began in 
 vast numbers to retire out of the provinces ; so, 
 as the Duchess wrote to the King, that, in few days, 
 above a hundred thousand men had left the coun- 
 try, and with drawn both their money and goods, and 
 more were following every day : so great antipa- 
 thy there ever appears between merchants and 
 soldiers ; whilst one pretends to be safe under laws, 
 which the other pretends shall be subject to his
 
 chap. i. Of their Rise and Progress. 61 
 
 sword and his will. And upon the first action of 
 the Duke of Alva after his arrival, which was the 
 seizing of the Counts Egmont and Home, as well 
 as the suspected death of the Marquis of Berghen, 
 and imprisonment of Montigny in Spain (whither, 
 some months before, they had been sent with com- 
 mission and instructions from the Duchess) she 
 immediately desired leave of the King to retire 
 out of the Low-Countries. 
 
 This was easily obtained, and the Duke of Alva 
 invested in the government, with powers never 
 given before to any Governor : a council of twelve 
 was erected for trial of all crimes committed against 
 the King's authority, which was called by the peo- 
 ple, The Council of Blood. Great numbers were 
 condemned and executed by sentence of this coun- 
 cil, upon account of the late insurrections ; more 
 by that of the inquisition, against the parting ad- 
 vice of the Duchess of Parma, and the exclamation 
 of the people at those illegal courts. The town 
 stomached the breach of their charters, the people 
 of their liberties, the Knights of the Golden-Fleece 
 the charters of their order, by these new and 
 odious courts of judicature : all complain of the 
 disuse of the States, of the introduction of armies, 
 but all in vain : the King was constant to what he 
 had determined ; Alva was in his nature cruel and 
 inexorable ; the new army was fierce and brave, 
 and desirous of nothing so much as a rebellion in 
 the country; the people were enraged, but awed 
 and unheaded : all was seizure and process, con- 
 fiscation and imprisonment, blood and horror, inso- 
 lence and dejection, punishments executed, and 
 meditated revenge: the smaller branches were lopt 
 off apace; the great ones were longer a hewing 
 down. Counts Effmont and Home lasted several 
 months ; but, at length, in spite of all their services 
 to Charles Y. and to Philip, as well as of their new 
 
 /
 
 62) Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 merits in the quieting of the Provinces, and of so 
 great supplications and intercessions as were made 
 in their favour, both in Spain and in Flanders, they 
 were publicly beheaded at Brussels; which seem- 
 ed to break all patience in the people, and, by their 
 end, to give those commotions a beginning, which 
 cost Europe so much blood, and Spain a great part 
 of the Low-Country Provinces. 
 
 After the process of Egmont and Home, the 
 Prince of Orange, who was retired into Germany, 
 was summoned to his trial for the same crimes, of 
 which the others had been accused ; and, upon his 
 not appearing, was condemned, proclaimed traitor, 
 and his whole estate (which was very great in the 
 Provinces, and in Burgundy) seized upon, as for- 
 feited to the King. The Prince, treated in this 
 manner while he was quiet and unarmed in Ger- 
 many, employs all his credit with those Princes 
 engaged to him by alliance or by common fears of 
 the house of Austria, throws off all obedience to 
 the Duke of Alva, raises forces, joins with great 
 numbers flocking to him out of the Provinces, all 
 enraged at the Duke of Alva's cruel and arbitrarv 
 government, and resolved to revenge the Count 
 Egmont's death (who had ever been the darling of 
 the people). With these troops he enters Friezland, 
 and invades the outward parts of Brabant, receives 
 succours from the Protestants of France, then in arms 
 under the Prince of Conde : and after many various 
 encounters and successes, by the great conduct of 
 Alva, and valour ofhisveteranarmy,beinghindered 
 from seizing upon any town in Brabant (which both 
 of them knew would shake the fidelity of the Pro- 
 vinces) he is at length forced to break up his army, 
 and to retire into Germany. Hereupon Alva returns 
 in triumph to Brussels: and, asif he had made aeon- 
 quest, instead of a defence, causes, out of the cannon 
 taken from Lewis of Nassau, his statue to be cast in
 
 chap. i. Of their Rise and Progress, 63 
 
 brass, treading and insulting upon two smaller sta- 
 tues that represented the two estates of the Low- 
 Countries ; and this to be erected in the citadel he 
 had built at Antwerp for the absolute subjecting of 
 that rich, populous, and mutinous town. 
 
 Nothing had raised greater indignation among 
 the Flemings, than the public sight and ostentation 
 of this statue ; and the more, because they knew 
 the boast to be true, finding their ancient liberties 
 and privileges (the inheritance of so many ages, or 
 bounty of so many Princes) all now prostrate be- 
 fore this one man's sword and will, who from the 
 time of Charles V. had ever been esteemed an ene- 
 my of their nation, and author of all the counsels 
 for the absolute subduing their country. 
 
 But Alva, moved with no rumours, terrified with 
 no threats from a broken and unarmed people, and 
 thinking no measures nor forms were any more ne- 
 cessary to be observed in the Low- Countries, pre- 
 tends greater sums are necessary for the pay and 
 reward of his victorious troops, than were annually 
 granted, upon the King's request, by the States of 
 the provinces : and therefore demands a general 
 tax of the hundredth part of every man's estate in 
 the Low-Countries, to be raised at once : and, for 
 the future, the twentieth of all immoveables, and 
 the tenth of all that was sold. 
 
 The States with much reluctancy consent to the 
 first, as a thing that ended at once ; but refused the 
 other two, alleging the poverty of the Provinces, 
 and the ruin of trade. Upon the Duke's persisting, 
 they petition the King by messengers into Spain, 
 but without redress ; draw out the year in contests, 
 sometimes stomach fill, sometimes humble, with the 
 Governor; till the Duke, impatient of further delay, 
 causes the edict, without consent of the States, to 
 be published at Brussels. The people refuse to pay, 
 the soldiers begin to levy by force, the townsmen 
 all shut up their shops, the people in the country
 
 64 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 forbear the market, so as not so much as bread or 
 meat is to be bought in the town. The Duke is 
 enraged, and calls the soldiers to arms, and com- 
 mands several of the inhabitants, who refuse the 
 payments, to be hanged that very night upon their 
 sign-posts ; which nothing moves the obstinacy of 
 the people : and now the officers of the guards are 
 ready to begin the executions, when news comes to 
 town of the taking of the Briel by the Gueuses, 
 and of the expectation that had been given of a 
 sudden revolt in the Province of Holland. 
 
 This unexpected blow struck the Duke of Alva; 
 and foreseeing the consequences of it, because he 
 knew the stubble was dry, and now he found the 
 fire was fallen in, he thought it an ill time to make 
 an end of the traoredv in Brabant, whilst a new 
 scene was opened in Holland ; and so, giving over 
 for the present his taxes and executions, applies 
 his thoughts to the suppression of this new enemy, 
 that broke in upon him from the sea ; and, for that 
 reason, the bottom and reach of the design, as well 
 as the nature and strength of their forces, were to 
 the Duke the less known, and the more suspected. 
 Now, because this seizure of the Briel began the 
 second great commotion of the Low-Countries in 
 1570, and that which indeed never ended, but in 
 the loss of those Provinces, where the death of the 
 Spanish and R,oyal government gave life to a new 
 commonwealth, it will be necessary to know, what 
 sort of men, and by what accidents united, and by 
 what fears or hopes emboldened, were the first au- 
 thors of this adventure. 
 
 Upon Brederode's delivering a petition to the 
 Duchess of Parma against the inquisition, and for 
 some liberty in point of religion, those persons, 
 which attended him, looking mean in their cloaths 
 and their garb, were called by one of the courtiers, 
 at their entrance into the palace, gueuses, which 
 signifies beggars; a name, though raised by chance,
 
 chap. r. Of their Rise and Progress. 65 
 
 or by scorn, yet affected by the party, as an ex- 
 pression of humility and distress, and used ever 
 after by both sides as a name of distinction com- 
 prehending all who dissented from the Roman 
 Church, how different soever in opinion among 
 themselves. 
 
 These men, spread in great numbers through the 
 whole extent of the Provinces by the accidents and 
 dispositions already mentioned, after the appeasing 
 of their first sedition were broken in their common 
 counsels ; and by the cruelty of the inquisition, 
 and rigour of Alva, were in great multitudes forced 
 to retire out of the Provinces, at least such as had 
 means or hopes of subsisting abroad : many of the 
 poorer and more desperate fled into the woods of 
 the upper countries (where they are thick and wild) 
 and lived upon spoil ; and,in the first descent of the 
 Prince of Orange's forces, did great mischief to all 
 scattered parties of the Duke of Alva's troops in 
 their march through those parts. But, after that 
 attempt of the Prince ended without success, and 
 he was forced back into Germany, the Count of 
 Marcke, a violent and implacable enemy to the 
 Duke of Alva and his government, with many 
 others of the broken troops (whom the same for- 
 tune and disposition had left together in Friezland) 
 manned out some ships of small force, and betook 
 themselves to sea ; and, with commissions from the 
 Prince of Orange, began to prey upon all they 
 could master, that belonged to the Spaniards. They 
 sometimes sheltered and watered, and sold their 
 prizes, in some creeks or small harbours of England, 
 though forbidden by Queen Elizabeth (then in peace 
 with Spain ;) sometimes in the river Ems, or some 
 small ports of Friezland ; till at length, having 
 gained considerable riches by these adventures, 
 whether to sell, or to refresh, whether driven by 
 storm, or led by design (upon knowledge of the 
 
 VOL. I. F
 
 66 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 ill blood which the new taxes had bred in all the 
 Provinces) they landed in the island of the Briel, 
 assaulted and carried the town, pulled down the 
 images in the churches, professed openly their re- 
 ligion, declared against the taxes and tyranny of 
 the Spanish government, and were immediately 
 followed by the revolt of most of the towns of 
 Holland, Zealand, and West-Friezland, who threw 
 out the Spanish garrisons, renounced their obedi- 
 ence to King Philip, and swore fidelity to the Prince 
 of Orange. 
 
 The Prince returned out of Germany with new 
 forces, and, making use of this fury of the people, 
 contented not himself with Holland and Zealand, 
 but marched up into the very heart of the Pro- 
 vinces, within five leagues of Brussels, seizing upon 
 Mechlin, and many other towns, with so great con- 
 sent, applause, and concourse of people, that the 
 whole Spanish dominion seemed now ready to ex- 
 pire in the Low-Countries, if it had not been re- 
 vived by the massacre of the Protestants at Paris ; 
 which, contrivedby joint counsels with King Philip, 
 and acted by a Spanish party in the Court of France, 
 and with so fatal a blow to the contrary faction, 
 encouraged the Duke of Alva, and damped the 
 Prince of Orange in the same degree ; so that one 
 gathers strength enough to defend the heart of the 
 Provinces, and the other retires into Holland, and 
 makes that the seat of the war. 
 
 This country was strong by its nature and seat 
 among the waters that encompass and divide it ; 
 but more by a rougher sort of people, at that time 
 less softened by trade or byriches,lessused togrants 
 of moneyand taxes, and proud of their ancient fame, 
 recorded in the Roman stories, of being obstinate 
 defenders of their liberties, and now most implaca- 
 ble haters of the Spanish name. 
 
 All these dispositions were increased and hard-
 
 c h a p . i . Of their Rise and Progress. 67 
 
 ened in the war that ensued under the Duke of 
 Alva's conduct, or his sons ; by the slaughter of all 
 innocent persons and sexes upon the taking of Na- 
 erden, where the houses were burnt, and the walls 
 levelled to the ground ; by the desperate defence 
 of Haerlem for ten months, with all the practices 
 and returns of ignominy, cruelty, and scorn on both 
 sides, while the very women listed themselves in 
 companies, repaired breaches, gave alarms, and 
 beat up quarters, till, all being famished, four hun- 
 dred burghers (after the surrender) were killed in 
 cold blood, among many other examples of an in- 
 censed conqueror ; which made the humour of the 
 parties grow more desperate, and their hatred to 
 Spain and Alva incurable. 
 
 The same army broken and forced to rise from 
 before Alcmaer, after a long and fierce siege in 
 Alva's time ; and from before Leyden in the time 
 of Requisenes (where the boors themselves opened 
 the sluices, and drowned the country, resolving to 
 mischief the Spaniards at the charge of their own 
 ruin) gave the great turn to affairs in Holland. 
 
 The King grows sensible of danger, and appre- 
 hensive of the total defection of the Provinces ; 
 Alva weary of his government, finding his violent 
 counsels and proceedings had raised a spirit, which 
 was quiet before lie came, and was never to be laid 
 any more. The Duke is recalled, andthe war goes 
 on under Requisenes ; who dying suddenly, and 
 without provisions made by the King for a suc- 
 cessor, the government, by customs of the coun- 
 try, devolved by way of interim upon the Great 
 Council, which lasted some time, by the delay of 
 Don John of Austria's coming, who was declared 
 the new Governor. 
 
 But, in this interim, the strength of the disease 
 appears ; for, upon the mutiny of some Spanish 
 troops for want of their pay, and their seizing Alost, 
 
 f 2
 
 68 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 2l town near Brussels, the people grow into a rage, 
 the tradesmen give over their shops, and the coun- 
 try-men their labour, and all run to arms : in Brus- 
 sels they force the Senate, pull out those men they 
 knew to be most addicted to the Spaniards, kill 
 such of that nation as they meet in the streets, and 
 all in general cry out for the expulsion of foreigners 
 out of the Low-Countries, and the assembling of 
 the States; to which the Council is forced to con- 
 sent. In the mean time, the chief persons of the 
 Provinces enter into an agreement with the Prince 
 of Orange, to carry on the common affairs of the 
 Provinces by the same counsels ; so as, when the 
 Estates assembled at Ghent, without any contest 
 they agreed upon that act, which was called The 
 pacification of Ghent, in the year 1576, whereof the 
 chief articles w r ere, The expulsion of all foreign sol- 
 diers out of the Provinces : restoring all the ancient 
 forms of government : and referring matters of re- 
 ligion in each Province to the provincial Estates : and 
 that, for performance thereof the rest of the Pro- 
 vinces should for ever be confederate with Holland 
 and Zealand. And this made the first period of 
 the Low-Country troubles, proving to King Philip 
 a dear experience how little the best conduct, and 
 boldest armies, are able to withstand the torrent of 
 a stubborn and enraged people, which ever bears 
 all down before it, till it comes to be divided into 
 different channels by arts, or by chance; or, till 
 the springs, which are the humours that fed it, come 
 to be spent, or dry up of themselves. 
 
 The foreign forces, refusing to depart, are de- 
 clared rebels ; whereupon the Spanish troops force 
 and plunder several towns, and Antwerp among 
 the rest (by advantage of the citadel) with equal 
 courage and avarice ; and defend themselves in 
 several holds from the forces of the States, till Don 
 John's arrival at Luxemburgh, the only town of
 
 chap. i. Of their Rise and Progress. 69 
 
 the Provinces where he thought himself safe, as not 
 involved in the defection of the rest. 
 
 The Estates refuse to admit him without his ac- 
 cepting and confirming the pacification of Ghent; 
 which at length he does, by leave from the King, 
 and enters upon the government with the dismis- 
 sion of all foreign troops, which return into Italy. 
 But soon after, Don John, whether out of indig- 
 nation to see himself but a precarious Governor, 
 without force or dependence ; or desiring new oc- 
 casions of fame by a war ; or instructed from Spain 
 upon new counsels, takes the occasion of compli- 
 menting Queen Margaret of Navarre upon her 
 journey out of France to the Spaw, and on a sud- 
 den seizes upon the castle of Namur. Whereupon 
 the Provinces for the third time throw off their 
 obedience, call the Prince of Orange to Brussels, 
 where he is made Protector of Brabant by the 
 States of that Province, and preparations are made 
 on both sides for the war ; while Spain is busy to 
 form new armies, and draw them together in Na- 
 mur and Luxemburgh, the only Provinces obedi- 
 ent to that crown ; and all the rest agree to elect 
 a Governor of their own, and send to Matthias the 
 Emperor's brother, to offer him the charge. 
 
 At this time began to be formed the male-con- 
 tent party in the Low-Countries ; which though 
 agreeing with the rest in their hatred to the Spa- 
 niards, and defence of their liberties and laws, yet 
 were not inclined to shake off allegiance to their 
 Prince, nor change their old and established reli- 
 gion : and these were headed by the Duke of 
 Areschot, and several great men, the more averse 
 from a general defection, by emulation or envy 
 of the Prince of Orange's greatness, who was now 
 grown to have all the influence and credit in the 
 counsels of the league. 
 
 By the assistance of this party, after Don John's
 
 70 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 sudden death, the Duke of Parma, succeeding him, 
 gained strength and reputation upon his coming 
 to the government, and an entrance upon that 
 great scene of glory and victory, which made both 
 his person so renowned, and the time of his go- 
 vernment signalized by so many sieges and battles, 
 and the reduction of so great a part of the body of 
 the Provinces to the subjection of Spain. 
 
 Upon the growth of this party, and for distinction 
 from them, who, pursuing a middle and dangerous 
 counsel, were at length to become an accession to 
 one of the extremes; the more northern Provinces, 
 meeting by their Deputies at Utrecht, in the 
 year 1.579, framed an act or alliance, which was 
 ever after called the Union of Utrecht; and was 
 the original constitution and frame of that com- 
 monwealth, which has since been so well known in 
 the world by the name of the United Provinces. 
 
 This union was grounded upon the Spaniards 
 breach of the pacification of Ghent, and new in- 
 vasion of some towns in Guelderland ; and was 
 not pretended to divide these Provinces from the 
 generality, nor from the said pacification ; but to 
 strengthen and pursue the ends of it, by more vi- 
 gorous and united counsels and arms. 
 
 The chief force of this union consists in these 
 points, drawn out of the instrument itself: 
 
 The Seven Provinces unite themselves so, as if 
 they were but one Province, and so, as never to 
 be divided by testament, donation, exchange, sale, 
 or agreement : reserving to each particular Pro- 
 vince and city all privileges, rights, customs, and 
 statutes : in adjudging whereof, or differences that 
 shall arise between any of the Provinces, the rest 
 shall not intermeddle further, than to intercede 
 towards an agreement. 
 
 They bind themselves to assist one another with 
 life and fortunes against all force and assault made
 
 chap. I. Of their Rise and Progress. 71 
 
 upon any of them, whether upon pretence of royal 
 majesty, of restoring Catholic religion, or any other 
 whatsoever. 
 
 All frontier-towns belonging to the union, if old, 
 to be fortified at the charge of the Province where 
 they lie ; if new, to be erected at the charge of the 
 generality. 
 
 All imposts and customs, from three months to 
 three months, to be offered to them that bid most; 
 and, with the incomes of the royal majesty, to be 
 employed for the common defence. 
 
 All inhabitants to be listed and trained within a 
 month, from 18 to 60 years old. Peace and war 
 not to be made without consent of all the Pro- 
 vinces : other cases, that concern the management 
 of both, by most voices. Differences that shall 
 arise upon the first, between the Provinces, to be 
 submitted to the Stadtholders. 
 
 Neighbouring Princes, Lords, lands, and cities, 
 to be admitted into the union, by consent of the 
 Provinces. 
 
 For religion, those of Holland and Zealand to 
 act in it as seems good unto themselves. The 
 other Provinces may regulate themselves accord- 
 ing to the tenor established by Matthias, or else 
 as they shall judge to be most for the peace and 
 welfare of their particular Provinces ; provided 
 every one remain free in his religion, and no man 
 be examined or entrapped for that cause, accord- 
 ing to the pacification of Ghent. 
 
 In case of any dissension or differences between 
 Provinces, if it concern one in particular, it shall 
 be accommodated by the others ; if it concern all 
 in general, by the Stadtholders: in both which 
 cases, sentence to be pronounced within a month, 
 and without appeal or revision. 
 
 The States to be held as has been formerly used;
 
 72 Observations upon the XJnited Provinces. 
 
 and the mint in such manner as shall hereafter be 
 agreed by ail the Provinces. 
 
 Interpretation of these articles to remain in the 
 States ; but, in case of their differing, in the Stadt- 
 holders. 
 
 They bind themselves to fall upon and imprison 
 any that shall act contrary to these articles ; in 
 which case no privilege nor exemption to be valid. 
 
 This act was signed by the Deputies of Guelder- 
 land, Zutphen, Holland, Zealand, Utrecht, and 
 the Omlands of Frize, Jan. 23, 1.579, but was not 
 signed by the Prince of Orange till May following, 
 and with this signification, judging that by the 
 same the superiority and authority of Arch-Duke 
 Matthias is not lessened. 
 
 In the same year, this union was entered and 
 signed by the cities of Ghent, Nimmeguen, Arn- 
 hem, Leewarden, with some particular nobles of 
 Friezland, Venlo, Ypres, Antwerp, Breda, and 
 Bruges. And thus these Provinces became a com- 
 monwealth, but in so low and uncertain a state of 
 affairs, by reason of the various motions and affec- 
 tions of men's minds, the different ends and inte- 
 rests of the several parties, especially in the other 
 Provinces ; and the mighty power and preparations 
 of the Spanish monarchy to oppress them, that in 
 their first coin they caused a ship to be stamped, 
 labouring among the waves without sails or oars j 
 and these words, Incertum quo fata fer ant. 
 
 I thought so particular a deduction necessary to 
 discover the natural causes of this revolution in the 
 Low-Countries, which has since had so great a part, 
 for near a hundred years, in all the actions and ne- 
 gotiations of Christendom ; and to find out the true 
 incentives of that obstinate love for their liberties, 
 and invincible hatred for the Spanish nation and 
 government, which laid the foundation of this com-
 
 chap. i. Of their Rise and Progress. 73 
 
 monwealth ; and this last I take to have been the 
 stronger passion, and of the greater effect, both in 
 the bold counsels of contracting their union, and 
 the desperate resolutions of defending it. For, 
 not long after, the whole Council of this new State, 
 being pressed by the extremities of their affairs, 
 passing by the form of government in the way of 
 a commonwealth, made an earnest and solemn 
 offer of the dominion of these Provinces both to 
 England and France ; but were refused by both 
 crowns : and, though they retained the name of 
 a free people, yet they soon lost the ease of the 
 liberties they contended for, by the absoluteness 
 of their magistrates in the several cities and pro- 
 vinces, and the extreme pressure of their taxes, 
 which so long a war, with so mighty an enemy, 
 made necessary for the support of their State. 
 
 But the hatred of the Spanish government under 
 Alva was so universal, that it made the revolt ge- 
 neral through the Provinces, running through all 
 religions, and all orders of men, as appeared by 
 the pacification of Ghent ; till, by the division of 
 the parties, by the powers of so vast a monarchy 
 as Spain at that time, and by the matchless conduct, 
 and valour of the Duke of Parma, this humour, 
 like poison in a strong constitution, and with the 
 help of violent physic, was expelled from the heart, 
 which was Flanders and Brabant (with the rest of 
 the ten Provinces) into the outward members; 
 and, by their being cut off, the body was saved. 
 After which, the most inflamed spirits being driven 
 by the arms of Spain, or drawn by the hopes of 
 liberty and safety, into the United Provinces out 
 of the rest, the hatred of Spain grew to that 
 height, that they were not only willing to submit 
 to any new dominion, rather than return to the 
 old; but when they could find no master to pro- 
 tect them, and their affairs grew desperate, the}
 
 74 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 were once certainly upon the counsel of burning 
 their great towns, wasting and drowning what they 
 could of their own country, and going to seek 
 some new seats in the Indies. Which they might 
 have executed, if they had found shipping enough 
 to carry off all their numbers, and had not been de- 
 tained by the compassion of those which must have 
 been left behind at the mercy of an incensed and 
 conquering master. 
 
 The Spanish and Italians writers content them- 
 selves to attribute the causes of these revolutions 
 to the change of religion, to the native stubborn- 
 ness of the people, and to the ambition of the 
 Princes of Orange : but religion, without mixtures 
 of ambition and interest, works no such violent ef- 
 fects, and produces rather the examples of con- 
 stant sufferings, than of desperate actions. The 
 nature of the people cannot change of a sudden, 
 no more than the climate which infuses it ; and no 
 country hath brought forth better subjects, than 
 many of these Provinces, both before and since 
 these commotions among them ; and the ambition 
 of one man could neither have designed nor at- 
 chieved so great an adventure, had it not been se- 
 conded with universal discontent ; nor could that 
 have been raised to so great an height and heat, 
 without so many circumstances as fell in from an 
 unhappy course of the Spanish counsels to kindle 
 and foment it. For though it had been hard to 
 head such a body, and give it so strong a principle 
 of life, and so regular motions, without the accident 
 of so great a Governor in the Provinces, as Prince 
 William of Orange, a man of equal abilities in 
 counsel and in arms ; cautious and resolute, affable 
 and severe, supple to occasions and yet constant to 
 his ends ; of mighty revenues and dependence in 
 the Provinces, of great credit and alliance in Ger- 
 many j esteemed and honoured abroad, but at
 
 chap. i. Of their Rise and Progress. 75 
 
 home infinitely loved and trusted by the people, 
 who thought him affectionate to their country, sin- 
 cere in his professions and designs, able and willing 
 to defend their liberties, and unlikely to invade 
 them by any ambition of his own : yet all these 
 qualities might very well have been confined to 
 the duty and services of a subject, as they were in 
 Charles V's time, without the absence of the King, 
 and the people's opinion of his ill-will to their nation 
 and their laws ; without the continuance of foreign 
 troops after the wars were ended, the erecting of 
 the new Bishops sees, and introducing the inquisi- 
 tion ; the sole ministry of Grandvell, and exclusion 
 of the Lords from their usual part in counsels and 
 affairs ; the government of a man so hated, as the 
 Duke of Alva ; the rigour of his prosecutions, and 
 the insolence of his statue ; and, lastly, without 
 the death of Egmont, and the imposition of the 
 tenth and twentieth part, against the legal forms 
 of government in a countrv where a long derived 
 succession had made the people fond and tenacious 
 of their ancient customs and laws. 
 
 These were the seeds of their hatred to Spain ; 
 which, increasing by the course of about three- 
 score years war, was not allayed by a long succeeding 
 peace ; but will appear to have been an ingredient 
 into the fall, as it was into the rise, of this State ; 
 which, having been thus planted, came to be con- 
 served and cultivated by many accidents and in- 
 fluences from abroad; but, those having had no 
 part in the constitution of their State, nor the 
 frame of their government, 1 will content myself 
 to mention only the chief of them, which most 
 contributed to preserve the infancy of this com- 
 monwealth, and make wav for its growth ; the 
 causes of its succeeding greatness and riches being 
 not to be sought for in the events of their wars,
 
 76 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 but in the institutions and orders of their govern- 
 ment, their customs, and trade, which will make 
 the arguments of the ensuing chapters. 
 
 When Don John threw off the conditions he had 
 at first accepted of the pacification of Ghent, and 
 by the surprise of Namur broke into arms, the 
 Estates of the Provinces offered the government 
 of their country to Matthias, brother to the Em- 
 peror, as a temper between their return to the obe- 
 dience of Spain, and the popular government which 
 was moulding in the northern Provinces. But 
 Matthias, arriving without the advice or support 
 of the Emperor, or credit in the Provinces, and 
 having the Prince of Orange given him for his 
 Lieutenant-General, was only a cypher, and his 
 government a piece of pageantry, which passed 
 without effect, and was soon ended : so that, upon 
 the Duke of Parma's taking on him the govern- 
 ment, some new protection was necessary to this 
 infant State, that had not legs to support it against 
 such a storm as was threatened upon the return of 
 the Spanish and Italian forces to make the body of 
 a formidable army which the Duke of Parma was 
 forming in Namur and Luxemburgh. 
 
 Since the conference of Bayonne, between the 
 Queen-mother of France and her daughter Queen 
 of Spain, those two crowns had continued, in the 
 reign of Francis and Charles, to assist one another 
 in the common design there agreed on, of pro- 
 secuting with violence those they called the Here- 
 tics, in both their dominions. The peace held 
 constant, if not kind, between England and Spain ; 
 so as King Philip had no wars upon his hands in 
 Christendom during these commotions in the Low- 
 Countries ; and the boldness of the confederates, 
 in their first revolt and union, seemed greater at 
 such a time than the success of their resistances
 
 chap. I. Of their Rise and Progress. 77 
 
 afterwards, when so many occasions fell in to 
 weaken and divert the forces of the Spanish mo- 
 narchy. 
 
 For Henry III. coining to the crown of France, 
 and at first only fettered and controuled by the 
 faction of the Guises, but afterwards engaged in 
 an open war (which they had raised against him, 
 upon pretext of preserving the Catholic religion, 
 and in a conjunction of counsels with Spain) was 
 forced into better measures with the Hugonots 
 of his kingdom, and fell into ill intelligence with 
 Philip II. so as, Queen Elizabeth having declined 
 to undertake openly the protection of the Low- 
 Country Provinces, it was, by the concurring re- 
 solution of the States, and the consent of the French 
 Court, devolved upon the Duke of Alencon, bro- 
 ther to Henry III. 
 
 But this Prince entered Antwerp with an ill 
 presage to the Flemings, by an attempt which a 
 Biscainer made the same day upon the Prince of 
 Orange's life, shooting him, though not mortally, 
 in the head : and he continued his short govern- 
 ment with such mutual distastes between the 
 French and the Flemings (the heat and violence of 
 one nation agreeing ill with the customs and liber- 
 ties of the other) that the Duke, attempting to 
 make himself absolute master of the city of Ant- 
 werp by force, was driven out of the town, and 
 thereupon retired out of the country with extreme 
 resentment of the Flemings, and indignation of 
 the French ; so as, the Prince of Orange being 
 not long after assassinated at Delph, and the Duke 
 of Parma increasing daily in reputation and in force, 
 and the male-content party falling back apace to 
 his obedience, an end was presaged by most men 
 to the affairs of the confederates. 
 
 But the root was deeper and not so easily shaken : 
 for the United Provinces, after the unhappy trans-
 
 78 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 actions with the French under the Duke of Alen- 
 con, re-assumed their union in 1583, binding them- 
 selves, in case by fury of the war any point of it 
 had not been observed, to endeavour from that 
 time to see it effected : in case any doubt had 
 happened, to see it cleared : and any difficulties, 
 composed : and, in regard the article concerning 
 religion had been so framed in the union, because 
 in ail the other Provinces, besides Holland and 
 Zealand, the Romish religion was then used, but 
 now the Evangelical, it was agreed by all the Pro- 
 vinces of the union, that, from this time, in them 
 all, the Evangelical reformed religion should alone 
 be openly preached and exercised. 
 
 They were so far from being broken in their 
 designs by the Prince of Orange's death, that they 
 did all the honour that could be to his memory, 
 substituted Prince Maurice, his son, though but 
 sixteen years old, in all his honours and commands, 
 and obstinately refused all overtures that were 
 made them of peace, resolving upon all the most 
 desperate actions and sufferings, rather than return 
 under the Spanish obedience. 
 
 But these spirits were fed and heightened, in a 
 great degree, by the hopes and countenance given 
 them about this time from England : for Queen 
 Elizabeth and Philip II, though they still preserved 
 the name of peace, yet had worn out, in a manner, 
 the effects as well as the dispositions of it, whilst 
 the Spaniards fomented and assisted the insurrec- 
 tions of the Irish, and Queen Elizabeth the new 
 commonwealth in the Low-Countries ; though 
 neither directly, yet by countenance, money, vo- 
 luntary troops, and ways that were equally felt on 
 both sides, and equally understood. 
 
 King Philip had lately increased the greatness 
 of his empire by the inheritance or invasion of the 
 kingdom of Portugal, upon King Sebastian's loss
 
 chap. I. Of their Rise and Progress. 70 
 
 in Africa: but I know not whether he had in- 
 creased his power by the accession of a kingdom 
 with a disputed title and a discontented people, 
 who could neither be used like good subjects, and 
 governed without armies, nor like a conquered 
 nation, and so made to bear the charge of their 
 forced obedience. But this addition of empire, 
 with the vast treasure flowing every year out of 
 the Indies, had without question raised King Phi- 
 lip's ambition to vaster designs ; which made him 
 embrace, at once, the protection of the League 
 in France against Henry III. and IV. and the 
 donation made him of Ireland by the Pope, and 
 so embark himself in a war with both those crowns, 
 while he was bearded with the open arms and de- 
 fiance of his own subjects in the Low-Countries. 
 
 But it is hard to be imagined, how far the spirit 
 of one great man goes in the fortunes of any army 
 or state. The Duke of Parma coming to the 
 government without any footing in more than two 
 of the smallest Provinces, collecting an army from 
 Spain, Italy, Germany, and the broken troops of 
 the country left him by Don John, having all the 
 other Provinces confederated against him, and both 
 England and France beginning to take open part 
 in their defence ; yet, by force of his own valour, 
 conduct, and the discipline of his army, with the 
 disinterested and generous qualities of his mind, 
 winning equally upon the hearts and arms of the 
 revolted countries, and piercing through the Pro- 
 vinces with an uninterrupted course of successes, 
 and the recovery of the most important towns in 
 Flanders ; at last, by the taking of Antwerp and 
 Groninguen, reduced the affairs of the union to so 
 extreme distress, that, being grown destitute of all 
 hopes and succours from France (then deep en- 
 gaged in their own civil wars) they threw them- 
 selves wholly at the feet of Queen Elizabeth, im-
 
 80 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 ploring her protection, and offering her the sove- 
 reignty of their country. The Queen refused the 
 dominion, but entered into articles with their De- 
 puties in 1585, obliging herself to very great sup- 
 plies of men and of moneys, lent them upon the 
 security of the Briel, Flushing, and Ramekins ; 
 which were performed, and Sir John Norris sent 
 over to command her forces ; and afterwards in 
 87, upon the war broken out with Spain, and the 
 mighty threats of the Spanish armada, she sent 
 over yet greater forces under the Earl of Leicester, 
 whom the States admitted, and swore obedience 
 to him as Governor of their United Provinces. 
 
 But this government lasted not long, distastes 
 and suspicions soon breaking out between Lei- 
 cester and the States ; partly from the jealousy of 
 his affecting an absolute dominion and arbitrary 
 disposal of all offices, but chiefly of the Queen's 
 intentions to make a peace with Spain ; and the 
 easy loss of some of their towns by Governors 
 placed in them by the Earl of Leicester, increased 
 their discontents. Notwithstanding this ill inter- 
 course, the Queen re-assures them in both those 
 points, disapproves some of Leicester's proceed- 
 ings, receives frank and hearty assistances from 
 them in her naval preparations against the Spa- 
 niards ; and at length, upon the disorders in- 
 creasing between the Earl of Leicester and the 
 States, commands him to resign his government, 
 and release the States of the oath they had taken 
 to obey him. And, after all this had past, the 
 Queen, easily sacrificing all particular resentments 
 to the interest of her crown, continued her favour, 
 protection, and assistances to the States, during the 
 whole course of her reign, which were returned 
 with the greatest deference and veneration to her 
 person, that was ever paid by them to any foreign 
 Prince, and continues still to her name in the re-
 
 c h a p . i . Of their U ise and Progress. 8 1 
 
 membrance, and frequently in the mouths, of all 
 sorts of people among them. 
 
 After Leicester's departure, Prince Maurice 
 was, by the consent of the union, chosen their 
 Governor, but with a reservation to Queen Eliza- 
 beth ; and entered that command with the hopes 
 which he made good in the execution of it for 
 many years ; proving the greatest Captain of his 
 age, famous, particularly, in the discipline and or- 
 donnance of his armies, and the ways of fortifica- 
 tion by him first invented or perfected, and since 
 his time imitated by all. 
 
 But the great breath, that was given the States 
 in the heat of their affairs, was by the sharp wars 
 made by Queen Elizabeth upon the Spaniards at 
 sea in the Indies, and the expeditions of Lisbon 
 and Cadiz, and by the declining affairs of the 
 League in France, for whose support Philip II. 
 was so passionately engaged, that twice he com- 
 manded the Duke of Parma to interrupt the course 
 of his victories in the Low-Countries, and march 
 into France for the relief of Roan and Paris ; 
 which much augmented the renown of this great 
 Captain, but as much impaired the state of the 
 Spanish affairs in Flanders. For, in the Duke of 
 Parma's absence, Prince Maurice took in all the 
 places held by the Spaniards on the other side the 
 Rhine which gave them entrance into the United 
 Provinces. 
 
 The succession of Henry IV. to the crown of 
 France gave a mighty blow to the designs of King- 
 Philip ; and a much greater, the general obe- 
 dience and acknowledgment of him upon his 
 change of religion. With this King the States 
 began to enter a confidence and kindness, and the 
 more by that which interceded between him and 
 the Queen of England, who had all their depen- 
 dence during her life. But, after her death, King 
 
 VOL. I. G
 
 82 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 Henry grew to have greater credit than ever in the 
 United Provinces : though upon the decay of the 
 Spanish power, under the ascendant of this King, 
 the States fell into very early jealousies of his 
 growing too great, and too near them in Flanders. 
 
 With the Duke of Parma died all the disci- 
 pline, and with that all the fortunes, of the Spanish 
 arms in Flanders : the frequent mutinies of their 
 soldiers, dangerous in effect and in example, were 
 more talked of than any other of their actions, in 
 the short government of Mansfield, Ernest, and 
 Fuentes, till the old discipline of their armies be- 
 gan to revive, and their fortune a little to respire, 
 under the new government of Cardinal Albert, 
 who came into Flanders both Governor and Prince 
 of the Low-Countries, at the head of a mighty ar- 
 my drawn out of Germany and Italy, to try the 
 last effort of the Spanish power, either in a pro- 
 sperous war, or, at least, in making way for a neces- 
 sary peace. 
 
 But the choice of the Arch-Duke, and this new 
 authority, had a deeper root and design, than at first 
 appeared: for that mighty King Philip 1 1, born to so 
 vast possessions, and to so much vaster desires, after 
 a long dream of raising his head into the clouds, 
 found it now ready to lie down in the dust: hisbody 
 broken with age and infirmities, his mind with cares 
 and distempered thoughts and the royal servitude 
 of a solicitous life, he began to see, in the glass of 
 time and experience, the true shapes of all human 
 greatness and designs ; and finding to what airy 
 figures he had hitherto sacrificed his health, and 
 ease, and the good of his life, he now turned his 
 thoughts wholly to rest and quiet, which he had 
 never yet allowed either the world, or himself: 
 his designs upon England, and his invincible ar- 
 mada, had ended in smoke : those upon France, 
 in events the most contrary to what he had pro-
 
 chap. r. Of their Rise and Progress. 83 
 
 posed : and instead of mastering the liberties, and 
 breaking the stomach, of his Low-Country subjects, 
 he had lost seven of his Provinces, and held the 
 rest by the tenure of a war that cost him more than 
 they were worth. He had made lately a peace with 
 England, and desired it with France ; and, though 
 he scorned it with his revolted subjects in his own 
 name, yet he wished it in another's ; and was un- 
 willing to entail a quarrel upon his son, which had 
 crossed his fortunes and busied his thoughts all the 
 course of his reign. He therefore resolved to 
 commit these two designs to the management of 
 Arch-Duke Albert, with the style of Governor and 
 Prince of the Low-Countries; to the end, that, if 
 he could reduce the Provinces to their old subjec- 
 tion, he should govern them as Spanish dominions ; 
 if that was once more in vain attempted, he should 
 by a marriage with Clara Isabella Eugenia (King 
 Philip's beloved daughter) receive these Provinces 
 as a dowry, and become the Prince of them, with 
 a condition only of their returning to Spain in case 
 of Isabella's dying without issue. King Philip be- 
 lieved, that the presence of a natural Prince among 
 his subjects ; that the birth and customs of Arch- 
 Duke Albert, being a German ; the generous and 
 obliging dispositions of Isabella, might gain fur- 
 ther upon this stubborn people, than all the force 
 and rigour of his former counsels ; and, at the 
 worst, that they might make a peace, if they could 
 not a war, and without interesting the honour and 
 greatness of the Spanish crown. 
 
 In pursuit of this determination, like a wise 
 King, while he intended nothing but peace, he 
 made preparations as if he designed nothing but 
 war ; knowing, that his own desires of peace would 
 signify nothing, unless he could force his enemies 
 to desire it too. lie therefore sent the Arch-Duke 
 into Flanders, at the head of such an armv, that.
 
 84 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 believing the peace with France must be the first 
 in order, and make way for either the war or peace 
 afterwards in the Low-Countries, he marched into 
 France, and took Amiens the chief city of Picardy, 
 and thereby gave such an alarm to the French Court, 
 as they little expected, and had never received in 
 the former wars. But while Albert bent the whole 
 force of the war upon France, till he determined it 
 in a peace with that crown, Prince Maurice, who 
 had taken Groninguen in the time of Ernest, now 
 mastered Linghen, Groll, and other places in 
 Overyssel, thereby adding those Provinces entire 
 to the body of the union ; and, at Albert's return 
 into Flanders, entertained him with the battle of 
 Newport, won by the desperate courage of the 
 English under Sir Francis Vere, where Albert was 
 wounded, and very near being taken. 
 
 After this loss, the Arch-Duke was yet comforted 
 and relieved by the obsequious affections and obe- 
 dience of his new subjects, so far as to resolve upon 
 the siege of Ostend ; which having some time con- 
 tinued, and being almost disheartened by the 
 strength of the place, and invincible courage of the 
 defendants, he was recruited by a body of eight 
 thousand Italians, under the Marquis Spinola, to 
 whom trie prosecution of this siege was committed: 
 he took the place after three years siege, not by 
 any want of men or provisions within (the haven, 
 and relief by sea, being open all the time) but per- 
 fectly for want of ground, which was gained foot 
 by foot, till not so much was left, as would hold men 
 to defend it : a great example, how impossible it 
 is to defend any town, that cannot be relieved by 
 an army strong enough to raise the siege. 
 
 Prince Maurice, though he could not save Os- 
 tend, made yet amends for its loss, by the taking 
 of Grave and Sluyce ; so as the Spaniards gained 
 little but the honour of the enterprise : and Philip
 
 chap, i . Of their Rise and Progress. 85 
 
 II. being dead, about the time of the Arch-Duke 
 and Dutchess's arrival in Flanders, and, with him, 
 the personal resentment of that war, the Arch- 
 Duke, by consent of the Spanish Court, began to 
 apply his thoughts wholly to a peace ; which ano- 
 ther circumstance had made more necessary, than 
 any of those already mentioned. 
 
 As the Dutch commonwealth was born out of 
 the sea, so out of the same element it drew its first 
 strength and consideration, as well as afterwards 
 its riches and greatness : for, before the revolt, 
 the subjects of the Low-Countries, though never 
 allowed the trade of the Indies but in the Spanish 
 fleets and under Spanish covert, yet many of them 
 had in that manner made the voyages, and become 
 skilful pilots, as well as versed in the ways, and sen- 
 sible of the infinite gains, of that trade. And after 
 the union, a greater confluence of people falling 
 down into the United Provinces, than could ma- 
 nage their stock, or rind employment at land, great 
 multitudes turned their endeavours to sea; and, 
 having lost the trade of Spain and the Straits, fell 
 not only into that of England, France, and the 
 northern seas, but ventured upon that of the East- 
 Indies, at first with small forces and success ; but in 
 course of time, and by the Institution of an East- 
 India company, this came to be pursued with so 
 general application of the Provinces, and so great 
 advantage, that they made themselves masters of 
 most of the colonies and forts planted there by the 
 Portuguese (now subjects of Spain). The Dutch 
 seamen grew as well acquainted with those vast 
 seas and coasts as with their own; and Holland 
 became the great magazine of all the commodities 
 of those eastern regions. 
 
 In the West-Indies their attempts were neither 
 so frequent nor prosperous, the Spanish plantations 
 there being too numerous and strong; but bv the
 
 S6 Observations upon the United Proviiu es. 
 
 multitude of their shipping, set out with public or 
 private commissions, they infested the seas, and 
 began to wait for, and threaten, the Spanish In- 
 dian fleets, and sometimes to attempt their coasts 
 in that new world (which was to touch Spain in 
 the most sensible part) and gave their Court the 
 strongest motives to endeavour a peace, that might 
 secure those treasures in their way, and preserve 
 them in Spain, by stopping the issue of those vast 
 sums, which were continually transmitted to main- 
 tain the Low-Country wars. 
 
 These respects gave the first rise to a treaty of 
 peace, the proposal whereof came wholly from the 
 Spaniards ; and the very mention of it could hardly 
 at first be fastened upon the States ; nor could 
 they ever be prevailed with to make way for any 
 negotiation by a suspension of arms, till the Arch- 
 Duke had declared, he would treat with them as 
 with free Provinces, upon whom, neither lie, nor 
 Spain, had any pretence. However, the affair was 
 pursued with so much art and industry on the 
 Arch-Duke's part, and with so passionate desires 
 of the Spanish Court to end this war, that they 
 were content to treat it at the Hague, the seat of 
 the States-General; and, for the greater honour, 
 and better conduct of the whole business, appointed 
 the four chief ministers of the Arch-Duke's their 
 commissioners to attend and pursue it there ; who 
 were, their Camp-Master-General Spinola, the 
 President of the Council, and the two Secretaries 
 of State and of War in Flanders. 
 
 On the other side, in Holland all the paces to- 
 wards this treaty were made with great coldness 
 and arrogance, raising punctilious difficulties upon 
 every word of the Arch-Duke's declaration of 
 treating them as free Provinces, and upon Spain's 
 ratification of that form ; and forcing them to send 
 expresses into Spain, upon every occasion, and
 
 chap. I. Of their Rise and Progress. 87 
 
 to attend the length of those returns. For the 
 prosperous success of their arms at land, in the 
 course of above thirty years war, and the mighty 
 growth of their naval power, and (under that pro- 
 tection) of their trade, had made the whole body 
 of their militia, both at land and sea, averse from 
 this treaty, as well as the greatest part of the peo- 
 ple ; whose inveterate hatred against Spain was 
 still as fierce as ever ; and who had the hopes or 
 dispositions of raising their fortunes by the war, 
 whereof they had so many and great examples 
 among them. 
 
 But there was, at the bottom, one foreign, and 
 another domestic consideration, which made way 
 for this treaty, more than all those arguments that 
 were the common themes, or than all the offices of 
 the neighbour Princes, who concerned themselves 
 in this affair, either from interest of their own, or 
 the desires of ending a war, which had so long ex- 
 ercised, in a manner, the arms of all Christendom 
 upon the stage of the Low-Countries. The great- 
 ness of the Spanish monarchy, so formidable under 
 Charles V. and Philip II, began now to decline 
 by the vast designs, and unfortunate events, of so 
 many ambitious counsels : and, on the other side, 
 the affairs of Henry IV. of France were now at the 
 greatest height and felicity, after having atchieved 
 so many adventures, with incredible constancy 
 and valour, and ended all his wars in a peace with 
 Spain. The Dutch imagined, that the hot spirits 
 of the French could not continue Ion"' without 
 some exercise ; and that, to prevent it at home, it 
 might be necessary for that King to give it them 
 abroad : that no enterprise lay so convenient for 
 him, as that upon Flanders, which had anciently 
 been part of the Gallic nation, and whose first 
 Princes derived and held of the Kings of France. 
 Besides, they had intimations, that Henry IV.
 
 8S Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 was taken up in great preparations of war, which 
 they doubted would at one time or other fall on 
 that side, at least if they were invited by any 
 greater decays of the Spanish power in Flanders : 
 and they knew very well, they should lie as much 
 at the mercy of such a neighbour as France, as 
 they had formerly done of such a master as Spain. 
 For the Spanish power in Flanders was fed by 
 treasures that came by long and perilous voyages 
 out of Spain ; by troops drawn either from thence 
 or from Italy or Germany, with much casualty, 
 and more expence : their territory of the ten Pro- 
 vinces was small and awed by the neighbourhood 
 and jealousies both of England and France. But, 
 if France was once master of Flanders, the body 
 of that empire would be so great, and so entire ; 
 so abounding in people, and in riches ; that when- 
 ever they found, or made, an occasion of invading 
 the United Provinces, they had no hopes of pre- 
 serving themselves by an opposition or diversion : 
 and the end of their mighty resistances against 
 Spain was, to have no master ; and not to change 
 one for another, as they should do in this case : 
 therefore the most intelligent among their civil 
 ministers thought it safest, by a peace, to give 
 breath to the Arch-Duke's and Spanish power, 
 and, by that means, to lessen the invitation of the 
 arms of France into Flanders, under so great a King. 
 For what was domestic : the credit and power 
 of Prince Maurice, built at first upon that of his 
 father, but much raised upon his own personal 
 virtues and qualities, and the success of his arms, 
 was now grown so high (the Prince being Governor 
 or Stadtholder of four of the Provinces, and two 
 of his cousins of the other three) that several of 
 the States, headed by Barnevelt, Pensioner of Hol- 
 land, and a man of great abilities and authority 
 among them, became jealous of the Prince's power,
 
 chap. i. Of their Rise and Progress. 89 
 
 and pretended to fear the growth of it to an ab- 
 solute dominion : they knew, it would increase by 
 the continuance of a war which was wholly ma- 
 naged by the Prince ; and thought that in a peace 
 it would diminish and give way to the authority of 
 civil power : which disposed this whole party to 
 desire the treaty, and to advance the progress and 
 issue of it by all their assistances. And these dif- 
 ferent humours stirring in the heart of the States 
 with almost equal strength and vigour, the nego- 
 tiation of a peace came to be ended, after long de- 
 bates and infinite endeavours ; breaking, in ap- 
 pearance, upon the points of religion and the In- 
 dian trade ; but yet came to knit again, and conclude 
 in a truce of twelve years, dated in the year 1609, 
 whereof the most essential points were, the decla- 
 ration of treating with them as free Provinces ; the 
 cessation of all acts of hostility on both sides during 
 the truce ; the enjoyment, for that space, of all 
 that each party possessed at the time of the treaty, 
 that no new fortification should be raised on either 
 side ; and that free commerce should be restored 
 on all parts in the same manner as it was before 
 the wars. 
 
 And thus the State of the United Provinces 
 came to be acknowledged as a free commonwealth 
 by their ancient master, having before been treated 
 so by most of the Kings and Princes of Europe, 
 in frequent embassies and negotiations. Among 
 which, a particular preference was given to the 
 English crown, whose Ambassador had session 
 and vote in their Council of State, by agreement 
 with Queen Elizabeth, and in acknowledgment of 
 those great assistances which gave life to their 
 State when it was upon the point of expiring : 
 though the Dutch pretend, that privilege was given 
 to the Ambassador, by virtue of the possession 
 this crown had of the Briel, Flushing, and Rame-
 
 90 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 kins ; and that it was to cease upon the restitution 
 of those towns, and repayment of those sums lent 
 by the Queen. 
 
 In the very time of treating this truce, a league 
 was concluded between Henry IV. of France and 
 the States, for preserving the peace, if it came to 
 be concluded ; or, in case of its failing, for assist- 
 ance of one another with ten thousand men on the 
 King's part, and five thousand on the States. Nor 
 did that King make any difficulty of continuing 
 the two regiments of foot and two hundred horse 
 in the States service, at his own charge, after the 
 truce, which he had maintained for several years 
 before it: omitting no provisions that might tie 
 that State to his interest, and make him at present 
 arbiter of the peace, and for the future of the war, 
 if the truce should come to be broken, or to expire 
 of itself. 
 
 By what has been related it will easily appear 
 that no State was ever born with stronger throws, 
 or nursed up with harder fare, or inured to greater 
 labours or dangers in the whole course of its youth ; 
 which are circumstances that usually make strong 
 and healthy bodies : and so this has proved, having 
 never had more than one disease break out, in the 
 space of ninety-three years, which may be ac- 
 counted the age of this State, reckoning from the 
 union of Utrecht, entered by the Provinces in 
 1579. But this disease, like those of the seed or 
 conception in a natural body, though it first ap- 
 peared in Barnevelt's time, breaking out upon the 
 negotiations with Spain, and seemed to end with 
 his death (who was beheaded not many years after) 
 yet has it ever since continued lurking in the veins 
 of this State, and appearing upon all revolutions 
 that seemed to favour the predominancy of the 
 one or other humour in the body; and, under the 
 names of the Prince of Orange's and the Arminian
 
 chap. i. Of their Rise and Progress. 91 
 
 party, has ever made the weak side of this State ; 
 and, whenever their period comes, will prove the 
 occasion of their fall. 
 
 The ground of this name of Arminian was, that 
 whilst Barnevelt's party accused those of the 
 Prince of Orange's, as being careless of their liber- 
 ties, so dearly bought ; as devoted to the house of 
 Orange ; and disposed to the admission of an ab- 
 solute principality, and, in order thereunto, as 
 promoters of a perpetual war with Spain; so those 
 of the Prince's party accused the others, as leaning 
 still, and looking kindly upon, their old servitude, 
 and relishing the Spaniard, both in their politics, 
 by so eagerly affecting a peace with that crown ; 
 and in their religion, by being generally Arminians 
 (which was esteemed the middle part between the 
 Calvinists and the Roman religion.) And, besides 
 these mutual reproaches, the two parties have ever 
 valued themselves upon the asserting, one of the 
 true and purer reformed religion ; and the other, 
 of the true and freer liberties of the State. 
 
 The fortunes of this commonwealth, that have 
 happened in their wars or negotiations, since the 
 truce with Spain, and what circumstances or ac- 
 cidents, both abroad and at home, served to cul- 
 tivate their mighty growth, and conspired to the 
 greatness wherein they appeared to the world in 
 the beginning of the year 166.3, being not only the 
 subject of the relations, but even the observations, 
 of this present age ; I shall either leave, as more 
 obvious and less necessary, to the account I intend 
 of the civil government of this commonwealth ; or 
 else reserve them till the same vein of leisure or 
 humour invite me to continue this deduction to 
 the present time ; the affairs of this State having 
 been complicated with all the variety and memor- 
 able revolutions, both of actions and counsels, that 
 have since happened in the rest of Christendom.
 
 92 Observations upon the United Provinces, 
 
 In the mean time I will close this relation with 
 an event, which arrived soon after the conclusion 
 of the truce, and had like to have broken it within 
 the very year, if not prevented by the offices of 
 the neighbouring Princes, but more by a change 
 of humour in the United States, conspiring to the 
 conservation of the new-restored peace in these 
 parts of the world. 
 
 In the end of the year 1609, died the Duke of 
 Cleves and Juliers, without heir-male, leaving 
 those dutchies to the pretensions of his daughters, 
 in whose right the Dukes of Brandenburgh and 
 Nieuburgh possessed themselves of such parts of 
 those territories as they first could invade, each of 
 them pretending right to the whole inheritance. 
 Brandenburgh seeks protection and favour to his 
 title from the United Provinces. Nieuburgh from 
 Arch-Duke Albert, and from Spain. The Arch- 
 Duke, newly respiring from so long a war, had no 
 desire to interest himself in this quarrel, further 
 than the care, that the Dutch should not take ad- 
 vantage of it, and, under pretext of assisting one 
 of the parties, seize upon some of those dominions 
 lying contiguous to their own. The Dutch were 
 not so equal, nor content to lose so fair an occa- 
 sion, and surprised the town of Juliers (though 
 pretending only to keep it till the parties agreed ;) 
 and believing that Spain, after having parted with 
 so much in the late truce, to end a quarrel of their 
 own, would not venture the breach of it upon a 
 quarrel of their neighbours. But the Arch-Duke, 
 having first taken his measures with Spain, and 
 foreseeing the consequence of this affair, resolved 
 to venture the whole State of Flanders in a new 
 war, rather than suffer such an increase of power 
 and dominion to the States. And thereupon, first, 
 in the behalf of the Duke of Nieuburgh, requires 
 from them the restitution of Juliers j and, upon
 
 chap. i. Of their Rise and Progress. 93 
 
 their artificious and dilatory answers, immediately 
 draws his forces together, and with an army, un- 
 der the command of Spinola, inarches towards 
 Juliers (which the States were in no care of, as 
 well provided for a bold defence) but makes a sud- 
 den turn, and sits down before Wesel, with such 
 a terror and surprise to the inhabitants, that he 
 carries the town before the Dutch could come in 
 to their assistance. Wesel was a strong town upon 
 the Rhine, which the Duke of Brandenburgh pre- 
 tended to, as belonging to the dutchy of Cleve ; 
 but the citizens held it at this time as an imperial 
 town, and under protection of the Dutch : who, 
 amazed at this sudden and bold attempt of Spinola, 
 which made him master of a pass that lay fair for 
 any further invasion upon their Provinces (espe- 
 cially those on t'other side the Rhine) engage 
 the offices of both the English and French crowns 
 to mediate an agreement, which at length they 
 conclude, so as neither party should, upon any pre- 
 tence, draw their forces into any part of these 
 dutchies. Thus the Arch-Duke, having by the 
 fondness of peace newly made a truce upon con- 
 ditions imposed by the Dutch ; now, by the reso- 
 lution of making war, obtains a peace upon the 
 very terms proposed by himself and by Spain. An 
 event of great instruction and example, how dan- 
 gerous it ever proves for weak Princes to call in 
 greater to their aid, which makes them a prey to 
 their friend, instead of their enemy : how the only 
 time of making an advantageous peace is, when 
 your enemy desires it, and when you are in the 
 best condition of pursuing a war; and how vain a 
 counsel it is, to avoid a war bv ing any point 
 
 of interest or honour ; which doc ivite new 
 
 injuries, encourage enemies, and ilibiu n rren friends.
 
 94 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Of their Government. 
 
 It is evident by what has been discoursed in the 
 former chapter concerning the rise of this State, 
 (which is to be dated from the union of Utrecht) 
 that it cannot properly be styled a commonwealth, 
 but is rather a confederacy of Seven Sovereign 
 Provinces, united together for their common and 
 mutual defence, without any dependence one upon 
 the other. But, to discover the nature of their 
 government from the first springs and motions, it 
 must be taken yet into smaller pieces, by which it 
 will appear, that each of these Provinces is likewise 
 composed of many little states or cities, which 
 have several marks of sovereign power within them- 
 selves, and are not subject to the sovereignty of 
 their Province ; not being concluded in many 
 things by the majority, but only by the universal 
 concurrence of voices in the Provincial States. 
 For as the States-General cannot make war or 
 peace, or any new alliance, or levies of money, 
 without the consent of every Province ; so cannot 
 the States-Provincial conclude any of those points, 
 without the consent of each of the cities that by 
 their constitution has a voice in that assembly. 
 And though in many civil causes there lies an ap- 
 peal from the common judicature of the cities to the 
 provincial courts of justice ; yet, in criminal, there 
 lies none at all ; nor can the sovereignty of a Pro- 
 vince exercise any judicature, seize upon any of- 
 fender, or pardon any offence within the jurisdic- 
 tion of a city, or execute any common resolution 
 or law, but by the justice and officers of the city 
 itself. By this a certain sovereignty in each city
 
 chap. ii. Of their Government. Q5 
 
 is discerned, the chief marks whereof are, the power 
 of exercising judicature, levying of money, and 
 making war and peace ; for the other, of coining 
 money, is neither in particular cities or Provinces, 
 but in the generality of the Union, by common 
 agreement. 
 
 The main ingredients therefore into the com- 
 position of this State are, the freedom of the cities, 
 the sovereignty of the Provinces, the agreements 
 or constitutions of the union, and the authority of 
 the Princes of Orange ; which makes the order I 
 shall follow in the account intended of this govern- 
 ment. But whereas the several Provinces in the 
 union, and the several cities in each Province, as 
 they have, in their orders and constitutions, some 
 particular differences, as well as a general resem- 
 blance ; and the account of each distinctly would 
 swell this discourse out of measure, and to little 
 purpose; I shall confine myself to the account of 
 Holland, as the richest, strongest, and of most au- 
 thority among the Provinces ; and of Amsterdam, 
 as that which has the same pre-eminencies among 
 the cities. 
 
 The sovereign authority of the city of Amster- 
 dam consists in the decrees or results of their Se- 
 nate, which is composed of six and thirty men, by 
 whom the justice is administered, according to 
 ancient forms, in the names of officers and places 
 of judicature. But monies are levied by arbitrary 
 resolutions and proportions, according to what ap- 
 pears convenient or necessary upon the change or 
 emergency of occasions. These Senators are for 
 their lives, and the Senate was anciently chosen 
 by the voices of the richer burghers, or freemen 
 of the city, who upon the death of a Senator mot 
 together, either in a church, a market, or some 
 other place spacious enough to receive their num- 
 bers ; and there made an election of the person to
 
 96 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 succeed, by the majority of voices. But about a 
 hundred and thirty or forty years ago, when the 
 towns of Holland began to increase in circuit, and 
 in people, so as these frequent assemblies grew 
 into danger of tumult and disorder upon every 
 occasion, by reason of their numbers and conten- 
 tion ; this election of Senators came, by the reso- 
 lution of the burghers in one of their General As- 
 semblies, to be devolved for ever upon the stand- 
 ing Senate at that time ; so as ever since, when 
 any one of their number dies, a new one is chosen 
 by the rest of the Senate, without any intervention 
 of the other burghers ; which makes the govern- 
 ment a sort of Oligarchy, and very different from 
 a popular government, as it is generally esteemed 
 by those, who, passing or living in these countries, 
 content themselves with common observations or 
 inquiries. And this resolution of the burghers 
 either was agreed upon, or followed, by general 
 consent or example, about the same time, in all 
 the towns of the Province, though with some dif- 
 ference in number of their Senators. 
 
 By this Senate are chosen the chief Magistrates 
 of the town, which are the Burgomasters and Es- 
 chevins : the Burgomasters of Amsterdam are four, 
 whereof three are chosen every year, so as one of 
 them stays in office two years ; but the three last 
 chosen are called the Reigning-Burgomasters for 
 that year, and preside by turns, after the first three 
 months ; for, so long after a new election, the Bur- 
 gomaster of the year before presides ; in which 
 time it is supposed the new ones will grow instruct- 
 ed in the forms and duties of their office, and ac- 
 quainted with the state of the city's affairs. 
 
 The Burgomasters are chosen by most voices of 
 all those persons in the Senate who have been 
 either Burgomasters or Eschevins ; and their au- 
 thority resembles that of the Lord-Mayor and Al-
 
 chap. ii. Of their Government. 97 
 
 dermen in our cities. They represent the dignity 
 of the government, and do the honour of the city 
 upon all occasions. They dispose of all under-of- 
 fices that fall in their time ; and issue out all monies 
 out of the common stock or treasure, judging alone 
 what is necessary for the safety, convenience, or 
 dignity of the city. They keep the key of the bank 
 of Amsterdam (the common treasure of so many 
 nations) which is never opened without the pre- 
 sence of one of them : and they inspect and pur- 
 sue all the great public works of the city, as the 
 Ramparts and Stadt-house, now almost finished 
 with so great magnificence and so vast expence. 
 
 This office is a charge of the greatest trust, au- 
 thority, and dignity; and so much the greater, by 
 not being of profit or advantage, but only as a way 
 to other constant employments in the city, that are 
 so. The salary of a Burgomaster of Amsterdam 
 is but five hundred guilders a year, though there 
 are offices worth five thousand in their disposal ; 
 but yet none of them known to have taken money 
 upon such occasions, which would lose all their 
 credit in the town, and thereby their fortunes by 
 any public employments. They are obliged to 
 no sort of expence more than ordinary modest 
 citizens, in their habits, their attendance, their ta- 
 bles, or any part of their own domestic. They 
 are upon all public occasions waited on by men 
 in salary from the town ; and whatever feasts 
 they make upon solemn days, or for the entertain- 
 ment of any Princes or foreign ministers, the 
 charge is defrayed out of the common treasure, 
 but proportioned by their own discretion. At other 
 times, they appear in all places with the simplicity 
 and modesty of other private citizens. When the 
 Burgomasters office expires, they are of course dis- 
 posed into the other charges or employments of 
 llie town, which are very many and beneficial; 
 
 vor . i. ir
 
 9S Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 unless they lose their credit with the Senate by any 
 want of diligence or fidelity in the discharge of 
 their office, which seldom arrives. 
 
 The Eschevins are the court of justice in every 
 town. They are at Amsterdam nine in number ; 
 of which seven are chosen annually; but two of 
 the preceding year continue in office. A double 
 number is named by the Senate, out of which the 
 Burgomasters now chuse, as the Prince of Orange 
 did in the former constitution. They are sovereign 
 judges in all criminal causes. In civil, after a cer- 
 tain value, there lies appeal to the court of justice 
 of the Province. But they pass sentence of death 
 upon no man, without first advising with the Bur- 
 gomasters ; though, after that form is passed, they 
 proceed themselves, and are not bound to follow 
 the Burgomasters opinion, but are left to their 
 own : this being only a care or favour of superero- 
 gation to the life of a man, which is so soon cut off, 
 and never to be retrieved or made amends for. 
 
 Under these sovereign Magistrates, the chief 
 subordinate officers of the town are, the Treasurers, 
 who receive and issue out all monies that are pro- 
 perly the revenues or stock of the city : the Scout, 
 who takes care of the peace, seizes all criminals, 
 and sees the sentences of justice executed, and 
 whose authority is like that of a Sheriff in a coun- 
 ty with us, or a Constable in a parish : the Pen- 
 sioner, who is a civil lawyer, versed in the customs, 
 and records, and privileges of the town, concerning 
 which he informs the magistracy upon occasion, 
 and vindicates them upon disputes with othertowns; 
 he is a servant of the Senate and the Burgomasters, 
 delivers their messages, makes their harangues up- 
 on all public occasions, and is not unlike the Re- 
 corder in one of our towns. 
 
 In this city of Amsterdam is the famous bank, 
 which is the greatest treasure, either real or ima-
 
 chap. ir. Of their Government. 99 
 
 ginary, that is known any where in the world. The 
 place of it is a great vault under the Stadt- 
 house, made strong witli all the circumstances of 
 doors and locks, and other appearing cautions of 
 safety, that can be : and it is certain, that whoever 
 is carried to see the bank, shall never fail to find 
 the appearance of a mighty real treasure, in bars 
 of gold and silver, plate, and infinite bags of metals, 
 which are supposed to be all gold and silver, and 
 may be sofor aught I know. But, the Burgomasters 
 only having the inspection of this bank, and no 
 man ever taking any particular account of what 
 issues in and out, from age to age, it is impossible 
 to make any calculation, or guess, what proportion 
 the real treasure may hold to the creditof it. There- 
 fore the security of the bank lies not only in the 
 effects that are in it, but in the credit of the whole 
 town or state of Amsterdam, whose stock and re- 
 venue is equal to that of some kingdoms ; and who 
 are bound to make good all monies that are brought 
 into their bank : the tickets or bills hereof make all 
 the usual great payments, that are made between 
 man and man in the town ; and not only in most 
 other places of the United Provinces, but in many 
 other trading parts of the world. So as this bank 
 is properly, a general cash, where every man lodges 
 his money, because he esteems it safer, and easier 
 paid in and out, than if it were in his coffers at 
 home ; and the bank is so far from paying any in- 
 terest for what is there brought in, that money in 
 the bank is worth something more in common pay- 
 ments, than what runs current in coin from hand 
 to hand ; no other money passing in the bank, but 
 in the species of coin the best known, the most 
 ascertained, and the most generally current in all 
 parts of the Higher as well as the Lower Germany. 
 The revenues of Amsterdam arise out of the con- 
 stant excise upon all sorts of commodities bought 
 
 II 2
 
 100 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 and sold within the precinct ; or, out of the rents 
 of those houses or lands that belong in common to 
 the city ; or, out of certain duties and impositions 
 upon every house, towards the uses of charity, and 
 the repairs, or adornments, or fortifications of the 
 place ; or else, out of extraordinary levies con- 
 sented to by the Senate, for furnishing their part 
 of the public charge that is agreed to by their De- 
 puties in the Provincial States, for the use of the 
 Province ; or by the Deputies of the States of Hol- 
 land in the States-General, for support of the union. 
 And all these payments are made into one common 
 stock of the town, not as many of ours are, into 
 that of the parish, so as attempts maybe easier made 
 at the calculations of their whole revenue ; and 
 I have heard it affirmed, that what is paid of all 
 kinds to public uses of the States-General, the Pro- 
 vince, and the city, in Amsterdam, amounts to 
 above sixteen hundred thousand pounds Sterling 
 a-year. But I enter into no computations, nor 
 give these for any thing more, than what I have 
 heard from men who pretended to make such en- 
 quiries, which I confess, I did not. It is certain 
 that, in no town, strength, beauty, and convenience 
 are better provided for, nor with more unlimited 
 expence, than in this, by the magnificence of their 
 public buildings, as the Stadthouse and Arsenals ; 
 the number and spaciousness, as well as order and 
 revenues, of their many hospitals ; the commo- 
 diousness of their canals, running through the chief 
 streets of passage ; the mighty strength of their 
 bastions and ramparts ; and the neatness, as well 
 as convenience, of their streets, so far as can be 
 compassed in so great a confluence of industrious 
 people ; all which could never be atchieved with- 
 out a charge much exceeding what seems propor- 
 tioned to the revenue of one single town. 
 
 The Senate chuses the Deputies which are sent
 
 chap. n. Of their Government. 10] 
 
 from this city to the States of Holland ; the sove- 
 reignty whereof is represented by Deputies of the 
 Nobles and Towns, composing nineteen voices j 
 of which the nobles have only the first, and the 
 cities eighteen, according to the number of those 
 which are called Stemms, the other cities and towns 
 of the Province having no voice in the States. 
 These cities were originally but six, Dort, Haer- 
 lem, Delf, Leyden, Amsterdam, and Tergou ; but 
 were increased, by Prince William of Nassau, to the 
 number of eighteen, by the addition of Rotter- 
 dam, Gorcum,Schedam, Schonoven, Briel, Alcma- 
 er, Home, Enchusen, Edam, Moninckdam, Meden- 
 blick, and Permeren. This makes as great an 
 inequality in the government of the Province, by 
 such a small city as Permeren having an equal 
 voice in the Provincial States with Amsterdam 
 (which pays perhaps half of all charge of the Pro- 
 vince) as seems to be in the States-General, by so 
 small a Province as Overyssel havingan equal voice 
 in the States-General with that of Holland, which 
 contributes more than half to the general charge 
 of the union. But this was by some writers of that 
 age interpreted to be done by the Prince's authority, 
 to lessen that of the nobles, and balance that of the 
 greater cities, by the voices of the smaller, whose 
 dependences were easier to be gained and secured. 
 The Nobles, though they are few in this Pro- 
 vince, yet are not represented by all their number, 
 but by eight or nine, who as Deputies from their 
 body have session in the States Provincial ; and 
 who, when one among them dies, chuse another 
 to succeed him. Though they have all together 
 but one voice equal to the smallest town ; yet 
 they are very considerable in the government, by 
 possessing many of the best charges both civil and 
 military, by having the direction of all the eccle- 
 siastical revenue that was seized by the State upon
 
 102 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 the change of religion, and by sending their De- 
 puties to all the councils both of the Generality 
 and the Province, and by the nomination of one 
 Counsellor in the two great courts of justice. They 
 give their voice first in the Assembly of the States, 
 and thereby a great weight to the business in con- 
 sultation. The Pensioner of Holland is seated with 
 them, delivers their voice for them, and assists at 
 all their deliberations before they come to the As- 
 sembly. He is, properly, but minister or servant 
 of the Province, and so his place or rank is behind 
 all their Deputies ; but has always great credit, 
 because he is perpetual, or seldom discharged; 
 though of right he ought to be chosen or renewed 
 every fifth year. He has place in all the several 
 assemblies of the Province, and in the States pro- 
 poses all affairs, gathers the opinions, and forms 
 or digests the resolutions; pretending likewise a 
 power, not to conclude any very important affair 
 by plurality of voices, when he judges in his con- 
 science he ought not to do it, and that it will be of 
 ill consequence or prejudice to the Province. He 
 is likewise one of their constant Deputies in the 
 States-General. 
 
 The Deputies of the cities are drawn out of the 
 Magistrates and Senate of each town : their num- 
 ber is uncertain and arbitrary, according to the 
 customs or pleasure of the cities that send them, 
 because they have all together but one voice, and 
 are all maintained at their cities charge : but com- 
 monly one of the Burgomasters and the Pensioner 
 are of the number. 
 
 The States of Holland have their session in the 
 court at the Hague, and assemble ordinarily four 
 times a-year, in February, June, September, and 
 November. In the former sessions, they provide 
 for the filling up of all vacant charges, and for re- 
 newing the farms of all the several taxes, and for
 
 chap. ii. Of their Government. 103 
 
 consulting about any matters that concern either 
 the general good of the Province, or any particular 
 differences arising between the towns. But, in 
 November, they meet purposely to resolve upon 
 the continuance of the charge which falls to the 
 share of their Province the following year, accord- 
 ing to what may have been agreed upon by the De- 
 puties of the States-General, as necessary for the 
 support of the State or Union. 
 
 For extraordinary occasions, they are convoked 
 by a council called the Gecommitteer de Raeden, or 
 the commissioned Counsellors, who are properly a 
 Council of State of the Province, composed of se- 
 veral Deputies ; one from the nobles ; one from 
 each of the chief towns ; and but one from three 
 of the smaller towns, each of the three chusing him 
 by turns. And this council sits constantly at the 
 Hague, and both proposes to the Provincial States, 
 at their extraordinary assemblies, the matters of 
 deliberation, and executes their resolutions. 
 
 In these assemblies, though all are equal invoices, 
 and any one hinders a result ; yet it seldom hap- 
 pens, but that united by one common bond of in- 
 terest, and having all one common end of public 
 good, they come after full debates to easy resolu- 
 tions ; yielding to the power of reason, where it 
 is clear and strong, and suppressing all private pas- 
 sions or interests, so as the smaller part seldom con- 
 tests, hard or long, what the greater agrees of. 
 When the Deputies of the States agree in opinion, 
 they send some of their number to their respective 
 towns, proposingthe affair and the reasons alledged, 
 and desiring orders from them to conclude; which 
 seldom fails, if the necessity or utility be evident : 
 if it be more intricate, or suffers delay, the States 
 adjourn for such a time, as admits the return of all 
 the Deputies to their towns ; where their influence 
 and interest, and the impressions of the debates in
 
 104 Observations upon the JJnited Provinces. 
 
 their provincial assemblies, make the consent of the 
 cities easier gained. 
 
 Besides the States and Council mentioned, the 
 Province has likewise a Chamber of accounts, who 
 manage the general revenues of the Province: and, 
 besides this trust, they have the absolute disposi- 
 tion of the ancient demesne of Holland, without 
 giving any account to the States of the Province. 
 Only at times, either upon usual intervals, or upon 
 a necessity of money, the States call upon them for 
 a subsidy of two or three hundred thousand crowns, 
 or more, as they are pressed, or conceive the cham- 
 ber to be grown rich, beyond what is proportioned 
 to the general design of increasing the ease and 
 fortunes of those persons who compose it. The 
 States of Holland dispose of these charges to men 
 grown aged in their service, and who have passed 
 through most of the employments of State with 
 the esteem of prudence and integrity ; and such 
 persons find here an honourable and profitable 
 retreat. 
 
 The Provinces of Holland and Zealand, as they 
 used formerly to have one Governor in the time 
 of the houses of Burgundy and Austria ; so they 
 have long had one common judicature, which is 
 exercised by two courts of justice, each of them 
 common to both the Provinces. The first is com- 
 posed of twelve Counsellors, nine of Holland and 
 three of Zealand, of whom the Governor of the 
 Provinces is the head; by the old constitution used 
 to preside whenever he pleased, and to name all 
 the Counsellors except one, who was chosen by the 
 nobles. This court judges without appeal in ail 
 criminal causes ; but in civil there lies appeal to 
 the other court, which is called the High Council, 
 from which there is no appeal, but only by petition 
 to the States of the Province for a revision: when 
 these judge there is reason for it, they grant letters-
 
 chap. ii. Of their Government. 105 
 
 patent to that purpose, naming some Syndiques out 
 of the towns, who, being added to the Counsellors 
 of the two former courts, revise and judge the cause 
 in the last resort. And this course seems to have 
 been instituted by way of supply or imitation of the 
 chamber of Mechlin, to which, before the revolt of 
 the Provinces, there lay an appeal, by way of revi- 
 sion, from all or most of the provincial courts of 
 justice, as there still doth in the Spanish Provinces 
 of the Netherlands. 
 
 The Union is made up of the seven sovereign 
 Provinces before named, who chuse their respec- 
 tive Deputies, and send them to the Hague, for 
 the composing of three several colleges, called the 
 States-General, the Council of State, and the 
 Chamber of Accounts. The sovereign power of 
 this united State lies effectively in the Assembly 
 of the States-General, which used at first to be con- 
 voked, upon extraordinary occasions, by the Coun- 
 cil of State; but that seldom, in regard they usually 
 consisted of above eight hundred persons, whose 
 meeting together in one place, from so many se- 
 veral parts, gave too great a shake to the whole 
 body of the union ; made the debates long, and 
 sometimes confused; the resolutions slow, and, 
 upon sudden occasions, out of time. In the ab- 
 sence of the States-General, the Council of State 
 represented their authority, and executed their re- 
 solutions, and judged of the necessity of a new 
 convocation ; till, after the Earl of Leicester's de- 
 parture from the government, the Provincial States 
 desired of the General, that they might, by their 
 constant respective Deputies, continue their as- 
 semblies under the name of States-General, which 
 were never after assembled but at Bergen op Zoom, 
 for ratifying with more solemn form and autho- 
 rity the truce concluded with Duke Albert and 
 Spain. 
 
 This desire of the Provinces was grounded upon
 
 106 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 the pretences that the Council of State convoked 
 them but seldom, and at will ; and that, being to 
 execute all in their absence, they thereby arrogated 
 to themselves too great an authority in the State* 
 But a more secret reason had greater weight in 
 this affair, which was, that the English Ambassa- 
 dor had, by agreement with Queen Elizabeth, a 
 constant place in their Council of State; and, upon 
 the distastes arising between the Provinces and 
 the Earl of Leicester, with some jealousies of the 
 Queen's disposition to make a peace with Spain, 
 they had no mind that her Ambassador should be 
 present any longer in the first digestion of their 
 affairs, which was then usually made in the Coun- 
 cil of State. And hereupon they first framed the 
 ordinary council, called the States-General, which 
 has ever since passed by that name, and sits con- 
 stantly in the court at the Hague, represents the 
 sovereignty of the union, gives audience and di- 
 spatch to all foreign ministers; but yet is indeed 
 only a representative of the States-General, the as- 
 semblies whereof are wholly disused. 
 
 The Council of State, the Admiralty, and the 
 Treasurv, are all subordinate to this council : all of 
 which are continued in as near a resemblance, as 
 could be, to the several councils used in the time 
 when the Provinces were subject to their several 
 principalities, or united under one in the houses 
 of Burgundy and Austria; only the several Depu- 
 ties (composing one voice) now succeeding the 
 single persons employed under the former govern- 
 ment: and the Hague, which was the ancient seat 
 of the Counts of Holland, still continues to be so 
 of all these councils ; where the palace of the 
 former Sovereigns lodges the Prince of Orange as 
 Governor, and receives these several councils as 
 attending still upon the sovereignty, represented by 
 the States-General. 
 
 The members of all these councils are placed and
 
 chap, ii. Of their Government. 107 
 
 changed by the several Provinces according to their 
 different or agreeing customs. To the States-Ge- 
 neral every one sends their Deputies, in what num- 
 ber they please ; some two, some ten, or twelve ; 
 which makes no difference, because all matters are 
 carried, not by the votes of persons, but of Pro- 
 vinces : and all the Deputies from one Province, 
 how few or many soever, have one single vote. 
 The Provinces differ likewise in the time fixed for 
 their deputation ; some sending for a year, some 
 for more, and others for life. The Province of Hol- 
 land sends to the States-General one of their no- 
 bles, who is perpetual ; two Deputies chosen out 
 of their eight chief towns, and one out of North 
 Holland ; and with these, two of their provincial 
 council of State, and their Pensioner. 
 
 Neither Stadtholder or Governor, or any person 
 in military charge, has session in the States-Gene- 
 ral. Every Province presides their week in turns, 
 and by the most qualified person of the Deputies 
 of that Province : he sits in a chair with arms, at 
 the middle of a long table capable of holding about 
 thirty persons ; for about that number this council 
 is usually composed of. The Greffier, who is in 
 nature of a secretary, sits at the lower end of the 
 table. When a foreign minister has audience, he 
 is seated at the middle of this table, over-against the 
 President, who proposes all matters in this assem- 
 bly ; makes the Greffier read all papers ; puts the 
 question ; calls the voices of the Provinces ; and 
 forms the conclusion. Or, if he refuses to con- 
 clude according to the plurality, he is obliged to 
 resign his place to the President of the ensuing 
 week, who concludes for him. 
 
 This is the course in all affairs before them, ex- 
 cept in cases of peace and war, of foreign alliances, 
 of raising or coining of monies, or the privileges 
 of each Province or member of the union. In all
 
 108 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 which, all the Provinces must concur, plurality 
 being not at all weighed or observed. This coun- 
 cil is not sovereign, but only represents the sove- 
 reignty ; and therefore, though Ambassadors are 
 both received and sent in their name, yet neither 
 are their own chosen, nor foreign ministers an- 
 swered, nor any of those mentioned affairs resolved, 
 without consulting first the States of each Province 
 by their respective Deputies, and receiving orders 
 from them ; and in other important matters, though 
 decided by plurality, they frequently consult with 
 the Council of State. 
 
 Nor has this method or constitution ever been 
 broken since their State began, excepting only in 
 one affair, which was in January 1668, when his 
 Majesty sent me over to propose a league of mu- 
 tual defence with this State, and another for the 
 preservation of Flanders from the invasion of 
 France, which had already conquered a great part 
 of the Spanish Provinces, and left the rest at the 
 mercy of the next campaign. Upon this occasion 
 I had the fortune to prevail with the States-Gene- 
 ral to conclude three treaties, and upon them draw 
 up and sign the several instruments, in the space 
 of five days, without passing the essential forms 
 of their government by any recourse to the Pro- 
 vinces, which must likewise have had it to the 
 several cities : there, I knew, those foreign mini- 
 sters, whose duty and interest it was to oppose this 
 affair, expected to meet and to elude it ; which 
 could not have failed, in case it had run that circle, 
 since engaging the voice of one city must have 
 broken it : it is true, that, in concluding these alli- 
 ances without commission from their principals, 
 the Deputies of the States-General ventured their 
 heads, if they had been disowned by their Provinces; 
 but being all unanimous, and led by the clear evi- 
 dence of so direct and so important an interest
 
 tHAP. II. Of their Government. 100, 
 
 (which must have been lost by the usual delays) 
 they all agreed to run the hazard; and were so far 
 from being disowned, that they were applauded by 
 all the members of every Province: having thereby 
 changed the whole face of affairs in Christendom, 
 and laid the foundation of the triple alliance and 
 the peace of Aix (which were concluded about four 
 months after). So great has the force of reason 
 and interest ever proved in this State, not only 
 to the uniting of all voices in their assemblies, but 
 to the absolving of the greatest breach of their ori- 
 ginal constitutions ; even in a State whose safety 
 and greatness has been chiefly founded upon the 
 severe and exact observance of order and method 
 in all their counsels and executions. Nor have 
 they ever used, at any other time, any greater 
 means to agree and unite the several members of 
 their union, in the resolutions necessary, upon the 
 most pressing occasions, than for the agreeing Pro- 
 vinces to name some of their ablest persons to go 
 and confer with the dissenting, and represent those 
 reasons and interests by which they have been in- 
 duced to their opinions. 
 
 The Council of State is composed of Deputies 
 from the several Provinces, but after another man- 
 ner than the States-General, the number being 
 fixed. Gelderland sends two, Holland three, Zea- 
 land and Utrecht two a-piece, Friezland, Overyssel, 
 and Groninguen, each of them one, making in all 
 twelve. They vote not by Provinces, but by per- 
 sonal voices ; and every Deputy presides by turns. 
 In this council the Governor of the Provinces has 
 session, and a decisive voice ; and the Treasurer- 
 General, session, but a voice only deliberative; yet 
 he has much credit here, being for life ; and so is 
 the person deputed to this council from the No- 
 bles of Holland, and the Deputies of the Province 
 of Zealand. The rest are but for two, three, or 
 four years.
 
 110 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 The Council of State executes the resolutions of 
 the States-General; consults and proposes to them 
 the most expedient ways of raising troops, and le- 
 vying monies, as well as the proportions of both, 
 which they conceive necessary in all conjunctures 
 and revolutions of the state ; superintends the mi- 
 lice, the fortifications, the contributions out of the 
 enemies country, the forms and disposal of all pass- 
 ports, and the affairs, revenues, and government of 
 all places conquered since the union; which, being 
 gained by the common arms of the State, depend 
 upon the States-General, and not upon any parti- 
 cular Province. 
 
 Towards the end of every year, this council forms 
 a state of the expence they conceive will be neces- 
 sary for the year ensuing; presents it to the States- 
 General, desiring them to demand so much of the 
 States Provincial, to be raised according to the 
 usual proportions, which are, of 100,000 guilders, 
 
 Grs. St. D. 
 
 Gelderland 3,612 05 00 
 
 Holland 58,309 01 10 
 
 Zealand 9,183 14 02 
 
 Utrecht 5,830 17 11 
 
 Friezland 11,661 15 10 
 
 Overyssel 3,571 08 04 
 
 Groninguen 5,830 17 11 
 
 This petition, as it is called, is made to the 
 States-General, in the name of the Governor and 
 Council of State, which is but a continuance of 
 the forms used in the time of their Sovereigns, and 
 still by the Governors and Council of State in the 
 Spanish Netherlands : petition signifying barely 
 asking or demanding, though implying the thing 
 demanded to be wholly in the right and power of 
 them that give. It was used by the first Counts 
 only upon extraordinary occasions and necessities;
 
 chap. ii. Of their Government. Ill 
 
 but in the time of the houses of Burgundy and 
 Austria grew to be a thing of course, and annual, as 
 it is still in the Spanish Provinces. 
 
 The Council of State disposes of all sums of 
 money destined for all extraordinary affairs, and 
 expedites the orders for the whole expence of the 
 State upon the resolutions first taken, in the main, 
 by the States-General. The orders must be signed 
 by three Deputies of several Provinces, as well as 
 by the Treasurer-General, and then registered in 
 the chamber of accounts, before the Receiver- 
 General pays them, which is then done without 
 any difficulty, charge, or delay. 
 
 Every Province raises what monies it pleases, 
 and by what ways or means, sends its quota, or 
 share, of the general charge, to the Receiver-Ge- 
 neral, and converts the rest to the present use, or 
 reserves it for the future occasions, of the Pro- 
 vince. 
 
 The Chamber of Accounts was erected about 
 sixty years ago, for the ease of the Council of 
 State, to examine and state all accounts of all the 
 several receivers, to controul and register the or- 
 ders of the Council of State, which disposes of the 
 finances : and this chamber is composed of two 
 Deputies from each Province, who are changed 
 every three years. 
 
 Besides these colleges is the Council of the Ad- 
 miralty ; who, when the States-General, by ad- 
 vice of the Council of State, have destined a fleet 
 of such a number and force to be set out, have the 
 absolute disposition of the marine affairs, as well 
 in the choice and equipage of all the several ships, 
 as in issuing the monies allotted for that service. 
 
 This college is subdivided into five, of which 
 three are in Holland, viz. one in Amsterdam, 
 another at Rotterdam, and the third at Horn : the 
 fourth is at Middleburgh in Zealand, and the fifth
 
 112 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 at Harlinguen in Friezland. Each of these is com- 
 posed of seven Deputies, four of that Province, 
 where the college resides ; and three named by the 
 other Provinces. The Admiral, or, in his absence, 
 the Vice- Admiral, has session in all these colleges, 
 and presides when he is present. They take cog- 
 nizance of all crimes committed at sea ; judge all 
 pirates that are taken, and all frauds or negli- 
 gences in the payment or collections of the cus- 
 toms ; which are particularly affected to the Ad- 
 miralty, and applicable to no other use. This 
 fund, being not sufficient in times of war, is sup- 
 plied by the States with whatever more is neces- 
 sary from other funds ; but in time of peace, be- 
 ing little exhausted by other constant charge be- 
 sides that of convoys to their several fleets of 
 merchants in all parts, the remainder of this re- 
 venue is applied to the building of great ships of 
 war, and furnishing the several arsenals and stores 
 with all sorts of provision necessary for the build- 
 ing and rigging of more ships than can be needed 
 by the course of a long war. 
 
 So soon as the number and force of the fleets 
 designed for any expedition is agreed by the States- 
 General, and given out by the Council of State to 
 the Admiralty ; each particular college furnishes 
 their own proportion, which is known, as well as 
 that of the several Provinces, in all monies that 
 are to be raised. In all which, the Admiral has no 
 other share or advantage, besides his bare salary, 
 and his proportion in prizes that are taken. The 
 Captains and superior officers of each squadron are 
 chosen by the several colleges ; the number of 
 men appointed for every ship : after which, each 
 Captain uses his best diligence and credit to fill his 
 number with the best men he can get, and takes 
 the whole care and charge of victualling his own 
 ship for the time intended for that expedition, and
 
 chap. ii. Of their Government. 113 
 
 signified to him by the Admiralty ; and this at a 
 certain rate of so much a man. And by the good 
 or ill discharge of his trust, as well as that of pro- 
 viding Chirurgeons, medicines, and all things ne- 
 cessary for the health of the men, each Captain 
 grows into good or ill credit with the seamen, and 
 by their report, with the Admiralties ; upon whose 
 opinion and esteem the fortune of all sea-officers 
 depends : so as, in all their expeditions, there ap- 
 pears rather an emulation among the particular 
 Captains, who shall treat his seamen best in these 
 points, and employ the monies allotted for their 
 victualling to the best advantage, than any little 
 knavish practices, of filling their own purses by 
 keeping their men's bellies empty, or forcing them 
 to corrupted unwholesome diet ; upon which, and 
 upon cleanliness in their ships, the health of many 
 people crowded up into so little room seems chiefly 
 to depend. 
 
 The salaries of all the great officers of this State 
 are very small : I have already mentioned that of 
 a Burgomaster's of Amsterdam to be about fifty 
 pounds Sterling a-year : that of their Vice- Admiral 
 (for, since the last Prince of Orange's death, to the 
 year 1670, there had been no Admiral) is five 
 hundred, and that of the Pensioner of Holland 
 two hundred. 
 
 The greatness of this State seems much to con- 
 sist in these orders, how confused soever, and of 
 different pieces, they may seem ; but more in two 
 main effects of them, which are, the good choice 
 of the officers of chief trust in the Cities, Provinces, 
 and State : and the great simplicity and modesty 
 in the common port or living of their chiefest mi- 
 nisters ; without which, the absoluteness of the 
 Senates in each town, and the immensity of taxes 
 through the whole State, would never be endured 
 by the people with any patience ; being both of 
 
 VOL. I. I
 
 114 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 them greater than in many of those governments 
 which are esteemed most arbitrary among their 
 neighbours. But, in the assemblies and debates of 
 their Senates, every man's abilities are discovered, 
 as their dispositions are in the conduct of their 
 lives and domestique among their fellow-citizens. 
 The observation of these either raises, or sup- 
 presses, the credit of particular men, both among 
 the people, and the Senates, of their towns ; who, 
 to maintain their authority with less popular envy 
 or discontent, give much to the general opinion of 
 the people in the choice of their Magistrates : by 
 this means it comes to pass, that, though perhaps 
 the nation generally be not wise, yet the govern- 
 ment is, because it is composed of the wisest of 
 the nation ; which may give it an advantage over 
 many others, where ability is of more common 
 growth, but of less use to the public ; if it happens 
 that neither wisdom nor honesty are the qualities 
 which bring men to the management of state-af- 
 fairs, as they usually do in this commonwealth. 
 
 Besides, though these people, who are naturally 
 cold and heavy, may not be ingenious enough to 
 furnish a pleasant or agreeable conversation, yet 
 they want not plain downright sense to understand 
 and do their business both public and private, 
 which is a talent very different from the other ; 
 and I know not whether they often meet : for the 
 first proceeds from heat of the brain, which makes 
 the spirits more airy and volatile, and thereby the 
 motions of thought lighter and quicker, and the 
 range of imagination much greater than in cold 
 heads where the spirits are more earthy and dull : 
 thought moves slower and heavier, but thereby the 
 impressions of it are deeper, and last longer ; one 
 imagination being not so frequently, nor so easily, 
 effaced by another, as where new ones are conti- 
 nually arising. This makes duller men more con-
 
 c h a p. 1 1. Of their Government. 1 1 5 
 
 stant and steady, and quicker men more inconstant 
 and uncertain ; whereas the greatest ability in 
 business seems to be the steady pursuit of some 
 one thing, till there is an end of it, with perpetual 
 application and endeavour not to be diverted by 
 every representation of new hopes or fears of dif- 
 ficulty or danger, or of some better design. The 
 first of these talents cuts like a razor, the other like 
 a hatchet ; one has thinness of edge, and fineness 
 of metal and temper, but is easily turned by any 
 substance that is hard and resists : the other has 
 toughness and weight which makes it cut through, 
 or go deep wherever it falls ; and therefore one is 
 for adornment, the other for use. 
 
 It may be said further, that the heat of the heart 
 commonly goes along with that of the brain ; so 
 that passions are warmer, where imaginations are 
 quicker : and there are few men (unless in case of 
 some evident natural defect) but have sense enough 
 to distinguish in gross between right and wrong, 
 between good and bad, when represented to them ; 
 and consequently have judgment enough to do 
 their business, if it be left to itself, and not swayed 
 nor corrupted by some humour or passion, by 
 anger or pride, by love or by scorn, ambition or 
 avarice, delight or revenge : so as that the cold- 
 ness of passion seems to be the natural ground of 
 ability and honesty among men, as the government 
 or moderation of them the great end of philoso- 
 phical and moral instructions. These speculations 
 may perhaps a little lessen the common wonder, 
 how we should meet with in one nation so little 
 show of parts and of wit, and so great evidence of 
 wisdom and prudence, as has appeared in the con- 
 duct and successes of this State, for near an hun- 
 dred years ; which needs no other testimony, than 
 the mighty growth and power it arrived to from so 
 weak and contemptible seeds and beginnings. 
 
 i 2
 
 1 16 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 The other circumstance I mentioned, as an oc- 
 casion of their greatness, was the simplicity and 
 modesty of their Magistrates in their way of living, 
 which is so general, that I never knew one among 
 them exceed the common frugal popular air : and 
 so great, that, of the two chief officers in my time, 
 Vice- Admiral De Ruiter and the Pensioner De 
 Witt (one generally esteemed by foreign nations 
 as great a seaman, and the other as great a states- 
 man, as any of their age) I never saw the first in 
 clothes better than the commonest sea-captain, 
 nor with above one man following him, nor in a 
 coach ; and, in his own house, neither was the 
 size, building, furniture, or entertainment, at all 
 exceeding the use of every common merchant and 
 tradesman in his town. For the Pensioner De 
 Witt, who had the great influence in the govern- 
 ment, the whole train and expence of his domes- 
 tique went very equal with other common Depu- 
 ties or ministers of the State ; his habit grave, and 
 plain, and popular ; his table, what only served 
 turn for his family, or a friend ; his train (besides 
 commissaries and clerks kept for him, in an office 
 adjoining to his house, at the public charge) was 
 only one man, who performed all the menial ser- 
 vice of his house at home ; and, upon his visits of 
 ceremony, putting on a plain livery-cloak, attend- 
 ed his coach abroad : for, upon other occasions, 
 he was seen usually in the streets on foot, and 
 alone, like the commonest burgher of the town. 
 Nor was this manner of life affected, or used only 
 by these particular men, but was the general fashion 
 and mode among all the magistrates of the State : 
 for I speak not of the military officers, who are 
 reckoned their servants, and live in a different 
 garb, though generally modester than in other 
 countries. 
 
 Thus this stomachful people, who could not en-
 
 chap. ii. Of their Government. 117 
 
 dure the least exercise of arbitrary power or impo- 
 sitions, or the sight of any foreign troops, under 
 the Spanish government, have since been inured 
 to all of them, in the highest degree, under their 
 own popular magistrates ; bridled with hard laws, 
 terrified with severe executions, environed with 
 foreign forces ; and oppressed with the most cruel 
 hardship and variety of taxes that was ever known 
 under any government ; but all this, whilst the 
 way to office and authority lies through those qua- 
 lities which acquire the general esteem of the peo- 
 ple ; whilst no man is exempted from the danger 
 and current of laws ; whilst soldiers are con- 
 fined to frontier garrisons (the guard of inland or 
 trading towns being left to the burghers them- 
 selves ;) and whilst no great riches are seen to en- 
 ter by public payments into private purses, either 
 to raise families, or to feed the prodigal expences 
 of vain, extravagant, and luxurious men ; but all 
 public monies are applied to the safety, greatness, 
 or honour of the State, and the Magistrates them- 
 selves bear an equal share in all the burdens they 
 impose. 
 
 The authority of the Princes of Orange, though 
 intermitted upon the untimely death of the last, 
 and infancy of this present Prince ; yet, as it must 
 be ever acknowledged to have had a most essential 
 part in the first frame of this government, and in 
 all the fortunes thereof, during the whole growth 
 and progress of the State : so has it ever preserved 
 a very strong root, not only in six of the Provinces, 
 but even in the general and popular affections of 
 the Province of Holland itself, whose States have, 
 for these last twenty years, so much endeavoured 
 to suppress, or exclude it. 
 
 This began in the person of Prince William 
 of Nassau, at the very birth of the State, and not 
 so much by the quality of being Governor of*
 
 118 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 Holland and Zealand in Charles V's and Philip 
 IPs time, as by the esteem of so great wisdom, 
 goodness, and courage, as excelled in that Prince, 
 and seems to have been from him derived to his 
 whole race ; being, indeed, the qualities that na- 
 turally acquire esteem and authority among the 
 people, in all governments. Nor has this nation 
 in particular, since the time perhaps of Civilis, 
 ever been without some head, under some title or 
 other ; but always an head subordinate to their laws 
 and customs, and to the sovereign power of the 
 State. 
 
 In the first constitution of this government, after 
 the revolt from Spain, all the power and rights of 
 Prince William of Grange, as Governor of the Pro- 
 vinces, seem to have been carefully reserved. But 
 those which remained inherent in the Sovereign, 
 were devolved upon the assembly of the States- 
 General, so as in them remained the power of 
 making peace and war, and all foreign alliances, 
 and of raising and coining of monies: in the Prince, 
 the command of all land and sea forces, as Captain- 
 general and Admiral, and thereby the disposition 
 of all military commands, the power of pardoning 
 the penalty of crimes, the chusing of magistrates 
 upon the nomination of the towns ; for they pre- 
 sented three to the Prince, who elected one out of 
 that number. Originally the States-General were 
 convoked by the council of State, where the Prince 
 had the greatest influence : nor, since that change, 
 have the States used to resolve any important mat- 
 ter without his advice. Besides all this, as the 
 States-General represented the sovereignty, so did 
 the Prince of Orange the dignity, of this State, 
 by public guards, and the attendance of all military 
 officers ; by the application of all foreign ministers, 
 and all pretenders at home; by the splendor of 
 his court and magnificence of his expence; sup-
 
 chap. ii. Of their Government. 119 
 
 ported not only by the pensions and rights of his 
 several charges and commands, but by a mighty 
 patrimonial revenue in lands and sovereign princi- 
 palities and lordships, as well in France, Germany, 
 and Burgundy, as in thy several parts of the Seven- 
 teen Provinces ; so as Prince Henry was used to 
 answer some that would have flattered him into the 
 designs of a more arbitrary power, that he had as 
 much as any wise Prince would desire in that State ; 
 since he wanted none indeed, besides that of pu- 
 nishing men, and raising money; whereas he had 
 rather the envy of the first should lie upon the 
 forms of the government, and he knew the other 
 could never be supported, without the consent of 
 the people, to that degree which was necessary for 
 the defence of so small a State against so mighty 
 Princes as their neighbours. 
 
 Upon these foundations was this State first esta- 
 blished, and by these orders maintained till the 
 death of the last Prince of Orange : when, by the 
 great influence of the Province of Holland among 
 the rest, the authority of the Princes came to be 
 shared among the several magistracies of the State: 
 those of the cities assumed the last nomination of 
 their several Magistrates ; the States Provincial, 
 the disposal of all military commands in those 
 troops which their share was to pay; and the 
 States-General, the command of the armies, by 
 officers of their own appointment, substituted and 
 changed at their will. No power remained to par- 
 don what was once condemned by rigour of law; 
 nor any person to represent the port and dignity of 
 a Sovereign State : both which could not fail of 
 being sensibly missed by the people ; since no man 
 in particular can be secure of offending, or would 
 therefore absolutely despair of impunity himself, 
 though he would have others do so ; and men are 
 generally pleased with the pomp and splendor of a
 
 120 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 government, not only as it is an amusement for idle 
 people, but as it is a mark of the greatness, honour, 
 and riches of their country. 
 
 However, these defects were for near twenty 
 years supplied in some measure, and this frame 
 supported, by the great authority and riches of 
 the Province of Holland, which drew a sort of de- 
 pendence from the other six ; and by the great 
 sufficiency, integrity, and constancy of their chief 
 Minister, and by the effect of both in the prospe- 
 rous successes of their affairs : yet, having been a 
 constitution strained against the current vein and 
 humour of the people, it was always evident, that, 
 upon the growth of this young Prince, the great 
 virtues and qualities he derived from the mixture 
 of such royal and such princely blood, could not 
 fail, in time, of raising his authority to equal at 
 least, if not to surpass, that of his glorious an- 
 cestors. 
 
 Because the curious may desire to know some- 
 thing of the other Provinces, as well as Holland, 
 at least in general, and where they differ ; it may 
 be observed, that the constitutions of Gelderland, 
 Zealand, and Utrecht agree much with those of 
 Holland ; the States in each Province being com- 
 posed of Deputies from the Nobles and the cities : 
 but with these small differences ; in Gelderland, 
 all the Nobles, that have certain fees or lordships 
 in the Province, have session ; they compose one 
 half of the States, and the Deputies of the towns the 
 other ; and, though some certain persons among 
 them are deputed to the States-General, yet any 
 of the Nobles of G elder may have place there, if 
 he will attend at his own charge. 
 
 In Zealand, the nobility having been extinguish- 
 ed in the Spanish wars, and the Prince of Orange 
 possessing the marquisates of Flushing and Ter veer, 
 his Highness alone makes that part of the States
 
 chap. ii. Of their Government. 121 
 
 in the Province, by the quality and title of first or 
 sole Noble of Zealand ; and thereby has, by his 
 Deputy, the first place and voice in the States of 
 the Province, the Council of State, and Chamber 
 of accounts : as Sovereign of Flushing and Terveer, 
 he likewise creates the Magistrates, and conse- 
 quently disposes the voices, not only of the Nobles, 
 but also of two towns ; whereas there are in all but 
 six that send their Deputies to the States, and make 
 up the sovereignty of the Province. 
 
 In Utrecht, besides the Deputies of the Nobles 
 and towns, eight Delegates of the Clergy have ses- 
 sion, and make a third member in the States of the 
 Province. These are elected out of the four great 
 Chapters of the town, the preferments and reve- 
 nues whereof (though anciently ecclesiastical) yet 
 are now possessed by lay-persons, who are most of 
 them gentlemen of the Province. 
 
 The government of the Province of Friezland is 
 whollv different from that of the four Provinces al- 
 ready mentioned ; and is composed of four mem- 
 bers, which are called, the Quarter of Ostergo, con- 
 sisting of eleven Baiilages ; of Westergo, consist- 
 ing of nine ; and of Seveawolden, consisting often. 
 Each Baillage comprehends a certain number of 
 villages, ten, twelve, fifteen, or twenty, according 
 to their several extents. The fourth member con- 
 sists of the towns of the Province, which are ele- 
 ven in number. These four members have each of 
 them right of sending their Deputies to the States, 
 that is, two chosen out of every Baillage, and two 
 out of every town. And these represent the sove- 
 reignty of the Province, and deliberate and con- 
 clude ofall a^Iiirs, of what importance soever, with- 
 out any recourse to those who deputed them, or 
 obligation to know their intentions; which the 
 Deputies of all the former Provinces are stricth 
 bound to, and either must follow the instructions
 
 122 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 they bring with them to the assembly, or know the 
 resolution of their principals, before they conclude 
 of any new affair that arises. 
 
 In the other Provinces, the Nobles of the towns 
 chuse the Deputies which compose the State ; but, 
 in Friezland, the constitution is of quite another 
 sort : for every Baillage, which is composed of a 
 certain extent of country and number of villages 
 (as has been said) is governed by a Bailie, whom, 
 in their language, they call Greetman ; and this 
 officer governs his circuit, with the assistance of a 
 certain number of persons who are called his as- 
 sessors, who together judge of all civil causes in 
 the first instance, but with appeal to the court of 
 justice of the Province. When the States are con- 
 voked, every Bailie assembles together all the per- 
 sons of what quality soever, who possess a certain 
 quantity of lands within his district; and these men, 
 by most voices, name the two Deputies which each 
 Baillage sends to the assembly of the States. 
 
 This assembly, as it represents the sovereignty 
 of the Province, so it disposes of all vacant charges, 
 chuses the nine Deputies who compose that perma- 
 nent college which is the council of State of the 
 Province, and likewise twelve Counsellors (that is, 
 three for every quarter) who compose the court of 
 justice of the Province, and judge of all civil causes 
 in the last resort, but of all criminal from the first 
 instance, there being no other criminal jurisdiction, 
 but this only, through the Province ; whereas, in 
 the other Provinces, there is no town which has it 
 not within itself; and several, both Lords, and vil- 
 lages, have the high and low justice belonging to 
 them. 
 
 In the Province of Groninguen, which is upon 
 the same tract of land, the elections of the Depu- 
 ties out of the country are made as in Friezland, 
 by persons possessed of set proportions of land ; but,
 
 chap. II. Of their Government. 125 
 
 in Overyssel, all Nobles who are qualified by having 
 seigneurial lands, make a part of the States. 
 
 These three Provinces, with Westphalia, and all 
 those countries between the Wezer, the Yssel, and 
 the Rhine, were the seat of the ancient Frizons, 
 who, under the name of Saxons (given them from 
 the weapon they wore, made like a scithe, with the 
 edge outwards, and called in their language Seaxes) 
 were the fierce conquerors of our British Island, 
 being called in upon the desertion of the Roman 
 forces, and the cruel incursions of the Picts against 
 a people whose long wars, at first with the Romans, 
 and afterwards servitude under them, had exhaust- 
 ed all the bravest blood of their nation, either in 
 their own, or their masters, succeeding quarrels, 
 and depressed the hearts and courages of the rest. 
 
 The Bishop of Munster, whose territories lie in 
 this tract of land, gave me the first certain evidences 
 of those being the seats of our ancient Saxons, which 
 have since been confirmed to me by many things I 
 have observed in reading the stories of those times, 
 and by what has been affirmed to me upon enquiry 
 of the Frizons old language having still so great 
 affinity with our old English, as to appear easily to 
 have been the same ; most of their words still re- 
 taining the same signification and sound, very dif- 
 ferent from the language of the Hollanders. This 
 is the most remarkable in a little town called Mal- 
 cuera upon the Zudder sea, in Friezland, which is 
 still built after the fashion of the old German vil- 
 lages, described by Tacitus ; without any use or 
 observation of lines or angles, but as if every man 
 had built in a common field, just where he had a 
 mind, so as a stranger, when he goes in, must have 
 a guide to find the way out again. 
 
 Upon these informations and remarks, and the 
 particular account afterwards given me of the con- 
 stitutions of the Province of Friezland, so different
 
 124 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 from the others ; I began to make reflexions upon 
 them as the likeliest originals of many ancient con- 
 stitutions among us, of which no others can be 
 found, and which may seem to have been intro- 
 duced by the Saxons here, and by their long and 
 absolute possession of that part of the isle, called 
 England, to have been so planted and rooted among 
 us, as to have waded safe, in a great measure, 
 through the succeeding inundations and conquests 
 of the Danish and Norman nations. And, perhaps, 
 there may be much matter found for the curious 
 remarks of some diligent and studious antiqua- 
 ries, in the comparisons of the Bailli or Greetman 
 among the Frizons, with our Sheriff : of their As- 
 sessors, with our Justices of the peace : of their 
 judging civil causes in their district, upon the first 
 resort, but not without appeal, with the course of 
 our Quarter-Sessions : of their chief judicature, be- 
 ing composed of Counsellors of four several quar- 
 ters, with our four circuits. Of these being the 
 common criminal judicature of the country: of the 
 composition of their States, with our ParJiament, 
 at least, our House of Commons : in the particulars 
 of two Deputies being chosen from each town, as 
 with us, and two from each Baillage, as from each 
 county here : and these last by voices of all per- 
 sons possessed of a certain quantity of land, and at 
 a meeting assembled by the Greetman to that pur- 
 pose : and these Deputies having power to resolve 
 of all matters without resort to those that chuse 
 them, or knowledge of their intentions ; which are 
 all circumstances agreeing with our constitutions, 
 but absolutely differing from those of the other 
 Provinces in the United States, and from the com- 
 position, I think, of the States, either now, or for- 
 merly, used in the other nations of Europe. 
 
 To this original, I suppose we likewise owe what 
 I have often wondered at, that in England we nei-
 
 chap. in. Of their Situation. 125 
 
 ther see, nor find upon record, any Lord, or lord- 
 ship that pretends to have the exercise of judica- 
 ture belonging to it, either that which is called high 
 or low justice, which seems to be a badge of some 
 ancient sovereignty : though we see them very fre- 
 quent among our neighbours, both under more ar- 
 bitrary monarchies, and under the most free and 
 popular States. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Of their Situation. 
 
 Holland, Zealand, Friezland, and Groninguen are 
 seated upon the sea, and make the strength and 
 greatness of this State : the other three, with the 
 conquered towns Brabant, Flanders, and Cleve, 
 make only the outworks or frontiers, serving chiefly 
 for safety and defence of these. No man can tell 
 the strange and mighty changes, that may have 
 been made in the face and bounds of maritime 
 countries, at one time or other, by furious inunda- 
 tions, upon the unusual concurrence of land-floods, 
 winds, and tides ; and therefore no man knows, 
 whether the Province of Holland may not have 
 been, in some past ages, all wood, and rougli un- 
 equal ground, as some old traditions go ; and le- 
 velled to what we see, by the sea's breaking in, 
 and continuing long upon the land, since reco- 
 vered by its recess, and with the help of industry. 
 For it is evident, that the sea, for some space of 
 years, advances continually upon one coast, re- 
 tiring from the opposite j and, in another age, 
 quite changes this course, yielding up what it had 
 seized, and seizing what it had yielded up, without 
 any reason to be given of such contrary motions. 
 But, I suppose, this great change was made in
 
 126 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 Holland, when the sea first parted England from 
 the continent, breaking through a neck of land 
 between Dover and Calais ; which may be a tale, 
 but I am sure is no record. It is certain, on the 
 contrary, that sixteen hundred years ago there was 
 no usual mention or memory of any such changes ; 
 and that the face of all these coasts, and nature of 
 the soil, especially that of Holland, was much as 
 it is now ; allowing only the improvements of 
 riches, time, and industry; which appears by the 
 description made in Tacitus,* both of the limits of 
 the isle of Batavia, and the nature of the soil, as 
 Avell as the climate, with the very names and course 
 of rivers still remaining. 
 
 It is likely, the changes arrived since that age in 
 these countries may have been made by stoppages 
 grown in time with the rolling of sands upon the 
 mouths of three great rivers, which disembogued 
 into the sea through the coasts of these Provinces; 
 that is, the Rhine, the Maes, and the Scheld. The 
 ancient Rhine divided, where Skencksconce now 
 stands, into two rivers ; of which, one kept the 
 name, till, running near Leyden, it fell into the sea 
 at Catwick ; where are still seen, at low tides, the 
 foundations of an ancient Roman castle that com- 
 manded the mouth of this river : but this is wholly 
 stopped up, though a great canal still preserves the 
 name of the old Rhine. The Maes, running by 
 Dort and Rotterdam, fell, as it now does, into the 
 sea at the Briel, with mighty issues of water ; but 
 the sands, gathered for three or four leagues upon 
 
 * Rhenus apud principium agri Batavi velut in duos amnes 
 dividitur ad Gallicam ripam latior et placidior, verso cogno- 
 mento Vahalem accolae dicunt, mox id quoque vocabulum 
 mutat Mosa flumine, ejusquc immenso ore eundem in oceanum 
 effunditur. 
 
 Cum interim flexu autumni, et crebris imbribus superfusus 
 amnis, palustrem bumileuique insulam in faciem stagni opplevit.
 
 chap. in. Of their Situation. 127 
 
 this coast, make the haven extreme dangerous, 
 without great skill of pilots, and use of pilot-boats, 
 that come out with every tide, to welcome and se- 
 cure the ships bound for that river : and it is pro- 
 bable, that these sands, having obstructed the free 
 course of the river, have at times caused or in- 
 creased those inundations, out of which so many 
 islands have been recovered, and of which that 
 part of the country is so much composed. 
 
 The Scheld seems to have had its issue by Wal- 
 cherin in Zealand, which was an island in the 
 mouth of that river, till the inundations of that, and 
 the Maes, seem to have been joined together by 
 some great helps or irruptions of the sea, by which 
 the whole country was overwhelmed, which now 
 makes that inland sea that serves for a common 
 passage between Holland, Zealand, Flanders, and 
 Brabant : the sea, for some leagues from Zealand, 
 lies generally upon suchbanks of sand, as itdoesupon 
 the mouth of the Maes, though separated by some- 
 thing better channels than are found in the other. 
 
 That which seems likeliest to have been the oc- 
 casion of stopping up wholly one of these rivers, 
 and obstructing the others, is the course of West- 
 erly winds (which drive upon this shore) being so 
 much more constant and violent than the East : 
 for, taking the seasons and years one with another, 
 I suppose, there will be observed three parts of 
 Westerly for one Easterly wind: besides, that these 
 generally attend the calm frosts and fair weather ; 
 and the other stormy and foul. And I have had 
 occasion to make experiment of the sands rising 
 and sinking before a haven, by two fits of these 
 contrary winds, above four feet. This, I presume, 
 is likewise the natural reason of so many deep ami 
 commodious havens found upon all the English side 
 of the channel, and so lew (or indeed none) upon 
 the French and Dutch : an advantage seeming to
 
 128 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 be given us by nature, and never to be equalled by 
 any art or expence of our neighbours. 
 
 I remember no mention in ancient authors of that 
 which is now called the Zudder sea; which makes 
 me imagine that it may have been formed likewise 
 by some great inundation, breaking in between the 
 Tessel-islands, and others, that lie still in a line 
 contiguous, and like the broken remainders of a 
 continued coast. This seems more probable, from 
 the great shallowness of that sea, and flatness of the 
 sands, upon the whole extent of it; from the vio- 
 lent rage of the waters breaking in that way, which 
 threaten the parts of North-Holland about Meden- 
 blick and Enchusen, and brave it over the highest 
 and strongest digues of the Province, upon every 
 high tide, and storm at North- West ; as likewise 
 from the names of East and West Friezland, which 
 should have been one continent, till divided by this 
 sea: for, in the time of Tacitus,* no other distinc- 
 tion was known, but that of greater or lesser Fri- 
 zons, and that only from the measure of their num- 
 bers, or forces; and, though they were said to have 
 great lakes among them, yet that word seems to 
 import they were of fresh water, which is made yet 
 plainer by the word ambiunt t f that shews those 
 lakes to have been inhabited round by these na- 
 tions ; from all this I should guess, that the more 
 inland part of the Zudder sea was one of the lakes 
 there mentioned, between which and the Tessel 
 and Ulie islands there lay anciently a great tract 
 of land (where the sands are still so shallow, and 
 so continued, as seems to make it evident) but since 
 covered by some great irruptions of waters, that 
 joined those of the sea and the lake together, and 
 
 * A fronte Frisii excipiunt : majoribus minoribusque Frisiis 
 vocabulum est, ex modo virium : utraequc nationes usque ad 
 oceanum Rheno praetexuntur. 
 f Ambiuntque immensos insuper lacus. Tacit. De nior. Ger.
 
 c h a p . 1 1 1 . Of their Situation. 1 29 
 
 thereby made that great bay, now called the Zud- 
 der sea, by favour whereof the town of Amsterdam 
 has grown to be the most frequented haven of the 
 world. 
 
 Whatever it was, whether nature or accident, and 
 upon what occasion soever it arrived, the soil of the 
 whole Province of Holland is generally flat, like the 
 sea in a calm, and looks as if, after a long conten- 
 tion between land and water, which it should be- 
 long to, it had at length been divided between 
 them : for to consider the great rivers, and the 
 strange number of canals that are found in this 
 Province, and do not only lead to every great town, 
 but almost to every village, and every farm-house 
 in the country ; and the infinity of sails that are 
 seen every-wh ere coursing up and down upon them ; 
 one would imagine the water to have shared with 
 the land, and the people that live in boats to hold 
 some proportion with those that live in houses. 
 And this is one great advantage towards trade, 
 which is natural to the situation, and not to be at- 
 tained in any country where there is not the same 
 level and softness of soil, which makes the cutting 
 of canals so easy work, as to be attempted almost 
 by every private man : and one horse shall draw in 
 a boat more than fifty can do in a cart ; whereas 
 carriage makes a great part of the price in all 
 heavy commodities : and, by this easy way of tra- 
 velling, an industrious man loses no time from his 
 business, for he writes, eats, or sleeps, while he 
 goes; whereas the time of labouring or indus- 
 trious men is the greatest native commodity of any 
 country. 
 
 There is, besides, one very great lake of fresh wa- 
 ter still remaining in the midst of this Province, by 
 the name of Harle Maer, which might, as they say, 
 be easily drained, and would thereby make a mighty 
 
 VOL. [. K
 
 130 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 addition of land to a country where nothing is more 
 wanted ; and receive a great quantity of people, in 
 which they abound, and who make their greatness 
 and riches. Much discourse there has been about 
 such an attempt ; but the city of Leyden, having 
 no other way of refreshing their town, or renewing 
 the water of their canals, but from this Maer, will 
 never consent to it. On the other side, Amsterdam 
 will ever oppose the opening and cleansing of the 
 old channel of the Rhine, which, they say, might 
 easily be compassed, and by which the town of 
 Leyden would grow maritime, and share a great 
 part of the trade now engrossed by Amsterdam. 
 There is in North-Holland an essay already made 
 at the possibility of draining these great lakes, by 
 one of about two leagues broad having been made 
 firm land, within these forty years : this makes 
 that part of the country called the Bemster, being 
 now the richest soil of the Province, lying upon a 
 dead flat, divided with canals, and the ways through 
 it distinguished with ranges of trees, which make 
 the pleasantest summer landscape of any country I 
 have seen of that sort. 
 
 Another advantage of their situation for trade is 
 made by those two great rivers of the Rhine and 
 Maes, reaching up, and navigable so mighty a 
 length, into so rich and populous countries of the 
 higher and lower Germany; which as it brings 
 down all the commodities from those parts to the 
 magazines of Holland, that vent them by their 
 shipping into all parts of the world, where the 
 market calls for them ; so, with something more 
 labour and time, it returns all the merchandizes of 
 other parts into those countries that are seated 
 upon those streams. For their commodious seat, 
 as to the trade of the Straits, or Baltic, or any 
 parts of the ocean, I see no advantage they have
 
 chap, ii r. Of their Situation. 1S1 
 
 of most parts of England ; and they must certainly 
 yield to many we possess, if we had other equal 
 circumstances to value them. 
 
 The lowness and flatness of their lands makes in 
 a great measure the richness of their soil, that is 
 easily overflowed every winter, so as the whole 
 country, at that season, seems to lie under water, 
 which, in spring, is driven out again by mills. But 
 that which mends the earth, spoils the air, which 
 would be all fog and mist, if it were not cleared 
 by the sharpness of their frosts, which never fail 
 with every East wind for about four months of the 
 year, and are much fiercer than in the same lati- 
 tude with us, because that wind comes to them over 
 a mighty length of dry continent ; but is moist- 
 ened by the vapours, or softened by the warmth 
 of the sea's motion, before it reaches us. 
 
 And this is the greatest disadvantage of trade 
 they receive from their situation, though necessary 
 to their health ; because many times their havens 
 are all shut up for two or three months with ice, 
 when ours are open and free. 
 
 The fierce sharpness of these winds makes the 
 changes of their weather and seasons more violent 
 and surprising, than in any place I know ; so as a 
 warm faint air turns in a night to a sharp frost, 
 with the wind coming into the North-East : and 
 the contrary with another change of wind. The 
 spring is much shorter, and less agreeable, than 
 with us ; the winter much colder, and some parts 
 of the summer much hotter ; and I have known, 
 more than once, the violence of one give way to 
 that of the other, like the cold fit of an ague to the 
 hot, without any good temper between. 
 
 The flatness of their land exposes it to the dan- 
 ger of the sea, and forces them to infinite charge 
 in the continual fences and repairs of their banks 
 to oppose it ; which employ yearly more men, than 
 
 K 2
 
 152 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 all the corn of the Province of Holland could main- 
 tain (as one of their chief Ministers has told me.) 
 They have lately found the common sea-weed to be 
 the best material for these digues, which, fastened 
 with a thin mixture of earth, yields a little to the 
 force of the sea, and returns when the waves give 
 back : whether they are thereby the safer against 
 water, as, they say, houses that shake are against 
 wind ; or whether, as pious naturalists observe, all 
 things carry about them that which serves for a 
 remedy against the mischief they do in the world. 
 
 The extreme moisture of the air I take to be the 
 occasion of the great neatness of their houses, and 
 cleanliness in their towns. For without the help 
 of those customs their country would not be habit- 
 able by such crowds of people, but the air would 
 corrupt upon every hot season, and expose the in- 
 habitants to general and infectious diseases ; which 
 they hardly escape three summers together, espe- 
 cially about Leyden, where the waters are not so 
 easily renewed ; and for this reason, I suppose, it 
 is, that Leyden is found to be the neatest and 
 cleanliest kept, of all their towns. 
 
 The same moisture of air makes all metals apt 
 to rust and wood to mould ; which forces them, by 
 continual pains of rubbing and scowering, to seek 
 a prevention, or cure : this makes the brightness 
 and cleanness that seems affected in their houses, 
 and is called natural to them, by people who think 
 no further. So the deepness of their soil, and wet- 
 ness of seasons, which would render it unpassable, 
 forces them, not only to exactness of paving in their 
 streets, but to the expence of so long cawseys be- 
 tween many of their towns, and in their highways: 
 as, indeed, most national customs are the effect of 
 some unseen or unobserved natural causes or ne- 
 cessities.
 
 ciiaf. iv. Of their People and Dispositions. 133 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Of their People and Dispositiom. 
 
 The people of Holland may be divided into these 
 several classes : the clowns or boors (as they call 
 them) who cultivate the land : the mariners or 
 schippers, who supply their ships and inland-boats : 
 the merchants or traders, who fill their towns : the 
 Renteeners, or men that live in all their chief cities 
 upon the rents or interest of estates formerly ac- 
 quired in their families : and the Gentlemen, and 
 officers of their armies. 
 
 The first are a race of people diligent rather than 
 laborious ; dull and slow of understanding, and 
 so not dealt with by hasty words, but managed easily 
 by soft and fair ; and yielding to plain reason, if 
 you give them time to understand it. In the coun- 
 try and villages not too near the great towns, they 
 seem plain and honest, and content with their own ; 
 so that if, in bounty, you give them a shilling for 
 what is worth but a groat, they will take the cur- 
 rent price, and give you the rest again ; if you bid 
 them take it, they know not what you mean, and 
 sometimes ask, if you are a fool. They know no 
 other good but the supply of what nature requires, 
 and the common increase of wealth. They feed 
 most upon herbs, roots, and milks; and by that 
 means, I suppose, neither their strength nor vigour 
 seem answerable to the size or bulk of their bodies. 
 The mariners are a plain, but much rougher 
 people ; whether from the element they live in, or 
 from their food, which is generally iish and corn, 
 and heartier than that of the boors. They are 
 surly and ill-mannered, which is mistaken for pride; 
 but, I believe, is learned, as all manners are, by the
 
 13-i Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 conversation we use. Now theirs lying only among 
 one another, or with winds and waves, which are 
 not moved or wrought upon by any language or 
 observance, or to be dealt with, but by pains and 
 by patience ; these are all the qualities their mari- 
 ners have learned ; their valour is passive rather 
 than active ; and their language is little more, 
 than what is of necessary use to their business. 
 
 The merchants and tradesmen, both the greater 
 and mechanic, living in towns that are of great re- 
 sort, both by strangers and passengers of their own, 
 are more mercurial (wit being sharpened by com- 
 merce and conversation of cities) though they are 
 not very inventive, which is the gift of warmer 
 heads ; yet are they great in imitation, and so far, 
 many times, as goes beyond originals : of mighty 
 industry, and constant application to the ends they 
 propose and pursue. They make use of their skill, 
 and their wit, to take advantage of other men's 
 ignorance and folly they deal with ; are great ex- 
 acters, where the law is in their own hands : in 
 other points, where they deal with men that un- 
 derstand like themselves, and are under the reach 
 of justice and laws, they are the plainest and best 
 dealers in the world ; which seems not to grow so 
 much from a principle of conscience, or morality, 
 as from a custom or habit introduced by the ne- 
 cessity of trade among them, whicli depends as 
 much upon common honesty, as war does upon 
 discipline ; and without which all would break up, 
 merchants would turn pedlars, and soldiers thieves. 
 
 Those families, which live upon their patrimonial 
 estates in all the great cities, are a people diffe- 
 rently bred and mannered from the traders, though 
 like them in the modesty of garb and habit, and 
 the parsimony of living. Their youth are gene- 
 rally bred up at schools, and at the universities of 
 Leyden or Utrecht, in the common studies of hu-
 
 chap. iv. Of their People and Dispositions. 13o 
 
 man learning, but chiefly of the civil law, which is 
 that of their country, at least as far as it is so in 
 France and Spain. For (as much as I understand 
 of those countries) no decisions or decrees of the 
 civil law, nor constitutions of the Roman Emperors, 
 have the force or current of law among them, as 
 is commonly believed, but only the force of rea- 
 sons when alledged before their courts of judica- 
 ture, as far as the authority of men esteemed wise 
 passes for reason : but the ancient customs of those 
 several countries, and the ordonnances of their 
 Kings and Princes, consented to by the Estates* 
 or in France verified by Parliaments, have only the 
 strength and authority of law among them. 
 
 Where these families are rich, their youths, after 
 the course of their studies at home, travel for some 
 years, as the sons of our gentry use to do ; but their 
 journies are chiefly into England and France, not 
 much into Italy, seldom er into Spain, nor often into 
 the more northern countries, unless in company or 
 train of their public Ministers. The chief end of 
 their breeding is, to make them fit for the service 
 of their country in the magistracy of their towns, 
 their Provinces, and their State. And of these 
 kind of men are the civil officers of this government 
 generally composed, being descended of families 
 who have many times been constantly in the ma- 
 gistracy of their native towns for many years, and 
 some for several ages. 
 
 Such were most or all of the chief Ministers, and 
 the persons that composed their chief councils, in 
 the time of my residence among them ; and not 
 men of mean or mechanic trades, as it is commonly 
 received among foreigners, and makes the subject 
 of comical jests upon their government. This 
 does not exclude many merchants, or traders in 
 gross, from being often seen in the offices of their 
 cities, and sometimes deputed to their States ; nor
 
 136 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 several of their States from turning their stocks in 
 the management of some very beneficial trade by 
 servants, and houses maintained to that purpose. 
 But the generality of the States and Magistrates 
 are of the other sort ; their estates consisting in the 
 pensions of their public charges, in the rents of 
 lands, or interest of money upon the Cantores, or 
 in actions of the East-India company, or in shares 
 upon the adventures of great trading merchants. 
 
 Nor do these families, habituated as it were to 
 the magistracy of their towns and provinces, usu- 
 ally arrive at great or excessive riches ; the sa- 
 laries of public employments and interest being 
 low, but the revenue of lands being yet very much 
 lower, and seldom exceeding the profit of two in 
 the hundred. They content themselves with the 
 honour of being useful to the public, with the es- 
 teem of their cities or their country, and with the 
 ease of their fortunes; which seldom fails, by the 
 frugality of their living, grown universal by being 
 (I suppose) at first necessary, but since honour- 
 able, among them. 
 
 The mighty growth and excess of riches is seen 
 among the merchants and traders, whose application 
 lies wholly that way, land who are the better content 
 to have so little share in the government, desiring 
 only security in what they possess ; troubled with 
 no cares but those of their fortunes, and the ma- 
 nagement of their trades, and turning the rest of 
 their time and thought to the divertisement of their 
 lives. Yet these, when they attain great wealth, 
 chuse to breed up their sons in the way, and marry 
 their daughters into the families, of those others 
 most generally credited in their towns, and versed 
 in their magistracies ; and thereby introduce their 
 families into the way of government and honour, 
 which consists not here in titles, but in public em- 
 ployments.
 
 chap. iv. Of their People and Dispositions. 137 
 
 The next rank among them is that of their Gen- 
 tlemen or Nobles, who, in the Province of Hol- 
 land (to which I chiefly confine these observations) 
 are very few, most of the families having been ex- 
 tinguished in the long wars with Spain. But those 
 that remain, are in a manner all employed in the 
 military or civil charges of the Province or State. 
 These are, in their customs, and manners, and way 
 of living, a good deal different from the rest of the 
 people ; and, having been bred much abroad, ra- 
 ther affect the garb of their neighbour-courts, than 
 the popular air of their own country. They value 
 themselves more upon their Nobility, than men do 
 in other countries, where it is more common ; and 
 would think themselves utterly dishonoured by the 
 marriage of one that was not of their rank, though 
 it were to make up the broken fortune of a Noble 
 family by the wealth of a Plebeian. They strive 
 to imitate the French in their mien, their cloaths, 
 their way of talk, of eating, of gallantry or de- 
 bauchery; and are, in my mind, something worse 
 than they would be, by affecting to be better 
 than they need ; making sometimes but ill copies, 
 whereas they might be good originals, by refining 
 or improving the customs or virtues proper to 
 their own country and climate. They are other- 
 wise an honest, well-natured, friendly, and gentle- 
 manly sort of men, and acquit themselves generally 
 with honour and merit, where their country em- 
 ploys them. 
 
 The officers of their armies live after the customs 
 and fashions of the gentlemen ; and so do many 
 sons of the rich merchants, who, returning from 
 travel abroad, have more designs upon their own 
 pleasure, and the vanity of appearing, than upon 
 the service of their country : or, if they pretend to 
 enter into that, it is rather by the army than the 
 State. And all these are generally desirous to see
 
 1 38 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 a court in their country, that they may value them- 
 selves at home, by the qualities they have learned 
 abroad ; and make a figure which agrees better 
 with their own humour, and the manner of courts, 
 than with the customs and orders that prevail in 
 more popular governments. 
 
 There are some customs, or dispositions, that 
 seem to run generally through all these degrees of 
 men among them ; as great frugality, and order, 
 in their expences. Their common riches lie in 
 every man's having more than he spends ; or, to 
 say it more properly, in every man's spending less 
 than he has coming in, be that what it will : nor 
 does it enter into men's heads among them, that 
 the common port or course of expence should equal 
 the revenue ; and, when this happens, they think 
 at least they have lived that year to no purpose ; 
 and the train of it discredits a man among them, 
 as much as any vicious or prodigal extravagance 
 does in other countries. This enables every man 
 to bear their extreme taxes, and makes them less 
 sensible than they would be in other places ; for 
 he that lives upon two parts in five of what he has 
 coming in, if he pays two more to the State, he 
 does but part with what he should have laid up, 
 and had no present use for ; whereas he that spends 
 yearly what he receives, if he pays but the fiftieth 
 part to the public, it goes from him, like that which 
 was necessary to buy bread or cloaths for himself or 
 his family. 
 
 This makes the beauty and strength of their 
 towns, the commodiousness of travelling in their 
 country by their canals, bridges, and cawseys ; the 
 pleasantness of their walks, and their grafts in and 
 near all their cities : and, in short, the beauty, con- 
 venience, and sometimes magnificence, of all pub- 
 lic works, to which every man pays as willingly, 
 and takes as much pleasure and vanity in them,
 
 chap. iv. Of their People and Dispositions. 139 
 
 as those of other countries do in the same circum- 
 stances, among the possessions of their families, or 
 private inheritance. What they can spare, besides 
 the necessary expence of their domestique, the 
 public payments, and the common course of still 
 increasing" their stock, is laid out in the fabric, 
 adornment, or furniture of their houses, things 
 not so transitory, or so prejudicial to health and to 
 business, as the constant excesses and luxury of 
 tables ; nor perhaps altogether so vain as the ex- 
 travagant expences of cloaths and attendance ; at 
 least, these end wholly in a man's self, and the sa- 
 tisfaction of his personal humour ; whereas the 
 other make not only the riches of a family, but con- 
 tribute much towards the public beauty and honour 
 of a country. 
 
 The order, in casting up their expences, is so 
 great and general, that no man offers at any under- 
 taking which he is not prepared for, and master 
 of his design, before he begins ; so as I have nei- 
 ther observed nor heard of any building, public or 
 private, that has not been finished in the time de- 
 signed for it. So are their canals, cawseys, and 
 bridges; so was their way from the Hague to Skeve- 
 ling, a work that might have become the old Ro- 
 mans, considering how soon it was dispatched. 
 The house at the Hague, built purposely for cast- 
 ing of cannon, was finished in one summer, during 
 the heat of the first English war, and looked rather 
 like a design of vanity in their government, than 
 necessity or use. The stadthouse of Amsterdam 
 has been left purposely to time, without any limita- 
 tion in the first design, cither of that, or of ex- 
 pence ; both that the diligence and the genius of 
 so many succeeding Magistrates should be em- 
 ployed in the collection of all things, that could 
 be esteemed proper to increase the beauty or mag-
 
 140 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 nificence of that structure ; and, perhaps, a little 
 to reprieve the experiment of a current prediction, 
 That the trade of that city should begin to fall, the 
 same year the stadthouse should be finished, as it 
 did at Antwerp. 
 
 Charity seems to be very national among them, 
 though it be regulated by orders of the country, 
 and not usually moved by the common objects of 
 compassion. But it is seen in the admirable pro- 
 visions that are made out of it for all sorts of persons 
 that can want, or ought to be kept in a government. 
 Among the many and various hospitals, that are 
 in every man's curiosity and talk that travels their 
 country, I was affected with none more than that of 
 the aged seamen at Enchuysen, which is contrived, 
 finished, and ordered, as if it were done with a 
 kind intention of some well-natured man, that 
 those, who had passed their whole lives in the hard- 
 ships and incommodities of the sea, should find a 
 retreat stored with all the eases and conveniencies, 
 that old age is capable of feeling and enjoying. 
 And here I met with the only rich man, that ever 
 I saw in my life : for one of these old seamen en- 
 tertained me a good while with the plain stories 
 of his fifty years voyages and adventures, while I 
 %vas viewing their hospital, and the church ad- 
 joining; I gave him, at parting, a piece of their 
 coin about the value of a crown : he took it smiling, 
 and offered it me again ; but, when I refused it, 
 he asked me, What he should do with money ? for 
 all, that ever they wanted, was provided for them 
 at their house. I left him to overcome his modesty 
 as he could ; but a servant, coming after me, saw 
 him give it to a little girl that opened the church- 
 door, as she passed by him : which made me reflect 
 upon the fantastic calculation of riches and poverty 
 that is current in the world, by which a man, that
 
 chap. iv. Of their People and Dispositions. 141 
 
 wants a million, is a Prince ; he, that wants but a 
 groat, is a beggar ; and this was a poor man, that 
 wanted nothing at all. 
 
 In general, all appetites and passions seem to 
 run lower and cooler here, than in other countries 
 where I have conversed. Avarice may be excepted. 
 And yet that shall not be so violent, where it feeds 
 only upon industry and parsimony, as where it 
 breaks out into fraud, rapine, and oppression. But 
 quarrels are seldom seen among them, unless in 
 their drink, revenge rarely heard of, or jealousy 
 known. Their tempers are not airy enough for 
 joy, or any unusual strains of pleasant humour, nor 
 warm enough for love. This is talked of some- 
 times among the younger men, but as a thing they 
 have heard of, rather than felt ; and as a discourse 
 that becomes them, rather than affects them. I 
 have known some among them, that personated 
 lovers well enough ; but none that I ever thought 
 were at heart in love ; nor any of the women, that 
 seemed at all to care whether they were so or no. 
 Whether it be, that they are such lovers of their 
 liberty, as not to bear the servitude of a mistress, 
 any more than that of a master ; or, that the dul- 
 ness of their air renders them less susceptible of 
 more refined passions ; or, that they are diverted 
 from it by the general intention every man has upon 
 his business, whatever it is (nothing being so mortal 
 an enemy of love, that suffers no rival, as any bent 
 of thought another way.) 
 
 The same causes may have had the same effects 
 among their married women, who have the whole 
 care and absolute management of all their domes- 
 tique ; and live with very general good fame : a 
 certain sort of chastity being hereditary and habi- 
 tual among them, as probity among the men. 
 
 The same dulness of air may dispose them to 
 that strange assiduity and constant application of
 
 142 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 their minds, with that perpetual study and labour 
 upon any thing they design and take in hand. This 
 gives them patience to pursue the quest of riches 
 by so long voyages and adventures to the Indies, 
 and by so long parsimony as that of their whole 
 lives. Nay, I have (for a more particular example 
 of this disposition among them) known one man 
 that employed four-and-twenty years about the 
 making and perfecting of a globe, and another 
 above thirty about the inlaying of a table. Nor 
 does any man know, how much may have been 
 contributed towards the great things in all kinds, 
 both public and private, that have been atchieved 
 among them, by this one humour of never giving 
 over what they imagine may be brought to pass, 
 nor leaving one scent to follow another they meet 
 with ; which is the property of the lighter and 
 more ingenious nations : and the humour of a go- 
 vernment being usually the same with that of the 
 persons that compose it, not only in this, but in all 
 other points ; so as, where men that govern are wise, 
 good, steady, and just, the government will appear 
 so too ; and the contrary, where they are other- 
 wise. 
 
 The same qualities in their air may incline them 
 to the entertainments and customs of drinking, 
 which are so much laid to their charge, and, for 
 aught I know, may not only be necessary to their 
 health (as they generally believe it) but to the vi- 
 gour and improvement of their understandings, in 
 the midst of a thick foggy air, and so much cold- 
 ness of temper and complexion. For though the 
 use or excess of drinking may destroy men's abili- 
 ties who live in better climates, and are of warmer 
 constitutions ; wine to hot brains being like oil to 
 fire, and making the spirits, by too much lightness, 
 evaporate into smoke, and perfect airy imaginations ; 
 or, by too much heat, rage into frenzy, or at least
 
 chap. iv. Of their People and Dispositions. 143 
 
 into humours and thoughts that have a great mix- 
 ture of it ; yet, on the other side, it may improve 
 men's parts and abilities of cold complexions, and 
 in dull air; and may be necessary to thaw and 
 move the frozen and unactive spirits of the brain j 
 to rouse sleepy thought, and refine grosser imagi- 
 nations, and perhaps to animate the spirits of the 
 heart, as well as enliven those of the brain : there- 
 fore the old Germans seemed to have some reason 
 in their custom, not to execute any great resolu- 
 tions which had not been twice debated and agreed 
 at two several assemblies, one in an afternoon, and 
 the other in a morning ; because, they thought, 
 their counsels might want vigour when they were 
 sober, as well as caution when they had drunk. 
 
 Yet, in Holland, I have observed very few of 
 their chief officers or Ministers of State vicious in 
 this kind ; or, if they drank much, it was at set 
 feasts, and rather to acquit themselves, than of 
 choice or inclination : and for the merchants and 
 traders, with whom it is customary, they never do 
 it in a morning, nor till they come from the Ex- 
 change, where the business of the day is commonly 
 dispatched ; nay, it hardly enters into their heads, 
 that it is lawful to drink at all before that time ; 
 but they will excuse it, if you come to their house, 
 and tell you, how sorry they are you come in a 
 morning, when they cannot offer you to drink ; as 
 if at that time of day it were not only unlawful for 
 them to drink themselves, but so much as for a 
 stranger to do it within their walls. 
 
 The afternoon, or, at least, the evening, is given 
 to whatever they find will divert them ; and is no 
 more than needs, considering how they spend the 
 rest of the day, in thought, or in cares; in toils, 
 or in business. For nature cannot hold out with 
 constant labour of body, and as little with constant 
 bent or application of mind : much motion of the
 
 144 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 same parts of the brain either wearies and wastes 
 them too fast for repair, or else (as it were) fires 
 the wheels, and so ends either in general decays of 
 the body, or distractions of the mind (for these are 
 usually occasioned by perpetual motions of thought 
 about some one object ; whether it be about one's 
 self in excesses of pride, or about another in those 
 of love, or of grief.) Therefore none are so excu- 
 sable as men of much care and thought, or of great 
 business, for giving up their times of leisure to any 
 pleasures or diversions that offend no laws, nor 
 hurt others or themselves : and this seems the 
 reason, that, in all civil constitutions, not only ho- 
 nours, but riches, are annexed to the charges of 
 those who govern, and upon whom the public cares 
 are meant to be devolved ; not only, that they 
 may not be distracted from these, by the cares of 
 their own domestic or private interests ; but that, 
 by the help of esteem, and of riches, they may have 
 those pleasures and diversions in their reach, which 
 idle men neither need nor deserve, but which are 
 necessary for their refreshment, or repair of spirits 
 exhausted with cares and with toil, and which serve 
 to sweeten and preserve those lives that would 
 otherwise wear out too fast, or grow too uneasy in 
 the service of the public. 
 
 The two characters that are left by the old Ro- 
 man writers, of the ancient Batavi* or Hollanders, 
 are, that they were both the bravest among the 
 German nations, and the most obstinate lovers and 
 defenders of their liberties ; which made them ex- 
 empted from all tribute by the Romans, who de- 
 sired only soldiers of their nation, to make up 
 
 * Queruntur (Fabii Valentis) legiones, orbari se fbrtissimo- 
 rum virorum auxilio, vetcres illos et tot bellorum auctorcs non 
 abrumpendos ut corpori validissimos artus. Tacit, hist. 
 
 Omnium barum gentium virtute praecipui Batavi non multum 
 ex ripa sed insulam Rhcni ainnis colunt. Tacit, de mor. Ger.
 
 chap. iv. Of their People and Dispositions* 145 
 
 some of their auxiliary bands, as they did in former 
 ages of those nations in Italy that were their friends 
 and allies. The last disposition seems to have con- 
 tinued constant and national among them, ever 
 since that time, and never to have more appeared, 
 than in the rise and constitutions of their present 
 State. It does not seem to be so of the first, or 
 that the people in general can be said now to be 
 valiant ; a quality, of old, so national among them, 
 and which, by the several wars of the Counts of 
 Holland (especially with the Frizons) and by the 
 desperate defences made against the Spaniards, by 
 this people, in the beginnings of their State, should 
 seem to have lasted long, and to have but lately 
 decayed : that is, since the whole application of 
 their natives has been turned to commerce and 
 trade, and the vein of their domestic lives so much 
 to parsimony (by circumstances which will be the 
 subject of another chapter;) and since the main 
 of all their forces, and body of their army, has been 
 composed, and continually supplied out of their 
 neighbour-nations. 
 
 For soldiers and merchants are not found, by ex- 
 perience, to be more incompatible in their abode, 
 than the dispositions and customs seem to be dif* 
 ferent, that render a people fit for trade, and for 
 war. The soldier thinks of a short life, and a 
 merry. The trader reckons upon a long, and a 
 painful. One intends to make his fortunes sud- 
 denly by his courage, by victory and spoil : the 
 other slower, but surer, by craft, by treaty, and by 
 industry. This makes the first frank and generous, 
 and throw away upon his pleasures what has been 
 gotten in one danger, and may either be lost, or 
 repaired, in the next: the other, wary and frugal, 
 and loth to part with, in a day, what he has been 
 labouring for a year, and has no hopes to recover, 
 but by the same paces of diligence and time. One 
 
 vol. i. l
 
 146 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 aims only to preserve what he has, as the fruit of 
 his father's pains ; or what he shall get, as the fruit 
 of his own : t'other thinks the price of a little blood 
 is more than of a great deal of sweat, and means 
 to live upon other men's labours, and possess, in 
 an hour, what they have been years in acquiring : 
 this makes one love to live under stanch orders 
 and laws ; while t'other would have all depend 
 upon arbitrary power and will. The trader reckons 
 upon growing richer, and by his account better, 
 the longer he lives ; which makes him careful of 
 his health, and his life, and so apt to be orderly 
 and temperate in his diet ; while the soldier is 
 thoughtless, or prodigal of both ; and having not 
 his meat ready at hours, or when he has a mind to 
 it, eats full and greedily whenever he gets to it ; 
 and perhaps difference of diet may make greater 
 difference in men's natural courage, than is com- 
 monly thought of. 
 
 For courage may proceed, in some measure, 
 from the temper of air, maybe formed by discipline, 
 and acquired by use, or infused by opinion ; but 
 that which is more natural, and so more national in 
 some countries than in others, seems to arise from 
 the heat or strength of spirits about the heart, 
 which may a great deal depend upon the measures 
 and the substance of the food men are used to. 
 This made a great physician among us say, he 
 would make any man a coward with six weeks diet- 
 ing ; and Prince Maurice of Orange call for the 
 English that w T ere newly come over, and had (as 
 he said) their own beef in their bellies, for any 
 bold and desperate action. This maybe one rea- 
 son, why the gentry, in all places of the world, are 
 braver than the peasantry, w r hose hearts are tie- 
 pressed, not only by slavery, but by short and 
 heartless food, the effect of their poverty. This is 
 a cause, why the yeomanry and commonalty of
 
 chap. iv. Of their People and Dispositions. 14? 
 
 England are generally braver than in other coun- 
 tries, because by the plenty and constitutions of 
 the kingdom they are so much easier in their rents 
 and their taxes, and fare so much better and fuller 
 than those of their rank in any other nation. Their 
 chief, and, indeed, constant food, being of flesh : 
 and among all creatures, both the birds and the 
 beasts, we shall still find those, that feed upon flesh, 
 to be the fierce and the bold ; and on the contrary, 
 the fearful and faint-hearted to feed upon grass, 
 and upon plants. I think, there can be pretended 
 but two exceptions to this rule, which are the cock 
 and the horse ; whereas the courage of the one is 
 noted no where but in England, and there only in 
 certain races : and for the other, all the courage 
 we commend in them is, the want of fear ; and 
 they are observed to grow much fiercer, whenever 
 by custom, or necessity, they have been used to 
 flesh. 
 
 From all this may be inferred, that not only the 
 long disuse of arms among the native Hollanders, 
 (especially at land) and making use of other na- 
 tions chiefly in their milice ; but the arts of trade, 
 as well as peace, and their great parsimony in diet, 
 and eating so very little flesh (which the common 
 people seldom do above once a week) may have 
 helped to debase much the ancient valour of the 
 nation, at least in the occasions of service at land. 
 Their seamen are much better, but not so good as 
 those of Zealand, who are generally brave ; which, 
 I suppose, comes by these having upon all occasions 
 turned so much more to privateering, and men of 
 war; and those of Holland being generally employ- 
 ed in trading and merchant-ships ; while their men 
 of war are manned by mariners of all nations, who 
 are very numerous among them, but especially those 
 of the Eastland coasts of Germany, Swedes, Danes, 
 
 and Norwegians. 
 
 l 2
 
 148 Obsemations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 It is odd, that veins of courage should seem to run 
 like veins of good earth in a country, and yet not 
 only those of the Province of Hainault among the 
 Spanish, and of Gelderland among the United Pro- 
 vinces, are esteemed better soldiers than the rest ; 
 but the burghers of Valenciennes among the towns 
 of Flanders, and of Nimeguen among those of the 
 Lower-G elder, are observedtobe particularly brave. 
 But there maybe firmness and constancy of courage 
 from tradition, as well as of belief : nor, methinks, 
 should any man know how to be a coward, that is 
 brought up with the opinion, that all of his nation 
 or city have ever been valiant. 
 
 I can say nothing of what is usually laid to their 
 charge, about their being cruel, besides what we 
 have so often heard of their barbarous usage to 
 some of our men in the East-Indies, and what we 
 have so lately seen of their savage murder of their 
 Pensioner De Wit ; a person that deserved another 
 fate, and a better return from his country, after 
 eighteen years spent in their ministry, without any 
 care of his entertainments or ease, and little of his 
 fortune. A man of unwearied industry, inflexible 
 constancy, sound, clear, and deep understanding, 
 and untainted integrity; so that, whenever he was 
 blinded, it was by the passion he had for that which 
 he esteemed the good and interest of his State. 
 This testimony is justly due to him from all that 
 practised him ; and is the more willingly paid, since 
 there can be as little interest to flatter, as honour 
 to reproach the dead. But this action of that peo- 
 ple may be attributed to the misfortune of their 
 country; and is so unlike the appearance of their 
 customs and dispositions, living, as I saw them, un- 
 der the orders and laws of a quiet and settled state; 
 that one must confess mankind to be a very various 
 creature, and none to be known, that has not been 
 seen in his rage, as well as his drink.
 
 chap. iv. Of their People and Dispositions. 14<J 
 
 They are generally not so long-lived, as in better 
 airs ; and begin to decay early, both men and wo- 
 men, especially at Amsterdam : for at the Hague 
 (which is their best air) I have known two consi- 
 derable men a good deal above seventy, and one of 
 them in very good sense and health : but this is not 
 so usual as it is in England, and in Spain. The 
 diseases of the climate seem to be chiefly the gout 
 and the scurvy; but all hot and dry summers bring 
 some that are infectious among them, especially 
 into Amsterdam and Leyden : these are usually 
 fevers, and lie most in the head, and either kill 
 suddenly, or languish long before they recover. 
 Plagues are not so frequent, at least not in a de- 
 gree to be taken notice of, for all suppress the talk 
 of them as much as they can, and no distinction is 
 made in the registry of the dead, nor much in the 
 care and attendance of the sick : whether from a 
 belief of predestination, or else a preference of 
 trade, which is the life of the country, before that 
 of particular men. 
 
 Strangers among them are apt to complain of the 
 spleen, but those of the country seldom or never: 
 which I take to proceed from their being ever busy, 
 or easily satisfied. For this seems to be the disease 
 of people that are idle, or think themselves but ill 
 entertained, and attribute every fit of dull humour, 
 or imagination, to a formal disease, which they 
 have found this name for; whereas such fits are in- 
 cident to all men, at one time or other, from the 
 fumes of indigestion, from the common alterations 
 of some insensible degrees in health and vigour ; * 
 
 * Ubi tempestas et cceli mobilis humor 
 Mutavere vias; et Jupiter humidus austris 
 Densat, erant qua? rara modo, et quae densa relaxat ; 
 Vertuntur species animorum, et peetora motus 
 Nunc alios, alios dum nubila ventus agebat, 
 Concipiunt : hinc ille avium concentus in agris, 
 Et Isetae pecudes, et ovantes gutture eorvi. 
 
 Vnu;. Georcr.
 
 150 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 or from some changes or approaches of change in 
 winds or weather, which affect the finer spirits of 
 the brain, before they grow sensible to other parts ; 
 and are apt to alter the shapes, or colours, of what- 
 ever is represented to us by our imaginations, 
 whilst we are so affected. Yet this effect is not so 
 strong, but that business, or intention of thought, 
 commonly either resists, or diverts it : and those, 
 who understand the motions of it, let it pass, and 
 return to themselves. But such as are idle, or 
 know not from whence these changes arise, and 
 trouble their heads with notions or schemes of ge- 
 neral happiness or unhappiness in life, upon every 
 such fit, begin reflexions on the condition of their 
 bodies, their souls, or their fortunes ; and (as all 
 things are then represented in the worst colours) 
 they fall into melancholy apprehensions of one or 
 other, and sometimes of them all : these make deep 
 impression on their minds, and are not easily worn 
 out by the natural returns of good humour, espe- 
 cially if they are often interrupted by the contrary; 
 as happens in some particular constitutions, and 
 more generally in uncertain climates, especially if 
 improved by accidents of ill health, or ill fortune. 
 But this is a disease too refined for this country and 
 people, who are well, when they are not ill ; and 
 pleased, when they are not troubled ; are content, 
 because they think little of it ; and seek their hap- 
 piness in the common eases and commodities of 
 life, or the increase of riches ; not amusing them- 
 selves with the more speculative contrivances of 
 passion, or refinements of pleasure. 
 
 To conclude this chapter, Holland is a country, 
 where the earth is better than the air, and profit 
 more in request than honour; where there is more 
 sense than wit; more good nature than good hu- 
 mour ; and more wealth than pleasure : where a 
 man would chuse rather to travel than to live ; 
 shall find more things to observe than desire ; and
 
 chap. v. Of their Religion. 15 i 
 
 more persons to esteem than to love. But the same 
 qualities and dispositions do not value a private 
 man and a state, nor make a conversation agree- 
 able, and a government great : nor is it unlikely, 
 that some very great King might make but a very 
 ordinary private gentleman, and some very extra- 
 ordinary gentleman might be capable of making 
 but a very mean Prince. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Of their Religion. 
 
 I intend not here to speak of religion at all as a 
 divine, but as a mere secular man, when I observe 
 the occasions that seem to have established it in 
 the forms, or with the liberties, wherewith it is now 
 attended in the United Provinces. I believe the 
 reformed religion was introduced there, as well as 
 in England, and the many other countries where 
 it is professed, by the operation of divine will and 
 providence ; and by the same, I believe, the Roman 
 catholic was continued in France : where it seem- 
 ed, by the conspiring of so many accidents in the 
 beginning of Charles the IX's reign, to be so near 
 a change. And whoever doubts this, seems to 
 question not only the will, but the power, of God. 
 Nor will it at all derogate from the honour of a re- 
 ligion, to have been planted in a country by se- 
 cular means, or civil revolutions, which have, long 
 since, succeeded to those miraculous operations 
 that made way for Christianity in the world. It is 
 enough, that God Almighty infuses belief into the 
 hearts of men, or else ordains it to grow out of re- 
 ligious inquiries and instructions; and that, where- 
 ever the generality of a nation come by these means 
 to be of a belief, it is by the force of this concur-
 
 152 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 rence introduced into the government, and be- 
 comes the established religion of that country. So 
 was the reformed profession introduced into En- 
 gland, Scotland, Sweden, Denmark, Holland, and 
 many parts of Germany. So was the Roman ca- 
 tholic restored in France and in Flanders ; where, 
 notwithstanding the great concussions that were 
 made in the government by the Hugonots and the 
 Gueuses, yet they were never esteemed in either 
 of those countries to amount further than the 
 seventh or eighth part of the people. And who- 
 soever designs the change of religion in a country 
 or government, by any other means than that of a 
 general conversion of the people, or the greatest 
 part of them, designs all the mischiefs to a nation, 
 that use to usher in, or attend, the two greatest 
 distempers of a State, civil war, or tyranny ; which 
 are violence, oppression, cruelty, rapine, intemper- 
 ance, injustice, and, in short, the miserable effu- 
 sion of human blood, and the confusion of ail laws, 
 orders, and virtues among men. 
 
 Such consequences as these, I doubt, are some- 
 thing more than the disputed opinions of any man, 
 or any particular assembly of men, can be worth ; 
 since the great and general end of all religion, 
 next to men's happiness hereafter, is their happi- 
 ness here ; as appears by the commandments of 
 God, being the best and greatest moral and civil, 
 as well as divine, precepts, that have been given to 
 a nation ; and by the rewards proposed to the 
 piety of the Jews, throughout the Old Testament, 
 which were the blessings of this life, as health, 
 length of age, number of children, plenty, peace, 
 or victory. 
 
 Now the way to our future happiness has been 
 perpetually disputed throughout the world, and 
 must be left at last to the impressions made upon 
 every man's belief and conscience, either by na-
 
 chap. v. Of their Religion. 153 
 
 tural or supernatural arguments and means ; which 
 impressions men may disguise or dissemble, but no 
 man can resist. For belief is no more in a man's 
 power, than his stature, or his feature ; and he 
 that tells me, I must change my opinion for his, 
 because it is the truer and the better, without 
 other arguments, that have to me the force of con- 
 viction ; may as well tell me, I must change my 
 grey eyes, for others like his that are black, be- 
 cause these are lovelier, or more in esteem. He 
 that tells me I must inform myself, has reason, if 
 I do it not : but if I endeavour it all that I can, 
 and perhaps more than he ever did, and yet still 
 differ from him ; and he, that, it may be, is idle, 
 will have me study on, and inform myself better, 
 and so to the end of my life ; then I easily under- 
 stand what he means by informing, which is, in 
 short, that I must do it, till I come to be of his 
 opinion. 
 
 If lie, that, perhaps, pursues his pleasures or in- 
 terests, as much, or more, than I do, and allows 
 me to have as good sense, as he has, in all other 
 matters, tells me, I should be of his opinion, but 
 that passion or interest blinds me ; unless he can 
 convince me how, or where, this lies, he is but 
 where he was, only pretends to know me better than 
 I do myself, who cannot imagine, why I should 
 not have as much care of my soul, as he has of his. 
 
 A man that tells me, my opinions arc absurd or 
 ridiculous, impertinent or unreasonable, because 
 they differ from his, seems to intend a quarrel in- 
 stead of a dispute ; and calls me fool or mad-man, 
 with a little more circumstance ; though, perhaps, 
 I pass for one as well in my senses as lie, as per- 
 tinent in talk, and as prudent in life : yet these are 
 the common civilities, in religious argument, of 
 sufficient and conceited men, who talk much of 
 right reason, and mean always their own ; and
 
 154 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 make their private imagination the measure of ge- 
 neral truth. But such language determines all be- 
 tween us, and the dispute comes to end in three 
 words at last, which it might as well have ended 
 in at first, That he is in the right, and I am in the 
 wrong. 
 
 The other great end of religion, which is our 
 happiness here, has been generally agreed on by 
 all mankind, as appears in the records of all their 
 laws, as well as all their religions, which come to 
 be established by the concurrence of men's customs 
 and opinions ;* though, in the latter, that concur- 
 rence may have been produced by divine impres- 
 sions or inspirations. For all agree in teaching and 
 commanding, in planting and improving, not only 
 those moral virtues which conduce to the felicity 
 and tranquillity of every private man's life, but 
 also those manners and dispositions that tend to 
 the peace, order, and safety of all civil societies 
 and governments among men. Nor could I ever 
 understand, how those who call themselves, and 
 the world usually calls, religious men, come to put 
 so great weight upon those points of belief which 
 men never have agreed in, and so little upon those 
 of virtue and morality, in which they have hardly 
 ever disagreed ; nor, why a State should venture 
 the subversion of their peace, and their order, 
 which are certain goods, and so universally es- 
 teemed, for the propagation of uncertain or con- 
 tested opinions. 
 
 One of the great causes of the first revolt in the 
 Low-Countries appeared to be, the oppression of 
 men's consciences, or persecution in their liberties, 
 their estates, and their lives, upon pretence of re- 
 ligion j and this at a time when there seemed to 
 
 * Fiunt adversae respublicae ex civium moribus, qui, quocun- 
 que fluxerint, c&'tera secum rapiunt. Plat. De Rep.
 
 chap. v. Of their Religion. ]55 
 
 be a conspiring disposition in most countries of 
 Christendom, to seek the reformation of some 
 abuses, grown in the doctrine and discipline of the 
 Church, either by the rust of time, by negligence, 
 or by human inventions, passions, and interests. 
 J The rigid opposition, given at Rome to this ge- 
 neral humour, was followed by a defection of migh- 
 ty numbers in all those several countries, who pro- 
 fessed to reform themselves according to such rules 
 as they thought were necessary for the reformation 
 of the Church. These persons, though they agreed 
 in the main of disowning the Papal power, and 
 reducing belief from the authority of tradition to 
 that of the Scripture ; yet they differed much 
 among themselves in other circumstances, espe- 
 cially of discipline, according to thepersuasions and 
 impressions of the leading Doctors in their several 
 countries. So the reformed of France became 
 universally Calvinists ; but for those of Germany, 
 though they were generally Lutherans, yet there 
 was a great mixture both of Calvinists and Ana- 
 baptists among them. 
 
 The first persecutions of these reformed arose in 
 Germany, in the time of Charles V, and drove 
 great numbers of them down into the Seventeen 
 Provinces, especially Holland and Brabant, where 
 the privileges of the cities were greater, and the 
 Emperor's government was less severe, as among 
 the subjects of his own native countries. This was 
 the occasion, that in the year 1566, when upon the 
 first insurrection in Flanders, those of the reformed 
 profession began to form consistories, and lew 
 contributions among themselves for support of 
 their common cause ; it was resolved, upon con- 
 sultation among the heads of them, that for de- 
 clining all differences among themselves, at a time 
 of common exigence, the public profession of their 
 party should be that of the Lutherans though with
 
 156 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 liberty and indulgence to those of different opi- 
 nions. By the union of Utrecht, concluded in 1579, 
 each of the Provinces was left to order the matter 
 of religion, as they thought fit and most conducing 
 to the welfare of their Province j with this pro- 
 vision, that every man should remain free in his 
 religion, and none be examined or entrapped for 
 that cause, according to the pacification at Ghent. 
 But, in the year 1,583, it was enacted by general 
 agreement, that the Evangeli cal religion should 
 be only professed in luTtnlTSeven Provinces : 
 which came thereby to be the established religion 
 of this State. 
 
 The reasons which seemed to induce them to 
 this settlement were many, and of weight : as first, 
 because by the persecutions arrived in France 
 (where all the reformed were Calvinists) multi- 
 tudes of people had retired out of that kingdom 
 into the Low-Countries ; and by their great com- 
 merce and continual intercourse with England, 
 where the reformation agreed much with the Cal- 
 vinists in point of doctrine, though more with the 
 Lutherans in point of discipline, those opinions 
 came to be credited and propagated more than any 
 other, among the people of these Provinces, so as 
 the numbers were grown to be greater far in the 
 cities of this than of any other profession. Second- 
 ly, the succours and supplies both of men and 
 money, by which the weak beginnings of this com- 
 monwealth were preserved and fortified, came 
 chiefly from England, from the Protestants of 
 France (when their affairs w T ere successful) and 
 from the Calvinist Princes in Germany, who lay 
 nearest, and were readiest to relieve them. In the 
 next place, because those of this profession seemed 
 the most contrary and violent against the Spani- 
 ards, who made themselves heads of the Roman 
 Catholics throughout Christendom j and the hatred
 
 chap. v. Of their Religion. 157 
 
 of Spain, and their dominion, was so rooted in the 
 hearts of this people, that it had influence upon 
 them in the very choice of their religion. And 
 lastly, because, by this profession, all rights and 
 jurisdiction of the Clergy or Hierarchy being sup- 
 pressed, there was no ecclesiastical authority left 
 to rise up, and trouble or fetter the civil power ; 
 and all the goods and possessions of churches and 
 abbeys were seized wholly into the hands of the 
 State, which made a great increase of the public 
 revenue, a thing the most necessary for the sup- 
 port of their government. 
 
 There might perhaps be added one reason more, 
 which was particular to one of the Provinces: for, 
 whereas in most, if not all, other parts of Christen- 
 dom, the Clergy composed one of the three Estates 
 of the country, and thereby shared with the Nobles 
 and Commons in their influences upon the govern- 
 ment, that order never made any part of the 
 Estates in Holland, nor had any vote in their as- 
 sembly, which consisted only of the Nobles and 
 the cities ; and this Province, bearing always the 
 greatest sway in the councils of the Union, was most 
 inclined to the settlement of that profession which 
 gave least pretence of power or jurisdiction to the 
 Clergy, and so agreed most with their own ancient 
 constitutions. 
 
 Since this establishment, as well as before, the 
 great care of this State has ever been, to favour no 
 particular or curious inquisition into the faith or 
 religious principles of any peaceable man, who 
 came to live under the protection of their laws, 
 and to suffer no violence or oppression upon any 
 man's conscience, whose opinions broke not out 
 into expressions or actions of ill consequence to 
 the State. A free form of government, either 
 making way for more freedom in religion, or else, 
 having newly contended so far themselves for
 
 158 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 liberty in this point, they thought it the more un- 
 reasonable for them to oppress others. Perhaps, 
 while they were so threatened and endangered by 
 foreign armies, they thought it the more neces- 
 sary to provide against discontents within, which 
 can never be dangerous, where they are not 
 grounded or fathered upon oppression, in point 
 either of religion or liberty. But, in those two 
 cases, the flame often proves most violent in a 
 State, the more it is shut up, or the longer con- 
 cealed. 
 
 The Roman Catholic religion w r as alone except- 
 ed from the common protection of their law r s, 
 making men (as the States believed) worse sub- 
 jects than the rest, by the acknowledgment of a 
 foreign and superior jurisdiction ; for so must all 
 spiritual power needs be, as grounded upon greater 
 hopes and fears than any civil, at least wherever 
 the persuasions from faith are as strong as those 
 from sense ; of which there are so many testi- 
 monies recorded by the martyrdoms, penances, or 
 conscientious restraints and severities, suffered by 
 infinite persons in all sorts of religion. 
 
 Besides, this profession seemed still a retainer of 
 the Spanish government, which was then the great 
 patron of it in the world : yet, such was the care 
 of this State to give all men ease in this point, who 
 ask no more than to serve God, and save their own 
 souls, in their own way and forms ; that what was 
 not provided for, by the constitutions of their 
 government, was so, in a very great degree, by the 
 connivance of their officers, who, upon certain 
 constant payments from every family, suffer the 
 exercise of the Roman Catholic religion in their 
 several jurisdictions, as free and easy, though not 
 so cheap, and so avowed, as the rest. This, I sup- 
 pose, has been the reason, that though those of 
 this profession are very numerous in the country,
 
 chap. v. Of their Religion. 159 
 
 among the peasants, and considerable in the cities, 
 and not admitted to any public charges ; yet they 
 seem to be a sound piece of the State, and fast 
 jointed in with the rest ; and have neither given 
 any disturbance to the government, nor expressed 
 any inclinations to a change, or to any foreign 
 power, either upon the former wars with Spain, or 
 the later invasions of the Bishop of Munster. 
 
 Of all other religions, every man enjoys the free 
 exercise in his own chamber, or his own house, 
 unquestioned and unespied : and if the followers 
 of any sect grow so numerous in any place, that 
 they affect a public congregation, and are content 
 to purchase a place of assembly, to bear the charge 
 of a pastor or teacher, and to pay for this liberty 
 to the public ; they go and propose their desire to 
 the Magistrates of the place where they reside, 
 who inform themselves of their opinions, and man- 
 ners of worship ; and if they find nothing in either, 
 destructive to civil society, or prejudicial to the 
 constitutions of their State, and content themselves 
 with the price that is offered for the purchase of 
 this liberty, they easily allow it : but with the con- 
 dition, that one or more Commissioners shall be 
 appointed, who shall have free admission at all 
 their meetings, shall be both the observers and 
 witnesses of all that is acted or preached among 
 them, and whose testimony shall be received con- 
 cerning any thing that passes there to the pre- 
 judice of the State : in which case, the laws and 
 executions are as severe as against any civil crimes. 
 
 Thus the Jews have their allowed Synagogues 
 in Amsterdam and Rotterdam : and, in the first, 
 almost all sects, that are known among Christians, 
 have their public meeting-places ; and some whose 
 names are almost worn out in all other parts, as 
 the Brownists, Familists, and others. The Armi- 
 nians, though they make a great name among
 
 1 60 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 them, by being rather the distinction of a party in 
 the State, than a sect in the Church ; yet are, in 
 comparison of others, but few in number, though 
 considerable by the persons, who are of the better 
 quality, the more learned and intelligent men, and 
 many of them in the government. The Anabap- 
 tists are just the contrary, very numerous, but in 
 the lower ranks of people, mechanics and seamen, 
 and abound chiefly in North- Holland. 
 
 The Calvinists make the body of the people, and 
 are possessed of all the public churches in the do- 
 minions of the State, as well as of the only Mini- 
 sters or pastors, who are maintained by the Pub- 
 lic ; but these have neither lands, nor tithes, nor 
 any authorized contributions from the people, but 
 certain salaries from the State, upon whom they 
 wholly depend : and though they are often very 
 bold in taxing and preaching publicly against the 
 vices, and sometimes the innocent entertainments, 
 of persons most considerable in the government, 
 as well as of the vulgar ; yet they are never heard 
 to censure or controul the public actions or reso- 
 lutions of the State : they are, in general, through- 
 out th e country, passionate friends to the house of 
 Orange ; and, during the intermission of that au- 
 thority, found ways of expressing their affections 
 to the person and fortunes of this Prince, without 
 offending the State as it was then constituted. 
 They are fierce enemies of the Arminian party, 
 whose principles were thought to lead them, in 
 Barnevelt's time, towards a conjunction, or at least 
 compliance, with the Spanish religion and govern- 
 ment, both which the house of Orange, in the 
 whole course of the war, endeavoured to make ir- 
 reconcileable with those of the State. 
 
 It is hardly to be imagined, how all the violence 
 and sharpness, which accompanies the differences 
 of religion in other countries, seems to be appeased
 
 chap. v. Of their Religion. 161 
 
 or softened here, by the general freedom which all 
 men enjoy, either by allowance or connivance ; 
 nor, how faction and ambition are thereby disabled 
 to colour their interested and seditious designs 
 with the pretences of religion, which has cost the 
 Christian world so much blood for these last hun- 
 dred and fifty years. No man can here complain 
 of pressure in his conscience : of being forced to 
 any public profession of his private faith : of being 
 restrained from his own manner of worship in his 
 house, or obliged to any other abroad : and who- 
 ever asks more in point of religion, without the 
 undisputed evidence of a particular mission from 
 heaven, may be justly suspected not to ask for 
 God's sake, but for his own : since pretending to 
 sovereignty, instead of liberty, in opinion, is in- 
 deed pretending the same in authority too, which 
 consists chiefly in opinion : and what man, or 
 party soever, can gain the common or firm belief, 
 of being most immediately inspired, instructed, or 
 favoured of God, will easily obtain the prerogative 
 of being most honoured and obeyed by men. 
 
 But in this commonwealth, no man having any 
 reason to complain of oppression in conscience, 
 and no man having hopes, by advancing his re- 
 ligion, to form a party, or break in upon the State, 
 the differences in opinion make none in affections, 
 and little in conversation, where it serves but for 
 entertainment and variety. They argue without 
 interest or anger; they differ without enmity or 
 scorn; and they agree without confederacy. Men 
 live together, like citizens of the world, associated 
 by the common ties of humanity, and by the bonds 
 of peace, under the impartial protection of indif- 
 ferent laws, with equal encouragement of ad art 
 and industry, and equal freedom of speculation and 
 inquiry; all men enjoying their imaginary excel- 
 lencies and acquisitions of knowledge with as much 
 
 VOL. r. 31
 
 1 62 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 safety, as their more real possessions and improve- 
 ments of fortune. The power of religion among 
 them, where it is, lies in every man's heart. The 
 appearance of it is but like a piece of humanity, 
 by which every one falls most into the company 
 or conversation of those, whose customs and hu- 
 mours, whose talk and dispositions, he likes best : 
 and as, in other places, it is in every man's choice 
 with whom he will eat or lodge, with whom go to 
 market, or to court ; so it seems to be here, with 
 whom he will pray, or go to church, or associate 
 in the service and worship of God : nor is any more 
 notice taken, or more censure passed, of what every 
 one chuses in these cases, than in the other. 
 
 I believe the force of commerce, alliances, and 
 acquaintances, spreading so far as they do in small 
 circuits (such as the Province of Holland) may 
 contribute much to make conversation, and all the 
 offices of common life, so easy, among so different 
 opinions, of which so many several persons are often 
 in every man's eye ; and no man checks or takes 
 offence at faces, or customs, or ceremonies, he sees 
 every day, as at those he hears of in places far di- 
 stant, and perhaps by partial relations, and comes 
 to see late in his life, and after he has long been 
 possessed by passion or prejudice against them. 
 However it is, religion may possibly do more good 
 in other places, but it does less hurt here : and, 
 wherever the invisible effects of it are the great- 
 est and most advantageous, I am sure the visible 
 are so in this country, by the continual and undis- 
 turbed civil peace of their government for so long 
 a course of years ; and by so mighty an increase 
 of their people, wherein will appear to consist chiefly 
 the vast growth of their trade and riches, and con- 
 sequently the strength and greatness of their State.
 
 c h A p . v i. . Of their Trade. 1 fi3 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Of their Trade. 
 
 It is evident to those, who have read the most, and 
 travelled farthest, that no country can be found 
 either in this present age, or upon record of any 
 story, where so vast a trade has been managed, as 
 in the narrow compass of the four maritime Pro- 
 vinces of this commonwealth : nay, it is generally 
 esteemed, that they have more shipping belongs 
 to them, than there does to all the rest of Europe. 
 Yet they have no native commodities towards the 
 building or rigging of the smallest vessel ; their 
 flax, hemp, pitch, wood, and iron, coming all from 
 abroad, as wool does for cloathing their men, and 
 corn for feeding them. Nor do I know any thing 
 properly of their own growth, that is considerable 
 either for their own necessary use, or for traffic 
 with their neighbours, besides butter, cheese, and 
 earthen-wares. For havens, they have not any 
 good upon their whole coast : the best at Helvoet- 
 sluys, which has no trade at all ; and Flushing, 
 which has little, in comparison of other towns in 
 Holland : but Amsterdam, that triumphs in the 
 spoils of Lisbon and Antwerp (which before en- 
 grossed the greatest trade of Europe and the In- 
 dies) seems to be the most incommodious haven 
 they have, being seated upon so shallow waters, 
 that ordinary ships cannot come up to it without 
 the advantage of tides ; nor great ones without un- 
 lading. The entrance of the Tessel, and passage 
 over the Zudder sea, is more dangerous than a voy- 
 age from thence to Spain, lying all in blind and 
 narrow channels; so that it easily appears, that it 
 is not a haven that draws trade, but trade that fills 
 
 AI 2
 
 164 Obsert:ations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 a haven, and brings it in vogue. Nor has Hol- 
 land grown rich by any native commodities, but 
 by force of industry ; by improvement and manu- 
 facture of all foreign growths ; by being the gene- 
 ral magazine of Europe, and furnishing all parts 
 with whatever the market wants or invites ; and 
 by their seamen being, as they have properly been 
 called, the common carriers of the world. 
 
 Since the ground of trade cannot be deduced 
 from havens, or native commodities (as may well 
 be concluded from the survey of Holland, which 
 has the least and the worst ; and of Ireland, which 
 has the most and the best, of both) it were not 
 amiss to consider, from what other source it may 
 be more naturally and certainly derived : for, if 
 we talk of industry, we are still as much to seek, 
 what it is that makes people industrious in one 
 country, and idle in another. I conceive the true 
 original and ground of trade to be, great multi- 
 tude of people crowded into small compass of land, 
 whereby all things necessary to life become dear, 
 and all men, who have possessions, are induced to 
 parsimony ; but those, who have none, are forced 
 to industry and labour, or else to want. Bodies, 
 that are vigorous, fall to labour ; such, as are not, 
 supply that defect by some sort of inventions or 
 ingenuity. These customs arise first from neces- 
 sity, but increase by imitation, and grow in time 
 to be habitual in a country ; and wherever they 
 arc so, if it lies upon the sea, they naturally break 
 out into trade, both because whatever they want 
 of their own, that is necessary to so many men's 
 lives, must be supplied from abroad ; and because, 
 by the multitude of people, and smallness of coun- 
 try, land grows so dear, that the improvement of 
 money that way is inconsiderable, and so turns to 
 sea, where the greatness of the profit makes amends 
 for the venture.
 
 ghap. vi. Of their Trade. 165 
 
 This cannot be better illustrated, than by its 
 contrary, which appears no where more than in 
 Ireland j where, by the largeness and plenty of the 
 food, and scarcity of people, all things necessary 
 to life are so cheap, that an industrious man, by 
 two days labour, may gain enough to feed him the 
 rest of the week ; which I take to be a very plain 
 ground of the laziness attributed to the people : for 
 men naturally prefer ease before labour, and will 
 not take pains, if they can live idle : though when, 
 by necessity, they have been inured to it, they can- 
 not leave it, being grown a custom necessary to 
 their health, and to their very entertainment : nor 
 perhaps is the change harder, from constant ease 
 to labour, than from constant labour to ease. 
 
 This account of the original of trade agrees with 
 the experience of all ages, and with the constitu- 
 tions of all places, where it has most flourished in 
 the world, as Tyre, Carthage, Athens, Syracuse, 
 Agrigentum, Rhodes, Venice, Holland ; and will 
 be so obvious to every man, that knows and consi- 
 ders the situation, the extent, and the nature, of 
 all those countries, that it will need no enlarge- 
 ment upon the comparisons. 
 
 By these examples, which arc all of common- 
 wealths, and by the decay and dissolution of trade 
 in the six first, when they came to be conquered, 
 or subjected to arbitrary dominions, it might be 
 concluded, that there is something, in that form of 
 government, proper and natural to trade, in a more 
 peculiar manner. But the height it arrived to at 
 Bruges and Antwerp, under their Princes, for four 
 or five descents of the house of Burgundy, ami two 
 of Austria, shews, it may thrive under good Princes 
 and legal monarchies, as well as under free States. 
 Under arbitrary and tyrannical power it must of 
 necessity decay and dissolve, because this empties 
 a country of people, whereas the others fill it ; this
 
 166 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 extinguishes industry, whilst men are in doubt of 
 enjoying themselves what they geA or leaving it to 
 their children , the others encouragje it, by securing 
 men of both : one fills a country With soldiers, and 
 the other with merchants ; who were never known 
 yet to live well together, because they cannot trust 
 one another. And as trade cannot live without 
 mutual trust among private men ; so it cannot grow 
 or thrive, to any great degree, without a confidence 
 both of public and private safety, and consequently 
 a trust in the government, from an opinion of its 
 strength, wisdom, and justice ; which must be 
 grounded either upon the personal virtues and qua- 
 lities of a Prince, or else upon the constitutions and 
 orders of a State. 
 
 It appears to every man's eye who hath travelled 
 Holland, and observed the number and vicinity of 
 their great and populous towns and villages, with 
 the prodigious improvement of almost every spot 
 of ground in the country, and the great multitudes 
 constantly employed in their shipping abroad and 
 their boats at home, that no other known country 
 in the world, of the same extent, holds any pro- 
 portion with this in numbers of people ; and, if that 
 be the great foundation of trade, the best account 
 that can be given of theirs, will be by considering 
 the causes and accidents, that have served to force 
 or invite so vast a confluence of people into their 
 country. In the first rank may be placed the civil 
 wars, calamities, persecutions, oppressions, or dis- 
 contents, that have been so fatal to most of their 
 neighbours, for some time before, as well as since, 
 their State began. 
 
 The persecutions for matter of religion, in Ger- 
 many under Charles V, in France under Henry II, 
 and in England under Queen Mary, forced great 
 numbers of people out of all those countries, to 
 shelter themselves in the several towns of the Seven-
 
 chap. vi. Of their Trade. lG7 
 
 teen Provinces, where the ancient liberties of the 
 country, and privileges of the cities, had been in- 
 violate under so long a succession of Princes, and 
 gave protection to these oppressed strangers, who 
 filled their cities both with people and trade, and 
 raised Antwerp to such a height and renown, as con- 
 tinued till the Duke of Alva's arrival in the Low- 
 Countries. The fright of this man, and the orders 
 he brought, and arms to execute them, began to 
 scatter the flock of people that for some time had 
 been nested there ; so as,in very few months, above 
 100,000 families removed out of the country. But 
 when the Seven Provinces united, and began to de- 
 fend themselves with success, under the conduct 
 of the Prince of Orange, and the countenance of 
 England and France, and the persecutions for re- 
 ligion began to grow sharp in the Spanish pro- 
 vinces, all the professors of the reformed religion, 
 and haters of the Spanish dominion, retired into 
 the strong cities of this commonwealth, and gave 
 the same date to the growth of trade there, and 
 the decay of it at Antwerp. 
 
 The long civil wars, at first of France, then of 
 Germany, and lastly of England, served to increase 
 the swarm in this country, not only by such as were 
 persecuted at home, but great numbers of peace- 
 able men, who came here to seek for quiet in their 
 lives, and safety in their possessions or trades ; like 
 those birds that, upon the approach of a rough win- 
 ter-season, leave the countries where they were born 
 and bred, fly away to some kinder and softer cli- 
 mate, and never return till the frosts are past, and 
 the winds are laid at home. 
 
 The invitation these people had, to fix rather in 
 Holland than in many better countries, seems to 
 have been, at first, thegreat strength of theirtowns, 
 which by their maritime situation, and the low flat- 
 ness of their countrv, can with their sluices over-
 
 168 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 flow all the ground about them at such distances, 
 as to become inaccessible to any land forces. And 
 this natural strength has been improved, especially 
 at Amsterdam, by all the. art and expence that could 
 any ways contribute towards the defence of the 
 place. 
 
 Next was the constitution of their government, 
 by which, neither the States-General, nor the Prince, 
 have any power to invade any man's person or pro- 
 perty within the precincts of their cities. Nor 
 could it be feared that the senate of any town 
 should conspire to any such violence ; nor, if they 
 did, could they possibly execute it, having no sol- 
 diers in their pay, and the burghers only being em- 
 ployed in the defence of their towns, and execu- 
 tion of all civil justice among them. 
 
 These circumstances gave so great a credit to 
 the bank of Amsterdam ; and that was another in- 
 vitation for people to come and lodge here what 
 part of their money they could transport, and knew 
 no way of securing at home. Nor did those peo- 
 ple only lodge moneys here, who came over into 
 the country ; but many more, who never left their 
 own, though they provided for a retreat, or against 
 a storm, and thought no place so secure as this, nor 
 from whence they might so easily draw their money 
 into any parts of the world. 
 
 Another circumstance was, the general liberty 
 and ease, not only in point of conscience, but all 
 others that serve to the commodiousness and quiet 
 of life ; every man following his own way, mind- 
 ing his own business, and little inquiring into other 
 men's ; which, I suppose, happened by so great a 
 concourse of people of several nations, different re- 
 ligions and customs, as left nothing strange or new; 
 and by the general humour, bent all upon indus- 
 try ; whereas curiosity is only proper to idle men. 
 
 Besides, it has ever been the great principle of
 
 chap. vi. Of their Trade, IGQ 
 
 their State, running through all their provinces 
 and cities, even with emulation, to make their 
 country the common refuge of all miserable men ; 
 from whose protection, hardly any alliances, trea- 
 ties, or interests, have ever been able to divert or 
 remove them. So as, during the great dependance 
 this State had upon France in the time of Henry 
 IV, all the persons disgraced at that court, or ba- 
 nished that country, made this their common re- 
 treat ; nor could the State ever be prevailed with, 
 by any instances of the French Ambassadors, to 
 refuse them the use and liberty of common life and 
 air, under the protection of their government. 
 
 This firmness in the State has been one of the 
 circumstances that has invited so many unhappy 
 men out of all their neighbourhood, and indeed 
 from most parts of Europe, to shelter themselves 
 from the blows of justice, or of fortune. Nor in- 
 deed does any country seem so proper to be made 
 use of upon such occasions, not only in respect of 
 safety, but as a place that holds so constant and 
 easy correspondences with all parts of the world, 
 and whither any man may draw whatever money 
 he lias at his disposal in any other place ; where 
 neither riches expose men to danger, nor poverty 
 to contempt : but on the contrary, where parsi- 
 mony is honourable, whether it be necessary or no ; 
 and he, that is forced by his fortune to live low, 
 may here alone live in fashion, and upon equal 
 terms (in appearance abroad) with the chiefest of 
 their Ministers, and richest of their merchants: nor 
 is it easily imagined, how great an effect this con- 
 stitution among them may, in course of time, have 
 had upon the increase both of their people and their 
 trade. 
 
 As the two first invitations of people into this 
 country were the strength of their towns, and na- 
 ture of their government; so two others have grown 
 with the course of time, and progress of their riches
 
 170 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 and power. One is the reputation of their govern- 
 ment, arising from the observation of the success 
 of their arms, the prudence of their negotiations, 
 the steadiness of their counsels, the constancy of 
 theirpeaceandquiet at home, and the consideration 
 they hereby arrived at among the Princesand States 
 of Christendom. From all these, men grew to a 
 general opinion of the wisdom and conduct of their 
 State ; and of its being established upon founda- 
 tions that could not be shaken by any common ac- 
 cidents, nor consequently in danger of any great 
 or sudden revolutions ; and this is a mighty induce- 
 ment to industrious people to come and inhabit a 
 country, who seek not only safety under laws from 
 injustice and oppression, but likewise, under the 
 strength and good conduct of a State, from the vio- 
 lence of foreign invasions, or of civil commotions. 
 
 The other is, the great beauty of their country 
 (forced in time, and by the improvements of in- 
 dustry, in spite of nature) which draws every day 
 such numbers of curious and idle persons to see 
 their Provinces, though not to inhabit them. And 
 indeed their country is a much better mistress than 
 a wife, and where few persons, who are well at 
 home, would be content to live ; but where none, 
 that have time and money to spare, would not for 
 once be willing to travel ; and as England shews, 
 in the beauty of the country, what nature can ar- 
 rive at ; so does Holland, in the number, great- 
 ness, and beauty of their towns, whatever art can 
 bring to pass. But these and many other matters 
 of speculation among them, filling the observations 
 of all common travellers, shall make no part of 
 mine, whose design is rather to discover the causes 
 of their trade and riches, than to relate the effects. 
 
 Yet it may be noted hereupon, as a piece of wis- 
 dom in any kingdom or State, by the magnificence 
 of courts, or of public structures ; by encouraging 
 beauty in private buildings, and the adornment of
 
 chap. vi. Of their Trade. ] 7 1 
 
 towns with pleasant and regular plantations of trees ; 
 by the celebration of some noble festivals or solem- 
 nities ; by the institution of some great marts or 
 fairs ; and by the contrivance of any extraordi- 
 nary and renowned spectacles, to invite and occa- 
 sion, as much and as often as can be, the concourse 
 of busy or idle people from the neighbouring or re- 
 moter nations, whose very passage and intercourse 
 is a great increase of wealth and of trade, and a 
 secret incentive of people to inhabit a country, 
 where men may meet with equal advantages, 
 and more entertainments of life, than in other 
 places. Such were the Olympic and other games 
 among the Grecians ; such the triumphs, trophies, 
 and secular plays of old Rome, as well as the spec- 
 tacles exhibited afterwards by the Emperors, with 
 such stupendous effects of art and expence, for 
 courting or entertaining the people ; such the Ju- 
 bilees of new Rome ; the justs and tournaments 
 formerly used in most of the courts of Christen- 
 dom ; the festivals of the more celebrated orders 
 of knighthood ; and, in particular towns, the car- 
 navals and fairs ; the kirmishes, which run through 
 all the cities of the Netherlands, and in some of 
 them, with a great deal of pageantry, as well as 
 traffic, being equal baits of pleasure and of gain. 
 
 Having thus discovered what has laid the great 
 foundations of their trade, by the multitude of their 
 people, which has planted and habituated industry 
 among them, and, by that, all sorts of manufac- 
 ture, as well as parsimony, and thereby general 
 wealth : I shall enumerate, very briefly, some 
 other circumstances, that seem, next to these, the 
 chief advancers and eticouragers of trade in their 
 country. 
 
 Low interest, and dearness of land, arc effects 
 of the multitude of people, and cause of so much 
 money to lie ready for all projects by which gain
 
 172 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 may be expected, as the cutting of canals, making 
 bridges and cawseys, levelling downs, and draining 
 marshes, besides all new essays at foreign trade 
 which are proposed with any probability of ad- 
 vantage. 
 
 The use of their banks, which secures money, 
 and makes all payments easy, and trade quick. 
 
 The sale by registry, which was introduced here 
 and in Flanders in the time of Charles V, and 
 makes all purchases safe. 
 
 The severity of justice, not only against all 
 thefts, but all cheats, and counterfeits of any pub- 
 lic bills (which is capital among them) and even 
 against all common beggars, who are disposed of 
 either into work-houses, or hospitals, as they are 
 able or unable to labour. 
 
 The convoys of merchant-fleets into all parts, 
 even in time of peace, but especially into the 
 Straits ; which give their trade security against 
 many unexpected accidents, and their nation credit 
 abroad, and breeds up seamen for their ships of 
 war. 
 
 The lowness of their customs, and easiness of 
 paying them, which, with the freedom of their 
 ports, invite both strangers and natives to bring 
 commodities hither, not only as to a market, but 
 as to a magazine, where they lodge till they are 
 invited abroad to other and better markets. 
 
 Order and exactness in managing their trade, 
 which brings their commodities in credit abroad. 
 This was first introduced by severe laws and penal- 
 ties, but is since grown into custom. Thus there 
 have been above thirty several placarts about the 
 maimer of curing, pickling, and barrelling her- 
 rings. Thus all arms, made at Utrecht, are for- 
 feited, if sold without mark, or marked without 
 trial. And I observed in their India-house, that 
 all the pieces of scarlet, which are sent in great
 
 chap. vi. Of their Trade. 173 
 
 quantities to those parts, are marked with the En- 
 glish arms, and inscriptions in English ; by which 
 they maintain the credit gained to that commodity 
 by our former trade to parts where it is now lost 
 or decayed. 
 
 The government managed either by men that 
 trade, or whose families have risen by it, or who 
 have themselves some interest going in other men's 
 traffic, or who are born and bred in towns, the soul 
 and being whereof consists wholly in trade ; which 
 makes sure of all favour, that, from time to time, 
 grows necessary, and can be given it by the go- 
 vernment. 
 
 The custom of every town's affecting some par- 
 ticular commerce or staple, valuing itself there- 
 upon, and so improving it to the greatest height : 
 as Flushing, by that of the West-Indies ; Middle- 
 burgh, of French wines ; Terveer, by the Scots 
 staple ; Dort, by the English staple, and Rhenish 
 wines ; Rotterdam, by the English and Scotch 
 trade at large, and by French wines ; Leyden, by 
 the manufacture of all sorts of stuffs, silk, hair, 
 gold and silver ; Haerlem, by linen, mixt stuffs, 
 and flowers ; Delft, by beer and Dutch porcelane ; 
 Surdam, by the built of ships ; Enchuysen and 
 Mazland-sluys, by herring-fishing; Friezland, by 
 the Greenland trade ; and Amsterdam by that of 
 the East- Indies, Spain, and the Straits. 
 
 The great application of the whole Province to 
 the fishing-trade upon the coasts of England and 
 Scotland, which employs an incredible number of 
 ships and seamen, and supplies most of the south- 
 ern parts of Europe with a rich and necessary 
 commodity. 
 
 The last I shall mention is, the mighty advance 
 they have made towards engrossing the whole com- 
 merce of the East- Indies, by their successes against 
 the Portuguese, and by their many wars and victo-
 
 174 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 ries against the natives, whereby they have forced 
 them to treaties of commerce, exclusive to all 
 other nations, and to the admission of forts to be 
 built upon straits and passes that command the en- 
 trances into the traffic of such places. This has 
 been atchieved by the multitude of their people 
 and mariners, that has been able to furnish every 
 year so many great ships for such voyages, and to 
 supply the loss of so many lives, as the changes of 
 climate have cost, before they learnt the method of 
 living in them ; by the vastness of the stock that has 
 been turned wholly to that trade; and by the con- 
 duct and application of the East-India company, who 
 have managed it like a commonwealth, rather than 
 a trade, and thereby raised a State in the Indies, 
 governed indeed by the orders of the company, but 
 otherwise appearing to those nations like a sove- 
 reign State, making war and peace with their 
 greatest Kings, and able to bring to sea forty or 
 fifty men of war, and thirty thousand men at land, 
 by the modestest computations. The stock of this 
 trade, besides what it turns to in France, Spain, 
 Italy, the Straits, and Germany, makes them so 
 great masters in tile trade of the northern parts of 
 Europe, as Muscovy, Poland, Pomerania, and all 
 the Baltic ; where the spices, that are an Indian 
 drug, and European luxury, command all the com- 
 modities of those countries, which are so necessary 
 to life, as their corn ; and to navigation, as hemp, 
 pitch, masts, planks, and iron. 
 
 Thus the trade of this country is discovered to 
 be no effect of common contrivances, of natural 
 dispositions or situation, or of trivial accidents; but 
 of a great concurrence of circumstances, a long 
 course of time, force of orders and method, which 
 never before met in the world to such a degree, or 
 with so prodigious a success, and perhaps never 
 will again. Having grown (to sum up all) from
 
 chap. vi. Of their Trade* 175 
 
 the situation of their country, extended upon the 
 sea, divided by two such rivers as the Rhine and 
 the Maes, with the vicinity of the Ems, Weser, 
 and Elve ; from the confluence of people out of 
 Flanders, England, France, and Germany, invited 
 by the strength of their towns, and by the consti- 
 tutions and credit of their government ; by the 
 liberty of conscience, and security of life and 
 goods (subjected only to constant laws) ; from ge- 
 neral industry and parsimony, occasioned by the 
 multitude of people, and smallness of country; 
 from cheapness and easiness of carriage, by conve- 
 nience of canals ; from low use, and dearness of 
 land, which turn money to trade : the institution 
 of banks ; sale by registry ; care of convoys ; 
 smallness of customs ; freedom of ports ; order in 
 trade ; interest of persons in the government ; 
 particular traffic affected to particular places ; ap- 
 plication to the fishery ; and acquisitions in the 
 East-Indies. 
 
 It is no constant rule, That trade makes riches ; 
 for there may be a trade that impoverishes a na- 
 tion : as it is not going often <to market that en- 
 riches the countryman ; but, on the contrary, if, 
 every time he comes there, he buys to a greater 
 value than he sells, he grows the poorer the oftener 
 he goes : but the only and certain scale of riches, 
 arising from trade in a nation, is the proportion of 
 what is exported for the consumption of others, to 
 what is imported for their own. 
 
 The true ground of this proportion lies in the 
 general industry and parsimony of a people, or in 
 the contrary of both. Industry increases the na- 
 tive commodity, either in the product of the soil, 
 or the manufactures of the country, which raises 
 the stock for exportation. Parsimony lessens the 
 consumption of their own, as well as of foreign 
 commodities ; and not only abates the importation
 
 176 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 by the last, but increases the exportation by the 
 first ; for, of all native commodities, the less is con- 
 sumed in a country, the more is exported abroad ; 
 there being no commodity, but at one price or 
 other, will find a market, which they will be ma- 
 sters of, who can afford it cheapest : such are al- 
 ways the most industrious and parsimonious peo- 
 ple, who can thrive by prices upon which the lazy 
 and expensive cannot live. 
 
 The vulgar mistake, that importation of foreign 
 wares, if purchased abroad with native commodi- 
 ties, and not with money, does not make a nation 
 poorer, is but what every man, that gives himself 
 leisure to think, must immediately rectify, by find- 
 ing out, that, upon the end of an account between 
 a nation, and all they deal with abroad, whatever 
 the exportation wants in value, to balance that of 
 the importation, must of necessity be made up with 
 ready money. 
 
 By this we find out the foundation of the riches 
 of Holland, as of their trade by the circumstances 
 already rehearsed. For never any country traded 
 so much, and consumed so little : they buy infi- 
 nitely, but it is to sell again, either upon improve- 
 ment of the commodity, or at a better market. 
 They are the great masters^Tf the Indian spices, 
 and of the Persian silks, but wear plain woollen, 
 and feed upon their own fish and roots. Nay, they 
 sell the finest of their own cloth to France, and buy 
 coarse out of England for their own wear. They 
 send abroad the best of their own butter into all 
 parts, and buy the cheapest out of Ireland, or the 
 north of England, for their own use. In short, 
 they furnish infinite luxury which they never prac- 
 tise, and traffic in pleasures which they never taste. 
 
 The Gentlemen and officers of the army change 
 their cloaths and their modes like their neighbours. 
 But, among the whole body of the civil magis-
 
 chap. Ti. Of their Trade. 177 
 
 trates, the merchants, the rich traders, and citizens 
 in general, the fashions continue still the same ; 
 and others as constant among the seamen and boors; 
 so that men leave off their cloaths only because 
 they are worn out, and not because they are out of 
 fashion. 
 
 Their great foreign consumption is French wine 
 and brandy ; but that maybe allowed them as the 
 only reward they enjoy of all their pains, and as 
 that alone which makes them rich and happy in 
 their voluntary poverty, who would otherwise seem 
 poor and wretched in their real wealth. Besides, 
 what they spend in wine, they save in corn to make 
 other drinks, which is bought from foreign parts. 
 And, upon a pressure of their affairs, we see now, 
 for two years together, they have denied themselves 
 even this comfort, among all their sorrows, and 
 made up in passive fortitude, whatever they have 
 wanted in the active. 
 
 Thus it happens, that much going constantly out, 
 either in commodity, or in the labour of sea-faring 
 men, and little coming in to be consumed at home ; 
 the rest returns in coin, and fills the country to that 
 degree, that more silver is seen in Holland, among 
 the common hands and purses, than brass either in 
 Spain or in France ; though one be so rich in the 
 best native commodities, and the other drain all 
 the treasures of the West-Indies. 
 
 By all this account of their trade and riches, it 
 will appear, that some of our maxims are not so 
 certain, as they are current, in our common politics. 
 As, firs^, that example, and encouragement of ex- 
 cess and luxury, if employed in the consumption 
 of native commodities, is of advantage to trade: 
 it may be so to that which impoverishes, but it is 
 not to that which enriches a country; and is in- 
 deed less prejudicial, if it lie in native, than in 
 foreign wares. But the custom or humour of lux- 
 
 vol. r. \
 
 178 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 my and expence cannot stop at certain bounds j 
 what begins in native, will proceed in foreign com- 
 modities ; and, though the example arise dmong 
 idle persons, yet the imitation will run into all de- 
 grees, even of those men by whose industry the na- 
 tion subsists. And besides, the more of our own 
 we spend, the less we shall have to send abroad ; 
 and so it will come to pass, that, while we drive 
 a vast trade, yet, by buying much more than we 
 sell, we shall come to be poor : whereas, when we 
 drove a very small traffic abroad, yet, by selling 
 so much more than we bought, we were very rich 
 in proportion to our neighbours. This appeared 
 in Edward Ill's time, when we maintained so 
 mighty wars in France, and carried our victorious 
 arms into the heart of Spain: whereas, in the 28th 
 year of that King's reign, the value and custom 
 of all our exported commodities amounted to 
 294,184/. 175. 2d. and that of imported, but to 
 38,970/. 3 s. 6d. So as there must have entered 
 that year into the kingdom in coin, or bullion (or 
 else have grown a debt to the nation) 255,214/. 
 13 s. 8d. And yet we then carried out our wools 
 un wrought, and brought in a great part of our 
 cloaths from Flanders. 
 
 Another common maxim is, that if, by any fo- 
 reign invasion, or servitude, the State, and conse- 
 quently the trade, of Holland should be ruined, 
 the last would of course fall to our share in Eng- 
 land. Which is no consequence ; for it would cer- 
 tainly break into several pieces, and shift, either 
 to us, to Flanders, to the Hans Towns, or any other 
 parts, according as the most of those circum- 
 stances should any where concur to invite it (and 
 the likestto such) as appear to have formerly drawn 
 it into Holland, by so mighty a confluence of peo- 
 ple, and so general a vein of industry and parsi- 
 mony among them. And whoever pretends to
 
 chap. vi. Of their Trade. 179 
 
 equal their growth in trade and riches, by other 
 ways than such as are already enumerated, will 
 prove, I doubt, either to deceive, or to be deceived. 
 
 A third is, that if that State were reduced to great 
 extremities, so as to become a Province to some 
 greater power, they would chuse our subjection 
 rather than any other ; or those, at least, that are 
 the maritime, and the richest of the Provinces. 
 But it will be more reasonably concluded, from all 
 the former discourses, that, though they may be 
 divided by absolute conquests, they will never di- 
 vide themselves by consent, but all fall one way, 
 and, by common agreement, make the best terms 
 they can for their country, as a Province, if not as 
 a State : and, before they come to such an extre- 
 mity, they will first seek to be admitted, as a Bel- 
 gic circle, in the Empire (which they were of old) 
 and thereby receive the protection of that mighty 
 body, which (as far as great and smaller things may 
 be compared) seems the likest their own State in 
 its main constitutions, but especially in the free- 
 dom or sovereignty of the imperial cities. And 
 this I have often heard their Ministers speak of, as 
 their last refuge, in case of being threatened by too 
 strong and. fatal a conjuncture. 
 
 And, if this should happen, the trade of the Pro- 
 vinces would rather be preserved or increased, than 
 any way broken or destroyed, by such an alteration 
 of their State, because the liberties of the country 
 would continue what they are, and the security 
 would be greater than now it is. 
 
 The last I will mention is of another vein : That 
 if the Prince of Orange were made Sovereign of 
 their country, though by foreign arms, he would 
 be a great Prince, because this now appears to be 
 so great a State. Whereas, on the contrary, those 
 Provinces would soon become a very mean country. 
 For such a power must be maintained by force, as
 
 180 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 it would be acquired, and as indeed all absolute 
 dominion must be in those Provinces. This would 
 raise general discontents; and those perpetual 
 seditions among the towns, which would change 
 the orders of the country, endanger the property 
 of private men, and shake the credit and safety of 
 the government: whenever this should happen, 
 the people would scatter, industry would faint, 
 banks would dissolve, and trade would decay to 
 such a degree, as probably, in course of time, the 
 very digues would be no longer maintained by the 
 defences of a weak people, against so furious an 
 invader ; but the sea would break in upon their 
 land, and leave their chiefest cities to be fisher 
 towns as they were of old. 
 
 Without any such great revolutions, I am of opi- 
 nion, that trade has, for some years ago, past its 
 meridian, and begun sensibly to decay among 
 them : whereof there seem to be several causes ; 
 as, first, the general application, that so many other 
 nations have made to it, within these two or three 
 and twenty years. For since the peace of Munster, 
 which restored the quiet of Christendom in 1648, 
 not only Sweden and Denmark, but France and 
 England, have more particularly, than ever before, 
 busied the thoughts and councils of their several 
 governments, as well as the humours of their peo- 
 ple, about the matters of trade. 
 
 Nor has this happened without good degrees of 
 success ; though kingdoms of sucli extent, that 
 have other and nobler foundations of greatness, 
 cannot raise trade to such a pitch, as this little 
 State, which had no ohter to build upon ; no more 
 than a man, who has a fair and plentiful estate, can 
 fall to labour and industry, like one that has no- 
 thing else to trust to for the support of his life. 
 But, however, all these nations have come, of late, 
 to share largely with them ; and there seem to be
 
 c h A p . v I . Of their Trade. 1 8 1 
 
 grown too many traders for trade in the world, so 
 as they can hardly live one by another. As in a 
 great populous village, the first grocer, or mercer, 
 that sets up among them, grows presently rich, 
 having all the custom ; until another, encouraged 
 by his success, comes to set up by him, and share 
 in his gains ; at length so many fall to the trade, 
 that nothing is got by it; and some must give over, 
 or all must break. 
 
 Not many ages past, Venice and Florence pos- 
 sessed all the trade of Europe ; the last by their 
 manufactures ; but the first by their shipping : and 
 the whole trade of Persia and the Indies, whose 
 commodities were brought (those by land, and these 
 by the Arabian sea) to Egypt, from whence they 
 were fetched by the Venetian fleets, and dispersed 
 into most of the parts of Europe : and in those 
 times we find the whole trade of England was 
 driven by Venetians, Florentines, and Lombards. 
 The Easterlings, who were the inhabitants of the 
 Hans Towns, as Dantzick, Lubeck, Hamburgh, 
 and others upon that coast, fell next into trade, 
 and managed all that of these northern parts for 
 many years, and brought it first down to Bruges, 
 and from thence to Antwerp. The first navigations 
 of the Portuguese to the East-Indies broke the 
 greatness of the Venetian trade and drew it to Lis- 
 bon : and the revolt of the Netherlands, that of 
 Antwerp to Holland. But, in all this time, the 
 other and greater nations of Europe concerned 
 themselves little in it ; their trade was war ; their 
 counsels and enterprises were busied in the quar- 
 rels of the Holy Land, or in those between the 
 Popes and Emperors (both of the same forge, en- 
 gagingall Christian Princes, and ending in thegreat- 
 ness of the Ecclesiastical State throughout Christ- 
 endom :) sometimes, in the mighty wars between 
 England and France, between France and Spain :
 
 1S2 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 the more general between Christians and Turks ; 
 or more particular quarrels, between lesser and 
 neighbouring Princes. In short, the kingdoms 
 and principalities were in the world, like the No- 
 blemen and Gentlemen in a country; the free 
 states and cities, like the merchants and traders : 
 these at first despised by the others ; the others 
 served and revered by them ; until, by the various 
 course of events in the world, some of these came 
 to grow rich and powerful by industry and par- 
 simony; and some of the others, poor by war and 
 by luxury: which made the traders begin to take 
 upon them, and carry it like Gentlemen ; and the 
 Gentlemen begin to take a fancy of falling to trade. 
 By this short account it will appear no wonder, 
 either that particular places grew so rich and so 
 mighty, while they alone enjoyed -almost the ge- 
 neral trade of the world ; nor why not only the 
 trade in Holland, but the advantage of it in ge- 
 neral, should seem to be lessened by so many that 
 share it. 
 
 Another cause of its decay in that State may be, 
 that, by the mighty progress of their East-India 
 v company, the commodities of that country are 
 grown more than these parts of the world can take 
 off; and, consequently, the rates of them must 
 needs be lessened, while the charge is increased by 
 the great wars, the armies, and forts, necessary to 
 maintain, or extend, the acquisitions of that com- 
 pany in the Indies. For, instead of five or six 
 East-India ships, which used to make the fleet of 
 the year, they are now risen to eighteen or twenty 
 (I think two and twenty came in one year to the 
 United Provinces.) This is the reason why the 
 particular persons in that company in Holland 
 make not so great advantage of the same stock, as 
 those of ours do in England ; though their com- 
 pany be very much richer, and drives a far greater
 
 chap, vii Of their Trade. 18S 
 
 trade than ours, which is exhausted by no charge 
 of armies, or forts, or ships of war ; and this is the 
 reason, that the Dutch are forced to keep so long 
 and so much of those commodities in their maga- 
 zines here, and to bring them out, only as the 
 markets call for them, or are able to take off; and 
 why they bring so much less from the Indies 
 than they were able to do, if there were vent 
 enough here : I remember, one of their seamen, 
 newly landed out of their East-India fleet, in the 
 year 69, upon discourse in a boat between Delf 
 and Ley den, said, he had seen, before he came 
 away, three heaps of nutmegs burnt at a time, each 
 of which was more than a small church could hold, 
 which he pointed at in a village that was in sight. 
 Another cause may be the great cheapness of 
 corn, which has been for these dozen years, or 
 more, general in all these parts of Europe, and 
 which has a very great influence upon the trade 
 of Holland. For a great vent of Indian commo- 
 dities (at least the spices, which are the gross of 
 them) used to be made into the northern parts of 
 Europe, in exchange for corn, while it was taken 
 off at good rates by the markets of Flanders, Eng- 
 land, France, Spain, or Italy; in all which coun- 
 tries it has of late years gone solow, as to discourage 
 the import of so great quantities, as used to come 
 from Poland and Prussia, and other parts of the 
 north. Now the less value those nations receive 
 for corn, the less they are able to give for spice ; 
 which is a great loss to the Dutch on botli sides, 
 lessening the vent of their Indian ware in the 
 Northern, and the traffic of corn in the Southern 
 parts. The cause of this great cheapness of corn 
 seems to be, not so much a cause of plentiful and 
 seasonable years, as the general peace 1 hat has been 
 in Europe since the year 59, or (JO ; by which so 
 many men and so much land have been turned to
 
 184 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 husbandry, that were before employed in the wars, 
 or lay wasted by them in all the frontier provinces 
 of France and Spain, as well as throughout Ger- 
 many, before the peace of Munster ; and in Eng- 
 land during the actions or consequences of a civil 
 war : and plenty grows not to a height, but by the 
 succession of several peaceful as well as seasonable 
 years. 
 
 The last cause I will mention is the mighty en- 
 largement of the city of Amsterdam, by that which 
 is called the New Town ; the extent whereof is so 
 spacious, and the buildings of so much greater 
 beauty and cost than the old, that it must have em- 
 ployed a vast proportion of that stock which in this 
 city was before wholly turned to trade. Besides 
 there seems to have been growing on, for these 
 later years, a greater vie of luxury and expence 
 among many of the merchants of that town, than 
 was ever formerly known : which was observed 
 and complained of, as well as the enlargement of 
 their city, by some of the wisest of their Ministers, 
 while I resided among them, who designed some 
 regulations by sumptuary laws : as knowing the 
 very foundations of their trade would soon be un- 
 dermined, if the habitual industry, parsimony, and 
 simplicity of their people came to be over-run by 
 luxury, idleness, and excess. However it hap- 
 pened, I found it agreed by all the most diligent 
 and circumspect enquiries 1 could make, that, in 
 the years 69 and 70, there was hardly any foreign 
 trade among them, besides that of the indies, Ly 
 which the traders made the returns of their money 
 without loss; and none, by which the common 
 gain was above two or thr< . in the hundred. .So, 
 as it seems to be with trade, as with the sea (its 
 element) that has a certain pitch, above which it 
 never rises in the highest tides, and begins to ebb, 
 as soon as ever it ceases to flow ; and ever loses
 
 c h a p. vi f . Of their Forces and Revenues. 1 85 
 
 ground in one place, proportionable to what it gains 
 in another. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Of their Forces and Revenues. 
 
 The strength and forces of a kingdom, or state, 
 were measured, in former ages, by the numbers of 
 native and warlike subjects which they could draw 
 into the field, upon any war with their neighbours. 
 National quarrels were decided by national armies, 
 not by stipendiary forces (raised with money, or 
 maintained by constant pay.) In the several king- 
 doms and principalities of Europe, the bodies of 
 their armies were composed, as they are still in 
 Poland, of the Nobility and Gentry, who were bound 
 to attend their Princes to the wars, with certain 
 numbers of armed men, according to the tenure 
 and extent of the several lordships and lands they 
 held of the crown : where these were not propor- 
 tionable to the occasion, the rest were made up of 
 subjects drawn together by love of their Prince or 
 their country, by desire of conquests and spoils, or 
 necessity of defence ; held together by allegiance 
 or religion ; and spirited by honour, revenge, or 
 avarice (not of what they could get from their 
 leaders, but from their enemies.) A battle or two, 
 fairly {'ought, decided a war ; and a war ended the 
 quarrel of an age, and either lost or gained the cause 
 or country contended for : till the change of times 
 and accidents brought it to a new decision ; till 
 the virtues and vices of Princes made them stronger 
 or weaker, either in the love and obedience of their 
 people, or in such orders and customs as rendered 
 their subjects more or less warlike or effeminate. 
 Standing forces, or guards in constant pay, were
 
 186 Obscnations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 no where used by lawful Princes in their native or 
 hereditary counties, but only by conquerors in 
 subdued provinces, or usurpers at home ; and were 
 a defence only against subjects, not against ene- 
 mies. 
 
 These orders seem first to have been changed 
 in Europe by the two States of Venice and Hol- 
 land : both of them small in territories at land, and 
 those extended in frontier upon powerful neigh- 
 bours ; both of them weak in number of native 
 subjects, and those less warlike at land, by turning 
 so much to traffic, and to sea : but both of them 
 mighty in riches and trade ; which made them en- 
 deavour to balance their neighbours strength in 
 native subjects by foreign stipendiary bands ; and 
 to defend their frontiers by the arts of fortification, 
 and strength of places, which might draw out a 
 war into length by sieges, when they durst not 
 venture it upon a battle ; and so make it many 
 times determined by force of money, rather than 
 of arms. This forced those Princes, who frontiered 
 upon the States, to these same provisions ; which 
 have been increased by the perpetual course of 
 wars, upon the continent of Europe, ever since the 
 rise of this State, until the peace of the Pyrenees, 
 between Princes bordering one upon the other ; 
 and so, ready for sudden inroads or invasions. 
 
 The force therefore of these Provinces is to be 
 measured, not by the number or dispositions of 
 their subjects, but by the strength of their shipping, 
 and standing-troops, which they constantly main- 
 tain, even in time of peace; and by the numbers 
 of both, which they have been able to draw into 
 the held, and to sea, for support of a war ; by their 
 constant revenue to maintain the first ; and by the 
 temporary charge they have been able to furnish 
 for supply of the other. 
 
 I will not enumerate their frontier towns (which
 
 chap. vii. Of I heir Forces and Revenues. 187 
 
 is a common theme) or the forces necessary for 
 the garrisons of them ; nor the nature and variety 
 of their taxes and impositions, though I have an 
 exact list of them by me, expressing the several 
 kinds, rates, and proportions, upon every Province 
 and town : but this would swell a discourse with a 
 great deal of tedious matter, and to little purpose. 
 I shall therefore be content only to observe, what 
 I have informed myself of their forces and revenues 
 in general, from persons among them the best able 
 to give that account. 
 
 The ordinary revenue of this State consists, ei- 
 ther in what is levied in the conquered towns, and 
 country of Brabant, Flanders, or the Rhine; which 
 is wholly administered by the Council of State : or 
 else the ordinary funds which the Seven Provinces 
 provide every year, according to their several pro- 
 portions, upon the petition of the council of State, 
 and computation of the charge of the ensuing year, 
 given in by them to the States-General. And this 
 revenue commonly amounts to about one and 
 twenty millions of guilders a-year ; every million 
 making about ninety thousand pounds Sterling, 
 intrinsic value. 
 
 The chief funds, out of which this rises, are, the 
 excise and the custcms : the first is great, and so 
 general, that I have heard it observed at Amster- 
 dam, that, when, in a tavern, a certain dish offish 
 eaten with the usual sauce, above thirty several ex- 
 cises are paid for what is necessary to that small 
 service. The last, arc low and easy, and applied 
 particularly to the Admiralty. 
 
 Out of this revenue is supplied the charge of 
 the whole milicc, of all public officers of the State, 
 and Ambassadors, or Ministers abroad, and the 
 interest of about thirteen millions owing by the 
 States-General. 
 
 The standing-forces in the year 1670, upon so
 
 188 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 general a peace, and after all reformations, were 
 twenty-six thousand two hundred men, in ten re- 
 giments of horse consisting of fifty troops ; and 
 nineteen of foot, consisting of three hundred and 
 eighty companies. The constant charge of these 
 forces stood them in six millions one hundred and 
 nineteen thousand guilders a year. 
 
 The Admiralties, in time of peace, maintain be- 
 tween thirty and forty men of war, employed in 
 the several convoys of their merchants fleets, in a 
 squadron of eight or ten ships, to attend the Al- 
 gerines and other Corsairs in the Mediterranean ; 
 and some always lying ready in their havens for 
 any sudden accidents or occasions of the State. 
 The common expence of the Admiralties in this 
 equipage, and the built of ships, is about six millions 
 a-year. 
 
 Besides the debt of the Generality, the Province 
 of Holland owes about sixty-five millions, for which 
 they pay interest at four in the hundred ; but with 
 so great ease and exactness, both in principal and 
 interest, that no man ever demands it twice ; they 
 might take up whatever money they desired. Who- 
 ever is admitted to bring in his money, takes it for 
 a great deal of favour ; and, when they pay offany 
 part of the principal, those it belongs to receive it 
 with tears, not knowing how to dispose of it to in- 
 terest with such safety and ease. And the com- 
 mon revenue of particular men lies much in the 
 cantores, either of the Generality, or the several 
 Provinces, which are the registries of these public 
 debts. 
 
 Of the several imposts and excises, those that 
 are upon certain and immoveable possessions (as 
 houses and lands) are collected by the Magistrates 
 of the several places, and by them paid in to the 
 receivers, because both the number and value of 
 them are constant and easily known. Those, which
 
 chap. vii. Of their Forces and Revenues. 189 
 
 arise out of uncertain consumptions, are all set out 
 to farm, and to him that bids most, some every 
 three months, some every six, and some yearly. 
 
 The collection, receipt, and distribution of all 
 public monies are made without any fee to officers, 
 who receive certain constant salaries from the 
 State, which they dare not increase by any private 
 practices, or extortions : so, whoever has a bill of 
 any public debt, has so much ready money in his 
 coffers, being paid certainly at call, without charge 
 or trouble ; and assigned over in any payment, like 
 the best bill of exchange. 
 
 The extraordinary revenue is, when upon some 
 great occasions, or wars, the Generality agrees to 
 any extraordinary contributions : as sometimes the 
 hundredth penny of the estates of all the inha- 
 bitants ; poll, or chimney-money ; or any other 
 subsidies, and payments, according as they can a- 
 gree, and the occasions require ; which have some- 
 times reached so far, as even to an imposition upon 
 every man that travels in the common ways of 
 their country, by boat, or in a coach ; in waggon, 
 or on horseback. 
 
 I3y all these means, in the first year of the Eng- 
 lish war, 1665, there were raised in the Provinces 
 forty millions, of which twenty-two in the Province 
 of Holland. And, upon the Bishop of Minister's 
 invading them at the same time by land, they had, 
 in the year 66, above threescore thousand land-men 
 in pay ; and a fleet of above an hundred men of war 
 at sea. 
 
 The greatness of this nation, at that time, seems 
 justly to have raised the glory of ours ; which, 
 during the years 6.5 and 66, maintained a war, 
 not only against this powerful State, but against 
 the crowns of France and Denmark, in conjunction 
 with them : and all, at a time, when this kingdom 
 was forced to struggle at home with the calamitous
 
 190 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 effects of a raging plague, that, in three months of 
 the first year, swept away incredible numbers of 
 people ; and of a prodigious fire, that, in three days 
 of the second, laid in ashes that ancient and famous 
 city of London (the heart and center of our com- 
 merce and riches) consuming the greatest part of 
 its buildings, and an immense proportion of its 
 wealth. Yet, in the midst of these fatal accidents, 
 those two summers were renowned with three 
 battles of the mightiest fleets that ever met upon 
 the ocean ; whereof two were determined by en- 
 tire and unquestioned victories, and pursuit of our 
 enemies into their very havens. The third having 
 begun, by the unfortunate division of our fleet, with 
 the odds of ninety of their ships against fifty of 
 ours ; and, in spite of such disadvantages, having 
 continued, or been renewed, for three days toge- 
 ther (wherein we were every morning the aggress- 
 ors) ended at last by the equal and mutual weak- 
 ness and weariness of both sides, the maims of ships 
 and tackling, with want of powder and ammunition : 
 having left undecided the greatest action that will 
 perhaps appear upon record of any story. And in 
 this battle, Monsieur de Witt confessed to me, 
 That we gained more honour to our nation, and 
 to the invincible courage of our seamen, than by 
 the other two victories : that he was sure their 
 men could never have been brought on the two 
 following days, after the disadvantages of the first ; 
 and he believed no other nation was capable of it 
 but ours. 
 
 I will not judge how we came to fail of a glori- 
 ous peace in the six months next succeeding, after 
 the fortune of our last victory, and with the ho- 
 nour of the war : but as any rough hand can break 
 a bone, whereas much art and care are required to 
 set it again, and restore it to its first strength and 
 proportion ; so it is an easy part in a Minister of
 
 chap. viii. The Causes of their Fallin 187 2. 191 
 
 State to engage a war, but it is given to few to 
 know the times, and find the ways of making peace. 
 Yet when, after the sensible events of an unfortu- 
 nate negligence, an indifferent treaty was conclu- 
 ded at Breda, in 1667, within six months following, 
 by an alliance with this State in January 1668, 
 (which was received with incredible joy and ap- 
 plause among them) his Majesty became the un- 
 questioned arbiter of all the affairs of Christendom; 
 made a peace between the two great crowns, at 
 Aix-la-Chapelle, which was avowed by all the world 
 to be perfectly his own, and was received with equal 
 applause of Christian princes abroad, and of his 
 subjects at home ; and for three years succeeding, 
 by the unshaken alliance and dependence of the 
 United States, his Majesty remained absolute ma- 
 ster of the peace of Christendom, and in a posture 
 of giving bounds to the greatest, as well as protec- 
 tion to the weakest, of his neighbours. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 The Causes of their Fall in 1672. 
 
 It must be avowed, that as this State, in the course 
 and progress of its greatness for so many years past, 
 has sinned like a comet ; so, in the revolutions of 
 this last summer, it seemed to fall like a meteor, 
 and has equally amazed the world by the one and 
 the other. When we consider such a power and 
 wealth, as was related in the last chapter, to have 
 fallen in a manner prostrate within the space of 
 one month ; so many frontier towns, renowned in 
 the sieges and actions of the Spanish wars, entered 
 like open villages by the French troops, without 
 defence, or almost denial; most of them without 
 any blows at all, and all of them with so few; their
 
 192 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 great rivers, that were esteemed an invincible se- 
 curity to the provinces of Holland and Utrecht, 
 passed with as much ease, and as small resistances, 
 as little fords; and, in short, the very hearts of a 
 nation, so valiant of old against Rome, so obstinate 
 against Spain, now subdued, and, in a manner, 
 abandoning all before their danger appeared : we 
 may justly have our recourse to the secret and fixed 
 periods of all human greatness, for the account of 
 such a revolution ; or rather to the unsearchable 
 decrees and irresistable force of divine providence; 
 though it seems not more impious to question it, 
 than to measure it by our scale ; or reduce the 
 issues and motions of that eternal will and power 
 to a conformity with what is esteemed just, or wise, 
 or good, by the usual consent, or the narrow com- 
 prehension of poor mortal men. 
 
 But as, in the search and consideration even of 
 things natural and common, our talent, I fear, is 
 to talk rather than to know ; so we may be allowed 
 to enquire and reason upon all things, while we do 
 not pretend to certainty, or call that undeniable 
 truth, which is every day denied by ten thousand ; 
 nor those opinions unreasonable, which we know 
 to be held by such as we allow to be reasonable 
 men. I shall therefore set down such circum- 
 stances, as to me seem most evidently to have con- 
 spired in this revolution ; leaving the causes less 
 discernible to the search of more discerning per- 
 sons. 
 
 And, first, I take their vast trade, which was an 
 occasion of their greatness, to have been one like- 
 wise of their fall, by having wholly diverted the 
 genius of their native subjects, and inhabitants, 
 from arms, to traffic and the arts of peace ; leav- 
 ing the whole fortune of their later wars to be 
 managed by foreign and mercenary troops ; which 
 much abased the courage of their nation (as was
 
 cttAP. viii* The Causes of their Fall in 1672. 193 
 
 observed in another chapter) and made the burgh- 
 ers of so little moment towards the defence of 
 their towns ; whereas in the famous sieges of Haer- 
 lem, Alcmer, and Leyden, they had made such 
 brave and fierce defences, as broke the heart of the 
 Spanish armies, and the fortune of their affairs. 
 
 Next was the peace of Munster, which had left 
 them now, for above twenty years, too secure of 
 all invasions, or enemies at land ; and so turned 
 their whole application to the strength of their 
 forces at sea; which have been since exercised 
 with two English wars in that time, and enlivened 
 with the small yearly expeditions into the Straits 
 against the Algerines, and other Corsairs of the 
 Mediterranean. 
 
 Another was, their too great parsimony, in re- 
 forming so many of their best foreign officers and 
 troops, upon the peace of Munster ; whose valour 
 and conduct had been so great occasions of in- 
 ducing Spain to the counsels and conclusions of 
 that treaty. 
 
 But the greatest of all others, that concurred to 
 weaken, and indeed break, the strength of their 
 land milice, was the alteration of their State, which 
 happened by the Perpetual Edict of Holland and 
 West-Friezland, upon the death of the last Prince 
 of Orange, for exclusion of the power of Stadt- 
 holder in their Province, or at least the separation 
 of it from the charge of Captain-General. Since 
 that time, the main design and application of those 
 Provinces has been, to work out, by degrees, all 
 the old officers, both native and foreign, who had 
 been formerly sworn to the Prince of Orange, and 
 were still thought affectionate to the interest of that 
 family ; and to fill the commands of their army 
 with the sons or kinsmen of their burgomasters, or 
 other officers or deputies in the State, whom they 
 esteemed sure to the constitutions of their popular 
 
 vol. i. o
 
 194 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 government, and good enough for an age where 
 they saw no appearance of enemy at land to attack 
 them. 
 
 But the humour of kindness to the young Prince, 
 both in the people and army, was not to be dis- 
 solved, or dispersed, by any medicines, or opera- 
 tions, either of rigour or artifice ; but grew up in- 
 sensibly with the age of the Prince, ever presag- 
 ing some revolution in the State when he should 
 come to the years of aspiring, and managing the 
 general affections of the people ; being a Prince 
 who joined to the great qualities of his Royal blood 
 the popular virtues of his country; silent and 
 thoughtful; given to hear, and to enquire; of a 
 sound and steady understanding ; much firmness 
 in what he once resolves, or once denies ; great 
 industry and application to his business, little to 
 his pleasures ; piety in the religion of his country, 
 but with charity to others; temperance unusual to 
 his youth, and to the climate ; frugal in the com- 
 mon management of his fortune, and yet magni- 
 ficent upon occasion ; of great spirit and heart, 
 aspiring to the glory of military actions, with strong 
 ambition to grow great, but rather by the service, 
 than by the servitude, of his country ; in short, a 
 Prince of many virtues, without any appearing 
 mixture of vice. 
 
 In the English war, begun the year 1665, the 
 States disbanded all the English troops that were 
 then left in their service, dispersing the officers and 
 soldiers of our nation, who staid with them, into 
 other companies, or regiments of their own. After 
 the French invasion of Flanders, and the strict al- 
 liance between England and Holland in 1668, they 
 did the same by all the French that were remain- 
 ing in their service : so as the several bodies of 
 these two nations, which had ever the greatest part 
 in the honour and fortune of their wars, were now
 
 chap. vol. The Causes of their Fall in 1672. 195 
 
 wholly dissolved, and their standing milice com- 
 posed, in a manner, all of their own natives, ener- 
 vated by the long uses and arts of traffic, and of 
 peace. 
 
 But they were too great a match for any of the 
 smaller Princes their neighbours in Germany; and 
 too secure of any danger from Spain, by the know- 
 ledge of their forces, as well as dispositions ; and 
 being strictly allied both with England and Sweden, 
 in two several defensive leagues, and in one com- 
 mon triple alliance, they could not foresee any 
 danger from France, who, they thought, would 
 never have the courage, or force, to enter the lists 
 with so mighty confederates ; and who were sure 
 of a conjunction, whenever they pleased, both with 
 the Emperor and Spain. 
 
 Besides, they knew that France could not at- 
 tack them, without passing through Flanders or 
 Germany : they were sure Spain would not suffer 
 it through the first, if they were backed in op- 
 posing it, as foreseeing the inevitable loss of Flan- 
 ders, upon that of Holland: and they could hardly 
 believe, the passage should be yielded by a Ger- 
 man Prince, contrary to the express will and inten- 
 tions of the Emperor, as well as the common in- 
 terests of the empire : so that they hoped the war 
 would, at least, open in their neighbours provinces, 
 for whose defence they resolved to employ the 
 whole force of their State ; and would have made 
 a mighty resistance, if the quarrel had begun at 
 any other doors, but their own. 
 
 They could not imagine a conjunction between 
 England and France, for the ruin of their State; 
 for, being unacquainted with our constitutions, 
 they did not foresee, how we should find our 
 interest in it, and measured all States by that 
 which they esteemed to be their interest. Nor 
 could they believe, that other Princes and States 
 
 o 2
 
 196 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 of Europe would suffer such an addition to be 
 made to the power of France, as a conquest of 
 Holland. 
 
 Besides these public considerations, there were 
 others particular to the factions among them : and 
 some of their Ministers were neither forward nor 
 supple enough to endeavour the early breaking, or 
 diverting, such conjunctures as threatened them j 
 because they were not without hopes, they might 
 end in renewing their broken measures with France ; 
 which those of the commonwealth-party were more 
 inclined to, by foreseeing the influence that their 
 alliances with England must needs have in time, 
 towards the restoring of the Prince of Orange's au- 
 thority : and they thought at the worst, that when- 
 ever a pinch came, they could not fail of a safe 
 bargain, in one market or other, having so vast a 
 treasure ready to employ upon any good occasion. 
 
 These considerations made them commit three 
 fatal oversights in their foreign negotiations : for 
 they made an alliance with England, without en- 
 gaging a confidence and friendship : they broke 
 their measures with France, without closing new 
 ones with Spain : and they reckoned upon the as- 
 sistances of Sweden, and their neighbour Princes 
 of Germany, without making them sure by subsi- 
 diary advances, before a war began. 
 
 Lastly, the Prince of Orange was approaching 
 the two and twentieth year of his age, which the 
 States of Holland had, since their alliance with his 
 majesty in 1668, ever pretended should be the time 
 of advancing him to the charge of Captain-General 
 and Admiral of their forces, though without that 
 of Stadth older. But the nearer they drew to this 
 period, which was like to make a new figure in 
 their government, the more desirous some of their 
 Ministers seemed, either to decline, or to restrain 
 it. On the other side, the Prince grew confident
 
 chap. viit. The Causes of their Fall in 1672. 197 
 
 upon the former promises, or, at least, intimations, 
 of Holland, and the concurring dispositions of the 
 other six Provinces to his advancement : and his 
 party, spirited by their hopes, and the great quali- 
 ties of this young Prince (now grown ripe for ac- 
 tion, and for enterprise) resolved to bring this point 
 to a sudden decision ; against which, the other 
 party prepared, and united all their defences ; so 
 as this strong disease, that had been so long work- 
 ing in the very bowels of the State, seemed just 
 upon its crisis ; when a conjunction of two mighty 
 Kings brought upon them a sudden and furious in- 
 vasion by land and sea, at the same time, by a royal 
 fleet of above fourscore ships, and an army of as 
 many thousand men. 
 
 When the States saw this cloud ready to break 
 upon them (after a long belief, that it would blow 
 over) they began, not only to provide shelter at 
 home with their usual vigour, but to look out for 
 it abroad(though both too late). Of the Princes that 
 were their allies, or concerned in their danger, such 
 as were far oft' could not be in time ; the nearer 
 were unwilling to share in a danger they were not 
 enough prepared for ; most were content to see 
 the pride of this State humbled j some the injuries 
 they had received from them revenged ; many 
 would have them mortified, that would not have 
 them destroyed ; and so all resolved to leave 
 them to weather the storm, as they could, for one 
 campaign ; which, they did not believe, could go 
 far towards their ruin, considering the greatness of 
 their riches, number of their forces, and strength 
 of their places. 
 
 The State, in the mean time, had increased their 
 troops to seventy thousand men, and had begun to 
 repair the fortifications of their frontier towns : but 
 so great a length of their country lav open to the 
 French invasion, by the territories of Cologn and
 
 198 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 Liege, and to the Bishop of Minister (their inve- 
 terate enemy) by Westphalia, that they knew not 
 where to expect or provide against the first danger: 
 and, while they divided their forces and endeavours 
 towards the securing of so many garrisons, they 
 provided for none to any purpose but Maestricht; 
 which the French left behind them, and fell in 
 upon the towns of the Rhine, and the heart of their 
 Provinces. 
 
 Besides, those Ministers, who had still the direc- 
 tion of affairs, bent their chief application to the 
 strength and order of their fleet, rather than of 
 their army: whether more picqued at England 
 than France, upon the war and manner of entering 
 into it ; or believing that a victory at sea would be 
 the way to a peace with this crown : or, hoping 
 their towns would not fall so fast, but that, before 
 three or four were lost, the business at sea would 
 be decided : or, perhaps, content that some ill suc- 
 cesses should attend the Prince of Orange at his 
 first entrance upon the command of their armies, 
 and thereby contribute to their designs of restrain- 
 ing the authority, while they were forced to leave 
 him the name, of Captain-General. Tin's, indeed, 
 was not likely to fail, considering the ill constitu- 
 tion of their old army, the hasty levies of their new, 
 and the height of the factions now broken out in 
 the State; which left both the towns and the troops 
 in suspense, under whose banners they fought, and 
 by whose orders they were to be governed, the 
 Prince's or the State's. 
 
 There happened, at the same time, an accident 
 unusual to their climate, which was a mighty 
 drought in the beginning of the summer, that left 
 their waters fordable in places where they used to 
 be navigable for boats of greatest burden. And this 
 gave them more trouble and distraction in the de- 
 fence, as their enemies more facility in the passage,
 
 chap. vui. The Causes of their Fall in 1672. 199 
 
 of those great rivers, which were esteemed no small 
 security of their country. 
 
 And in this posture were the affairs of this com- 
 monwealth, when the war broke out, with those 
 fatal events that must needs attend any kingdom, 
 or state, where the violence of a foreign invasion 
 happens to meet with the distracted estate of a do- 
 mestic sedition or discontent, which, like ill hu- 
 mours in a body, make any small wound dangerous, 
 and a great one mortal. They were still a great 
 body, but without their usual soul ; they were a 
 State, but it was of the disunited Provinces. Their 
 towns were without order ; their burghers without 
 obedience; their soldiers without discipline; and 
 all without heart: whereas, in all sieges, the hearts 
 of men defend the walls, and not walls the men : 
 and, indeed, it was the name of England joining 
 in the war against them, that broke their hearts, 
 and contributed more to the loss of so many towns, 
 and so much country, than the armies of Minister, 
 or France. So that, upon all circumstances con- 
 sidered, it seems easier to give an account, what it 
 was that lost them so much, than what saved them 
 the rest. 
 
 No man at play sees a very great game, either 
 in his own or in another's hand, unexpectedly lost, 
 but he is apt to consider, whether it could have 
 been saved, and how it ought to have been played. 
 The same enquiry will be natural upon the fall of 
 this State, and very difficult to resolve. 
 
 After the mighty growth of the French, and 
 decay of the Spanish power, which drew on the in- 
 vasion of Flanders in 1667, this State had a very 
 hard game to play ; either they must see Flanders 
 wholly lost, and France grown to confine upon 
 them (whom they liked as an ally, but dreaded as 
 a neighbour) ; or else they must join with France 
 to divide Flanders between them : but they knew
 
 200 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 what it was to share with the lion : or they must 
 join with Spain to defend Flanders against France, 
 that is, with their old enemy, against their old 
 friend : or, lastly, they must join with England for 
 the defence of Flanders ; neither breaking with 
 France, nor closing with Spain ; and frame an ar- 
 bitrage, but something of a rough nature ; rather 
 prescribing than mediating a peace, and threaten- 
 ing a war upon that crown that refused it. 
 
 They chose the last, and wisely, as all men 
 thought: but, though this alliance was happily 
 planted, yet it was unhappily cultivated, and so 
 the fruit came to fall, and the root to wither upon 
 the first change of seasons, in such a manner, and 
 to such a degree, as we have lately seen. Whether 
 they could have prevented a conjunction of Eng- 
 land with France, shall be no part of my subject; 
 for I pretend not to know, or to tell, secrets of 
 State ; and intend these, not for the observations 
 of an ambassador, but of a private man as I am, 
 and such as any Gentleman might easily have 
 made, who had resided above two years, as I did, 
 in Holland ; and had been, as I was, a little in- 
 clined to observe. I shall only say, that the con- 
 junction of England with France was to this State, 
 like one of those diseases which, the physicians say, 
 are hard to discern, while they are easy to cure ; 
 but, when once they come to be plainly discovered, 
 they are past remedy. 
 
 But, as Holland had ever defended itself against 
 Spain, by England and France ; so it ought to have 
 done against France, by England and Spain, and 
 provided early against their own danger, as well 
 as that of Flanders, by improving and advancing 
 their confederate leaguewith England and Sweden, 
 into a strict defensive alliance with Spain, as a 
 principal in the league ; and by agreeing with that 
 crown to furnish between them some constant sub-
 
 chap. viii. The Causes of their Fall in 1672. 201 
 
 sidiary payments to Sweden, for the support of 
 their standing forces, even in time of peace. This 
 was the desire of Spain, the interest of all that 
 meant to secure the peace of Christendom ; and 
 the opinion of some of the Dutch Ministers, though 
 not of the chiefest, until it was too late : and the 
 omission of this was the greatest fault ever com- 
 mitted in their politics ; and proceeded in a great 
 measure from their ancient animosity to Spain ; 
 which, as it was the beginning, so, by this effect, it 
 almost proved the end, of their State. 
 
 When the war began in the midst of the con- 
 junctures related, it is hard to say what could have 
 defended them : but as men in a town, threatened 
 with a mighty siege, abandon their suburbs, and 
 slight those out-works which are either weak of 
 themselves or not well defensible for want of men ; 
 and resolve only to make good those posts which 
 they are able fully to man, and easily to relieve ; 
 because the loss of every small out-work does not 
 only weaken the number, but sink the courage of 
 the garrison within : so this State, which came to 
 be in a manner besieged by the mighty and nu- 
 merous armies of France and of Munster, ought, 
 in my opinion, to have left themselves but three 
 out-works to maintain (I mean three posts standing 
 without the lines that inclosed the main body of 
 their provinces) these should have been Maestricht, 
 Wesel, and Coeverden. They should have slighted 
 all the rest of their places that lay without these 
 upon the Rhine, or in Overyssel ; and drawn the 
 men into these towns, so as to have left them rather 
 like camps than garrisons ; that is, eight thousand 
 foot and two thousand horse in Maestricht, as many 
 in Wesel, and half the number in Coeverden, if the 
 place would contain them ; if not, they might have 
 formed and fortified a camp, with something a
 
 202 Observations upon the United Provinces. 
 
 greater number, upon the next pass into Friezland 
 and Groninguen. 
 
 Of the rest of their horse (which were, I suppose, 
 about five thousand) with at least fifteen thousand 
 foot, they should have formed a great standing 
 camp within their rivers, somewhere near Arnhera ; 
 fortified it with cannon, and all the art that could 
 be ; furnished it with the greatest care, and plenty 
 of provisions. The remainder of their infantry 
 would have been enough for the rest of their gar- 
 risons ; of which the towns upon the Yssel, Does- 
 burgh, Zutphen, Daventer, and Swoll, would have 
 been in a manner flanked (though at some distance) 
 by the strong garrisons of Wesel and Coeverden, 
 and breasted by the main camp. 
 
 If, with this disposition of their forces, they had 
 provided well for the strength and defence of 
 Skinksconce, Nimeguen, and Grave (which would 
 likewise have lain within all the cover of these out- 
 posts) they might, for aught I know, have expected 
 the war, without losing the heart and steadiness 
 of their counsels, and not without probability of 
 making a defence worthy the former greatness and 
 achievements of their State. 
 
 For a siege of Maestricht or Wesel (so garrisoned 
 and resolutely defended) might not only have 
 amused, but endangered, the French armies j as 
 Coeverden might have done that of Munster. 
 
 The resistance of one of these towns would have 
 increased the strength of all the rest : for the for- 
 tune of battles and sieges turns upon the hearts of 
 men, as they are more or less capable of general 
 confidences or fears, which are very much raised 
 by accidents and opinions. It would not have 
 been within any common rules to march so far 
 into the country, as to attack the Barse or Breda, 
 Nimeguen or Grave, leaving such camps behind
 
 chap. vin. The Causes of their Fall in 1672. 203 
 
 as those at Wesel and Maestricht, and having so 
 much a greater before them as that about Arnhem. 
 If any of these three posts had been lost, yet it 
 could not have happened without good conditions, 
 and so retiring the men to strengthen either the 
 more inward garrisons, or the main camp, which 
 would have lain ready to defend the passes of their 
 rivers. And if, at the worst, they had failed in 
 this, yet the French army must, afterwards, either 
 have attacked a fortified camp of twenty thou- 
 sand men, or left such an army behind them when 
 they marched to Utrecht, and into the heart of 
 the provinces ; both of which would have been at- 
 tempts, that, I think, have hardly been enterprised 
 with success upon any invasion. 
 
 There seems at least some appearance of order 
 and conduct in this scheme of defence ; whereas 
 there was none in theirs : but perhaps the great- 
 ness of the tempest from abroad, and of the factions 
 at home, either broke the heart, or distracted the 
 course of their counsels. And, besides, such old 
 seamen, in so strong a ship, that had weathered so 
 many storms without loss, could not but think it 
 hard to throw over board so much of their lading 
 before this began. After all, I know very well, 
 that nothing is so hard as to give wise counsel be- 
 fore events ; and nothing so easy, as, after them, 
 to make wise reflections. Many tilings seem true 
 in reason, and prove false in experience : many, 
 that arc weakly consulted, arc executed with suc- 
 cess. Therefore, to conclude, we must all ac- 
 knowledge, that wisdom and happiness dwell with 
 God alone ; and, among mortal men (both of their 
 persons and their states) those are the wisest that 
 commit tire fewest follies, and tSiose the happiest 
 that meet with the fewest misfortunes.
 
 LETTERS 
 
 WRITTEN BY 
 
 SIR WILLIAM TEMPLE, BART. 
 
 AND OTHER 
 
 MINISTERS OF STATE, 
 
 BOTH AT HOME AND ABROAD : 
 
 CONTAINING 
 
 AX ACCOUNT OF THE MOST IMPORTANT TRANSACTIONS THAT PASSED 
 1M CHRISTENDOM FROM 1665 TO iG'2. 
 
 Reviewed by Sir W. Temple, some time before his Death : 
 
 And published by Jonathan Swift, domestic Chaplain to his Excellency 
 the Earl of Berkeley, one of the Lords Justices of Ireland.
 
 THE 
 
 PUBLISHER'S EPISTLE 
 
 TO 
 
 THE READER OF THE FIRST EDITION.* 
 
 The collection of the following letters is owing 
 to the diligence of Mr. Thomas Downton, who was 
 one of Sir William Temple's Secretaries during 
 the whole time wherein they bear date. And it 
 has succeeded very fortunately for the public, that 
 there is contained in them an account of all the 
 chief transactions and negotiations, which passed 
 in Christendom during the seven years wherein 
 they are dated ; as, the war with Holland, which 
 began in 1665: the treaty between his Majesty 
 and the Bishop of Munster, with the issue of it : 
 the French invasion of Flanders in the year 1667: 
 the peace concluded between Spain and Portugal, 
 by the King's mediation : the treaty at Breda : 
 the triple alliance ; and the peace or Aix-la-Cha- 
 pelle, in the first part. And in the second part, 
 the negotiations in Holland in consequence of 
 those alliances, with the steps and degrees by 
 which they came to decay : the journey and death 
 of Madame : the seizure of Lorrain, and his Ex- 
 
 * The dedication of the first edition wad in these words : 
 " To his most sacred Majesty William III. King of England, 
 " Scotland, France, and Ireland, &c. these letters of Sir William 
 " Temple, having been left to my care, they are most humbly 
 " presented to your Majesty by your Majesty's most dutiful and 
 " obedient subject, Jonathan Swift."
 
 208 The Publisher's Epistle to the Header. 
 
 cellency's recalling; with the first unkindness be- 
 tween England and Holland, upon the yacht's 
 transporting his Lady and his family : and the be- 
 ginning of the second Dutch war in 1672. 
 
 With these are intermixed several letters, fami- 
 liar and pleasant. 
 
 I found the book among Sir William Temple's 
 papers with many others, wherewith I had the op- 
 portunity of being long conversant, having passed 
 several years in his family. 
 
 I pretend no other part, than the care that Mr. 
 Downton's book should be correctly transcribed, 
 and the letters placed in the order they were writ. 
 I have also made some literal amendments, espe- 
 cially in the Latin, French, and Spanish ; these I 
 have taken care should be translated and printed in 
 another column, for the use of such readers as may 
 be unacquainted with the originals. Whatever 
 faults there may be in the translation, I doubt, I 
 must answer for the greater part, and must leave 
 the rest to those friends who were pleased to as- 
 sist me. I speak only of the French and Latin * r 
 for the few Spanish translations, I believe, need no 
 apology. 
 
 It is generally believed, that this author has ad- 
 vanced our English tongue to as great a perfection 
 as it can well bear : and yet, how great a master 
 he was of it, has, I think, never appeared so much, 
 as it will in the following letters ; wherein the 
 style appears so very different, according to the 
 difference of the persons to whom they were address- 
 ed ; either men of business, or idle; of pleasure, 
 or serious ; of great or of less parts or abilities, in 
 their several stations. So that one may discover 
 the characters of most of those persons he writes 
 to, from the style of his letters. 
 
 At the end of each volume is added a collec- 
 tion, copied by the same hand, of several letters to
 
 The Publisher's Epistle to the Reader. 209 
 
 this Ambassador, from the chief persons employed, 
 either at home or abroad, in these transactions, 
 and during six years course of his negotiations. 
 Among which are many from Pensionary John de 
 Witt, and all the writings of this kind, that I know 
 of, which remain of that Minister so renowned in 
 his time. 
 
 It has been justly complained of, as a defect 
 among us, that the English tongue has produced 
 no letters of any value ; to supply which, it has 
 been the vein, of late years, to translate several 
 out of other languages, though, I think, with little 
 success. Yet, among many advantages which 
 might recommend this sort of writing, it is certain, 
 that nothing is so capable of giving a true account 
 of story as letters are ; which describe actions 
 while they are alive and breathing : whereas all 
 other relations are of actions past and dead. So 
 as it hath been observed that the Epistles of Cicero 
 to Atticus give a better account of those times, 
 than is to be found in any other writer. 
 
 In the following letters, the reader will every- 
 where discover the force and spirit of this author ; 
 but that which will most value them to the public, 
 both at home and abroad, is, first, that the mat- 
 ters contained in them were the ground and 
 foundation whereon all the wars and invasions, as 
 well as all the negotiations and treaties of peace 
 in Christendom, have since been raised ; and next, 
 that they are written by a person who had so great 
 a share in all those transactions and negotiations. 
 
 By residing in his family I know the author has 
 had frequent instances from several great persons, 
 both at home and abroad, to publish some Me- 
 moirs of those affairs and transactions which are 
 the subject of the following papers ; and particu- 
 larly of the treaties of the triple alliance, and those 
 of Aix-la-Chapelle: but his usual answer was, That 
 
 vol. i. p
 
 210 Tlie Publisher's Epistle to the Reader. 
 
 whatever Memoirs he had written of those times 
 and negotiations were burnt ; however, that per- 
 haps after his death some papers might come out, 
 wherein there would be some account of them ; 
 by which, he has often told me, he meant these 
 letters. 
 
 I had begun to fit them for the press during the 
 author's life, but never could prevail for leave to 
 publish them ; though he was pleased to be at the 
 pains of reviewing, and to give me his directions for 
 digesting them into order. It has since pleased 
 God to take this great and good person to himself; 
 and, he having done me the honour to leave and 
 recommend to me the care of his writings, I 
 thought I could not at present do a greater ser- 
 vice to my country, or to the author's memory, 
 than by making these papers public. 
 
 By way of introduction, I need only take notice, 
 that, after the peace of the Pyrenees, and his Ma- 
 jesty's happy restoration in 1660, there was a ge- 
 neral peace in Christendom (except only the re- 
 mainder of a war between Spain and Portugal) 
 until the year 1665, when that between England 
 and Holland began, which produced a treaty be- 
 tween his Majesty and the Bishop of Minister. 
 And this commences the following letters.
 
 THE 
 
 FIRST DUTCH WAR, 
 
 BEGUN MAY 1665. 
 
 To Sir John Temple, Master of the Rolls of Ireland. 
 
 Sir, Brussels, Sept. 6, 1665. 
 
 Though I was forced, by the King's command, 
 not only to leave you and my family at very short 
 warning, and in a very melancholy season, but 
 without so much as telling you whither I was sent; 
 yet I would not fail making you this amends, by 
 giving you an account of my journey and nego- 
 tiations thus far, so soon as I thought it might be 
 fit for me to do it. 
 
 When my Lord Arlington sent forme to Sheen, 
 it was to let me know that the King had received 
 an overture from the Bishop of Minister, to enter 
 into an alliance with his Majesty against the Dutch, 
 from whom he pretended many injuries ; to bring 
 an army into the field, and fall upon them by 
 land, while his Majesty continued the war by sea: 
 but at the same time to demand certain sums of 
 money, that would be necessary to bring him into 
 the field, and to continue the war : and that, if 
 his Majesty would either treat with the Baron of 
 Wreden (who was the Minister he sent over in the 
 greatest privacy that could be) or send a Minister 
 of his own to treat with him, he doubted not an 
 easy agreement upon this matter ; but desired it 
 might be with all the secrecy imaginable. My 
 Lord Arlington told me, the main articles were 
 already agreed on here, and the money adjusted; 
 but that it was necessary for the King to send 
 over some person privately to finish the treaty at 
 
 l' 2
 
 212 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 Minister, and to see the payments made at Ant- 
 werp, where the Bishop seemed to desire them. 
 That I must go (if I undertook it) without train 
 or character, and pass for a Frenchman or a Spa- 
 niard in my journey ; and made me the compli- 
 ment to say, he had been perplexed, three or four 
 days together, to think of a person that was not 
 only capable of the affair and of the secret, but 
 that was to be trusted with such a sum of money : 
 but that when he had thought of me, and proposed 
 me to the King and to my Lord Chancellor, they 
 had both approved it, and I must suddenly resolve 
 upon my answer to the proposal he made me : but 
 whether I accepted it or no, I must keep it secret 
 from my nearest friends. 
 
 I told him upon the place, I would serve his 
 Majesty the best I could in it, though, being a new 
 man, I could not promise much for myself; that 
 there was only one point I could by no means di- 
 gest, which was the business of the money, having 
 ever been averse from charging myself with any 
 body's but my own. This made at first some dif- 
 ficulty between us ; but at last his Lordship was 
 content to endeavour the engaging Alderman 
 Backwell (who furnished it) to go over himself 
 with it into Flanders, and there, by my order, to 
 make the payment to the Bishop's agent ; and said, 
 he believed, at such a time of infection in Lon- 
 don, the Alderman might easily take an occasion 
 of such a journey. 
 
 After my instructions dispatched, I came away 
 in haste, and with the secrecy you saw ; and, with- 
 out more than one day's stop at Brussels, went 
 straight with the Baron of Wreden to Coesvelt, 
 where the Bishop then was. I staid there but 
 three days, was brought to him only by night, 
 agreed all points with him, perfected and signed 
 the treaty, and returned to Antwerp, where the
 
 and other Ministers of State. 213 
 
 Alderman performed his part, in making the first 
 and great payment to the Bishop's Resident there. 
 All this has been performed on all sides with so 
 great secrecy, that the Bishop has not only re- 
 ceived his money, but raised his troops to about 
 eighteen thousand men, without the least umbrage 
 given, that I can yet hear of, to the Dutch ; and, by 
 all the assurances I receive from him, I conclude, 
 that before this letter comes to your hands he will 
 be in the field ; though some unexpected disap- 
 pointments, about a general officer he reckoned 
 upon, has a little discomposed the measures he 
 had taken, and may (I doubt not) a little maim 
 the progress of them : but that will be governed 
 by time and accidents : my business was to bring 
 him into the field, and I have had the fortune to 
 do it sooner than either they expected at Court, 
 or the Bishop had promised upon our signing of 
 the treaty. 
 
 He is a man of wit, and, which is more, of sense, 
 of great ambition, and properly an esprit remnant : 
 but the vigour of his body does not second that of 
 his mind, being, as I guess, about six or seven and 
 fifty years old, and pursued witii the gout, which 
 he is not like to cure by his manner of life. lie 
 was a soldier in his youth, and seems, in his na- 
 turals, rather made for the Sword than the Cross ; 
 he has a mortal hatred to the Dutch for their sup- 
 porting his city of Minister against him, and is 
 bridling those citizens by a very strong citadel lie 
 is building there. He seems bold and resolute, 
 and like to go through with what he has under- 
 taken, or break his head in the attempt, and says 
 he will perform all he has engaged, fide sincerd et 
 Germanicd, which is a word he affects. lie speaks 
 the only good Latin that 1 have yet met with in 
 Germany, and more like a man of Court and busi- 
 ness than a scholar : he savs, if he fails in his en-
 
 214 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 terprize, and should lose his country, he shall 
 esteem his condition not at all the worse ; for in 
 that case he will go into Italy, and has money 
 enough in the bank of Venice to buy a Cardinal's 
 cap, which may become him better than his Ge- 
 neral's staff; though he has a mind to try this 
 first, and make some noise in the world before he 
 retires. 
 
 This is the best character I can give of the 
 Bishop ; and for myself I can say nothing but 
 what you know ; finding no change at all by this 
 sally into a new scene of life and business, as well 
 as climate : my health, I thank God, the same ; 
 my kindness so too, to my friends and to home ; 
 only my concernment for them, in this miserable 
 time among them, much greater while I am here 
 than when I was with them, which makes me very 
 impatient after every post that comes in, and yet 
 very apprehensive of every letter I open. The 
 length of this I doubt is too much for once, and 
 therefore shall end with the assurances of my 
 being, Sir, your most obedient son, and humble 
 servant, W. Temple. 
 
 To Alderman Backxvell. 
 
 Mr. Alderman, Brussels, Oct. 9, 1665. 
 
 I am very much in pain to find at Monsieur Rhin- 
 torf's return, that he has made no progress in his 
 affairs (which are ours too) during the stay he has 
 lately made at Antwerp. But I am very much sur- 
 prised to hear that I should have had any part in 
 this delay, and that you should have told him, you 
 had no orders from me to pay him that money. 
 However, to take away all scruple, if any can still 
 remain, after our last conference at Brussels upon 
 this subject, I do by these presents order and ap- 
 point you, pursuant to those powers that have been
 
 and other Ministers of State. 2 1 5 
 
 given me from the King, to pay or cause to be paid 
 to Monsieur llhintorf, or his order, all such sums 
 of money as you shall any ways be able to raise, 
 either by the sale of such tin as is already ar- 
 rived, or shall arrive at Ostend upon his Ma- 
 jesty's account, with all diligence and dispatch 
 that is possible. Or, in case you do not find any 
 ready sale for it, that you will at least pay him all 
 such sums as you shall be able to raise, by pawning 
 or engaging it to the best advantage you can. 
 After this I need say no more, than to conjure you 
 by all the zeal you have for his Majesty's service, 
 and all the friendship you have for me, to employ 
 upon this occasion your utmost diligence and 
 credit ; for the conjuncture is grown so extremely 
 pressing at this time, that I can never say enough 
 to recommend this service to your best endeavours. 
 I am, Sir, your servant. 
 
 To my Lord Arlington. 
 
 My Lord, Brussels, Oct. 13, N. S. 1665. 
 
 Upon Saturday last, about nine at night, the 
 Bishop's agent here brought me a desire from the 
 Marquis* to come privately to him. We staid long 
 together, and talked much. The substance was, 
 that he had last post writ to the Spanish Ambas- 
 sador to inform the King, that he heard the French 
 were ready to march in assistance of the Hollander 
 against the Bishop of Munster, and had told the 
 Spanish Ambassador in France, they should take 
 all delays here in leave of passage for denial : that 
 he (the Marquis) was resolved, upon confidence of 
 his Majesty's late letter and assistance, to oppose 
 them till he received orders from Spain, and hopes 
 iiis Majesty will not fail of protecting and defend- 
 
 ' Of Castel Rodrigo, Governor of the Spanish Netherlands.
 
 2 ] 6 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 ing him in this resolution : he speaks with much 
 earnestness and passion for concluding the league 
 between England and Spain ; and either a peace 
 or truce between Spain and Portugal ; in which he 
 very much presses his Majesty's interposition at 
 this time ; because nothing else will take away the 
 dishonour on the Spanish side, but the respect 
 given to so great and powerful a King's mediation. 
 He assures me, he has given an absolute denial to 
 the Hollanders demand of buying a great quantity 
 of corn in these countries, which now begins to be 
 one among their other great wants : that the French, 
 upon jealousy of the Swede, sent very lately an 
 Envoy into Holland, to join with them in pressing 
 the Dane to put himself into a posture of making 
 a diversion : that, for security of these countries, 
 six thousand Spaniards and Italians were in a few 
 days expected here ; these by land, those by sea : 
 and that, for raising German troops, he had last 
 week sent five hundred thousand guilders into Ger- 
 many, from whence, if they needed, he could have 
 twenty-four thousand men, so as he doubted not 
 to defend these countries, if France assaults him. 
 The bias of all this discourse was to shew they 
 had no great need of our assistance, at the same 
 time they press so much to be assured of it ; and 
 to represent the mutual necessity of a conjunction 
 between England and Spain, with all the ex- 
 pressions of affection to his Majesty's person and 
 service, that a courtier, or almost a lover, could 
 use. Upon this last subject I could not let him 
 pass with the discourse of the late King's ruin, and 
 his Majesty's danger at home for want of friend- 
 ship abroad; nor could I leave that point, because 
 he had so often harped upon it, till I forced him 
 to confess, at least by silence, that his Majesty 
 was as safe at home at this time, as cither the 
 French or Spanish King.
 
 and other Ministers of State. 217 
 
 For the rest, finding him now much warmer than 
 he used to seem in the desires of the Bishop of 
 Munster's success, or, at least, preservation ; and 
 finding from Alderman Back well that he had yet 
 been able to raise no more money upon all our tin 
 at Antwerp for the second payment, those paltry 
 merchants combining to ruin him in the price of 
 it, upon the belief of his necessity to sell ; I would 
 not omit that occasion of desiring the Marquis to 
 find some person out that should take it all offour 
 hands with ready money, which they might raise 
 at their own leisure, and, I believed, with much 
 gains : in which I assured him he would give his 
 Majesty a great testimony of his affection to his 
 service, which was so much concerned in the 
 Bishop of Munster's fortunes. He told me, he 
 would consult about it next morning ; and upon 
 Sunday night sent one with a dispatcli of mine to 
 Alderman Backwell, to know the whole quantity 
 and lowest price : so that I am now in great hopes 
 of seeing some good issue of that business, which 
 I almost began to despair of. 
 
 An express from the Bishop of Munster came 
 to me on Saturday last, protesting he could no 
 longer subsist unless the money came ; and your 
 Lordship may easily imagine how much pain I am 
 in upon that occasion ; especially hearing myself 
 so often reproached for having drawn him to so 
 desperate an adventure, so much against his own 
 resolutions, which were, not to take the field till 
 the second payment were received, and the third 
 assured on this side : it would look like vanity in 
 me to tell your Lordship more, of what I hear too 
 much, of this kind; but I will say, that, unless 
 you take some speedy and effectual resolution in 
 this particular, 1 shall look like the veriest rogue 
 in the world, and such as it will not be much for 
 his Majesty's honour to employ. But after all, I
 
 1 1 8 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 will tell your Lordship freely, that I think all my 
 trains had not taken fire without a perfect acci- 
 dent, which I had the good fortune to improve so 
 upon the sudden, as to make it the absolute oc- 
 casion of the Bishop's taking the field when he 
 did ; which I shall some time or other, I hope, 
 entertain you with, and will serve for a moral to 
 shew how small shadows and accidents sometimes 
 give a rise to great actions among mankind ; for 
 either such, or the beginning of such, this bold 
 march is like to prove. All I know of its success 
 you will find in these letters ; one from my Lord 
 Carlingford, to whom I cannot send your Lord- 
 ship's last, till I have further directions from him 
 for my address ; the other being part of one from 
 a person in the Holland camp belonging to the 
 Rhingrave. Twenty rumours more we have of his 
 successes, but I will not yet credit them : this 
 much I will, that nothing can probably endanger 
 him besides want of money, and that I know him 
 to be a man too firm to be diverted from his point, 
 or slacken it without some such maim ; for he 
 wants neither prudence, courage, nor ambition. 
 For the Hollanders, they were certainly never 
 worse at their ease than now, being braved and 
 beaten both at sea and land ; flayed with taxes, 
 distracted with factions, and their last resource, 
 which is the protection of France, poisoned with 
 extreme jealousies ; yet that must be their game, 
 or else a perfect trucking peace with England. 
 I am ever your Lordship's most faithful and most 
 humble servant. 
 
 To the Did' e qfOrmond. 
 
 My Lord, Brussels, Nov. 20, N. S. 1665. 
 
 I am to acknowledge the honour I received last, 
 by one from your Grace of October the 2.5th,
 
 and other Ministers of State. 2 1 9 
 
 which gives me the occasion to beg your belief, 
 that the frequent troubles I give your Grace of 
 this kind, proceed from a most hearty and unin- 
 terested duty, without the least thoughts of mak- 
 ing any unconscionable advantage by such a com- 
 merce, or at least expecting a return of so great 
 value, as your Lordship's letters to a venture so 
 small as mine. I confess I am extremely pleased 
 with any testimonies of your Grace's remembrance 
 and favour to me ; which I must esteem the best, 
 and ever acknowledge for the first, of my good for- 
 tunes : nor shall I ever be so much pleased with 
 any lucky hits that may happen to me in public 
 employments from any other respect, as from the 
 hopes of meeting some occasion to express the esteem 
 and resentment of kindness shewed me, when I 
 was idle and unknown. But I beseech your Grace 
 never to give yourself the least trouble, or lose 
 time in writing to me upon the score of common 
 civility, but to deal with me perfectly like one of 
 your own ; and write only when you have com- 
 mands to honour me, or inclinations to oblige me: 
 for the rest, one word to my father, or brother, 
 may at any time give me the knowledge that mine 
 are received, which is all they pretend, and perhaps 
 more than they deserve. 
 
 Since the passage of the French troops, which 
 thought fit to touch no part of these dominions, we 
 hear little of them : their number fell something 
 short of six thousand, their horse were brave as 
 they passed Maestricht ; their foot rascally, their 
 shoes upon their shoulders, their feet galled, and 
 their gallantry spent in giving the Dutch a thousand 
 times to the Devil for their kind invitation : they 
 paid nothing as they passed, or false money ; took 
 the best treatment the Dutch could make them with 
 scorn and insolence, and drank his Majesty's and 
 the Prince of Minister's health openly in the
 
 220 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 market-place at Maestricht ; a strain I suppose of 
 their extravagance, rather than good meaning. So 
 I leave them, as they do their colours when they 
 can, and return this way by couples and leashes 
 good store. By the last from the Prince of Mun- 
 ster of the 12th instant, we had assurance that his 
 bridge over the marsh was perfected, his army 
 joined, and that Colonel or Baron d'Ossory (who 
 is made a Serjeant Major de Bataglia) had with a 
 squadron of horse killed nine hundred of the Dutch 
 in a late encounter near Groninguen; besides this, 
 and the French Envoy's, Monsieur Lessyn, having 
 been dismissed with general terms, I had nothing 
 but desperate melancholy complaints of his disap- 
 pointments from his friends, which I will not 
 trouble your Grace with at this distance. 
 
 I had my first formal audience last night from 
 the Marquis, and was received with the greatest 
 expressions of zeal and devotion to the King my 
 master's person and service; of the resentment of 
 the honour done him by this resolution of a Resi- 
 dent here, and wonderful compliment to the per- 
 sonal choice ; as I believe your Grace knows, good 
 w r ords of all sorts cost no man less than his Excel- 
 lency; but I am very confident his inclinations to 
 us, his aversions to France, his desires of a truce 
 with Portugal, and strict league with England, are 
 all very hearty. I am ever your Grace's most obe- 
 dient and most humble servant. 
 
 To the Baron Wreden. Au Baron Wreden. 
 
 Brussels, A Brusselles, le 10 Dec. 
 
 Sir, Dec. 10, 1665. Monsieur, N. S. 1665. 
 
 I received your's, and am J* ay recu la voire, 8? je me re- 
 
 glad of your arrival at Court, jouis de voire arrivee a la Conr ; 
 
 where I never doubted the je nay jamais doute qu'un aussi 
 
 good reception so honest a honnete homme que vous, 8f qui 
 
 Gentleman would find, who a Vhonneur d'etre envoye par un 
 
 came from so brave a Prince. Prince aussi distingue, n'ytrou- 
 
 I am sorry for your bad wine vat toute sorte de bon accueil.
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 221 
 
 .and lodging at Oxford ; for as 
 to the former, I know it is a 
 sort of plague you are more 
 afraid of than that at London, 
 where in a little time I hope 
 you will have no occasion to 
 complain either of one or the 
 other: in the mean while, 
 take my word for the matter, 
 it is but half a dozen glasses 
 more, and good or bad comes 
 all to the same thing. As for 
 your lodging, in troth I believe 
 the crowd is so great at present 
 in every house, that you will 
 hardly find an opportunity of 
 making love to your landlady: 
 but, Sir, you must have a little 
 patience, and not think of suc- 
 ceeding in all amours at the 
 rate you did with Madamoi- 
 selle Isabella; besides, if you 
 remember, it cost you dear 
 enough then, by the fright you 
 were in of losing your great 
 diamond. Love, like other 
 things, is good for nothing 
 when one makes too much 
 haste in it ; and our English 
 ladies do not care that men 
 should be over violent in be- 
 ginning this game, for fear they 
 should be so in concluding it. 
 
 Well, I am heartily sorry I 
 can give you no good recom- 
 mendations where you are, be- 
 cause 1 am sure you would be 
 so just and generous to pay me 
 by ;i bill of exchange on your 
 little mistress here. But now 
 I talk of a mistress, you must 
 know Monsieur le Chevalier 
 
 Je prens part au mauvais giste 
 a" Oxford, 8f au mechant vin que 
 vous y avez bii. A I'egard dc 
 ce dernier, je scay que c'est une 
 sorte de peste que vous craignez 
 plus que celle de Londres ; 8f 
 au reste, fespere qu'avant quit 
 soit peu, vous n'aurez plus sujet 
 de vous y plaindre ni de Vun ni 
 de V autre. En attendant, croyez 
 moy, il nefaut que six verves de 
 vin de plus, il n'importe quit 
 soit bon ou mauvais, Sf tout re- 
 viendra a la mime chose. Pour 
 le log.ment, je m 1 imagine que 
 la foule est si grande a cette 
 heure dans toutes les maisons t 
 que vous ne trouvez pas les nwy- 
 ens de Jaire commodement l'a- 
 mour h la Jille du logis ; mais, 
 Monsieur, ilf aid avoir unpeu de 
 patience, Sf ne croire pas reiissir 
 toujours avec aidant dc. bonhcur 
 Sj- de rapidit ' que vousjites avec 
 Madamoisclle Isabelle : encore, 
 devez vous vous souvenir, qu'il 
 vous en couta alors assez cher 
 par Vextrcme peur que vous 
 eutes, quand vous vous appcr- 
 rules du danger que couroit le 
 gros diamant. V 'amour, aussi- 
 bien que toutes les autres choses, 
 ne vaut plus rien des qu'on le 
 traite trop a la hate ; If nos 
 jillcs ne veulent point quon 
 soit si precipitS a commencer 
 cette sorte de jeu, de peur que 
 la Jin nc resscmble trop au com- 
 mencement. 
 
 Je suis, ma foy, tres marri 
 de ne pouvoir vous adresser 
 surement duns la ville oii vous 
 etes ; car dc Vhumeur dont je 
 vous connois, je scay que vous 
 scricz assez gentreux, ^- assez 
 equitable, pour me rembourscr 
 par une Icttre dechange snr v 7 re 
 petite maitrcsse Brabanconne.
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 222 
 
 has ordered his affairs here 
 worse than at Paris: for I 
 believe seriously he passed 
 through this place without so 
 much as paying one visit to 
 his; and that is the reason 
 why he carried so much money 
 to Munster, and rode post 
 with greater vigour than ever 
 he did from hence to France. 
 
 And is not this now a very 
 fine letter for two grave Mini- 
 sters of State ? But come, we 
 must talk a little of business, 
 if it be only for the good grace 
 of the matter : and yet I am 
 confident, if Sir Bealing would 
 entertain you at this rate but 
 once a month, and unbend him- 
 self a little from his serious way, 
 you would reckon him as your 
 only friend, and think no more 
 of me. 
 
 Well, but you have heard 
 what the Dutch Resident tells 
 us, that the Prince of Munster 
 has taken lleyde, a small sea- 
 port, where his friends may 
 come and give him a visit. The 
 news from Antwerp say farther, 
 that he has got the fort of Bour- 
 tang; but they add, how the 
 Bishop of Osnabrug is resolved 
 to let the world see, that a Lu- 
 theran Prelate is as good as a 
 Catholic ; and, to that end, is 
 resolved, at the head of some 
 Lunenbourg troops, to go 
 knock mitres with your Ma- 
 ster : all in good time. And 
 as for heads, I do not doubt 
 the Prince of Munster's is much 
 the stronger of the two ; but 
 for the mitres I can say no- 
 thing. I am told besides, that 
 
 Mais a propos de maitresse. 
 Monsieur le Chevalier a j)lus 
 mal fait ses affaires icy qu' a 
 Paris ; car je croy tout de bon 
 quil a passe par icy sans voir 
 seidement la sienne ; mais e'est 
 par la aussi qu'il a porte tant 
 d : 'argent a Munster, <V quil a 
 couru la poste plus courageuse- 
 ment qu'il n'a fait d'icy en 
 France. 
 
 Void, mafoy, une belle lettre 
 pour deux sages Ministres ; tout 
 de bon il faut un peu parler 
 d'affaires, ne fid-ce que pour 
 sauver les apparences ; mais, 
 avouez la verite, si le Cheva- 
 lier Bealing vous entretenoit 
 seulcment une fois le mois, 
 commeje viens defaire, fy qu'en 
 voire faveur il relachdt un peu 
 de ce grand serieux, nest-il pas 
 vray, qu'il n'y auroit jilus que 
 luy qui fut de vos amis, 4' que 
 je perdrois la -place quej'occupe 
 dans votre souvenir. 
 
 Savez vous Men que le Resi- 
 dent d' Hollande avoite que le 
 Prince de Munster a pris Reyde, 
 un petit port de mcr, oil il peut 
 etre visile de ses amis ; Sf que 
 les avis d'Anvers nous disent, 
 qu'il est venu a bold du fort de 
 Bourtang. Mais on dit aussi 
 quel' Eveqae d' Osnabrug est fort 
 piqui de la pensee qu'on peut 
 avoir qu'un Evequc Lutherien 
 ne vaut pas un Eveque Catho- 
 lique ; fy qu'il est tout resolu de 
 s'avancer a la tete de quelques 
 troupes de Lunebourg, r d'al- 
 ler heurter sa mitre contre celle 
 de votre Maitrc : a la bonne 
 heure ; car je m doute pas que 
 Monsieur le Prince n'ait la ttte 
 plus forte Sf plus dure; a le- 
 gard des mitres je n'en say rien. 
 On m'a dit aussi, que voire
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 your Chapter of Munster has 
 somewhat embroiled your Ma- 
 ster's affairs; if this be so, there 
 are more Diables de Canons be- 
 side your self. But I believe 
 the matter is not much ; for, 
 if it were, I know the Prince 
 would quickly make Monsieur 
 d'Herbe and Monsieur Ma- 
 jette a couple of Canons, in 
 exchange for some of those 
 blockheads : and for Grand 
 Dean, I think the Governor 
 of Pleuren, with his great bel- 
 ly, would make a good figure 
 enough. Who knows but such 
 revolutions may happen ? For, 
 to speak in your own words, 
 The world is as round as a 
 For my own part, I had rather 
 be one of your Master's Priests 
 than his Soldiers ; for they 
 ay here, that he rises at four 
 o'clock, gives them [his Sol- 
 diers] his benediction, and 
 then sends them to the D 
 over bogs and marshes, where 
 no secular Captain durst ever 
 pass. 
 
 Farewel, Sir; and, when you 
 intend to warm yourself with 
 Sack, pray remember to order 
 your servants, instead of re- 
 moving your sword, to remove 
 your purse, and prevent you 
 from doing (according to your 
 custom) more good than you 
 design, as they prevent others 
 from doing mischief. For it is 
 a custom in England, that 
 whatever a man gives away 
 over night, he hears no more of 
 it next morning. At all hours 
 of both I am, Sir, your most 
 affectionate servant. 
 
 223 
 
 Chapitre de Munster va ten peu 
 brouiller les affaires de voire 
 Maitre ; si cela est, voila ma 
 
 Joy des Diables de Canons, aussi 
 bien que vous. Maisje croy qu'il 
 n'en est ricn ; car si cela ctoit, 
 le Prince ne manqueroit pas de 
 
 Jaire bientot deux Chanoines de 
 Messieurs d'Herbe Sf de Ma- 
 
 jette, Sf de les echanger pour 
 quelquun de ccs etonrdis : le 
 Gouverneur de Pleuren ne man- 
 queroit de pretence, si le titre de 
 Grand Doyen ctoit ente stir son 
 gros ventre. On ne sait point 
 si de pareils changemens ne 
 pourroicnt pas bien arriver ; car 
 iselon votre phrase Allemande) 
 
 Koond is the werld as een 
 
 Pour moy,f aimer ois mieux etre 
 de sesPretres que de ses Soldats; 
 car on dit icy qu'il leur donne sa 
 benediction, is les envoye au dia- 
 ble, je vcux dire, a tr avers de 
 marais impracticables, d'oil ja- 
 mais Capitaine scculier n'auroit 
 ose approcher. 
 
 Adieu, Monsieur, 8,- souvenez. 
 vous bien en vous tchaitffant des 
 Jinnies du vin des Canaries, qu'on 
 prend souvent la precaution d'6- 
 icr de devant tin homme qui a 
 bu, son epee, de peur qu'il ne 
 fasse le mechant ; mais que vos 
 amis en doivenl prendre tine op- 
 pos-'c, qui est de vous oter votre 
 argent, de pcttr que ne fassicz 
 trop le genereux ; car en An- 
 gleterre, cc qu'on donnc le soir, 
 ne sc retrouvc plus le matin : 
 quant ii moy, <$ tr soir $ le matin 
 vous me trouverez tottjours, 
 Monsieur, votre ires affcctivnnf 
 serviteur.
 
 224 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 To the Marquis of Castel- 
 Rodrigo. 
 
 Brussels, Dec. 12, 
 My Lord, N. S. 1665. 
 
 The news of your Excellency's 
 indisposition has very sensibly 
 afflicted me; but God Almighty 
 will, I doubt not, quickly re- 
 store your health, which is of 
 too great importance to Christ- 
 endom, to sink under common 
 accidents. 
 
 1 desire your pardon for the 
 liberty I take to let you know, 
 how Monsieur Rhintorf com- 
 plains exceedingly, that he finds 
 yet no advance in the affair you 
 were pleased to undertake for 
 his Master's sake, and indeed 
 for that of the King my Ma- 
 ster too. I desire your Excel- 
 lency once more to give your 
 hand to it ; and that if those 
 merchants will not buy the tin, 
 you will give order at least to 
 have it engaged for three parts 
 of its value, so as some present 
 remedy may be found to the 
 Bishop's necessities, wherewith 
 (by means of this delay) he is 
 now pressed to the last extre- 
 mities. 
 
 I take more part in this af- 
 fair, having already writ to the 
 King my Master, that you had 
 wholly finished it in affection to 
 his service, for which I do not 
 doubt but you will receive his 
 Majesty's thanks by the first 
 courier ; so that I shall be in 
 the greatest confusion imagin- 
 able if the business fails, and 
 his Majesty cannot chuse but 
 think me very impertinent. 
 
 Au Marquis de Castel- 
 Rodrigo. 
 
 Brusselles, Dec. 12, 
 Monsieur, S. N. 1665. 
 
 La nouvelle de V indisposition 
 que votre Excellence a ressentie 
 depuis quelque jours, m'a sensi- 
 blement louche; maisje ne doule 
 point, qucDieu neretablissebien- 
 tot une sante qui est trop neces- 
 a la Chretiente pour succomber 
 sous des accidens vulgaires. 
 
 Je vous demande pardon de 
 la liberie que je prens de vous 
 avertir que Monsieur Rhintorf 
 se plaint extremement de ce quil 
 ne trouve encore rien de fait 
 dans V affaire qiCil vous a plu 
 de pendre a cosur en faveur 
 de son Maitre ; ainsi que sur 
 la recommendation du Roy mon 
 Maitre : je supplie V. E. d'y 
 metire encore une fois la main, 
 8f de donner ordre que si on a 
 resolu de ne point accepter cette 
 marchandise, du moins on la 
 prenne en gage pour les trois 
 quarts de sa valcur ; a fin de 
 remedier sur le champ aux ne- 
 cessitez dont Monsieur I'Eveque 
 se trouve presse, qui peut-etre 
 sont rendues extremes par ce 
 retardement. 
 
 Je me trouve d'autant plus 
 interesse dans cette affaire t 
 quayant deja mande au Roy 
 mon Maitre que vous Vaviez 
 tout-d-fait finie dans la veiie 
 de rendre service a sa Majeste, 
 ce qui vous sera sans doute 
 marque avec rcmerciment de 
 sa part par le premier cou- 
 rier ; je serois I'hommc du 
 monde le plus confus, fy le plus 
 impertinent aux yeux du Roy 
 mon Maitre, si cette affaire ve- 
 noit a manquer.
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 By my last dispatch from 
 Court, of the 18th instant, I 
 am informed that the Spanish 
 Ambassador did that evening 
 privately deliver his new cre- 
 dentials to the King, to whom 
 and his Ministers he still con- 
 tinued to be very acceptable ; 
 and that, upon arrival of these 
 credentials, theybegan to enter 
 in good earnest upon adjusting 
 our common interests. 
 
 By a letter of the 15th in- 
 stant, from the Prince of Mun- 
 ster, I am informed of the great 
 and happy progress of his arms; 
 but on the other side, that the 
 Hollanders used their last en- 
 deavours to raise against him 
 all the Protestant Princes of 
 the Empire, under pretext that 
 religion has part in the quarrel, 
 as well as the interest of the 
 house of Austria : and on both 
 these accounts, as well as from 
 your own generosity, your Ex- 
 cellency is engaged not to dis- 
 appoint him in this little occa- 
 sion : not to alledge the moral, 
 which tells us,tl\utu;haicvcrgood 
 tve can do, without damage to our- 
 selves t ive are obliged to do, even 
 to a stranger. 
 
 Upon an answer from your 
 Excellency, I am ready to dis- 
 patch an express to Antwerp ; 
 and shall remain, My Lord, your 
 Excellency's most humble and 
 obedient servant. 
 
 Par la dernier e lettre que fay 
 receue la Cour dattee du 18. du 
 courant,fay eteaverti que Mon- 
 sieur I Ambassadeur d'Espagne 
 avoit le soir de ce jour-la pre- 
 sentt au Roy ses nouvclles lettres 
 de creance, Sf que sa personne 
 etoit toujours fort agreable d lid 
 8$ a ses Ministres : quau reste, 
 surVarrivee de ces nouvelles let- 
 tres de creance on alloit cornmen- 
 cer de fort bon cacur d ajustcr 
 nos interets communs. 
 
 Par tine lettre du Prince de 
 Munster du 15. du courant,fay 
 ete averti de ses grands S$ heu- 
 reux progrez ; mais que d'un 
 autre cote, les Hollandois fai- 
 soient tousleurs efforts pour sou- 
 lever contre luy tous les Princes 
 Protestans de I* Empire ; sous 
 le pretexte que la religion S? la 
 jnaison d'Autriche y etoicnt in- 
 tercssee.i. C est par-la aussi bien 
 que par votre gencrosite que 
 vous ctes engage d ne luy pas 
 manqueren cette petite occasion; 
 pour n'alleguer pas la morale 
 qui nous dit, Quicquid sine de- 
 trimento facere potes, vel ig- 
 noto faciendum. 
 
 Stir la reponse de V. E.je. 
 suis tout pret a depecher un ex- 
 pres d Anvers; <*y bien resohi 
 d'etre toujours, de V. E. le ti\s 
 humble 8f ties obeis^ant serxi- 
 teur. 
 
 To Sir William Coventry. 
 
 Sir, Brussels, Dec. 15, N. S. 1665. 
 
 I am to acknowledge both the honour and obliga- 
 tion I received by yours of November the 9th, the 
 
 VOL. I. Q
 
 26 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 last of which seems so great in that light you give 
 it, and by those circumstances I now see attend 
 it, that, had it come from any other hands, I should 
 have wished a thousand times never to have re- 
 ceived it. For there are very few I desire much 
 to be obliged to, having always thought that a sort 
 of debt, which ought as duly to be paid as that of 
 money, with more interest, and much greater dif- 
 ficulty of casting up. But knowing that all ge- 
 nerous persons are apt to favour, and esteem their 
 own, rather such whom they oblige, than such as 
 serve them ; I am extremely glad to have my name 
 enter into the knowledge of his Royal Highness, 
 by his bounty and favour in the grant of those 
 passports, rather than any other way I could have 
 taken ; and beg of you, that, with my humble 
 thanks, his Royal Highness may know I enter in- 
 to his service with this advance of wages, which 
 it shall be always my endeavour, as it is my duty, 
 to deserve. I owe, and should say, a great deal to 
 yourself upon this occasion, but that, with my 
 thanks for the thing itself, I am to join my com- 
 plaints for the manner of it : I mean, that you 
 should trouble yourself to reason me out of any 
 custom or action you would have me leave off, or 
 say any thing upon such a subject, besides that 
 you wish it had been otherwise ; which, I desire 
 you to believe, shall in far greater matters be, 
 from your hand, persuasion and command enough 
 to me. My presumptions may be great with my 
 friends, but they are the easiliest checked of any 
 man's alive ; which is all I shall say upon this oc- 
 casion as to the future : and for the past, I will 
 only assure you, that I should not in the least have 
 offered at what I did, had it not been at the earnest 
 instance of the Prince of Munster's Resident here : 
 and I am to make it my business abroad to enter 
 as far as I can into the secrets, and, for that end,
 
 and other Ministers of State. 227 
 
 into the affections, of such ministers as I have to 
 deal with ; and, as some men are to be gained di- 
 rectly by their heart, so are others by their hands. 
 But another fault were easier to be borne than a 
 long excuse ; I will not add to it by our news, 
 since of all I write I am sure you know as much as 
 you please ; only in general our Bishop loses not 
 courage nor strength upon all the great prepara- 
 tions of enemies, or disappointment of friends. 
 The Dutch seem to be plagued by their own god, 
 and to grow unhappy in their own element, the 
 sea having done them, in the last storms, most ex- 
 travagant harms : some letters from Amsterdam say 
 to the value of thirty, and others, of sixty millions: 
 their case may grow harder yet, if the frosts do so 
 from the Munster side. Our Court here is pas- 
 sionate towards the league between the two 
 Crowns ; as I am in the desires of growing in your 
 friendship and favour, and deserving it by any tes- 
 timonies I can give of my being, Sir, your most 
 faithful humble servant. 
 
 To Dame Augustina Can/. 
 
 Madam, Brussels, Feb. 16, N. S. 1666. 
 
 I know not whether the shame of having been so 
 long in your debt be greater, than that of paying 
 it so ill at last ; but, I am sure it is much harder 
 to be excused, and therefore shall not attempt it, 
 but leave it to Father Placid's oratory ; though, 
 having failed in the substantial part ol your busi- 
 ness, I have little reason to hope he will succeed 
 better in the ceremonial part of mine. The truth 
 is, there is so great a difference in common sound 
 between, 77 is done, and It nill be done, that I was 
 unwilling to acknowledge the honour of having 
 received your Ladyship's commands, before I had 
 compassed that of obeying them ; which the Mar- 
 ti 2
 
 228 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 quis here hath so often assured me would suddenly 
 fall to my share, that I thought we had both equal 
 reason, his Excellency to do it, and I to believe 
 it. This right I must yet do him, that I never 
 pressed him in this concern of your Ladyship's, 
 but he told me all my arguments were needless, 
 for the thing should be done ; and how to force a 
 man that yields I never understood ; but yet I 
 much doubt, that, till the result be given upon the 
 gross of this affair, which is and has been some 
 time under view, your part in particular will hardly 
 be thought ripe for either his justice, or favour, 
 which will be rather the style it must run in, if it 
 be a desire of exemption from a general rule given 
 in the case. Whatever person (after the Father's 
 return) shall be appointed to observe the course of 
 this affair, and pursue the Lady's pretensions here, 
 will be sure of all the assistance I can at any time 
 give him ; though I think it would prove a more 
 public service to rind some way of dissolving your 
 society, and by that means dispersing so much 
 worth about the world, than, by preserving you to- 
 gether, confine it to a corner, and suffer it to shine 
 so much less, and go out so much sooner, than 
 otherwise it would. The ill effects of your retreat 
 appear too much in the ill success of your business ; 
 for I cannot think any thing could fail that your 
 Ladyship would solicit ; but, I presume, nothing 
 in this lower scene is worthy either that, or so 
 much as your desire or care, which are words that 
 enter not your grates, to disturb that perfect quiet 
 and indifferency which I will believe inhabit there, 
 and by your happiness decide the long dispute, 
 whether the greater lies in wanting nothing, or 
 possessing much. 
 
 I cannot but tell you it was unkindly done to 
 refresh the memory of your brother Da Cary's 
 loss, which was not a more general one to man-
 
 and other Ministers of State. 229 
 
 kind, than it was particular to me : but, if I can 
 succeed in your Ladyship's service, as well as I 
 had the honour once to do in his friendship, I shall 
 think I have lived to good purpose here, and for 
 hereafter shall leave it to Almighty God, with a 
 submission as abandoned, as you can exercise in 
 the low common concernments of this worthless 
 life, which I can hardly imagine was intended us 
 for so great a misery as it is here commonly made, 
 or to betray so large a part of the world to so much 
 greater hereafter, as is commonly believed. How- 
 ever, I am obliged to your Ladyship for your 
 prayers, which I am sure are well intended me, 
 and shall return you mine, that no ill thoughts of 
 my faith may possess your Ladyship with an ill 
 one of my works too, which I am sure cannot fail 
 of being very meritorious, if ever I reach the in- 
 tentions I have of expressing myself upon all oc- 
 casions, Madam, your Ladyship's most humble and 
 most obedient servant. 
 
 To my Lord Arlington. 
 
 My Lord, Brussels, March 1, N. S. 1666. 
 
 I need say nothing to bring your Lordship ac- 
 quainted with Mr. Sherwood's person or errand ; 
 yet, because all men take themselves to measure 
 best their own business, I would not disappoint 
 his desires of this address; though, to add any 
 thing to what I write upon all occasions, of the 
 Prince of Minister's condition, necessities, or com- 
 plaints, were, as 1 take it, just so much of nothing 
 to the purpose. All I will say is, that whatever 
 his Majesty resolves to do, ought to be sudden, 
 and in a lump, to provide for his taking the field 
 this spring, with heart and strength, which I be- 
 lieve a sum within the compass of a hundred of his 
 Majesty's subjects would enable him to do: nothing
 
 230 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 will ever hinder me to give your Lordship those 
 testimonies I desire of the most hearty constant 
 passion, wherewith I shall ever be, My Lord, your 
 Lordship's, &c. 
 
 To the Duke of Albemarle. 
 
 My Lord, Brussels, March 1, N. S. 1666. 
 
 Upon Mr. Sherwood's passage this way into En- 
 gland, from the Bishop of Munster, I could not 
 refuse him the occasion of waiting upon your 
 Grace, who so well knows how far his Majesty's 
 honour and interest may be concerned in the suc- 
 cess of his errand. 
 
 Though that Prince's necessities may be grown 
 great, as well as his complaints and the arrears of 
 his payments, yet, I am confident, five and twenty 
 or thirty thousand pounds in a lump, and sudden, 
 would bring him strong and vigorous into the field 
 this spring ; which would prove a cheap advantage 
 to his Majesty's arms, and perhaps the greatest in 
 sight, next to your Grace's commanding this sum- 
 mer's fleet ; from which we all here certainly rec- 
 kon upon a success suitable to the rest of your for- 
 tunes and glories, which I hope to see completed 
 upon the French fleets. Mine will be great, if 
 your Grace pleases to esteem me, as you will ever 
 have reason to do, My Lord, your Grace's most 
 faithful humble servant. 
 
 To my Lord Carlingford. 
 
 My Lord, Brussels, March 6, N. S. 1666. 
 
 I have this exception to your service, that my faults 
 are taken notice of, and not my diligence : for, in 
 your Lordship's of the 21st past, I find not the least 
 mention of any letters received from me, though, 
 I am confident by other circumstances, some of
 
 and other Ministers of State. 23 1 
 
 them must have been come to your hands. I fear 
 your news at Vienna is not so good nor true as your 
 wine ; and, by the abundance of reports with shal- 
 low grounds, I doubt your Court is rather inclined 
 to hear news than to make it. That Brandenburg 
 is our enemy, at least for four months, is too cer- 
 tain : that Sweden is a friend to Munster, we may 
 guess rather from causes, than any effects that I 
 know of: and since neither the Emperor nor Spain 
 will contribute any thing towards the Bishop's as- 
 sistance, nor so much as the staving off enemies, 
 that by Dutch and French are raising up against 
 him in the Empire itself, I know no remedy. But 
 yet, in spite of all force and artifice to disarm him, 
 I expect, for my part, to see him rather besieged 
 in Coesvelt or Munster, than make a peace with- 
 out our Master's consent, as is hoped by our ene- 
 mies, and perhaps wished by some of our friends, 
 for fear the continuance of his music should make 
 them dance before they have a mind to it. But I 
 believe all their coldness and shrinking will hardly 
 defend them, and may help them rather to lose 
 their friends, than gain their enemies ; for we have 
 certain news that the French have made a place 
 d' armes between la Fere and Peronne, where that 
 King is coming down to the rendezvouses of fifteen 
 thousand men : and the Hollanders, on the other 
 side, are so incurably possessed with an opinion of 
 some wonderful deep important league between us 
 and Spain, that they are upon the very brink of re- 
 solving a war too, and concluding a league offen- 
 sive, as well as defensive, with France ; at least, if 
 the ascendant of this year befavourable to l)c Witt's 
 party as that of the last was, which begins to be a 
 little doubted of late. I will not send your Lord- 
 ship any English letters, nor our declaration of war 
 against the French, in confidence it goes along with 
 your pacquetj by which you will see his Majesty
 
 2S2 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 hath been as generous and civil as the French King 
 was rough in his, to call it no worse : but he hath 
 begun the war with so much heat, that I am apt to 
 believe he will come to be cool before it ends. 
 
 I shall ill deserve your Lordship's leave of writ- 
 ing often, if I do it so long, and so little to the pur- 
 pose together. After I have told you my Lord 
 Ossory is come over into England, and that my 
 Lord Arlington is for certain (as they say both in 
 England and here) to marry the Lady ^Emilia, my 
 Lady of Ossory's sister, I will give your Lordship 
 the good night, almost as late as I imagine you use 
 to go to bed, and only tell you that I am, at all 
 hours, my Lord, your Lordship's most humble ser- 
 vant. 
 
 To Sir Philip Warwick. 
 
 Sir, Brussels, March 12, N. S. 1666. 
 
 Though it be more easy and more usual to beg 
 favours, than to acknowledge them, yet I find you 
 are resolved to force me upon the last, without ever 
 giving me time or occasion for the other. How 
 much I am obliged to you in my last dispatch, I am 
 told enough by Mr. Godolphin, but more by my 
 own heart, which will never suffer me to believe, 
 that a person to whom I have been so long, and am 
 so much a servant, should be any other than kind 
 to me ; for that is my way of judging my absent 
 friends, and serves, like a watch in my pocket, to 
 measure the time, though I see no sun. The very 
 name of time puts me in mind, that yours is not to 
 be spent idly; and that you are more pleased to 
 oblige your friends, than to receive their thanks : 
 and therefore I will only say, that mine are very 
 sensible and very hearty, and that no man is, with 
 more reason and with more sincereness, than I am, 
 Sir, your affectionate humble servant.
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 2 S3 
 
 To the Bishop of Munster. 
 Brussels, March 12, 
 N. S. 1666. 
 
 Sir, 
 Your Highness's letter of the 
 9th instant came in due time to 
 my hands, by which I plainly 
 find with how much faith and 
 constancy, as well as wisdom 
 and courage, your Highness in- 
 tends to order your affairs. My 
 utmost endeavours shall not be 
 wanting for the advancing of 
 them, as well as for increasing 
 and cultivating the confidence 
 his Majesty hath in your High- 
 ness (on which the common 
 league chiefly relies) especially 
 at this time, when so many ill- 
 designing men use all endea- 
 vours to shake or destroy it, 
 wherein it is hard to tell whe- 
 ther their folly or malice be 
 greater. 
 
 I hear every day in this city, 
 that ) r our Highness has made 
 peace with the Hollanders,with- 
 out any regard to us or our 
 league, or so much as consult- 
 ing his Majesty upon it : and I 
 pretend to believe what I am 
 told, though I am inwardly as- 
 sured to the contrary. As for 
 whispers and rumours, it is not 
 my custom either to amuse 
 others, or perplex myself with 
 them. I confess I was some- 
 what moved with a letter from 
 the Duke of Brunswick to a man 
 of understanding in this city, 
 which I lately saw and read ; 
 wherein he seems to feed him- 
 self and his friend with hopes 
 of a speedy peace in all those 
 
 Episcopo Monasterii. 
 
 Bruxellis, Martii 19. 
 A T .S.1666. 
 
 Celsissime Dom. 
 Recte et tempestive admodum 
 mihi reddita sunt liter a Celsi- 
 tudinis vestrce, 9. Martii da- 
 ta ; e quibus plane perspexi 
 quani inconcussd Jide, et qudm 
 decora constantid C. V. res suas 
 semper ornatura sit, dum eas- 
 dem eximid prudentia et animo 
 molitur inter ea, et gubernat. 
 Mihi certe nihil erit unquam 
 antiquius isto officio, quod sem- 
 per prwstiti et prwstiturus sum 
 tarn in Mis omni modo promo- 
 vendis, quam in formandd, et 
 si opus fuerit erigendd, sacra: 
 sum Regia?. Majestatis fiducia, 
 qua pracipue niti videtur com- 
 munis foederis vinculum et ro- 
 bur, hoc pra'sertim tempore cum 
 multi et vafri et ventosi homi- 
 nes Mam pedibus eant labifac- 
 tatum, majore levitate nescio, an 
 malitid. 
 
 hi hue urbe pacem jam ratani 
 iri inter C. Vm. et Hollandos, 
 posthabitis omnino rationibus et 
 foederis et nostris, nedum con- 
 sultd voluntate, ego id risque au- 
 ribus quotidie accipio; creduli- 
 tatem simulo, toto auiempectore 
 iiifcias eo. Rumoribus eerie et 
 susurris nee mihi alios pascere 
 assuetum, nee meipsum excruci- 
 arc; commotum me paulojateor 
 Uteris Ducis Brunsivicensis viro 
 sagaci in hdc urbe transiissis, 
 quas ipse nuperrime vidi, legi- 
 que ddigcntiiis, in quibus, et sese 
 et ami cum multa spe lactare vi- 
 detur pads in universis istis 
 Germanue parlibus brevitcr re- 
 st ituend 'it ; sibique pro comperto 
 const a re asserif, principem Mo-
 
 234 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 parts of Germany, and assures 
 him, from his certain knowledge, 
 that the Prince of Munster will 
 accept it in case it be offered to 
 him without the greatest igno- 
 miny and loss ; wherein he says 
 the neighbouring Princes use 
 all means to engage him. 
 
 I am sorry to find the Mar- 
 quis of Castel Rodrigo of the 
 same opinion; because I know 
 the event must be dishonour- 
 able to your Highness, and will 
 be imputed to the King my Ma- 
 ster, perhaps as imprudence, at 
 least, as ill fortune. Nor do I 
 think the Spaniards, at this time 
 of day, so generous as to pro- 
 mote the league (which we 
 hope to see confirmed by my 
 Lord Sandwich's embassy into 
 Spain) if they once imagine, 
 though but falsely, that his Ma- 
 jesty, among such potent ene- 
 mies, is forsaken by his nearest 
 confederates. 
 
 On the contrary, I am en- 
 tirely persuaded, as well from 
 your Highness's last letter, as 
 from your virtue and good 
 sense, that you have too great 
 a regard for your faith and ho- 
 nour, to darken the lustre of so 
 fair a life, by so foul a stain. 
 This I do not fail continually 
 to inform both his Majesty and 
 his Ministers ; nor do I doubt, 
 but if fortune shall be wanting 
 to the justice of your arms, so 
 far as that your Highness shall 
 be in danger of being brought 
 to the last extremities, you will 
 at least have that regard to so 
 sacred a league, and to the ho- 
 nour of so great a King, as to 
 give his Majesty timely notice; 
 declare the invincible necessi- 
 ties you lay under, and desire 
 
 nastcrii earn libentissime accep- 
 iurum, modo sine summd igno- 
 minia et damno earn oblatam iri 
 contingat ; in quo vicinos ait 
 Principes oleum et operant sum- 
 mo jam studio impendere. 
 
 Marchionem de Castel Ro- 
 drigo eandem imhibisse plane 
 opinionem et sentio et doleo; 
 quippc ejusmodi eventum et C. 
 V. vitio verti necesse est, et Regi 
 Domino meo, imprudentice for- 
 san, aut saltern infcelicitaii. Nee 
 Hispanos usque adeo jam tem- 
 poris generosos astimo, ut pro- 
 vehendo feeder i (quod jam arc- 
 tius astrictum iri speramus nu- 
 perrimd Comitis de Sandwich 
 in Hispaniam legatione) forti- 
 us impellant remos si Regent 
 Dominum meum inter tantos 
 hostes ab intimofcederato deser- 
 tion iri, sibi velfalso persuase- 
 rint. 
 
 Ego inter ea tarn ex postremis 
 Uteris, quam ex ingenti C. V. 
 indole et genio, moribus etiam 
 et studiis, mihi e contra procul 
 omni aled persuasum habeo, cam 
 virtuti,fidci, et glori<e nimisfce- 
 liciter litdsse, quam id tot decora 
 tarn insignis vita; tantd labe in- 
 
 fuscari idlo modopatiatur. Hoc 
 sacrce suceRegicB Majestati, hoc 
 Ministris regiis inculcare non 
 desino ; nee ullus dubito, si tarn 
 
 justis armis fortuna in tantum 
 defuerit, ut inter tot hostes C. 
 V. in extremis se laboraturam 
 
 prccsentiai ; quin hoc saltern tan- 
 to feeder i, hoc tanti Regis no- 
 mini et auspiciis tribuendum ju- 
 dicet, ut sacram suam majesta- 
 tem non inconsidtam velit, ne- 
 cessitates insuperabiles exponat, 
 veniamque demum impetrct no-
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 233 
 
 permission to enter upon new 
 counsels. 
 
 As for us, I am sure your 
 Highness is sufficiently con- 
 vinced of his Majesty's care in 
 performing his part, and how 
 
 vis 
 dis. 
 
 et alienis consiliis ineun- 
 
 Quod ad partes nostras aiti- 
 net, satis confido C. V. abunde 
 exploratum habere quanta studio 
 et opere sacra sua Regia Ma- 
 
 happily he has overcome the jestas explendis ad amussim sin- 
 greatest difficulties and straits, gulis invigilaverit, quantaque 
 wherein, by occasion of the late demum fcelicitate angustias et 
 pestilence, his revenues have difjkultates summas eluctata sit f 
 
 been involved. About ten days 
 ago, I gave Monsieur Rhintorf 
 letters of exchange for 7,7000 
 dollars: he is a diligent person, 
 a friend to the common league, 
 and of equal probity and in- 
 dustry. 1 have given him also 
 other letters, wherein a very 
 rich merchant of Amsterdam 
 has undertaken to transmit 
 30,000 dollars more to me with 
 all convenient speed. I have 
 also orders from his Majesty, 
 to advance money for your 
 Highness, upon a great quan- 
 tity of tin, lately recovered 
 from shipwreck at Ostend: and 
 his Majesty has farther given 
 me in charge , to let your High- 
 ness know, that whatever re- 
 mains should be paid without 
 fail. 
 
 All this matter was finish- 
 ed before Mr. Sherwood's 
 departure for England, whom 
 I have however instructed with 
 the best counsel I could, as well 
 as with letters of recommenda- 
 tion to the Chief Ministers; 
 though I am certain his Majes- 
 ty's justice and truth will be 
 more prevalent in this matter, 
 
 quibus per nuperam contagio- 
 nem res suas pracipue pecuni- 
 arias involutas sensit. Ego jam 
 infra decern elapsos dies literas 
 Cambii usque ad ssptuaghita 
 septem Thaleroram millia vali- 
 turas, Domino de Rhintorf rite 
 tradidi, viro eerie impigro, ani- 
 mique erga res communis foede- 
 ris propensissimi, nee minoris ut 
 mihi videtur probitatis quam in- 
 dustrial Eidem alias impertii 
 liter a-, per quas mcrcator ad- 
 modum opulent us Amstelodami 
 in seprovinciam rcccpit triginta 
 adhuc Thalerorum millia mihi 
 quamprimumtransmittendi. Eo- 
 dem tempore et magnam stanni 
 molem Ostendx nuper ex nau- 
 fragio revulsam, augendis C. V. 
 rationibus impendere, inter regia 
 jussa habeo ; pracipuumque a 
 sacra sua Regia Majcstatc man- 
 datum, tit C. V. persuasam pe- 
 nitiis et securam velim, quod rc- 
 liqui est sine ulld ambagc solu- 
 tum iri. 
 
 Hitc omnia excussa el abso- 
 lutafuisse advertendum est ante 
 appulsum Domini Shcm-ood, 
 quern tamen in transitu saluber- 
 rimis quibus fas crat consiliis, ct 
 commendatoriis apud summos 
 llegios Ministros Uteris moni- 
 tion volui; ctiamsi ^ro comperto 
 habcam, Regis Domini mci jus- 
 tit iam insignem ctjidem inviola-
 
 236 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 than the most importunate so- 
 licitations or complaints. 
 
 In the mean while I shall use 
 my utmost care and diligence 
 for the service of your High- 
 ness; and it will be your part, 
 not to be wanting either to his 
 Majesty, or your own honour 
 and safety, which are all con- 
 cerned in this conjuncture. I 
 also beg your Highness not to 
 be discouraged by your ene- 
 mies, not to distrust your old 
 friends, nor despair of raising 
 new ones. 
 
 Time for thehetter changes many 
 things. 
 
 In the mean time, I wish your 
 Highness health and victory, 
 and desire you will ever esteem 
 me, Sir, your Highness's most 
 obedient humble servant. 
 
 tarn plus querimoniis omnibus 
 vel precibus maxime importunis 
 in hue re valituras. 
 
 Ego interea curd, opere, stu- 
 dio, et di/igeiiiid, nee desum nee 
 dtfuturus sum ; Cehiiudini au- 
 tem vestra curct erit ne sacra 
 suet Rcgi'c Majestati, ne sibimet 
 ipsi defuerit, ne propria denique 
 glorice. nee saluti, quas in hoc 
 cardine rerum verti satis per- 
 spectum habere necesse est. Nee 
 inter insurgentes hostes despon- 
 deat oro, nee veteribus amicis ad 
 minimum diffidat, nee desperet de 
 novis exitandis. 
 
 Multa dies variusque labor mu- 
 
 tabilis aevi 
 Detulit in melius. 
 
 Valeat interea C. V. et vin- 
 cendo pergat ; inter autem ad- 
 dictissimos ejusque rerum studio- 
 sissimos de jure semper (estimet, 
 C. V. observantissimum. 
 
 To Mr. * Godolphin. 
 
 Sir, Brussels, April 1, N. S. 1666. 
 
 Among my few debts, I could not have imagined 
 myself likely to have any in Spain, till my late in- 
 telligence from England, and observation of the 
 winds, persuaded me to it, as my good conscience 
 does, to endeavour at the satisfaction of them be- 
 fore it be called for. After I have welcomed you 
 into the climate with the same chear and kindness 
 the sun I know will do, you must receive my ac- 
 knowledgment of two letters I had from you be- 
 fore you left English ground : but, withal, some 
 reproach that you could mingle the expressions of 
 
 * Afterwards Sir William Godolphin.
 
 and other Ministers of State. 237 
 
 your kindness with that idle business of accompts, 
 in which you are too just, as those you had to deal 
 with for my * patent fees were, I think, too mer- 
 ciful, at least, much more so than I expected. 
 Your letter from Sheen was more obliging, in 
 making me believe you met any thing, in that cor- 
 ner, you could be entertained or pleased with ; 
 but, if it were so, I fear you had your revenge : 
 for my wife tells me, to my face, in her letter up- 
 on that occasion, that she shall love you whilst 
 she lives for the kindness of that visit. What ef- 
 fect this might have upon an absent man in Spanish 
 air, I know not ; but, from this more temperate 
 climate I will assure you, that I am content to 
 share with you the kindness of my best friends, 
 which is all the quarrel I will raise at this distance, 
 upon this occasion. 
 
 The last courier from Spain renewed our mourn- 
 ing at this Court, for the news oft Sir R. F. and 
 Sir R. S's arrival at Madrid, without success in the 
 Portugal truce ; which, being the hinge of all af- 
 fairs at this time in Christendom, is (1 hope) re- 
 served for your more happy and more dexterous 
 management. I find it agreed from France, with 
 other parts, that nothing will have good issue in 
 Portugal without the style of King ; and methinks 
 the Spaniards height should rather aim at giving 
 him King without Kingdom, than amuse about 
 Kingdom without King. The best swords, and 
 guns, and treasures, will have ever the power of 
 reviving those controversies : in the mean time, 
 pray endeavour to make them sensible, that the 
 possession of Flanders is worth the reversion of 
 Portugal ; and that they could never have such a 
 conjuncture to lav by the puntiglio as during their 
 King's minority, who, when grown major, may 
 
 * For Baronet. + Sir Richard Fanshaw.
 
 238 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 avow and disavow what he pleases of his mother's 
 regency. 
 
 It is pleasant to me to be giving you arguments; 
 but we are so full of it here, as you must excuse 
 all impertinencies in this matter. In short, this is 
 a business must of necessity be done, and therefore, 
 for God's sake, dispatch it : and there is an end 
 of my wise counsels. 
 
 From the Marquis here you must look for no 
 great assistance in this one particular ; his birth 
 and interest make it too ticklish a string for him 
 to touch : in all others assure yourself I have 
 taken a care to press him, and his Excellency the 
 pains to endeavour all he can possibly, for pre- 
 paring whatever may honour your reception, or 
 facilitate your negotiation j and being a person 
 that has run through all the business of that 
 monarchy, and allied to almost all the persons of 
 the council, I will be confident his offices will not 
 be useless to you, as I hope some of our country- 
 men's will that preceded them. When you farther 
 desire any from his Excellency here, upon the no- 
 tice, I doubt not to furnish you. 
 
 I find by him, the last promotion of counsellors 
 was not made, either by the Duke of Medina's or 
 Castriglio's faction or authority, but chiefly by the 
 Queen's Confessor, and on purpose to strengthen 
 a party dependent wholly upon her Majesty. 
 
 The Duke of Albuquerque you will find a man 
 of more warmth than depth, and no great leader 
 in council or business : Montalto is a man of more 
 head, has more of the Queen's ear, and runs the 
 fortune of growing one day into the greatest mi- 
 nistry : he is at present embroiled with the Duke 
 of Medina ; but if my Lord Sandwich would re- 
 concile those two strings, and tune them together, 
 he would find it easy to concert his own music 
 there.
 
 and other Ministers of State. 39 
 
 D* Ayala is Herb John, Aitona considered ; and 
 upon his march, which he may succeed well in, if 
 he contents himself to make it by slow and even 
 steps. Pignoranda would make a third party, is 
 learned and called wise, but wants birth and vigour 
 to support more greatness than he has. The Con- 
 fessor is honneste homvie, has lived, till now, retired 
 from business, but made a great leap into it on the 
 sudden. Castriglio and Caracena are so far known, 
 as I need say nothing of what you are to hope or 
 fear from them in your negotiation. Pray, pre- 
 sent my humble service to my Lord Ambassador, 
 and give him this little light, if you think it is 
 worth it. The Frenchmen's looks towards us are 
 fair, but I doubt their meaning ; at the same time 
 they offer at accommodation, they write into Hol- 
 land, pressing, all that is possible, the States agree- 
 ment with Munster, that their forces may be all 
 free to fall upon England, and encourage the 
 speedy setting out of their fleet, with assurance of 
 their own being ready to join. They mustered 
 fifteen thousand men, but ten days hence, near this 
 frontier in great bravery, where King, Queen, and 
 all the Court appeared. The French King resolves 
 to march about the first of May, in the head of 
 them, towards Sedan, upon pretence to force the 
 Duke of Lorrain to disarm, or, at least, to know 
 the cause of this present arming. In the mean 
 time, the Hugonots of Pictou have put in three 
 requests to the King, demanding liberty of their 
 churches, according to the edicts of Nantes, and 
 mingling some strains very bold, with others very 
 humble. 
 
 The Prince of Munster hath Envoys from six of 
 his neighbouring Princes now with him, treating 
 about the peace and security of the Wcstphalian 
 circle, and an accommodation with Holland ; all 
 which gives jealousy of his honour and constancy.
 
 240 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 The Elector of Brandenburg hath put in a me- 
 morial to the States, recommending passionately 
 the interest of the Prince of Orange, which hath 
 given some jealousy both to Dutch and French. 
 
 The Elector of Cologn hath sent an Envoy to 
 the Hague, who is there arrived, to demand the 
 restitution of Rhinberg. 
 
 The Prince of Orange's sister's marriage is con- 
 cluded with the Duke of Simmeren ; for the con- 
 summation of it, the Princess Dowager and Prince 
 of Orange intend suddenly for Cleve. Captain 
 Bennet and Sir John Sayers, with several others, 
 are arrived at Ostend in the King's yacht for 
 Mademoiselle Bevarwaert's transportation. The 
 Captain of the vessel approaching the town, and 
 pretending to take a ship belonging to that port, 
 and entering there for a Hollander, pursued and 
 fired at her, till a gunner from the castle, not 
 knowing what vessel ours was, gave her one gun, 
 but so unluckily, that it struck through the cabin, 
 killed the gunner, and shot off the Captain's 
 \eg. I have sent letters from the Marquis to the 
 Governor at Ostend, to make all excuses and re- 
 parations. I have just now dispatched an express 
 to the Hague, to desire Mademoiselle Bevarwaert's 
 command where and when I shall attend her pas- 
 sage, which my Lord Arlington hath advised to 
 make by Antwerp, and to leave all her money there 
 in my hands, which, with a hundred and fifty 
 thousand dollars I shall meet there about the same 
 time for Munster, will make me so rich, that I 
 think I had best take the good time, and run away 
 to you into Spain ; but I shall never reckon upon 
 your protection longer than I have some honesty 
 mingled with my kindness for you ; and, while I 
 have the least of one, you may reckon upon the 
 most of the other that can be from, Sir, your most 
 affectionate friend, and most faithful servant.
 
 and other Ministers of Stute. 
 
 241 
 
 To the Bishop of Munster. 
 
 Brussels, April 27, 
 Sir, N. S. 1666. 
 
 The care your Highness was 
 pleased to express for the safety 
 of my journey, makes me be- 
 lieve you will be pleased to 
 hear how soon and happily I 
 arrived at Brussels, after many 
 difficulties. 
 
 By a letter yesterday I re- 
 commended to his Majesty the 
 affairs of your Highness, as I 
 promised to do, and hope my 
 care will not be in vain : but, 
 since I left Munster, I am in- 
 formed that Monsieur Colbert 
 the French Minister would ar- 
 rive in a little time to buy the 
 troops that your Highness de- 
 signs to dismiss, and to put 
 them into the French service. 
 Now I cannot but inform your 
 Highness,how unjust, how false, 
 and how ungrateful it will ap- 
 pear, for those troops, that were 
 raised and armed by the King 
 my master's money, to enter 
 into the service of a foreign 
 Prince, now at open enmity 
 with us, by which means they 
 become rebels rather than ene- 
 mies. And indeed I find all 
 the Ministers of Munster are 
 extremely ave>*se from this 
 counsel. 
 
 For since his Excellency the 
 Marquis of Castel Ilodrigo de- 
 signs to draw into the Spanish 
 service all who are subjects of 
 his Catholic Majesty, with two 
 or three regiments besides ; 
 and for that end designs to 
 
 send Monsieur 1) to 
 
 Munster ; I think it more for 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 Episcopo Monasterii. 
 
 Bruxellis, Aprilis 27, S. N. 
 
 Celsissime Domine, 1666. 
 Summa ista solicitudo et bene- 
 volent ia quas C. V. in securitate 
 itineri meo prcestandd demon- 
 stravit, me persuasum habent, 
 non ingratum fore si earn certi- 
 orem velim quam brevi etfelici- 
 ter, inter multa incommoda et 
 dijficidtates, Bruxellas appule- 
 rim. 
 
 Ego jam per hesternas litems 
 operant et studium menm impen- 
 di istis qffciis C. V. erga sacram 
 suam Regiam Majestatem exsol- 
 vendis, qua: pollicitus sum, nee 
 vanajbre coiifido. Accepi au- 
 tem ex quo Monasterio discessi t 
 Dominum Colbert ministrum 
 Gallicum brevi appidsurum ad 
 mercandas copias quas dimissura 
 est C. V. casque in stipendia 
 Regis Gallici attrahendas. Non 
 possum C. V. celare quam ini- 
 quum, injidum, et ingratum vi- 
 debilur, copias pecunia Regis 
 domini met conftatas et instruc- 
 tas, in partes et stipendia trans- 
 ire Regis alieni, jamquc palam 
 nobis inimici,ct contra nos arma- 
 li ; ncc istomodo dici jwtcst, ut 
 novum bcllum,sed genus quoddam 
 rcbcl/io?iis, instituant : a quo 
 consilio ego onines, quos conveni, 
 Monasterii officiates expertus 
 sum admodum alienos. 
 
 Cum autem Exccllentia sua 
 Dominus Marchio de Castel 
 Rodrigo in votis habcat subditos 
 onines Catholicce JMajcstalis in 
 sua stipendia retrahcrc, duaxque 
 insupcr vel tres alteras legiones; 
 et in liunc Jincm statuerit Do- 
 minum I) Monastcrium us- 
 que ablegarc ; ego multo magis 
 R
 
 242 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 the honour and advantage of et honori et utilitati Regis do- 
 
 the King my master, that these mini mei conducturum cestimo, 
 
 forces be placed in the service si copice istce in auspicia et sti- 
 
 of a Prince who has been long pendia Regis nobis jam temporis 
 
 our friend and confederate ; confcederati et amicissimi trans- 
 
 and therefore I desire your eant. Idcoque supplico C. V. 
 
 Highness to give a hand to this ut hide negotiationijacilitandcc 
 
 negotiation, which I promise (quicquid in se eritj utrasque 
 
 shall be neither unknown nor manus prcebeat, idque qfficium 
 
 unwelcome to the King my Regi domino meo nee ignotum 
 
 master. I am, Sir, your High- nee ingr alum fore spondeo. C.V. 
 
 ness's, &c. fyc. 
 
 To Sir John Temple. 
 Sir, Brussels, May 10, N. S. 1666. 
 
 After so long and so hard a journey, I thought 
 you would be glad to know I was well again in my 
 former station, and what was the occasion of my 
 leaving it so suddenly and so privately, that I could 
 not acquaint any of my friends with it before I 
 went, which now I am at liberty to entertain you 
 with. 
 
 This winter has passed with much noise, made 
 by the Bishop of Munster in his enterprise against 
 Holland, with some attempts, but little success. 
 The fault he has laid in some degree upon the 
 Marquis here, for refusing to suffer the Duke of 
 Bornoville to go and command his troops, which 
 he durst not consent to, for fear of giving too much 
 offence to the French and Dutch, at a time when 
 the Spaniards here are in ill condition for a quar- 
 rel : but the Bishop's chief complaints have been, 
 want of those sums of money stipulated by his Ma- 
 jesty to be furnished him both before and after his 
 taking the field. Our excuses upon the loss of the 
 ships with tin before Ostend, though they may 
 serve to keep us in countenance, yet they will not 
 pay forces in the field, which he has often threat- 
 ened these three months past must break up, with- 
 out speedy supplies. In the mean time his neigh-
 
 and other Ministers of State. 24JJ 
 
 bouring Princes of the Empire, especially the Elec- 
 tors of Mentz and Brandenburg, with the Duke of 
 Nieuburg, seeing a flame broke out, which must 
 draw foreign armies into the Empire, both French 
 and Dutch, have used first all offices they could to 
 prevail with the Bishop to make his peace with 
 Holland, engaged the Emperor himself in the same 
 endeavours, and, finding him steady to his treaty 
 with the King, at last the Duke of Brandenburg 
 drew his forces into the field, resolved to compel 
 him by joining with the Dutch, if he could not 
 persuade him to make the peace ; and the Duke of 
 Nieuburg prepared to second him in this design. 
 The French were not wanting in their offices to 
 the same ends ; so that a private agreement was 
 made about the beginning of this month, for the 
 French, Dutch, and Munster Envoys to meet at 
 Cleve, and there treat the peace, under the medi- 
 ation of the Elector of Brandenburg. 
 
 As soon as the King received this alarm, he sent 
 an express immediately to command me away the 
 instant I received it, with a commission to the 
 Bishop of Munster, and with instructions to do all 
 I could possibly to hinder the peace, and with bills 
 of exchange to revive his payments, which had 
 been long intermitted, and promise of more to be 
 remitted every post, which 1 was to order into his 
 agent's hands here, in my absence. 
 
 I went accordingly, acquainting none with my 
 going but the Marquis here, who gave me twenty 
 of his own guards, with command to follow abso- 
 lutely all orders I should give them. I was to pass 
 through a great deal of the Spanish country, much 
 infested with Dutch parties, more of the Duke of 
 Nieuburg's, and more yet of the Brandenburgers, 
 who I know were all enemies to the affair I went 
 upon, and therefore thought it best to pass for a 
 Spanish Envoy, sent from the Marquis Castel llo- 
 
 it 2
 
 244 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 drigo to the Emperor, and charged my small guard, 
 and the Cornet that commanded them, to keep true 
 to this note. And some of my servants, as well as 
 most of the guards, speaking Spanish, I spoke no- 
 thing else, unless in private, or when I was forced 
 out of it by some incident. 
 
 In this guise I came to Dusseldorp, where the 
 Duke of Nieuburg happened to be (contrary to 
 what I had been informed): as soon as I was in 
 my inn, one of his officers came to know who I 
 was, and whither I was going ; and would not be 
 satisfied by the common answer from my servants 
 and guards, but would receive it from me : when 
 he came up, though with much civility, yet he 
 pressed me so far, that I found there was no feign- 
 ing with him, and so bid him tell the Duke, that 
 within an hour I would come and give him an ac- 
 count both of myself and my journey. I remem- 
 bered the great kindness that had ever interceded 
 between his Majesty and this Prince ; and, though 
 I went upon an errand that I knew was disagree- 
 able to him, yet I thought he would be less likely 
 to cross me, if I acquainted him frankly with it, 
 than if I disguised scurvily, as I was likely to do, 
 being the thing of the world I could do the most 
 uneasily. 
 
 I had a letter of credence which I brought out 
 of England at my first coming over for this Prince ; 
 but, passing another way to Minister, I had not 
 used it, and so resolved to do it now. I did so, 
 gave it him, told him my errand ; how much his 
 Majesty reckoned upon his friendship, and desired 
 his good offices to the Bishop of Minister in the 
 design I went upon, of keeping him firm to his 
 treaties with the King my master. 
 
 This Duke is, in my opinion, the finest Gentle- 
 man of any German I have seen, and deserves much 
 better fortune than he is in ; being small, vervmuch
 
 and other Ministers of State. 245 
 
 broken, and charged with a very numerous issue ; 
 he seems about fifty years old, tall, lean, very good 
 mien, but more like an Italian than a German: all 
 he says is civil, well bred, honneste, plain, easy, 
 and has an air of truth and honour. He made 
 great professions of kindness and respect to the 
 King, was sorry he could not serve him in this af- 
 fair ; his engagements were already taken with the 
 Emperor and his neighbouring Princes for making 
 the Munster peace, and by that means keeping 
 war out of the Empire. He doubted I could not 
 serve his Majesty upon this errand neither; for he 
 first believed I could not get safe to Munster, the 
 ways being all full of Dutch and Brandenburg par- 
 ties, who had notice of the King's intention to send 
 away to the Bishop upon this occasion ; and, if I 
 should arrive, he believed, however, I should find 
 the peace signed before I came. 
 
 My answer was short, for I was very weary, that 
 go I would, however I succeeded ; that, for the 
 danger of the journey, I knew no providing against 
 it, but a very good guide who might lead me through 
 ways the most unfrequented ; that I would desire 
 his Highness to give me one of his own guards to 
 conduct me, because none would expect a person 
 going upon my design, would have one of his livery 
 for a guide ; and I desired he would let me pass, as 
 I had done hitherto in my journey, for a Spanish 
 Envoy. The Duke, after some difficulties at first 
 (which we turned into pleasantries) complied with 
 me in all : 1 took my leave, and went away early 
 
 next morning. 
 
 I never travelled a more savage country, over 
 cruel hills, through many great and thick woods, 
 stony and rapid streams, never hardly in any high- 
 way, and very few villages, till I came near Dort- 
 mund, a city of the Empire, and within a day's 
 journey, or something more, of Munster. The
 
 2'iO Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 night I came to Dortmund was so advanced when 
 I arrived, that the gates were shut, and with all our 
 eloquence, which was as moving as we could, we 
 were not able to prevail to have them opened ; they 
 advised us to go to a village about a league di- 
 stant, where they said we might have lodging. 
 When we came there, we found it all taken up 
 w T ith a troop of Brandenburg horse, so as the poor 
 Spanish Envoy was fain to eat what he could get 
 in a barn, and to sleep upon a heap of straw, and 
 lay my head upon my page instead of a pillow. 
 The best of it was, that he, understanding Dutch, 
 heard one of the Brandenburg soldiers coming in- 
 to the barn, to examine some of my guards about 
 me and my journey, which, when he was satisfied 
 of, he asked if he had heard nothing upon the way 
 of an English Envoy that was expected ; the fellow 
 said, he was upon the way, and might be at Dort- 
 mund within a day or two, w r ith which he was sa- 
 tisfied, and I slept as well as I could. 
 
 The next morning I went into Dortmund, and, 
 hearing there that, for five or six leagues round, 
 all was full of Brandenburg troops, 1 dispatched 
 away a German Gentleman I had in my train, with 
 a letter to the Bishop of Munster, to let him know 
 the place and condition I was in, and desire he 
 would send me guards immediately, and strong 
 enough to convey me. The night following my 
 messenger returned, and brought me word, that, 
 by eight o'clock the morning after, a Commander 
 of the Bishop's would come in sight of the town, 
 at the head of twelve hundred horse, and desired 
 I would come and join them so soon as they ap- 
 peared. I did so ; and, after an easy march till 
 four o'clock, I came to a castle of the Bishop's, 
 where I was received by Lieutenant-General Gor- 
 gas, a Scotsman in that service, who omitted no- 
 thing of honour or entertainment that could be
 
 and other Ministers of Slate. 247 
 
 given me. There was nothing here remarkable, 
 but the most Episcopal way of drinking that could 
 be invented. As soon as we came in the great 
 hall, there stood many flaggons ready charged, the 
 General called for wine to drink the King's health; 
 they brought him a formal bell of silver gilt, that 
 might hold about two quarts or more ; he took it 
 empty, pulled out the clapper, and gave it me, who 
 he intended to drink to, then had the bell filled, 
 drunk it off to his Majesty's health, then asked me 
 for the clapper, put it in, turned down the bell, and 
 rung it out, to shew he had played fair, and left 
 nothing in it ; took out the clapper, desired me to 
 give it to whom I pleased, then gave his bell to be 
 filled again, and brought it to me. I that never 
 used to drink, and seldom would try, had common- 
 ly some Gentlemen with me that served for that 
 purpose when it was necessary ; and so I had the 
 entertainment of seeing his health go current 
 through about a dozen hands, with no more share 
 in it than just what I pleased. 
 
 The next day after noon, about a league from 
 Munster, the Bishop met me at the head of four 
 thousand horse, and in appearance brave troops. 
 Before his coach, that drove very fast, came a guard 
 of a hundred Hey Dukes that he had brought from 
 the last campaign in Hungary ; they were in short 
 coats and caps all of a brown colour, every man 
 carrying a sabre by his side, a short pole-ax before 
 him, and a skrewed gun hanging at his back by a 
 leather belt that went cross his shoulder. In this 
 posture they run almost full speed, and in excel- 
 lent order, and were said to shoot two hundred 
 yards witli their skrewed gun, and a bullet of the 
 bigness of a large pea, into the breadth of a dollar 
 or crown-piece. When the coach came within for- 
 ty yards of me it stopped, I saw the Bishop and his 
 General the Prince d'Homberg come out; upon
 
 248 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 which I alighted, so as to meet him between my 
 horses and his coach : after compliments, he would 
 have me go into his coach, and sit alone at the 
 back end, reserving the other to himself and his 
 General. I excused it, saying, I came without 
 character ; but he replied, that his agent had writ 
 him word I brought a commission, which styled me 
 Oratorem nostrum (as was true) and that he knew 
 what was due to that style from a great King. I 
 never was nice in taking any honour that was of- 
 fered to the King's character, and so easily took 
 this : but from it, and a reception so extraordinary, 
 began immediately to make an ill presage of my 
 business, and to think of the Spanish proverb, 
 
 Quien te hase mas corte que no suele hazer 
 Ote ha d'enganner ote ha menester. 
 
 And with these thoughts, and in this posture, I 
 entered Munster, and was conducted by the Bi- 
 shop to a lodging prepared for me in one of the 
 Canons houses. 
 
 The Bishop would have left me immediately 
 after he brought me to my chamber ; but I told 
 him I could not let him go without asking an hour 
 of audience that very evening. He would have 
 excused it upon respect and weariness, and much 
 compliment ; but I persisted in it, unless he would 
 chuse to sit down where we were, and enter upon 
 affairs without ceremony. He was at last con- 
 tented ; and I said all 1 could towards my end of 
 keeping him to the faith of his treaty with the 
 King, to the pursuit of the w^ar till both consent- 
 ed to the peace, and to the expectations of the 
 money that was due. He answered me, with the 
 necessities that had forced him to treat, from the 
 failing of his payments, the violences of his neigh- 
 bour Princes, and the last instances of the Empe- 
 ror j but that he would, upon my coming, dispatch
 
 and other Ministers of State. 240, 
 
 one immediately to Cleve, to command his Mini- 
 sters to make a stop in their treaty till they received 
 farther orders, which I should be master of. 
 
 I went to supper after he left me, but was told 
 enough privately to spoil it before I sat down, which 
 was, that the treaty was signed at Cleve ; though 
 I took no notice of it, because I knew, if it were 
 so, being angry would hurt nobody but my master 
 or myself. 
 
 Next day the Bishop made a mighty feast among 
 all his chief Officers, where we sat for four hours, 
 and in bravery I drank fair like all the rest ; and 
 observed that my Spanish Cornet, and I that never 
 used it, yet came off in better order than any of 
 the company. I was very sick, after I came to 
 my lodging ; but he got a horseback on purpose to 
 shew himself about the town, while the rest of the 
 company were out of sight all the afternoon. The 
 day after was agreed to give me an account of the 
 affair of Cleve ; upon the return of the Bishop's 
 express after my arrival, and at an audience in the 
 evening, with great pretence of trouble and grief, 
 he confessed the treaty was signed, and so past re- 
 medy, and that it had been so before his express 
 arrived, though much against his expectation, as 
 he professed ; I am sure it was not against mine, 
 for I left Brussels in the belief that 1 should cer- 
 tainly rind all concluded, which made my journey 
 much harder than it could have been with any 
 hopes of succeeding. 
 
 I told him, when 1 found all ended, and no hopes 
 of retrieving it, that I would begone within a day 
 or two, and would take my leave of him that night, 
 being not well, and needing some rest before 1 be- 
 gan my journey. He said and did all that could 
 be to persuade my stay till 1 had represented his 
 reasons to the King, and received an answer: and 
 I found his design was to keep me as long as lie
 
 250 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 could, while his agent at Brussels received bills of 
 exchange from England that were ordered him in 
 my absence ; so that I knew not how much every 
 day's stay would cost the King, and that no other 
 service was to be done his Majesty in this affair, 
 besides saving as much of his money as I could. 
 The Bishop, rinding me immoveable, advised me 
 however in pretended kindness to go by Cologn, 
 which, though four or five days about, would be 
 the only way that was left for me with any safety, 
 the Dutch andBrandenburgers having posted them- 
 selves on purpose to attend my return upon all the 
 other roads; and he offered me Colonel Ossory, an 
 Irish Gentleman in his service, to conduct me : I 
 seemed to accept all, and to be obliged by his care, 
 but wished myself well out of it, and took my leave, 
 though he pretended to see me again next day. 
 
 I went home; and, instead of going to bed, as I 
 gave out, I laid my journey so as to be on horse- 
 back next morning between three and four o'clock 
 upon Good-Friday, which I thought might help me 
 to make my journey less suspected : I fee'd the offi- 
 cer that opened the gates for me, to keep them 
 shut two hours longer than usual that morning 
 (which I hear was performed), and so committed 
 myself to the conduct of the Duke of Nieuburg's 
 guide, to lead me the shortest way he could into 
 some place belonging to his master. I rode hard, 
 and without any stop, to a village eight leagues 
 from Munster, and just upon the borders of the 
 Brandenburg country: there I baited, and pretend- 
 ed to go to bed and stay all night ; but in an hour's 
 time, having got fresh horses ready for four men 
 that I pretended to send before me, I put on a cas- 
 saque of one of the Marquis's guards, and with my 
 page, the Duke of Nieuburg's guard, and Colonel 
 Majette, a Flemish officer in the Munster service, 
 I took horse at the back door of my inn, while the
 
 and other Ministers of State. 25 1 
 
 rest of my company thought me a-bed, and resolv- 
 ed to ride as far as I could the rest of that day, 
 leaving my steward to follow me the next, with the 
 rest of my train and guards. 
 
 I rode till eight at night through the wildest 
 country and most unfrequented ways that ever I 
 saw, but being then quite spent, and ready to fall 
 from my horse, I was forced to stop and lay me 
 down upon the ground till my guard went to a pea- 
 sant's house in sight, to find if there were any lodg- 
 ing for me ; he brought me word there was none, 
 nor any provisions in the house, nor could find any 
 thing but a little bottle of juniper water, which is 
 the common cordial in that country : I drank a 
 good deal, and with it found my spirits so revived, 
 that I resolved to venture upon the three leagues 
 that remained of my journey, so as to get into the 
 territories of Nieuburg, having passed all the way 
 since I left my train through those of Brandenburg, 
 whose engagements with the Dutch left me no safe- 
 ty while I was there. About midnight I came to 
 my lodging, which was so miserable that I lay upon 
 straw, got on horseback by break of day, and to 
 Dusseldorp by noon ; where being able to ride no 
 farther I went to bed for an hour, sent to make my 
 excuses to the Duke of Nieuburg upon my haste 
 and weariness, and to borrow his coach to carry me 
 to Ruremond, which was a long day's journey. 
 This Prince sent me his coach, and his compli- 
 ments, with all the civility in the world. 1 went 
 away that afternoon, got to Ruremond the next, 
 and from thence hither, not without great danger 
 of the Dutch parties, even in the Spanish country: 
 and so have ended the hardest journey that ever 1 
 made in my life, or ever shall ; for such another I 
 do not think I could ever bear, with a body no 
 stronger than mine. 
 
 At my return I have had the fortune to stop sc-
 
 252 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 veral bills of exchange, that would otherwise have 
 fallen into the hands of the Bishop's agent here, 
 and to forbid the payment of the rest he received 
 in my absence, which, though accepted by the 
 merchants at Antwerp, yet were not satisfied, the 
 time having not expired at which they were pay- 
 able. And this service to the King is all the sa- 
 tisfaction I have by this adventure, which has end- 
 ed the whole affair of Munster, that has of late 
 made so much noise, and raised so much expecta- 
 tion in the world. I am, Sir, yours, &c. 
 
 To the Duke qfOmiond. 
 
 My Lord, Brussels, May U, N. S. 1666. 
 
 Though my late Munster journey has given your 
 Grace some ease by my intermissions, and me many 
 troubles ; yet I met none of which I was more sen- 
 sible, than what I received at my return by the 
 news of your Grace's indisposition. But I com- 
 forted myself first, that your health is too consi- 
 derable to fall, though it may suffer, under common 
 accidents ; and since, with the certainty given me 
 of its recovery : in which I give your Grace, what 
 I receive by it myself, as much joy, I am sure, as 
 if I felt never so great an addition to my own ; since 
 mankind is esteemed so great a self-lover, that 
 these are the highest expressions will be allowed 
 us. 
 
 I have desired my Lord Arlington to give your 
 Grace, in my own letters to his Lordship, the ac- 
 count of my whole transaction, which I take no 
 great pleasure in repeating, and should very diffi- 
 cultly at once give relations so particularly, as what 
 I made whilst the objects, their dispositions, and 
 motions, were in my eye. The length of them may 
 make them too much trouble to your Grace, of 
 which my father or brother, I know, would be glad
 
 and other Ministers of State. 2,53 
 
 to ease you, and give the minute of a draught at 
 large. 
 
 I so concerted with the Bishop whilst I was there, 
 and with the Marquis here at my return, that we 
 expect here between five or six thousand of his best 
 troops, upon his Excellency's paying fifty thousand 
 pattacons, and obliging himself to restore them 
 upon re-payment of the like sum whenever the 
 Bishop shall have need of them ; which is a better 
 disposal of forces raised by his Majesty's money, 
 than if they had been drawn over into the French 
 service, according to their prospect, and Monsieur 
 Colbert's endeavour, who was sent to Munster on 
 purpose to marchand them. Whether the Duke 
 of Nieuburg, who seems wholly French, will make 
 any difficulty in giving them passage through his 
 country, I know not; nor whether the light be true 
 which was lately given me of a war like to succeed 
 in those parts between that Duke and the Marquis 
 of Brandenburg, which would in this conjuncture 
 mingle the cards after the strangest manner ima- 
 ginable. 
 
 Though we hear much of our fleet's being at sea, 
 yet we talk more here of the Dutch slowness, who 
 have not yet men for above fifty ships, and those 
 so disheartened and cold in the service, that I fear 
 nothing but their eluding our great preparations 
 by keeping close in their harbours, till for want of 
 victuals we may be forced to return to ours. 
 
 My Lord Carlingford is now at Prague, uncer- 
 tain upon his late letters from Court, whether he 
 advances this way, or returns to the Emperor, 
 whither he hath dispatched his son, and where we 
 have some ground of complaint, seeing the Em- 
 peror's name among all the other Princes in the 
 guaranty of the Munster peace. The endeavour 
 of that Court had been much better employed in 
 compassing the peace with Portugal, which hangs
 
 254 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 yet in great uncertainties, not to say difficulties : 
 neither of which there is the least of in my being, 
 with the most hearty and unfeigned passion, My 
 Lord, yours, &c. 
 
 To my Lord Lisle. 
 
 My Lord, Brussels, Aug. N. S. 1666. 
 
 I received lately the honour of one from your 
 Lordship, and by it the satisfaction of finding your 
 health and good humour continue, as well as my 
 share in your favour and memory, which I am 
 much concerned in. I assure your Lordship, in 
 the midst of a town and employment entertaining 
 enough, and a life not uneasy, my imaginations run 
 very often over the pleasures of the air, and the 
 earth, and the water, but much more of the conver- 
 sation, at Sheen ; and make me believe, that, if my 
 life wears not out too soon, I may end it in a corner 
 there, though your Lordship will leave it, I know, in 
 time forsome of those greaterand nobler houses that 
 attend you. I am obliged by the very pleasing re- 
 lations you give from those softer scenes, in return 
 of which, such as I can make you from those of 
 business, or war, or tumult, must, I know, yield 
 rougher entertainment ; and therefore I have sent 
 them in a paper, which shall pass rather for a Ga- 
 zette than a letter ; and shall content myself only 
 to tell your Lordship, that it is hardly to be ima- 
 gined the change which about three weeks past 
 have made in the face of Holland's affairs, which 
 are now esteemed here to be upon the point of 
 breaking into much such a confusion as we saw in 
 England about 1659: nor can any thing almost be 
 added in these parts to the reputation of his Ma- 
 jesty's arms and affairs ; so far, that it grows a 
 credit to be an Englishman ; and not only here, 
 but in Amsterdam itself. I am told my Lord Staf-
 
 and other Ministers of State. 255 
 
 ford, who went lately thither about a process, has 
 more hats and legs than the Burgomaster of the 
 town. I will not increase your Lordship's trouble 
 by any enlarging upon this subject, having offered 
 you a much longer in the inclosed. I wish I could 
 give you some of another kind, by sending you a 
 little Spanish Mistress from hence, whose eyes 
 might spoil your walks, and burn up all the green 
 meadows at Sheen, and find other ways of destroy- 
 ing that repose your Lordship pretends alone to en- 
 joy, in spite of the common fate of mankind. But, 
 however your friends suffer by it, I wish it may 
 last as long it pleases you ; I am sure the profes- 
 sions will do so of my being, My Lord, your Lord- 
 ship's most faithful humble servant. 
 
 To my Lord Arlington. 
 
 My Lord, Brussels, Aug. N. S. 166G. 
 
 I am not to be forgiven, that endeavour by one 
 trouble to make room for another, and solicit your 
 Lordship this way, that my wife may have leave to 
 solicit you in a matter wherein I can never resolve 
 to do it myself. Your Lordship's friendship has 
 left me little to desire or complain of, unless it be 
 when I find my own fortune so disproportioned to 
 my mind, in the resolutions I have of doing his 
 Majesty all the honour, as well as all the service I 
 can : but how ill they agree in this point (though 
 I was ever rich while I was private, even beyond 
 my desires) is a story I would rather anybody should 
 tell you than I : however, I should not bring my 
 wife into this scene, but that I know she will ask 
 nothing but my own, is a person not apt to be trou- 
 blesome or importunate, and in all kinds the best 
 part of, My Lord, yours, he.
 
 25(3 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 Patri Gottenburg. 
 
 Domine, Bruxellis, Dec. 26, N. S. 1666. 
 
 Recte et per manus dulcissimce tuce sororis accept 
 chirothecas elegantissime consutas, et non minus po- 
 lite conteoctas liter as ; per quas nee me elapsum me- 
 morid vestrd, nee plane eociitum benevolentid, et sentio 
 et gaudeo. Utroque nomine me pulcherrimce istce 
 indoli per totam vestram familiam diffuse?, po tills 
 quam ulli meo merito, obligatum cestimo : habeo 
 itaque et ago gratias quamplurimas ; ut vero accep- 
 tiori quodam modo eas referre studeam, sororem op- 
 timam exoravi, qua? me {lit spero) officio et debilo 
 perfunctum brevi redditura est. Valeat inte?im re- 
 verentia vestra, studiis propositis auspicatissime in- 
 cumbat, et ecc votis procedat, meque semper teneat 
 amicissimwn, c. 
 
 To Mr. Thynn. 
 
 Sir, Brussels, Feb. 19, N. S. 1667. 
 
 About two days since I received the favour of 
 yours of the 16th past, and am sorry to be put 
 upon the defence in an encounter so much to my 
 advantage : this had not arrived, if I could as easily 
 have found the way of conveying my letters, as the 
 dispositions of writing; for those I have always had 
 about me since I knew your station and character, 
 which I thought would help to bear me out in that 
 attempt. The little acquaintance you are con- 
 tented to own, I durst not reckon upon ; because 
 it was so much more than I deserved, and so much 
 less than I desired: but am very glad, that may be 
 allowed of among the obligations we have to enter 
 upon this commerce, though we need no other 
 than our Master's service, which may on both sides 
 be improved by the communication of what passes
 
 and other Ministers of State. 257 
 
 ill our different scenes. I shall not engage in an- 
 swering the compliments of your letter, though I 
 should have much more justice on my side; but I 
 am very ill furnished with that sort of ware : and 
 the truth is, there is required so much skill in the 
 right tempering, as well as the distribution of them, 
 that I have always thought a man runs much hazard 
 of losing more than he gains by them, which has 
 made me ever averse, as well as incapable of the 
 trade. It will be to more purpose to let you know the 
 confidence we have here of our treaty with Spain 
 being signed in all points to our satisfaction : but 
 whether Portugal has or will accept their part in 
 it, which is a truce of forty -five years, I cannot yet 
 resolve you; only this I am assured, that it is feared 
 in the French Court, as well as hoped in ours. 
 
 The current news at Antwerp, as well as here, is 
 of the Dutch merchant fleet from Nantes and Ro- 
 chel, consisting of above a hundred sail under the 
 convoy of six men of war, being fallen into a squa- 
 dron of about twenty of our frigates, and few are 
 said to have escaped : though this be doubted of 
 none here, and the current letters from Zealand, 
 as well as Ostend, made it probable ; yet I sus- 
 pend my confidence till the arrival of my English 
 letters, which are my Gospel in these cases. This 
 coldness I know makes me lose many pleasures, but 
 on the other side helps me to escape many disap- 
 pointments, which light belief in the midst of so 
 many light reports is subject to. The counsels 
 or dispositions of a subordinate government, as 
 this is, are not worth troubling you with; but 
 those in the Court here are in short what we wish 
 them. 
 
 Those of the scene you are in deserve much 
 more the enquiry ; and I should be very glad to 
 know them from so good a hand. My desires of 
 serving you can, I am sure, never be known from 
 
 vol. i. s
 
 2 68 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 a better than my own, which can value itself to 
 you by nothing else, but by telling I am, Sir, your 
 most obedient humble servant. 
 
 To the Earl of Clarendon, Lord High Chancellor. 
 
 My Lord, Brussels, March 4, N. S. 1667. 
 
 Upon the arrival of the last post from Spain, which 
 brought us the unwelcome news of our treaty 
 meeting an unhappy obstruction when it was at 
 the very point of being perfected, Count Marsyn 
 came to me, and after a preface of the great ob- 
 ligations he had to his Majesty, and the part he 
 took in all our interests, as well as those of Spain, he 
 fell into large discourses of the unhappy influences 
 any interruption in the present treaty would have 
 upon the affairs of both Crowns. He insisted much 
 upon the hardship we put upon the Spaniards, in not 
 consenting to leave the assistance of their enemies, 
 which was all the advantage they expected from 
 this treaty, instead of many they gave ; that the 
 great effect of it on both sides would thereby be 
 lost, which was a return into mutual confidence, 
 and at least the beginnings of a sincere friendship. 
 That Spain having consented to what terms his 
 Majesty thought reasonable, and Portugal not only 
 refusing them, but entering at the same time into 
 new dependencies upon France; he could not see 
 what could oblige his Majesty to more than offer- 
 ing Portugal an equal peace, and becoming the 
 warrant of it. That, at his Majesty's mediation, 
 Spain had given them a style as usual and as ho- 
 nourable as what they desired; and, if they could 
 resolve to give them that of King instead of Crown, 
 they had then no need or use of his Majesty's me- 
 diation. 
 
 That, whether we thought it our interest to have
 
 and other Ministers of State. 259 
 
 a peace or war in Christendom, we must begin 
 by adjusting the business of Portugal ; for, if we 
 desired the first, nothing could so much awe the 
 French into quiet dispositions as that peace, and 
 ours with Holland, to which that would likewise 
 be an ingredient. If the latter, and we had a 
 mind rather to be seconds in a war of Spain with 
 France, than principals in any, (which he thought 
 was our true interest) nothing could make way 
 for it, or enable Spain either to begin or sustain a 
 war with France, but a peace with Portugal. 
 
 That, he was confident, his Majesty's consenting 
 to abandon them, in case they refused to be in- 
 cluded in our treaty, would force them immediately 
 to accept it ; that if not, and his Majesty should 
 hereafter find it his interest to support them upon 
 any great successes of Spain on that side, it would 
 be easy to do it by connivance, by voluntary 
 troops of his own subjects, or by a third hand, 
 provided it went no farther than to keep Spain in 
 the temper of yielding to the peace upon the 
 terms his Majesty shall have judged reasonable : 
 but for the present, without his Majesty's conde- 
 scension to Spain in this point, he did not see how 
 he could hope to effect our treaty, or to receive anv 
 fruits of it, where new occasions of diffidence and 
 distaste would every day arise. 
 
 These were the chief of Count Marsyn's dis- 
 courses, which he ended in desiring me that I 
 would represent them to his Majesty's chief Mini- 
 sters, and particularly to your Lordship from him, 
 as the best present testimony he could give of his 
 zeal to his Majesty's service and affairs, and which 
 he would have done himself, but for fear it might 
 look like intruding into matters and counsels he 
 was not called to. 
 
 Besides this single point upon which this stop 
 of our treaty is wholly grounded, 1 could not but 
 
 s 9.
 
 G60 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 represent to your Lordship some other circum- 
 stances which I imagine may have fallen in and 
 helped to occasion it. I hear France has declared 
 positively to the Spaniard, that they will imme- 
 diately begin the war upon the Spaniard's signing 
 the treaty with us, and concluding the truce or 
 peace with Portugal upon our mediation. To this 
 end, and to shew the Spaniards they are in earnest, 
 they busy themselves in making new levies, and 
 drawing down many troops upon these frontiers, 
 as well as all sorts of provisions, either for sieges 
 or a camp. Upon this, I know not whether the 
 Spanish councils may be so faint as not to dare 
 give the French any pretence of a quarrel, but pre- 
 serve their quiet rather by shrinking, than making 
 a bold peace : or whether being composed of men 
 that hardly ever looked out of Spain, or consider 
 any thing but that continent, they may not, upon 
 foresight of war, either continuing with Portugal, 
 or beginning in Flanders, rather chuse the first, 
 where, being invaders, they may give themselves 
 what breath they please, employ their own natives 
 in the charges of honour and gain, and keep all 
 the money spent in the war still within their coun- 
 try ; whereas whatever comes into Flanders never 
 returns, and is swallowed up by so many foreign 
 troops, as the levies for that service must needs 
 draw together. There may yet another and more 
 prudent consideration arise with these, which may 
 for the present delay the conclusion of our treaty ; 
 and that is, a desire to sign it rather before the 
 winter than in the spring, and by that means both 
 gain this summer to finish the fortification of their 
 frontiers here, and the next winter to put their 
 army in a better posture than they now are, or, I 
 doubt, will suddenly be for the beginning of a cam- 
 paign ; and, if this counsel should be taken by con- 
 cert with us, that no breach of confidence may grow
 
 and other Ministers of State. 26 1 
 
 between us by these delays, but the French only 
 flattered by vain hopes of breaking our treaty, and 
 thereby induced to let the Spaniard grow a year 
 older in their peace with them, and slacken the 
 war of Portugal into as low expence, and as little 
 action or hazard, as they can : I know nothing can 
 be said against it, and should be apt to believe it, 
 were the counsels there in the breast of any one 
 person by last resort; whereas the divided interests 
 and passions of the Counsellors cannot well suffer 
 them to fall into such a resolution with hope of 
 consent and secret among them all. 
 
 This reflection puts me upon another I hear from 
 private hands, which may possibly have made some 
 change in the course of our treaty ; which is, that 
 the whole management of affairs in the council of 
 Spain seems at present to be devolved into the 
 hands of Count Castriglio ; the Confessor leaving 
 it to him, and reserving to himself those things 
 only which depend immediately upon the will of 
 the Queen, and proposing to himself, during his 
 ministry, (which cannot be long in regard of Ca- 
 striglio's great age) to make way for his own, by 
 growing older and practised in affairs, as well as 
 the knowledge, obligations, and dependences of 
 persons. Now our treaty having never passed 
 through Castriglio's hands, but conducted by Sir 
 Richard Fanshaw wholly through the Duke of 
 Medina's (his declared enemy) and since by my 
 Lord Sandwich chiefly through Pignoranda's, who 
 is a third party; it is not improbable that a new 
 hand may give it new form, either to add some- 
 thing of his own, or to shew his authority, or per- 
 haps to pursue his former usual dispositions, which 
 have been bent upon the war with Portugal, con- 
 sidering no part of the monarchy but Spain and 
 the Indies; and I doubt, in particular, not very 
 partial to our alliance or affairs.
 
 0.62 Letters nf Sir William Temple, 
 
 Upon these intimations your Lordship will infi- 
 nitely better judge than I, to what to attribute the 
 present ill posture of our affairs in Spain, and how 
 to retrieve it. I ;.rn ever, my Lord, your Lord- 
 ship's most obedient and most humble servant. 
 
 To Don Estavan de Gamarra, 
 the Spanish Ambassador at 
 the Hague. 
 
 Brussels, Mar. 29, N. S. 
 My Lord, 1667. 
 
 I do not know how to acquit 
 myself of the obligation my 
 Lord Stafford has engaged me 
 in to your Excellency, in beg- 
 ging your favour to procure a 
 passport from the States for my 
 wife. Your Excellency, I am 
 sure, will excuse the care of a 
 mother, in providing all that 
 lay in her power for the safety 
 of her children, and who to ease 
 herself in it has (methinks) con- 
 sidered so little to whom she 
 was troublesome. If I had been 
 consulted upon this occasion, 
 I should not have suffered one, 
 I am so nearly concerned in, 
 to owe her safety to those who 
 yet profess themselves enemies 
 to the King my master ; and 
 much less to them that treat 
 the wife of one of his Ministers 
 like a merchant, in demanding 
 an account of her goods ; and 
 therefore am very glad the 
 passport did not come till she 
 was a shipboard in one of his 
 Majesty's yachts, trusting, next 
 to God Almighty, in the pro- 
 tection of his royal name. And, 
 though I have not yet heard 
 how her journey has succeeded, 
 1 esteem myself as much obliged 
 to your Excellency (whatever 
 
 A Don Estavan de Gamarra. 
 
 Brusseles, 29 di Mar. 
 Sennor, S. N. 1667. 
 
 Yo no se que modo me he de 
 rescartar del obligo en que el 
 Sennor Conde de Stafford me 
 ha empennado a V. E.pidiendo 
 su favor, en procurar una pas- 
 saporte de lus Estados de IIol- 
 landa para mi mujer. V. E. ha 
 de perdonar el recato de una se?i- 
 nora que tenia gana de provcyer 
 todo lo que era possible a la segu~ 
 ridad de sus ninvios, y para des- 
 cansarse en este cuidado no se le 
 dava nada (?ni parece) a qui en 
 cargava trebajo ni importunidad. 
 Si yo huviera sido de lajunta en 
 est a occasion, no huviera per- 
 mitido que una persona que me 
 tocava tan, cerca pidiesse su se- 
 guridad de los que hazen hasta 
 aora profession de enimigos al 
 Hey mi Sennor ; y mudio menos 
 de los que havian de trattar a la 
 mujer de un Ministro como a mer- 
 caclera, mandando la cuenta de 
 su bagaje ; ypor esio me huelgo 
 mucho de que no ha venido cl 
 passaportc antes que se hat/ a cm- 
 barcadola Sennora en un yacht 
 del Rey my Sennor, conjiando 
 se [con Dios) en el amparo solo 
 de su real nombre: antique no se 
 hasta aora en que ha parado su 
 viage. Todo via par lo que ay 
 de las inlencioues tan favora-
 
 and other Ministers of State. 263 
 
 happens) for your favourable hies de V. E. en esta occasion a 
 intentions upon this occasion un hombre ny conocido ny que 
 to a man neither known nor merece serlo, me tengo por obli- 
 deserving to be so, as if you gado ad mismo punto, como se 
 had delivered me and my family me huviera rescatado a mi y mi 
 from the greatest dangers. familia, de los mayores peligros 
 
 ?'ue se pueden topar en la mar o 
 a tierra. 
 God Almighty preserve your Dios guarde a V. E. muchos 
 Excellency many years, and annos, y a mi me de las occasi- 
 give me the occasions of serv- ones de hazer las obras como la 
 ing you. I am, yours, &c. profession de lo que soy. De 
 
 V. E. muy humilde servider. 
 
 To my Lady Giffard, written in the name of 
 Gabriel Possello. 
 
 Sennora mia, Ambercs, 30 de Marco, S. N. 1667. 
 
 He recebido con macho gusto y no menovre conoci- 
 miento la guarnicion de spada que V. S. me ha hecha 
 la merced de enbiarme, la qual me ha stado, mucho 
 mas encarecida con le que me ha dicho despues el 
 Sennor residente de la parte de V. S. que no era me- 
 nester cnternccer me en lagrimas ny oraciones (como 
 estoy accostumbradoi) con el senlimienlo de tal obligo 
 y que V. S. se estimara muy bien pagada con una 
 carta Espagnola ; porque a mi es tan facile de mat 
 escrivir como a V. S. de bien hazar. Y es rcrdad 
 que se tiendra por pagado con una carta ? Voto a, 
 tal que no lefaltara carta aunque la pidiera en Gal- 
 lego. Pcro digo me di veras es sanla V. S. O es hc- 
 chizera ? porque este se abuen seguro que ha her ho 
 milagro y con una guarnicion di plata mi ha hcrido 
 hast a el cor aeon y aum masfherte que nolo pudiera 
 hazer el mas bravo cavallero con una qja de Toledo, 
 Pero me (lira V. S. que estamos en un siglo que no es 
 cosa mueva el hazer milagros con la plain y que con 
 esta sola se cumplen aora hazanas mayores que no 
 con el valor y el acero en los siglos pass ados. Por 
 v'tda mia (pie tie/it razon J\ S. y por este milagro
 
 204 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 no lo han de cortarla la capa. Pero no se como ha 
 de escapar qaando la dire que despues que he to- 
 cado esta guarnicion encantada, me van amenudo 
 cayendo las canas, y en lugar de un viejo de setenta 
 annos, me hallo moco de quinze, me siento calentar 
 la sangre en las venas, y bolverse en triumfo el de- 
 sterrado amor para asirse d'este miserable coracon 
 hazer le pedacos en un punto. Desdichado de mi 
 que he de tocar otra vez estas pisados tan trabajosas 
 de la ciega mocedad como me basta una vida a pade- 
 cer dos martyrios. Es possible que yo me sienta 
 otra vez abrasor de las Mammas amorozas, y que de 
 ceniza tanfria saiga de nuevo tan violento juego. 
 Que yo me voya otra vez resfriandomi con sopiros, 
 y anegandome en las lagrimas y padeciendo las 
 penas y los qfanes que no me deccaran la vida si no 
 fuera para sentir cada dia el dolor de la muerte. 
 Ah Sennora de mi alma, quanto mal me ha hecho 
 conhazar me tanto bie?i 9 quanto mi ha de costar de 
 veras, la burla que me han hecho de ser enamorado 
 di V. S. en mi viyez passada. Pero quan facile- 
 mente se remedia el mas trabajoso amor con uno 
 poco d'esperanga. Yo me voy piensando que una 
 Sennora tan complida no puede desviarse de la ra- 
 zon, y que me haviendo tanjavorecido quando es/ava 
 viejo, no puede Jaltar d'alguna piedad para mi de- 
 scanso, estandome aora moco y Undo y enamorado. 
 Pero si me Usonjea mi deseo y me enganna mi espe- 
 ranga lo que ay di bueno en esta occasion, es que me 
 havienda su favor rendido en un instante de viejo 
 moco, de la misma manera me parece que su cruel- 
 dad me ha luego de buelver de moco viejo, y entonces 
 me havre a burlar me tanto de su hermosura quanto 
 se puede burlase aore V. S. de mi jxission. 
 
 Bive V. S. mille annos, y se vea enamorada como 
 yo a setenta, que con esto no se ha de olvidar en- 
 tonces de, su mas humilde cry ado y galan, Gabriel 
 Posse Uo.
 
 and other Ministers of State. 2G5 
 
 To Colonel Algernon Sidney. 
 
 Sir, Brussels, April 29, N. S. 1667. 
 
 I received two days since one from you of the 
 -i-|th past, with two inclosed, which I shall not fail 
 to convey by the English pacquet that parts this 
 evening, and with the same assurance that usually 
 attends my letters ; so that I think you may rec- 
 kon upon their safety in those hands to which they 
 are addressed. Your present abode was no secret 
 to me, before I knew it from your own hand : that 
 information having been given me about two or 
 three months since by some English Gentlemen, 
 who passed from Italy through Germany and these 
 parts into England, where I cannot think they 
 made a greater secret of it upon occasion, than 
 they had done here. 
 
 I am sorry your dispositions or your fortunes 
 have drawn you so far out of the reach of your 
 friends services, and almost correspondence ; in 
 which I doubt the difficulties may shortly increase, 
 at least this way: for we are here at present in lit- 
 tle hopes to sec next month end without the ad- 
 vance of a French army into these Provinces. 
 
 I had letters very lately from Petworth, and my 
 wife some as fresh from Penshurst, which left health 
 in both those places ; and will thereby, I suppose, 
 furnish you with news not unwelcome from, Sir, 
 your most humble servant. 
 
 To Monsieur Gourville. A Monsieur Gourville. 
 
 Brussels, May 2, l)e Bruxelles, May 2, 
 
 X. S. 1667. S. A. 1667. 
 
 Sir, Monsieur, 
 
 You ask me whether we have Vous ie demandcz si notes vou- 
 
 a mind in earnest lor a peace, Ions tout-de-bon la paix ; Sfnwi, 
 
 and Iaskyou,whetheryouhave je vous demande si vous voulez 
 
 a mind in earnest for a war: for tout-de-bon la guerre; car jus-
 
 266 
 
 as yet we are no better inform- 
 ed of the designs and marches 
 of the French troops, than we 
 were at your departure from 
 Brussels. I begin to think that 
 that King and his Ministers 
 are mortal like other people, 
 and that their affairs are ma- 
 naged with as little concert as 
 those of their neighbours. For 
 I believe, as to what concerns 
 this country, the critical minute 
 is past, and that the French will 
 find here a braver defence than 
 they pretend to believe. How- 
 ever it is certain, if they had 
 begun by marching rather than 
 menacing about three weeks 
 ago, the business on this side 
 had been past remedy. In 
 short, I as little comprehend 
 the French proceedings at pre- 
 sent, as those of the Spaniards 
 a while ago, nor where they can 
 find their account in this enter- 
 prise which begins to awake 
 and alarm all Christendom. 
 
 For ourselves, my real opi- 
 nion is, that our intentions for 
 the peace are very sincere, and 
 cannot fail, if the other parties 
 bring along with them the same 
 dispositions ; and if 1 were as 
 much concerned therein, as 
 you perhaps may be, I would 
 regulate my affairs accordingly 
 for the future. 
 
 I thank you for your account 
 of what passes in your parts ; 
 but I am very little satisfied 
 with the Queen of Spain's let- 
 ter, whereof a copy has been 
 delivered at the same time to 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 qu'icy nous n'en savons pas plus 
 sur vos desseins Sf la marche des 
 troupes Francoises, que nous en 
 savions a votre depart de Brux- 
 elles. Je commence a croire que 
 ce Roy Sf ses Ministres sont 
 mortels comme le reste des hom- 
 ines, Sf que leitrs affaires sont 
 maniees avec aussi peu de con- 
 cert que celles de leurs voisins; 
 car je croy, que pour ce qui est 
 de ce pais icy, Vheure de berger 
 est passee pour eux, Sf qifils y 
 trouveront une resistance plus 
 opiniatre, Sfplus rebutante qifils 
 ne s'imaginent: mais il est con- 
 stant, que si au lieu de menacer ; 
 Us eussent commence a marcher 
 il y a trois semaines, Vaffaire 
 etoit sans ressource de ce cote icy. 
 Errfin je les comprens aussi peu 
 dans leur conduit d' a present, 
 que je comprenois autrefois les 
 Espagnols dans la leur ; Sf je ne 
 prevoispas comment Us pourront 
 trouver leur conte dans la pour- 
 suite d'une enterprise, qui va re- 
 veiller Sf meme choquer toute la 
 Chretiente. 
 
 Anotre egard,mon sentiment, 
 que je croy veritable, Sf que je 
 vous communique sans deguisc- 
 ment, est, que nos intentions pour 
 la paix sont fort sinceres, Sf 
 quelle ne scauroit manquer de 
 sefoiire, si les autres parties y 
 apportent lesmemes dispositions ; 
 j'ajoute, que sijy etois interesse 
 aidant que j'entrevois que vous 
 pouvez I' etre, je reglerois mes 
 affaires conformement aux con- 
 junctures. 
 
 Je vous rends graces de ce 
 que vous me mandez ce qui se 
 passe en vos quartiers ; mais je 
 suisfort peu satisfait de la lettrc 
 ecrite a la Reyne d'Espagnc, 
 dont la copie a ete dotince en
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 267 
 
 the States by Monsieur D'Es- 
 trades. I think the form is 
 faulty, as well as the substance ; 
 and that, if your soldiers be at 
 present no better than your Se- 
 cretaries, affairs will hardly 
 succeed as they imagine. 
 
 By the last ordinary from 
 Spain, it appears that they 
 dream no more of war there 
 than they do of fire, at least 
 they conceal from our Ambas- 
 sador any advices they may 
 have received of it from hence: 
 but our treaty of commerce 
 
 meme terns aux Estatspar Mon- 
 sieur d'Estrades. II me semble 
 quit y a du defaut dans la ma- 
 niere aussi bien que dans Icfond 
 de la chose meme; Sf que si pour 
 cettejbis vos Capitaines n'en sa- 
 lient plus que vos Secretaires, les 
 affaires n'irontpas le trainqxCon 
 a pensc. 
 
 Par ce dernier ordinaire d' E- 
 spagne, Us ne paroissent non plus 
 songer d la guerre qu'au feu ; au 
 bien ilstaisent a notre Ambassa- 
 deur les avis qu'ilpeuvent avoir 
 recus deca ; mats notre traitte 
 de commerce etoit encore unefois 
 sur le point d'etre signe. lis ne 
 
 was yet once again upon the font point dc preparalifs contre 
 point of being signed. The le Portugal pour crtte campagne; 
 
 Spaniards make no prepara- 
 tions against Portugal this cam- 
 paign, and therefore seem to 
 think of being on that side up- 
 on the defensive, or else of an 
 accommodation; though they 
 are well enough informed of 
 the particulars of an accord 
 concluded between France and 
 Portugal. 
 
 Nothing perplexes mc more 
 than to hud a way of writing 
 often to Breda, and you will 
 not send me your address. I 
 resign up this to my fortune; 
 but, since yours is always bct- 
 tcr than mine, it may happen 
 upon that account that you 
 may never receive it. As hap- 
 py as you are, I advise you to 
 look to your affairs at Breda ; 
 for in a few days I resolve to 
 go and plunder your house at 
 Brussels, ami get satisfaction 
 for my great orange-tree upon 
 your little ones. I do not pre- 
 tend it shall lie open war; how- 
 ever the Hollanders will tell 
 
 Sf par la Us semblent songer sett- 
 lement ou a sc tcnir de ce cote- 
 la sur la defensive, ou bien a en- 
 tendre d tin accommodement ; 
 quoyqiCils sachent bien le detail 
 dc I' accord concluentrc la France 
 cS~ le Portugal. 
 
 II n't/ a rien qui m cmbarasse 
 plus que de trouver les moyens 
 d'ecrire souvent a Breda; Sfvous 
 tie tn'cnvoycz point aussi voire 
 adresse. ./' abandonne celle-cy a 
 Dion rtoile ; ma is com mc la voire 
 Vcmportc toujours sur la mienne, 
 il pourra bien arriver quelle 
 manquera sa route. Quclque 
 heurcux que vous soi/ez, jc vous 
 conscille pourtant dc bienfoirc 
 vos affaires a Breda; car dans 
 pen de jours fir ay piller voire 
 maison a Bruxcllcs, cS* vanger 
 man grand orangcr sur vos pc- 
 tits. Ce ne sera pas guerre de- 
 clarer ; maisles Hollandois vous 
 diront que nousfaisons le diahle
 
 0,63 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 you that we English are D d quatre en matiere de repre~ 
 
 and all at reprisals. I am, Sir, sailles. Je suis, fyc. 
 yours, &c. 
 
 To my Lord St. Albans. 
 
 My Lord, Brussels, May 13, N. S. 1667. 
 
 Since my acknowledgements of the honour I re- 
 ceived some time since from your Lordship, I have 
 had nothing to give me countenance in offering 
 any new trouble ; and indeed the party is so une- 
 qual in regard of our stations at this time of Paris 
 and Brussels, as well as all other circumstances, 
 that no commerce can pass without very great 
 presumption on my side, and as great condescen- 
 sion on your Lordship's : for we are so amazed 
 with the numbers and bravery of the French pre- 
 parations to invade this country, that we can hard- 
 ly lift up our eyes against the rising of this sun, 
 that, it is said, intends to burn up all before it : 
 yet, not to flatter you, though men's eyes are weak 
 at first sight, when they have gazed a while I be- 
 lieve they will find their hands, and try to defend 
 themselves against gold, as well as against iron ; 
 and perhaps the stomach they have conceived at 
 being treated with so little ceremony as to be in- 
 vaded without any declaration of war, to have the 
 Duchy of Brabant not esteemed worth the demand- 
 ing, nor any colours given to the justice of the in- 
 vasion, will make the defence sharper than is ex- 
 pected, as it has done the voluntary contributions 
 larger than was imagined. 
 
 This makes all Friars already despair of praying 
 away the war, and begin to look like other worldly 
 men ; and the very Nuns fear they may be forced 
 to work too, before the business ends : in short, all 
 prepare for a warm summer, only the Spanish Du- 
 ennaes cannot think so ill of a King that married an
 
 and other Ministers of State. 26[) 
 
 Infanta, and will never leave wondering that un rey 
 qui tiene que comer en su casa, y de regalarse tanbie?i 9 
 should resolve to give himself and them so much 
 trouble for nothing. Our poor Nuns at Louvain 
 have more faith, and not less fears ; and therefore 
 the reverend mother hath sent to desire me to re- 
 commend them to your Lordship's favour, and to 
 beg of you to get them a protection from thence, 
 in case the scholars and learned there should not 
 find arguments to defend their town against the 
 French, who, I can assure your Lordship, will not 
 lose much by the bargain, as far as I see of that 
 nunnery, nuns and all ; for it seems, by their faces, 
 as well as their buildings, to be an ancient founda- 
 tion, and gone much to decay. 
 
 Now they have put me upon desiring passports, 
 my wife will needs have me recommend her to your 
 Lordship for another for herself and servants, and 
 baggage, to go over into England : and, if she shall 
 find it convenient, to pass as far as Calais, and em- 
 bark there, because she is no lover of the sea. 
 Upon the first of these requests your Lordship has 
 occasion to merit very much ; but by the second, 
 to deal freely, I know not what you will gain, be- 
 sides the obligations of a person who is already all 
 that can be, my Lord, your Lordship's most hum- 
 ble and most obedient servant. 
 
 To my Lord Ambassador Coventry. 
 
 My Lord, Brussels, May 21, N. S. 1667. 
 
 I kn t o\v not by what conveyance, nor by what de- 
 lays, the honour your Excellency intended me so 
 long since from aboard the frigate, came yesterday 
 to my hands, and made my acknowledgements 
 later than they ought to have been. I am sorry 
 you agreed so ill with the sea, since that is the 
 Dutch men's element, with whom we hope you
 
 270 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 will agree so well ; but if you had the faculty of 
 uttering your heart in the seamen's sense, as well 
 as you had of uttering your thoughts ; I am to re- 
 joice with you upon the good health you must 
 needs have brought ashore, and to believe that the 
 temper and constitution of your body is as sound 
 and as good as that of your mind. Since my last 
 to my Lord Holies, our ordinary from Spain ar- 
 rived ; by which Mr. Godolphin assures me, that 
 I may expect the news of our treaty at Madrid 
 being signed by the next, nothing remaining at 
 the date of his letter besides only the examination 
 of the phrase in Latin, which was referred to the 
 Inquisitor General and Count Pignoranda; after 
 whose sentence upon it, nothing was in sight that 
 could stop the immediate signing and sealing. 
 
 Mr. Godolphin assures me, all parts of the treaty 
 of commerce are so much to our desire and advan- 
 tage, that he hopes to see many a rich man in 
 England by it : for the other part, which concerns 
 the adjustment with Portugal, though the terms 
 are likewise agreed between us and Spain, yet the 
 present effect of it seems likely to be avoided by 
 the late accord between France and Portugal, of 
 which I send the account inclosed by the copy of 
 Sir Robert Southwell's letter to my Lord Sand- 
 wich upon that occasion. I inclose likewise the 
 copies of the French King's last letters to the 
 States-General, and, at the same time, to the 
 Queen Regent of Spain, declaring his intentions 
 to invade these countries ; which last raethinks is 
 drawn with so ill colours and so ill grace, that, if 
 his Captains do no better than his Secretaries upon 
 this occasion, the success of his enterprize may 
 prove no better than the justice of it here appears. 
 if these papers may have arrived already some 
 other way, your Excellency will however pardon 
 my diligence, since you receive no other trouble
 
 and other Ministers of State. 27 1 
 
 than that of throwing them away. The levies here 
 and musters go on with all the care and speed this 
 government is capable of. This evening, I am 
 assured, the twelve hundred Italians so long ex- 
 pected, are arrived at Ostend. Last night parted 
 Don Bernard de Salinas, dispatched from the Mar- 
 quis here, to beg some assistance from his Ma- 
 jesty : the present hopes are only of leave to re- 
 cruit the old regiment here to the number of two 
 thousand, or else to raise two new ones, under 
 such officers as his Majesty shall name. The cloud 
 threatening these parts from France is not yet 
 broken, and the marches of their troops to three 
 several rendezvouses make it yet uncertain where 
 it will fall. Cambray, Valenciennes, Namur, Mons, 
 and St. Omers, are in very good condition, and 
 the last hath three thousand men in garrison, be- 
 sides the Burgeoisic. The Prince of Ligni has 
 now four thousand horse effective at the head 
 quarters near Nivelle, where there will be five thou- 
 sand foot to join with them, and attend their ene- 
 my's motion, and cover Brussels upon occasion. 
 It is most certain, that if the French had begun to 
 march when they began to talk, about three weeks 
 since, this country had been lost without dispute or 
 remedy ; the defence will be now perhaps sharper 
 than expected. La Basse and Armentiers are al- 
 ready slighted, and Charleroy is all mined within, 
 the mines filled with powder ; guns and magazines 
 drawn off, and ready to fly upon the first approach 
 of the French ; which is here esteemed both a ge- 
 nerous and prudent resolution of the Marquis, 
 since he could not finish it in time, nor preserve 
 his child without the mother's danger. 
 
 I know nothing else to increase this trouble, 
 besides the assurances of my being, my Lord, 
 your Excellency's most humble and most obedient 
 servant.
 
 272 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 To my Lord Arlington. 
 
 My Lord, Brussels, May 27, N. S. 1667. 
 
 Two days since came hither the news of- Ar- 
 mentiers being seized by a party of the French 
 horse, about five hundred strong ; half of the for- 
 tifications were already slighted, and not above an 
 hundred and fifty soldiers left in the town. What 
 their next design will be, seems not yet resolved ; 
 their troops marching on all parts give the occa- 
 sion I suppose to the several governors of Mons, 
 Cambray, and Valenciennes, to signify, by ex- 
 presses hither, the jealousy each of them has of the 
 storm being ready to fall upon their parts. 
 
 At Cambray and Lisle, several French have been 
 taken surveying the works, and disguised ; but all 
 those places are at present in so good condition, 
 that the choice may perhaps make some difficul- 
 ties in the French counsels, which I believe have 
 been much disconcerted by the blowing up of 
 Charleroy ; a resolution they expected not from 
 the Marquis, and without which these parts of the 
 country had run inevitable dangers, and the most 
 successful invasion had been made in those Pro- 
 vinces where the French pretensions lay. 
 
 I The discoursers here observe, that the first pace 
 of the war, being made in Flanders, loses all the 
 good grace which the French endeavoured to give 
 their invasion ; that the town they have taken can 
 import no more than the advance of their fron- 
 tiers ; that they seem unresolved whether to keep 
 it or no ; how to use the governor and soldiers 
 whom they took in their beds, whether as prisoners 
 or friends; and more uncertain what to do next ; 
 that their slowness in entering the country, and 
 loss of twenty days time, though they were then as 
 ready as now, has certainly saved these Provinces :
 
 and other Ministers of State. 275 
 
 for it is constant without any dispute, that, if they 
 had fallen on in the beginning of this month, Char- 
 leroy, Nivelle, Louvain, Brussels, and Mechlin, 
 would have cost them neither time nor danger. 
 From these circumstances, the reasoners here con- 
 clude a weakness and incertitude in the French 
 counsels, and begin to hope they may have taken 
 their measures as ill among their neighbours as 
 they have among themselves; and say confidently, 
 that, unless they are agreed with England, their 
 affairs are in a worse posture than they have been 
 these twenty yearsJ They begin to hope that all 
 our late practices with the French are aimed no 
 farther than to embark them in this affair, and 
 have our revenge for the game they played in en- 
 gaging us in the Dutch war : they say, that if, by 
 offers and shews of abandoning Spain, we have 
 drawn the French into this war, which hath al- 
 ready cost them all their confidence with Holland, 
 all farther hopes of amusing Spain, and the credit 
 of their good faith and meaning with the rest of 
 Christendom : that if, after our peace made with 
 Holland and France, we resolve to offer our me- 
 diation between France and Spain, and, upon the 
 refusal or failing of it, join with the Hollander in 
 the protection of these countries, enter vigorously 
 into the war, share with the Spaniard whatever 
 shall be gained from the French, and let Holland 
 find their account by destroying all the French de- 
 signs of trade and plantations abroad ; the rea- 
 soners here conclude, that if this has been our de- 
 sign for these two months past, and be pursued 
 with the same success it has begun, it is one of the 
 greatest counsels that has ever been conceived by 
 any Prince, and which will make the greatest 
 change in our own affairs, and in those of all 
 Christendom besides, and appear the best adjusted 
 vol. i. T
 
 274 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 revenge upon the French, that ever was taken 
 upon an enemy. 
 
 From Breda we have got little more than the 
 entry of our Ambassador, which makes us believe 
 some mystery in the delays of peace there, as well 
 as those of war on the other side. 
 
 From Sweden I have, the last post, a particular 
 assurance of that Crown's good intentions towards 
 the house of Austria, of their dispatching one Mon- 
 sieur Tongel Envoy into Spain, who is to pass 
 this way, and will be addressed to me, to intro- 
 duce him to the Marquis, by whose representations 
 the Court of Sweden desires to have their Mini- 
 ster's reception in Spain favoured, and his negotia- 
 tion advanced. 
 
 I am, as will ever become me to be, with equal 
 passion and truth, My Lord, yours, &c. 
 
 To my Lord Holies. 
 
 My Lord, Brussels, May 29, N. S. 1667. 
 
 I know not with what speed or success three of 
 mine may have arrived at Breda, but am apt to 
 doubt the certainty of this commerce, by observ- 
 ing, that your Excellency's of the 22d came not to 
 my hands till yesterday, and after the receipt of 
 it I was so unlucky, as not to find the Baron De 
 l'Isola till later at night than would suffer this 
 dispatch : I now send it to Mr. Shaw of Antwerp, 
 with orders to convey it by express from thence, 
 in case he meets no other sudden occasion ; and 
 whatever favour or commands your Excellency 
 may hereafter design me, will come sooner and 
 safer, I suppose, by an address to the same hand at 
 Antwerp. 
 
 I acquainted the Baron De l'Isola with the Dutch 
 allegations concerning some advances made by him
 
 and other Ministers of State. 275 
 
 as from his Majesty, upon the point of Poleroon. 
 He says, however they may seem to interpret it, 
 they could not understand it by any thing that 
 passed from him in that private communication, 
 which was all he entered into upon his short stay 
 in Holland. That upon his first discourse of his 
 Majesty's intention to make the treaty of 1662 the 
 foundation of this at present, the person he dis- 
 coursed with raised two difficulties ; the first, that 
 of Poleroon ; and the other, the continuance of 
 the pretensions left on either side; which, as they 
 had given occasion, or at least pretext, for the 
 present quarrel, so> if they were left still unde- 
 cided, they might hereafter have the same effect ; 
 whereas their desire was, by this peace, to cut off 
 the root of all future differences. For the first 
 point, he (the Baron) asked, whether, if all other 
 articles should be agreed, the States would be so 
 obstinate upon the point of Poleroon, as to en- 
 danger the peace for that alone : It was answered, 
 the French had already essayed to do some offices 
 in this particular, and had brought it to this very 
 demand, whether the States would continue the 
 war rather than yield the point of Poleroon ; and 
 that the States had answered formally, they 
 would. 
 
 For the second, concerning the mutual preten- 
 sions left in the treaty of 1662, he (the Baron) 
 seemed to approve the cutting them all off, but 
 proposed, that, in consideration of it, the States 
 should give his Majesty a sum of money in some 
 sort proportionable to what his pretences might 
 amount ; and that, if the States would make any 
 advance considerable in point of the sum, he (the 
 Baron) would employ all his own and his friends 
 endeavours, to induce his Majesty to a condescen- 
 sion in this point of Poleroon, as well as that of 
 clearing all pretensions on either side. 
 
 t 2
 
 16 Letters of' Sir William Temple, 
 
 To this was answered, that for Poleroon no- 
 thing more could be said, nor any consideration 
 make the States yield it, without the alternative of 
 restoring all on each side, which would create 
 length and difficulty in the treaty. That, for a 
 sum of money in satisfaction of his Majesty's pre- 
 tensions, they could not consent to any such pro- 
 posal, without a particular liquidation of what the 
 pretensions on each side amounted to ; since they 
 believed in gross their own upon us to be higher 
 than ours upon them : and yet at the same time, 
 it was insisted, that no such examen or liquidation 
 should be entered upon, since doing it before the 
 conclusion would expose the treaty to the danger 
 of delays, and consequently of accidents ; and 
 leaving it to commissioners after the conclusion 
 would leave field for new disputes. 
 
 This was the sum of the Baron's negotiation, in 
 which he made all the advances as from himself; 
 but when lie found he was not likely to bring it to 
 any issue, by reason of those two difficulties, that 
 is, Poleroon, and the sum in consideration of our 
 clearing all pretensions ; he then told them, as by 
 his Majesty's order, that, the point of Poleroon 
 touching our East-India company, rather than his 
 Majesty, the King would send over some persons 
 deputed from the said company, with his Ambas- 
 sadors ; and, if the States would do the same, it was 
 likely the persons deputed from each company 
 might find an expedient in the business. 
 
 This the Baron gives me for a short and true re- 
 lation of all his discourses in Holland, which hav- 
 ing been made with one person alone, and very pri- 
 vate, I find he expected not they would have been 
 so public, as to be alledged upon any new nego- 
 tiations. 
 
 Our news from the frontiers since my last is this: 
 about the time of the French King's coming down
 
 and other Ministers of State. 277 
 
 to Arras, the orders were given for slighting Ar- 
 mentiers, la Bassee, and Charleroy; which being 
 public, and begun to be executed at Armentiers, 
 a Brigetin Priest of that town went to Arras, and, 
 upon complaints of their being left without defence 
 in the times of danger that were approaching, made 
 application to the Governor of Arras for a protec- 
 tion for their town : within a day or two after, when 
 the works were about half slighted, instead of the 
 protection, came seven or eight hundred French 
 horse, and, finding a guard of about forty men at 
 the entrance of the place, made a discharge upon 
 them, killed one, and wounded two : upon which, 
 those few soldiers that were in the town-house, shot 
 and killed three or four of the French, who began 
 to pillage some of the burghers houses ; but this 
 disorder was soon appeased by their officers ; after 
 which they summoned the peasants in, and began 
 to repair the fortifications, kept the Governor in re- 
 straint, and carried the matter as if this had been 
 the declaration of war. This news coming to the 
 Governor of Lisle, he seized upon some Frenchmen 
 he found in his town by way of reprisal for those 
 taken at Armentiers; and the Marquis gave order 
 to the Prince of Ligny, who commands the horse 
 here, to charge any party he should find making 
 courses into the frontiers, and to endeavour to bring 
 away some prisoners, botli as reprisals for those of 
 Armentiers, and to know something of* the French 
 pretensions. 
 
 After they had kept Armentiers about five days, 
 they released the Governor, told the people they 
 came not to begin any war, but only at their invi- 
 tation to protect the town ; drew oh" at first one 
 party of their men, and last Friday morning all the 
 rest: the Governor of Lisle set his Frenchmen at 
 liberty, and the Prince of Ligny some that he had 
 taken in a skirmish of small parties upon the bor-
 
 278 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 ders of Hainault, wherein the Marquis tells me 
 about fifty of the French were killed, and near 
 twenty taken. This I am more particular in re- 
 lating, because it seems the first pace of the war, 
 though since in a manner disavowed by the French ; 
 and indeed it is generally censured as the effect of 
 a weak and uncertain counsel, to begin without any 
 formed design or declaration, by seizing so rashly 
 a place of no moment, and in the Province of Flan- 
 ders, where none of their pretences lie. These 
 three last days the motion of their troops has been 
 through Philippeville, and the frontiers of Hainault. 
 The French King was expected last night at Ques- 
 noy, and to-day at Fhilippeville. They have be- 
 gun a bridge upon the Sambre, near a village call- 
 ed Marsin au Font, a league up the river from the 
 place where Charlcroy stood ; the ground being on 
 the one side Pais de Liege, and on the other the 
 Spaniards country ; so we expect here they will en- 
 ter that country to-morrow ; but which way they 
 intend their first impression is uncertain ; the bridge 
 they make serving a design either upon Namur, 
 Mens, or Brussels. The Spanish forces on this 
 side lie between this place and Marimount, and 
 consist of about four thousand horse and as many 
 foot, have no formed design but to attend the 
 enemy's motion, and to retire for the defence of 
 this place, in case of tlie enemy's marching this 
 way. 
 
 The general belief here of the most intelligent 
 is, that France has had the skill or good luck de 
 nous endormir, both us and Holland, in this great 
 conjuncture, and by assuring us of peace upon 
 good terms with the Dutch, and at the same time 
 the Dutch of never according with us, nor break- 
 ing with Spain to their (the Hollanders) prejudice, 
 will amuse us both in a slow treaty till they have 
 made so great an impression in these countries, as
 
 . 
 
 and other Ministers of State. 2JQ 
 
 will give neither of'us the liberty to take those mea- 
 sures upon this affair, to which either of our inter- 
 ests might lead us ; and perhaps find means to di- 
 vert the treaty at last from coming to any issue. 
 They say, that delaying our treaty, for the point 
 of Poleroon, is losing a dinner for mustard ; and 
 that every day it is deferred, endangers an irreco- 
 verable conjuncture, that heaven hath given us, of 
 making ourselves considerable to whom, which 
 way, and to what degree, we please. God send 
 these reasoners to be deceived, and that we may 
 not be so, at least no more by the same hands. I 
 am, my Lord, yours, &c. 
 
 To Sir Philip Warwick. 
 
 Sir, Brussels, June 21 , N. S. 1 667. 
 
 I am very sorry that I must rejoice with you, and 
 condole with all your friends at the same time, and 
 upon the same occasion ; for, though the retreat I 
 hear you have made from business must needs be 
 a trouble and a loss to us all, yet I know it is an 
 ease and a happiness to yourself, or else a wise 
 man, as you are, ought not to have chosen it. I 
 will not tell you how great a contentment I had in 
 knowing my business lay so much in your way, 
 because I never intend to pursue more than what 
 his Majesty pleases to make my due, and I have 
 ever reckoned both upon your justice and your 
 kindness : but I must bear this disappointment, 
 since you are the author of it, which is the best 
 consolation I can think of. In the mean time, I 
 hope you do not intend to retire from the com- 
 merce of your friends, as well as that of business; 
 for, though you should lock yourself up within 
 your walls or Frog-pool, I shall ever pretend to 
 have a share in you, there itself", and never omit 
 any occasions of assuring you, that no change you
 
 280 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 can make in your course of life can ever make any 
 in the resolutions I have taken of being always, 
 Sir, yours, &e. 
 
 To my Lord Arlington. 
 My Lord, Brussels, July 19, N. S. 1667. 
 
 The diligence of the posts, or favour of the wea- 
 ther, have given me two of your Lordship's to ac- 
 knowledge since my last of the 1st and 5th cur- 
 rent, with the good news of the Dutch being beat- 
 en off at Harwich ; for, since we are in a disease, 
 every fit we pass well over is so much of good, and 
 gives hopes of recovery : I doubt this is not the 
 last, for I hear De Witt is resolved that their fleet 
 shall not give over action till the very ratifications 
 of the treaty are exchanged : in which he certainly 
 pursues his interest, that the war may end with so 
 much the more honour abroad, and heart at home; 
 for commonly the same dispositions between the 
 parties with which one war ends, another begins. 
 And, though this may end in peace, yet I doubt 
 it will be with so much unkindness between the 
 nations, that it will be w T isdom on both sides to think 
 of another, as well as to avoid it. All discourse here 
 is of the peace as a thing undoubted, and every 
 pacquet I receive from England confirms me in the 
 belief that a war abroad is not our present business, 
 till all at home be in better order ; no more than 
 hard exercise which strengthens healthy bodies, 
 can be proper for those that have a fever lurking 
 in the veins, or a consumption in the flesh ; for 
 which, rest, and order, and diet, are necessary, and 
 perhaps some medicine too, provided it come from 
 a careful and a skilful hand. This is all that I shall 
 say upon that subject, which, I presume, has before 
 this received some resolution by my Lord Ambas- 
 sador Coventry's arrival ; for I confess my stomach
 
 and other Ministers of State. 28 1 
 
 is come down, and I should be glad to hear the 
 peace ended, and our coasts clear, since it will not 
 be better ; but all this while, Multa gemens igno- 
 miniam plagasque superbi hosiis, and I am sure 
 would not desire to live, unless with hopes of see- 
 ing ourselves one day in another posture, which 
 God Almighty has made us capable of, whenever 
 we please ourselves. 
 
 I am sorry to find the commerce between Eng- 
 land and Spain so far cut off, as it should seem by 
 your Lordship's complaints of having received none 
 of a date later than May the first, for mine holds 
 yet pretty constant, though I suppose visited by 
 the French in their passage. On Sunday last I re- 
 ceived one from Mr. Godolphin of the first cur- 
 rent, where he told me, the treaties were sent sign- 
 ed by several ways into England, and therefore 
 concluded some of them arrived. He seems to 
 doubt still the Portuguese accepting their share in 
 it ; which is the likelier, because the Marquis tells 
 me, he hears, by this ordinary, that better terms 
 may be offered them, though it is pleasant the Spa- 
 niard should not have yet resolved to give them 
 the title, when, for aught I know, without it, all 
 their own may be in danger. His Excellency as- 
 sures me they are resolved in Spain upon declaring 
 a general war, both by sea and land, and that way 
 make the French unmask their designs ; that they 
 have sent orders already to seize upon all that be- 
 longs to the French in their Indies, who have a 
 great share in the Spanish fleet that is daily ex- 
 pected home ; that they have remitted, by this or- 
 dinary, to his Excellency a hundred and thirty 
 thousand crowns, which is the third remise of about 
 that sum, arrived since the war began ; and that 
 they have negotiated with the Fregoni, or some 
 such name, being the ablest merchants at Amster- 
 dam, for nine hundred thousand more; so that the
 
 :28<2 "Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 process seems well entered, and I wish them a good 
 issue. 
 
 We have here no certainty of the progress of the 
 French arms, nor can we say that Courtray is taken, 
 though the report has continued more or less these 
 four days ; but the Marquis would not own any ad- 
 vice of it on Saturday night ; though he spoke very 
 despairingly of the town, but confidently of the ci- 
 tadel's holding out at least fifteen days, if those 
 within it did their duty. His Excellency makes a 
 very different story of the Baron of Limbeck's de- 
 feat, which was reported here ; and assures me, 
 that, having carried some relief into Courtray, he 
 retreated with only two hundred horse, and, meet- 
 ing a party of six hundred of the French, charged 
 through them, killed the Captain of their vanguard 
 with several others, and came off with the loss only 
 of fifteen men. 
 
 Yesterday morning the Marquis went to Ghent, 
 with intentions of returning in three or four days ; 
 and hath left the town so emptied by his journey, 
 as well as the camp, that, besides the Governor, I 
 know not of a Gentleman of my acquaintance in it. 
 
 The Baron de l'Isola went this morning towards 
 Antwerp, and from thence passes towards Ostend 
 to go over with the convoy, which I could not per- 
 suade him to lose, though I endeavoured it upon a 
 hint in your Lordship's letter, and more upon his 
 telling me that you had dissuaded him from com- 
 ing till the ratifications of the treaty were passed ; 
 but he says he is confident that will be before he 
 can arrive ; that he hath sent over all his papers 
 and bills of exchange beforehand, and, if he loses 
 this convoy, knows not when to hope for a secure 
 passage. And, if his Majesty thinks fit, will rather 
 make a stay at Gravesend, or any other place near 
 the water-side, till all jealousy of his coming be 
 blown ever.
 
 and other Ministers of State. 1283 
 
 I give your Lordship humble thanks for the let- 
 ter I received to make use of part of the money in 
 Mr. Shaw's hands, for supply of what was grown 
 due to me ; and am, I am sure, at all times, mere 
 troubled to ask it, than pleased to receive it. I 
 was much more sensibly obliged by the part you 
 was pleased to give me of the good fortune arrived 
 to your family, by its increase, and my Lady's safe- 
 ty ; and will assure your Lordship you do me but 
 justice to believe I am concerned in all that hap- 
 pens to you, and more particularly upon this occa- 
 sion, of which I have made very constant enqui- 
 ries, though without your Lordship's trouble. I 
 gave you EI para bien with all the joy that can be, 
 and the presages of many more such adventures ; 
 and know my Lady began with her own sex for no 
 other reason, but because the war was ended. My 
 own particular satisfaction in it is, that my family 
 may continue their services to your Lordship's, and 
 that way make up what I shall fall short of in the 
 expressions of that passion and truth, wherewith I 
 am, my Lord, yours, &c. 
 
 To my Lord Lisle. 
 My Lord, Brussels, August 1667. 
 
 I received lately the honour of one from your 
 Lordship, which after all complaints of slowness 
 and dulness had enough to bear it out, though it 
 had been much better addressed, but needed no- 
 thing where it was, besides being yours. In my 
 present station I want no letters of business or 
 news, which makes those that brine; me marks of 
 my friends remembrance, or touches at their pre- 
 sent thoughts and entertainments, taste much bet- 
 ter than any thing can do that is common fare. 
 
 I agree very much with your Lordship, in being 
 little satisfied by the wits excuse, of employing
 
 284 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 none upon relations as they do in France ; and 
 doubt much it is the same temper and course of 
 thoughts among us, that makes us neither act things 
 worth relating, nor relate things worth the reading. 
 Whilst making some of the company laugh, and 
 others ridiculous, is the game in vogue, I fear we 
 shall hardly succeed at any other, and am sorry our 
 courtiers should content themselves with such vic- 
 tories as those. I would have been glad to have 
 seen Mr. Cowley, before he died, celebrate Cap- 
 tain Douglas's death, who stood and burnt in one 
 of our ships at Chatham, when his soldiers left him, 
 because it should never be said, a Douglas quitted 
 his post without order ; whether it be wise in men 
 to do such actions or no, I am sure it is so in States 
 to honour them ; and, if they can, to turn the vein 
 of wits to raise up the esteem of some qualities 
 above the real value, rather than bring every thing 
 to burlesque, which, if it be allowed at all, should 
 be so only to wise men in their closets, and not to 
 wits, in their common mirth and company. But I 
 leave them to be reformed by great men's exam- 
 ples and humours, and know very well it is folly 
 for a private man to touch them, which does but 
 bring them like wasps about one's ears. However, 
 I cannot but bewail the transitoriness of their fame, 
 as well as other men's, when I hear Mr. Waller is 
 turned to burlesque among them, while he is alive, 
 which never happened to old poets till many years 
 after their death ; and though I never knew him 
 enough to adore him, as many have done, and ea- 
 sily believe he may be, as your Lordship says, 
 enough out of fashion, yet I am apt to think some 
 of the old cut-work bands were of as fine thread, 
 and as well wrought, as any of our new points ; 
 and, at least, that all the wit he and his company 
 spent, in heightening love and friendship, was bet- 
 ter employed, than what is laid out so prodigally
 
 and other Ministers of State. 285 
 
 by the modern wits, in the mockery of all sorts of 
 religion and government. 
 
 I know not how your Lordship's letter has en- 
 gaged me in this kind of discourses ; but I know 
 very well you will advise me after it to keep my 
 residency here as long as I can, foretelling me 
 what success I am like to have among our courtiers 
 if I come over. The best on it is, my heart is set 
 so much upon my little corner at Sheen, that, while 
 I keep that, no other disappointments will be very 
 sensible to me ; and, because my wife tells me she 
 is so bold as enter into talk of enlarging our domi- 
 nions there, I am contriving here this summer, how 
 a succession of cherries may be compassed from 
 May till Michaelmas, and how the riches of Sheen 
 vines may be improved by half a dozen sorts which 
 are not yet known there, and which, I think, much 
 beyond any that are. I should be very glad to come 
 and plant them myself this next season, but know 
 not yet how those thoughts will hit. Though I 
 design to stay but a month in England, yet they 
 are here very unwilling I should stir, as all people 
 in adversity are jealous of being forsaken ; and his 
 Majesty is not willing to give them any discourage- 
 ment, whether he gives them any assistance or no. 
 But, if they end the campaign with any good for- 
 tune, they will be better-humoured in that, as well 
 as all other points : and it seems not a very unlike- 
 ly thing, the French having done nothing in six 
 months past but harass their army, and being, be- 
 fore Lisle, engaged in a siege, which may very well 
 break the course of their success. They have not yet 
 made the least advance upon any of the out-works, 
 but been beaten off with much loss in all their as- 
 saults : and, if that King's design be to bring his 
 Nobility as low as he has done his people, he is in 
 a good way, and may very well leave most of the 
 brave among; them in their trenches there. 
 
 9
 
 280 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 I had not need write often at this length, nor 
 make your Lordship any new professions of my 
 being, my Lord, your, &c. 
 
 To my brother Sir John Temple. 
 
 Dear Brother, Brussels, October 10, N. S. 1667. 
 
 Having written so many and long letters to my 
 father, I resolved this should be to you, though 
 upon a subject wherein he has been very desirous 
 to be informed ; which was more than I could pre- 
 tend to from any notices of my own, having been 
 young and very new in business, when I was first 
 employed upon the Munster treaty. All I knew 
 of the grounds or occasions of our late war with 
 Holland was, that, in all common conversation, I 
 found both the Court, and the Parliament in gene- 
 ral, very sharp upon it ; complaining of the Dutch 
 insolencies, of the great disadvantages they had 
 brought upon our trade in general, and the parti- 
 cular injuries of their East-India company towards 
 ours : and it was not easy to think any should bet- 
 ter understand the honour of the Crown than our 
 Court ; or the interests of the nation, than the 
 house of Commons. One thing I confess gave me 
 some reflections, which was, to observe that three 
 of my father's greatest friends, and persons that I 
 most esteemed upon many accounts, were violent- 
 ly against the counsels of this war ; which were my 
 Lords of Northumberland, of Leicester, and Sir 
 Robert Long ; though two of them were of the 
 Privy Council, and the third in a great office, and 
 ever bred up in Court. For my own part, when 
 I entered into that affair, all I knew was, that we 
 were actually in a war, and that the best we could 
 do was to get out of it either by success and victo- 
 ries, or by a fair and reasonable peace, which I be- 
 lieved our treatv with Munster would make way
 
 and other Ministers of State. 287 
 
 for : and I found some of our Ministers had no 
 other end by it, having given over the thoughts of 
 any great advantages we should find by pursuing 
 the war. How that succeeded, and how it ended, 
 you all know there, as well as I do here. 
 
 Upon conclusion of the peace at Breda, my sis- 
 ter took a very strong fancy to a journey into Hol- 
 land, to see a country she had heard so much of; 
 and I was willing to give her that satisfaction, after 
 the melancholy scene we have had here ever since 
 the French invasion of this country. We went in- 
 cognito, with only her woman, a valet de chambre, 
 and a page out of livery, who all spoke Dutch. I 
 leave it to her to give you an account of what en- 
 tertainments she met with there, which she was 
 much pleased with, especially those of the Indian 
 houses : for me, who had seen enough of it in my 
 younger travels, I found nothing new but the Stadt- 
 house at Amsterdam, which, though a great fabric, 
 yet answered not the expectation I had, from so 
 much time, and so vast expence, as had been em- 
 ployed to raise it : which put me in mind of what 
 the Cavaliero Bernini said of the Louvre, when he 
 was sent for to take a view of it, that it was una 
 granpiccola cosa. The chief pleasure I had in my 
 journey was, to observe the strange freedom that 
 all men took in boats and inns, and all other com- 
 mon places, of talking openly whatever they thought 
 upon all the public affairs, both of their own State, 
 and their neighbours : and this I had the advan- 
 tage of finding more by being incognito, and think 
 it the greatest piece of the liberty that, country so 
 much values ; the government being otherwise as 
 severe, and the taxes as hard, as among any of their 
 neighbours. 
 
 At our return from Amsterdam we lay two nights 
 at the Hague, where I made a visit to Monsieur 
 de Witt: I told him who I was, but that, having
 
 88 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 passed unknown through the country to all but 
 himself, I desired I might do so still. I told him, 
 my only business was, to see the things most con- 
 siderable in the country, and I thought I should 
 lose my credit, if I left it without seeing him. He 
 took my compliment very well, and returned it, 
 by saying, he had received a character of me to 
 my advantage, both from Minister and Brussels, 
 and was very glad to be acquainted with me at a 
 time when both our nations were grown friends ; 
 and had equal reason to look about us, upon what 
 had lately happened in Flanders ; he seemed much 
 to regret the late unhappy quarrel between us, 
 which had made way for this new war among our 
 neighbours. He laid the fault of ours wholly upon 
 Sir George Downing, who having been Envoy 
 from Cromwell at a time when the States were 
 forced to observe good measures with him ; Sir 
 George had made use of that disposition, to get a 
 great deal of money from the East-India company, 
 who were willing to bribe his good offices, in some 
 disputes that remained between the two compa- 
 nies : that, having been continued in the same em- 
 ployment by the King, he thought to drive the 
 same trade; but, finding the company more stanch, 
 he had taken upon him to pursue a dispute about 
 the old pretensions, upon the loss of the Bonad- 
 venture, as an affair of State between the nations, 
 whereas it was left by our treaties to be pursued 
 only as a process between the parties. That, in 
 their treaty with Cromwell, all pretensions on both 
 sides were cut off, but with this clause : Liceat 
 autem (to such as were concerned in that affair of 
 the Bonadventure) litem inceptam prosequi. That, 
 this treaty having been made the model of that 
 concluded with his Majesty soon after his restora- 
 tion, that clause continued still in the new treaty ; 
 and the process which had been begun long before
 
 and other Ministers of State. 289 
 
 Cromwell's treaty, before the Magistrates of Am- 
 sterdam, had still gone on after their treaty with 
 the King, according to the true intention of that 
 clause. That Mr. Cary, who was employed to 
 pursue it in the name of Courtin's executors, had 
 Drought it very near a composition, demanding 
 forty thousand pounds for all pretensions, and the 
 Dutch offering thirty. That he (Monsieur de 
 Witt) to end this affair, had appointed a meeting 
 with Mr. Cary, who had since confessed to his 
 friends, that he was resolved to end it at that meet- 
 ing, and rather to take the Dutch offer, than let 
 the suit run on ; but that very morning Sir George 
 Downing sent for him, told him it was a matter of 
 State between the two nations, and not only a con- 
 cern of private men ; and therefore absolutely for- 
 bid him to go on with any treaty about it, other- 
 wise than by his communication and consent : that 
 he would put in a memorial to the States upon it, 
 and instead of forty thousand pounds, which he 
 demanded, would undertake to get him fourscore, 
 and that he was sure the Dutch would give a great 
 deal more, rather than venture a quarrel with his 
 Majesty. 
 
 This course he pursued, made extravagant de- 
 mands, and with great insolence ; made the same 
 representations to our Court, and possessed some 
 of the Ministers that he would get great sums of 
 money, both for his Majesty and them, if they 
 would suffer him to treat this affair after his own 
 manner ; for he was sure the Dutch would go very 
 far in that kind, if they saw there was no other 
 way to avoid a war with England. 
 
 That Monsieur de Witt for his part thought they 
 were a free State no longer, if they should yield a 
 point that they not only knew we had no ground 
 for, but were sure we knew it as well as they ; 
 and that whatever the States should give upon 
 
 vol. i. u
 
 290 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 this occasion, might be demanded at any time by 
 our Court upon any other, since none could have 
 less pretence. 
 
 This was all the account he thought fit at least 
 to give me of this war ; but other politic reason- 
 ers among the Dutch pretended to give several 
 others. Some said, the Duke's military genius 
 made him desirous to enter upon some action 
 abroad, and be at the head of a great fleet against 
 a State he never had been a friend to : that the 
 Duke of Albemarle had long had a pique to their 
 country, upon some usage he resented during his 
 being an officer there : that he had a very mean 
 opinion of their fleets, as well as their other forces, 
 since the successes of the English in the first war 
 during the Usurper's time : that some of the Mini- 
 sters were possessed with an opinion of getting 
 money, by only threatening a war, without inten- 
 tion of seeing it brought to effect ; and had let it 
 run on so far, till it was too late to go back. Some 
 others attributed Sir Thomas Clifford's violence in 
 the house of Commons, and practices with our East- 
 India company, to a deeper design ; and would have 
 the matter of religion concerned in the quarrel, as 
 their pamphlets still endeavoured during the war : 
 and these will not believe, that, when all Christen- 
 dom was at peace, such a war could be begun 
 merely upon a chicane, about the loss of a ship or 
 two so many years since. There are others that 
 lay the war upon the conduct of France, by which, 
 they say, we were engaged in it : that the present 
 King was resolved to pursue the old scheme laid 
 by Cardinal Richlieu, of extending the bounds of 
 France to the Rhine, for which ends the conquest 
 of Lorrain and Flanders was to be first atchieved. 
 That the purchase of Dunkirk from us was so vio- 
 lently pursued for this end, without which they 
 could not well begin a war upon Flanders. That
 
 and other Ministers of State. 201 
 
 after this they had endeavoured to engage the 
 present Ministry in Holland, to renew the mea- 
 sures once taken in Cardinal Richlieu's time, for 
 dividing Flanders between France and Holland : 
 but, not succeeding in it, they had turned all their 
 intrigues to engage us in a war, which might make 
 room for their invasion of Flanders, whilst the two 
 neighbours, most concerned in its defence, should 
 be deep in a quarrel between themselves: that 
 they made both parties believe they would assist 
 them if there were occasion, and would certainly 
 have done it : that as they took part with Holland 
 upon our first successes at sea, and the Bishop of 
 Munster's treaty ; so, if the successes had been 
 great on the Dutch side, they would have assisted 
 us in order to prolong the war. 
 
 These are discourses current in Holland upon 
 this subject ; and I had rather give you those of 
 others upon it, than any of my own. The Duke 
 of Ormond will be able to judge whether any of 
 these Dutch reasonings are true, or which are 
 most probable. For my part I can only say, that, 
 however the war began, I am very glad it is ended; 
 but sorry it has made way for another, which, if it 
 lasts any time, is like to involve us, and perhaps 
 all the rest of the neighbours, either in a new war, 
 or in new dangers. | For if the French shall carry 
 Flanders, as they very well may in another cam- 
 paign, by the weakness and disorders in the go- 
 vernment here ; the Dutch are sensible that they 
 must fall to be a maritime province of France, upon 
 the best terms they can. The Empire will expect to 
 see them soon at the Rhine, and thereby masters 
 of four Electors ; and what a condition England will 
 be left in by sue!) an accession of maritime forces, 
 as well as provinces, to such a power as France is 
 already, is but too easy and too melancholy a re- 
 flection. The Dutch arc much exasperated at this 
 
 u ( 1
 
 292 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 invasion of Flanders, both as dangerous and as 
 scornful to them in particular ; for they say that 
 France, till the very time of their march, gave con- 
 stant assurances to the States, both by the French 
 Ambassador here, and by their Ambassador at Paris, 
 that they would not invade Flanders without first 
 taking their measures upon it with the States them- 
 selves.jj I find our Court are as much provoked on 
 the other side, not only upon this new danger, but 
 also upon the French having declared war against 
 us in favour of Holland, without the least pretence 
 of injury, or other occasion ; so that, if we both 
 understood or trusted one another, it is likely we 
 should be both of a mind in this matter ; but, 
 after such a sharp war as hath been for two years 
 between us, and such a snarling peace as that at 
 Breda, I do not well see how this can happen be- 
 fore it be too late, and so must leave these con- 
 templations to such as are in the ministry, both 
 in England and Holland, as well as Spain and the 
 Empire, to take such measures as are wise and 
 necessary in such a conjuncture ; which is per- 
 haps the most important that has been a great 
 while in Christendom, and may have consequences 
 that none alive will see the end of. It is time I 
 am sure that you should see an end of this long 
 letter, and come to the assurances of my being 
 ever, Sir, yours, &c. 
 
 To Sir George Satile. 
 
 Sir, Brussels, Dec. 9, N. S. 1667. 
 
 Because my wife assures me I am not wholly lost 
 in your favour and memory, I will not run any 
 farther venture of forfeiting my title for want of 
 laying claim to it, but make use of the smallest 
 occasion rather than none in a matter wherein I 
 am so much and so justly concerned.
 
 and other Ministers of State. 2Q3 
 
 This place never was in a worse posture to fur- 
 nish either a war or a Gazette than at this time, 
 for the troops are all mouldering in their winter 
 quarters ; and, as the greatest calms ordinarily 
 succeed the greatest storms, so, since the heat of 
 news and occurrences here during the late cam- 
 paign, I have hardly known a place where less of 
 both were stirring ; action and invention seeming 
 to have ended together. There is indeed a new 
 difference between the two Crowns arisen this 
 winter ; which is, that France talks of peace, but 
 prepares for war ; and Spain talks of war, but pre- 
 pares hitherto as if they were sure of peace : they 
 say at present they are off that with Portugal, 
 which is the only thing yet in sight that can make 
 the other necessary to them. 
 
 Because my wife tells me you were content 
 with the last papers I sent of the Roman news, I 
 take occasion to continue it by the inclosed, 
 though there be seldom any thing in it worth con- 
 sidering at this distance, unless it be the style, 
 and the quiet of that scene, which, like the upper 
 region, has no share in the storms of that below. 
 And besides, as men have more curiosity to en- 
 quire how a great man sleeps, than what a mean 
 man does all day long ; so the very rest and idle- 
 ness of that Roman Court seems, among the dis- 
 coursers, more worth knowing, than the busy mo- 
 tions of many small ones in this northern conti- 
 nent, who yet at this time pretend to be con- 
 sidered, and to make a noise. 
 
 This is all I can say to excuse my inclosure of 
 such papers, unless it be that, to tell a plain truth, 
 I was very glad of the occasion to assure you that 
 I am ever, with very much passion, as well as 
 with much reason, Sir, your most faithful humble 
 servant.
 
 &94 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 The Triple Alliance was made in January 1668. 
 
 To Sir John Temple. 
 Sir, London, Jan. 2, N. S. 1668. 
 
 You will wonder to see a letter from this place, 
 my last having been from Brussels, without any 
 thoughts of such a journey : and, because my 
 stay here is like to be very short, and my time ex- 
 tremely filled, I take the first hour I can find, to 
 give you some account of this adventure. 
 
 Soon after my last an express came to me from 
 his Majesty, commanding me to come immediately 
 into England with all the speed I could possibly 
 make, but to take the Hague in my way, and there, 
 upon the credit of a visit I made Monsieur de 
 Witt last September, and which passed very well 
 between us, to make him another, and let him 
 know his Majesty had commanded me to do so on 
 purpose, to inform myself of the opinions he had 
 concerning the French late invasion in Flanders, 
 their great success there, and the appearances of 
 so much greater this ensuing spring ; the thoughts 
 he had of what was the true interest of his Ma- 
 jesty, the States, and the rest of Christendom upon 
 this occasion : that his Majesty, by knowing his 
 mind, should believe he knew a great deal of that 
 of the States, and thought he might thereby be en- 
 abled to take such measures, as might be necessary 
 for him in this conjuncture. 
 
 I obeyed this summons, spoke with Monsieur de 
 Witt, entered into great confidences with him, 
 made report of all to his Majesty at my arrival 
 here ; gave Monsieur de Witt the character I think 
 he deserves, of a very able and faithful Minister 
 to his State, and, I thought, a sincere dealer, very 
 different from what Sir George Downing had given
 
 and other Ministers of State. 2Q5 
 
 of him at Court, who would have him pass for such 
 another as himself, but only a craftier man in the 
 trade than he. 
 
 Upon all this, his Majesty came last night to a 
 resolution of the greatest importance which has yet 
 passed, I think, here in any foreign affair, and be- 
 gun the new year, I hope, with a good presage, 
 and in which the new Ministry, particularly my 
 Lord Keeper and my Lord Arlington, have had a 
 very great part ; mine will be to return imme- 
 diately upon it into Holland, where, if it please 
 God, I arrive and succeed, I expect a great deal 
 of satisfaction by my errand, and much the greater 
 by knowing that you will have a great deal in it 
 too, as in an affair I remember to be so agreeable 
 with what have been always your opinions. 
 
 The season of the year is bad, and the weather 
 ill, and yet my sister has been so kind as to come 
 with me hither from Brussels, and to resolve to re- 
 turn with me at this short warning to the Hague, 
 which will be a great ease to me as well as satisfac- 
 tion ; and, by freeing me from all domestic cares, 
 leave me the more liberty for those of my business, 
 which, I foresee, will be enough to take up a bet- 
 ter head than mine. My wife and children con- 
 tinue here till I see where my wandering planet is 
 like to fix ; but my brother Harry resolves to be 
 of the party, and take this occasion of seeing Hol- 
 land, and what is like to pass in the world upon 
 this great conjuncture. 1 am called away, and 
 have time only to add the constant professions of 
 that duty, wherewith I am, and shall be ever, Sir, 
 your, &c. 
 
 1 o my Lord Arlington. 
 
 My Lord, Hague, .Tan. 24, N. S. 1668. 
 
 Upon last Friday at night I gave your Lordship 
 the account of what advance I had then made in
 
 2g6 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 my negotiation, and of the point where it was then 
 arrested, with desires of his Majesty's pleasure ; 
 whereupon, having spent that whole day in de- 
 bates, I had little time left for that letter, but in- 
 tended to make some amends for the haste of it, 
 within two days, by a dispatch with the yacht, and, 
 though delayed a little longer, will not, 1 hope, 
 be more unwelcome by bringing your Lordship a 
 fuller and final account, which may be allowed to 
 surprise you a little there, since it is looked upon 
 as a miracle here, not only by those that heard it, 
 but even by the Commissioners themselves, who 
 have had the whole transaction of it, which 1 shall 
 now acquaint your Lordship with. 
 
 Upon my two first conferences with Monsieur de 
 Witt, which were the Tuesday and Wednesday, I 
 found him much satisfied with his Majesty's reso- 
 lution concerning our neighbours ; but of the 
 opinion, that the condition of forcing Spain was 
 necessary to our common end, and to clear the 
 means towards it from all accidents that may arise. 
 For the defensive league, he was of his former 
 opinion, that it should be negotiated between us ; 
 but upon the project offered his Majesty at Sche- 
 velin, by which all matter of commerce might be 
 so adjusted, as to leave no seeds of any new quar- 
 rels between the nations. 
 
 After two very long conferences upon these 
 points, we ended with some difference upon the 
 necessity of concluding both parts of my projects 
 at the same time ; but, for the rest, with great con- 
 fidence and satisfaction in one another's sincere 
 and frank way of treating, since the first overtures 
 between us. 
 
 The first time I saw r him, he told me I came 
 upon a day he should always esteem very happy, 
 both in respect of his Majesty's resolutions which 
 I brought, and of those which the States had taken
 
 and other Ministers of, State. 297 
 
 about the disposal of the chief commands in their 
 army, by making Prince Maurice and Monsieur 
 Wurtz Camp-masters-general, and the Prince of 
 Tarante and Rhingrave Generals of the horse, each 
 to command in absence of the other. He told me 
 all the detail of that disposition, but the rest I re- 
 member not well. I laid hold on this occasion (as 
 indeed I thought was necessary) to say that his 
 Majesty gave me order concerning the Prince of 
 Orange ; which he took very well, and said, was 
 very obliging to the States ; that, for his own part, 
 he never failed to see the Prince once or twice a 
 week, and grew to have a particular affection for 
 him, and would tell me plainly, that the States de- 
 signed the Captain-generalship of all the forces for 
 him so soon as by his age he grew capable of it. 
 
 The next day was my audience, which passed 
 with all the respect that could be given his Ma- 
 jesty's character ; and the next morning began my 
 conference with the eight Commissioners of secret 
 affairs : I exposed my powers, and saw theirs, in 
 pursuit whereof I offered them the project of the 
 defensive league, as that which was to be the 
 foundation of all farther negotiations, and without 
 which perhaps neither of us should be very forward 
 to speak our minds with confidence and freedom, 
 in what concerned our neighbours, being likely 
 therein to shock so great powers abroad : I told 
 them, for the rest, his Majesty having resolved, as 
 far as he could in honour, to comply with the 
 sense of the States, in the offices of mediation be- 
 tween the two Crowns ; I was first to expect from 
 them the knowledge of the States resolution, in 
 case they were already agreed. 
 
 I took this course in my first proposals, because 
 I found here, that the Provinces were not yet re- 
 solved upon theirs, five of them only having fallen 
 upon that of Monsieur de Witt j but Zealand be-
 
 '298 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 ing of opinion to agree with France for dividing 
 Flanders ; and Utrecht, for suffering France only 
 to retain the last year's conquest, by way of corn- 
 promts, till their pretensions were adjudged before 
 competent arbiters to be agreed by the twoCrowns, 
 or by the joint mediators : and I was in hopes, 
 that, knowing his Majesty's resolutions to join 
 with them, before they were agreed among them- 
 selves, it might produce some counsels among 
 them a little more favourable to Flanders, and con- 
 sequently more honourable to his Majesty. 
 
 After my proposals, Monsieur de Witt was, by 
 the rest of the Commissioners, desired to speak for 
 them all in the conduct of our conferences ; who, 
 after a preamble of the usual forms, and compli- 
 ments upon his Majesty's happy dispositions to 
 enter into a nearer alliance with the States upon 
 the mentioned points, declared the same resolution 
 in the States, and, allowing our confidence by a 
 defensive league for the basis of the rest, said, the 
 States were very willing defaire infuser les clauses 
 pour la seurete commune dans les articles de la media- 
 tion; and was large upon this argument, that, the 
 last being of very pressing haste as well as necessity, 
 and they having already order from their Provinces 
 to proceed upon it, they could not have the same 
 powers upon the defensive, being a new matter, 
 under six weeks or two months time, but, as soon 
 as they received them, would proceed to give their 
 Ambassador in England powers to fall upon that 
 treaty, which must, for a basis, have at the same 
 time an adjustment of matters of commerce, for 
 his forementioned reasons. 
 
 I thought fit to cut this matter short, and told 
 them directly, I had no orders to proceed upon 
 any other points, but in consequence or conjunc- 
 tion of the defensive league ; in which I thought 
 his Majesty had all the reasons that could be, both
 
 and other Ministers of State. 209 
 
 because he would not venture a war's ending in 
 Flanders to begin upon England ; and on the 
 other side knew the States, whose danger was 
 nearer, would never be capable of taking any vi- 
 gorous resolutions in their neighbours affairs, till 
 they were secure at home by his Majesty's de- 
 fence. 
 
 That his Majesty thought the most generous and 
 friendly advance, that could be, was made on his 
 side, by his proposition, being himself so much 
 more out of danger than they were, and so much 
 courted to a conjunction with France to their 
 prejudice, as well as that of Flanders ; that they had 
 not made a difficulty of such alliances with Princes, 
 who had lately des melees with them as well as his 
 Majesty ; and that, God be thanked, his Majesty 
 was not in condition to have such an offer refused 
 by any Prince or State of Christendom. 
 
 These were the sum of our discourses, though 
 very long, and such as occasioned the Commission- 
 ers to withdraw thrice and consult together; though 
 nothing was resolved, but that Monsieur de Witt 
 and Monsieur Isbrant should spend the afternoon 
 witli me at my lodging, to endeavour the adjusting 
 of circumstances between us, since we seemed to 
 agree in substance. 
 
 That conference ended, as I gave your Lordship 
 notice that evening, upon the. point, that, instead 
 of the project of Schevelin, or any new adjustment 
 concerning marine affairs, the States would pro- 
 ceed upon his Majesty's project of a defensive 
 league, provided the provisional articles in the 
 Breda treaty might be inserted and perpetuated in 
 this, and thereupon we should expect his Majesty's 
 answer to what I should write that night. 
 
 The next being Saturday morning, I desired 
 another conference with my two Commissioners, 
 but could not have it till the afternoon, they being
 
 300 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 to report that morning to the States what had 
 passed the evening before. At our meeting after 
 noon, they told me their communication of all to 
 the States, and their Lordships resolution upon 
 them, that it was necessary the articles provisional 
 should be inserted in the treaty ; so as I began to 
 doubt a stop of all till his Majesty's answer, which 
 subjected all to uncertainties : I knew the French 
 Ambassador was grown into very ill humour upon 
 my arrival, and fallen into complaints and expostu- 
 lations with several of the States ; and the more, 
 because he could not see Monsieur de Witt from 
 my coming over till that time, though he had often 
 pressed it, and had an hour given him the next 
 day ; Monsieur de Witt having promised to see 
 him, as he went to church after noon. Upon this 
 I knew likewise he had dispatched a courier to 
 Paris, which I thought would make no delay, and 
 therefore resolved to fall upon all the instances 
 and expedients I could, to draw up a sudden con- 
 clusion. I told them I desired it extremely, be- 
 fore I could hear again out of England, because I 
 had left Monsieur Ruvigny very busy at my com- 
 ing away, and not unbefriended ; that I feared the 
 same artifices of France to disturb us here, and 
 perhaps Monsieur d'Estrades might, at his next 
 meeting, endeavour to infuse some jealousies into 
 them, by the relation of what had passed between 
 your Lordship and Monsieur Ruvigny three or four 
 days after the date of my first instructions ; upon 
 which I told them frankly (as his Majesty gave me 
 leave) what had passed in that affair. Monsieur 
 de Witt asked me whether I could shew him the 
 paper drawn up between you ; and, knowing I had 
 it not, desired earnestly I would procure it him, 
 assuring me no use should be made of it, but by 
 joint consent : but saying, nothing would serve so 
 far to justify them, in case of a breach growing
 
 and other Ministers of State. 301 
 
 necessary between them and France, I promised 
 to write to your Lordship about it, which I desire 
 you will please to take notice of. 
 
 I told Monsieur de Witt, what confidence I had 
 given his Majesty of his sincere proceedings, and 
 how I had been supported by your Lordship in 
 those suggestions, against the opinion of some 
 other great men : what advantage these would 
 take if they saw our whole negotiation was stopped 
 upon a thing that looked like a chicanerie, since 
 articles provisional till new agreements were in 
 effect as strong as perpetual, which might itself be 
 changed by new agreements : that this would be 
 esteemed an artifice of his, especially since he had 
 declared, upon my asking him, that it was his own 
 opinion (and that he would tell the States so if 
 they demanded it) not to conclude without inser- 
 tion of those articles, which yet he could not deny 
 to be of present force : for that they allowed ; but 
 seemed to doubt, that, referring in the treaty of 
 Breda to a new treaty, they would be invalidated, 
 if a new treaty should pass without their confir- 
 mation. 
 
 I found Monsieur Isbrant was content with my 
 reasons, and said he would undertake his Province 
 should be so ; but Monsieur de Witt said, Holland 
 and Zealand would not. I told them at last, that 
 I was sure the States would not think fit to lose 
 the effect of the league proposed upon such a point 
 as this, and that they intended only to have the 
 advantage of seeing his Majesty's resolution, in 
 answer to my letter, before they concluded, witli 
 resolutions however, that this should not hinder at 
 last : that I foresaw many things might arise in ten 
 days time, to break all our good intentions, and 
 some more than 1 had told them, or could at pre- 
 sent ; that, if they knew r me, and how far I was to 
 be trusted where I gave my w r ord, I would propose
 
 302 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 an expedient to them ; but, being so new among 
 them, I thought it was to no purpose : there I 
 paused. They desired me I would propose how- 
 ever, and so I did ; which was, That we should 
 proceed to draw up the whole project, and sign as 
 soon as was possible ; and that, in case I afterwards 
 received his Majesty's leave, in answer of my Fri- 
 day's letter, to insert those provisional articles, I 
 would freely declare it to them, and insert them in 
 a separate article, to be a part of the defensive 
 league. They both looked a while one upon an- 
 other, and, after a pause, Monsieur de Witt gave 
 me his hand, and, after a compliment upon the 
 confidence he had taken in my face, and in the rest 
 of my dealing since our first commerce, told me, 
 that, if I would promise them what I had said en 
 homme de Men, they would ask no farther assur- 
 ance of me ; and provided the treaty of Breda 
 might be confirmed in the preamble of this, to take 
 away all scruples of those articles being of less 
 force than they were before ; for his part, though 
 he could promise nothing what the .States would 
 resolve, yet he would promise, that he and Mon- 
 sieur Isbrant would use their utmost endeavours to 
 induce them to proceed upon my proposition. 
 And so we fell immediately to digest our project 
 of the whole treaty : for I made no difficulty of the 
 confirmation proposed, knowing that new treaties 
 use to begin by confirmation of the old. 
 
 I am the larger in this relation, that his Majes- 
 ty may know upon what reasons I engaged my 
 word to them in this point, and thereupon may 
 give me leave, without more circumstances, to be 
 true to it, in case his Majesty's pleasure in the 
 point be dispatched away to me, upon the receipt 
 of my former letter. 
 
 After this difficulty well evaded, we found none 
 but in this expression \_In case our 'persuasions to
 
 and other Ministers of State. 303 
 
 Spain should not prevail, and we should come d la 
 force et a la constrainte~], which I moderated at 
 first by the words \_aux moyens plus durs~], and af- 
 terwards \_aux moyens plus efficaces~\ ; for we drew 
 it up first in French : the other additions or en- 
 largements, I dare presume, his Majesty will not 
 be displeased with, no more than that article about 
 Portugal, though I had no instruction in it. If I 
 have failed in enlarging upon very short and hasty 
 instructions, I most humbly beg his Majesty's par- 
 don, because I am sure I kept myself, as close as 
 was possible, to what I apprehended to be his Ma- 
 jesty's sense upon the whole and every part. 
 
 That evening, being Saturday, or rather that 
 night and Sunday morning, we agreed upon the 
 project in French, and gave order for the translat- 
 ing of it into Latin, which was done, and perused 
 by me, and agreed to between twelve and one that 
 night, and engrossed by eleven next morning, be- 
 ing Monday, and, at a meeting with the Commis- 
 sioners, jointly was signed and sealed, and mutu- 
 ally delivered between two and three that afternoon; 
 after that, time spent in comparing the instru- 
 ments, and adjusting the sums, computed as the 
 value of the several aids. 
 
 After sealing, we all embraced with much kind- 
 ness and applause of my saying upon that occa- 
 sion, A Breda comme amis, icy comme freres : and 
 Monsieur de Witt made me a most obliging com- 
 pi i merit, of having the honour, which never any 
 other Minister had before me, of drawing the States 
 to a resolution and conclusion in five days, upon a 
 matter of the greatest importance, and a sccours of 
 the greatest expence they had ever engaged in ; 
 and all directly against the nature of their consti- 
 tutions, which enjoined them recourse to their 
 Provinces upon all such occasions, and used to draw 
 out all common deliberations to months delays j
 
 304 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 and added upon it, that, now it was done, it look- 
 ed like a miracle. 
 
 I must add three words to do him right in re- 
 turn of his compliment, that I found him as plain, 
 as direct, and square, in the course of this busi- 
 ness, as any man could be ; though often stiff in 
 points where he thought any advantage could ac- 
 crue to his country : and have all the reason in the 
 world to be satisfied with him, and for his industry 
 no man had ever more. I am sure, for these five 
 days at least, neither of us spent any idle hours, 
 neither day nor night. 
 
 After the conclusion, I received yesterday the 
 visits of all the public Ministers in town, except 
 the Ambassadors, between whom, and Envoys ex- 
 traordinary, some difficulties were arisen (they say, 
 here first begun by Sir George Downing) which 
 have, in a manner, spoiled all commerce. None 
 of the other failed to rejoice with me upon the 
 conclusion of my business, and to express their 
 adoring his Majesty's resolutions, which, in this 
 conjuncture, they say, have given new life to all 
 the Courts of Christendom, whose counsels were 
 before in the greatest perplexities and disorder that 
 could be. They say his Majesty will have the sole 
 honour of giving either peace to Christendom, or a 
 balance to the wars ; and has shewn, that all must 
 follow what he gives a head to. Much more of this 
 kind I hear from all hands, and have no reason to 
 doubt their meaning what they say. 
 
 Thus far I have given your Lordship the smooth 
 side only of this conclusion, and now you must re- 
 ceive the rough : for, having concerted with the 
 Commissioners, that Monsieur de Witt and I should 
 give part of our treaty (all but the separate arti- 
 cles) to the French and Spanish Ambassadors ; the 
 first we performed this afternoon, the last we in- 
 tend to-morrow morning.
 
 and other Ministers of State. S05 
 
 The French Ambassador had been much sur- 
 prized with our conclusion : for, upon our first con- 
 ference with the Commissioners, he had said, Tout 
 cela s'en ira enfumee, et que le Roy son maitre s'en 
 mocqueroit. The day before our signing, being 
 told we advanced very fast, he replied : Et bien, 
 d'icy d six semaines 7ious en parlerons, relying upon 
 the forms of the State, to run the circle of their 
 towns. 
 
 Upon our giving him part of the whole business, 
 he replied coldly, that he doubted we had not ta- 
 ken a right way to our end ; that the fourth article 
 of the second instrument was not in terms very 
 proper to be digested by a King of twenty-nine 
 years old, and at the head of eighty thousand men : 
 that, if we had joined both to desire his Master to 
 prolong the offer he had made of a cessation of arms 
 till the time we proposed, and, withal, not to move 
 his arms farther in Flanders, though Spain should re- 
 fuse, we might hope to succeed ; but, if we thought 
 to prescribe him laws, and force him to compli- 
 ance, by leagues between ourselves, or with Spain, 
 though Sweden and the German Princes should 
 join with us, he knew his Master nejleclieroit pas, 
 and that it. would come to a war of forty years. 
 From this he fell a little warmly upon the proceed- 
 ings of the States, saying, they knew his Master's 
 resolutions upon those two points, neither to pro- 
 long the cessation proposed beyond the end of 
 March, nor to desist the pursuit of his conquests 
 with his own arms, in case Spain consented not to 
 his demands within that term. He said, his Ma- 
 jesty, not being their ally, might treat and con- 
 clude what he pleased, without their offence ; but 
 for the States, who were their nearest ally, to con- 
 clude so much to his Master's disrespect at least, 
 and without communicating with him the Ambas- 
 sador at all during the whole treaty, he must leave 
 
 vol. i. x
 
 306 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 it to his Master to interpret as he thought fit. 
 Monsieur de Witt defended their cause, and our 
 common intentions, with great phlegm, but great 
 steadiness, and told me, after he was gone, that 
 this was the least we could expect at first from a 
 Frenchman ; and that I should do well, however, 
 to give his Majesty an account of it by the first, 
 that we put ourselves early in posture, to make 
 good what we have said ; and that, as to the time 
 and degree of our arming, he would consult with 
 the States, and let me know their thoughts to be 
 communicated to his Majesty upon this occasion. 
 
 I was in hopes to dispatch this away to-morrow 
 morning, but I shall be hindered till night, by the 
 delay of signing a separate article with the Count 
 de Dona, whereby place is reserved for Sweden to 
 enter as principal into this treaty : for I have gone 
 along in the whole business, since my coming over, 
 with perfect confidence and concert with the Count 
 de Dona, upon his assuring me, his orders were to 
 conform himself to his Majesty's resolution in what 
 concerns the two Crowns, though, before he abso- 
 lutely engages, he expects from the Spaniards, by 
 our intercession, some supplies for payment of his 
 troops, and some other adjustments with the Em- 
 peror, which will be treated between the several 
 Ministers at London under his Majesty's influence. 
 In what I shall sign upon this occasion, together 
 with the States, I confess to your Lordship to go 
 beyond my instructions; but apprehending it to be 
 w r holly agreeable to his Majesty's intentions, and 
 extremely advantageous to the common ends and 
 affairs, 1 venture upon this excess, and humbly 
 beg his Majesty's pardon if I fail. Your Lordship 
 will be troubled with some postscript to-morrow, 
 before I dispatch an express with the copies to be 
 ratified by his Majesty within a month, though, I 
 hope, a less time will be taken, those of Holland
 
 and other- Ministers of Stale. 307 
 
 having undertaken theirs in fifteen days. I am, 
 
 To my Lord Arlington. 
 
 My Lord, Hague, Jan. 26, N. S. 1668. 
 
 Since the close of my long dispatch, I have every 
 hour expected the copies to be transmitted for his 
 Majesty's ratification, without being able to pro- 
 cure them. I cannot but imagine some occasion 
 of the delay may have been a desire in them here 
 to interpose some time between the receipt of my 
 last Friday's letter and of this pacquet, to the end 
 his Majesty may in the mean time have dispatched 
 his orders to me about the provisional articles, 
 though I cannot think they should be of such mo- 
 ment inserted or omitted to either side. 
 
 I now dispatch the inclosed copies of the treaty, 
 in order to his Majesty's ratification, which it is 
 generally desired may be returned as sudden as 
 possibly ; the States having undertaken to have 
 theirs ready in fifteen days alter the signing, and 
 believing it necessary to proceed jointly and early 
 to the mutual counsels of arming, in case France 
 continues the dispositions they seem to be in at 
 present of pursuing the war. 
 
 My brother, who will deliver this dispatch to 
 your Lordship, is able to add what particular cir- 
 cumstances I may have omitted, or your Lordship 
 shall think fit to enquire from this place; and what 
 he fails, Count Dona will supply, who is a person 
 well worth your Lordship's particular acquaintance 
 and assistance in his negotiations, or at least the 
 forms and entrances of them, being, in all points, 
 our friend. 
 
 Yesterday the Spanish Ambassador received the 
 communication of our treaties from Monsieur de 
 Witt and me, with some descants upon the hard- 
 ship of it, but, 1 believe, satisfaction at heart. I 
 
 x 2
 
 308 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 have this day written at large, and with all the in- 
 stance imaginable, to the Marquis de Castel Ro- 
 drigo to induce his consent, and, immediately upon 
 the ratifications, shall away and pursue that point 
 at Brussels. 
 
 I cannot but rejoice in particular with your 
 Lordship upon the success of this affair, having 
 observed in your Lordship, as well as my Lord 
 Keeper, a constant steady bent, in supporting his 
 Majesty's resolution, which is here so generally 
 applauded as the happiest and wisest, that any 
 Prince ever took for himself or his neighbours : 
 what in earnest I hear every hour, and from all 
 hands of that kind, is endless, and even extrava- 
 gant. God of heaven send his Majesty's counsels 
 to run on the same course ; and I have nothing left 
 to wish, since I know your Lordship will continue 
 to esteem me what I am with so great passion and 
 truth, my Lord, your, &c. 
 
 To Sir Orlando Bridgman, Lord Keeper. 
 My Lord, Hague, Jan. 27, 1668. 
 
 Though I know my long dispatch by this express 
 to my Lord Arlington will give your Lordship 
 your share of trouble, yet I could not omit the 
 charging my brother with a particular attendance 
 upon your Lordship from me, nor accompanying 
 him with these acknowledgements of your Lord- 
 ship's great favour and good opinion, even before 
 I had the honour of being known to you. I will 
 presume I have done nothing since to forfeit them, 
 as I had nothing before to deserve them ; and that 
 my late good fortunes at the Hague will help to 
 continue what my good fortune alone at Brussels 
 began, and my five days stay at London served to 
 improve in so great a degree. Yet, I will assure 
 your Lordship, if I can make any farther advance
 
 and other Ministers of State. 309 
 
 by the resentments of your favour, by my desires 
 to deserve it in the return of my best services, or 
 by the true honour and esteem of those qualities I 
 have discovered in your Lordship, upon so short 
 an acquaintance ; I am very far upon my way al- 
 ready. 
 
 But I will leave this subject, in the first place, 
 to congratulate with you upon another ; which is 
 the success of a counsel, wherein I observed your 
 Lordship and my Lord Arlington to have the most 
 steady bent, in promoting a resolution of his Ma- 
 jesty's which is on this side the water esteemed ge- 
 nerally the happiest and the wisest that could ever 
 have been taken by any Prince in such a conjunc- 
 ture, and upon respects not only of his own affairs, 
 but even those of all Christendom besides. It is 
 not fit for me to tell you much of what I hear of 
 this kind, or the applauses given to his Majesty and 
 his Ministers upon this occasion : to tell you all, I 
 am sure, would be endless ; but, from what I hear, 
 I cannot but raise at least a happy presage of a new 
 year, and a new ministry's running on together, 
 with a succession of the same honour and good 
 fortunes both to his Majesty and his kingdoms. 
 
 In the next place, I will, according to your or- 
 ders, give your Lordship an account of some par- 
 ticulars that fell into this great transaction, which 
 I thought not fit to trouble my Lord Arlington 
 with, as not perhaps proper, or of weight enough, 
 for the view of his Majesty or the foreign commit- 
 tee, and yet worth the knowledge or reflection of 
 some of his Ministers, in order to the conduct of 
 his Majesty's counsels hereafter, both in this and 
 other of his affairs. 
 
 I must tell your Lordship, that, in my first con- 
 ference with Monsieur de Witt since my return, I 
 began with telling him, that he could not but re- 
 member, when I passed this way last into England,
 
 310 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 I told him, upon what points his Majesty desir- 
 ed, with the greatest secrecy that could be, to 
 know his opinion, and by that to guess at what 
 might be the States, upon the present conjuncture 
 of affairs in Flanders ; to the end his Majesty 
 might accordingly take his own measures. That 
 his Majesty guessed, by the general carnage and 
 discourses of the Dutch Ambassadors at London, 
 the States were not willing to see Flanders over- 
 run by France, but could not find they had any 
 thing positive to say to him upon that subject: 
 that he had therefore sent me privately and plain- 
 ly to tell him his mind upon it, as to a man of ho- 
 nour, and who he believed would make no ill use 
 of it, and (if he thought fit) to know his sentiments 
 upon that affair. That, for his Majesty, he nei- 
 ther thought it for his own interest nor safety, nor 
 for that of the States, or of Christendom in gene- 
 ral, that Flanders should be lost ; and therefore 
 was resolved to do his utmost to preserve it, pro- 
 vided the States were of the same mind, and that 
 it might be done in conjunction between them; 
 and to that end desired to know, whether the States 
 would be content to enter into an alliance with 
 him, both defensive between themselves, and offen- 
 sive against France, for the preservation of Flan- 
 ders. That he (Monsieur de W itt) might remem- 
 ber, his answer to me was ; first, much applause of 
 his Majesty's resolution, great acknowledgement 
 of his confidence towards him by that communica- 
 tion, much assurance that the States would be of 
 the same mind, as to the preservation of Flanders, 
 which was their nearest interest next their own : 
 that he found both his Majesty and the States had 
 the same mind, as well as interest in this matter, 
 but that the distrusts, remaining upon the late 
 quarrel between them, had kept either of them 
 from beginning to enter frankly upon it. But since
 
 and other Ministers of State. 3 1 1 
 
 his Majesty had pleased to break it to him in a man- 
 ner so obliging, though he could not pretend to 
 tell me his Master's mind, yet he would his own : 
 which was, that the defence of Flanders was abso- 
 lutely necessary, but that it ought to be tried first, 
 rather by a joint mediation of a peace between the 
 two Crowns, than by a declaration of war ; but 
 that, if the first would not serve, it ought to come 
 to the other. That I knew France had already 
 offered a peace to the offices made by the States 
 upon an alternative at the choice of the Spaniards; 
 that he thought our mediation ought to be offered 
 to both Crowns upon that foot, to induce France 
 to make good their own offer, and Spain to accept 
 it. And that to this purpose he thought it very 
 necessary to make a strict alliance between his 
 Majesty and the States. 
 
 That, for making an offensive alliance, it could 
 not be ; for it was a maxim observed by this State, 
 never to make any, at least when they were in 
 peace ; that, for defensive leagues, they had them 
 with many Princes, and he believed would be ready 
 to enter into one with his Majesty ; and, though 
 he could not at all answer what would be the mind 
 of the States upon these points, yet he had told me 
 his ; and would add, that he was not usually mis- 
 taken in theirs, and that he would at least use all 
 his endeavours to bring the States to such opinions 
 and resolutions. 
 
 When I had said this, and observed by his ac- 
 tion and face that he assented to this recital of all 
 that had passed between us ; I asked him whether 
 this was all right, that I might know whether I had 
 mistaken nothing in representing his Majesty's 
 meaning to him, nor his to his Majesty. He an- 
 swered, that it was all right, and that he very well 
 remembered it, and much commended a method
 
 312 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 of proceeding so exact and sincere, by an endea- 
 vour to avoid all mistakes between us. 
 
 I then told him, that I had, upon my arrival in 
 England, represented all as faithfully to his Ma- 
 jesty as I had done to him ; and that upon it his 
 Majesty had taken so much confidence in his (Mon- 
 sieur de Witt's) opinion and judgment, as well as 
 in his credit with the States, that he had taken a 
 sudden and firm resolution upon it ; first, to join 
 with the States in the offer of a mediation between 
 the two Crowns, and upon such terms as they and 
 I should agree, but with a desire that they might 
 be as advantageous as the States could be induced 
 to, for the preservation of Flanders, and recovery 
 of such places as should be most necessary to it. 
 In the next place, to conclude a treaty, the strong- 
 est that could be between us, for obliging France 
 to accept the peace upon those terms, and in the 
 mean time for putting a stop to the course of their 
 arms in Flanders. But that his Majesty thought 
 it necessary to begin all this with a strict league 
 between him and the States, for their own mutual 
 defence, and to this purpose had sent me over as 
 his Envoy to the States with full powers, and the 
 draught of a defensive league between us ; but re- 
 fers the rest, for what touched Flanders, to what 
 the States and I should agree. 
 
 Monsieur de Witt received this discourse with 
 a countenance pleased, but yet, as I marked, some- 
 thing surprised, as if he expected not a return from 
 his Majesty so sudden s and so resolute. He said, 
 that the States would be much pleased with the 
 honour his Majesty did them, and the overture he 
 made them ; that I should chuse my time, when- 
 ever I desired it, for my audience ; and would pass 
 the forms of demanding it from the President of 
 the week : that he was still confident the States
 
 and other Ministers of State. 3 13 
 
 would enter with his Majesty into the mediation, 
 though France gave them hopes of succeeding by 
 their own: that the Provinces differed in opinion, 
 upon what terms the peace should be made : that 
 Utrecht was so bold as to think nothing but justice 
 ought to be considered in the case, that all that 
 France had conquered should be restored to Spain, 
 and their pretensions be referred to judgment or 
 arbitrage. But Holland, with most of the other 
 Provinces, were of another mind, and considering 
 their own present condition, as well as that of 
 France, thought it best to keep the French to 
 their own otter ; but he believed would come to 
 means of more force if France should recede from 
 what they themselves had advanced to the States. 
 That, for the defensive league between us, he did 
 not know whether the late sore were yet fit for such 
 an application, but would try the mind of the States. 
 That he doubted they would think it like to prove 
 too sudden a change of all their interests, and that 
 which would absolutely break them off from so old 
 and constant a friend as France, to rely wholly 
 upon so new and uncertain a friend, as England 
 had proved. 
 
 I told him, that the doing what he said, would 
 be the effect of any treaties of this nature between 
 us, let them be as tenderly handled and composed 
 as w r e could : that France would take it as ill of 
 us and of them, to be stopped in the remaining 
 conquest of Flanders, as to be forced out of all 
 they had already gained: that he knew very well, 
 it had been long their design, at any price, to 
 possess themselves of the Spanish Netherlands ; 
 and he knew as well that it was their interest to 
 do so, considering the advantages it would give 
 them over all the rest of Christendom; that it was 
 as much our interest to hinder it, and that nothing 
 could do it, but a firm conjunction between us:
 
 314 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 that the States part would be next after Flanders 
 was gone, and therefore they had now as much 
 need of being protected by England against 
 France, as they thought they had three or four 
 years ago of being protected by France against 
 England ; and that they had no other choice, but 
 either continuing their friendship with France till 
 they should see both Flanders and themselves 
 swallowed up by such a neighbour, or else change 
 their whole measures, and enter into the strictest 
 alliance with his Majesty for the preservation of 
 both; and let France take it as they pleased. 
 
 Monsieur de Witt confessed the designs of France 
 for the conquest of Flanders ; spoke of the treaties 
 they had made with the States in Cardinal Rich- 
 lieu' s time, and lately offered again, for partaging 
 it between them ; and said, he understood very 
 well the danger of such a counsel and neighbour- 
 hood, or else he should have fallen into them ; but 
 the ventures were great on the other side too ; that 
 the States were much more exposed than the King; 
 that the Spaniards were weak, and ill to be trusted 
 by the States, between whom there had never yet 
 been any better measures than barely those of the 
 Munster peace, after so great rancours and long 
 hostilities. That, though he believed the German 
 Princes would be glad of what his Majesty pro- 
 posed, yet he knew not how far Sweden might be 
 engaged in the measures with France, who lay here 
 at their backs in the duchy of Bremen. And, last of 
 all, though this resolution seemed now to be taken 
 by his Majesty and his Ministers, upon the surest 
 and wisest foundations, which were those of true 
 interest and safety ; yet no man knew how long 
 they might last. That, if they should break all 
 their measures with France, and throw themselves 
 wholly upon his Majesty by such a conjunction, 
 any change of counsels in England would be their
 
 and other Ministers of State. S 1 5 
 
 certain ruin. That he knew not this present mi- 
 nistry, and could say nothing to them ; but that he 
 knew the last too well. Upon which he said a 
 good deal of our uncertain conduct since his Ma- 
 jesty's return, and concluded that the unsteadi- 
 ness of counsels in England seemed a fatal thing 
 to our constitution ; he would not judge from 
 what grounds, mats que depuis le temps de la Reyne 
 Elisabct, iln'y avoileu qiC ime fluctuation perpetuelle 
 en la condutte de V Angleterre, atec laquelle on ne 
 pouvoit jamais prendre des me sure s pour deux annees 
 de temps. After this ended with some melancholy 
 that looked a little irresolute. I told him, that as 
 to their own interests, he knew them, and could 
 weigli them better than I ; that, after my audience 
 and first conference with Commissioners, I should 
 quickly see how the States would understand them, 
 in which I knew very well how great a part he 
 would have : that for our danger, I confessed they 
 would be first exposed to France, and we the last, 
 which made it reasonable they should make the 
 first pace to their safety. That for Sweden, I had 
 no orders to negotiate with them; but, being fully 
 instructed in his Majesty's general intentions, I 
 should befflad to see them strengthened all I 
 could ; and to that purpose, if he thought fit, I 
 would talk with the Count de Dona, the Swedish 
 Ambassador here, and see whether he had any 
 powers to engage their Crown in any common 
 measures foi the safety of Christendom ; that, if 
 by such a conjunction we could extend it to a triple 
 alliance among us, upon the same foundation, I be- 
 lieved lie would think it too strong a bar for France 
 to veil iu re on. That, for the unsteadiness of our 
 counsels, I would rather bewail than defend it ; 
 but that I should not have made this journey, if I 
 had not been confident that had been ended, and
 
 316 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 we now bottomed past any change or remove. 
 That I could not pretend to know any body's mind 
 certainly but my own ; but that upon this matter 
 I was as confident of his Majesty's, of your Lord- 
 ship's and my Lord Arlington's, as I was of my 
 own. Upon this occasion I said a great deal, not 
 only of the interests, but resentments, that had en- 
 gaged his Majesty and his Ministers in this coun- 
 sel ; and concluded that I was confident it could 
 never break, but would answer, if ever it did, it 
 should never be by my hand, and was as confident 
 I might answer the same for your Lordship and my 
 Lord Arlington, and that you would fall or stand 
 upon this bottom. 
 
 Monsieur de Witt seemed much satisfied with 
 what I had said; assured me, for his part, he would 
 give his hands towards a good conclusion of this 
 affair: that he would trust his Majesty's honour and 
 interest upon so great a conjuncture, as well as the 
 sincereness and constancy of his Ministers, whom 
 he could judge of by no other lights but what I 
 gave him ; made me compliments upon the great 
 confidence he had taken in me and my manner of 
 dealing, by what he had heard and seen of me since 
 the first visit I made him in my passage here, after 
 the end of the war ; and concluded that I should 
 see the Count Dona, and try how far Sweden was 
 to be engaged in this affair. 
 
 I tell your Lordship all these circumstances, that, 
 knowing where the difficulties have been, how they 
 have been overcome, and upon what advances on 
 my side this knot has been tied, your Lordship and 
 my Lord Arlington may the better know how to 
 support this affair, and make many others easy, by 
 recovering the credit of our conduct in England, 
 so far lost by the unsteadiness too truly laid to our 
 charge j and at least by your own constancy, in
 
 and other Ministers of State. 317 
 
 what you have begun, make good the characters 
 you have already in the world, and the assurances I 
 have given Monsieur de Witt upon your occasion. 
 
 That evening I went to the Count Dona, and 
 ran over all ceremonies of our characters, by going 
 straight into his chamber, taking a chair, and sit- 
 ting down by him before he could rise out of his. 
 I told him I hoped he would excuse the liberty 
 upon an errand wherein I thought both our Ma- 
 sters were concerned ; that ceremonies were in- 
 tended to facilitate business, and not to hinder it ; 
 that I knew nothing to make my seeing the other 
 Ambassadors at the Hague necessary, and so was 
 content with the difficulties had been introduced 
 between our characters ; but, thinking it abso- 
 lutely for my Master's service to enter into confi- 
 dence with his Excellency upon my errand here, 
 I had resolved to do it in this manner, and, if he 
 gave me leave, would pursue it as if our acquaint- 
 ance and commerce had been of never so long a 
 date. 
 
 The Count embraced me, gave me great thanks 
 for the honour I did him, made me compliments 
 upon so frank and confident a manner as I used 
 with him ; and said he was ready to return it upon 
 any thing that I should think fit to communicate 
 to him. 
 
 After this I entered into the detail of my whole 
 progress to that time, both in England and here ; 
 of his Majesty's reasons, of the common interests 
 of Christendom, of the reception my errand found 
 from Monsieur de Witt, and the hopes I had of 
 succeeding : of our discourses about engaging 
 Sweden in the same measures, and a desire of ex- 
 tending our league into a triple alliance among 
 us, for our own mutual defence, the safety of Flan- 
 ders, and thereby of Christendom. That I knew 
 how the Crown of Sweden had been treated of late
 
 3 1 8 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 years by France, how close they had kept to the 
 friendship with his Majesty, and how beneficial, as 
 well as honourable, such a part as this might prove 
 to them, by the particular use they might be of to 
 the Crown of Spain ; and that, upon any good oc- 
 casion, they might be sure of his Majesty's offices 
 and the States, who resolved to enter into this affair 
 without any other interest than that of the preser- 
 vation of Flanders, and thereby of their own safety, 
 and the common good. 
 
 The Count Dona professed to applaud his Ma- 
 jesty's counsel, to be confident that Sweden would 
 be content to go his pace in all the common affairs 
 of Christendom, which he was assured of by his own 
 instructions in general ; but that, such an affair as 
 this not being foreseen, he could have none upon 
 it: that, if it succeeded, he would make all the 
 paces he could to engage his Master in it, as what 
 he thought of honour and advantage to the com- 
 mon safety : but that he would return my frank- 
 ness to him with the same to me, in telling me that 
 he doubted my bringing it to an issue : that he 
 first doubted Monsieur de Witt's resolution, to 
 break upon any terms with France, and close with 
 England ; not only considering what had lately 
 passed between us, but the interests of the house 
 of Orange, which, he must ever believe, would, at 
 one time or other, be advanced by us ; whereas he 
 was sure to be supported against them by France: 
 therefore he believed, though he would not op- 
 pose it, because the States and people might run 
 into it ; yet he would find some means to elude 
 the conclusion or effect of it, without appearing 
 himself in any such design : that, in the next place, 
 since such a treaty could not be made by the States- 
 General, without first being sent to all the Pro- 
 vinces and towns for their approbation, and orders 
 upon it to their deputies j he did not see how it
 
 and other Ministers of State. 3 19 
 
 was possible for the French Ambassador to fail of 
 engaging some towns or Provinces against it, and 
 the opposition of any one of them would lose the 
 effect ; since no new treaty could be made, by the 
 constitutions here, without an universal consent. 
 That, however, he would not discourage me, but 
 wish me success with all his heart, upon many 
 reasons, and, among others, as being so much a 
 servant to the house of Orange, which could not 
 but profit by a conjunction between England and 
 Holland: and again promised, whenever I brought 
 it to a period, to use all his endeavours, and stretch 
 his powers as far as he could, towards engaging his 
 Master in the same measures with us. 
 
 In the second conference I had with Monsieur 
 de Witt, I acquainted him with what had passed 
 with Count Dona, which he seemed much pleased 
 with ; and said, though we could not expect he 
 should have powers so general as to conclude such 
 an affair, yet an instrument might be drawn up be- 
 tween us, whereby room may be left for Sweden 
 to enter as a principal into our alliance ; and the 
 Count de Dona had so much credit at his Court, 
 to recommend it there so as to succeed, especially 
 upon the hopes we must give him of obtaining 
 subsidies from Spain, which might countervail 
 what they might lose from France upon this oc- 
 casion. 
 
 I then fell upon the form of concluding this 
 treaty ; saying, I could easily foretel the fate of 
 it, if it must pass the common forms of being sent 
 by the several deputies to all their principals for 
 their result upon it : that I knew this would take 
 up a month or six weeks time, and that nothing 
 would be so easy as for the French Ambassador 
 to meet with it in running that circle, and by en- 
 gaging some one member, perhaps by money 
 thrown among the chief persons in some of the
 
 320 Letters ofS'w William Temple, 
 
 small towns, to prevent and ruin a counsel of the 
 greatest importance to Christendom, as well as to 
 our two nations, that had been on foot in many 
 ages : that unless the States-General would con- 
 clude and sign the treaty immediately, and trust 
 to the approbation of their several Provinces and 
 towns after it was done, I should give it for gone, 
 and think no more of it. 
 
 Monsieur de Witt seemed to think this impos- 
 sible ; said no such thing had ever been done since 
 the first institution of their commonwealth ; that, 
 though it was true, the States-General might sign 
 a treaty, yet they could not ratify it without re- 
 course to their principals, and that they should 
 venture their heads in signing it, if their principals, 
 not approving it, should question them for doing 
 it without orders ; that he hoped the forms might 
 be expedited in three weeks time, and that all care 
 that could be, should be taken to prevent the ad- 
 dresses of the French Ambassador among the 
 Provinces. 
 
 I cut the matter short, and told him, I continued 
 of my first opinion, to see it immediately agreed 
 between me and the Commissioners, and then 
 signed by the States, which might be done in four 
 or five days ; and that the deputies might safely 
 trust to the approbation of their principals in a 
 point of so great and evident public interest : that, 
 for my part, I knew not how this delay, and there- 
 by hazard, of the affair might be interpreted in 
 England, nor what change in my orders it might 
 produce : that I had now powers to conclude an 
 alliance of the last consequence to the safety of 
 Flanders and this State ; that, if it should miscarry 
 by the too great caution of the deputies in point 
 of form, for aught I knew they might venture their 
 heads that way, and more deservedly, than by sign- 
 ing at present what, all of them believed, would
 
 and otjm- Ministers of State. 321 
 
 not only he ratified, but applauded by their prin- 
 cipals. With this I left him ; and the rest that 
 passed in the progress of this affair, as well as in 
 my audience, or with the Commissioners, your 
 Lordship has it in my dispatch to my Lord Arling- 
 ton, to whom you will please to communicate these 
 more secret springs ; that, by knowing the concep- 
 tion, the forming, the throws, and birth of this 
 child, you may the better consult how it is to be 
 nourished till it grow to strength, and thereby fit 
 to atchieve those great adventures for which it 
 seems designed. 
 
 I am ever, with equal passion and truth, my 
 Lord, your Lordship's most faithful and most 
 humble servant. 
 
 To Mr. Godolphin. 
 
 Sir, Brussels, Jan. 28, N. S. 1668. 
 
 Though the interruption of our commerce hath 
 been long, yet I thought it necessary to renew it 
 at this time, and thereby let you know what has 
 lately broken it on my side, that you may not be- 
 lieve any interruption of yours has had a worse ef- 
 fect upon me of late, than it ever had before, being 
 an accident I have often been subject to. About 
 the end of last month, N. S. I passed through this 
 place witli private commission from his Majesty, 
 to sound the mind of the States in what concerns 
 the present quarrel between the two Crowns, and 
 how they were disposed to join with him in the 
 share of a war, or project of a peace, to be en- 
 deavoured by our joint offices between them. From 
 hence I went to London, with the private account 
 of what I had in charge. After five days stay there, 
 I was dispatched back, as his Majesty's Envoy ex- 
 traordinary to the States, with full power to treat 
 and conclude upon those points which his Majesty 
 vol. i. y
 
 322 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 esteemed necessary for our common safety, and 
 the repose of Christendom, in this conjuncture. 
 Upon the 6th I arrived here, had my first audience 
 on the 18th, and on the 2Sd were signed by me, 
 and the Commissioners given me by the States 
 with full powers, three several instruments of our 
 present treaty : the first containing a league de- 
 fensive and perpetual between his Majesty and the 
 States, against all persons without exception, that 
 shall invade either of them, with agreement to fur- 
 nish each other, upon occasion, with forty ships 
 of war, of which, fourteen between sixty and eighty 
 guns, and four hundred men a-piece, one with 
 another ; fourteen between forty and sixty guns, 
 and three hundred men a-piece ; and, of the other 
 twelve, none under thirty-six guns, and a hundred 
 and fifty men : besides this, with six thousand foot, 
 and four hundred horse, or money instead of them, 
 at the choice of the invaded, and to be repaid 
 within three years after the end of the war; the 
 proportions of money to the several parts of the 
 said aid being ascertained in the treaty. 
 
 The second instrument contains our joint obli- 
 gations to dispose France to make peace in Flan- 
 ders, upon one of the alternatives already proposed j 
 and likewise to dispose Spain to accept it, before 
 the end of May ; but, in case of difficulty made by 
 them, to dispose France, however, to stop all far- 
 ther progress of its own arms there, and leave it 
 wholly to the allies to procure the ends proposed 
 in this league. 
 
 The third instrument contains certain separate 
 articles between his Majesty and the States, signed 
 at the same time, and of the same force with the 
 treaty, but not to be committed to letters. 
 
 It is hardly imaginable, the joy and wonder con- 
 ceived here, upon the conclusion of this treaty, 
 brought to an issue in five days, nor the applause
 
 and other Ministers of Stale. 323 
 
 given to liis Majesty's resolution, as the wisest and 
 happiest that could, in this conjuncture, be taken 
 by any Prince, both for his own and his neighbours 
 affairs ; nor are the reflections upon the conduct 
 of it less to the advantage of the present ministry 
 in England j the thing being almost done here as 
 soon as my journey was known in London, and be- 
 fore my errand was suspected by any public Mi- 
 nister there. 
 
 Three days after our signing, the Swedish Am- 
 bassador signed another instrument jointly with 
 me and the States Commissioners, obliging his Ma- 
 ster to enter as a principal into the same alliance, 
 so soon as some pretensions he has from the Em- 
 peror and Spain are satisfied by our good offices 
 between them. After which Count Dona parted 
 as Ambassador likewise from that Crown for Enp;- 
 land, where the rest of that affair will be nego- 
 tiated ; and in his company my brother Henry 
 Temple, with the whole account of my business, 
 and the treaties signed in order to their ratifica- 
 tion, for which a month is allowed, though the 
 States promise theirs within fifteen days after the 
 date. When those arrive and are exchanged, I 
 return to my residence at Brussels, to see the issue 
 of this business, which now takes up the thoughts 
 and discourse of all Christendom, and from which 
 most Princes will resolve to take their measures. 
 
 I suppose my Lord Sandwich upon his way, and 
 therefore content myself only with giving you this 
 trouble, and the professions of my being, Sir, 
 your, &c. 
 
 To the King. 
 
 Hague, Jan. 29, N. S. 1G68. 
 May it please your Majesty, 
 
 In mv last passage hither, I had the honour of try- 
 ing your Majesty's yacht, in such a storm as that 
 
 Y 2
 
 324 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 never felt before, and a greater no man in her 
 pretended ever to have seen. The fortune of your 
 Majesty's affairs helped us to the discovery of a 
 pilot-boat at a distance from the coasts, that 
 brought us happily in ; without which, we had 
 passed such another night at sea, as I should not 
 care to do for any thing your Majesty could give 
 me, besides your favour, and the occasions of serv- 
 ing you : if we had miscarried, your Majesty had 
 lost an honest diligent Captain and sixteen poor 
 seamen, so beaten out with wet and toil, that the 
 compassion, I had then for them, I have still about 
 me, and assure your Majesty, that five or six more 
 will be necessary for your yacht, if you use her to 
 such passages as this ; but, for the rest, I believe 
 there is not such a boat in the world. She returns 
 with a long but final and happy account of my 
 business to my Lord Arlington, and with the 
 Count de Dona, who will be better company than 
 a long ill letter, and deserves your Majesty's wel- 
 come by his other qualities, as well as his particu- 
 lar devotions for your Majesty's person and ser- 
 vice. 
 
 I cannot end this letter without congratulating 
 with your Majesty upon the success of your reso- 
 lution which occasioned my journey hither, and 
 which is generally applauded here as the wisest and 
 happiest, both for your kingdoms and your neigh- 
 bours, and the most honourable to your Majesty's 
 person, that ever was taken upon any occasion, by 
 any Prince : and the strange success of it hath 
 been answerable to the rest of your Majesty's for- 
 tunes, and so amazing, that the expressions made 
 of it here, every hour, are altogether extraordinary, 
 not to say extravagant. 
 
 God of heaven continue your Majesty's good 
 health, and good counsels, and good fortunes ; and 
 then I shall have nothing more to wish, but that
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 32 j 
 
 you may pardon the faults, and accept of the hum- 
 ble and hearty devotions of, Sir, your Majesty's 
 most loyal and most obedient subject and servant. 
 
 To Monsieur Gourville. 
 
 Hague, Feb. 7, 
 N. S. 1668. 
 I have just received (by the 
 JRhingrave's favour) yours of 
 the 28th past, and am extreme 
 glad to have yet some place in 
 your memory, after so many 
 diversions in Germany, which 
 use to make one forget things 
 of much greater importance. 
 But all this was necessary to 
 comfort me for your absence, 
 Avhich I believe you have or- 
 dered, with design for all my 
 journeys into Holland ; this is 
 now the third I have made 
 since that of Breda, without 
 ever meeting you there ; you, 
 I say, who are not able to live 
 three months without going 
 thither, though you are forced 
 for it to leave the Ladies and 
 the orange-trees at Brussels. 
 
 I can tell you no news ; the 
 Duke of Lunenburg's Resident 
 having assured me that he has 
 sent you word of the conclu- 
 sion of our treaty here, where- 
 of I every day expect the ra- 
 tifications. They will needs 
 have me pass here for one of 
 great abilities, for having fi- 
 nished and signed in 'Cw^ days 
 a treaty of such importance to 
 
 A Monsieur de Gourville. 
 
 De la Haye, 7 Fevr. 
 S. N. 1668. 
 JE viens de recevoir, par les 
 soins obligeans de Monsieur le 
 Rkingrave, votre lettre du 28 
 du passe ; 8? je me rejou'is 
 extremement d'occupier encore 
 quelque place dans votre sou- 
 venir, apres tant de divertis- 
 semens goutez en Allemagne ; 
 ce ne seroit pas la premiere Jbis 
 quits auroient Jait oublier des 
 choses plus importantes que ma 
 personne : niais il nefaltoit pas 
 moins que les plaisirs que je 
 say que vous avez goutez, S; la 
 nouvelle marque que vous me 
 donnez de votre amitie, pour me 
 consoler de votre absence ; je 
 croy an rcste que vous I'aviez 
 concerfee avee tons mes voyages 
 en Hollande ; car void le troi- 
 sieme que j'y fais depuis ccli/y 
 de Breda, sans vous y trouver, 
 vous dis-je, qui ne pouviez passer 
 trois mois sans y allcr, quand 
 mane il auroit Jallu pour ccla 
 quitter vos orangcrs *,- les niig- 
 nonncs de Bruxelles. 
 
 Je nay point de nowelles a 
 vous mander ; le Resident de 
 Lunebourg m'ayant assure qu'/l 
 vous avoit appris la conclusion 
 du traite que ?ious avons fait icy: 
 fat/ens ile jour en jour les ratifi- 
 cations. On vent a toute force 
 mejaire passer icy pour habile 
 homme, (i cause que j' ay achevc 
 iV sign? en cinq jours un traite 
 si important pour toute la Chre-
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 326 
 
 Christendom : but I will tell 
 you the secret of it : to draw- 
 things out of their center re- 
 quires labour and address to 
 put them in motion ; but, to 
 make them return thither, na- 
 ture helps so far, that there 
 needs no more than just to set 
 them a-going. Now, I think, 
 a strict alliance is the true cen- 
 ter of our two nations. There 
 was also another accident, 
 which contributed very much 
 to this affair, and that was, 
 a great confidence arisen be- 
 tween the Pensioner and me ; 
 he is extremely pleased with 
 me, and my sincere open way 
 of dealing ; and I with all 
 the reason in the world am in- 
 finitely pleased with him up- 
 on the same score : and look 
 on him as one of the great- 
 est genius's I have known, 
 as a man of honour, and the 
 most easy in conversation, as 
 well as in business. In short, 
 the two nations are closer uni- 
 ted than if there never had 
 been a war. For affairs in ge- 
 neral I can tell you nothing, 
 but that our common design 
 is to give peace to all Christen- 
 dom, so that if France pleases, 
 they may have it this spring ; 
 if not (as Monsieur d'Estra- 
 des says, at least not after our 
 fashion) they may have their 
 fill of the war. For the con- 
 vention at Aix, I can tell you 
 nothing till we get an answer 
 from France and Brussels, 
 where we have already sent 
 advice of our defensive league, 
 and of our treaty or project of 
 the peace. 
 
 tiente : mats je vous diray le 
 secret ; quand on arrache les 
 choses de leur centre, ilfaut du 
 terns $ de la peine, $ meme de 
 Vaddresse pour les Jaire mou- 
 voir ; metis lors qu'il n'est que- 
 stion que de les y ramener, la 
 nature y aide si puissamntent, 
 qu'il nejciut quasi que leur don- 
 ner le branie : or,je croy qu'une 
 ctroite alliance est le centre de 
 nos deux natiotis. II y a encore 
 un accident qui a fort contribue 
 c) cette affaire ; cest la parfaite 
 confiance qui nous a reciproque- 
 ment uni, Monsieur le Pension- 
 naire &? moy : il se loue de moy 
 <!y de ma maniere d'agir, qui, 
 comme vous savez, est toujours 
 franche d? ouverte ; Sf moy, je 
 me loue infiniment de luy ; jen 
 ay toutcs les raisons du monde, 
 fy je dois a loute sa conduite les 
 eloges qu'il donne a la mienne ; 
 je le regarde comme un des plus 
 grand genies que jay connus, 
 avec cela, tres homme de bien ; 
 d'un commerce tgalement aise 
 soit dans les negotiations, soit 
 dans la conv rsalion. Erifin la 
 corifiance est presentement reta- 
 blie entre les deux nations ; Sf 
 je la croy meme plus enticre. que 
 s'il n'y avoit jamais en de guerre. 
 Pour les affaires generates, je 
 ne vous saurois dire autre chose, 
 si non, que notre dessein una- 
 nime est de donner la paix & la 
 tranquillite d toute la Chrctien- 
 te ; de sorte que si la France le 
 vent, clle I'aura ce printems ; si 
 ellc ne le veut pas [a in si que dit 
 Monsieur le Comtc d' Eslrades, 
 qui ajoute, que du moins ce ne 
 sera pas d'/ine paix de noire 
 foacon) rile aura tout son saoul 
 de guerre. Touchant la con- 
 vention a Aix jusqu' a ce que
 
 and other Ministers of State. 327 
 
 nons ayons response de France 
 4* de Bruxelles, je ne vous en 
 saurois rien dire. Nous leur 
 avons deja donne avis de notre 
 ligue defensive, Sf de notre traite 
 ou projet de paix. 
 This at least may serve for Du moins cecy servira a four- 
 a new health at your German nir une nouvelle sante dans vos 
 feasts, when the old ones are festins Al/emans, lorsque les an- 
 gone round ; and will at the ciennes auront [fait leur ronde 
 same time help to put you in accoutumee ; Sf cela vous faira 
 mind of, Sir, your, &c. en mcme terns souvenir de, Mon- 
 
 sieur, votre, Sfc. 
 
 To my Lord Arlington. 
 
 My Lord, Hague, Feb. 12, N. S. 1668. 
 
 The arrival of the ratifications here was received 
 with the same dispositions of general satisfaction 
 and joy, that the treaty was concluded : those of 
 the States will, I doubt, be something later ready, 
 though occasioned only by a delay in the assembly 
 of the States of Friezland and Zealand ; but new 
 dispatches were yesterday sent away for hastening 
 both ; and Monsieur de Witt assures me, the 20th 
 of this month will be the latest I shall expect them, 
 and he hopes all may be ready something sooner. 
 I shall press it all I can possibly, and, immediately 
 after the exchange made, shall demand my au- 
 dience of Conge, and away to Brussels to pursue 
 his Majesty's instructions there ; I cannot tell with 
 what success, because I know not with what mien 
 the Marquis has entertained our project of the 
 peace, nor yet having heard one word from him in 
 answer to all I have writ upon this subject. 1 wish 
 some of his visions may not give it another face 
 than what it ought, I am sure, to receive from the 
 true present state of the Spanish affairs; for, in that 
 case, I know his way of arguing so well, as to ex- 
 pect he should say there is no reason for them to
 
 328 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 give money to lose their towns ; but that, in case 
 his Majesty will enter into their defence, he shall 
 want no money the Indies can give him ; therefore, 
 he must be plied on that side by the Count of Mo- 
 lina and Baron de l'Isola, as well as by me here ; 
 and not only disposed to accept the alternative, but 
 to receive it as the greatest effect at present of his 
 Majesty's good-will to the preservation of Flanders, 
 and step towards a future defensive league between 
 us and them, and Holland, for the general safety 
 of the Spanish Crown. 
 
 Though I shall not fail of my part in pressing all 
 these points on this side, yet the impressions will 
 be easier given the two Ministers there than the 
 Marquis here, as persons something more substan- 
 tial in their conceptions upon this point; and will 
 have more weight upon his Excellency, coining 
 from their own Ministers, than from me : for the 
 point of money to be furnished by the States upon 
 the towns of Guelderland, the whole matter was 
 dismissed by Monsieur de Witt till the Marquis's 
 acceptance of our project was declared; upon which 
 the Baron de Bargeyck will return to pursue it, 
 and, in case of a war, by obstinacy of the French 
 refusal, I doubt not but the matter will be easy, 
 the Marquis offering Ruremond and Venlo, though 
 Monsieur de Witt insists, as yet, upon the fort of 
 Gelre, and two others by Sluys, which the Marquis 
 says he has no power to treat upon. 
 
 For their opinion of the French expedition into 
 the Franche Compte they seem little startled at it, 
 believing it may the more incline the Spaniards to 
 receive our offices for the peace according to the 
 treaty ; and that possibly some exchange may be 
 found convenient for the Spaniards between parts 
 of the Franche Compte and those towns of Flan- 
 ders which are now in the French possession, and 
 lie in the very bowels of the rest of that dominion j
 
 and other Ministers of State. 329 
 
 which are Courtray,Tournay,Oudenard, and Aeth ; 
 for the rest, they resolve to make good the peace to 
 the Spaniards, without the loss of any thing more, 
 than was actually in the French hands at the time 
 of our treaty being signed, whatever new progresses 
 they may make before the conclusion; and, in case 
 France shall refuse, or seek evasions, I do not be- 
 lieve they will be the least backward from entering 
 into the war. 
 
 I should formerly have marked that all which is 
 digested in our treaty, and that is to pass in our 
 negotiation with France upon this occasion, the 
 States avoid calling our parts a mediation; because 
 they say that seems to import a neutrality, whereas, 
 upon the failing of our offices towards a peace, we 
 are to take our parts in a war. 
 
 For the method and manner of our joining to- 
 gether in pursuit of the war, if it grow to engage 
 us by the French refusal, Monsieur de Witt tells 
 me frankly his opinion is, for us to enforce the 
 towns of Flanders by such of our troops as will be 
 necessary to defend them, or at least to draw on 
 long and expensive sieges, and, in the mean time, 
 with our several fleets to make the sharpest im- 
 pressions we can upon some of their coasts, and 
 seize some of their towns, and force them that way 
 to necessary divisions and diversions of their forces, 
 as well as give countenance to whatever discon- 
 tents may arise among them at home, upon such 
 an occasion. Upon my arguing that an impression 
 would be the sharper and the safer, perhaps, if it 
 were made by our fleets in one place, but with 
 joint forces ; lie said, he did not see how our fleets 
 could possibly join, for the point of the pavilion ; 
 and fell into a good deal of discourse upon that 
 matter, as the only, now left, that could ever oc- 
 casion any dispute among us ; being, at length, 
 bottomed upon our mutual interest, and thewran-
 
 330 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 gling about little points of commerce being taken 
 away. All I could draw from him upon the point 
 of the pavilion was, that they would give all to the 
 King's ships at sea, which theirs or any other Am- 
 bassadors gave to his own person in his kingdom, 
 where his dominion was as absolute as he could 
 pretend it to be in the narrow seas ; which is, to 
 uncover first, and cover last; so that all their ships 
 should vail to ours when they met, in case ours 
 w T ould in return take down the pavilion as a civility 
 to theirs afterwards ; and theirs should remain 
 vailed, till we had set up our pavilion again. I 
 told him I could say nothing to that matter, which 
 I knew was very delicate ; but that, if ever we 
 agreed in that point, I thought it must not be by 
 articles or treaties, but by concert between the 
 Ministers of each side ; as for the States, first to 
 give absolute orders to all their Captains to vail to 
 the King's ships, whenever they met them in the 
 narrow seas ; and, at the same time, to signify so 
 much to his Majesty in a letter of compliment, 
 and as a resolution taken upon consideration of so 
 near and happy an alliance, as was now entered 
 into between the nations : upon which his Majesty 
 might consider, what returns of civility he would 
 be content his Captains should make an ally so 
 near, as this State was now likely ever to be to the 
 Crown of England. 
 
 Monsieur de Witt was willing to fall into any 
 expedient, and said, that, whenever I came into 
 England, he would hope I might bring this last 
 matter to pass as happily as I had done all the rest ; 
 that his Majesty should find he would be wanting 
 in nothing that the point of civility or deference 
 might require in this matter, provided it were 
 without acknowledging our pretensions to the 
 dominion of the sea, which they must die rather 
 than do ; but, in what should pass, they would
 
 and other Ministers of State. 331 
 
 leave us to our interpretations, and keep them- 
 selves to theirs. 
 
 For the provisional articles, according to my 
 word, which made way for the treaty's conclusion, 
 I told Monsieur de Witt his Majesty had in his 
 answer given me leave to do it, with an article for 
 the meeting of Commissioners, at both parties de- 
 sire, to complete what should be defective, and 
 change what should be found inconvenient, and 
 cut off any thing that should be superfluous, so as 
 it might appear to be an original treaty between 
 us, which would be more for our honour than to 
 copy after the French : that, though his Majesty 
 had given me this leave, in compliance to the States, 
 yet he had rather the thing should now be left to 
 Commissioners for these ends, than concluded with 
 reference to them hereafter. I made his Majesty's 
 concession in this point easy for these two ends ; 
 that either they, finding his Majesty indifferent in 
 it, might grow so too ; men being commonly apt 
 to pull the harder, the faster another holds: or else 
 (if they resolved to insist upon it, since I was al- 
 ready engaged) to value a thing which costs his 
 Majesty nothing for as much obligation as I could 
 to the States, which might make way for some ma- 
 terial return upon another occasion. 
 
 Monsieur de Witt seemed very much pleased at 
 his Majesty's compliance with them in this point; 
 and said, if I knew his Majesty's pleasure in any 
 particulars which he desired should be added, or 
 any others changed for common convenience, he 
 desired me to tell him, and doubted not but we 
 should end it in twenty-four hours; but he was un- 
 willing it should fall into other hands, or remain 
 undone, for the reasons I mentioned in one of my 
 last. After much discourse, and no May left to 
 avoid the thing, we agreed it should be done, but 
 with an ample article for the meeting of Commis-
 
 332 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 sioners for those foresaid ends ; and, after the per- 
 petuity, I will endeavour to get in these words, 
 Aid quousque saltern ex utriusque partis consensu 
 indicentur commissarii, or some words to that pur- 
 pose. And likewise, in the preamble of this sepa- 
 rate instrument, some expressions of this kind : Ut 
 omnibus innotescat quam sincerd sanctdquejide nuper 
 contractce amicitice, non modo in pra , sens, sed in pos- 
 teros, colendce cavere voluerunt: and, ad divellenda 
 penitus qucecunque non modo dissensionum, sed et 
 litium et altercationum semina : and, ad prceciden- 
 dam spem omnem, et expectationem, quorumcun- 
 gue, prcedictam amicitiam novis alter cationibus la- 
 bejactatam iri, interesse possit. Which are things 
 that come now only into my head, but shall be di- 
 gested against we meet to-morrow upon this occa- 
 sion. And this is all that is possible for me to do in 
 this matter, and which at least is likely to hasten the 
 exchange of the ratifications, and to leave our al- 
 liance the clearest, firmest, and most confident, 
 that can be. I confess I am troubled that it can- 
 not be otherwise, because your Lordship says, his 
 Majesty would rather have had it so : and, if you 
 had not sent me, after the treaty's arrival, an ex- 
 planation of what was written to me in an unin- 
 telligible cypher, it had been so, and my words had 
 been safe; but I think it had been worse in leaving 
 a dissatisfaction between us, which is now avoided: 
 and I find my Lord Keeper, in a letter to me, seems 
 to put no weight upon it, if done in the manner 
 mentioned ; and I know you both put a great deal 
 upon any person's (employed by his Majesty) being, 
 and passing for, an honest man. 
 
 No post going from hence till the end of the 
 week, I have resolved to dispatch this by the yacht 
 that brought over my brother, whose orders it seems 
 are to return immediately : but I know not how to 
 find the safe conveyance for the Dutch ratifica-
 
 and other Ministers of State. 333 
 
 tions, unless another yacht be sent for them about a 
 week or ten days hence; and to that end I shall leave 
 them with Mr. Carter at my Lord Craven's house 
 here, and who does all his Lordship's business, who 
 shall deliver them to any person that brings a letter 
 from your Lordship to that purpose. This, I think, 
 will be much better, than to venture them with me 
 in my journey to Brussels, or upon a passage from 
 thence. I am ever, my Lord, yours, &c. 
 
 P. S. I had forgot the mention of this inclosed 
 memorial, given in yesterday to the States, and by 
 their order sent me with a compliment, They would 
 receive nothing without communicating it to me : 
 they resolve, upon the Marquis's answer for the 
 treating at Aix, to send likewise thither, but refer 
 the qualities or number of persons to the Marquis's 
 intentions of going himself, or sending some dele- 
 gate ; and that I suppose will depend upon Don 
 Juan's coming over. In the mean time, the States 
 are absolutely of opinion with me, that no treaty 
 can begin with good intentions on the French side, 
 unless they consent to a suspension of arms while 
 it lasts ; and therefore, that the force of our joint 
 instances at Paris is to be put upon that point. 
 
 To Sir Orlando Bridgman, Lord Keeper. 
 
 My Lord, Hague, Feb. 12, N. S. 1668. 
 
 I received by my brother the honour of your 
 Lordship's, and therein the testimony of your fa- 
 vour to me in a manner so obliging, and indeed al- 
 together extraordinary, that I know as little how 
 to acknowledge, as to deserve it ; and therefore I 
 shall not enlarge myself upon a subject, where I am 
 sure not to succeed as 1 desire ; but leave it to 
 time, and the constancy of my services, to express 
 how very sensible I am of what I owe, and how
 
 334 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 great a value I place upon that part your Lordship 
 is pleased to allow me in your good opinion and 
 memory, of which I beg the continuance, esteem- 
 ing them among the very best of my possessions. 
 
 I have written to my Lord Arlington at large, 
 upon the confidence of this safe conveyance by the 
 return of the yacht, which will give your Lord- 
 ship your share of trouble, but, withal, a full pro- 
 spect of the dispositions here, and consequently the 
 present as well as future estate of our alliance, if it 
 be pursued with the same directness it has been con- 
 tracted ; and the happy continuance whereof, I am 
 perfectly of your Lordship's mind, is the true in- 
 terest of both nations, and will be the surest sup- 
 port of his Majesty's honour, and the kingdom's 
 safety, as well as satisfaction. The expression your 
 Lordship pleases to make, of endeavouring, in your 
 station, the inviolable observation of it, I shall va- 
 lue, before I part, to Monsieur de Witt and the 
 other Commissioners, as it deserves, which will be 
 easy to do : for I dare say very truly, that the ge- 
 neral opinion, conceived here of your Lordship's 
 and my Lord Arlington's honour and sincerity, 
 and unbiassed pursuit of the true interest of the 
 kingdom, has very much contributed to the suc- 
 cess of my late negotiation, and been indeed the 
 spring of any honour, that your Lordship or any 
 others may attribute to me in the conduct of it. 
 
 It will not become me to take no notice of those 
 repeated offers your Lordship pleases to make, in 
 a fashion so extremely obliging, to favour me in 
 any of my own concernments ; and therefore I 
 shall humbly recommend to you the countenan- 
 cing my wife in her pursuing the payment of my 
 ordinary allowances while I am abroad ; since the 
 narrowness of my own fortunes (while it pleases 
 God to continue my father's life to us) will not 
 suffer me to serve his Majesty without troubling
 
 and other Ministers of State. 335 
 
 him, as I am forced to do, whenever five or six 
 months of my ordinaries are grown in arrears. 
 Therefore, upon your Lordship's engagement, I will 
 tell my wife, she may beg your countenance to her 
 when she begins her next pursuit of that kind ; 
 and, that you may the more confidently own your 
 favouring me in this point, I will assure your Lord- 
 ship, his Majesty shall never be troubled with any 
 pursuits of mine, farther than what he has pleased 
 to make my due, by any ordinary establishment, 
 though lower than that of a much cheaper country, 
 as I am informed ; but that is very indifferent to 
 me ; for I am perfectly content to live just in the 
 posture his Majesty thinks fit I should, while I serve 
 him ; and very willing to spend his allowance and 
 my own revenue, but no more ; which is the plain 
 truth of my story. And, I doubt, now the funds 
 at Antwerp fail, out of which I have been hitherto 
 paid by my Lord Arlington's favour to me, some- 
 thing against the Commissioners inclination, I may 
 find longer attendances upon the Exchequer, for 
 that is grown or growing due, than my occasions 
 will suffer, which makes me use this liberty to 
 your Lordship ; though I should not have done 
 it, had you not now twice, and of yourself, en- 
 couraged me. 
 
 For the obliging message my brother brought 
 me likewise from your Lordship's favour to me, 
 besides my acknowledgements, I shall only say 
 that* what your Lordship pleased to mention, 
 would be as agreeable to my inclinations as any 
 thing I know ; but I shall never presume to ask 
 any thing of that kind from his Majesty, no more 
 than of any other, referring my station, and every 
 thing else, wholly to his pleasure and choice, while 
 I have the honour of serving him : besides, I find 
 
 * It was that he should be Secretary of State.
 
 3S6 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 every body here and in Flanders designs another 
 post for me, at least for a month or two this spring, 
 if the treaty happens to be at Aix ; believing, that, 
 having had so much part in what has been done 
 already, I am likely to have some part in that too : 
 and I confess, because people are fallen into this 
 thought, I may take the contrary for a mark of his 
 Majesty's not being satisfied with me in what is 
 past ; and, because I am by advance instructed in 
 the business, and acquainted with persons, I should 
 be very well pleased with it, if his Majesty finds 
 none to serve him better, especially if, by the 
 Marquis's going thither himself, his Majesty should 
 find it fit to send a person of great quality to main- 
 tain the port of the employment, and give me my 
 part under his shade. 
 
 I am ashamed to have said all this of myself and 
 my concernments ; and beseech your Lordship to 
 remember, that you have drawn it all from me ; 
 and, after that, to forget it all, if you please. For, 
 to say the truth, I am very well as I am, being of 
 so dull a complexion, that I do not remember any 
 station or condition of life I have been in these 
 dozen years, which I have not been pleased with, 
 and a little unwilling to leave. However, what 
 thoughts of this kind your Lordship shall have of 
 me, I desire you will please to communicate them 
 to my Lord Arlington, to whose favour I have 
 been long obliged : and whatever your two Lord- 
 ships shall think fit in my disposal, will be ever 
 perfectly welcome to, my Lord, your, &c. 
 
 To my Lord Keeper. 
 
 My Lord, Hague, Feb. 13, N. S. 1668. 
 
 Since the writing of your Lordship's letter, and 
 
 the sealing up of my Lord Arlington's pacquet, I 
 
 have been so far pressed by my Monsieur de Witt,
 
 and other Ministers of State. 357 
 
 to send him the article for meeting Commissioners, 
 I desired might be added to the provisional arti- 
 cles in a new instrument, that I have been fain to 
 digest it as well as I could, according to my Lord 
 Arlington's instructions and your Lordship's since 
 given me in your letter. I thought fit likewise to 
 draw up a preamble to it, whereby it might ap- 
 pear, that the intention of this agreement was only 
 an effect of our mutual kindness, and for pre- 
 vention of any disputes that might possibly arise 
 to interrupt it, and for cutting off all our enemies 
 hopes ever to see us any more make way for their 
 ends by our future dissension. I will send your 
 Lordship a copy on the other side of this sheet, 
 of both preamble and article, which I have been 
 forced to draw up as hastily as I could ; and hope, 
 if Monsieur de Witt thinks fit to pass it in this 
 form, it will be in all points of more honour and 
 advantage to us, even than to have had it all omit- 
 ted. I desire your Lordship to communicate all 
 this to my Lord Arlington, and to excuse this 
 trouble, by reason of his Lordship's pacquet being 
 already sealed up. I am ever, &c. 
 
 Procemium tractatus inter Anglos et Hollandos, 
 Feb. 13, 1668. 
 
 Quandoquidem, annuenle divind gratia, et conspi- 
 rante mutuarum rerum salute, a'que ac Christian} or- 
 bis jam temporis necessitate, vigesimo tertio die Ja- 
 
 nuariiproximeelapsi, inter sercnissimum et 
 
 conclusion et si^natum sit flatus pcrpetuum defensi- 
 vum, jbrlissimis utrinque tarn mart quam terra prw- 
 standis au i iliis commiinitum. Kodemque die alioque 
 instrumento, de rerum vicinarum tr an quilli late, pace - 
 
 que orbiC/iristiano restiluendd, inter pra'dictum 
 
 c/ proms a>iiv:i.s onsultum etconvcntumjiieril, 
 
 adcoque nihil aliud prolinus sapcresse videatur, quod- 
 
 VOL. 1. 7
 
 338 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 tarn mutud voluntate coiiflatam amicitiam et necessi- 
 tudinem ullo demum tempore interpellate poterit, 
 prceter controversias de mercimoniorum speciebus 
 hinc hide redigendis forsitan oritur as, et ex incertd 
 vel ambigud ejusmodi rerum utrinque adjudicatione 
 forsitan etiam promovendis. Quo autem omnibus in- 
 notescat qudm sincerd sanctdque jide prwdictus et 
 nuper conjlatce amicitice non modb inprcesens sed 
 et ad posteros colendce cavere voluerint, jamdemum 
 ad divellenda quodcunque non modb dissensionum sed 
 vel altercationum semina, pr&cidendamque penitus 
 eorum spem aut expectationem quorumcunque demiim 
 prcedictam amicitiam novis litibus concussam aut labe- 
 factatam iri, inter esse poterit : in subsequentes articu- 
 los utrinque conventum est, qui pro norma et reguld 
 ejusmodi rerum maritimarum et mercaturcu hinc inde 
 redigendce mutub et perpeiub observabuntur, aut 
 quousque saltern ex ulriusque partis arbitrio et con- 
 sensu Commissarii indicentur et coiweniant, ad ube- 
 riorem eis de rebus omnibus navigationisque legibus 
 tractatum, et communi utrinque commodo et ulteriore 
 experientid dirigendum. 
 
 Seqimntur articuli. 
 
 Conclusio. 
 
 Cum autem rerum omnium et conventionum com- 
 moda aut inconunoda non nisi tractu temporis mutuce- 
 que experiential documentis penitus indagari pote- 
 runt; conventum itaque est lit quocunque demiim tem- 
 pore utrique parti id visum Jiierit, ex communi con- 
 sensu indict et convenire poterunt utrinque delegati 
 Commissarii, quorum euro? erit et operis quodcunque. 
 in supra memoratis arliculis defecisse reperietur, sup- 
 plere, quodcunque autem incongruum et utrinque in- 
 commodum, mutare aut cirevmscribere, et uberiorem 
 demum hisce de rebus omnibus tractatum absohere 
 prorsus et perlimare.
 
 and other Ministers of State. 339 
 
 To the States at first Audience. 
 High and Mighty Lords, 
 
 Whereas his Majesty of Great Britain, the King 
 my Master, hath already found the good effects of 
 the late peace, concluded at Breda with your High 
 and Mighty Lordships, by the general satisfaction 
 of his Majesty's subjects, as well as his own, and 
 doubts not but your Lordships have likewise found 
 the same effects among your people in general, as 
 well as among yourselves : his Majesty esteems no- 
 thing more likely to increase the mutual satisfac- 
 tion, nor to assure the safety of both nations, than 
 an increase of the confidence and friendship al- 
 ready contracted between his Majesty and your 
 Lordships, by a stricter and firmer alliance at this 
 time. 
 
 And, whereas his Majesty, contented with those 
 great and powerful kingdoms and dominions, which 
 Almighty God has given him by an undisputed 
 succession, covets nothing from his neighbours, nor 
 has other thoughts or wishes, besides those of the 
 common peace and repose of Christendom ; his 
 Majesty finds himself, in this conjuncture, sensi- 
 bly touched by the calamities so many others are 
 like to feel from the continuance of the war lately 
 broken out between the neighbour Crowns, and 
 which, in course of time, cannot but involve most 
 of the Princes and States of Christendom, unless 
 the flame be quenched before it rise too high. 
 And his Majesty believes, that nothing can so 
 much contribute towards a safe and sudden com- 
 posure of that quarrel, nor consequently restore 
 the peace of Christendom, as a joint mediation of 
 his Majesty with your High and Mighty Lordships 
 (together with each other's allies) between the two 
 Crowns, now in war. 
 
 z 2
 
 S40 
 
 Letters of Sir 1 Villi am Temple, 
 
 Upon these two considerations, his Majesty hath 
 thought fit to send me to your Lordships with full 
 powers to treat and conclude upon what shall be 
 found necessary, between his Majesty and your 
 Lordships, in the adjustment of all matters tending 
 to these great ends. And since nothing can bring 
 these negotiations to be of effect, so much as the 
 suddenness of their conclusion, I desire your Lord- 
 ships to appoint such Commissioners as you shall 
 think fit, with whom I may fall upon the treaty of 
 these matters, and to whom I am ready to expose 
 the full powers which his Majesty, the King my 
 Master, has given me upon this occasion. 
 
 At my Audience of Leave to the 
 States-General. 
 
 High and Mighty Lords, 
 His Majesty of Great Britain 
 the King my Master, having 
 seen so happily finished, and in 
 so few days, three several trea- 
 ties with your High and Migh- 
 ty Lordships ; by which the 
 common security of both nati- 
 ons is established, the seeds of 
 all new differences entirely root- 
 ed out, and the way laid open 
 to the peace of Christendom, 
 in case our neighbours proceed 
 with the same good faith , where- 
 with we have begun : his Ma- 
 jesty thinks he has no farther 
 occasion for my services here, 
 because Ministers are only pro- 
 per for fastening and cement- 
 ing a confidence and friend- 
 ship : whereas ours is so firmly 
 established, as not to require 
 anv, even the most ordinary 
 supports. 
 
 For this reason, his Majesty 
 has ordered my return to Brus- 
 sels, there to pursue, in concert 
 
 A mon Audience de Conge aux 
 Estats Generaux. 
 
 Hauls et Puissans Seigneurs, 
 Sa Majeste le Roy de la Grande 
 Brctagne mon maitre, ayant vu 
 conclurre si heureusement, 8f en 
 si pen de jours, trois divers trai- 
 tez aved V. H. # P. S. par les- 
 quels la surete commune des deux 
 nations vient d'etre retablie; les 
 semences de toutes Is nouvellcs 
 discordesentierementderacinees, 
 Sf le chemin a la paix Sf au repos 
 ouvert pour la Chretiente, en ca>: 
 que nos voisins s'y portent arc:: 
 la mhnefoy Sf la menu 'franchise 
 qui nous Va dejafait acheminer ; 
 sa yiajeste croit n' avoir plus be- 
 soin de moy en ce lieu, puisquc 
 les Ministres ne servent &; ue 
 sont proprcs qu a cimenteret cn- 
 tretenirlaconfian.ee; maisla no- 
 ire se volt etablie sur de si so- 
 lides fondemens qu'elle n'aura 
 plus besoin des appuis ni de- 
 aides ordinaires. 
 
 Cest pourquoy sa Majeste or- 
 donne mon retour a Brus,sc/lcs y 
 pour y poursmvre de concert
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 341 
 
 with your Lordships, in favour avec V. S. enjaveur de nos voi- 
 oi' our neighbours, what we sins, ce que nous venons de con- 
 have hero concluded for our- clurrc icy pour nous mimes ;mais 
 selves. But his Majesty has elle m'a commande sur mon de~ 
 commanded me, upon my de- part d'assurer V. S. de sa part, 
 parture, to assure your Lord- qiu i comme nnr chose n' 'est jamais 
 .ships from him, that, as all mieuxconserv'ceque par lesprin- 
 things are best preserved by cipcs qui Vontjait naitre, aussi 
 the same means they are be- sa Majeste ne manquera pas 
 gun, so his Majesty will not d'observer constamment tout ce 
 fail for ever to observe what he qui vient d'etre conclu, S? cela 
 has now concluded, with the avec autant de bonne Joy, avec 
 same faith, the same sincerity, la meme sinceritc, S? la meme 
 andthe same open heart, where- droiture de cceur, qu'on luy a 
 with he gave command they vu temoigner lors quelle I'ajait 
 should be negotiated: and his ncgocier: et sa Majeste nedoute 
 Majesty doubts not at all, that point que V. S. nesoient entiere- 
 3'our Lordships are entirely re- mcnt resolus a tenir la memecon- 
 solvedto proceed after the same duite a son egard; 8? c'est la le 
 manner, which is the highest denaersqeau qui doit etre appose 
 mark of a perfect confidence to departed 'autre anostraitez pour 
 be given at present. prcuve d'une parjaite conjiance. 
 For my own particular, I Pour ce qui me regarde en 
 cannot part from hence, with- particulier, je ne saurois sortir 
 out expressing my satisfaction d'icy sans me lou'cr hautement de 
 at the sincere and judicious la judicieuse cS* sincere conduite 
 proceeding of your High and de vos H. <!y P. IS. dans tout le 
 Mighty Lordships in the whole cours de cette negociation, 8f 
 course of these negotiations ; particulier cment de V extreme 
 and particularly at the great prudence que vous avezjait pa- 
 prudence you .have shewn in roitre dans le ckoix de messieurs 
 the choice of those Commis- les Conunissaires que vous ?'a- 
 sioners you gave me. Their vez donnez. Lcur candcur, leur 
 candour and sincerity, their capaciteconsomm.ee, leur ardeur, 
 great capacity and application, cS - leur application pour V affaire 
 did contribute very much to proposee,u J ont paspeuconlribue 
 the quick and happy conclusion au bonlieur ${ a la rupidite de la 
 
 of our treaties. For my own 
 particular, as 1 shall ever bear 
 in mind, with joy and pleasure, 
 this short space of time 1 have 
 passed with your Lordships, in 
 whatever part of the world I 
 may be; so I shall always con- 
 tribute by my good wishes, and 
 whatever services I may be ca- 
 pable of, to the support of this 
 good intelligence, so happily 
 
 conclusion de ?ws traitez. Pour 
 moy, comme je vie souviendray, 
 t'jute ma vie avecjoye, ^ nu me 
 avec tendresse, du court cspace 
 de terns que j' ay passe pre s dc 
 V. S. aussi dans quelque lieu du 
 mondc que je sois appelle a pas- 
 ser ma vie,je nc ncghger ay ja- 
 mais de contribuer jar mes 
 va its, par Ionics sortes de sains, 
 tV dc services doid je me croiray
 
 342 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 restored between both nations. 
 In the mean time, God Almigh- 
 ty take your High and Mighty 
 Lordships into his holy protec- 
 tion. 
 
 A Letter from the States to the 
 King of Great Britain. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 Feb. 18, N. S. 1668. 
 
 It is merely in compliance to 
 custom, that we do ourselves 
 the honour to write to your Ma- 
 jesty, in answer -to the letter 
 you were pleased to send us, 
 relating to SirWilliam Temple: 
 For we can add nothing to what 
 your Majesty has seen yourself 
 of his conduct, by the success 
 of the negotiation committed to 
 his charge. As it is a thing 
 without example, that, in so 
 i'ew days, three such important 
 treaties have been concluded; 
 so we can say, that the address, 
 the vigilance, and the sincerity 
 of this Minister, are also with- 
 out example. We are extreme- 
 ly obliged to your Majesty, that 
 you are pleased to make use of 
 an instrument so proper for 
 confirming that strict amity, 
 and good intelligence, which 
 the treaty at Breda had so hap- 
 pily begun : and we are bold to 
 say, that, if your Majesty con- 
 tinues to make use of such Mi- 
 nisters, the knot will grow too 
 fast, ever to be untied; andyoar 
 Majesty will ever find a most 
 particular satisfaction by it, as 
 well as we, who, after our most 
 hearty thanks to your Majesty 
 for this favour, shall pray God, 
 &c. and remain, Sir, &c. 
 
 capable, au maintien de cette mu- 
 tutlle intelligence que je vois si 
 heureusement retablie entre les 
 deux nations. Cependant je pri- 
 eray Dieu ardemment de pren- 
 dre vos H.Sf P. S. sous sa sainte 
 protection. 
 
 Lettre de Recreance de la part 
 des Estats, au Roy de la 
 Grande Bretagne. 
 
 Le 18 de Fevr. S. N. 1668. 
 Sire, 
 Ce n'est que pour satisfairea la 
 contume que nous nous donnons 
 Vhonneur d*ecrire a votre Ma- 
 jeste, en r ponse de la lettre qu'il 
 luij a plu nous (crire au sujet de 
 Monsieur le Chevalier Temple ; 
 car nous ne pouvons rien ajou- 
 ter a ce que votre Majest ' mime 
 a vii de sa conduite, par le suc- 
 C('s de la negociation qui luy 
 avoit etc confiee. Comme c'est 
 une chose sans exemple que dans 
 si peu de jours trois si impor- 
 tans traitez ont ete ajustez, aussi 
 pouvons-nous dire que Vadresse, 
 la vigilance, fy la sincerite de ce 
 Ministre sont aussi sans exem- 
 ple. Nous sommes bienfort ob- 
 ligez a V. M. de ce qu'il luy a 
 plu se servir d'un instrument si 
 propre a achever d'etreindre le 
 nceud d'amitie <Sf de bonne intel- 
 ligence que le traite de Breda 
 avoit commence a serrcr : et nous 
 osons dire, que si elle continue 
 d'employer de semblables Mi- 
 nistres, le lien deviendra indisso- 
 luble, Sf elle en tirera toujour* 
 une satisfaction toute parliculi- 
 ere aussi bien que nous, qui apres 
 Vavoir remcrcic de tout noire 
 cccur de cette faveur, pricrons 
 Dieu, S$c. Sire, &> c.
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 34; 
 
 A Letter from Monsieur de 
 Witt to my Lord Arlington. 
 
 Feb. 14-, N. S. 1668. 
 My Lord, 
 As it was impossible to send a 
 Minister of greater capacity, or 
 more proper for the temper and 
 genius of this nation, than Sir 
 William Temple; so, I believe, 
 no other person, either will, or 
 can, more equitably judge of 
 the disposition wherein lie has 
 found the States to answer the 
 good intentions of the King 
 of Great Britain. Sir William 
 Temple ought not to be less 
 satisfied with the readiness 
 wherewith the States have pass- 
 ed over to the concluding and 
 signing of those treaties for 
 which he came hither, than 
 they (the States) are with his 
 conduct, and agreeable manner 
 of dealing in the whole course 
 of his negotiation. It appears, 
 my Lord, that you thoroughly 
 understand men, and bestow 
 your friendship only upon such 
 as deserve it, since you cause 
 persons to be employed who 
 acquit themselves so worthily. 
 I think myself happy to have 
 negotiated with him, and that, 
 by his means, your Lordship 
 hath been pleased to give ine a 
 new testimony of your goodwill. 
 For the favour you say his Ma- 
 jesty is pleased to have for me; 
 1 have no otherways deserved 
 it, than by my respects for his 
 Koyal person, whereof I shall 
 endeavour to give proofs upon 
 all occasions his .Majesty will 
 please to afford me. In the 
 mean while. I shall wait with 
 impatience for some opportu- 
 
 Monsieur de Witt a Milord 
 Arlington. 
 
 Le 14 Fevr. S. N. 1668. 
 
 Monsieur, 
 Comme il nitoit pas possible 
 d'envoycr icy nn Ministre plus 
 capable ni plus propre pour le 
 naturel S, le genie de cette na- 
 tion que Monsieur le Chevalier 
 Temple; aussi croy-je que Von 
 nauroit pas pii choisir une per- 
 so?nie qui puisse ou veuille plus 
 equitablement juger de In dispo- 
 sition en laquelle il a trouve les 
 Etats a repondre aux bonnes in- 
 tentions du Roy de la Grande 
 Brctagne. II ne doit pas eire 
 moins satisfait de lapromptitude 
 avec laquelle les Etats ont passe 
 outre a la conclusion Sf signature 
 des traitez pour lesquets il est 
 venu icy ; qu'ils sont de sa con- 
 duite, Sf de sa belle maniere d'a- 
 gir en toute la suite de sa nego- 
 tiation. Il paroit, Monsieur, 
 que vous vous connoissez en hom- 
 mcSy Sf que vous ne donnez voire 
 amilie qu d ccux qui la mcri- 
 tentj puisque vousjaitcs employ- 
 er des pcrsonnes quis'acquittent 
 si digncmeni. Je m'estime lieu- 
 rcux a" avoir eu a ncgocier avec 
 luy, Sf de cc que par son moyen 
 il vous a plu me donner un nou- 
 veau temoignaee de voire bicn- 
 veillance. Pour cc qui est dela 
 bonte que vous dites que sa Ma- 
 jest e a pour moy ;jr ne Vau me- 
 rit!' point que par le respect que 
 j'ay pour sa personnc Royale y 
 dontje tacheray de luy donner 
 des preuves ii tontes Irs occasions 
 qu'clle me /era la grace dc m'en 
 J'aire naitrc. J'aflens bicn avec 
 aidant (('impatience cclles oil je 
 vous puisse lemoigner combit u je
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 344 
 
 nity to shew how sensible I am 
 of all your Lordship's civilities, 
 which I shall ever acknow- 
 ledge, by a true esteem for 
 your merits, and by a strong 
 passion to let you see, that I 
 am, with as much sincerity as 
 you can desire, my Lord; your, 
 &c. 
 
 suis sensible a toutes vos civilitez, 
 que je reconnoitray toujcurs par 
 un veritable estime pour voire 
 merite, fy par une tres fort pas- 
 sion de vous faire voir que je 
 suis avec autant de sincerite que 
 vous pouvez desirer, Monsieur, 
 voire, %c. 
 
 Hie Triple Alliance, copied from 
 the original papers. 
 
 Whereas, by the late treaty 
 concluded at Breda, between 
 the King of Great Britain and 
 the States General of the Uni- 
 ted Netherlands, both nations 
 have been restored, through the 
 blessing of God, to that ancient 
 friendship and good correspon- 
 dence which was between them: 
 and in order to cut off all occa- 
 sions of farther differences, and 
 to prevent all new accidents, 
 which might tend to the dis- 
 turbance of the said amity and 
 good correspondence of the 
 subjects on either part, some 
 articles and rules of navigation 
 and commerce were there a- 
 greed ; and particular!}', by the 
 eleventh article of the said 
 treaty, itwas ordained, that the 
 said King, and the said States- 
 General, shall be obliged as 
 friends, allies, and confede- 
 rates, mutually to defend the 
 rights and immunities of each 
 other's subjects, against all 
 such as shall endeavour to dis- 
 turb the peace of either State 
 by sea or by land, or such as, 
 living within the dominions of 
 either, shall be declared public 
 enemies by the one or the 
 other : and because it is not 
 particularly determined, in 
 
 Factum tripliciter conventum, 
 
 Quandoquidem pact is, non it a 
 pridem Breda inter Magna' 
 Britannia Begem, Sf fcederati 
 Belgii Ordines generates, con- 
 clusis, pristina inter uiramque 
 nationem amicitia ac bona cor- 
 respondentia annuente divina 
 gratia restituta, adeoque ad 
 pracidendam omnem omninb in 
 posterum novis dissidiis ansam, 
 at que ad prav rnienda ?wva in~ 
 ter uiriusque partis subditos ac- 
 cidentia, quce dictam amicitiam 
 ac bonam correspondentiam tur- 
 bare aliquando possiut, in arti- 
 culos quosdam legesque naviga- 
 tionis ac commcrciorum ibidem 
 consensum atque speciatim unde- 
 cimo dicti tractatiis articulo sta- 
 tutum sit, uti dictus Dominus 
 Rex, dictique Domini Ordines 
 Generates, maneant amici con- 
 
 foederati necessitudine et amici- 
 tia, conjunct! et astricti, ad jura 
 atque immunitates subditorum 
 alterutrius contra quoscunque 
 dcmum tucndas, qui utriusve sta- 
 tus pacem terra marive distur- 
 bare conabuntur, vel qui infra 
 alterutra dominia degentes pub- 
 lic'} utriusque status hostesdenun- 
 ciabuntur ; neque tamen speci- 
 
 fce de/inita reperiantur media, 
 auxiliave, quibus fcederatorum 
 
 pars una altcri, tali in casu,suc-
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 345 
 
 what way and manner the said 
 confederates stand obliged mu- 
 tually to succour each other; 
 and that it is the fixed resolu- 
 tion of" the said King of Great 
 Britain, and of the said States- 
 General, more and more to cor- 
 roborate and accomplish the 
 said agreement : therefore in 
 the first place, and above all 
 other things, they consent to 
 confirm the said treaty con- 
 cluded at Breda, together with 
 the said laws of navigation and 
 commerce relating to the same, 
 as by these presents they are 
 confirmed, under a mutual and 
 undissoluble obligation to ob- 
 serve and accomplish them 
 truly and faithfully, and to 
 command the subjects on both 
 sides exactly and religiously to 
 observe and fulfil them accord- 
 ing to the genuine sense and 
 tenor of the said treaty and ar- 
 ticles : and for the better as- 
 certaining the mutual assist- 
 ance that the parties are to give 
 each other, which was omitted 
 in the preceding treaty ; for 
 increasing amity and friend- 
 ship between the said King and 
 States-General, and that full 
 provision may be made by a 
 nearer alliance and union, for 
 tiie safety and mutual defence 
 of both States, against the per- 
 nicious endeavours and hostile 
 attempts of any enemy under 
 any pretext whatever : We 
 whose names are underwritten, 
 in virtue of the orders and lull 
 powers granted to us, and here- 
 under to be inserted, do cove- 
 nant and agree, that the said 
 King of Great Britain, and 
 the said States-General of the 
 United Netherlands, shall be 
 
 currcredebeat: dicto autem mag- 
 net Britannia Regi, dictisque 
 Ordinibus Generations, stet sen- 
 tentia isthac pacta corroborandi 
 magis, magisque perjiciendi, pla- 
 cuit imprimis atque ante omnia, 
 dictum tractatum Breda; conclu- 
 sum, dictasque leges navigationis 
 ac commerciorum eo spectantes 
 confirmare, quemadmodum per 
 prasentia confirmantur, obliga- 
 tion mutua atque indissolubili 
 eas bona fide observandi atque 
 adimplendiy jubendique ut a sub- 
 ditis utrinque exacte atque reli- 
 giose observentur atque adimple- 
 antur,juxta genuinum dicti trac- 
 tates dictorumque articidorum 
 seiisum ac tenor em. Ut autem 
 prater ea de specialiore auxitio- 
 rum miituo r>rastandorum desi<r- 
 natione priorious pactis omissa, 
 pro amicitia inter dictum Do- 
 minion Regcm, dictosque Do- 
 minos Ordines Generates incre- 
 menlo majori constet, utque se- 
 curitali et dejensioni mutua- 
 utriusque status contra infestos 
 conatus vcl insidtus hostilcs a 
 quoquam forte quocunque demum 
 sub pratextu instituendos, arc- 
 tiori Jiidere atque ttnione plene 
 prospicialur ; nos infra scripti, 
 virtute mandati plena que potes- 
 tatis nobis concesstp at que injerius 
 inscrendce convenimus atque sia- 
 tuimus dictum Dominion magnce 
 Britannia Regem, dictosque Do- 
 minos fivderaii Belgii Ordiucs 
 Generates, invicem obstrictos, 
 unitos atque con federatos fore ; 
 quemadmodum vi ac vigore pra- 
 sentium invicem obstricti, uniti 
 atque conjiedcrati sunt, feed ere 
 defensivo perpetuo, modo atque 
 conditionibus sequent/bus.
 
 346 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 mutually obliged, united, and 
 confederated together, as they 
 are by the force and virtue of 
 these presents mutually obliged, 
 united, and confederated in a 
 perpetual league defensive, in 
 the manner, and under the con- 
 ditions following. 
 
 I. 
 
 That, if any Prince, State, 
 or other person whatever, with- 
 out exception, shall under any 
 pretext, invade, or attempt to 
 invade, the territories, coun- 
 tries, or any places that lie 
 within the Dominions of the 
 said King of Great Britain, or 
 shall exercise any acts of hosti- 
 lity by sea or by land, against 
 the said King or his subjects, 
 the said States-General shall 
 be obliged, as by virtue of these 
 presents they are obliged, to 
 send forty ships of war well 
 furnished with all things neces- 
 sary, to assist the said King to 
 oppose, suppress, and repel, all 
 such insults and acts of hosti- 
 lity, and to procure him due re- 
 paration for any damages sus- 
 tained : that is to say, fourteen 
 of the said ships shall carryfrom 
 sixty to eighty great guns, and 
 four hundred men, a just allow- 
 ance and computation being 
 made, as well with respect to 
 those ships that carry a greater, 
 as those that carry a lesser num- 
 ber of men : fourteen other ships 
 shall carry from forty to sixty 
 guns, and, one with another, 
 three hundred men at the least, 
 allowance to be made as before, 
 and none of the rest to carry 
 less than six and thirty guns, 
 and a hundred and fifty men. 
 Besides which, thcv shall assist 
 
 I. 
 
 Quod si Principum Statu- 
 umve aliquis, aut quilibet alius, 
 qualiscunque Me tandem f tier it, 
 nemine excepto, sub quocunquc 
 pratextu invaserit, vel invadere 
 tentaverit, territoria, regiones- 
 que, aut loca qucelibet sub ditionc 
 dicti magna; Britannice Regis 
 sita, aliumve quemcunque actum 
 hostilem terra marive contra dic- 
 tum Dominum Regem ejusve sub- 
 ditos exercuerit ; dicti Domini 
 Ordines Generates tenebuntur, 
 quemadmodum virtide prccsen- 
 tium tenentur, dicto Domino Re- 
 gi, ad insultus eos actusque hosti- 
 les arcendos,supprimendos,atque 
 repellendos, debiiamque damni 
 dati reparationem ohtinendam, 
 auxilio adesse quadraginta navi- 
 bus bellicis probe instricctis ; qua- 
 rum quatuordecem a sexaginta 
 ad octoginta torment a bellica ma- 
 jora, liominesque quadringentos 
 ferant singulce,facta jusia com- 
 pensatione aut retributione inter 
 eas quce numerosiore, et eas qua', 
 minus numeroso milite nautaque 
 instructs erunt : quatuordecem 
 alien a quadraginta ad sexaginta 
 tormentis,hominibusquc ad mini- 
 mum treccntis, facta compensa- 
 tione ut supra, instructed sint 
 qualibct : et nulla reliquarum 
 minus ferat quam triginta sex 
 tormenta, liominesque centum et 
 quinquaginta ; atque insuper sex 
 mille pediiibus, et equilibus qua-
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 34; 
 
 him with six thousand foot sol- 
 diers, and four hundred horse, 
 or shall pay a sum of money 
 with due regard to the just va- 
 lue of such an assistance, cither 
 for the whole, or a part, at the 
 choice of the said King. All 
 these aids shall be furnished 
 ' within six weeks after they 
 shall be demanded; and the 
 said King shall reimburse the 
 whole charge to the said States, 
 within three years after the 
 conclusion of the war. 
 
 dringentis ; vel valore justo hu- 
 jusmodi auxilii in pecunia nume- 
 rando, prout dicto Domino Re- 
 gi eligere placuerit, vel parte 
 tali pradicti auxilii, aut dicti 
 valoris in pecunia, quiz a dicto 
 Domino Rege expetetur. Pnc- 
 stabuntur autem dicta auxilia 
 intra sex septimanarum spatium 
 postquam postulatajuerint ; dic- 
 tisque Dominis Ordinibus a dicto 
 Domino Rege refundentur im- 
 peiis<v ornncs intra triennium, a 
 finito atque extincto bello nume- 
 randum. 
 
 II. 
 
 That, if any Prince, State, 
 or other person whatever, with- 
 out exception, shall, under any 
 pretext, invade, or attempt to 
 invade, the United Provinces, 
 or any places situated within 
 the jurisdiction of the said 
 States-General, or garrisoned 
 by their soldiers ; or shall ex- 
 ercise any act of hostility by 
 land or by sea, against the said 
 States-General or their sub- 
 jects; the said King shall be 
 obliged, as by virtue of these 
 presents he is obliged, to send 
 forty ships of warwell furnished 
 with all things necessary, to 
 assist the said States General, 
 to oppose, suppress, and repel, 
 all such insults and acts of hos- 
 tility, and to proeure due re- 
 paration tor any damages sus- 
 tained by them: that is to say, 
 fourteen of the said ships shall 
 carry from sixty to eighty great 
 guns, and four hundred men ; 
 a just allowance and computa- 
 tion being made, as well with 
 regard to those ships that carry 
 a greater, as those that carry a 
 
 II. 
 
 Quod si Principum Statu- 
 timve aliquis, aut quilibet alius, 
 qualiscunque ille tandem Juerit, 
 nemine excepto, sub quocunque 
 prcttextu invaserit, vel invadere 
 tentaverit Provincias Confade- 
 ratas, aut loca qualibet sub 
 ditione dictorum Dominorum 
 Ordinum Generalium sita, vel 
 in quibus ipsorum miles prevsi- 
 dio positus est, aliumve quem- 
 cunque actum hostilem, terra 
 inarive, contra dictos Dominos 
 Ordiues Generates, eorumve 
 subditos exercuerit ; dictus Do- 
 minus Rex tenebilur, quemad- 
 modum virtute prcrsentium te- 
 netur, dictis Dominis Ordinibus 
 General/bus ad insulins eos ac- 
 tusque hostiles arcendos, suppri- 
 mendos, atque repellendos, de- 
 bitamque damni dati reparatio- 
 nem obtinendam, auxilio ad"sse 
 quadragiuta navibus bcllicis pro- 
 be instructis : qtiarum quatuor- 
 decern a sexaginta ad octuginta 
 tormenta belli<~a majora, homi- 
 nesque quadriugentosjerant sin- 
 gula ; facta just t compensa- 
 tion?, ant retributione inter cas
 
 348 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 lesser number of men : four- 
 teen other ships shall carry 
 from forty to sixty guns, and, 
 one with another, three hun- 
 dred men at the least ; allow- 
 ance to be made as before ; 
 and none of the rest to carry 
 less than six and thirty guns, 
 and a hundred and fifty men. 
 Besides which, he shall assist 
 them with six thousand foot 
 soldiers, and four hundred 
 horse, or shall pay a sum of 
 money, with due regard to the 
 just value of such an assistance, 
 either for the whole or a part, 
 at the choice of the said States. 
 All these aids shall be furnished 
 within six weeks after they shall 
 be demanded : and the said 
 States shall reimburse the whole 
 charge to the said King, within 
 three years after the conclusion 
 of the war. 
 
 qua numerosiore, et eas qua 
 minus numeroso milite nauiaquc 
 instructed erunt : quatuordceem 
 alia, d quadraginta ad sexa- 
 ginta tormentis, hominibusque 
 ad minimum trecentis, facta 
 compensatione ut supra, instruc- 
 ta aint qualibet : et nulla re- 
 liquarum minus Jer at qnam tri- 
 ginta sex tormenta, hominesque 
 centum et quinquaginta : atque 
 insuper sex mille pediiibus, et 
 equitibus quadringentis ; vel va- 
 lore justo hujusmodi auxilii in 
 pecunia numerando, prout dictis 
 Dominis Ordinibus eligere pla- 
 cuerit, vel parte tali prtdicti 
 auxilii, aut dicti valoris hi pe- 
 cunia, quae ab iisdem expetetur. 
 Prcestabuntur autem dicta au- 
 xilia intra sex septimanarum 
 spatium postquam postulata fu- 
 erint : dictoque Domino llegi a 
 dictis Dominis ordinibus rej'un- 
 dentur impensce omnes intra tri- 
 ennium d Jinito atque extincto 
 bello numerandum. 
 
 III. 
 
 The said ships of war, and 
 the said auxiliary forces of 
 horse and foot, together with 
 the commanders of the ships 
 and forces, and all the subal- 
 tern officers of both, that shall 
 be sent to the assistance of the 
 party injured and attacked, 
 shall be obliged to submit to 
 his pleasure, and be obedient 
 to the orders of him or them, 
 who shall be appointed to com- 
 mand the armies in chief, either 
 by sea or by land. 
 
 III. 
 
 Dicta naves bellies, ac dic- 
 ta equitum peditumque copicc 
 auxiliares, naviumque ct copia- 
 rum pr eject i, ceterique qfficia- 
 les hellici minores, vim atque in- 
 juriam passo submissi,ejus volun- 
 tatem respiccre tenebuntur, atque 
 obsequi mandatis ejus eorumve, 
 quos summa cum potestate exer- 
 citui suo terra marive prajicere 
 voluerit. 
 
 IV. IV. 
 
 Now, that an exact compu- Quo autem exacia computatin 
 
 tation may be made of the instituipossit impensarum, intra 
 
 charges that are to be reim- triiunaimorumspatiumpostquam
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 349 
 
 burscd within the space of three 
 years after the conclusion of 
 the war ; and that the value 
 of such assistance may be ad- 
 justed in ready money, which 
 possibly the party attacked 
 may chuse, either for the whole 
 or a part of the said ships, 
 horse and foot; it is thought 
 expedient, that the fourteen 
 ships carrying from sixty to 
 eighty pieces of cannon should 
 be valued at the sum of eighteen 
 thousand six hundred and sixty- 
 six pounds Sterling, or of Eng- 
 lish money; the other fourteen, 
 which carry from forty to six- 
 ty guns, at fourteen thousand 
 pounds Sterling ; and the re- 
 maining twelve, at six thou- 
 sand pounds of the same mo- 
 ney : six thousand foot, at seven 
 thousand five hundred pounds 
 Sterling, and four hundred 
 horse, at one thousand and 
 forty pounds, for one month : 
 the money to be paid by the 
 said King of Great Britain at 
 London, and by the said States- 
 General at Amsterdam, accord- 
 ing as the course of the ex- 
 change shall be at the time when 
 payment is to be made. But, 
 in consideration of the six thou- 
 sand foot soldiers, the sum of 
 six thousand pounds Sterling 
 shall be paid within the first 
 month, to defray the expence 
 of listing and providing the 
 
 hello finis impositus fuerit, rexti- 
 tuendarum ; vel etiam justi ea- 
 rundem valoris in pecunia nu- 
 merata, quam vim hosticam pas* 
 so, loco dictarum navium, equi- 
 t.um, peditumque, vel omnium vel 
 pro parte eligere forte placucrit ; 
 visum foci t i?npe?isas quatuorde- 
 cem navium a sexagi?ita ad octo* 
 ginta tormeniis instruciarum, 
 (Estimare pretio octodecem mil- 
 Hum sexcentaram et sexaginta 
 sex librarum Sterlings, sive mo- 
 net ce Anglicance ; earumque qua- 
 tuordecem qua; a quadraginta ad 
 sexaginta tormenta foerunt, qua- 
 tuordecem millibus libris Ster- 
 lings ; reliquarum autem duo- 
 decem, sex millibus ejusdem mo- 
 netce libris : sex mille autem pe- 
 dites, septem millibus et ouin- 
 gentis libris Sterlings : Quadrin- 
 gentos veroequites, mille quadra- 
 ginta ejusdem monetae libris: pro 
 quolibet mense computandis : 
 nummique d dicto quidem Do- 
 mino Jtege magna; Britannia', 
 Londini, d Dominis veru Ordi- 
 nibus Generalibus Amstelodami 
 solventur, juxta cursum cambii 
 eo tempore quo solutio prastanda 
 erit : pro primo autem mense 
 respectu peditum supradictorum, 
 insuper persolventur sex mille 
 libra 3 Sterlings, pretium nimi- 
 rum ad cos conscribendos instru- 
 endosquc necessarium. 
 
 V. V. 
 
 This league, with all and Fccdus hoc, omniaque et sin- 
 every thing therein contained, gula eo contenta, a dicto Domi- 
 shall be confirmed and ratilied no Rege magna; Britannia;, die- 
 by the said King of Great tisque Dominis Ordinibus Ge- 
 Britain, and the said States- neralibus Fcrderatarum Provin- 
 (rv'neral of the United Provin- ciarum, per pafentes utriusque
 
 350 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 ces, by letters patents of both 
 parties, sealed with their great 
 seal in due and authentic form, 
 within four weeks next ensu- 
 ing, or sooner, if it may be ; 
 and the mutual instruments of 
 ratification shall be exchanged 
 on each part within the said 
 time. 
 
 Here follows a copy of the 
 powers granted by the most 
 serene King of Great Britain, 
 &C 
 
 Charles, by the grace of 
 God, King of England, Scot- 
 land, France, and Ireland, de- 
 fender of the faith, &c. To 
 all, &c. 
 
 A copy of the powers grant- 
 ed by the High and Mighty 
 Lords, the States-General of 
 the United Netherlands. 
 
 The States-General of the 
 United Provinces of the Ne- 
 therlands, to all those, &c. 
 
 In witness and confirmation 
 of all and every part of this 
 treaty, we, whose names are 
 underwritten, have subscribed 
 and sealed the same, at the 
 Hague in Holland, the 23d of 
 January, 1668. 
 
 Signed on the King of Eng- 
 land's part, 
 
 W. Temple. 
 
 On the part of the States, 
 
 Gellicom. 
 
 Aspcren. 
 
 J. dr. Witt. 
 
 Crommon. 
 
 Unkel. 
 
 Jac. Van Cocverder 
 
 K. Isbrants. 
 
 parlis liter as sigillo magno mu- 
 nitas debita et authentica forma, 
 intra quatuor septimanas proxi- 
 me sequenles, aut citius, si fieri 
 poterit, confirmabitur et ratiha- 
 bebitur, mutuaque ratihabitio- 
 num instrumenta intra prcedic- 
 tum tempos hirtc inde extraden- 
 iur. 
 
 Sequilur tenor mandati a sc- 
 renissimo Domino Rege magna: 
 Britannia; dati. 
 
 Carolus, Dei gratia, Anglitp 
 Scotia, Trancice, et Hibernice 
 Rex,fidei defensor, #c. Omni- 
 bus, Sfc. 
 
 Sequitur tenor mandati, a Cel- 
 sis et Prapoientibus Dominis 
 Ordinibus Generalibus Tcedera- 
 ti Belgii dati. 
 
 Les Etats Gencraux des Pro- 
 vinces Unies des Pa'is-Bas, a 
 tons ceux qui ces presentes, Sfc. 
 
 In quorum omnium et singu- 
 lorum fidem majusque robur, 
 hiscc tabulis subscripsimus, i/las- 
 que sigillis nostris subsignavi- 
 mus, Hag v-Comitum in Hol- 
 landia die 2Siio Januarii, anni 
 166S. 
 
 Signed on the King of Tug- 
 land's part, 
 
 W. Temple. 
 
 On the State* part, 
 
 Gellicom. 
 
 Asperen. 
 
 Job an de Witt. 
 
 Crommon. 
 
 Unkel. 
 
 Ja. Van Coeverden. 
 
 K. Isbrants.
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 351 
 
 The King of Great Britain, 
 and the States-General of the 
 United Netherlands, having 
 with great grief considered, 
 and maturely weighed, the 
 miseries and calamities of the 
 late war between the two 
 Crowns, which raged in their 
 neighbourhood; and having ob- 
 served that the flames of that 
 tire have insinuated themselves 
 among their neighbours, which, 
 by inevitable necessity, will in- 
 volve the greatest part of the 
 Princes and States of Christen- 
 dom in the same calamities, un- 
 less they may be timely extin- 
 guished, before they gather 
 greater force ; have thought 
 that they could not discharge 
 the duty of that trust, and the 
 respective offices, wherein they 
 are placed by God, if, after the 
 re-establishment of a mutual 
 friendship and alliance between 
 the nations of Great Britain and 
 the United Netherlands, and 
 the conclusion of a peace be- 
 tween the four powerful States 
 that were parties in that bloody 
 war, they should not apply their 
 minds with the utmost dili- 
 gence and industry, to com- 
 pose the differences that have 
 arisen between the said two 
 Crowns, and more especially 
 to take care, that the flames of 
 that war, which have been kin- 
 dled in their neighbourhood, 
 may be extinguished. There- 
 fore the most serene King of 
 Great Britain, and the High 
 and Mighty States of the Uni- 
 ted Netherlands, having with 
 much labour and earnest in- 
 treaty, induced the most Chris- 
 tian King to profess solemnly 
 
 Rex Magna Britannia:, at- 
 que Ordines Generates Fcede- 
 rati Belgii, reputantes atqut 
 apud animum expendentes sum- 
 mo cum dolore miserias calami- 
 tatesque belli, quod nuper inter 
 duas Coronas in jinibas exarsit, 
 quodque necessitate quadam ine- 
 luctabili maxhnam partem Prin- 
 cipum atque Statuum Christiani 
 orbis iisdem involvet malis, ser- 
 pente incendii isiius flamma ad 
 vicinos, nisi tempestive ct in prin- 
 cipio extinguatur : existimarunt 
 se nullatenus functuros partibus 
 officii munerisque sibi a Deo 
 mandati, si post Jeliciter instau- 
 ratam amicitiam sub auspiciis 
 divini Numinis, et reductam ve- 
 teran necessitudinem inter mag- 
 nam Britanniam et Jcederatum 
 Belgium, eodemque tempore sta- 
 bilitam pacem inter quatuor po- 
 tentes status, qui cruenti isiius 
 belli partes fuerunt, animum non 
 apphcent sedulo omnique indus- 
 tria ad componenda dissidia qua; 
 oborta sunt inter pradictas duas 
 Coronas, praserlim ut memorati 
 in finibus belli flamma sopiatur. 
 Proindc, cum screnissimus mag- 
 net Britannuc Ilex, et Celsi 
 priTpotentesque Ordines feeder a- 
 ti Belgii, post multum operis in- 
 swnptum, variasquc obtestatio- 
 ncs, oblinucrint a Christianissi- 
 mo liege, ut prqfessus sit diciis 
 Ordinibus Generalibus se ex hoc 
 tempore arma depositurum, dam- 
 modo Hispani parati sint illi 
 rite atque solenniter cedere per 
 traetatum pads omnia loca ct 
 munimenta, ut ct castcllanias 
 cum annexis, quit armis in ex- 
 peditione precedent is anni occu- 
 pant aut munivit ; vet ut 11/- 
 spani permoveantur in einv trap-
 
 352 
 
 Letters of Sir IV'dliamTcmple, 
 
 to the said States-General, 
 that he would immediately lay 
 down his arms, if the Spani- 
 ards would either consent to 
 yield up to him, in due form 
 and manner by a treaty of 
 peace, all those places and 
 forts, together with the Chas- 
 tellanies and their dependen- 
 cies, which he possessed him- 
 self of in the expedition of the 
 last year ; or will be persuaded 
 to transfer and make over to 
 him all the right that remains 
 to them in the Duchy of Lux- 
 emburgh (or else in the coun- 
 ty of Burgundy) together with 
 Cambray and the Cambresis, 
 Doway, Aire, St. Omer, Wi- 
 noxbergen, Furnes, and Line- 
 ken, with their bailiwicks, Cha- 
 stellanies, and other dependen- 
 cies ; and, in case they ac- 
 cept the alternative last men- 
 tioned, the most Christian 
 King will restore to the King 
 of Spain all such places and 
 territories as the French have 
 possessed by their arms since 
 they entered Flanders : pro- 
 vided the High and Mighty 
 States-General shall on their 
 part promise, and render them- 
 selves guarantees to the most 
 Christian King, that they will, 
 by their reasons, and other ef- 
 fectual means, induce the Spa- 
 niards to agree to these con- 
 ditions. The said King of 
 Great Britain, and the said 
 States-General, jointly con- 
 clude and judge, that they can 
 do no better service in this 
 conjuncture and state of af- 
 fairs, either to the two Kings 
 before named, or to the rest 
 of the neighbouring Princes 
 and States, than by their joint 
 
 scriberc omne jus quod il/is re- 
 stat in Ducatu Luxenburgico 
 (sive Comitalu Burgundii) pra- 
 ter Cameracum cum Camera' 
 cesio, Duacum, Ariam, Fanum 
 St. Audomari, Bergas, St. Vi- 
 noci, Furnas, et Linckium, cum 
 Bailluatibus, Castellaniis, ccc- 
 terisque quce inde pendent : Re- 
 gemque Christian, posteriori ca- 
 su, restituturum Jiegi Hispia- 
 nice omnia loca ditionesque, quce 
 Galli armis ex quo Flandriam 
 ingressi sunt occupavere ; ea le~ 
 ge nt Celsi et Prcepotentes D D. 
 Ordines Generates reciproce ca- 
 veant, Regemque Christian. secu- 
 rum reddant, se effecturos apud 
 Hispanos rationibus aliisque mo- 
 mentis, ut in easdem consen- 
 tiant leges ; arbitrati sunt se 
 hac tempestate, atque hoc rerum 
 articulo optimum navaturos ope- 
 rant non modo utrique prcefalo- 
 rum Regum, sed et aliis Prin- 
 cipalis et Statibusvicinis ; si con- 
 junction communicatis consiliis 
 collatisque operis adhortentur,et 
 quantum suarum virium est per- 
 moveant scepius dicias dims Co- 
 ronas, ad ineundam pacem legi- 
 bus atque conditionibus supra 
 memoratis ; in quern Jinem fac- 
 ta nobis, qui lias iabulas subsig- 
 navimus, potestate cum libera, ex 
 prcrscripto mandatorum nostro- 
 rum convenimus de articulis et 
 capilibus scquentibus.
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 353 
 
 counsels and utmost endea- 
 vours, to exhort, and, as mu :h 
 as in them lies, oblige the said 
 two Crowns to make peace, 
 upon the terms and conditions 
 before-mentioned. To which 
 end we, whose names are here- 
 unto subscribed, baving receiv- 
 ed full power to that effect, have, 
 by virtue of those injunctions, 
 concluded and agreed the fol- 
 lowing articles. 
 
 I. 
 
 Tbat the King of Great 
 Britain, and the States-Gene- 
 ral of the United Netherlands, 
 shall either jointly or sepa- 
 rately (provided their inten- 
 tions be mutually communi- 
 cated, and no way repugnant 
 to this agreement) use their 
 utmost endeavours and indus- 
 try with the most Christian 
 King, to persuade him to pro- 
 mise and engage in the best 
 form, and by a solemn treaty, 
 to the King of Great Britain, 
 and to the States-General of 
 the United Netherlands, that 
 he will conclude a peace and 
 alliance with the King of Spain, 
 without any exception or re- 
 serve, under whatever pretext, 
 or for whatever cause ; if the 
 King of Spain shall be induced 
 or persuaded, by the King of 
 Great Britain and the confe- 
 derated States, to yield to the 
 most Christian King, either 
 the places he possessed himself 
 of the last year in the Low- 
 Countries, or to give him an 
 equivalent, by delivering up 
 the places above-mentioned, 
 or others in lieu of them, as 
 shall be mutually agreed be- 
 tween the parties concerned. 
 VOL. I. 
 
 I. 
 
 Quod Rex Magna Britannia, 
 et Ordines Generates fo.derati 
 Belgii, conjunctim velseparatim y 
 communicatis tamen omnino con- 
 siliis, et secundum ea de quibus 
 mutuo convenerint, omnem ope' 
 ram omnemque industriam adhi- 
 bebunt, apud Regem Christianis- 
 simum ut in optima legitimaque 
 
 forma, solemn tractatu spondeat 
 etpromittut Regi Magna: Britan- 
 nia:, et Jcederati Belgii Ordini- 
 bus Generalibit", se pacisjiedus 
 
 Jacturum cum Rege llispania ,ci- 
 tra omnem, quocunque sub pra- 
 textu, vel quacunque de causa, 
 exceptionem vel dispensationem ; 
 si Hispania Rex induci aut per- 
 moveri qu at per Regem Magna 
 Britannia, et Ordines foderatos, 
 ut ccdat Regi Christianissimo, 
 aut loca anno pratcrila in Bel- 
 gica armis occupata, aid aliud 
 tantundau valtns, per traditio- 
 iw>)i locorum supcr/us memora- 
 torum tdiorumve in compensatio- 
 ns!), de quibus mutuo consensu 
 paries inter se convenire pote- 
 ruitt. 
 
 2 A
 
 354 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 II. 
 
 That the most Christian King 
 be induced to consent, that the 
 present cessation of arms in the 
 Low-Countries may be pro- 
 longed to the end of the month 
 of May, to the end that the 
 King of Great Britain and the 
 confederated States may, in 
 the mean time, employ them- 
 selves with all diligence, care, 
 and industry, to procure the 
 consent of the King or Queen 
 of Spain, and their council, 
 to the aforesaid terms and con- 
 ditions. 
 
 II. 
 
 Ut Rex Christianissimus con* 
 sentire velit in prorogationem va- 
 cationis armorum in Belgica ad' 
 Jinem mensis Maii, ut lemporit 
 interea Rex Magna: Britannia: 
 etjbederati Ordines sedulo omni- 
 que industria et diligentia ope- 
 rant dare possint apud Regem aut 
 Reginam Hispania, ejusque con- 
 siliarios, uti legibus conditioni- 
 busque prafotis consensum adhi- 
 bere velint. 
 
 III. 
 
 But that the most Christian 
 King may have no just occasion 
 to refuse to prolong the cessa- 
 tion of arms, the King of Great 
 Britain and the confederated 
 States shall oblige themselves, 
 by the same treaty, to take ef- 
 fectual care, that the Spaniards 
 shall yield to France all that 
 was taken the last year by the 
 French, or give them an equi- 
 valent, as shall be agreed with 
 the consent of both parties. 
 
 IV. 
 
 That the most Christian King 
 shall be induced and persuaded 
 to give entire credit to, and put 
 full confidence in, the aforesaid 
 promise, that his arms may not, 
 for the future, disturb the quiet 
 of the Low-Countries : so that 
 if it should happen, contrary to 
 all hope and expectation, that 
 the King of Great Britain and 
 the confederated States shall not 
 be able by their exhortations 
 and earnest solicitations to per- 
 suade the Spaniards to give their 
 consent to the conditions above- 
 
 Ill. 
 
 Ut verb Rex Christianissimus 
 nulla justa ratione dictam ar* 
 mistitii prorogationem recusare 
 queat, Rex Magnce Britannia: 
 Ordinesque jfozderati se eodem 
 tractatu obstringent, id se effec- 
 turos ut rcapse Gallia cedatur ab 
 Hispanis omnc quod Gallor'um 
 armis anno pra^terito occupatum 
 Jiiit, aut aliud tantundem valens, 
 de quo mutuo partium consensu 
 convcnictur. 
 
 IV. 
 
 Quod Rex Christianissimus in- 
 ducetur et permovebitur pradic- 
 to promisso plenam adliibere f.- 
 dem, atque in co Jiduciam ponere 
 velit, et ut proinde ejus arma in 
 posterum quiescant in Belgica, 
 ita quidem ut si prceter omnem 
 spem et expectationem Rex Mag~ 
 nee Britannia Jhederatiquc Ordi- 
 nes nequeant per exhortaliones 
 obtestationesque permovere His- 
 panos ante jinem mensis Maii 
 proximi, ut consensum adhibeant 
 conditionibus sccpius memoratis, 
 ac proinde ad media majoris effi'
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 351 
 
 mentioned, before the end of 
 the next ensuing May; and that 
 it become necessary to use 
 more effectual means to that pur- 
 pose : nevertheless the French 
 shall not move or introduce 
 their arms within, or upon, the 
 limits of the Low-Countries; 
 but the King of Great Britain 
 and the confederatedStates shall 
 engage, and take upon them- 
 selves such necessary provision, 
 as may effectually oblige the 
 Spaniards to accept the fore- 
 said conditions of peace : and 
 it shall not be left to the dis- 
 cretion of the most Christian 
 King, either to exercise any 
 acts of hostility in the said 
 countries, or to possess himself 
 of any town, though by volun- 
 tary surrender; unless theKing 
 of Great Britain and the confe- 
 derated States shall cease and 
 omit to prosecute the things 
 above-mentioned. 
 
 cacics venire necesse sit ; nihil- 
 ominus Galli intra fines et in 
 finibus dictce Belgicce sua arma 
 non movebunt aut introducent : 
 sed Rex Magna Britanniceetjbe- 
 deratif)rdines se obstringent, at- 
 que in se recipient idsese supple- 
 turos quod necessum erit, ut His- 
 pani reapse astringantur uti pa- 
 cemle gibus supradictisaccipiant $ 
 adeoque Regi Christianissimo 
 integrum non erit ullos exercere 
 actus hostiles in dictis regioni- 
 bus, neque ullum occupare oppi- 
 dum licet sponie sua se dedere 
 velit, nisi Rex Magna Britan- 
 nice et J'cederati Ordines cessent 
 atque omittant efficere id quod 
 jam dictum est. 
 
 That, when the peace is 
 made between the two Crowns, 
 not only the . King of Great 
 Britain, and the confederated 
 States, but likewise the Empe- 
 ror, and all the neighbouring 
 Kings and Princes, who shall 
 think themselves concerned 
 that the quiet of Christendom 
 remain unshaken, and the Low- 
 Countries be restored to the 
 enjoyment of their former tran- 
 quillity, shall be guarantees 
 and conservators of the same : 
 to which end, the number of 
 forces, and other means to be 
 used against either of the par- 
 ties that shall violate or infringe 
 the said peace, shall be deter- 
 mined and agreed, that the in- 
 
 Quod, sancita inter duns Co- 
 ronas pace, ejus servanda spon- 
 sores vindicesque erunt in forma 
 omnium optima, amplissi?na et 
 securissima, non modo Rex Mag- 
 v.cv Britannia", et Jlederati Or- 
 dines, sed el Imperator, umncs- 
 que Regcs et Principes vicini, 
 qui existimabunt sua intcresse 
 tit orbi C/irisiiano inconcussa 
 maneat qnies, et Belgicce sua 
 reddatur constetque iranquilli- 
 tas : in quern Jinem definietur co- 
 piarum militarium numerus, a- 
 liaquc media quibus utendum 
 erit adversus alterutrcim par- 
 iium quce temeraverit vel vio- 
 laverit pacetn, ut iujuriam de- 
 mat ac parti lessee resarciut. 
 
 2 a 2
 
 356 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 jury may cease, and the party 
 offendetl receive satisfaction. 
 
 VI. 
 
 That this agreement, with 
 all and every thing therein con- 
 tained, shall be confirmed and 
 ratified by the said King of 
 Great Britain, and the said 
 States-General of the United 
 Provinces, by letters patents on 
 both sides, sealed with the great 
 seal in due and authentic form, 
 within four weeks next ensuing, 
 or sooner if it can be done; and 
 within the said time the mutual 
 instruments of ratification shall 
 be exchanged on both sides. 
 
 In witness and confirmation 
 of all which, we, whose names 
 are underwritten, have sub- 
 scribed and sealed the same. 
 At the Hague in Holland, the 
 23d of January, 1668. 
 
 Signed as before. 
 
 VI. 
 
 Pacta hac conventa omnia- 
 que et singula Us contenta, d 
 dicto Domino Rege Magnce 
 Britannia, dictisque Dominis 
 Ordinibus Generalibus fcedera- 
 tarum Provinciarum, per pa- 
 tentes idriusque partis literas 
 sigillo magno munitas, debita et 
 authenticajbrma, intra quatuor 
 septimanas proxime sequentes, 
 ant citius si fieri poterit, confir- 
 mabuntur et ratihabebuntur,mu~ 
 tuaque ratihabitionum instru- 
 menta intra prcedictum tcmpus 
 June inde extradentur. 
 
 In quorum omnium et singu- 
 lorum fidem majusque robur, 
 hisce tabulis subscripsimus, Mas- 
 que sigillisnostrissubsignavimus. 
 Hagce-Comitum in Hollandia 
 23tio diejanuarii, 1668. 
 Signed as before. 
 
 Separate Articles, xvhich shall 
 be of the same Force and Au- 
 thority, as if they had been in- 
 serted in the Treaty concluded 
 this Day between the King of 
 Great Britain and the States- 
 General of the United Ne- 
 therlands. 
 
 I. 
 
 If, in the procuring of a peace 
 between France and Spain, any 
 difficulty should arise about the 
 point of the renunciation ; it is 
 to be so contrived, that either 
 no mention at all is to be made 
 of it in the treaty ; or, at least, 
 the form is to be conceived and 
 set down in such words, as no- 
 thing may accrue to either of 
 the two Crowns, on account of 
 
 Articuli separati, qui ejusdem 
 erunt virtutis atque authori- 
 tatis, ac siinserti forent trac- 
 tatui hodierno die, inter Re- 
 gem Magnae Britannia? et 
 Ordines Generales foederati 
 Belgii, concluso. 
 
 I. 
 
 Si in procuranda pace inter 
 Galliam et Hispaniam se offcrat 
 aliqua difficidtas super puncto 
 renunciationis, ea incunda est 
 ratio, ut vel nulla ejus in pactia 
 fiat mentio, vel ut cjusmodi 'ver- 
 bis concipiatur formula, ut neu- 
 trce duarum Coronarum quoad 
 prcedictam renunciatwncm eo 
 quicquam accedat,aut etiam inde 
 creetur aliquod juris detrimen-
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 Vol 
 
 the said renunciation; nor any 
 prejudice be created to either of 
 them in point of right : but, if 
 either the King of Spain, or the 
 most Christian King, refuse 
 their consent to this expedient ; 
 then the King of Great Britain, 
 and the confederated States, 
 shall proceed against the re- 
 fuser, as is agreed by the third 
 and fourth article of the treaty, 
 and in the last of these articles 
 respectively ; with this condi- 
 tion however, that, in case such 
 refusal proceed from the King 
 of Spain, the most Christian 
 King shall oblige himself not to 
 make war in the Low-Coun- 
 tries, according to the tenor of 
 the fourth article. 
 
 II. 
 
 That the King of Great Bri- 
 tain, and the States-General of 
 the United Netherlands, to the 
 end that all parties may be sa- 
 tisfied, shall oblige themselves 
 to use their utmost endeavours, 
 that a peace may at the same 
 time be established between the 
 Kings of Spain and Portugal; 
 but with this condition, that 
 the most Christian King shall 
 also oblige himself, in case this 
 negotiation cannot be so soon 
 accomplished, that such a de- 
 lay shall no way hinder, on his 
 part, the peace between him 
 and Spain ; except only, that it 
 shall be free for the said most 
 Christian King to give succour 
 and aidto the King of Portugal, 
 his ally, either by way of at- 
 tack, that he may draw the ene- 
 my from other parts, or by a; 
 other means which he shall 
 judge to be most convenient 
 and advantageous. And, if the 
 
 turn : quod si verb Rex Ilispa- 
 niarum, vel etiam Rex Christia- 
 nissimus, in id consentire nolint, 
 adversus recusantem Rex Mag- 
 nee Britannice et fcederati Or- 
 dines procedent ; ut conventum 
 est articido tertio et quarto dicti 
 tractatus, et ultimo horum arti- 
 culorum respective : ea tamen 
 conditione, ut, in casu rccusa- 
 tionis Regis Hispanice, Rex 
 Christianissimus se reciproce ob- 
 stringat, quemadmodum in ar- 
 ticulo quarto, sc nullateniis ar- 
 ma moturum in Bclgica. 
 
 11. 
 
 Quod Rex Magnet Britan- 
 niae, et Or dines Generates Jce- 
 derati Belgii, ut prolixius ab 
 omni parte satisfiat, se obliga- 
 bunt omnem sedulb operant datu- 
 ras, ut pax inter Reges Hispa- 
 nice et Lusitanice eoclem tempore 
 sanciri possit ; en tamen lege ut 
 vicissim Gallia se obslringat, si 
 tarn cito nou possit id negotiant 
 perduci ad cxitum, uti pax inter 
 se et Hispaniam nihilominus inc- 
 atur ; hoc execpto, ut libcrum sit 
 Regi Christianissimo suppetias 
 fcrre Regi Lusitanice federato 
 sua, eique auxilio esse, sive in- 
 Jcrendo anna sua ut aliunde de- 
 trahat host cm, sive alio quocuri- 
 que modo quern stLi commodissi- 
 rnuin at qua maxima ex usu fore 
 existimabit. I'.t si Iliyyani ad- 
 duei poteruid ut eonsentiant in 
 paeon sub dwt i conditione, atque. 
 ea proimic eoncludatur ; Ilex 
 Christianissimus tencbitur, i> 
 Belgica ut pacala, atquc ncv-
 
 358 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 Spaniards can be brought to 
 consent to a peace under the 
 said condition, and the same be 
 concluded accordingly ; then 
 the most Christian King shall 
 be obliged wholly to abstain 
 from the Low-Countries, as 
 possessed of peace, and not 
 involved in the disputes of ei- 
 ther party. Neither shall it be 
 lawful for him to form any de- 
 signs against them, either by 
 open force or clandestine prac- 
 tices ; nor to require any satis- 
 faction, under the pretext of 
 charges and expences to be sus- 
 tained on account of the war in 
 Portugal, either for raising men, 
 or any other burthen of that 
 war. And, if it should happen 
 that, during the said war, the 
 auxiliary forces of the most 
 Christian King should possess 
 themselves of any places in 
 Spain or Italy ; the said most 
 Christian King shall restore 
 them to Spain, as soon as the 
 peace with Portugal shall be 
 made. But if, beyond and con- 
 trary to expectation, Spain 
 should refuse to make peace 
 with the King of Portugal, and 
 also with the most Christian 
 King, under that exception, of 
 leaving him free to assist his 
 confederate, as has been alrea- 
 dy said ; in this unexpected 
 case, the King of Great Britain, 
 and the confederated States, 
 shall be bound to employ them- 
 selves effectually to procure the 
 consent of the Spaniards : yet 
 with this provision, that the 
 most Christian King do also 
 oblige himself not to make war 
 in the Low-Countries, as in the 
 former case is already said. 
 
 trarum partium rebus implicata, 
 omnino abstinere ; neque ei jus 
 fasque erit quidquam adversus 
 earn moliri, neque palam vir- 
 tute bellica, neque clandestinis 
 artibus j ut ne petere ullam sa- 
 tisfactionem sub obtentu impen- 
 sarutn erogationumque quae in 
 bello Lusitanico eruntfaciendce, 
 tarn ob delectum militum, quam 
 alia belli oner a. Quod si con- 
 tingat manente dido bello per 
 auxiliares Regis Christianissimi 
 copias, occupari loca quctdam in 
 Hispania Italiave ; Rex Chris- 
 tianissimus simulatque pax cum 
 Lusitania facta fuerit, eadem 
 restituet Hispanice : sed si, pra- 
 ter et contra expectationem, His- 
 pania recuset pacem cum Rege 
 Lusitania;, ut et cum Rege 
 Christianissimo, ea cum excep- 
 tione ut fcederato suo liberum sit 
 ei auxiliari, quern admodum jam 
 dictum est ; hoc inopinato casu 
 Rex Magna Britannia etfcede- 
 rati Ordines tenebuntur reapse 
 id efficere ut Hispani omnimodb 
 in id consentiant : ita tamen ut 
 reciproce Rex Christianissimus 
 se obstringat quemadmodumcasu 
 primo, quod non sit moturus ar- 
 ma in Bcfeica.
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 359 
 
 III. 
 
 But if, beyond all expecta- 
 tion, the most Christian King 
 should entertain such thoughts 
 as shall induce him to refuse 
 to promise, that he will sign 
 the treaty of peace as soon as 
 the Spaniard shall consent to 
 give up all those places which 
 have been acquired by him in 
 his last expedition, or such an 
 equivalent as shall be agreed 
 by mutual consent ; or in case 
 he shall not accomplish his 
 promise, or shall disallow or 
 reject the cautions and provi- 
 sions that are expressed in the 
 said treaty, which are so neces- 
 sary to obviate the fears and 
 jealousies that are most justly 
 conceived of the most Chris- 
 tian King's intentions to make 
 a farther progress with his vic- 
 torious arms into the said Low- 
 Countries, so often already 
 mentioned : In all these cases, 
 and also if he should endeavour 
 by any subterfuges or oblique 
 practices to hinder or elude the 
 conclusion of the peace; then 
 England and the United Ne- 
 therlands shall be bound and 
 obliged to join themselves to the 
 King of Spain, andwith all their 
 united force and power to make 
 war against France; not only to 
 compel him to makepeace upon 
 the conditions aforesaid; but, 
 if God should bless the arms 
 taken up to this end, and fa- 
 vour them with success, and if 
 it should be thought expedient 
 to the parties concerned, to 
 continue the war till things 
 shall be restored to that condi- 
 tion in which they were at the 
 time when the peace was made 
 
 III. 
 
 Siprceter omnem expectatio- 
 nem Rex Christianissimus in du- 
 cat in animum ut promittere no- 
 lit quod tractatum pads signa- 
 turus sit, simulatque Hispani 
 cessuri sint omnia loca ab eo oc- 
 cupata in novissima expeditione, 
 vel aliud tantundem valens, de 
 quo mutuo consensu convenietur ; 
 aut promissorum Jidem non im- 
 pleat, aut detrectet respuatve 
 cautiones et pramunimenta in 
 dicto tractatu expressa, qua; 
 nccessaria sunt ut obviam catur 
 inetuijustissinie concepto, neRex 
 Christianissimus arma sua vic- 
 tricia in snpius memorata Bel- 
 gica idterius prqferat : quod om- 
 nibus istis casibus, ut et si per 
 alia subt erf ugia aut obliquasar- 
 tes conetur pads conclusionem 
 impedire aut eludere ; Anglia 
 
 Jbederatumque Belgium tenebun- 
 tur accedere partibus Regis His- 
 pania-, omnihusque etjunctis vi- 
 ribus terra marique advcrsus 
 Galliam bellum gcrere ; ut com- 
 pellatur non in leges duntaxal 
 sctpius jam memoratas pacem 
 
 facere ; sedsi arma i)i eumjincm 
 sumpta Deum habcant Javen- 
 tem et propitium, atque de com- 
 muni consensu id expedire visum 
 
 fuerit, ctiam bellum continuarc, 
 donee resin eum statum fueriul 
 rcstitutiv quo Juerunt tempore 
 
 foederis in collimitio regnorum in 
 montibus Pyre wis sanciti.
 
 360 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 upon the borders of both king- 
 doms, in the Pyrenean moun- 
 tains. 
 
 IV. 
 
 These separate articles, with 
 all and every thing therein con- 
 tained, shall be confirmed and 
 ratified by the said King of 
 Great Britain, and the said 
 States-General of the United 
 Provinces by letters patents of 
 both parties, sealed with their 
 great seal in due and authentic 
 form, within four weeks next 
 ensuing, or sooner if it maybe; 
 and within the said time, the 
 mutual instruments of ratifica- 
 tion shall be exchanged on 
 both sides. 
 
 Done at the Hague in Hol- 
 land, the 23dof Jan. 1668. 
 Signed as before. 
 
 IV. 
 
 Articuli hi separati, omnia- 
 que et singula Us contenta, a 
 dicto Domino Rege Magna- Bri- 
 tannia', dictisque Dominis Or- 
 dinibus Generalibus fozderata- 
 rum Provinciarnm , per paten- 
 tes utriusque partis literas sigil- 
 lo magno munitas, debita et au- 
 thentica forma intra quatuor 
 septimanas proxime sequentes, 
 aut citius si fieri poterit, confir- 
 mabuntur, et ratihabebuntur, 
 mutuaque ratihabitionum instru- 
 menta intra prcedictum tempus 
 bine hide extradentur. 
 
 Actum Hag a- Com it um in 
 Hollandia, die 23 Jan. 1668. 
 Signed as before. 
 
 The Swedish Act. 
 
 Whereas the King of Great 
 Britain, and the States of the 
 United Provinces of the Ne- 
 therlands, have earnestly de- 
 sired that the King of Sweden 
 might be associated with them, 
 as one principal party, in that 
 league which is this day con- 
 cluded, and signed by their 
 Commissioners and Plenipo- 
 tentiaries ; whereby a speedy 
 and safe peace may be promoted 
 and made between the two 
 neighbouring Kings, and the 
 public tranquillity of Christen- 
 dom, by the blessing of God, 
 may be restored : and whereas 
 the King of Sweden himself, 
 even from the beginning of 
 these differences, which have 
 grown to such a height between 
 the two Kings, has acquainted 
 
 Cum Magna Britannia; Rex, 
 ac Ordines Feederatarum Belgii 
 Provinciarum, valde desidera- 
 rint Regem Suecia> una cum ipsis 
 in partem principalem adsci.sci 
 illius fcederis, quod hodienio die 
 per Deputatos ac Plenipolcnti- 
 arios suos conclusion signatum- 
 que est ; quo prompta atque tat a 
 pax inter Reges duos vicinos 
 promoveatur, quoque Divinaad- 
 spirante gratia per orbem Chris- 
 tianum publica tranquillitas in- 
 stauretur: praterea cum Rex 
 ipse Suecia jam ab initio corum 
 motuutn qui inter duos designatos 
 Reges cruducrunt, tarn Magna 
 Britannia Regi, quam fader a- 
 torum Belgarum Ordinibus,sit 
 te status b on ion si ncerionqucsuion 
 proposition ac stadium, qvo tc- 
 nebatur, scse cum iv~ in hoc nc-
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 3m 
 
 the King of Great Britain, and 
 the States of the United Ne- 
 therlands, with his good and 
 sincere intentions and desire to 
 associate and join himself to 
 them in the business above- 
 mentioned, as well in regard of 
 the strict friendship and alli- 
 ances, which he acknowledges 
 have joined him in one common 
 interest with them, as that, by 
 his accession to them, all use- 
 ful and honourable means and 
 industry may be used to esta- 
 blish a peace between the two 
 Kings: professing that no other 
 difficulty has hitherto restrained 
 him from openinghis mind upon 
 that whole matter, than that he 
 waited to be informed, what 
 firm and deliberate counsels the 
 King of Great Britain, and the 
 States of the United Nether- 
 lands, would take in this affair, 
 and what assistance would be 
 
 gotio modo supradicio sociandi 
 acjungendi ; idque respectu arc- 
 tissima; necessitudinis, et horum 
 fcederum per qua; communibus 
 cum iisdem commodis adstringi 
 sc agnoscit, ut per hunc inter- 
 vention, perque modos utiles 
 quoscunque ac honestos, pad in- 
 ter binos Beges stabiliendw insu^ 
 detur: necper ullam difficultatem 
 scse hactenus cohibitum, metitem 
 suam super re iota aperiendi, 
 nisi quod prcestolatus est dum 
 certo resciretur quid deliberati 
 atque firmi consilii Rex Magna; 
 Britannia: et fcedc ratorum Bel- 
 garum Ordines super omni hoc 
 negotio. essent capturi ; turn 
 quousque promoveri subsidia 
 aliaque id genus nonnulla pos- 
 se nt, per qucedictus Suecice Hex 
 sibi satisfieri exoptat, ut pari 
 et aqualo cum Magna Bri- 
 tannia: Regc ac J'eederati Bel- 
 gii Ordinibus ]?assu in hac n 
 
 requisite, with other things of procedat : ea propter, ex cow- 
 that kind, in which the said modo communi visum est fore, 
 
 King of Sweden desires to be 
 satisfied, to the end that he 
 may proceed by the like steps, 
 and in equal manner with the 
 King of Great Britain, and the 
 States of the United Nether- 
 lands : for these reasons it is 
 thought expedient for the com- 
 mon good, that the present in- 
 strument between the Mini- 
 sters, Deputies, and Plenipoten- 
 
 si hoc instrumentum inter Mi- 
 jiistros Deputatos ac Plenipo- 
 tentiaries dictorum Regum Site- 
 da Magna que Britannia, ncc 
 non dictorumjecderati Bt Igii Or- 
 dinuni script ocousignaretur ; quo 
 una ex parte obligaretur Rex 
 Succia-, mediante satisfaciione 
 prndicta, ad amplcctcndum de- 
 signatum Jcedus, el ad eandem 
 navandam operant, eodemquc 
 
 tianes of the said Kings of passu proccdendum, quo dictus 
 Sweden and Great Britain, and Magn c Britannia- Rex dictiquc 
 
 those of the said States of the 
 United Netherlands, be put 
 down in writing, whereby, on 
 the one hand, the King of Sue- 
 den shall be obliged, after 
 the foresaid satisfaction re- 
 ceived, to embrace the said 
 league, to use th same endca- 
 
 fiederatorum lie/gar urn Ordines 
 procedendum sibi esse cxisti- 
 mant, ut ncgotium tarn salutarc 
 promovealur : necnon parte ex 
 altera dictus Rex Suecice certus 
 ilajierel Jorum sibi vacuum ac 
 integrum rclinqui fecderis liu- 
 juscc infer partes principates
 
 362 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 vours, and to proceed equally, 
 and in the like manner as the 
 said King of Great Britain and 
 the said States of the United 
 Netherlands think fit to do, in 
 order to promote and carry on 
 so useful a work; and on the 
 other hand, the said King of 
 Sweden will be assured, that a 
 place is reserved for him, empty 
 and entire, to enter, as one 
 principal part}', into this league; 
 as by these presents he is de- 
 sired in the most friendly man- 
 ner, both by the King of Great 
 Britain, and by the States of 
 the United Netherlands; who 
 on their part will most readily 
 employ themselves, and all 
 kind of good offices, towards 
 the Emperor and King of Spain, 
 to the end that all such diffe- 
 rences, as the said King of Swe- 
 den may have with them, be 
 composed and determined, ac- 
 cording to the rules of equity 
 and justice. And, forasmuch 
 as concerns the aid which is 
 required from the said King, 
 the States-General of the U- 
 nited Netherlands will not be 
 wanting to send, with expedi- 
 tion, such necessary instruc- 
 tions to their Ambassadors in 
 the Court of England ; thatbe- 
 tween them, and such Commis- 
 sioners as the said King of 
 Great Britain shall appoint to 
 that purpose, and the extraor- 
 dinary Ambassadorof the King 
 of Sweden, who is now ready 
 to begin his journey thither, to- 
 gether with other Ministers re- 
 siding there on the part of di- 
 vers Princes and States, who 
 are concerned and interested 
 in this affair ; such measures 
 may be taken to settle all things 
 
 amplectendi, quemadmodum id 
 utfaciat a Magna Britannia: 
 Rege, et ah Ordinibus Jcederati 
 Belgii,perhasce prasentes, max- 
 ime amicum in modum rogatur; 
 qui et ipsi lit/enter apud Cccsa- 
 rem et Hispaniarum Regem om- 
 ne officii genus eo convertent, ut 
 controversies nonnulla qucedicto 
 Suecice Regi cum Us possint in- 
 tercedere, quamprimum compo- 
 nantur, et secundum jusjasque e 
 medio tollantur. Quantum vero 
 ad subsidia quae a dicto Rege 
 pratenduntur ; Ordines Jcede- 
 rati Belgii Generates non de- 
 Juturi swd mandatis necessariis 
 confestim adlegatos suos in Aida 
 Britannica mittendis, ut hos in- 
 ter et Commissarios quos dictus 
 Magna Britannia Rex earn in 
 rem designabit, interque legation 
 Regis Suecice extraordinarium, 
 qui iter jam nunc eo meditatur 
 ex Belgio, aliosque illic degentes 
 Ministros Principum Statuum- 
 ve, quos id negotium quoque tan- 
 git atque concernit ; consilia in- 
 eantur, super necessariis ac re- 
 quisitis omnibus constituendis ; sic 
 ut Jcedus jam dictum consequa- 
 tur quamprimum substantiam 
 atque formam pacti tripliciter 
 conventi ; ad quod invitandis 
 amicis et co?ifccderatis, si qui 
 ejus in partem admitti volent, 
 omni ex parte opera quam dili- 
 gentissime dabitur.
 
 and other Ministers of State. 303 
 
 which shall be requisite and 
 necessary, that the said league 
 may acquire the substance as 
 well as the form of a triple 
 agreement: towhich therespec- 
 tive parties shall make it their 
 business to invite their friends 
 and allies, if any of them should 
 desire to be admitted. 
 
 Done at the Hague, f of Actum Hagce-Comitum, *$ 
 
 January, 1668. die Januarii, 1668. 
 
 Signed, Signed, 
 
 Christopher Delphicus B. and Christophorus Delphicus B. 
 
 Count of Dhona. ac Comes in Dhona. 
 
 Haraldus Appelboom. Haraldus Appelboomius. 
 
 The Negotiation of the Peace at Aix la Chapelle. 
 To my Lord Arlington. 
 
 My Lord, Antwerp, Feb. 27, N. S. 1668. 
 
 I did not expect to give your Lordship another 
 trouble from this town ; but having been detained 
 here some days by the Marquis's stay till this morn- 
 ing, and intending at night to follow him for Brus- 
 sels, I know not whether my arrival there may be 
 time enough to write by the pacquet that parts from 
 thence to-morrow at evening, and therefore will 
 not venture by any omission to forfeit my charter 
 of writing every post. 
 
 I had yesterday a joint audience with the States- 
 Deputies, and will refer your Lordship for what 
 passed there to the enclosed memorial on our part, 
 and answer given us by the Marquis, which we 
 have dispatched this morning to Sir John Trevor, 
 and Mr. Bouningham at Paris, by a joint express; in 
 hopes by their endeavours there to bring the busi- 
 ness to a suspension of arms, upon the Marquis's
 
 $64 Letters of Sir WilliamTemple, 
 
 having now accepted the truce, to the shorter 
 term offered by France, as well as the longer pro- 
 posed by his Majesty and the States. 
 
 For the alternative, we can yet draw no resolution 
 from him upon it, defending himself by the necessity 
 of first concerting with us how he shall be assisted, in 
 case of France refusing both the truce and the al- 
 ternative. This is in the Marquis an aim of en- 
 gaging us by advance in the party, and thereby ex- 
 asperating France, by being threatened more di- 
 rectly ; and so embark the whole affair into the ne- 
 cessity of a long ensuing war; for that Spain would 
 much rather engage in it with our assistance, than 
 be forced to a peace upon our late project: and, I 
 think, pursues its own interest right in this point. 
 That of Holland is certainly opposite to theirs, and 
 leads them to nothing so much as the composure of 
 the quarrel, with some security of France growing- 
 no greater at least on this side. 
 
 The Marquis is large in arguing to me, that our 
 interest lies in a joint war, rather than a peace be- 
 tween the two Crowns, and that our end must have 
 been hitherto, only to engage Holland with us in 
 the quarrel; and reasons from story, and the pre- 
 sent genius of our people and Parliament. 1 en- 
 deavour to quiet him in this point, by assuring him, 
 that whatever other Kings have thought or done, 
 and whatever the people wish or talk; the King, 
 in whose sole disposition all matters of peace 
 and war lie, will by no arts nor considerations be 
 induced to break from Holland, in the manage- 
 ment of this business; nor make one pace farther 
 in the Spaniards defence, than the Dutch are will- 
 ing to join in. That his interest as well as honour 
 lies in this resolution, agreed by so many solemn 
 treaties ; and that we as well as the Dutch can very 
 well content ourselves with a peace, and pursuit of 
 our commerce; provided we are not alarmed too
 
 and other Ministers of State. 365 
 
 much and too near, with the growth of the French 
 greatness. And I wind up all with pressing him 
 still to an acceptation of the alternative, and to em- 
 brace the peace according to our project. And 
 thus we fence here at present ; of all which, your 
 Lordship, I believe, will receive the detail more 
 at large by the Holland pacquet, in the dispatches 
 passed between me and Monsieur de Witt since my 
 arrival here; of which I desired him to send copies 
 to their Ambassadors in England, to be by them 
 communicated to your Lordship; because more 
 uncertainty in the Nieuport pacquet, and the pre- 
 sent want of a settled cypher, have hindered larger 
 transmissions this way, and more directly to your 
 Lordship's hands. 
 
 Yesterday came in the Spanish letters ; and 
 though I have not seen the Marquis since, yet, by 
 what I have from his Secretary and the Count 
 Mountery, I have reason to believe that Don Juan 
 is on his way hither, and now at sea with conside- 
 rable supplies of men and money, which are very 
 necessary here, either for carrying on a war, or 
 inducing a peace. The particulars I cannot as- 
 sure, though the common talk is, of eight thou- 
 sand Spaniards, and six hundred thousand crowns 
 in specie, and eight hundred thousand in remise. 
 It is very possible your Lordship may hear more 
 there of his coming, and see him sooner than we 
 shall here, as well as judge better, what, or how 
 much, it will import to the effect or defeat, the ad- 
 vance or diversion, of the present counsels. What 
 occurs to your Lordship upon it, and will relate to 
 my conduct here, I hope to receive from you by 
 the first ; not esteeming any thing well begun, with- 
 out a thread at least from your Lordship to guide 
 me; nor well performed, until I receive your ap- 
 probation, upon which depends so much the satis- 
 faction, as well as good fortune of, &c.
 
 366" 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 To Monsieur de Witt. 
 
 Antwerp, Feb. 27, 
 Sir, N. S. 1668. 
 
 I have received much satis- 
 faction as well as honour by 
 yours of the 25th, and am very 
 glad to observe the same con- 
 formity of sentiments between 
 us since we parted, that there 
 ever was while I resided at the 
 Hague. I shall write to you 
 now with my own ink, having 
 already done it with that of the 
 Marquis, who would not be sa- 
 tisfied till I sent you that dis- 
 patch : and I was forced to 
 shew him my letter before I 
 sealed it, to see whether it 
 were agreeable with what he 
 had desired me to tell you upon 
 that occasion. 
 
 I had, at my first audience, 
 pressed him so closely to de- 
 clare himself upon the alterna- 
 tive, and surmounted all his ex- 
 cuses upon defect of powers, 
 by desiring that he would do it 
 by way of limitation, not to be 
 ratified till the Queen of Spain's 
 farther pleasure ; that at last he 
 told me he would comply, pro- 
 vided France could be brought 
 to ratify their renunciation in 
 form in the Parliament of Pa- 
 ris, to content themselves with 
 an equivalent for the cities 
 taken, which advance so far 
 into the heart of the country : 
 and lastly, if in case of a refusal 
 from France, he might be as- 
 sured beforehand of the assist- 
 
 A Monsieur de Witt. 
 
 Anvers, le 27 Fevr. 
 
 Monsieur, S. N. 1668. 
 J'ai eprouve beaucoup de satis- 
 faction, Sf recu beaucoup d'hon- 
 neurpar votre lettre du 25 de ce 
 mois ; Sf je suisfort aise de re- 
 marquer une aussi grande con- 
 formity de sentimens entre nous 
 depuis que nous nous sommes se- 
 pares, qu'il y en a toujour s eu 
 pendant mon sejour a la Haye. 
 Je vous ecrirai a present de mon 
 propre encre, car c'est de celle 
 de Monsieur le Marquis que je 
 vous ecrivis dernierement : il ne 
 voulut point paroitre satisfait, 
 que je n'eusse consenti ci me 
 charger du soin de vous ccrire, 
 Sf par-Id je me vis contraint a 
 lid montrer ma lettre avant que 
 de la fermer ; car il fatloit 
 quiljugedt si elle etoit conforme 
 a ce quit ni'avoit prie de vous 
 mander sar V affaire qui enfai- 
 soit le sujet. 
 
 Daiis ma premiere audience 
 je I'avois si fort presse de se de- 
 clarer sur I' 'alternative, Sfj'avois 
 ete si habile a lever toutes ses dif- 
 ficult es, Sf d m'opposer d ses de- 
 lais qui etoient fondcs sur son 
 manque de pouvoirs ; mes in- 
 stances etoient si fortes Sf si re- 
 doubles, quil me dit enfin qiCil 
 se disposeroit dfaire ce que j f 
 exigeois de lui, pourvu qu'on put 
 porter la France a fair c verifier, 
 dans les formes, sa renonciation 
 dans le Parlement de Paris ; a 
 se contentcr d'un equivalent 
 pour les villes prises, lesquelles 
 sont situees si avant dans le pal's, 
 Sf presqtie au caur de PEtat ; Sf 
 enfin qu'en cas de refus de la 
 part de la France, il seroit as-
 
 and other Ministers of State. S67 
 
 ahce of England and Holland sure du secours de I'Angleterre 
 
 by a common concert. 
 
 I told him, that for the two 
 points of the renunciation and 
 the equivalent, he might rec- 
 kon from our joint offices upon 
 all we could obtain from France 
 in favour of Spain. For, as to 
 the equivalent, our own interest 
 obliged us to it, that we might 
 leave so much a stronger bar- 
 rier between France and Hol- 
 land : and, as for the renuncia- 
 tion, we desired it too, but do 
 not conceive it a thing upon 
 which Spain ought to be too 
 stiff; since our guaranty was 
 the only strong and solid renun- 
 ciation that could be made 
 upon this occasion : and for 
 the assurance he desired, of 
 being assisted in case of a re- 
 fusal from France, I did not 
 doubt but he had heard at least 
 the substance of our secret ar- 
 ticles to that purpose ; because 
 their Ambassador at the Hague 
 had told me, that a Jew of Am- 
 sterdam had sent him a copy of 
 them, by which he must needs 
 be well informed of our mutual 
 obligations, as well as of our 
 intentions, not only to assist 
 Spain, in case of a refusal from 
 France, but to engage ourselves 
 in the quarrel, by an open war 
 with all our forces against that 
 Crown. 
 
 Sf de I'Hollande, # que les deux 
 nations armeroient de concert. 
 Au reste, void par oilje reiissis 
 ii vaincre sa repugnance, Sf A 
 obtenir ma demande ; je ltd dis 
 qii enattendantV arrivce deplein- 
 pouvoirs, ilfit, sous le bon plai- 
 sir dela Reine d' Espagne, Sf ad 
 ratifcandum, la declaration sicr 
 laquelle je le pressois. 
 
 A I'egard des conditions qu'il 
 propose, void ce que je lui ai 
 repondu ; que pour les deux pre"' 
 mieres, savoir la renonciation # 
 V equivalent, qu'il se pouvoit pro- 
 mettre de nos soins Sf de nos of- 
 fices mutuels tout ce que nous 
 pourrions obtenir de la France 
 enfaveur de f Espagne ; a quoi 
 j'ai ajoute, qu'h I'egard de I'e- 
 quivalent, notre interet commun 
 demandoit qu'on pressat cct ar- 
 ticle, <fy qu il flit accorde qfin 
 qu'une plus forte barriere Jfut 
 laissee entre la France S? I* Hol- 
 lande. Que pour ce qui regar- 
 doit la renonciation, nous la de- 
 sirions aussi ; mais que nous ne 
 croyons pas que cefut une chose 
 sur laquelle V Espagne did s'opi- 
 niutrer ; puisque notre guarantee 
 iloit I'uniquc surete <.y la settle 
 solide renonciation sur laquelle 
 il Jut seur de se rcposer en ccite 
 occasion. Qu' a I egardde I' as- 
 surance qu'il vouloit avoir d'ttn 
 secours, en cas que la France re- 
 fusal les conditions ; je ne dou- 
 tois point qu'il n'cilt cte instruit, 
 du moins en substance, du conte- 
 nu denos articles seer ctstouchant 
 ce point-la ; que I' Ambassadeur 
 d' 'Espagne il la Haue m'avoit 
 meme dit qu'un Jui/' d* Amster- 
 dam lui en avail fait tenirla co- 
 pie, par 011 il devoit ctre asscz in- 
 struit de nos cngagemens mutu-
 
 368 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 After much discourse to this 
 purpose, I thought fit, for his 
 entire satisfaction upon the ar- 
 ticle of our assisting Spain, to 
 let him know clearly, how far 
 he might hope from us in the 
 point of the renunciation, and 
 to remove a thought which 
 Don Estavan de Gamarra had 
 given him as coming from me, 
 that there was something in 
 the articles, by which it should 
 appear, that we would not 
 force Spain in case of a refu- 
 sal : for these reasons, I say, I 
 thought goodto read to him our 
 three separate articles, without 
 giving him a copy ; for he pro- 
 fessed to me, that he never re- 
 ceivedonefrom the Jew, though 
 he did the substance of them 
 both from him, and the Baron 
 de Bargeyck. I do not know 
 whether I did well in shewing 
 them to him ; but, if you think 
 otherwise, I hope you will 
 excuse me upon my good in- 
 tentions, and my usual plain 
 dealing to inform freely those 
 I treat with, of what they have 
 to hope or to fear. The Mar- 
 quis took no offence at our two 
 first articles ; and only said, he 
 could not comprehend, why the 
 States being newly enemies to 
 Portugal, and having still a 
 controversy with them, should 
 desire so much to see them 
 strengthened by a peace with 
 
 els, aussi Men que de nos inten- 
 tions pour VEspagne ; qui etoient 
 non seulement de I'assisteren cas 
 d'un refus de la part de la 
 France, mais de nous engager 
 dans sa querelle, par la declara- 
 tion d'une guerre ouverte en 
 tournant toutes nos forces contre 
 la France. 
 
 Apres beaucoup de discours 
 sur cette matiere, j'ai trouve 
 d propos, ajin de le satisfaire 
 pleinement sur I'article du se- 
 cours, pour lui foire evidem- 
 ment sentir jusquou, il pouvoit 
 conter sur nous dans Vaffaire 
 de renonciation , avssi bien que 
 pour lui oter la pensee que Don 
 Estavan de Gamarra lui avoit 
 donne de ma part, que peut-etre 
 y avoit-il quelque chose dans les 
 articles par laquelle ilparoltroit 
 que nous ne voulions forcer VE- 
 spagne en cas d'un refus : pour 
 toutes ces raisons, dis-je, j'ai 
 juge a propos de lui lire nos 
 trois articles separes, sans lui 
 en laisser la copie ; car il me 
 declara, qu'il ne les avoit point 
 recus de so7i Juif, mais qu'il 
 en avoit vu la substance, &,' que 
 e'etoit par le canal de ce Juif 
 Sf du Baron de Bargeyck. Je 
 ne sr ( ai pas si j'ai bien fait en 
 les lui montrant ; mais en cas 
 que vous jugiez le coat r aire, 
 j'espere que vous ni excuscrez 
 toujours en foveur de vies bon- 
 nes intentions, qui inont toujours 
 parte a declarer ouvertcment h 
 ceux avec qui je traite, tons les 
 sujets qu'ils ont h craindre 8$ d' 
 esperer. Le Marquis ne scfor- 
 malisa pas de nos deux premiers 
 articles; il dit seulement , qu il 
 ne put comprendrc pourquui les 
 Etats qui etoient nagueres e.n- 
 nemis (le Portugal, <y h qui il
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 369 
 
 Spain. I told him, my opinion reste encore, des choses a demeler 
 was, that they drove on this af- avec lui, sonhaitoient si fort de 
 fair, because they believed that, voir accroitre leurs forces par 
 without a peace with Portugal, unepaix avec I'Espagne : Jelni 
 Spain would not recover itself (lit que ma pensee doit, qu'ils 
 enough to make head against presso'unt cette affaire parce qii 
 France, and reduce affairs of Us croyoient que, sans la pais 
 Christendom to the balance that avec Ic Portugal, VEspagnol ne 
 is necessary. se verroit jamais en Hat defoire 
 
 tcte a la Fiance; &; de donncr 
 par ce moijen aux affaires de la 
 Chritiente le juste tquilibre qu* 
 elles doivent avoir. 
 He was satisfied with this an- // se contenta de cela i <$ nc 
 Swer, and spoke no more of the parla plus de I' affaire de la re- 
 
 business of the renunciation 
 but, upon that of the assistance 
 we promised, he said, that the 
 words of the third article were 
 strong enough, but in too ge- 
 neral terms; and that, after he 
 should have accepted the alter- 
 native, France might yet, dur- 
 ing the next month, or April, 
 make some enterprises upon 
 the places on this side, before 
 the new levies could be raised, 
 and take some of them, if he 
 
 nonciatwn. Mais a Vegard du 
 sccours que nous promctton*, il 
 me dit, que les t rmes de V arti- 
 cle troisicme etoient assez Jorts, 
 mais trop generaux ; Sf qu'apres 
 quits auroient acccpte ^alterna- 
 tive la France pourroit encore 
 pendant les mois de Mars c.y d' 
 Avril, foiire queUpi.es tcntatives 
 sur les villes du Pu'is-Bas ; que 
 les nouvelles levees nous pour- 
 roient encore etre sur pi.d ; <y 
 que la Flandre se verroit enle- 
 
 were not furnished with three ver qiielqu'ime de ses places, si 
 
 or four thousand foot, which ellc n etoit munie de trois oa qua- 
 
 might be easily done from Hoi- ire niille hommes de pied ; Sf 
 
 land: and though I told him, qu'il itoit facile a la Ilollaude 
 
 that we could not concert far- de les fournir. Quoique j'aye 
 
 ther with him before he had pris le soin de lui repeter, que 
 
 accepted the alternative, and nous ne pouvions entrer en au* 
 
 by that means cast the refusal cune negociation avec lui avant 
 
 upon France, and, by conse- qu'il rid acccpte V alternative, 
 
 quence, the force of our arms que. par-la le rjus retomberoit 
 
 in case of a war, which we could sur In France, &; que par conse- 
 
 not declare till we were assured qticitt cite s'attireroit ioutes nos 
 
 upon which side the refusal 
 would lie ; for all that, he would 
 not be satisfied till 1 had writ 
 
 forces sur les bras c>i cas de 
 guerre ; qu'e/i/in ces forces nc 
 pouvoieut June de demarches 
 you that letter; from which, jusqu'a cc qu'on cut sen de quel 
 however, 1 looked for no other cute seroit Ic rfus. Tout cela 
 effect, than to let him under- nr le sal /Jit pas, ^- il ne pa rut 
 stand from you, what he had point content que je ne vous easse 
 already learnt enough from me. icrit la let t re oui a precede celle- 
 vol. I. 2 p.
 
 370 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 On Sunday morning your 
 Deputies arrived, and we had a 
 joint audience of the Marquis, 
 whereof they will send you an 
 account. I shall only tell you, 
 that as we pressed him very 
 much upon the alternative, and 
 he, on the contrary, pressed us 
 to a concert for the defence of 
 Flanders, and in the mean while 
 to make our preparations for 
 war; I told him thereupon, what 
 preparations the King my ma- 
 ster hadalready made,andthose 
 also made by the States on their 
 side ; but I desired him, by his 
 declaring himself upon the al- 
 ternative, to let us know against 
 which of the two parties such 
 great preparations must be em- 
 ployed. I leave it to your De- 
 puties to entertain you with an 
 account of thelongdiscourseshe 
 made upon this occasion, which 
 ever were moderate enough to- 
 wards our common intentions. 
 But we finished them all, by 
 giving him a memorial to the 
 same effect with what we had 
 told him ; upon which having 
 received an answer yesterday 
 in the evening, we dispatched 
 it away this morning to the 
 Ministers at Paris, to forward 
 the suspension of arms, if pos- 
 sible, by our accepting the truce 
 proposed by France, to the end 
 of March. 
 
 ci.,delaquelle pourtantje if atten - 
 dois pas a" autre effet que de lui 
 faire voir par votre propre 
 plume, ce qu'il avoit deja assez 
 apprispar ma boucke. 
 
 Le dimanche au matin Mes- 
 sieurs vos Deputes arriverent, 
 fy nous eumes conjointement no- 
 ire audience du Marquis ; c'est 
 de quoi Us vous rendront conte ; 
 je vous dirai settlement, que 
 comme nous I'avons fort presse 
 sur V alternative . et que lui au 
 contraire ne nous a parte &? n'a 
 insiste que sur un concert pour 
 sa defense, nous proposant de 
 faire tous nos preparaiifs pour 
 la guerre en attendant ; je lui 
 ai parte de ceux que le Roy mon 
 maitre Jaisoit deja $> de ceux 
 que les Etats faisoient aussi de 
 leur cote ; je I'ai prie de nous 
 apprcndre en se declarant sur 
 V alternative, contre lequel des 
 deux parties ilfaudroit employer 
 de si grands preparatifs. Je 
 laisse a Messieurs vos Deputes 
 le soin de vous entretenir du de- 
 tail de la conference, qui fut 
 longue, 8f dans laquelle le Mar- 
 quis parla souvent f longtems, 
 mais toujours dune maniere as- 
 sez moderee, & qui ne paroissoit 
 point s' eloigner de nos communes 
 intentions. Notre audience s'est 
 conclue par la presentation d'un 
 memoir e que nous lui avons re- 
 mis, fy qui contenoit en substance 
 les cJwses que nous etio?is char- 
 ges de lui dire. Notre memoire 
 aijant ete repondu hier au soir, 
 nous avons envoye ce matin la 
 reponse aux Ministres qui sont 
 a Paris, # ce/a dans la vice de 
 faire reiissir, s'il est possible, la 
 suspension darmes ; qui selon 
 toutes les apparences ne sera pas 
 longtems differee, des auon aura.
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 Yesterday came letters from 
 Spain : and though 1 have not 
 
 371 
 
 appris en France que la treve 
 quelle a proposee jusqu' a la Jin 
 de Mars vient d\ Ire acceptee. 
 
 II arriva hicr des lettres d'- 
 Espagne ; cY quoiquejen'aipas 
 seen the Marquis since, (who vu le Marquis depuis qu'il are- 
 went early this morning for ceu ses depeches (car il a parti 
 Brussels, ) yet, by what I have ce matin de la pointe du jour 
 learnt from other hands, I have pour Brux lies) fai pourtant 
 reason to think, that Don Juan lieu de conclure de tout ce que 
 may be at present upon his jour- fai appris d'ailleurs, que Don 
 ney hither, and perhaps at sea, Juan est enfin parti, Sf tneme 
 and that he brings along with deja embarque pour se rendre 
 him considerable supplies both en ce pais-ci, 8f qu'il a mene 
 
 of men and money. The talk 
 runs, that he has eight thousand 
 Spaniards, six hundred thou- 
 sand crowns in specie, and eight 
 hundred thousand in returns. 
 But of these particulars I can- 
 not assure you at present. I 
 have already informed your 
 
 avec lui des secours considerables 
 <Y d'fiommes Sf d'argent ; le 
 bruit court, que les troupes con- 
 sistent en 8000 Espagnols, que 
 I* argent se monte d 600000 
 ecus en especes, <Y en 800000 
 ecus de remises. Mais en vous 
 'crivant ces particularity jc ne 
 
 Deputies more at large in what pritens vous apprendre encore 
 
 I have learnt upon the subject ri n de certain. J'ai dit dans 
 
 of Don Juan ; as I shall conti- un plus grand detail, a Messieurs 
 
 nually do before-hand of all vos Deput s, ce que favois ap- 
 
 things that I think you would pris touchant Don Juan ; Sf a~ 
 
 be glad to know from hence : Vavenirje serai toujours pret a 
 
 and I believe they will tell you, leur declarer toutes les chosesque 
 
 that there is no need to desire je croirai que vous serez l>ien ai.se 
 
 me to use them with all conti- que vous soient mandees did. 
 
 dence, whereof they have al- Je me /late quits vous diront 
 
 ready received proofs enough qu'il n'est pas necessaire de me 
 
 since we met here : and they prier de me communiquer, Sf de 
 
 will be in every thing the more m'ouvrir a eux avec toute sortc 
 
 acceptable to me, by how much de conjiance, puis pie je leur en 
 
 I see they are in esteem with ai dejii donne des preuves depuis 
 
 you, and in credit with the que uous nous sommes rassembles 
 
 States, as indeed they deserve ici. Leur entretien Sfleursper- 
 
 both from their qualities and sonnes me seront d'autaut plus 
 
 their persons. 
 
 Pray give me the liberty to 
 desire you will send a copy of 
 
 reahl 
 
 agreaotes, que jr vois <in 
 Voire est i me its out aussi le, 
 
 vois t/'i avec 
 slime 
 
 <y la conjiance de Messieurs les 
 J'.ta/s; e'est une justice rendue 
 a leur merit e dy <) tears qualitts 
 pcrsnnnclles. 
 
 M' accord 'Z-vnus la libert, de 
 vous prier d'envuyer une copie 
 <> j <j
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 372 
 
 this letter to the Dutch Am- 
 bassadors at London, with di- 
 rections to shew it to my Lord 
 Arlington ; because I cannot 
 so well trust the Nieuport pac- 
 quet, too much exposed to the 
 inspection of the French; and 
 I am not yet so perfect in my 
 cipher as to write long letters 
 in it upon these affairs. 
 
 I desire you will remember 
 me to my friends at the Hague, 
 and believe me, as much as any 
 man in the world, Sir, your,&c. 
 
 de cette lettre aux Ambassadeurs 
 d' Hollande a Londrcs, avec or- 
 dre de la faire voir a Milord 
 Arlington; car je me defie ex- 
 trtmement du courier de Nieu* 
 port, trop expose a la rencontre 
 des Francois ; Sf je ne suis pas 
 encore assez grand maitre dans 
 mon chiffre, pour m'en servir 
 dans les affaires d'un aussi long 
 detail. 
 
 Je vous prie de m' aider a me 
 conserver dans le souvenir de 7nes 
 amis de la Haye, Sf d me croire 
 toujours, Sf autant que personne 
 du monde, Monsieur, votre hum- 
 ble 8f ires afflctionne Serviteur. 
 
 The Memorial given to the Mar- Memoire au Marquis de Cas- 
 quisqf Caslel-Rodrigo. Febr. tel-Rodrigo. Anvers, Fevr. 
 1668. 
 
 My Lord, 
 The under-signed Resident of 
 the King of Great Britain, and 
 the Deputies extraordinary of 
 the States-General of theUnited 
 Netherlands find themselves 
 obliged to represent to your 
 Excellency, that his Majesty 
 and their High Mightinesses 
 have lately concluded a treaty, 
 by which they have not only 
 provided for their proper secu- 
 rity, but also for the peace and 
 quiet of Christendom, in case 
 their neighbours proceed in it 
 with the same good intentions 
 wherewith the said allies have 
 begun this affair: his said Ma- 
 jesty and their Fligh Mighti- 
 nesses, for the better perfecting 
 so Christian a work, having 
 given orders to their Ministers 
 residing at the Courts of both 
 Kings at present in war, to en- 
 deavour by all means, and by a 
 common concert, to dispose 
 
 1668. 
 
 Monsieur^ 
 Les soussignez Resident de la 
 Grande Bretagne,&;les Deputes 
 extraordinaires des Etats-Gne- 
 raux des Provinces Unies du 
 Pais-Bas se trouvent obliges de 
 representer a V. E. que sa Ma- 
 jestc leurs Hautes Puissances 
 ayant depuis peu conclu un trai- 
 te, par lequetils n'ont pas seule- 
 ment pourvu a leur propre sure- 
 te, mais aussi a la paix S; rcpos 
 de la Chretient : , en casque leurs 
 voisinsy procedentavecles memes 
 bonnes intentions dont les dits 
 Allies ont entame cette affaire ; sa 
 dite Majeste Sf leurs Hautes 
 Puissances, pour micux achemi- 
 ner un ouvrage si Chretien, ont 
 donne ordres d leurs Ministres 
 aupres des deux Couronnes d 
 present en guerre, de tacher par 
 tons moyens, 8? par un concert 
 commun, de disposer les dites 
 deux Couronnes d accepter les 
 moyens proposes par les dits Al-
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 373 
 
 lies, comme les plus prompts Sf 
 les plus necessaires pour arriver 
 aunefin siheureuse ; c'est-a-dire, 
 de consentir a la paix sur Vol- 
 temative deja proposee ; # (pour 
 prevenir les acciaens qui pour- 
 ront survenir pour emptcher le 
 progres d'un traite) de consentir 
 aussi promptement a tine treve 
 of the treaty) to consent also jusqu'alajin du mois de Mars, 
 immediately to a truce till the Sf en attendant d'envoyer leurs 
 end of March, and in the mean 
 while to send their Plenipo- 
 tentiaries to Aix la Chapelle, 
 furnished with instructions and 
 powers, necessary to treat and 
 
 both the said Kings to accept 
 the means proposed by the said 
 allies, as the readiest and most 
 necessary for arriving at so hap- 
 py an end; that is to say, to accept 
 the peace upon the alternative 
 already proposed : and ( to pre- 
 vent the accidents that may in- 
 tervene to hinder the progress 
 
 Plenipotentiares a la villcd' Aix 
 la Chapelle, munis des instructi- 
 ons Sf des pouvoirs requis pour y 
 traiter Sf conclure la paix sur 
 la dite alternative, afin que le 
 
 conclude a peace upon the said feu qui se voit a present ailume, 
 alternative ; that the fire at pre- # duquel les etincellcs se vont 
 
 sent kindled, and whereof in 
 all appearance the sparks are 
 ready to fly through che great- 
 est part of Christendom, may 
 be soon extinguished, and give 
 place to a general and lasting 
 peace, to the safety of all those 
 who find themselves engaged in 
 the sad effects or consequences 
 of the present war. 
 
 The said Resident and De- 
 puties extraordinary are more 
 particularly obliged, by the or- 
 ders of their Masters, to repre- 
 sent to your Excellency, how 
 glorious it will be to you, how 
 advantageous to the common 
 ends of the peace, and how ne- 
 cessary for preserving to Spain 
 the remainder of Flanders, that 
 your Excellency, by virtue of 
 
 en apparence jetter dans la plus 
 grandc part de la Chrcliente, se 
 puisse bientot etouffer ; <$ /aire 
 place a une paix ghieralc, du- 
 rable, S? salutaire a tons ceux 
 qui se trouvent envcloppes on 
 dans les effets ou dans les conse- 
 quences juncstes de la guerre 
 prcsentc. 
 
 Les dits Resident <s les De- 
 putes extraordinaircs se trou- 
 vent plus particul/ererncnt obli- 
 ges, par les ordres de leurs mai- 
 tres, dc represent er a V. E. 
 combien il lui sera glorieux &; 
 avantageux a la Jin commune 
 dc la paix, <!y necessaire a la 
 conservation de ce qui reste r) 
 /' Espagnedanslcs Pais-Bas,que 
 V. E. en vertu de scs pouvoirs 
 
 your powers would make the Jiisse le premier pas dans cette 
 first step in this great affair, by grandc affaire, en consentant 
 
 consenting readily to the said 
 alternative, and to the said 
 truce, and to the dispatching 
 of the said Plenipotentiaries to 
 Aix la Chapelle; ami for the 
 better entering into tins nego- 
 tiation, and the said truce, that 
 
 promptement a la dite alterna- 
 tive, 8f ii la dite treve <$' a 
 la depeche des dits Plcnipotcn- 
 tiaires a la ville d* Aix la Cha- 
 pelle : et aussi pour mieux ache- 
 miner cette negociation S,- la dite 
 treve, que V. E. se declare
 
 374 Letters of Sir TVilliam Temple, 
 
 your Excellency will declare promptement d'accepter la trex^e 
 
 immediately your acceptation que sa Majeste tres Chretienne 
 
 of the truce, which the most aproposeele\8 Novem6rel667, 
 
 Christian King has proposed, jusqu au dernier jour de Mars 
 
 from the 18th of November to 1668. Et sur tous ces points 
 
 the last of March, 1668. And, les dits Resid nt Sf les Deput s 
 
 upon all these points, the said extraordinaires se trouvent obli- 
 
 Resident and Deputies extra- ges de prier V. E. avec toutes 
 
 ordinary do pray your Excel- les instances possibles, de lew 
 
 lency,withallpossibleinstances, donner une reponse prompte, 
 
 to give them a speedy and nette, 8f agreable aux bonnes 8f 
 
 plain answer, agreeable to saintes dispositions avec lesquel- 
 
 the good and holy dispositions les sa Majeste # leurs Hautes 
 
 wherewith his Majesty and their Puissances ont ent ami t^ pour - 
 
 High Mightinesses have begun suivi ce dessein glorieux Sf Chre- 
 
 and pursued this glorious and tien de la paix commune. 
 Christian design of a general 
 peace. 
 
 To my Lord Hallifax. 
 
 My Lord, Brussels, March 2, N. S. 1668. 
 
 It would be a difficult thing to answer a letter I 
 received lately from your Lordship, if it could be 
 ever difficult for me to do a duty where I owe it so 
 much, and pay it so willingly. The reflections I 
 make upon what you say, and what I hear from 
 other hands of the same kind, carry me only to 
 consider how much by chance, and how unequally, 
 persons and things are judged at a distance ; and 
 make me apprehend, from so much more applause 
 than is my due upon this occasion, that upon the 
 next I may meet with as much more blame than I 
 deserve ; as one seldom has a great run of cards 
 which is not followed by an ill one, at least 
 gamesters that are no luckier than I. It is not my 
 part to undeceive people, that will make my suc- 
 cesses pass for merit or ability ; but, for my friends, 
 I would not cheat them to my advantage itself; and 
 therefore will tell you the secret of all that has 
 seemed so surprising in my negotiation; which is, 
 that things drawn out of their center are not to be
 
 and other Ministers of State. 375 
 
 moved without much force, or skill, or time ; but, 
 to make them return to their center again, there is 
 required but little of either, for nature itself does 
 the work. The true center of our two nations, now 
 so near allied, is where they now are seated ; and 
 nothing was in the way of their returning thither, 
 but the extreme jealousies grown between the Mi- 
 nisters on both sides, and from thence diffused 
 among the people ; and this it was my good luck 
 to cure, by failing into a great confidence w r ith 
 Monsieur de Witt, which made all the rest easy : 
 and there is the whole story, that you may see how 
 much you are either biassed or mistaken in all the 
 rest you say of it. For what you mention of reward, 
 I know not how it came into your head, but I am 
 sure it never entered into mine, nor, I dare say, into 
 any body's else. I will confess to you, that consi- 
 dering the approbation and good opinion which his 
 Majesty, and some considerable enough about him, 
 have been abused into, by my good fortune in this 
 business, I think, a wiser man might possibly make 
 some benefit of it; and some of my friends have ad- 
 vised me to attempt it, but it is in vain: for I know 
 not how to ask, nor why, and this is not an age where 
 any thing is given without it. And, by that time 
 you see me next, you shall find all this which was 
 so much in talk to my advantage for nine days, as 
 much forgotten as if it had never been, and very 
 justly, I think ; for in that time it received a great 
 deal more than its due, from many other hands as 
 well as from yours. This I tell you, that you may 
 not deceive yourself by hoping to see me ever con- 
 siderable, farther than inthekindnessof myfriends; 
 and that your Lordship may do your part to make 
 me so in that, seeing me like to fail in all other 
 ways. But, as I remember, this is a time with you 
 for good speeches, and not for ill letters ; I will 
 therefore end this, to make you more room for the
 
 376 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 others, and hope that none of the eloquence you are 
 entertained with, can be more persuasive than a 
 plain truth, when I assure you that I am, my Lord, 
 your Lordship's most faithful humble servant. 
 
 To my Lord Arlington. 
 
 My Lord, Brussels, March 2, N. S. 1668. 
 
 I am sorry his Majesty should meet with any thing' 
 he did not look for at the opening of this session of 
 Parliament; but confess I do not see why his Ma- 
 jesty should not only consent, but encourage any 
 enquiries or disquisitions they desire to make into 
 the miscarriages of the late war, as well as he has 
 done already in the matter of accounts: for, if it 
 be not necessary, it is a King's ease and happiness 
 to content his people. I doubt, as men will never 
 part willingly with their money, unless they be well 
 persuaded it will be employed directly to those ends 
 for which they gave it; so they will never be satis- 
 fied with a government unless they see men are 
 chosen into offices and employments by being fit for 
 them, continued for discharging them well, reward- 
 ed for extraordinary merit, and punished for re- 
 markable faults. Besides, in these cases, his Ma- 
 jesty discharges the hardship and severity of all pu- 
 nishments upon the Parliament, and commits no 
 force upon the gentleness of his own nature, while 
 his subjects see that no tenderness of their Prince, 
 nor corruption of Ministers, can preserve them long 
 from paying what they owe to any forfeits of their 
 duty. Nor indeed can any Prince do justice to those 
 that serve him well, without punishing those that 
 serve him ill, since that is to make their conditions 
 equal whose deserts are different. 1 should not say 
 this to any person but your Lordship, to whom I 
 know part of that justice is due. But, to say the 
 truth, the progress and end of the last war went so
 
 and other Ministers of State. 377 
 
 much to my heart, and I have heard so much late- 
 ly from Monsieur de Witt concerning the carriage 
 of it on our side, especially what fell under his eye 
 while he was abroad in the fleet that I cannot but 
 think the Parliament may be excused for their 
 warmth in this pursuit. But your Lordship can 
 best discern by the course of debates, whether this 
 proceeds from a steady intention upon a general 
 good, or from some accidental distempers, from 
 which the greatest and best assemblies of men are 
 not always free, especially when they have conti- 
 nued long together. 
 
 I beg your Lordship's pardon for my liberty in 
 these discourses, to which you were pleased to en- 
 courage me by hearing me so obligingly those few 
 minutes I was allowed for such talk or thoughts at 
 my last being with you, and from the sense you then 
 expressed ol the absolute necessity there was for 
 his Majesty to fall into a perfect intelligence with 
 his Parliament, especially being engaged into an 
 appearance of action abroad by the force of this 
 present conjuncture, lam ever, &c. 
 
 To Sir John Trevor. 
 
 Sir, Brussels, March 5, N. S. 1668. 
 
 About ten days since I dispatched avvayan express 
 to you (jointly with the deputies of Holland) 
 whereby we acquaintedyou and Monsieur Bouning- 
 ham, that the Marquis de Castel-Rodrigo had ac- 
 cepted the truce and suspension of arms proposed 
 some time since by France, until the end of March, 
 as well as the other proposed lately by his Majesty 
 and the States-General until the end of May. We 
 are in some pain to have yet received no account of 
 his arrival, but hope this delay will be recompensed 
 by bringing us news of the treaty's being accepted 
 in the same terms by that Court as well as by this.
 
 378 Letters of Sir JVilliamTemple, 
 
 However, in case of any scruple which may be 
 raised there, for want of due notice given of the ac- 
 ceptation here, we now send you an act of the Mar- 
 quis Castel-Rodrigo, authorising his Majesty's and 
 the States' Ministers at Paris to manifest to that 
 Court his Excellency's said acceptation, and there- 
 upon to negotiate and conclude the same on that side. 
 
 And, to the end that no objection may be made 
 by France against the present expedition of this 
 truce, in order to an ensuing treaty and peace, we 
 send you likewise by this express the Marquis'slast 
 answer to our instances yesterday made for the ac- 
 ceptation also of the alternative, which is so full 
 and so direct to the ends of our late treaty, that we 
 have now nothing left to do on this side, the re- 
 mainder of the whole negotiation lying on your parts 
 at Paris, which we are here very much pleased with, 
 seeing it is devolved to so much abler hands. I 
 hope you will place the whole strength of his Ma- 
 jesty's and the States-General credit in that Court 
 upon an immediate consent to the suspension of 
 arms, knowing how dangerous all new accidents 
 may prove to the fair hopes and prospect in which 
 we are at present of a peace ; and withal how far 
 his Majesty and the States are engaged to take part 
 in any action that shall begin after the Marquis's 
 accepting the alternative, as well as all other points 
 of their late project for bringing about so happy an 
 end. 
 
 For a good presage of this greater peace, we re- 
 ceived here the news of that of Portugal, the very 
 evening which brought us so happily the Marquis's 
 answer upon the alternative, which has so much 
 raised the hearts of the Spaniards here, that we are 
 likely to have less thanks for pressing them so far to 
 a prejudicial peace, as they esteem it on this side: 
 but, since they are already obliged, it will depend 
 wholly upon France to hinder the conclusion of this
 
 and other Ministers of State. 379 
 
 in the same season with the other; which I will be- 
 lieve them too wise to do, as well as too constant 
 to the assurances they have already given his Ma- 
 jesty, the States, and several other Princes in this 
 point; of which the immediate consenting to a sus- 
 pension of arms will shew the meaning and effect. 
 I shall no farther increase your present trouble, 
 than by the professions of my being, Sir, your most 
 humble servant. 
 
 To the Count de Molina, Spa- 
 nish Ambassador at London. 
 
 My Lord, March 7, 1668. 
 Your Lxcellency cannotdoubt 
 of my satisfaction in amv.ng at 
 Brussels to find myself there 
 immediately possessed of your 
 letter with the inclosed paper ; 
 though the news of your health 
 was more necessary to me, than 
 that of the unreasonableness of 
 one of your neighbours, and 
 true interests of the others, 
 which 1 find so well described 
 there. But the best ink in the 
 world is not a balsam that can 
 cure such wounds; they must 
 find th^ir remedy from more 
 powerful medicines, which the 
 Marquis of Castel-llodrigo has 
 given us reason to hope, if 
 France will still chuse rather 
 to fall out with all the worid, 
 than to make a peace so much 
 to their own advantage as that 
 we offer them : at least it is cer- 
 tain, that your Excellency with 
 astroke of yourpen hasbrought 
 to light the most covered de- 
 signs of your enemies, unde- 
 ceived with the greatest clear- 
 lie^ oi' your friends, and pat 
 Flanders under the securest 
 protection ; oi' which I cannot 
 
 Al Conde de Molina. 
 
 Senior Mio, 7 Marco 1668. 
 No pueue V . E. dudar del gusto 
 que he tenido enllegar a Brus>,e~ 
 leas, ariendome yo atlado a qui 
 con su carta en las manos con le 
 quaderuo adjunto, au/ique a mi 
 era mucho mas neces.sarialano- 
 ticia de su salud de V. E. que no 
 de la siurazon de uno suyo ve- 
 zino ny d I interez xerdaaero de 
 lot otros que van muy hien tra- 
 cados en el dicho quaderno ; 
 Pero la mejor tintadel mondo no 
 es balsamo bostante para curar 
 tales heridas, y es inenesi r re- 
 medios mas fuertcs, a los quales 
 la prudenciadel Sennor Marques 
 de Castel Rodrigo a dado lugar 
 si la Francia par sus peccados 
 mas qu/s/ere la guerra con todo 
 el mondo, que no la poz axanta- 
 jada qu<- la hemo* offrecido : a 
 lo menos se pue.de dezir que S. E. 
 con un rasyo de pluma a sacado 
 en iuz los desinios mas encubier- 
 tosde sus enimigos, a dado a los 
 interessados el mas clarodess n- 
 ganno,y puesto las cosas de Flan- 
 des debaxodel amparo mnsj'ucrte 
 que se podia buscar, deque no 
 me puedo impedirde dara V.E. 
 la enorabuena.
 
 380 
 
 Letters of Si?' William Temple, 
 
 help rejoicing with you as the 
 author. 
 
 For what relates to Father 
 Patrick, how much soever I 
 concern myself in his fortunes, 
 I do not yet see any way that it 
 can be in my power to serve him 
 on this occasion; the last French 
 conquests having determined 
 the dispute between the Abbot 
 Arnolphino and the Marquis of 
 Baden, about the Abbey de la 
 Charite. 
 
 But the Marquis de Castel- 
 Rodrigo has assured me he will 
 find some other way of shewing 
 the esteem he has both for the 
 merits and person of Father 
 Patrick, to whom I hope your 
 Excellency will do me justice, 
 having endeavoured (though 
 withoutsuccess by this unhappy 
 conjuncture) all that lay in my 
 power to serve him. I kiss your 
 Excellency's hands, and am 
 yours, &c. 
 
 Por interessado que soy en los 
 aumentos del Padre Patricio, no 
 veo come sara possible servirle 
 mas en esta occasion ; aviendo la 
 Francia con supostrera conquista 
 determinada el pleyto entre el 
 Abad Arnolfin y el Marques de 
 Baden, en la de la Abadia de la 
 Caridad. 
 
 Pero el Sennor Marques me 
 haprometido con muchos verasde 
 hollar otra manera di manifestar 
 en quanto stima la personna y 
 les merit os del dicho padre, a 
 quien V. E. me ha de justijiar 
 por averme empennado quaitlo 
 erapossibleen suonegotio antique 
 faltado en ahancarle por la des- 
 dicha de las coyunturas. 
 
 B.L.M.D.V.E. 
 
 Su Mayor Servidor. 
 
 To my Lord Arlington. 
 
 My Lord, Brussels, March IP., N. S. 1668. 
 
 The last post brought me none from England, nor 
 has this week as yet brought me any from Spain ; 
 so that it is France only at this time that entertains 
 us. The dispatch returned us late last night from 
 Sir John Trevor, upon the point of the alternative, 
 has given the town here occasion to talk of the 
 peace as a thing done, though I know not yet what 
 the Marquis says to it, having not seen him since ; 
 but think it possible he may be as much surprised 
 with their acceptation, as, Sir John Trevor says, they 
 were with his. It seems plain to me that France de- 
 sires to pursue the war, but fears our engaging in it ; 
 and, to hinder that, will use all the address that can
 
 and other Ministers of State. 381 
 
 be to lay the obstruction of peace upon the Spa- 
 niards. They on the other side desire to continue 
 the war, provided they may be sure of our and Hol- 
 land's assistance ; and to that end, if they play their 
 game well, they will be sure to retort the address of 
 France upon them, and lay the blame of the war at 
 their doors, without which they have no hopes of 
 Holland's falling into their party; who, whether 
 they are partial to the French or no in this quarrel, 
 are certainly partial to the peace, and will not be 
 drawn toshare in the war but upon the lastnecessity. 
 Therefore my business will be at present to induce 
 the Marquis to clear those two scruples made by the 
 French upon his powers, and the choice of one or 
 other of the alternatives ; in which I know not what 
 success I am like to have after so many advances 
 made already as he conceives on his side, and so near 
 Don John's arrival, at least according to the present 
 reckoning here, which persuades us that he depart- 
 ed from Madrid upon the 22d past. 
 
 I know your Lordship has the same papers I re- 
 ceived from Sir John Trevor, and from what occurs 
 upon them here, I beg your Lordship's leave that I 
 may this once refer you to the inclosed copy of my 
 letter this evening to him upon that subject, having 
 not time left me to repeat it here so at large as I 
 ought to do. 
 
 The truth is, I never had so hard a part upon me 
 as I have at this time, to keep all in good temper 
 between the Marquis and the deputies of Holland: 
 for, besides, that their ends may perhaps be a little 
 different, their complexions are extremely so: he 
 is not the easiest of access, nor the quickest of dis- 
 patch ; and his officers are at the same rate. The 
 Dutch deputies are all upon the spur; and when 
 they demand an audience or a paper, it' they have it 
 not. within half an hour, they say, the Marquis sc 
 mocque d'eua\ \ils si> Irotn > vl ohligez de Vc^crirc rr
 
 382 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 soir aux Estats, < que le Marquis ne cherche que des 
 retardemens, 8$ par la de les engager dans la guerre. 
 When they receive orders to move the Marquis in 
 any particular, they must have it granted the first 
 time it falls in discourse, and in the very same form 
 and words it runs in their letters ; and think the 
 Marquis ought to observe the States order and di- 
 rections as punctually as they ; and will reason him 
 to the death upon every point. The Marquis, who 
 uses to owe no man any thing in that kind, grows 
 ten times more difficult by that time they have talk- 
 ed an hour, than he was at first; and, engaging in 
 large discourses, gives them twenty occasions of 
 growing warm upon the place, and wise afterwards 
 by interpretations, that, God knows, wereneverin 
 the case ; so that in their audiences, between the 
 Marquis's eloquence and their Leyden philosophy, 
 the cards commonly run high, and all is pique and 
 repique between them ; and I am to go to one and 
 the other next day to set all right again, and endea- 
 vour to make them agree asunder upon points which 
 they could by no means agree upon together. But 
 if I go on, I shall weary your Lordship as much as 
 they weary me: and therefore I shall break off this 
 letter with telling you only, that the talk here is of 
 an attempt for the relief of Genap, and that the 
 horse are drawing together for that purpose; with 
 what success I know not, but am sure the French 
 deserve none there, for continuing an attempt so 
 long after the suspension of all enterprises was ac- 
 corded. I am ever, &c. 
 
 To Sir John Trevor. 
 
 Sir, Brussels, March 13, N. S. 1668. 
 
 I am two letters in your debt since my last by the 
 ordinary, one of the 8th, the other of the 12th ; but 
 I must needs say that your last has left you nothing
 
 and other Ministers of State. 383 
 
 in mine. That King's answer is full and fair in my 
 apprehension, what it will appear in the Marquis's I 
 know not : for, since that Court cavils at his accep- 
 tation of the alternative, and calls it captious, I 
 know not whether he may not have his revenge at 
 theirs. Besides, Monsieur Lionne's letter, I con- 
 fess, looks of a very different style from his Ma- 
 ster's, and, in my judgment, artificial : nor do I un- 
 derstand great Ministers reasoning upon the inten- 
 tions of Crowns, rather from common report, from 
 passages of private men's letters, or of books made 
 for argument, than from the open and positive de- 
 claration of Ministers, who ought to know their 
 powers best, and how to use them. Besides, they 
 give the Spaniards very fair play against them in 
 this kind of war, by an action I am very much un- 
 satisfied in, which is, beginning and continuing the 
 siege of Genap about four leagues from hence, now 
 the eighth day after the accord granted by France 
 for the suspension of arms, notwithstanding our 
 signification of it to the commander of those troops; 
 besides the seizing of another castle five days after 
 the said accord, though the courier came in two 
 days from Paris, and the same haste mi^ht as easily 
 have been made upon the othererrand. In short, if 
 France pretends to be believed here, they must give 
 deeds as well as words; and will shew the sincerity 
 of their intentions for peace, by consenting to the 
 truce till the end of May, accepted already here ; 
 since, if there should be any defect in the Marquis's 
 powers, it maybe easily supplied with a little time, 
 and any delay in the choice of the alternative re- 
 paired. In the mean while [ will hope by the next 
 courier to give you satisfaction in those points ; for 
 I neither know why the Marquis should be difficult 
 in making his choice upon the alternative, or ex- 
 posing the material clauses of his powers, which I 
 will assure you are as full, in my apprehension, as
 
 384 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 can be granted. In the mean time, this courier 
 goes to you with a duplicate of Monsieur Colbert's 
 pass (which was sent some time since to the Inter- 
 nuncio at Aix) with the orders sent out for the sus- 
 pension of arms, and with the Marquis's naming a 
 day for the Baron de Bergeyck's coming to Aix, in 
 case Monsieur Colbert can be ready in that time ; 
 though I do not see how the treaty can begin till his 
 Majesty's and the States' Ministers can be there, as 
 well as two principals; and, in that regard, as well 
 as many others, it will be absolutely necessary to 
 obtain France's consent to the truce, if they would 
 have us believe they intend the peace, and, in the 
 mean time, to procure orders for the suspension of 
 arms before Genap, as well as all other places. 
 
 To-morrow I expect an audience upon the choice 
 of the alternative; though I confess 1 did not think, 
 any more than the Marquis, that such declaration 
 was necessary before the Ministers meeting at Aix ; 
 but the compliance must be on the weaker side, 
 and, to that purpose, I shall use my best endeavours, 
 and remain, Sir, &c. 
 
 To my Lord Arlington. 
 
 My Lord, Brussels, March, 16, N. S. 1668. 
 
 By your Lordship's of the 28th past, I am put out 
 of pain for the Merlin yacht, and return of the ra- 
 tification upon the last treaty. The error in the 
 forms of the preceding instruments, sent over for 
 his Majesty's ratification, was, I suppose, occasion- 
 ed, as your Lordship says, by the omission of sign- 
 ing both parts, which I confess was offered me by 
 the Dutch Commissioners, but, being unpractised 
 in those forms, I chose to follow the Ambassador's 
 example at Breda, who signed but one. 
 
 Your Lordship sees how ill a Minister I am likely 
 to make, if ever I must enter upon new forms, or a
 
 and other Ministers of State. 385 
 
 character that requires being more punctual in 
 them. I shall however say no more in answer to 
 what your Lordship has hinted to me about the 
 journey to Aix, having written from Antwerp all 
 that occurred to me upon it: after which I know 
 very well, it becomes me to leave all to the King's 
 pleasure. I have asked the Marquis, with what cha- 
 racter he will send the Baron de Bergeyck ; he says, 
 in quality of Plenipotentiary, but, in the rest, with 
 power to take upon him that character the French 
 Minister shall assume. He plainly acknowledges 
 that in right he cannot send any man with the title 
 of an Ambassador, which lies only between two 
 Sovereigns; and I know not why the character of 
 Plenipotentiary may not agree with that of Envoy 
 Extraordinary on all hands,. But the light in this 
 point must be drawn from France, and not from 
 this place. 
 
 Last night at an audience jointly with the Dutch 
 deputies (which 1 had disposed in the morning with 
 the Marquis, and with difficulty enough) his Ex- 
 cellency was content to declare his choice with the 
 alternative, which was to leave France their con- 
 quest of last campaign, and likewise to promise us 
 a transcription of the most material clauses: both 
 to be sent to Sir John Trevor and Mr. Van Bou- 
 ningham at Paris, to enable them to give that Court 
 satisfaction upon their least objections against the 
 Marquis's acceptation of the alternative. So that 
 we have now gained the utmost point that can be 
 desired here in pursuit of our treaty, and must leave 
 the rest upon their hands at Paris. 
 
 The Marquis took occasion at the same time to 
 complain hard of the French breaking the suspen- 
 sion by the attempt upon Genap, which was yielded 
 to them, two days since upon conditions, after a 
 large breach with their cannon, and seems to be de- 
 signed for a post to block up this town, which they 
 
 VOL. I. 2 c
 
 380 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 would certainly do if they could possess themselves 
 of Terveur and Vilvorde ; the first being an aban- 
 doned place, and the second not tenable without 
 forces to relieve it. I do not see how his Majesty 
 and the States can refuse to oblige France to restore 
 Genap within the time of the suspension, since no 
 pretence of mistake or delay in the orders can ap- 
 pear at all sincere without the restitution, the siege 
 continuing to the eighth day after the accord made 
 for the suspension at Paris. 
 
 The Marquis seems to apprehend, that the effects 
 of our having obtained from him all that France 
 can demand in pursuit of their former proposals, 
 or we in pursuit of our treaty, will be a sudden 
 throwing off the mask on the French side, and 
 making what advances they can in the war, before 
 we and Holland are in posture to enter upon de- 
 fence of this country, and therefore presses, all that 
 can be, our arming, and concerting how to proceed 
 in such a case: and I suppose his Majesty may think 
 fit to encourage Holland that is so near, and alrea- 
 dy armed, to furnish them here with three or four 
 thousand foot, for defence of their towns upon the 
 first motions of the French to attack any of them; 
 with assurance that his Majesty will fall into the 
 tame course, with all possible speed and vigour, 
 and in the ways that shall be concerted. 
 
 For the supplies of money from hence, I can yet 
 say no more than in my former, though I omit no 
 instances upon that subject : but I doubt in the pre- 
 sent posture here the King will lose his right, which 
 they say will be, where nothing is. And I cannot 
 yet find any thing drawn to a conclusion in the ne- 
 gotiation with Holland, for the money upon their 
 towns. The Marquis shewed me Don Estavan's 
 last letters yesterday upon that matter, which say, 
 that the Dutch insist peremptorily upon all the 
 Spaniards hold in Guelderland, and, besides, upon
 
 and other Ministers of State. 387 
 
 Damme and two other forts in Flanders. On the 
 other side, the Spaniards are unwilling to conclude, 
 if a peace be like to ensue; by which means, parting 
 from those places to the Dutch, and at the same time 
 so many other to the French, would leave them 
 hardly any thing here they would think worth their 
 pains to keep : so that the conclusion of this money 
 matter between them will depend upon the French 
 King's answer to the truce till the end of May, 
 and fuller declaring the continuance of his satisfac- 
 tion upon the alternative ; and even then I doubt 
 it may be necessary for me to make a journey into 
 Holland, for the perfecting that treaty between 
 them and the Marquis, who has not yet found out 
 the persons or ways of treating to any purpose with 
 them. In the mean time, if I knew how far I might 
 engage his Majesty to arm in the defence of these 
 countries, since Spain has accepted all we propose 
 in our treaty; I would endeavour to induce the Mar- 
 quis to conclude a treaty to that purpose, and for 
 furnishing his Majesty thereupon with certain sums 
 at certain times, thereby to make the debt at least 
 from Spain a certain thing whenever the money 
 could be found. I hope to receive some light from 
 your Lordship upon this, in answer to a former of 
 mine, and the mean while will prepare the matter 
 with the Marquis. 
 
 I am sufficiently warned upon the point of the 
 pavilion, and will hopehis Majesty'sconstancy there- 
 in proceeds from a resolution to take those courses 
 and counsels which may make him as much feared 
 abroad as any of his ancestors were, in whose time 
 that point was first gained; for without that our pre- 
 tensions will grow vain at present, and in time ob- 
 solete. In the mean while I hope some expedient 
 will be foreseen, that may prevent the inconve- 
 nienciesor unkiiulnesses which may happen between 
 us and the Dutch upon this point in the present con- 
 
 2 c 2
 
 388 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 juncture; and, in case of necessity, to join our fleets. 
 The indignity offered us by la Roche in landing 
 armed men in England, and the rest, seems the 
 greatest I have ever heard of that kind : and how 
 far moderation in resenting and revenging injuries 
 is a virtue in a Prince, or a State, as well as in a 
 private Christian, I will not take upon me to judge. 
 That which I know best is, that I am ever, &c. 
 
 To my Lord Arlington. 
 
 My Lord, Brussels, March 20, N. S. 1668. 
 
 The day after the last English pacquet's arrival, I re- 
 ceived your Lordship's of the 2d by the Dutch Re- 
 sident's conveyance, which, together with some ex- 
 pressions I made out of your letter, gave me occa- 
 sion to conclude that your Lordship at the writing 
 of it believed me in Holland; I know not whether 
 upon something written by the Marquis or me ; but 
 that journey, I see, the Marquis would have depend 
 upon the French answer to our last dispatch, and 
 their consenting or refusing the proposed truce till 
 May, from which he supposes it willbe easy to guess 
 a peace or a war. In the mean time I was in hopes 
 to receive some particular commands or instructions 
 for my carriage in Holland, not desiring to be left 
 so much at large ; and it is very possible I ought to 
 have received them by your Lordship's last; but 
 that new cypher will, at one time or other, cast me 
 into despair; for, by all our skill, we cannot make 
 out one syllable of the two long paragraphs; though 
 making out the last short one very easily makes us 
 see the fault must be on the writer's side, and I am 
 apt to imagine the exactness required to this cypher 
 is more than can agree with the haste often neces- 
 sary in your Lordship's office ; having observed fre- 
 quent mistakes in the use of the old cypher, which 
 yet never hindered my collection of the sense,
 
 and other Ministers of State. 389 
 
 whereas the least of this is mortal to the whole pa- 
 ragraph. 
 
 I cannot yet come to any adjustment with the 
 Marquis upon the chief point recommended to me, 
 though I have often fallen upon the discourse, and 
 endeavoured to engage it farther by the offer of a 
 project I have drawn up to that purpose ; but he as- 
 sures me your Lordship is fallen upon it with the 
 Count de Molina and Baron dePIsola in England, 
 and, when you have agreed it, will send it over hi- 
 ther for his Excellency to perfect; which, I confess, 
 I think were the better way, since I am but very 
 generallyinstructed in it: however, his Excellency 
 desired me this morning to perfect the draught I 
 had projected, that, in case we found it not concluded 
 in England, it might be ended here. 
 
 I doubt, he will not be induced to part with what 
 the Dutch demand in Guelderland, till he foresees 
 plainly an inevitable war ; and, till that conclusion, 
 or Don John's arrival, all will be misery here, what 
 could be spared being gone out upon new levies and 
 recruits, and the very Spaniards late arrived here 
 falling already into want; which is a piece of hus- 
 bandry of all others I cannot understand, the old 
 troops every day diminishing as the new levies ad- 
 vance. But they assure me, Don John brings with 
 him in bars a million and a half of crowns, and an- 
 other million and a half of the same money in re- 
 mises; which is the life of all hopes here, though we 
 cannot yet be certain of his having left Madrid; the 
 last letters of the 29th past mentioning his indispo- 
 sition, at the same time with his design of parting 
 three days after. 
 
 Your Lordship will have found that all I could 
 uncypher in your last was already performed here, 
 both upon the choice of the alternative, as well as 
 satisfaction in the powers, and disposition of the Ba- 
 ron Bergeyck's departing for Aix : however, 1 failed
 
 390 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 not to mind the Marquis of the last this very morn- 
 ing; who assured me the Baron should certainly be 
 there by the day appointed, which is the 2?th of 
 this month, and that his equipage was already well 
 advanced; buthowever the compleatingof it should 
 not hinder his journey. The Baron tells me that 
 France, upon designing Monsieur Colbert, declared 
 his character to be of Ambassador Plenipotentiary, 
 with reserve of joining another to him as chief of 
 the ambassy in case of the Marquis's going; but 
 that he (the Baron) knows not yet in what quality 
 he shall go, leaving it wholly to the disposition of 
 the Marquis. 
 
 I have this week along andhearty assurance, from 
 Monsieur de Witt, of the States resolutions to pur- 
 sue the effects of our treaty, with all the vigour that 
 can be; and, for that end, of their having given the 
 first rendezvous to their army near Bergen-op-Zoom, 
 from whence they may easily fall into the defence 
 of the Spanish towns, upon the first attempt of the 
 French after they have refused the peace: which 
 they must now suddenly unmask themselves in, one 
 way or other ; no farther pretences being left, since 
 our last Friday pacquets, which were repeated by 
 an express on Sunday, and shall go by another this 
 week for surety sake; (and your Lordship may be 
 assured we omit no cautions we can use, in the mat- 
 ter of our dispatches, of which none yet has failed us:) 
 the suspension of enterprizesisownedbythe French 
 Commanders since the taking of Genap: so that 
 there is little now that furnishes talk here, besides 
 the shameless treason by which Burgundy was lost, 
 and of which the Marquis d'Yenne the Governor, 
 his nephew the Count de St. Amour, andDon John 
 de Batteville have chief honour; the last being em- 
 ployed by the Marquis to treat with the Switzers 
 for the protection of that country. The villainy 
 and foulness of this action make the Spaniards say
 
 and other Ministers of State. SO 1 
 
 here, that a great King should rather have sent his 
 lacqueys, than gone himself, to receive such a con- 
 quest. I am ever, &c. 
 
 To my Lord Keeper, 
 
 My Lord, Brussels, March 23, N. S. 1668. 
 
 I believe you may wonder on that side, as well as 
 many do on this, both here and in Holland, at the 
 election the Marquis has lately made of the alter- 
 native offered by France, after so long a delibera- 
 tion, as might have served him to make a wiser choice. 
 For, if Spain had parted with the county of Burgun- 
 dy, Cambray, Air, and St. Omer; though they had 
 furnished France with a better frontier, yettheyhad 
 kept a good one for the rest of these countries on 
 bothsides; whereas, parting with the late conquered 
 places, besides their large dependencies, which 
 straiten their territories that should maintain their 
 armies, their whole frontier is laid open on the side 
 of Flanders, by the loss of Douay, Lisle, and Tour- 
 nay, and, on the other side, by that of Aeth and 
 Charleroy; which leaves the Spaniards the open 
 towns of Louvain and Brussels for a frontier on this 
 side, and those of Ghent and Bruges on the other ; 
 and the country so pierced by the French conquest, 
 as what remains will be the work but of one cam- 
 paign, whenever the counsels or forces of England 
 and Holland shall fail or delay to defend them. 
 
 The reasoners here pretend to say, that Spain 
 could not part with the * French County, because 
 they must with it quit the title they yet retain of 
 Dukesof Burgundy ; and, besides, they would there- 
 by lose their communication wholly with Lorrain, 
 and in a great measure with the Empire : This last 
 is indeedof weight, though the first be but airy. Bu! 
 
 Burgundy.
 
 392 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 neither of them I take to have determined the Mar- 
 quis in his choice ; and, having in various confer- 
 ences penetrated his inmost thoughts upon this 
 suhject, I judged it necessary to acquaint your 
 Lordship with them ; that his Majesty, knowing 
 perfectly the dispositions of hisneighbours, may the 
 better take his own measures, in this great conjunc- 
 ture. But, to explain this matter, I must run it up 
 to the original. 
 
 Your Lordship remembers, that after the French 
 invasions and successes last year in Flanders, and 
 the peace at Breda, when they found how much 
 both England and Holland resented the progress of 
 their arms in Flanders; they sent a declaration to 
 the States-General, that they were willing to make a 
 peace with Spain, either upon Spain's quitting all 
 their right to the late conquered places, or else to 
 the county of Burgundy, Cambray, Air, and St. 
 Omers, and would leave to Spain the choice of ei- 
 ther of these alternatives. The Dutch were per- 
 plexed what use to make of this declaration, being 
 frighted at the danger of Flanders, but newly and 
 faintly reconciledto England, and notknowinghow 
 we would take the invasion of Flanders. In these 
 doubts I found them when his Majesty sent me first 
 to sound their intentions, and, immediately after, to 
 enter into leagues with them, for our own mutual 
 defence, and that of Flanders. The King would 
 have joined with them for the recovery of all the 
 Spaniards had lost in Flanders, either by a peace or 
 a war. The province of Utrecht was for this reso- 
 lution ; but the Pensioner and the other six Pro- 
 vinces were for accepting the offer of the alterna- 
 tive made by France, and obliging Spain to make 
 their choice, as well as France to stand by their 
 own proposal. ^Upon these terms the triple alliance 
 was concluded, but with different views, both of 
 Holland and of Spain. The truth is, Holland was
 
 and other Ministers of State. 3Q3 
 
 unwilling to break off their ancient amity with 
 France, and embark in a war, with the conjunction 
 of such an old enemy as Spain, and such a new 
 friend as England. They reckoned on a peace 
 upon one of the alternatives, and were solicitous 
 only to preserve Flanders as a frontier for Holland 
 against France, without considering the interests of 
 Spain further than as they appeared to be their own. 
 They reckoned certainly upon Spain's chusing to 
 part with Burgundy, Cambray, &c. which lay far 
 from Holland, and recovering the towns they had 
 lost in Flanders, by which their country would be 
 left defensible, at least with the assistances of Eng- 
 land and Holland. I 
 
 On the other side Spain, though they professed 
 the greatest sense that could be of what they owed 
 his Majesty, upon the lategenerousadvances he had 
 made in their favour ; yet they were enraged at Hol- 
 land, for seconding so ill his Majesty's resolutions, 
 and turning it upon the choice only of an alterna- 
 tive, by which the Spaniards were to lose so great 
 territories, and part with theirrightto them, instead 
 of recovering the possession they had yet only lost. 
 They took it as the greatest indignity in the world, 
 that Holland should pretend to oblige the Crown of 
 Spain to accept the very conditions of France, after 
 an invasion so unjust, as they esteemed this last. 
 They were at first upon the thoughts of parting with 
 all they had in the Low Countries to Fiance, upon 
 some equivalent on the side of Spain ; and thereby 
 both end the charge of keeping Flanders, and be 
 revenged upon the Dutch, by leaving them open and 
 exposed totheneighbourhood of France. The Mar- 
 quis once assured me, that most of the council of 
 Spain were for making this desperate peace; and 
 that, for his own part, he was inclined to it, though 
 more out of spite to the Dutch, than what he 
 thought was the true interest of Spain. After some
 
 394 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 pause, this heat of the Spaniards began to cool : 
 they saw the Spanish Crown, by parting with Flan- 
 ders, must abandon all commerce with the Princes 
 and States on this side that country ; and that, upon 
 a new war with France about the succession, they 
 should have no way left of diverting the French 
 forces from falling upon Spain itself. And so, with 
 much ado, they resolved to accept the alternative; 
 but left the choice to the Marquis here, as best en- 
 lightened in all the interests of Flanders, as well as 
 the dispositions of their neighbours. 
 
 The Marquis hated the peace upon either of the 
 alternatives, and desired nothing but the conti- 
 nuance of the war, with the assistance of England 
 and Holland, to which he saw his Majesty inclina- 
 ble, and thought the States would be induced to, 
 rather than venture an agreement between Spain 
 and France, for the exchange of Flanders: he 
 thought, that, if they yielded Burgundy and the 
 remote frontiers, Holland would be secure, and 
 France would perhaps be contented to let the peace 
 rest upon those terms during the King of Spain's 
 tender life : but, if he yielded all the late conquered 
 towns to France, Holland would be in perpetual 
 alarm for the danger of the rest ; England would 
 be likewise the more concerned, and both, being 
 obliged to be continually armed, to prevent the dan- 
 ger of Flanders, would find it their interest, rather 
 to enter into such a war, as might end in a safer 
 peace, than by a patched peace to lie always in dan- 
 ger of a new war, whenever France should be in a 
 condition of carrying the rest of Flanders, by any 
 sudden invasion, or by any discontent of counsels 
 or interests between us and Holland. 
 
 Besides, the Marquis imagines, that France will 
 either endeavour to avoid the peace now offered ; 
 or, if they conclude it for the present, that, being 
 possessed of the frontiers of Flanders, they will not
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 395 
 
 long resist the temptation of carrying the rest, being 
 in a manner but open country; and thereby engage 
 both us and Holland to assist Spain with all our 
 forces, which, he thinks, must make the war pro- 
 sperous, or a peace secure. So that, upon the whole, 
 the Marquis has chosen this alternative, not from 
 any desire of making the peace at present, but only 
 in the view, either of carrying on the present war, 
 or of making another with the strength of his neigh- 
 bours. 
 
 Your Lordship may easily judge, how much the 
 Dutch are like to be disappointed and offended with 
 the Spaniards for this choice : so that I cannot pre- 
 tend to guess what is like to become of a peace 
 which both France and Spain come to so unwilling- 
 ly, and which England and Holland promote upon 
 conditions which they both dislike. And so I leave 
 this perplexed affair, and ask your Lordship's par- 
 don for this long deduction, which I should not 
 have troubled your Lordship or myself with, but 
 that I thought you would come to know the true 
 springs of it no other way: and which I could not 
 have known, if the Marquis were not a very warm 
 talker, and sometimes farther than he intended. 
 I am ever, &c. 
 
 To Monsieur de Will. 
 
 Brussels, March 25, N. S. 
 Sir, 1668. 
 
 By Monsieur Van Beuning- 
 hen's dispatches of the 21st, 
 you will have known the an- 
 swer of the French Court upon 
 the truce we desired, which in 
 my opinion seems to make the 
 war inevitable ; and that all the 
 appearances France has made 
 of desiring a peace, are levelled 
 at no other mark hut to slacken 
 the resolutions oftheallies from 
 
 A Monsieur de Witt. 
 
 Bruxclles, le 25 Mars, 
 Monsieur, S. X. 1668. 
 
 J'oits avcz appris, par les depe- 
 ches i!c Monsieur ran Beuning- 
 hen <Iu 21 du courant, la reponsc 
 de la Cour de France sur la 
 /rive la lit desiree: cette reponsc 
 selon moi semble rendrelaquerre 
 inevitable ; Is il parent (pie tout ex 
 les wines (pie la France Jait de 
 la vouloir, ne tendent a autre but 
 (pdi) refroidir les allies sur le 
 .v, cours des Pais-lias, ou du
 
 396 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 assisting Flanders ; or, at least, 
 to gain six weeks time to en- 
 large their conquests, before 
 the Spaniards can either receive 
 the recruits they expected, or 
 the assistance of their neigh- 
 bours for defending their most 
 considerable places. For, as 
 to what the French propose, of 
 restoring all they shall conquer 
 between the end of this month 
 and the 15th of May, it seems 
 to me to be too gross, and to 
 discover a contempt of our wit 
 as well as of our treaty : for if 
 all our offices and offers to 
 make Spain ratify whatthe Mar- 
 quis has accepted, are not suf- 
 ficient to with-hold them six 
 weeks, from what they pretend 
 to restore, how will they be ca- 
 pable of restoring for ever what 
 theyhave already taken? lean- 
 not see how their manner of ac- 
 cusing and making exceptions to 
 the absolutepowers of a Minister 
 of Spain ; and all this founded 
 upon particular intelligence 
 they pretend to have from the 
 court at Madrid, nor the formal 
 objections they make against 
 the delegation of the Baron de 
 Bergeyck, when at the same 
 time they send Monsieur Col- 
 bert to Aix la Chapelle; how, 
 I say, all this can admit better 
 interpretation in what regards 
 their intentions for the peace : 
 for, in whatever comes from 
 these Ministers at Paris, I 
 think one may discover an ir- 
 regular ambition under a great 
 deal of affectation and disguise, 
 whereof God only knows the 
 issue. 
 
 moms d gagner un mois Sf demi 
 de terns, qfin de pousser ses con- 
 quetes, avant que les Espagnols 
 puissent recevoir leurs recruites, 
 ou des secours de leurs voisins 
 pourmunir leurs plus importan- 
 tes places. Car, a I'egard de V 
 offre qu'elle fait, de restituer 
 tout ce qui sera conquis entre la 
 Jin de ce mois ty le 15 de Mai, 
 cela me paroit trop grassier, b; 
 decouvre meme son mepris pour 
 nos csprits aussi bien que de no- 
 tre traite. Car, si tous ?ios soins, 
 Sf nos bons offices, joints a I 'offre 
 que nousfaisons defaire ratifier 
 par I'Espagne les articles dejh 
 acceptes par le Marquis de Cas- 
 tel-Rodrigo, n'ont pu obtenir de 
 la France quelle renonce pour 
 six semaines au dessein de tenter 
 de nouvelles conquetes, qui so?it, 
 au reste, les seules quelle offre 
 de restituer ; si tout cela, dis je, 
 est vrai, nou ; pouvons-nousfater 
 que nous en obtiendrons la resti- 
 tution entiere? Je ne vois pas que 
 leur maniere de chicaner, fy de 
 faire des exceptions contre les 
 plcins-pouvoirs d'un Ministre 
 d'Espagne, & tout celafonde sur 
 les avisparticuliers que la France 
 pretend avoir de la cour de Ma- 
 drid, non plus que les objections 
 formelles qu'elle fait contre la 
 delegation du Baron du Ber- 
 geyck, en meme terns quelle en- 
 voye Monsieur Colbert a Aix la 
 Chapelle, puissent recevoir de 
 meiUe.urs interpretations par rap- 
 port a leurs intentions pour la 
 paix: car dans tout ce qui part 
 de ces Mi?iistres, il me semble qu' 
 on decouvre une ambition dere- 
 glec, qui se couvrc sous une ad- 
 dresse reclierchee, 8? des mani- 
 crcs trop etudiees pour etre st7i- 
 ceres. Dieusait ce qui en est.
 
 and other Ministers of State. 3 ( J7 
 
 For myself, I will tell you in Pour moi,je vous dirai, avec 
 
 confidence, and with my usual ma conjiance Sf ma franchise or- 
 
 freedom, my opinion in all this, dinaires, mon sentiment sur tout 
 
 I think then, in the first place, cela. C'est que par tout es sortes 
 
 that by all our negotiations, cle negociations les mieux condui- 
 
 though never so well managed ; 
 by all our offices and caresses ; 
 we shall never obtain a peace 
 from France, while they have 
 any appearances of pursuing 
 their interest or their glory in 
 
 tes, par toutes sortes de cajoleries , 
 ft de caresses, 8f par tant de 
 bonsqffices re'iteres, nous nepour- 
 rons jamais obtenir la paix de la 
 France, pendant qu'elle estfatee 
 par les apparences, qu'elle 
 
 carrying on the war : and that juge qu'il est Sf de son mteret 
 
 the only way of disposing them $? de sa gloirc de pousser la 
 
 to a peace, is to order it so, as guerre ; Sf que par consequent le 
 
 they may only find their inter- seul moyen de la disposer h la 
 
 ests in it; which we can no paixc'estdefaireensortequela 
 
 otherwise do, but by shewing paix seulepuissc s'accorder avec 
 
 them the strength of our forces, ses inter its. Pour cela il me 
 
 and the firmness of our resolu- 
 tions before the war begins ; 
 and, since we only draw a war 
 on ourselves by desiring apeace, 
 to endeavour on the contrary 
 
 semble, que la seidevoye qui nous 
 est qfferte, est defaire une gran- 
 de montre de nos forces, de pa- 
 roitre bien rholus a la guerre, 
 avant que la guerre commence: 
 
 to draw on the peaceby making carpuisque nousattirons laguer- 
 all the appearances or' desiring re en voulant trap forlement la 
 a war. paix, ilj'aut tacher au contraire 
 
 d'altircr la paix en faisant tou- 
 tes les mines de vouloir la guerre. 
 C'est pourquoi, il me semble 
 
 Therefore I think, that what 
 remains to be done is, to ad- 
 vance as much as possible our 
 preparations and forces by sea 
 and land; and let the most 
 
 que ce qui restc afaire, c'est de 
 hater nos preparatifs, &; de 
 mcttre toutes nos forces en etat 
 tant par mer que par icrre : de 
 
 Christian King know by our faire dire en m erne terns par nos 
 Ministers, that since his Ma- Ministres au lloi t?-es Chretien, 
 
 jesty still declares he is content 
 with the alternative already ac- 
 cepted by the Marquis of Cas- 
 tel-Rodngo, and that all the 
 difficulty his Majesty finds, is 
 only upon the powers of the said 
 Martinis, and the sincerity of 
 
 que puisque sa ]SIajestc paroit 
 dispost'e a se contenter de V alter- 
 native deja acccptce par le Mar- 
 quis de Castel-Rodrigo, Sf que 
 touteladifjicidte roidesur lespou- 
 voirs du dit Marquis, <!y sur la 
 sincerite des intentions de la cour 
 
 intentions in the Court of Spain: d'Espagne; nous la prions dt 
 
 we therefore desire his Majesty nous accorder par tine suspension 
 
 to give us so much time by a d'armes autant de terns qu'il en 
 
 suspension of arms, as may be Jaut pour depecher a Madrid, $< 
 
 sufficient to send a dispatch to de Madrid revenir ii Paris avec 
 
 Madrid, and return to Pari* une reponse,j'entens un* rtpo<e
 
 398 
 
 with a full and plain answer 
 from the King of Spain upon 
 the alternative. (And truly I 
 think. a month's time will be 
 sufficient after the dispatches 
 of our expresses from Paris.) 
 But in the mean time to add, 
 that if his Majesty refuses us a 
 demand so necessary to the 
 peace of Christendom, and will 
 still carry on his arms without 
 consideration of the offers of 
 Spain, or offices of the allies ; 
 that, upon the first advances he 
 shall make to attack the rest of 
 Flanders, we will march with 
 our forces to defend it, and en- 
 deavour farther by all ways to 
 give him a diversion both by 
 sea and land. 
 
 This I think is all that is left 
 us to do upon the present state 
 of affairs, for obtaining the 
 peace : and, as to the inward 
 dispositions of the Spaniards, I 
 will tell you, that there is not 
 one of them here, of the least 
 consideration, who does not de- 
 sire it, and think it wholly for 
 the present interest of Spain : 
 and the Marquis assures me in 
 confidence, that he has not only 
 the power exhibited, but that 
 the King his Master has given 
 him others, by which he leaves 
 him absolute arbiter of the con- 
 ditions of the peace, according 
 as conjunctures shall serve to 
 make him accepteitheranequal 
 or a disadvantageous one. And 
 all the delays of Don John seem 
 only to proceed from their hopes 
 of a peace upon the project of 
 our treaty. 
 
 In the mean time I am glad 
 the States have sent Monsieur 
 Van Beverning to be at Aix 
 with the Ministers of both 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 nette $ precise de la Heine d 1 
 Espagne, touchant I' alternative, 
 dont les deux parties temoignent 
 se contcnter (&; pour moi il me 
 semblc,qu'unmoisapr~esle depart 
 de nos couriers de Paris sera 
 suffsant) d'ajouter en meme 
 terns, que si sa Majeste nous re- 
 fuse unc demande sinecessaire au 
 repos de la Chretiente, % veut 
 sans e gar d pour les offres d'Es- 
 pogne, 8? les offices des allies, 
 pousser ses amies plus loin ; que 
 sur lapremiere demarche qu'elle 
 fera pour altaquer le reste des 
 Pois-Bas, nous ferons avancer 
 nos troupes pour les defendre, Sf 
 tacherons de produire une puis- 
 sante diversion tant par mer que 
 par terre. 
 
 Voila cc me semhle tout ce qui 
 nous reste a tenter sur Vet at pre- 
 sent des affaires, afin d'obtenir 
 la paix. Etpour ce qui est des 
 dispositions interieures des Es- 
 pagnols, je vous dirai qu'il n't/ 
 en a pas un seul ici tant soit pen 
 considerable, qui ne la souhaiie, 
 S; qui ne croity voir V interet pre- 
 sent de l' Espagne. Le Marquis 
 m'a assure en confance qu'il n'a 
 pas seulcment les pouvoirs exlii- 
 bes, mais de plus, que le Roi lit? 
 en a donne encore un autre, 
 par lequel il le rend arbitre ab- 
 solu des conditions de la paix, sc- 
 ion que les conjunctures le devront 
 determiner a la recevoir a des 
 conditions ou egales ou desavan- 
 tageuses. Et tous les retarde- 
 mens de Don Juan ne scmblcnl 
 provenir (pie de ce qu'il espere 
 une paix conforme au projet de 
 notrc traite. 
 
 En attendant, je suis bien aise 
 de ce que les Etats font partir 
 Monsieur Van Beverning, pour 
 se trouver a Aix avec les Mi-
 
 and other Ministers of State. 399 
 
 Crowns; I doubt not but the nistres des deux Couronnes ;jene 
 
 King my Master will do the doute pas que le Roi mon Mai- 
 
 game, when he shall have re- ire ne fasse la meme demarche, 
 
 ceived advice of their depar- quand il aura reca avis de leur 
 
 ture ; for forms must be ob- depart ; car il faut satisfaire 
 
 served as well as substance; auxfor)nesaussibienqu*aufondg 
 
 though for my share I cannot quoique pour moi, je ne puisse 
 
 imagine to what effect this con- imaginer que! effet resultera de 
 
 gress will meet: France having ce congress la France s'ctant 
 
 declared itself already upon the deja declarce sur l' invalidity de 
 
 invalidity of the delegation in la delegation en particulier, ans- 
 
 particular, as well as of the si Lieu que sur les pouvoirsen ve- 
 
 powers in general. And truly neral. Et pour moi, toute appa~ 
 
 I think, all pretence of negotia- rence de negotiation avant une 
 
 tion without a cessation of arms cessation d'artnes me paroit une 
 
 seems a mere jest in an affair pure mucquerie,surtuui dans une 
 
 where two months progress in conjuncture oil deux moisdeguer- 
 
 the war may so near end the re # de progres pcuvent chan- 
 
 dispute upon which they pre- ger la face des choses, # decider 
 
 tend to treat. I am, Sir, your, le difference sur lequelonvatrai- 
 
 &c. ter. Je suis, fyc. 
 
 To Mr. Godolphin. 
 
 Sir, Brussels, March 27, N. S. 1668. 
 
 I received lately the favour of some lines from you 
 in a letter of my wife's, which were the first 1 re- 
 member to have seen of yours these five or six months 
 past, though I never failed on my part to entertain 
 the commerce between us as became both our sta- 
 tions, and the kindness with which it began on both 
 sides, as I thought; I am sure on mine, till I took 
 your silence as a civil declaration that you were 
 willing it should end : and the compliance I was de- 
 sirous to shew you in all things would not suffer me 
 to deny it you in this. I find it very difficult to an- 
 swer your last otherwise than by giving you thanks 
 for the favour of your remembrance, which indeed 
 I thought had been better employed than upon one 
 who has for so long time so little deserved it. For 
 those expressions you are pleased to use so much be- 
 low yourself, and so much above me, 1 confess they
 
 400 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 rather con found than oblige me, since lam not fond 
 of receiving what I despair of returning. I know no 
 reason at all I had to be angry with you, but much 
 rather with myself, if, having been once possessed 
 of your friendship, you found I did not deserve it : 
 but, as I reckoned that loss among my ill fortunes, 
 so I shall among my good, whenever you return to 
 your former dispositions of favour to me, though the 
 misery of the scene where I live will teacli me to be 
 fond of no possessions that I am in danger of losing; 
 and, to a plain equal man like me, the certainty of 
 an estate seems more valuable than the greatness 
 of it. But I have as much ambition for my friends 
 advances, as others have for their own ; and there- 
 fore rejoice in all your good fortunes in Spain, and 
 wish you an increase of them in your next designs. 
 I am, &c. 
 
 To my Lord Keeper. 
 
 My Lord, Brussels, April 3, N. S. 1668. 
 
 I received some days since the honour of one from 
 your Lordship of the 9th past, and, though I owe 
 all the acknowledgments that can be upon it, yet I 
 will not so much wrong your Lordship's time, or 
 my own sincereness, as to enlarge them with much 
 ceremony. It will be enough to say, that nothing 
 can be more obliging than your favour to me, both 
 in the degree and manner of it, arising so freely 
 from your Lordship's bounty and generousness, as 
 well as expressed in a way so frank and so hearty 
 as that of your last letter; and, on the other side, 
 that no man can resent it more, though they may 
 much better deserve it : and that your Lordship can 
 never reckon more truly, nor more justly, upon any 
 person'sesteem andservices,than upon mine,which 
 I humbly beg your Lordship to believe. I doubt 
 you will be troubled with my wife's attendances,
 
 and other Ministers of State. 401 
 
 having told her, your Lordship had given her that 
 liberty : if ever she pretends your favour and coun- 
 tenance farther than in receiving what the King has 
 made my due upon this employment while I have 
 it, or what his Majesty shall, from his own motion, 
 assign me, upon any new commission; 1 disclaim 
 her beforehand, and declare she goes not upon my 
 errand ; for 1 shall never think that too little which 
 his Majesty thinks enough: for the rest, I will be 
 confident neither your Lordship nor my Lord Ar- 
 lington intend I should ruin myself by my employ- 
 ments, or that I should, at my own charge, bear 
 out a character, which, of itself, is enough to turn 
 round a head that has all its life, till these last three 
 years, been used to shade and silence. In case the 
 occasion shouldbreak,andmyjourney to Aixshould 
 yet fail, I ask nothing of his Majesty, though put- 
 ting myself in a posture to comply with any sudden 
 necessity of it has already forced me to enter into 
 very considerable expences : but, in case I must go, 
 I beg your Lordship, that has children, to consider 
 how hard it would be for me to perform such a jour- 
 ney upon my own credit. Whatever it be his Ma- 
 jesty thinks fit to assign me upon such an occasion, 
 if he pleases to order Alderman Backwell to fur- 
 nish me with a letter of credit for so much, let it 
 be what it will, I will live according to what that 
 and my own little revenue will reach, and not spare 
 any little presents I have received in his Majesty's 
 service, where his honour requires it : all I desire 
 is only not to be forced into debts, which, to say 
 the truth, I have ever abhorred, and would by my 
 good will eat dry crusts, and lie upon the floor, ra- 
 ther than do it upon any other consideration, than 
 of his Majesty's immediate commands, and I hope 
 those, his justice, and my friend's favour, will pre- 
 vent. 
 
 I beg your Lordship's pardon for troubling you 
 vol. i. l 2 D
 
 402 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 with this strange freedom about my own concern- 
 ments, which you have pleased to encourage me to, 
 and may at any time check me in it, with the least 
 discountenance, which I doubt I have already de- 
 served. But I will not increase or lengthen my 
 faults by excuses, nor trouble your Lordship, by 
 repeating any thing of what my Lord Arlington 
 receives from me at large, upon the course of pub- 
 lic affairs here ; which, though seeming to change 
 often in others eyes, appears to me constant in the 
 French design of a war ; which I believe nothing 
 can alter, but the visible marks of force and stea- 
 diness in their neighbours to oppose them. 
 
 I beg your Lordship's belief, that, as I am with 
 very great reason, so I am with very great passion 
 too, my Lord, your, &c. 
 
 To Monsieur de Witt. 
 
 Brussels, April 17, N. S. 
 Sir, 1668. 
 
 I DouBTnotbutyouare pleased 
 as much as I at the contents of 
 the last dispatches from Paris, 
 which make us believe, that in 
 two or three days we shall have 
 the suspension of arms to the 
 end of May ; and then I do not 
 see the least difficulty that can 
 happen, which we shall not ea- 
 sily avoid in the negotiation of 
 the peace ; for I see not how 
 France can draw back, after the 
 satisfaction we are going to 
 give them at Pai*is: and, for 
 Spain, I never had the least 
 scruple upon their conduct : 
 and I still believe, as ever I did, 
 that unless we drive them to 
 despair by ill usage, neither the 
 Spanish nation in general, nor 
 the Marquis of Castel-Rodrigo 
 in particular, will have recourse 
 
 A Monsieur de Witt. 
 
 Bruxelles, le 17 Avr. S.N. 
 Monsieur, 1668. 
 
 Je ne doute pas que rows ne vous 
 rejouissez aidant que moi du con- 
 tenu des dernier es depeches de 
 Paris, qui nous donnent lieu de 
 croire que dans deux ou trots 
 jours nous aurons une suspension 
 d'armesjusqu' a la fin de Mai ; 
 Sf cela etant, je ne vois point de 
 difficultequipuisse survenir, dont 
 nous ne venionsjacilement d bout 
 dans le cours de la negociation 
 de la paix. Car je ne vois pas 
 comment la France pourra re- 
 dder apres la satisfaction que 
 nous lui allons donner d Paris. 
 A Vegard d'Espagne,je nai ja- 
 mais eu le moindre scrupule sur 
 sa conduit e ; &?je crois encore, 
 commc Vai toujours crii, quh 
 moins que nous ne la redui- 
 sions au desespoir a force de la 
 traiter de haut en oat ; ni la
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 to any base evasions. And to 
 speak to you in confidence (as 
 it is necessary between physi- 
 cians) since the resolution you 
 have talked of aboutdriving the 
 Spaniards wholly out of' this 
 country, and cantoning your- 
 selves in it ; and since so many 
 violent instances made by your 
 Deputies tor signing Monsieur 
 de Lyonne's project without 
 altering a word, or so much as 
 giving the Marquis any assur- 
 ance of assisting him in case 
 France should draw back (ac- 
 cording to the orders of the 
 Queen) I have often heard his 
 
 403 
 
 pation Espagnole en general, ni 
 le Marquis de Castel-Rodrigo 
 en particulier, n'auront point re- 
 cours a de honteux subterfuges. 
 Et pour vous dire en confidence 
 (commc ilfautfaire entre me- 
 decins) depuis que vous avez 
 parte de la resolution de chasser 
 les Espagnols des Pais-Bas, Sf 
 de vous y cantonner ; depuis tant 
 d y instances reiterees J'aites par 
 vos Deputez pour la signature 
 du projet de Monsieur de Lionne, 
 sous la condition de ne rienchan- 
 ger, 8f meme sans lui donner la 
 moindre esperance de I'assister 
 en cas que la France recule, con- 
 Excellency say, that, if he were formement aux ordres de la 
 now in the council of Spain, he Heine; depuis celii (dis-je)fai 
 would give his advice without 
 farther difficulty, for making 
 peace with France by deliver- 
 ing this country up to them, 
 racher than suffer such a treat- 
 ment from all their neighbours, 
 who are more interested in the 
 loss of it than themselves. For 
 it cannot enter into the Mar- 
 quis's head, why we should give 
 France more assurances than 
 they desire, in case of Spain's 
 refusing the alternative, and 
 even contrary to our treaty at 
 the Hague ; and yet refuse to 
 give Spain the bare assurances 
 of the words of our treaty, in 
 case of France's refusal ai'ter 
 having driven Spain to all we 
 can ask. Neither can the Mar- 
 quis imagine why we press him 
 so much to sign a project word 
 for word from Monsieur de 
 Lyonne, without first using our 
 endeavours at l'aris to reduce 
 the affairs of cities in the heart 
 of the country to some reason- 
 able exchange; as we have al- 
 ways promised him, and as I 
 
 souventouidire ason Excellence, 
 que s'il etoit a cette heurc aucon- 
 seil d'Espagne, que son avis se- 
 roit, qiion fit sans merchander 
 V accord avec la France, en lui 
 donna nt tout ce pais, plutot que 
 d'endurer un traitcmcnt pareil 
 de la part de. tous les Etats voi- 
 sinsdela Flandre; lesquds doi- 
 vcnt etre plus interesses dans la 
 pcrtc de ces Provinces, que les 
 Espagnols eux-memes. Car il 
 ne p ut pas entrer dans V esprit 
 du Marquis, que nous donnions 
 a fa France plus d'assurancc qu 
 ellc ricn desire, suppose le refus 
 d'Espagne, S,- cela meme cunt re 
 notre traite de la IJaije; Sf que 
 nous refusions a VEspagnede l'- 
 assurer simplement des clauses de 
 notre traite pour die, en cas que 
 la France refuse, surtout apres 
 avoir pousse VEspagne <i Jaire 
 tout ce que nous avonsvoidu. Le 
 Marquis n 1 imagine point aussi, 
 pourquoi nous le pressons tanl 
 pour la signature mot-a-mot du 
 projet de Monsieur de Lionne, 
 sans Jaire par avance tons nos 
 '2 1) 2
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 404 
 
 let him see in one of your leU 
 ters; nay without once endea- 
 vouring to hinder the devasta- 
 tions in the Franche Compte. 
 So that by this project, he sees 
 clearly, he must be confined 
 within Brussels as in a prison, 
 shut up by French garrisons, 
 within seven leagues of him on 
 one side,and eight on the other; 
 and that Burgundy may be in- 
 vaded as an open country ,with- 
 out the possibility of defending 
 it a day. And, if the peace be 
 made upon these terms, every 
 one may see that France will 
 only wait till we are engaged in 
 a quarrel with our neighbours, 
 or till some misunderstanding 
 happen between our two na- 
 tions, to finish the conquest of 
 this country, which they may 
 do in fifteen day3. However, 
 the Marquis says, that, in case 
 we will give him assurances to 
 follow the third of our separate 
 articles, he is ready to sign him- 
 self, or give powers to sign even 
 Monsieur de Lyonne's project 
 immediately, as the foundation 
 ofthe treaty; and will rely upon 
 our good offices to negotiate 
 either some convenient ex- 
 change for Burgundy, or to 
 have it restored in the condi- 
 tion it was taken ; or else find 
 means to repair the towns de- 
 molished. In case you will not 
 be persuaded to give him these 
 assurances, we must endeavour 
 to finish it altogether at Aix, 
 whither I shall begin my jour- 
 ney as soon as we shall have 
 received the suspension of 
 arms. And I shall not fail to 
 pursue, as effectually as I can, 
 both there and at other places, 
 the accomplishment of this great 
 
 efforts a Paris, pour reduire 
 V affaire des villes situees dans le 
 cceur des provinces a quelque e- 
 change raisonnable : cela lui a- 
 voit toujour s ete promis ; &; je 
 Pen ai moi-mcme assure par une 
 de vos lettres que je lui ai fait 
 voir. II s* etonne encore pourquoi 
 nous ne fissions pas nos efforts 
 pour empccher la demolition des 
 places dans la Franche Compte. 
 De sorte qu'il voit tres-claire- 
 vient, que par ce projet il sera 
 dans Bruxelles comme en prison, 
 ou en Stage aVegarddela France, 
 sesgarniso7is d'un cote n'enetant 
 qua huit lieiies, Sf de Vautre 
 qu' a sept. II voit de plus que, 
 les forces de France entreront 
 dans la Bourgogne comme dans 
 un plat pals, sans qiCon lapuisse 
 couvrir unjour entier. Que si 
 la paix sefait dans ces termes, 
 tout le monde voit que la France 
 n' attendra que le moment de la 
 premiere desunion entre quelqu* 
 uns de nos voisins, ou de la plus 
 legere mesintelligence entre nos 
 deux nations , pour achever la con- 
 quete des Pa'is-Bas, qui ne lui 
 coutera plus de quinze jours. 
 Pourtant le Marquis dit, quen 
 cas que nous lui donnions des as- 
 surances de poursuivre le troi- 
 sieme de nos articles separes,il 
 est pret designer ou donner les 
 pouvoirs de signer le projet meme 
 selon les termes de Monsieur de 
 Lionne, comme se?-vant dcfonde- 
 meut au traite : qiiil s'cu re- 
 mettra a nos soins Sf a nos bons 
 offices pour la ncgociation de 
 quelque echavgc commode a Ve- 
 ga rd de la Bourgogne, ou Men 
 d'une restitution en Vetat ou die 
 a etc prise, ou pour trouvrr les 
 moi/cns de rcparer les villes dc- 
 molies. En cas que vous lui re*
 
 and other Ministers of State. 405 
 
 affair ; and shall be glad to re- Jusiez a tous ces egards les assu- 
 ceive your advice, from time to ranees qu'il demande, iljaudra 
 
 time, upon the conduct of this 
 negotiation. 
 
 Before I go, I must tell you 
 freely, that, the less of business 
 you leave between the Marquis 
 and your Deputies here, I think 
 it will be so much the better 
 for the general affair: for, in one 
 word, they are not persons 
 made for each other ; the Mar- 
 quis being of a humour rather 
 to die than be governed in the 
 
 que nous tachions de reprendre 
 2f d'achever le tout ensemble, Sf 
 d'un meme Jilet a Aix la Cha- 
 pelle; oiije commencerai a m J a- 
 cheminer des que nous aurons re- 
 cw nouvelle de la suspension d'ar- 
 mes, Sf je ne manquerai pas ld t 
 non plus qu'aillcurs, de poursui- 
 vre de tout mon pouvoir la con- 
 clusion de cctte grande affaire 
 Je serai bien-aise de rccevoir de 
 terns en terns vos avis sur la ma- 
 nicre dont eelte negociation sera 
 conduite. 
 
 Avant que je parte, ilfout 
 queje vous disefranchement, que 
 le moins d'affaires que vous don- 
 nerez a discuter avec le Marquis 
 a~ vos Deputes, sera le meilleur 
 pour la cause commune ; car, en 
 un mot, ce ne sont point des gens 
 Jaits les uns pour les autres. Le 
 Marquis est d'un humeur a bra- 
 ;cr plulol la mort, que de soirf- 
 
 management of business: and Jrir d'etre matrise dans la con 
 
 he says, Mons. Bourgersdycke duite <!y le maniement des af- 
 
 is a man not to be employed J'aires. II dit, que Monsieur 
 
 but where you absolutely give Bourgersdychenestpropreaetre 
 
 the law. I have already hinted 
 something of this to you; but 
 now I think it necessary you 
 should be informed of it, that 
 you may do thereupon as you 
 shall find convenient; for I have 
 not observed one thing in the 
 course of this affair, which you 
 and I could not have compassed 
 without the least heat or dis- 
 content: and I will not tell you 
 the pain and cares I have been 
 at to manage matters between 
 them, and prevent their break- 
 ing out into violences upon so 
 jnany occasions; which I en- 
 deavoured by all means to a- 
 void ; because I know the dis- 
 
 employe que dans les licux ou, 
 vous donnez souvrraincment la 
 Ini. Je vous en avois deja tou~ 
 die quclquc chose, maisjc croi ci 
 cctte hcure qu'il est necessaire de 
 vous le dire, ajln que sur ccla 
 vous en usiez commc vous leju- 
 gerez ft propos. Jc n'ai encore 
 ricn rcmarque dans le cours de 
 cctte affaire dontjc nefussc venu 
 a bout avec vous sans le moindre 
 chagrin, mais mane avec ngre- 
 ment ; ct je ne vous dirai point 
 les pcines .y les soucis que j'ai 
 ru ft menager ioutes choses entr* 
 cits, iS' 'i prcveuir des eclats S.- 
 les repartics picquantcs qu'ilsc- 
 toient prets de sejaire a (out bout
 
 406 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 positions of Ministers are often 
 infused into their masters. I 
 see nothing in the world that 
 can hinder the peace atpresent, 
 unless France finds some mis- 
 understandings between us and 
 Spain. To tell you the truth, 
 many people would persuade 
 me, that you have changed your 
 measures since I left Holland: 
 but I answer every body, that 
 I trust so much to the sincerity 
 of your proceedings, that I do 
 not doubt, but, if it were so, 
 yourself would be the first to 
 inform me. 
 
 You see what confidence I 
 have in your person, and you 
 may safely have the same in 
 that of, Sir, your, &c. 
 
 de champ; fai employepour cela 
 toute mon adresse ; car jefauois 
 cette reflexion, que les disposi- 
 tions, ou, si vous voulez, les pas- 
 sions des Ministres ont une gran- 
 deinfluence sur cellesdes madres. 
 A cette heure je ne vois plus 
 rien qui puisse empecherlapaix, 
 si ce nest que la France vit la 
 dissension se glisser entre I'Es- 
 pagne 8? notis. A ne vous rien 
 celer, il y a id beaucoup de gens 
 quivoudroient bien me persuader 
 que vous avez change de mesures 
 depuis mon depart d*Hollande ; 
 mais je leur repons a tons, que 
 je me repose si fort sur voire 
 sincerite, 8? a la candeur dc vo- 
 ire procede, que suppose que 
 ce qiiils disent Jut, vous auriez 
 ete le premier a m'en instruire. 
 
 Voila quelle est la confiavce 
 quej'ai en vous, 8? vous pouvez 
 avoir la meme en, Monsieur, 
 voire, 8fc. 
 
 To my Lord Arlington. 
 
 My Lord, Aix, April 28, N. S. 16G8. 
 
 I never writ to your Lordship in worse health, nor 
 in worse humour, and therefore you could never 
 receive a worse letter than this is like to be. The 
 ceremonies of my journey your Lordship shall find 
 in a letter to Mr. Williamson, so soon as a fever, 
 which is now upon me, gives me leave to say one 
 word more than what I think of absolute necessi- 
 ty; for so, I conceive, all I have now written to the 
 Marquis is. The despight of seeing the Baron de 
 Bergeyck yet refuse to sign the project of the trea- 
 ty, without another dispatch from the Marquis, after 
 that I brought him, is enough to lose all patience; 
 my ill humour, I confess, is not lessened by seeing 
 myself here, with equal character to other Mini-
 
 and other Ministers of State. 407 
 
 sters, and without possibility, in this place, of put- 
 ting myself in an equipage suitable to them, which 
 I could not think possible neither to provide myself 
 before my journey, considering the uncertainty of 
 it almost to the very last, and the assurance I came 
 with from the Marquis of the treaty's being signed 
 the first moment. I assured the Marquis de Ber- 
 geyck, that I thought it necessary, so that I hoped 
 three days would end our business, which I be- 
 lieved his Majesty would unwillingly see done with- 
 out his intervention, and would be content to have 
 all men think as they have done here, ever since 
 the convention began (and perhaps every -where 
 else) that nothing could be done till the King's 
 Minister came, and that would immediately close 
 the affair. The rest I must refer to the inclosed 
 copy of my letter this night to the Marquis, by an 
 express; and beg your Lordship to give me leave 
 to rest a very weary distempered head, which yet 
 can never forget how much I am, my Lord, &c. 
 
 To the Marquis of Castcl- Au Marquis de Castel- 
 
 llodrigo. Rodrigo. 
 
 Aix, April 23, N. S. A Aix, le 2S Avr. S. N. 
 
 My Lord, " 1668. Monsieur, 1668. 
 
 I arrived yesterday in this J'arrivai /tier en eclte ville. J'ai 
 
 city. This afternoon 1 received recu cette apres-dince tine visile 
 
 a visit from the Baron de Ber- dc la part du Baron de Bcr- 
 
 geyck, and another from Mon- geyck, <Sf une autre de la part de 
 
 sieur Colbert. I treated them Monsieur Colbert. Je les ai 
 
 both equally, upon a message trades tons egalement, sur la 
 
 by a gentleman sent from the parole que le gentilhomme en- 
 
 Baron to inform me, that he voi/e de la part du Baron via 
 
 was already qualified Ambas- donncc, que son rnaitrc etoit dejd 
 
 sador of Spain, by the letters revetu du titrc d'Avibassadeur, 
 
 and powers of the Queen her- cV quit doit muni, des lettres tS" 
 
 self. Monsieur Beverning visit- des plcins-pouvoirs de la Heine 
 
 ed me this morning incognito ; elle-meme. Monsieur Bevern- 
 
 and all that a great indisposition ing i'u aussi visile incognito ce. 
 
 will suffer mo to tell you at pre- matin; Sf lout ee qu'une grande 
 
 sent is this: that it is not possi- indispositionquimercticnt a pre-
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 40S 
 
 bje to make any other paces for 
 saving the Netherlands, but by 
 immediatelysigning the project 
 sent to the Baron de Bergeyck: 
 for every body expected the 
 signing of it upon my arrival. 
 The French Ambassador de- 
 clares every-where, as he has 
 already done to me, that he is 
 ready to sign this very evening, 
 and in all points as they have 
 been couched by our own Mi- 
 nisters at Paris. And, if the 
 Baron makes any exceptions or 
 difficulties, he is ready to give 
 answer thereupon, according 
 to his instructions, and as he 
 shall think convenient: but that 
 Spain must impute to itself 
 whatever may happen by this 
 loss of time. I see plainly he 
 is ready to second and assist 
 the Baron de Bergeyck in any 
 delays that may be given to 
 the affair ; and foreseeing that 
 it must at length pass in the 
 words of this project, since we 
 and Holland are already en- 
 gaged about it at Paris ; he 
 hopes either to see the affair 
 break, or to have the honour 
 to make Spainyield at last upon 
 all difficulties they first raised. 
 In the mean while, Monsieur 
 Beverning pretends to think, 
 that, after the orders given to 
 the Baron de Bergeyck, and 
 the copies of them sent into 
 Holland, no difficulties can 
 arise upon the signing: and, 
 for me. I cannot refuse to carry 
 the orders, and am in the great- 
 est pain imaginable to see the 
 Baron still make a difficulty to 
 sign withoutanother order from 
 your Excellency. Therefore I 
 desire you, in the name of all 
 those who wish well to the af- 
 
 sent permet que je dise a V. E. 
 e'est, qu'il ne reste plus d' 'autre 
 demarche a f aire pour sauver les 
 Pais-Bas, que de signer inces- 
 samment le projet envoye au Ba- 
 ron de Bergeyck ; cela est si vrai 
 que mime a mon arrivee tout le 
 monde en atiendoit la signature. 
 Celuide France declare par tout, 
 apres avoir declare a moi-meme, 
 qu'il estpret de signer des ce soir 
 meme tous les points, tels qu'/ls 
 ont ete couches par nos Ministres 
 a Paris. Que si le Baron de 
 Bergeyck fait ou des difficult es, 
 ou des exceptions, il donnera ses 
 reponses conjbrmement a ses in- 
 structions, 8) selon V exigence des 
 choses ; 8f qu apres tout, VEs- 
 pagne ne doit attribuer qu\) elle 
 seule les malheurs qui peuvent 
 naitre de tant de delais <Sf de 
 terns perdu. Je vois fort lien, 
 qu'il est prct a suivre ^ a aider 
 le Baron de Bergeyck dans tons 
 lesretardemens qu'onpourra ap- 
 porter a la conclusion de cette 
 affaire; fy que prevoyant que l' 
 Espagne doit enjin s , accommoder 
 des conditions 3) des termes du 
 traite, vu Vengageynent ou la 
 Hollande 8? nous sommes deja 
 entres par nos Ministres a Pa- 
 ris; it se promet ou d' avoir /' 
 affaire se rompre, ou d'avoir la 
 gloire defaire ceder I'Espagne 
 sur toutes les difficultes qu'ette 
 aura mises en avant : cependant, 
 Monsieur Beverning ne s attend 
 point a voir susciter de nouveaux 
 obstacles, S; de nouvelles diffcid- 
 tes touchant cette signature, a- 
 p)-es des ordres donnes au Baron 
 de Bergeyck, Sf dontles copies ont 
 cte envoyees en Hollande. Pour 
 moi, apres I avoir promts, je u at 
 pu rcculer a porter les ordres, S? 
 jesuis dans la plus grandc peine
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 400 
 
 fairs of Spain and of Christen- 
 dom, to dispatch an express 
 command to the Baron, to sign 
 without farther trifling, and to 
 send him instructions for any 
 thing that your Excellency 
 shall find convenient to have 
 negotiated afterwards ; in which 
 I shall have Monsieur Bevern- 
 ing's assistance, but not at all 
 before the project is signed. 
 
 If your Excellency will not 
 think fit to comply with this, I 
 discharge myself at least of all 
 the fatal effects that may arrive 
 upon it. I desire your Excel- 
 lency yet once more to grant 
 this dispatch to the instances of 
 one who had sounded the bot- 
 tom of this affair with all possi- 
 ble attention, and all the reflec- 
 tions I am capable of making; 
 and who forms a judgment of 
 it, without other passion than 
 that I have for the preservation 
 of Flanders. I am, &c. 
 
 du monde de voir que le Baron 
 de Bergeychfait difficult ede sig- 
 ner avant que d'avoir recu un 
 autre ordre de V. E. c'est pour- 
 quoi.je la supplie,aunomde tous 
 ceux qui souhaitent le bicn des 
 affaires d' Espagne &; de la Chre- 
 tiente, d'ordonner par un com- 
 mandement expres, que Vordre 
 soit signe, &; qu'on n'y marchan- 
 de plus. V. E. donnera aussi ses 
 avis an Baron de Bergeych tou- 
 chant ce qu'eUe trouvera bon qui 
 soit negocie dans la suite ; cela 
 fait, je pour rai compter sur le se- 
 cours <y Vaide de M. Beverning t 
 du quel je nattens ricn tandis 
 que la chose sera comme clle est. 
 En cas que V. E. suive d'au- 
 ircs voyes, je me decharge par 
 avance de toutes les suitcsfunes- 
 tes qui en pourront arriver. Je 
 supplie encore unejois V. E. de 
 donncr cela aux instances d'une 
 pcrsonne qui a approfondi ceitc 
 affaire avec toute V attention Sf 
 la reflexion dontje suis capable ; 
 iS* qui en parte un jiigcmcnt ex- 
 empt d: passion, except ecclle quit 
 a pour la conservation des Pais- 
 Bus. Je suis, SfC. 
 
 To my Lord Arlington. 
 
 My Lord, Aix, April 30, X. S. 1668. 
 
 Ix the hurry of these expresses to Brussels, all that 
 I can possibly do, is to give your Lordship the ac- 
 count of the state of our business here, in the copy 
 of those letters I am forced to write to the Marquis. 
 To which end the Ambassadors of Spain and Hol- 
 land have been very often with me already, though 
 I have not vet stirred out of doors, and they are but 
 now gone successively from my bed-side. The
 
 410 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 fruits of our conferences your Lordship will find in 
 the inclosed, and will pardon me for doing nothing 
 more at this time, than barely acknowledging, and 
 that in extreme haste, yours of the 10th and 13th, 
 which are come here to my hands : the torn paper 
 is an original of a postscript I received just now in 
 a letter from Monsieur de Witt, which I send in 
 answer to one I had lately from your Lordship. 
 The inclosed from my Secretary to Mr. Williamson 
 gives account of all the ceremonies that have been 
 hitherto past. I am ever, &c. 
 
 To the Marquis of Castel- 
 Rodrigo. 
 
 Aix, April 30, N. S. 
 My Lord, 1668. 
 
 I am very much indisposed, 
 and God keep me from those 
 accidents, which the despight I 
 have upon the present course of 
 affairs may cause in my illness. 
 All I have to say is, that the 
 Ambassador of France has or- 
 ders not to change a word in 
 the project as prepared by our 
 Ministers at Paris: the Dutch 
 Ambassador has the same orders 
 from his masters: the Nuncio 
 presses also the signing without 
 any change; and all the Ger- 
 man Ministers are of the same 
 opinion. 
 
 The Baron refuses to sign 
 without another order from 
 Brussels : upon which the 
 French Ambassador presses 
 both me and Monsieur Be- 
 verning to give him an act, 
 wherein we are to witness, that 
 he has been ready to sign ever 
 since the arrival of the project. 
 The Dutch Ambassador pro- 
 
 Au Marquis de Castel- 
 Rodrigo. 
 
 A Aix, le 30 Aw. S.N. 
 
 Monsieur, 1668. 
 
 Je trouve ma santefort ebranlee, 
 8? a Diea ne plaise que les acci- 
 dens, qu'est capable de me causer 
 le depit que je ressens du train 
 que prennent les affaires, vien- 
 nent sejoindre a mon indisposi- 
 tion. Tout ce que fai a dire 
 c'est, que V Ambassadeur de 
 France a ordre de ne changer pas 
 un seul mot auprojet de nos Mi- 
 nistres qui sont a Paris. Celui 
 d'Hollande a les memes ordres ; 
 le Nonce du Papc presse la sig- 
 nature, % insiste sur la meme 
 point : enjin tous les Ministres 
 d'' Allemagne sont dans le meme 
 sentiment. 
 
 Le Baron de Bergeych refuse 
 a signer sans un nouvel ordre de 
 BriLxelles : la-dessus V Ambassa- 
 deur de France presse S? moi fy 
 Monsieur Beverning de ltd don- 
 ner un acte, dans lequel nous 
 tcmoignions,que, depuis I'arrivce 
 du projet, il a ete tous les jours 
 pret a signer. IJ Ambassadeur 
 d' Ilollandeproiestc qii'il nepcub
 
 and other Ministers of State. 4 1 1 
 
 tests he cannot refuse; and be- pas le lui refuser; # que meme, 
 
 sides, that if the Baron will not si le Baron de Bergeyck ne signe 
 
 sign to-morrow, he will depart, pas dans la journee de demain, 
 
 and return for Holland. The il partira d'ici pour s'en retour- 
 
 rnost Christian King has sent 
 all his officers into the field, and 
 intends to follow them in per- 
 son : so that our Ministers at 
 Paris apprehend some new ac- 
 cidents, unless they are pre- 
 vented by signing the treaty. 
 For myself, I have instructions 
 
 ner en Hollande. Le Roy tres 
 Chretien a fait partir tous ses 
 Officiers pour alter ouvrirla cam- 
 pagne, # il pretend les suivre 
 en personne ; de sorie que nos 
 Ministres a Paris apprehendent 
 de nouveaux desordres, si on 
 n*arre*tc tout cegrand mouvement 
 
 to use all means for advancing par la signature du traite. Pour 
 
 the peace in concert with the 
 Dutch Ambassador; and can 
 by no means disagree with his 
 resolutions. I bear with what 
 patience I can the mortification 
 to see that I must pass for a 
 person whom your Excellency 
 has imposed on, by giving me 
 an order which your Minister 
 was not to obey: but I cannot 
 bear with patience to see that 
 the affairs of all Christendom 
 must be absolutely ruined by a 
 caprice of the Baron de Ber- 
 geyck. For I will not, as 
 others do, impute to your Ex- 
 cellency such a feint as that of 
 drawing from us all assurances 
 you demanded upon your pro- 
 mise of immediately signing the 
 treaty, and then of giving me a 
 sort of order to the Baron, con- 
 tradicted before by a counter 
 order in secret. 
 
 I should not have left Brus- 
 sels, had not your Excellency 
 assured me, that the Baron 
 
 should sign without delay, when- 
 over I judged it necessary. 
 
 7noi, les instructions quejai re- 
 cues, portent que je n'epargne 
 rien pour avanccr la jmix, 8; 
 quejefasse toutes choses de con- 
 cert avec V Ambassadeur d' Hol- 
 lande, Sf je ne puis en aucune 
 sorte vie departir de ses resolu- 
 tions. Je porte le plus patiem- 
 ment que je puis, la mortifica- 
 tion de passer pour un homnte 
 dont V. E. s'estjouee, lors qu* 
 elle in a Jait expedier un ordre 
 auquel on ne devoit pus obe'ir, 8; 
 que voire Ministre a en effet e- 
 lude ; maisje ne puis voir qiCa- 
 vec la derniere inquietude que 
 toutes les affaires de la Chretien' 
 te se brouillcnt 6j se pcrdent par 
 le scul caprice du Baron de Ber- 
 geyck. Carje me garde bien de 
 supposcr, cornme les autres, une 
 finite en V. E. Sf de lui attri- 
 buer de nous avoir tendu un pi- 
 ege, en tirant de nous les assu- 
 rances demandces, surla pronies- 
 sc defaire a ussitot signer le t ra itc; 
 & ensuite de in avoir charge d'un 
 ordre pour le Baronde Bergeyck, 
 qui par (trance etoit dctruit par 
 une instruction secrette. 
 
 Je n'aurois jamais parti dr 
 Bruxelles, si V. E. ne inavoit 
 assure de douche, que le Baron 
 signeroit sans y manquer tout 
 aussitot que je jugerois la chose
 
 412 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 I now find it so ; and have told absolument necessaire. Nous 
 
 him it is so very necessary, nous sommes vus, &;je lui ai re- 
 
 that, I believe, France would presente la chose si pressee, si 
 
 not have carried greater advan- necessaire, que je croi que la 
 
 tages, nor triumphed more upon France n'a pas remporti plus 
 
 the winning of a battle, than d'avantage, ni ne se soit erigee a 
 
 on the advances they have made elle-meme un j)lus grande triom- 
 
 in this affair. phe par legain d'une bataille que 
 
 par les avances qu'elle ajaites 
 
 en cette occasion. 
 
 For myself, I was never in Pour moi, je nai eu de ma 
 
 my life in greater mortification, vie uneplus grande mortification 
 
 than what I have borne in this que celte quej'ai essuyce en cette 
 
 affair. I am, &c. rencontre. Je suis, Sfc. 
 
 To Mr. Williamson. 
 
 Sir, Aix, April 30, N. S. 1668. 
 
 My Master being kept in his bed by an illness that 
 seized him the first night of his arrival here, and 
 since increased upon him by the constraints he was 
 forced to the next day in the reception of the se- 
 veral Ambassadors, hath commanded me to give 
 you the account of his journey hither ; and desires 
 you will help it to pass with my Lord Arlington for 
 that promise which he made in his last, of doing it 
 himself to his Lordship upon the next occasion. 
 
 He parted from Brussels upon the 24th of this 
 month with nine and twenty persons in his compa- 
 ny, of which ten in his own livery. Besides those 
 who belonged to him, my Lord Stafford, Captain 
 Brumidge, and Captain Wesely, did him the favour 
 to accompany him in his journey, and twenty of the 
 Marquis's guard for his security, till he came the 
 second night into the land of Liege. The first 
 night at Louvain passed without any ceremony, not 
 taking upon him any new character in the Spanish 
 dominions: the second night he lodged at Hirkin- 
 raedt, a very rich Abbey of Bernardin nuns, where 
 he was received as the Kino; of England's Ambassa- 
 dor. The next morning the Magistrates of the
 
 and other Ministers of State. 413 
 
 town of Hassel sent to inform whether he passed by 
 their town of Hassel in his way to Maestricht, to 
 the end they might do him the honour due to 
 his character: but my Master desiring to avoid 
 those ceremonies chose to pass a private way about 
 a mile from the town; however, he found all the 
 road where it lay over-against the town crowded 
 with people, and among them the Magistrates of 
 the town, who in the highway entertained him with 
 a speech, a banquet, great store of wine, and all the 
 great guns of the town at the same time. 
 
 The same night he arrived at Maestricht, having 
 only sent an ordinary servant before to take up his 
 lodgings : near the town he was met by a Gentleman 
 from the Rhingrave, to tell him, that if the hour of 
 his arrival had been known, he would himself have 
 met him on the way; but however would not fail 
 to do it at his coming to town. He was received 
 there by all the great guns of the town, the garrison 
 ranged through the streets as he passed, and at the 
 end of them a volley of their small shot. At his inn 
 he was immediately visited by the Rhingrave, and 
 after him by the Magistrates of the town. The next 
 morning he returned a visit to the Rhingrave, who 
 would by force accompany him back to his inn. 
 As he went out, he had all the great guns of the 
 town thrice round, and greater vollies of shot than 
 the night before, and the Rhingrave met him in his 
 coach about half a mile out of town, to perform his 
 last compliment, having told my Lord Stafford that 
 he had express orders from the States, to do all the 
 honour that was possible both to his character and 
 his person. 
 
 From Maestricht he sent a letter to the Baron do 
 Fraisheim here, to give him notice of his intended 
 arrival upon Friday the 27th, but, withal, to desire 
 him to keep it private, that so he might enter with 
 little noise or ceremony, in regard he came upon a
 
 4 1 4 Letters of Si?' William Temple, 
 
 sudden journey and a very short stay, and therefore 
 with the train of the King's Resident at Brussels, 
 rather than that of his Ambassador. The Baron de 
 Fraisheim did his part in suppressing the knowledge 
 of it, but the town having notice by orders they had 
 given at Maestricht to that purpose, sent one to 
 meet him in the midway with a compliment, and 
 desire that they might receive him as they had done 
 other Ambassadors. My Master referred it to them 
 to do as they pleased, and the rather because he 
 heard that the French Ambassador had made a so- 
 lemn entry about six days before, with a very great 
 train and ceremony; and he thought, by this more 
 private entry, to avoid the expectation of any other : 
 so he was received in the town with all the guns 
 and the Burghers in arms, and complimented im- 
 mediately at his arrival both from the Magistrates 
 of the town, and a Commander of the Duke of 
 Newburg's to assure him that the Duke had given 
 him orders fortwo hundredhorseto attendhim upon 
 the confines, and to accompany him into the town, 
 as he had done the French Ambassador at his so- 
 lemn entry, and that the Baron of Fraisheim's as- 
 surance of his desiring to enter privately had only 
 prevented that attendance. 
 
 The night of his arrival, my Master went about 
 ten o'clock incognito to the Dutch Ambassador's 
 house, resolving to tell him, that, upon his arrival 
 here, he intended to live after another sort with him 
 than with any other of the Ambassadors, as well in 
 respect of the near alliance between their Masters, 
 as of their mediation. The Dutch Ambassador hap- 
 pened to be in bed, but, having heard of my Mas- 
 ter's intentions, came and visited him early the 
 next morning without train or ceremony, and gave 
 him full information of all that had passed here, 
 which made good what we met with every-where 
 upon the road, that nothing in the peace could be
 
 and other Ministers of State. 4 1 5 
 
 done till the arrival of the King's Ambassador 
 here. 
 
 My Master's indisposition that morning delayed 
 his sending to give the several public Ministers ad- 
 vice of his arrival till about ten o'clock, and then 
 he was prevented by compliments; first from the 
 French, and then from the Spanish Ambassadors, 
 which were returned that morning, and succeeded 
 in the afternoon by visits from them both in the 
 same order. 
 
 My Master upon his first interview with the Hol- 
 land Ambassador, enquired of him what intercourse 
 had passed between him and the Pope's Nuncio ; 
 and finding that, after some offices by third persons 
 between them, it had stopped upon some difficulties 
 without coming to any visits or formal compliments; 
 he spake to my Lord Stafford, when he made a vi- 
 sit of himself to the Nuncio, to let him know in 
 common conversation, that my Master, finding, by 
 what had passed between him and the Dutch Am- 
 bassador, that the same difficulties were like to be- 
 fal him, had omitted to give him any advice of his 
 arrival, but to tell him, at the same time, that he 
 was very much a servant to the merits of the Car- 
 dinal Padrone, upon his acquaintance with him at 
 Brussels, and was very glad to hear of the conti- 
 nuance of his health since his last recovery: and 
 so that matter ended as I suppose; my Master 
 having no instruction in that point, and therefore 
 desiring, as civilly as he could, to take this occasion 
 of avoiding farther commerce with him. I have 
 nothing else worth giving you the trouble of, but 
 am, Sir, your most obedient servant, 
 
 Tho. Downton.
 
 416 
 
 Letters of' Sir William Temple, 
 
 To the Elector of Mcntz. 
 
 Aix, May 2, N. S. 
 Sir, 1668. 
 
 Thouoh my own indisposition, 
 and Monsieur Schouborne's af- 
 fairs, deprived me of the happi- 
 ness of seeing him since my ar- 
 rival in this city, I would not 
 however delay any longer to 
 acknowledge the honour of 
 your Highness's letter of the 
 12th past, and to make you the 
 offers of my services (since of 
 the King my Master's affection 
 your Highness wants no testimo- 
 nies.) In the mean while I send 
 your Highness the agreeable 
 news of the peace, the treaties 
 whereof I have at present in 
 my hands; one signed in pre- 
 sence of the Dutch Ambassa- 
 dor, and the other in mine ; 
 which I was glad to obtain by 
 precaution, so to surmount the 
 difficulties raised upon deliver- 
 ing the instruments to the Nun- 
 cio. I give your Highness joy 
 of an affair so important to the 
 happiness of Germany; and 
 your Highness may justly do the 
 same to the King my Master, 
 who, though at distance, and 
 out of danger of this flame, has 
 however contributed more to 
 the extinguishing of it, than all 
 those who were most interested 
 in the neighbourhood. And, 
 since this peace, as well as that 
 of Portugal, has so justly given 
 his Majesty a rank so high a- 
 mong the Pacifier; your High- 
 ness will join your prayers to 
 mine, that God Almighty will 
 please to add also to his cha- 
 racter the Heal!. And, as your 
 Highness has all reason to be- 
 
 A l'Electeurde Mayence. 
 
 Aix, le 2 May, S. N. 
 Monsieur, 1668. 
 
 Quoique mon indisposition, Sf 
 les affaires de Monsieur Schou- 
 borne m'ayent empeche de le voir 
 depuis mon arrivte en cette ville ; 
 je n'ai pourtant pas voulu diffe- 
 rer phis longtems sans me servir 
 de cette voye pour reconnoitre 
 Vhonneur que V. A. via fail 
 par sa lettre du 1 2 du passe, Su- 
 sans lui envoy cr dans une des 
 miennes les qffres de mes ser- 
 vices ; je dis de mes services, 
 car pour V affection du Roi mon 
 Maitre elle est assez connue a 
 V. A. Sf n'apas besoin de mon 
 temoignage. En meme terns je 
 donnerai a V. A. une nouvelle 
 Men agreable, puisquejc lui ap- 
 prendrai que lepaix est conclur, 
 & qua I'heure que je lui ecris, 
 les trailes en sont entre mes 
 mains; I'un signe en presence 
 de r Ambassadeur d'Hollande, 
 Sf Vautre en la mienne, ce que 
 j'ai ete bieu-aise d'obtcnir par 
 precaution, Sf ajin dc surmontcr 
 les difficult es survenues lorsquon 
 a livre les instrumens a Mon- 
 sieur le Nonce. Je donne a V. 
 A. toute la joye d'une affaire 
 q;:i importoit au bonlieur de I'Al- 
 lemagne, comme elle la donnera 
 avec justice au Roi mon Maitre ; 
 car, quoiqu 1 eloigne Sf d convert 
 des jlammes qui devoroient tant 
 de pais, on dira jiourtant avec 
 justice qu'il a scut 'plus contri- 
 bue a eieindre cet embrasement , 
 que tons ceux qui en etoient Sf 
 les plus voisins & les plus alar- 
 mes. Et puisque cette paix, aus- 
 si bicn que cclle de Portugal, a si 
 legitime))! ent place sa Majeste
 
 and other Ministers of State. 4 1 7 
 
 lieve the King my Master your dans leplus haul rang entre les 
 friend, so I beg your Highness Pacifici ; V. A. joindra ses pri- 
 to esteem me always, Sir, your eres aux miennes, afinquele bon 
 Highness's most, &c. Dieu y ajoute aussi les Beati. 
 
 Et comme die a tout lieu de croire 
 le Roi mon Maitre de ses amis, 
 je laprie aussi de m' 'estimer tou- 
 jour s, Monsieur, &c. 
 
 To my Lord Arlington. 
 
 My Lord, Aix, May 8, N. S. 1668. 
 
 Since my last I have received your Lordship's of 
 the 17th and 20th, which both complain of the ill 
 state wherein the Swedish treaty then stood, and 
 command my applications to the Marquis for a re- 
 medy. 
 
 I have infused it all I could possibly into the Ba- 
 ron de Bergeyck at his return from hence to Brus- 
 sels, which was in haste, and immediately after the 
 signing and dispatching away the instruments of 
 the treaty. Some here attribute his haste to an in- 
 tention of avoiding any speech of a general guaran- 
 ty for the peace, which, with so many difficulties 
 and delays before the signing, as well as so many 
 declamations against the violence and injustice in 
 pressing him to it, are evidence enough of the force 
 by which the Spaniards have been compelled to it; 
 though I doubt of their being this age in a condi- 
 tion of making better use of it. For my part, I was 
 of opinion, that since Don John was neither arrived 
 with supplies, nor hardly expected in any time ; 
 since Holland was so desperately bent upon the 
 peace, without any respect to the Spanish honour 
 or interest, farther than joined immediately with 
 their own; since Spain had not been able to rind 
 means to engage his Majesty or Sweden in their 
 quarrel by supplies necessary to both Crowns; and 
 since his Majesty was not in a condition of entering 
 
 vol. 1. 2 E
 
 418 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 into the business single, upon considerations of ho- 
 nour, justice, or a remote danger: and consequently, 
 since upon the projects made both at a timein Paris, 
 it grew evident to Spain, Qu' il falloit passer pew Id 
 oupar les fenestres : upon all these considerations, 
 I say, I was of opinion that the Spaniards business 
 was to end frankly and immediately upon my ar- 
 rival here, thereby to have more time for bringing 
 the ratifications of the treaty signed here from Spain 
 within this month, and so avoid all pretexts (which 
 I expected) of France's breaking the business, and 
 which I knew they would be strongly tempted to 
 by the Spaniards want or neglect of preparations, 
 andby our disconcert for their defence. Upon these 
 considerations, I confess, I have pressed as hard 
 upon the Baron de Bergeyck, as the Dutch Ambas- 
 sador himself, to finish the affair, ever since my ar- 
 rival, and was at an end of my patience to see him 
 stop it upon such slight and unreasonable pretences 
 as his two last; which were, first, not to insert his 
 powers, because both his and those of France were 
 sharp upon the rise of the war ; but Monsieur Col- 
 bert's were sent in that style since his arrival here, 
 and only in return of the Marquis's, since those he 
 brought with him were soft and without any reflec- 
 tions: the Baron had been advised by Monsieur 
 Beverningat his first coming tohave them changed, 
 had three weeks to do it, and yet made no difficulty 
 upon it till after the treaty was signed, and the 
 powers came to be inserted, which he refused to 
 suffer, saying, he expected new and softer powers 
 within two or three days, and in the mean time 
 would have had the instruments dispatched away 
 without any transcription of the powers, though in 
 the treaty mentioned as inserted: and I believe 
 France would not have wished a better occasion to 
 delay the business beyond a possibility of being ra- 
 tified within the time. This difficulty took up a
 
 and other Ministers of State. 41 9 
 
 whole day after the signing ; and when the Baron 
 was beaten out of it by main force, he threw us 
 upon a worse: for whereas his first powers, and 
 all he had ever given copies of, or mentioned to any 
 Minister here, had only run, as deputed from the 
 Marquis with the same power to treat and conclude 
 as if his Majesty had been here in person ; when he 
 inserted his powers, after having made Monsieur 
 Colbert's express to stay a whole day, he brings the 
 instrument with a power agreeing in all words with 
 the first, but only those of Ambassador and Pleni- 
 potentiaryjoined to his Deputation, which put Mon- 
 sieur Colbert into such a rage, that he was ready to 
 tear all in pieces ; and, for five hours, Monsieur Be- 
 verning and I could draw 7 no other answer from the 
 Baron, but that it was impossible for him to do 
 any otherwise, protesting he had no other power 
 here, the first having been returned to the Marquis 
 upon the transmission of this, the advice of which 
 he said he had received from Monsieur Beverning. 
 With Monsieur Colbert we had no hopes of pre- 
 vailing to have his new style allowed, nor had we 
 indeed any reason to press it, being offered upon a 
 surprise, and there being no colour for the Marquis 
 being qualified to send an Ambassador upon this 
 occasion : I was five hours upon the rack with the 
 opinion the business would absolutely break by the 
 delays this would occasion; and indeed out of all 
 patience with the Baron, not believing it possible 
 he could be without his first powers by him; and 
 Monsieur Beverning and he were at those heights, 
 that they were several times upon the point of draw- 
 ing their swords in my room, and I believe had 
 done it in any other place. But, after ail, the Ba- 
 ron confessed he had his first powers, and order to 
 insert them if he could not make the other pass, 
 but instructions to endeavour that to the utmost ; 
 which, to give him his due, he acted to a height 
 
 '2 e '2
 
 420 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 that I could never have done without straining my 
 own truth as well as my business. And so upon the 
 4th at night all ended. My dissatisfaction with the 
 Baron de Bergeyck's conduct since I came hither 
 was, I confess, very great, and my expressions upon 
 it very free in my several expresses to the Marquis, 
 who, it seems, takes part in it, and owns it so far, 
 as to seem most extremely ill satisfied with the Mi- 
 nisters using so much earnestness here in beating 
 him out of all those designs. I have had three se- 
 veral letters from his Excellency, since my being 
 here, upon that subject, but all so ill-humoured 
 and so emportees, that I think they had been better 
 spared, and, though what was particular to me, 
 civil enough, yet some expressions concerning the 
 general proceeding, wherein I had the chiefest part, 
 so piquantes, that I think I have reason to resent, 
 and am sure have not deserved it from any public 
 Minister either there or here ; and having answered 
 them accordingly, I know 7 not upon what terms we 
 are like to be upon my return; and therefore could 
 not forbear giving your Lordship the trouble of this 
 relation, to justify myself not only to your Lord- 
 ship, for there I am sure it will not need; but, if 
 you think fit, to the Count Molina, and the Baron 
 d'Isola too, who may perhaps have received letters 
 from the Marquis upon our proceedings here of the 
 same style that I have done. 
 
 I have been the more earnest in bringing this mat- 
 ter to an issue here (which the Holland Ambassa- 
 dor says had never been done without me) because 
 I conceived by all I have had from your Lordship, 
 as well as from other hands, not only that you de- 
 sired it in England, but that the peace was neces- 
 sary for the constitution of his Majesty's present af- 
 fairs : and, since he has had the glory of making two 
 peaces so important, w r e have now nothing to wish 
 but to see him in a condition to make war as well
 
 and other Ministers of State. 42 1 
 
 as peace, whenever the honour and interests of his 
 Crowns shall make it necessary; for that necessity 
 can, I suppose, beno ways long avoided, but by our 
 being in a posture to welcome it whenever it comes, 
 and to make advantage of it. And I think the best 
 time to fall into counsels tending to this great end 
 will be after the conclusion of this general peace, 
 when no engagement abroad forces his Majesty to 
 have so much need of money from his people. For 
 the time to repair the harms that storms have done 
 a house, is in fair weather ; and, to mend a leaky 
 ship, she must be brought ashore. 
 
 God of heaven send your Lordship to be a happy 
 instrument in the proposal and application of such 
 counsels, and that we may take warning by the poor 
 Spaniards example, whose ill conduct of late in the 
 government has so far subjected them to their neigh- 
 bours disesteem,and insolence, and humour, as well 
 as to their conquests, violence, and oppression; which 
 I confess have been enough to put them upon such 
 desperate counsels, as your Lordship mentions, of 
 giving up all to the French in these countries, ra- 
 ther than be the bare guardians of others frontiers. 
 And yet all these misfortunes are the natural con- 
 sequences of their conduct, and will never fail be- 
 falling any Prince that follows their example. I 
 wish that might befal the French to temper a little 
 such an over-grown greatness; but I doubt it much, 
 from the present King's dispositions, among whose 
 qualities those of carelesness or lavishing his trea- 
 sures, I am afraid, are none: therefore I wish him 
 engaged in some very charming pleasures, or else 
 in some more difficult enterprises than his last, 
 and where we may not have so great a share: that 
 which they talk on here may possibly prove so, 
 which is drawing or forcing the Empire to chuse 
 the Dauphin King of the Romans; for though his 
 party be grown strangely powerful in Germany, ancj
 
 422 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 if Brandenburgh be fallen into it as is believed, 
 none will be left to the house of Austria that I 
 know of, unless Saxony and Triers; yet such a body, 
 so differently composed as the Empire, should me- 
 thinks very hardly move all one way in any new 
 course. 
 
 Monsieur Colbert talks of his master's sending 
 immediately ten or fifteen thousand men for the re- 
 lief of Candy, which were a glorious and Christian 
 counsel, and, in all ways that can be, to be cherished 
 and applauded: and if any offices could be done 
 towards engaging the French Court in that design 
 by us or the Dutch, I think they are not ill bestowed ; 
 about which I have entertained Monsieur Be verning, 
 who is of my mind, and have insinuated the same 
 notions among the German Ministers here, who 
 swallow it greedily ; and I hope it may take effect, 
 and help to free all these parts of the jealousy 
 which so great an army must needs give, as this 
 peace is like to leave idle upon the French hands. 
 
 I intend to begin my journey to Brussels to-mor- 
 row, Monsieur Beverning being gone to-day; butl 
 doubt I shall be five or six days upon the way, any 
 thing now that presses me to more than ordinary 
 haste. 
 
 I received 600/. owing me upon my employment 
 there before my coming away, and was very sorry 
 to find by a letter of my wife's, that the fear she 
 had of my being disappointed in that particular 
 made her draw up a memorial, which it seems the 
 council was troubled with, about my private con- 
 cernments. I may very truly and justly disown it, 
 as I do, and hope she will be pardoned for too for- 
 ward a care and concernment in that business : for, 
 as to the charge of my journey here, when your 
 Lordship thinks fit to command it, I shall send you 
 the exact account, which my secretary keeps, of all 
 I spend, and leave it in your Lordship's hands, for
 
 and other Ministers of State. 423 
 
 his Majesty to do as he pleases in it; which is all 
 the trouble I shall give you or myself about it. I 
 am ever, with equal passion and truth, &c. 
 
 To the Marquis of Castel- 
 Rodrigo. 
 
 Aix, May 8, N. S. 
 My Lord, 1668. 
 
 I received yours of the 4th 
 instant; and am glad your Ex- 
 cellency is so extremely satis- 
 fied with the moderation (as 
 you are pleased to style it) of 
 the Baron de Hergeyck, while 
 at the same time you are so 
 much provoked at the com- 
 plaints I made of his conduct 
 here. I shall always openly 
 confess, that seeing Don Juan's 
 arrival with the intended sup- 
 plies delayed, and perhaps whol- 
 ly frustrated; seeing Holland so 
 desperately fond of the peace, 
 without considering the inter- 
 ests of Spain; seeing the Empe- 
 ror appear wholly disinterested 
 in the matter; seeing Spain had 
 used no endeavours to engage 
 the King my Master, or Swe- 
 den, otherwise than hy fair 
 words; and that his Majesty 
 was not in a condition to enter 
 into the affair alone, upon pure 
 considerations of generosity or 
 of a danger at distance: seeing 
 also, that Spain approved even 
 the first project of peace drawn 
 by Monsieur de Lionne : I 
 thought, upon all these consi- 
 derations, that it was their in- 
 terest sincerely to finish the 
 affair, and gain the most time 
 possible, to get the ratifications 
 from Madrid; and by that means 
 take away from France all hopes 
 or pretext of breaking, with- 
 
 Au Marquis de Castel- 
 Rodrigo. 
 
 Aix, 8 May, S. N. 
 Monsieur, 1668. 
 
 J'ai reeu la votre du 4. de ce 
 mois ; &> je suis bien aise que 
 V. E. s'cst si fort satisfaite de ce 
 qu'elle apprlle la moderation du 
 Baron de Bergeyck, pendant 
 qu'clle temoigne etre si picquee 
 de I'aigreur que j'ai fait par- 
 oltrc en me plaignant ici de 
 son procede. J'avouerai tout 
 publiquement, que voyant re- 
 tarder avcc Varrivee de Don 
 Juan, les secours destines is pro- 
 mis, <S' voyant qu'on en seroit 
 pcut-etre frustre ; voyant I* 
 Ifo/lande sieperduement amour- 
 euse de la pais sans egard aux 
 intcrets d Espagne ; voyant I* 
 Empercur jou'er dans cette af- 
 faire le rote d'un Prince par- 
 ftitrmcnt desinteresse ; voyant 
 que l' Espagne navoit encore agi 
 aupres du Roi mon Maitre, <$ 
 aupres de la Suede, que par de 
 belles paroles ; connoissant que 
 sa Majeste n'etoit pas en etat d' 
 entrer seule dans c tie epineuse 
 negociation ; Sf que pour la por- 
 ter a le faire, il falloit autres 
 chose s que de purs motifs de gc- 
 ncro ite ; en/in, voyant I' Espagne 
 elle-meme approuver le projet de 
 Monsieur de Lionne, tel qu'il 
 I'avoit drcsse : faisant attention 
 a tallies res chases, jai era que 
 leur intcrct demandoit quits a- 
 cht vassantf rancheme tit I' affaire ; 
 gagnant le plus de terns qu'il se- 
 roit possible pour faire venir les
 
 424 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 out such an evidence of false- ratifications de Madrid; fy otant 
 hood and ambition, as would par-la a la France tout pretexte, 
 make Holland of necessity en- 8f toute esperance d'en venir h 
 
 gage in your defence. And 
 upon the same considerations I 
 urged the Baron de Bergeyck, 
 all I could, to finish the affair : 
 as soon as I saw that neither 
 the Ambassador of France nor 
 Holland, any more than the 
 Nuncio, would hearken to pro- 
 positions of changing any thing 
 in the project. And, besides, I 
 
 une rupture; a moins qu'etle 
 voidut elle-meme etaler sa honie 
 Sf faire voir si a decouvert sa 
 perfidie 8? son ambition, que ne- 
 cessairement P Hollande se trou- 
 veroit engagee dans voire defense. 
 Ces memes considerations ont 
 fait que jai pousse, autant qii'il 
 m'a ete ^)oss?'We, a terminer 
 promptement l' affaire, des que 
 
 thought all the difficulties the j'avois clairement appercu que ni 
 Baron made upon the signing V Ambassadeur de France, ni ce- 
 
 very unseasonable, and of ill 
 consequence to the affair ; and 
 I shewed him how much he was 
 in the wrong to complain of the 
 
 lui d' Hollande, non plus que le 
 Nonce, ne voidoient point ecou- 
 ter la proposition de changer 
 quelque chose aux termes du pro- 
 
 sharp powers of Monsieur Col- jet. Et memej'ai rcgarde toidcs 
 bcrt, which were drawn up only les difficultes du Baron de Ber- 
 
 in revenge to yours, his former 
 ones having been without any 
 reflection upon what was past : 
 and the Baron de Bergeyck 
 having had three weeks time to 
 sendforsofterpowers, and more 
 proper for treating of a peace. 
 I was also ill satisfied to see him 
 keep us three or four days on 
 the rack till the affair was just 
 breaking, only to insert a new 
 power with the word Ambassa- 
 dor, which the Nuncio never 
 heard the Baron once mention 
 before; there being nothing of 
 it in those powers whereof he 
 had given a copy. And, as in- 
 significant as these accidents 
 seem to be, I think they were 
 such, that if Monsieur Colbert, 
 either by his own disposition, 
 or the interests of his brother, 
 had notbeen very much inclined 
 to the peace, I am persuaded 
 that this great moderation ot'the 
 Baron de Bergeyck had wholly 
 ruined the affair. I am your, &c. 
 
 gcyck sur la signature com me 
 faites hors de propos, &,- d'une 
 facheuse influence pour la con- 
 clusion de I' affaire. Je lui ai 
 donnele tort qu 'il s 'est plaint de 
 la forme en laquclle etoient con- 
 cus les pouvoirs de Monsieur 
 Colbert; il y a cru y entrevoir 
 de Taigreur, sans faire reflexion 
 quits etoient dresses a limita- 
 tion, if peut-etre a I'envi des 
 votres; les premiers pouvoirs de 
 M. Colbert ayant ete concus sans 
 aucune relation au passe; Sf le 
 Ba ron de Bergeyck ay a nteut rois 
 semaines pour faire venir des 
 pouvoirs plus doux <!y jilus sorta- 
 bles a lapaix. J'ai ete aussifort 
 indigne de ce qu' ils nous a retenus 
 trois on quatre 'jours a la gene; 
 $ ccla parce qiCil voidoit inscrer 
 un nouvcau pouvoir avec le mot 
 d Ambassadeur. Le Nonce n'en 
 avoit jamais oui purler aupara- 
 vant au Baron ; car la moindre 
 mention n'en avoit pas eiefaite 
 dans les pouvoirs dont il avoit
 
 and other Ministers of State. 425 
 
 donne copie. Quelque legers que 
 puissent paroitre de tels incident 
 je crois pouvoir dire, que si 
 Monsieur Colbert par la situa- 
 tion des affaires & des interets 
 de sonjrere, ne s'etoit pas trouve 
 tout-a-fait porte h la paix, je 
 suis persuade que cette belle Sf 
 loiiable moderation qu' 'onvanteen 
 Monsieur Rcrgeyck auroit sitffi 
 pour galer tout. Je suis, fyc. 
 
 To my Lord Arlington. 
 
 My Lord, Brussels, March 22, N. S. 1668. 
 
 Your Lordship's of the first current referred me to 
 another I was to expect by the following post, with 
 particular directions how to pursue the Swedish af- 
 fair here ; but that being not yet arrived, I have 
 hitherto been only able to make some general dili- 
 gences therein, together with the Holland Deputy, 
 in a joint audience this morning. The Marquis's 
 guard consisted chiefly in these points : That what 
 he had promised of sending powers to the Count 
 Molina was in time of war, and with intention of 
 engaging Sweden with us in the affair. That the 
 peace has altered that measure; and though he had 
 full powers to grant what he thought fit in the time 
 of war, whose accidents admitted not recourse to 
 Spain, yet he had not the same in time of peace, 
 buthad written effectually upon this subject. That, 
 in the mean time, he expected to know the effect 
 of this league, andseethe form of guaranty it should 
 produce, with what concert, and what advantages 
 for the affairs of these countries, of which he had 
 yet received no particular account from the Count 
 de Molina. That he did not understand why Spain 
 should satisfy the expence of those months which 
 the Swedes had kept up their troops only at the 
 desire of Holland, and without any reflections upon
 
 426 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 the business of these countries, which was from the 
 time of the conclusion at Breda to that of our league 
 at the Hague, wherein Count Dona entered, and 
 which seemed the first instance of the Swedes con- 
 cerning themselves in this country or Spain's affairs. 
 
 The Holland Deputy pressed his Excellency hard 
 upon his promise, and his declaring to us, that he 
 had sent powers to the Count Molina, pursuing him 
 with Res non est Integra, and Mandatum non potest 
 revocari, and such civil law arguments, till it grew 
 warm, and so not very proper for a man in ill health, 
 nor, in my opinion, for the business as it stands; so 
 that I was fain to divert it upon my expectation of 
 new powers and particular instructions, by which I 
 hoped to be able to give the Marquis satisfaction in 
 the project of the intended guaranty. 
 
 This morning arrived Sir John Trevor's secreta- 
 ry, with directions to bring the business of the ra- 
 tifications to a period, by carrying one from hence 
 for surety's sake, in case that from Spain should 
 fail, which is expected upon the very treaty signed 
 at Aix, and withal to concert other circumstances 
 in the manner of the exchange, which is made very 
 imperfect in the treaty ; that is, one to be delivered 
 at St. Germains, and the other at Brussels. I car- 
 ried the secretary this afternoon to the Marquis, and 
 we have fallen upon this agreement, that to-morrow 
 he shall return for Paris with a ratification upon the 
 treaty at Aix, and with insertion of the same powers; 
 a blank now in the Marquis's hands being to be filled 
 up in that form, and to be dated the 16th current, 
 which will answer a possibility of a post going to 
 Madrid after the 2d, when the treaty was signed at 
 Aix, receiving this ratification there, and returning 
 to Paris by the 24th, the day this gentleman ex- 
 pects to arrive there. 
 
 For the exchange it shall be made at Paris, and 
 by the hands of our Ministers there, who shall de-
 
 and other Ministers of State. 427 
 
 liver the Spanish ratifications, and at the same time 
 receive the French, with which the Marquis is con- 
 tent, and will proceed to the publishing of the 
 peace so soon as our Ministers are possessed of the 
 French ratifications, which may afterwards be sent 
 hither at leisure. The day we propose for the ex- 
 changing the ratifications is the 26th, and the 28th 
 for publishing the peace, in case we receive a cou- 
 rier by that time with advice of the French concur- 
 rence in that day. 
 
 For the manner of executing the treaty, I con- 
 fess I was of opinion, nothing should be mentioned 
 of it till the exchange and publication were passed, 
 since new difficulties may arise upon it, which will 
 be easiest overcome when the thing is done, and 
 perhaps the parties will have begun to disarm. The 
 Marquis was of my opinion in it, and therefore has 
 proposed only in that point, that after the publica- 
 tion Commissioners may be appointed on both sides 
 to meet upon it, and the Mediators desired by both 
 parties to intervene likewise by their Commission- 
 ers, for the better composing of any difference that 
 may arise between the parties, and to whom the ad- 
 judication of such difference may be referred; the 
 place of meeting to be Oudenarde or Courtray, as 
 most commodious for adjudication of the limits 
 which may fall in dispute. After this matter thus 
 digested, and promise of the ratifications to be in 
 my hands to-morrow by noon, I came away with 
 Sir John Trevor's secretary; but the Marquis sent 
 after me, to desire lie might speak with me alone; 
 and told me, lie was to thank me for sparing him 
 this morning in disputes lie was falling into with 
 the Holland Deputy: That, in short, the Dutch had 
 crossed him in an alliance he was making last year 
 with Sweden, because they would make themselves 
 masters of the affair; and now would buy the Swedes 
 dependance at the cost of Spain: That he had all
 
 428 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 the reason in the world to be satisfied with his Ma- 
 jesty's conduct of this affair, but little in the Dutch: 
 That he knew no reason why they should not pay 
 what they had promised to Sweden after the treaty 
 at Breda, nor why all the money Spain could spare 
 shouldnot be givenhis Majesty upon anearer league 
 between us, who was the only Prince had proceeded 
 affectionately and generously in the Spanish affairs, 
 and who was the best able to support them, in case 
 he were in condition to make war without his peo- 
 ple's purses : That he expected the Baron Isola 
 suddenly here for conclusion of the guaranty, and 
 this affair with Sweden : and that at last, if it must 
 be paid by Spain, it should be all laid in his Majes- 
 ty's hands, to dispose of as he pleased. I gave his 
 Excellency thanks for expressions so obliging in 
 what concerned our part in this whole affair; but 
 desired him to take it for a ground in all the super- 
 structures to be made upon the present foundations; 
 that Spain must not disoblige Holland even to oblige 
 us, but dissemble any resentments they had given 
 him, and sacrifice them to the advantage both we 
 and Spain received by their present separation 
 from France. And so our discourses ended, and 
 we are returned into the same good correspondence 
 we were in before I went to Aix, which had been 
 interrupted by some letters I received from his Ex- 
 cellency there, and some I returned in the style I 
 thought they deserved; it being perhaps natural to 
 the same men to be the least subject to do injuries, 
 and the least capable of receiving them : for it is 
 easy enough to rind morals for the first, but Chris- 
 tianity enough for the last, I doubt, is difficult. I 
 am ever, &c.
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 429 
 
 To Monsieur de Witt. 
 
 A Monsieur de Witt. 
 
 Brussels, May 27, N. S. Bruxelles, le 27 May, N. S. 
 
 Sir, 1668. Monsieur, 1668. 
 
 By my last from Aix, I gave Par ma derniere lettre d'Aix 
 you account of the signing of la Chapelle, je vous ai appris la 
 the peace, and was in hopes by signature de lapaix, fyj'esperois 
 this to have given you also an par celle-ci vous apprendre la 
 account of the ratification, ratification ; mais elle n'est pas 
 which is not yet arrived from encore arrivie de Paris. Ce- 
 Paris. Meanwhile the ravages pendant les ravages f aits par les 
 made by the French troops over troupes Francoises dans totde la 
 all the country, and their ap- Flaudrc, 5? leurs approches de 
 proaches to this city alarm us cette ville,causent encore de l'a- 
 liere, as if they had a design to larme ici, comme s'ils avoient 
 wrangle upon some formalities, desscin de chicaner sur quclques 
 and in the mean time put them- formalites, 8f en attendant, se 
 selves in a condition to carry vieltre en etat de remporter les 
 the greatest advantages upon plus grands avantages au mo- 
 expiration of the truce. I will merit das I 'expiration de la trcve. 
 not have the least suspicion of Je ne veux point former le moin- 
 uch a proceeding; the most dresoupcond'untelprocededans 
 Christian King having already les Francois; le Roi tres Chre- 
 given notice of the peace to tien ayant deja donne avis dc la 
 the Pope and other Christian paix, taut au Pape qu'aux au- 
 Princes: and (which is of tres Princes; fee qui est de 
 greater weight) knowing that plus grand poidsj sachant que 
 Sweden has already entered la Suede a deja entre dans le 
 into the triple alliance. There- triple alliance. C est pour quoi, 
 fore, the business that gives me la chose dont je me mets le plus 
 most pain, is to draw from en peine, est de tircr dc I'Es- 
 Spain the satisfaction stipulated pagne la satis/action stipulee 
 to Sweden, upon which your pour la Suede. I os Deputes 
 Deputies here have without ici vous on! sa>is doute deja com- 
 doubt already given you the munique sur cet article les report" 
 Marquis's answers, though in- ses du Marquis, <) la verite un 
 deed somewhat cold and un- peufroides if incertaines. ,Je lui 
 certain. 1 have since given ai remis depuis une lettre de la 
 him a very pressing letter from part du Roi man Maitre sur ec 
 the King my Master upon the sujet, fort pressantc, mais je 
 same subject, but have had yet 
 no answer, farther than that 
 he has not yet seen our triple 
 alliance, nor knows the advan- 
 tages given to Spain by it ; 
 or whether tiny are equal to 
 iipain and France. lie makes 
 
 n'en ai jiisqii' ici pu tircr if au- 
 tre reponse, si non qu'il n'u pas 
 encore vu letrailr de lint re triple 
 alliance, \ qn'il ignore quels a- 
 vantages y wnt contains pour /' 
 F.spagne; <S' s'Hs sou! balances 
 (gulancnt entrc la France $ C
 
 430 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 difficulties also upon the sub- 
 sidies of these months past be- 
 tween the treaty at Breda and 
 ours at the Hague, which was 
 (as he says) the first day that 
 Sweden began to consider the 
 affairs of Spain; and he adds, 
 that he has writ into Spain upon 
 this matter, and waits an an- 
 swer; his powers being more 
 ample in time of war than of 
 peace. 
 
 By the thread of his discourse 
 I imagine that he is sufficiently 
 convinced of the necessity of 
 the affair, and that he will agree 
 to it; but knowing that he has 
 time till the ratification comes 
 from Sweden, he makes use of 
 it, either first to see the supplies 
 of money expected with Don 
 John, or, perhaps, because there 
 are some natures in the world 
 who never can proceed sincere- 
 ly in business, but are always 
 for gaining time, which they 
 will do if they were going to 
 their wedding, as much as if 
 they were going to their execu- 
 tion. 
 
 Mean while the King my 
 Master has thought good to or- 
 der another letter to be writ to 
 theQueen of Spain herself upon 
 this subject, and to come to an 
 end of this affair, notwithstand- 
 ing the difficulties that may 
 arise here : and I think it will 
 not be amiss if the States ob- 
 serve the same order, writing a 
 letter to the Marquis and at 
 the same time another to the 
 Queen, to press the affair, and 
 both in civil terms, without 
 sharpening the matter or seem- 
 
 Espagne. II forme aussi des 
 dijjicultes sur les subsides des mois 
 ecoules entre la conclusion du 
 traitea Breda, &; la date du no- 
 ire a la Haye, quietoit, dit-il, le 
 premier jour que la Suede a com- 
 mence d' examiner les affaires d' 
 Espagne, $? d'y faire attention. 
 Enfin il ajoute quit a ecrit en 
 Espagne sur cette matiere, fy 
 qu'il en attend la reponse, ses 
 pouvoirs etant plus amples en 
 terns de guerre qtten terns de 
 paix. 
 
 Par la suite de son discours 
 fay cru appercevoir qu'il est 
 assez persuade de la necessite de 
 V affaire, Sf qu'il y veut venir ; 
 mais comme il sait qu'il a du 
 terns jusqii a la ratification ve- 
 nue de Suede, il tache de s'en ser- 
 vir, dans V 'csperance que les se- 
 cours d'argent arriveront avec 
 Don Juan. Mais peut-ctrc que 
 ce temporisement a un autre prin- 
 cipe, &; qu'il y a des esprits dans 
 le mondefaitsde telle sorte,qu'ils 
 ne sauroicnt jamais oiler ronde- 
 ment en besogne, ? qui songent 
 toujours a gagner da terns, lors 
 meme qu'il s'agit d' alter aux no- 
 ces, comme lors qu'il est question 
 d'aller a la mort. 
 
 En attendant, le Hoi mon 
 Maitre a trouve bon de faire 
 ecrire une autre letlre a la Reine 
 d' Espagne elle-memesur ce sujet, 
 pour venir a bout de cette affaire, 
 malgre les dijficultes qui sepour- 
 ront rencontrer ici. II me sem- 
 ble qu'il ne seroit mal a propos 
 que Messieurs les Etats suivissent 
 la 'meme voye, # quits fhsent 
 ecrire au Marquis 8? en meme 
 terns a la Heine, qfin de presser 
 V affaire. Ces deux lettres etant 
 concues en termes obhgcans, 8f 
 au lieu d'aigrir la difference, ,
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 ing to make difficulties upon 
 the ratifications of the guaran- 
 ty, at least not to make them 
 appear greater than they are. 
 I have told my opinion in this 
 affair, and I have dealt with 
 the Spaniards long enough to 
 know a little of their genius; 
 nor do I doubt coming to an 
 end of this matter, as well as I 
 have done of others more diffi- 
 cult, provided we go the same 
 way, as having to do with the 
 same people. 
 
 I doubt not but you will be 
 of my opinion, that it will be 
 necessary, after the peace is 
 made, to endeavour at coming 
 to some exchange of places, as 
 well to remove the French from 
 your frontiers, as to leave the 
 Spaniards in a better condition 
 of defending themselves against 
 any new surprise or attack; and 
 this will deserve your thoughts 
 
 431 
 
 de grossir les difficultes, parois- 
 sant avoir pour but de pacifier 
 toutes choses, Sf de tendre a une 
 prompte conclusion touchant les 
 ratifications de la guarantie, 
 pourroient produire un Ires bon 
 effel. Voilii mon opinion sur 
 cetle affaire ; J'ai en un assex 
 long commerce avcc les Espagnols 
 pourconnoitre un peu leur genie; 
 (Sf je ne doute point que je ne 
 vienne d bout de cc que j'ai en- 
 trepris, ainsi queje suis deja ve- 
 nu a bout dc choses plus dijjiciles y 
 pourvic que nous marchions tons 
 d'un nieme train, ayant ajfaire 
 a memes gens. 
 
 Je ne doute pas que vous ne 
 soyez comme moi du sentiment % 
 qu'apres la paix faite, il sera 
 necessaire de /aire nos efforts pour 
 amener les choses d un ichange 
 dcs places, taut pour eloigner les 
 Francois de vos Jrovtieres, que 
 pour laisser les Espagnols en dot 
 de se mieux defendre contre de 
 nouvelles surprise* i!y de nouvel- 
 les invasions. Ceci merite vos rc- 
 
 upon it; I mean the manner by Jlexions; vous pensercz aussi a la 
 which you must beginandcarry maniere dont il Jaudra i'y prot- 
 
 on this affair. And, I think, the 
 best occasion of entering into 
 the business will be upon the 
 execution of the peace; and to 
 represent that the restitution of 
 Burgundy in the condition it is 
 in at present, is an offer not 
 
 dre pour cntamer S; poursuivre 
 cetle ajfaire. II me semble que 
 I'occasion la plus propre d'en- 
 trcr en matiere sur cela, sera sur 
 V execution de la paix ; & de re- 
 presenter que la restitution de 
 liounrorrnc dans Pet at oil il est a 
 
 agreeable to the promises of present, est une qffrc peu con- 
 
 the most Christian King. 
 
 I have desired Monsieur Be- 
 verning to discourse you about 
 a small particular in our last 
 instrument of the marine, which 
 does not seem to me of any im- 
 portance, but by which some of 
 your good friends have under- 
 
 venable aux pmmesses du Roy 
 tres Chretien. 
 
 J'ai prie Monsieur lievern- 
 ing de vous entreteuir sur une 
 petite particularite touchant nu- 
 tre dernier nvmoirc sur la ma- 
 rine ; la chose ne mi paroit pas 
 importanie, mail pane que qucl- 
 quei-taiidt! vos bum amiiont pris
 
 432 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 took to reflect particularly upon 
 me : but, having had no news 
 of Monsieur Beverning since 
 his departure, I should be glad 
 to know that he spoke to you of 
 it, and what you think. I am, 
 &c. 
 
 a tache de me blamer moi seulen 
 particidier : commeje n'ai point 
 eu de nouvelles de Monsieur 
 Beverning depuis son depart, je 
 serai bien aise de savoir s'il vous 
 en a parle, 8? ce qui vous en 
 semble, Je suis, Sfc. 
 
 To Monsieur de Witt. 
 
 London, July 3, 
 Sir, 1668. 
 
 Having taken so much part 
 in your good fortunes, and the 
 applauses given you by the 
 world, it is but reasonable I 
 should also take part in your 
 losses, and tell you with equal 
 displeasure and truth, how 
 much I am concerned at your 
 late misfortune. I have long 
 observed, that your fatigues 
 for the public were eased by 
 your domestic entertainments ; 
 and, instead of those diversions 
 which others seek in vice and ex- 
 travagance, you always placed 
 yours in the innocent pleasures 
 of conjugal and paternal affec- 
 tion. I have observed also, 
 how happily you discharged 
 yourself in all affairs of your 
 family upon a lady who now 
 lives no more but in the me- 
 mory and esteem of all those 
 that knew her ; and therefore I 
 am but too sensible how nearly 
 this loss must afflict you; and 
 that it is neither just nor de- 
 cent to give you consolation 
 upon it so soon. Therefore I 
 will only say, that, if it were 
 not for this sad occasion, you 
 would have wanted one great 
 enough to shew the strength of 
 your mind, which is often apter 
 to sink under domestic acci- 
 
 A Monsieur de Witt. 
 
 De Londres, le 3 Jiull. 
 Monsieur, 1668. 
 
 Ayanl pris tant de part dans 
 vos prosperites, Sf dans les ap- 
 plaudissemens que vous recevez 
 de tout le monde ; il est bien 
 juste que fen prenne dans vos 
 disgraces Sf dans vos pertes ; &; 
 que je vous dise avec autani 
 de douleur que de verite, que 
 j'ai ete vivement louche de la 
 dernicre perte que vous venez 
 defaire. II y a long-tcms que 
 j'ai remarquv. que voire domcs- 
 tique vous a ioujours scrvi d'u- 
 nique relachement dans les fa- 
 tigues que vous causent les af- 
 faires publiques, Sf qu'au lieu 
 de recourir a ces divertissemens 
 qui approchent si souvent de f 
 extravagance 8? du crime, vous 
 faisiez ioujours consisier les vo- 
 tres a cultiver lesfridts de l'a- 
 mitie conjugate, <y de la ten' 
 dresse patei-nelle. J'avois re' 
 marque aussi, avec quelle joye S; 
 quelle conjiance vous vous etiez 
 decharge de tous les soins de me- 
 nage sur cette vertucuse epouse, 
 qid ne vit plus a present que 
 dans festime &; le souvenir de 
 toutes les personnes qui Vont con- 
 nue; Sf par-la je ne sens que 
 trop combien sa perte vous doit 
 sensiblement toucher. Nila bien- 
 seance, ni la raison ne souffrent 
 point que j'entreprenne de vous
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 433 
 
 dents, than those of Court or 
 of a war : for by these a man is 
 only hardened every day, but 
 he is softened and made more 
 tender by the others. I beg 
 you therefore not to neglect 
 this occasion of your glory; not 
 to forget, in the midst of your 
 grief, that you have this long 
 time espoused the good of your 
 country, and of Christendom 
 itself, in these last conjunc- 
 tures, to which you owe all 
 your applications and caresses. 
 I hope these will be at present 
 some comfort to you, or at 
 least a diversion, as they have 
 formerly been a fatigue and a 
 pain. 
 
 1 laving begun this letter only 
 to condole with you upon this 
 sad occasion, I will not inter- 
 mix any thing of business; only 
 to tell yon that the King my 
 Master presses me every day to 
 prepare for my voyage, which 
 I shall delay no longer than my 
 domestic affairs have made it 
 necessary after so long an ab- 
 sence. In the mean while I as- 
 sure you, I find nothing here 
 
 vol. r. 
 
 consoler si sulitement. Cest 
 pourquoije vous dirai settlement y 
 que sans une si triste occasion, 
 vous n'auriez pas eu celle d'e- 
 taler toute la force de votre ame f 
 qui succombe quelque fois plus 
 promptcment $f plus absolument 
 sous les afflictions domestiques 
 que sous le revers de la Repub- 
 lique, oh les disgraces de la guer- 
 re: on se familiarise avec ces 
 dernieres, $, on s'u endurcit a- 
 vec le terns ; mats les premieres 
 conservent toujours le droit de 
 nous attendrir 8f de nous touclter 
 infiniment. Je vous prierai 
 done de ne pas negligcr cctte oc- 
 casion de votre gloire, Sf an plus 
 fort de votre douleur, de ne point 
 oublier avec quel devouement, <V 
 depuis quel terns vous avez e- 
 pouse le bien de votre patric, <$ 
 avec le sien celuide la Chretien- 
 te, dans ces dernieres conjonctu- 
 rcs ; votre at tachement, vossoins, 
 votre tendressc manes lui sont 
 dus, puisque vous devrz vous 
 meme tout enticr a ellc. J'e- 
 spcre qua I'avenir vos vie/lies 
 <V vos fatigues pour la Rcpttb- 
 lique vous procurerout quelque 
 soulagement, on dii mains appor- 
 tcront quelque diversion ei vos 
 ennuis, au lieu des travaux S,- 
 des sucurs quelles vous out coutc 
 autrefois. 
 
 Ay ant commence celle let I re 
 uniquement dan:; la vue de me 
 consoler avec vous, je ne veux 
 point lajiuir en y melant quel- 
 que chose qui soil etrangere <) vo- 
 tre douleur. Je ne vous parlerai 
 done point d'affaires, A je vous 
 dirai settlement que le Roi man 
 j\Iaitre presw tons les jours stir 
 les preparatifs de mon depart; 
 je tt'uapportcrai d'autres retar- 
 demens que ceux que mes affaire > 
 '2 V
 
 434 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 that can any way change or domestiques rendent indispensa- 
 slacken the pursuit of our true bles apres une si longue absence. 
 and common interests, which En attendant, je puis vous as- 
 consist in the firmness of our surer que je nai rien appercu 
 last alliance. But of this I ici quipuisse tant soitpeu alterer 
 shall tell you more when I see ou rallentir les soins de nos x'eri- 
 you. I am, Sir, your, &c. tables Sf communs interets, que 
 
 je Jais consister dans la fer- 
 mete 8? la duree de notre der- 
 niere alliance ; vous verrez cela 
 plies au long a mon arrivee* Je 
 suis, Sfc. 
 
 To Sir John Temple, 
 
 Sir, Sheen, July 22, 1668. 
 
 Though I doubt our late motions may have lost 
 or delayed some of your letters, which we have 
 now been some time in want of; yet, I presume 
 ours have had their constant course to you, though 
 from several parts: and though mine have not been 
 frequent, upon the permission you give me to spare 
 my own eyes and time when they are otherwise 
 taken up, and trust to my sister's entertaining you ; 
 yet, upon my return home, after three years ab- 
 sence, I could not but give you some account of 
 my coming and stay here ; and of what I can fore- 
 see is like to follow it, both as to my own particu- 
 lar, and to the public affairs, in which that seems 
 at present to be so much involved. 
 
 After the conclusion of the triple alliance and 
 the peace of Aix, I was at an end of my ambition ; 
 having seen Flanders saved, as if it had been by 
 one of the miracles the house of Austria has, they 
 say, been used to, and the general interests of 
 Christendom secured against the power and at- 
 tempts of France; and, at the same time, the con- 
 sideration and honour of his Majesty and his Crown 
 abroad raised to a degree it has not been in for 
 some ages past, and we had no reason to expect it 
 should be in some ages to come, upon the decline it
 
 and other Ministers of State. 435 
 
 felt after the business at Chattam, and the peace of 
 Breda that succeeded it. I returned from Aix to 
 Brussels without other thoughts than of continuing 
 in that station, till I grew wearier of it than I was like 
 to do very suddenly of a place, I confess, I love : but, 
 immediately upon my arrival there, I met with let- 
 ters from my Lord Arlington, which brought mc 
 the King's orders to continue the equipage of an 
 Ambassador, that I was in upon my Aix journey, 
 in order to my serving his Majesty in the same cha- 
 racter at the Hague, whither he was resolved to 
 send me, and to renew, upon occasion of our late 
 alliances, a character which the Crown of England 
 had discontinuedin that countrysince King James's 
 time. In order hereunto I was left at liberty to take 
 my leave of the Marquis, and to return into Eng- 
 land as soon as I pleased, which I did by the way 
 of Holland, and left most of my servants and horses 
 at Utrecht. 
 
 Upon my arrival here, I was received both by the 
 King and Court a great deal better than I could 
 deserve or pretend; but people seem generally 
 pleased with the counsels and negotiations in which 
 I have had so much part since Christmas hist; and 
 I understand not Courts so ill (how little soever I 
 have been used to them) as not to know that one 
 ought not to lose the advantage of coming home 
 with the common opinion of some merits or good 
 hits at one's back, if one's business be de pousser 
 sa fortune; and I am put enough in mind of it; upon 
 this occasion, by several of those many new friends 
 one would think I had at this time of day, as well 
 as by some of my old ones: but 1 cannot imagine 
 why I should pretend to have deserved more than 
 my pay of the King, for which I served him in my 
 late employments; and, it" I got honour by them, 
 it was so much more than I had to reckon upon. 
 Besides, 1 should be sorry to ask money of him at 
 
 l 2 f 2
 
 43G Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 a time when, for aught I can judge by the cry of 
 the Court, he wants it more than I do. The Spa- 
 nish Ambassador and Baron dTsola, as well as others 
 of my friends, would needs be asking a title for me, 
 and it is with difficulty enough that I have pre- 
 vented it; but it is that, I am sure, I never can have 
 a mind to, and, if it should ever be offered me, I 
 resolve it shall either begin with you, if you desire 
 it; or, if not, with my son, which I had much ra- 
 ther. But, I suppose, nothing of this can happen 
 in our Court without pursuit, and so I reckon my- 
 self in all these points just where I was about six 
 months ago, but only designed for another ambassy, 
 and no man knows how that will end. I am very 
 much pressed to dispatch my preparations for it, 
 by my Lord Keeper and Lord Arlington, who are 
 extreme kind to me, as well as to the measures 
 lately taken by their ministry, and seem to value 
 themselves a great deal upon them. They say, all 
 the business the King now has, both at home and 
 abroad, will turn upon my hand in Holland, by 
 keeping the French from breaking in upon our late 
 alliances, and the confidence between us ; and by 
 drawing the Emperor and Princes of the Empire 
 into a common guaranty of the peace, and there- 
 upon they are mighty earnest with me to hasten 
 away. On the other side, the Commissioners of 
 the Treasury seem to have more mind to my com- 
 pany here, than I could expect: for, after some of 
 them had tried to hinder the King's resolution of 
 sending either an Ambassador at all into Holland 
 (upon pretence of so long disuse of that character) 
 or me in particular, when that could not be carried, 
 they prepared my way by entering upon new regu- 
 lations in the Exchequer, among which, those con- 
 cerning foreign employments brought down the 
 equipage money of Ambassadors from three thou- 
 sand pounds, as it has been since the King came
 
 and other Ministers of State. 437 
 
 in, to 1.500 pounds in France and Spain, and to 
 1000 pounds in all other courts ; and their allow- 
 ance from 100 pounds a week to ten pounds a day 
 in France and Spain, and to seven in other places. 
 Though this be pretended by the Commissioners 
 as only a piece of a general scheme of parsimony 
 they find necessary in the present condition of the 
 revenue, yet I understand it as calculated just at 
 this time particularly for me; and my Lord Arling- 
 ton confesses he thinks it so too, and takes part in it 
 as a piece of envy or malice to himself as well as to 
 me, from some who are spighted at all that has lately 
 passed between us and Holland, and at the persons 
 who have been at the head of those counsels. For 
 my part, I resent it not only as a thing I have not 
 deserved, upon an employment cast wholly upon 
 me by the King's choice, and, as he seems to think, 
 by the necessity of his affairs ; but as that which I 
 find plainly, by the short experience of my last am- 
 bassy, will not defray the cxpence of another, with 
 any honour to the King or myself abroad; and, 
 though I do not pretend to make my fortune by 
 these employments, yet I confess 1 do not pretend 
 to ruin it neither. I have therefore been resolved 
 several times absolutely to refuse this ambassy, un- 
 less it be upon the terms all others have had; but 
 my Lord Arlington puts so much weight upon my 
 going, that he will not hear of it: he says, it is that 
 our good friends would have, and intend by this 
 usage ; and that I can no way disappoint them so 
 much as by going, and that this rule will be broken 
 in three months time: that I should not consider 
 small matters of money in the course of mv for- 
 tune, and that the King cannot fail of making mine 
 at a lump one time or other: t hut there is not lung I 
 may not expect from hi my return from this 
 
 ambassy: and that, if his Majesty had not thought 
 me of absolute necessity to him in Holland upon
 
 438 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 this conjuncture, he had brought me now into Se- 
 cretary Morris's place,which upon my going abroad 
 is designed for Sir John Trevor. My Lord Keeper 
 is of the same mind, to have me by no means re- 
 fuse it (as he says) neither for the King's sake nor 
 my own; and your old friend Sir Robert Long 
 agrees with them both ; and says, after a year or 
 two of this ambassy, I cannot fail of either being 
 Secretary of State, or sent Ambassador into Spain: 
 which are both certain ways of making any man's 
 fortune. 
 
 With all this, I confess, I find it not very easy 
 to resolve, and very much desire yours and my bro- 
 ther's opinion upon it : and, that you may the bet- 
 ter give it me, I shall tell it you with one circum- 
 stance which weighs a little with me, though not 
 at all with my friends here. 
 
 They are all of opinion, the measures the King 
 has lately taken cannot be broken nor altered, how- 
 ever they may be snarled at by some persons, upon 
 particular envy or interest; but I see plainly there 
 are others of another mind. Sir Thomas Clifford 
 said to a friend of mine in confidence, upon all the 
 joy that was here at the conclusion of the triple al- 
 liance. c Well, for all this noise, we must yet have 
 another war with the Dutch before it be long.' 
 And I see plainly already, that he and Sir George 
 Downing are endeavouring with all the industry 
 that can be, to engage the East-India Company 
 here in such demands and pretensions upon the 
 Dutch, as will never be yielded to on that side, and 
 will increase a jealousy, they will ever have of our 
 unsteady counsels, and of our leaving still a door 
 open for some new offences when we shall have a 
 mind to take them. On the other side, the French 
 will leave no stone unturned to break this confi- 
 dence between us and Holland, which spoils all 
 their measures, and without which they had the
 
 and otlitr Ministers of State. 439 
 
 world before them. If they can, they will under- 
 mine it in Holland by jealousies of the Prince of 
 Orange, or any other artifice, and will spare nei- 
 ther promises nor threats. If I should be able to 
 keep that side staunch, they will spare none of the 
 same endeavours here, and will have some good 
 helps that I see already, and may have others that 
 do not yet appear. If by any of these ways, or 
 other accidents, our present measures come to 
 change; I am left in Holland to a certain loss, 
 upon the terms they would send me, though I should 
 be paid; but to a certain ruin if I should not; 
 which I may well expect from the good quarter I 
 may reckon upon from some in the treasury; and, 
 when my ambassy ends, I may find a new world 
 here, and all the fine things I am told of, may 
 prove castles in the air: there is, I know, a great 
 deal to be said for my going ; but on the other side, 
 I am well as I am, and cannot be ruined but by 
 such an adventure as this. I beg of you to let me 
 know your opinion upon the whole ; and, if I could 
 have the confidence, I should beg a great deal 
 more earnestly that I might see you here, since I 
 cannot get loose to wait on you there. Till I hear 
 from you, I shall let the talk and the forms of my 
 ambassy go on, and am confident, however they 
 presume, yet I can spin out the time of my going 
 till about the end of August, in hopes of seeing 
 you here; which will be, I am sure, the greatest 
 satisfaction that can befal, Sir, your, &c.
 
 440 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 LETTERS 
 
 TO 
 
 SIR WILLIAM TEMPLE. 
 
 From Sir Thomas Clifford. 
 
 Sir, Copenhagen, October 7, 1665. 
 
 I have received your obliging letter of the 44th 
 past; and the news of this country is like the com- 
 modities, not of equal value with the more south- 
 ern, and so you are like to be a loser by the barter: 
 but your kindness is the greater. I hope the King 
 of Spain's death will no way alter the state of our 
 affairs with that Crown. I cannot tell you the ef- 
 fect of my negotiation here, but shall in my next 
 give you some hints. The direction of your letter 
 brings it safe to me: I shall advise you before I re- 
 move. Here came a report last night, that a squa- 
 dron of the English fleet had taken out of Fleck- 
 ery nine of the Dutch merchant-men, and ran an- 
 other on shore: but I have examined it, and find 
 there was no ground for the report. Two of their 
 East-India-men are still at Tunsburg, near Christi- 
 ana in Norway, and two more are returned to Ber- 
 gen: but the six men-of-war and East-India-man 
 that came here in the Sound after the storm, are 
 put to sea, and gone toward the Texel. The East- 
 India ship that got into the river of Elve, is there 
 unlading, and they are sending the goods home in 
 little small vessels, under the convoy only of a little
 
 and other Ministers of State. 44 \ 
 
 toy of eight or ten guns: they go home over the 
 Watts: a privateer lying there would probably make 
 his market. 
 
 Last night some Dutch ships going for Dantzick 
 arrived here, and boasted, that their fleet of ninety 
 sail, under De Ruyter, sailed upon Sunday last, the 
 first instant, towards England, and to the Channel, 
 as they thought, to join with the French; but no 
 body gives credit to the relation. 
 
 You see what shift I make to complete my bill of 
 store; but pray let it not dishearten you from cor- 
 responding: for, if I have nothing else to say, I 
 shall be glad of opportunities to express myself, Sir, 
 your most affectionate humble servant. 
 
 From the Earl of Clarendon, Lord High Chancellor. 
 
 Sir, Oxford, December 2<S, 1665. 
 
 I do confess I have, since we parted, received three 
 letters from you, which I should be ashamed to ac- 
 knowledge now, if I had been faulty in not doing 
 it sooner; as I promise myself you have been in- 
 formedfrom my Lord Arlington's justice andfriend- 
 ship. It is now near three months, that the pain of 
 the gout hath restrained me from the exercise of 
 writing: and I am hardly yet returned to it, because 
 not able to put my head out of doors, or more than 
 to stand, rather than walk in my chamber: so that 
 I would not have ventured to have given you this 
 trouble, but upon the absence of my Lord Arling- 
 ton (who hath transmitted to you constantly what 
 we thought jointly): but upon the sight of your la^t 
 letter, which came since his departure, 1 think it 
 necessary to say a little to you upon a particular 
 or two. 
 
 I do in the first place think and believe the Mar- 
 (juisof Castel-llodrigo to be a very generous person,
 
 442 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 and a very useful friend to the King our Master; 
 and one who will be the best instrument to contri- 
 bute to that firm friendship between the two Crowns, 
 that is necessary for the joint interest of both; and 
 therefore we must be careful to remove the least 
 umbrage, which may dispose him to suspect our 
 prudence with reference to our own affairs, or our 
 affection with reference to Spain. With reference 
 to ourselves, it is not possible we can be without a 
 sense of the almost insupportable weight that lies 
 upon us, in the carrying on the war against the 
 Dutch, and preparing for a war against France: 
 and therefore we cannot but heartily wish to be 
 fairly quit of one of them; and would be very glad 
 that any advance were made to it by Holland. I 
 thought always that the overture made by the Spa- 
 nish Ambassador had come from Don Stephano, 
 and never heard the Marquis of Castel-Rodrigo's 
 name: but, it being the very same in terms that the 
 French Ambassadors had made, there could then 
 be no proceedings upon it. But we have done all 
 we can to invite the Dutch to an address how pri- 
 vately soever: nor shall we make any demands con- 
 cerning the Prince of Orange, lest it should do him 
 hurt. If we can bring them off from a conjunction 
 with France (in which Spain is more concerned 
 than England), I am confident we shall insist upon 
 very reasonable conditions. We have great reason 
 to commend the proceedings of the Bishop of Mun- 
 ster: nor are we jealous in the least degree of him, 
 or his treating: and as our failing towards him has 
 not proceeded from any faults of ours, but even 
 from the hand of God; so we shall out of hand re- 
 pair those omissions: and it is but reasonably ex- 
 pected that the Princes of the Empire should (how 
 secretly soever) support him from a dissolution, 
 lest, before many months passed, and the French
 
 and other Ministers of State. 44.5 
 
 designs are a little more evident, they would be 
 glad to repurchase the advantage of the Bishop's 
 being in such a post as he now is, at any price. 
 
 There is nothing now ought to be laboured with 
 so much industry and dexterity, as the uniting Eng- 
 land, Spain, and Flanders, which would give, and 
 which only can give, peace to Christendom. I am 
 sure our Master is passionately inclined to it, and 
 truly I think Spain is well disposed in the main : yet 
 I know not how by the fatal delay in dispatch there 
 (and it may be their expectation, that, in the straits 
 we are, we shall buy their friendship at a rate we 
 shall never pay for it), the haste is not made that 
 the affair required. My Lord Sandwich (who will 
 be gone in twenty days) I hope will give life to it. 
 
 You see how ill my hand is, though never legible, 
 by shaking and weakness somewhat worse than 
 usual. God keep you : and I pray let me know, 
 that this is come to your hands from, Sir, your af- 
 fectionate servant. 
 
 From Sir George Senile * 
 
 Sir, Feb. 5, N. S. 1666. 
 
 It is a sin against the public, and a trespass upon 
 you, at this time to clog you with such an idle cor- 
 respondence as mine : but 1 find I consider my own 
 interest before yours; being not able to make you 
 an expression of my kindness at so dear a rate as 
 the denying myself the satisfaction of hearing from 
 you. And therefore I take hold of your offer, and 
 beg you would sometimes bestow a letter upon me, 
 which shall be as welcome for telling me you are 
 well, as it can be for the best news it bringeth in 
 relation to the public : for which, if 1 can be con- 
 cerned, next to what I am for my best friends, it 
 
 v Afterwards Marquis of Ilalliiax.
 
 4-14 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 is the utmost I will pretend to in that matter. I 
 find his Majesty of France will be an angry enemy. 
 He doth not declare war like an honnete homme ; 
 and therefore I hope he will not pursue it like a 
 wise one. 
 
 I do not despair, but that the English, who use 
 to go into France for their breeding, may have the 
 honour once to teach them better manners. The 
 league with Spain is a good circumstance to make 
 us able to do it; it is so seasonable and so well 
 done, that I will suppose you had a hand in it. In 
 the mean time we have great alarms the Monsieur 
 will invade us, which makes every body prepare for 
 their entertainment. And I hope they will neither 
 find us so little ready, or so divided, as perhaps 
 they expect. 
 
 I will not make this longer, when I have assured 
 you I am, Sir, your most faithful humble servant. 
 
 From the Bishop of Munster. Ab Episcopo Monasterii. 
 
 Munster, Feb. 12, 
 Sir, 1666. 
 
 The favours you have express- 
 ed to me are such, that nothing 
 can add to my esteem of you: 
 however, it was very accepta- 
 ble to find from yours of the 
 25th past, that your affection 
 to me still continues. In the 
 mean time I am busy in pre- 
 paring an army against spring ; 
 nor do I doubt but such care is 
 taken of the third payment, that 
 I may have it altogether; at 
 least, that you have prepared 
 30,000 dollars ready at Brus- 
 sels, and that 2,5,000 more may 
 be returned with all speed by 
 exchange to Cologn : for it is 
 certain, that by small sums, 
 and paid by parcels, nothing 
 
 Monasterii, Feb. 12, 
 Generose Domine, 1666. 
 Dominationem vestram ita meis 
 nbusfaxeniem reipsa semper ex- 
 pertus sum, ut nulla qnidem con- 
 testatione mece desuper conceptcc 
 exist imationi phis addi possit ; 
 gratissimum tamenfuit, ex ejus- 
 dem Uteris de 25to elapsi mensis 
 Januarii percipere, quod D. V. 
 eundem zelum &; affectum cotiti- 
 nuet. Ego interim non desino 
 instruere Sf prccparareexercitum 
 imminetiti jam vcri; nee dubito 
 de tcrtio termino sic provisum, 
 titintcgrc a meis sublevari possit, 
 aut certe dispositione D is P* 
 triginta thalerorum millia Bru- 
 xellis in paratis prccsto siut, Sf 
 viginti quinque millia Coloniam 
 cambio quantocius transmittal!-
 
 and other Ministers of State. 445 
 
 tur. Ccrtum enim est minutis 
 summulis Sf carptim sohdis, <oix 
 
 can be performed worthy of 
 such an undertaking; and that 
 my expedition will be as much 
 obstructed by these, as if the 
 subsidies were wholly delayed. 
 Besides, I shall this year meet 
 with more resistance by ene- 
 mies unexpected, to whom 
 the Elector of Brandenburg 
 will join himself. But that I 
 hope will be recompensed by 
 the friendship of Sweden, and 
 his Majesty's declaratory let- 
 ters communicated to me, and 
 to be kept secret. Nor shall 
 any thing be more inviolably 
 observed by me, than the league 
 I have made with his Majesty, 
 from which nothing shall be 
 able to force me. Nor is there 
 any reason why the offer of a 
 mediation from the Emperor 
 and Princes should raise any 
 suspicions of the contrary, since 
 the present conjunctures would 
 not permit me abruptly to re- 
 fuse it. And, in order to gain 
 time, I have kept that affair 
 within preliminaries, relating to 
 the persons of the Mediators, 
 the manner of negotiation, and 
 the means of security to be pro- 
 posed, being resolved by any 
 means not to separate myself 
 from his Majesty; from whose 
 protection 1 trust to procure 
 safety and satisfaction to my- 
 self. I am glad of the peace 
 between England and Spain 
 being signed at Madrid, and 
 that it is sent into England to 
 be ratified. I wish the effects of 
 it be not delayed; and that the 
 Spaniards may be ready at the 
 time, against whom 1 hear the 
 Hollanders have also declared 
 v, ar b\ the instigation of the 
 French. Your most obliged 
 servant. 
 
 quicquam pro dlgnitate tantcerei 
 ejffici posse ; nee minus ex his, 
 quam dilatis subsidiis, expeditio- 
 nem mcam incommodi eepisse. 
 Qikc quidem hoc anno plus re- 
 sistentue ty difficultatis a tot in- 
 opinatis hostihus, quibus <!y Elec- 
 tor Brandeaburgicus sc sociabit, 
 habitura est. Id tamen fiducia 
 amiciticc Suecicc compensation 
 cxislimo, accendentibus S. Regicc 
 Mqjestatis dcclaratoriis Uteris 
 mild communicalis.S^secreto scr- 
 vandis. Nihilque mihi unquam 
 erit aidiquius aid mngis inviola- 
 bile, noto Jcedere cum S. Regid 
 Majestate sancito, a quo nuflo 
 modo divelli me paliar. Nee 
 est, quod oblata Ctcsaris & quo- 
 rundam principum mediatio um- 
 bras aliquas contraritv suspicio- 
 ns inveherc possit ; ciim illam 
 prcefracte respucre nee tempo- 
 rum horum ratio patialur, nee 
 mihi consult um fuerit, qui, lu- 
 crando tempori indc occasionem 
 naclus, rem omnem hactemis in- 
 tra prcrliminaria de ipsis per- 
 sonis Mediatorum,de modotrae- 
 tandi, is mediis securitatis pro- 
 poncudis continui, ccrtus nan se- 
 pararc me a S. Regia Majestate, 
 cujus auspiciis, & satisfactionem, 
 $ sccuritatem me consecuturum 
 confido. Quod Jledus Anglo- 
 Hispanum Madriti jam turn sig- 
 nal urn, S" 'id ratijicandum in 
 Anglinm t ransmissum sit, libeu- 
 ter a.cepi; oplarem sou' hvjiu 
 effect um nou defern, a / ' 
 nos tempori 
 ctiam ah I i<,!!<iu 
 lurum insturath 
 
 <tum in: ell: 
 Doininuti'i 
 
 itos i'sw, 
 //, helium (ial- 
 1/1V ileuunciati- 
 
 IIHU1C0 
 
 . ti*s. 
 
 nt
 
 446 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 From Sir George Savile. 
 
 Sir, April 4, 1666. 
 
 This must carry my thanks to you for two letters 
 I received at the same time from you, which giveth 
 me a fair occasion to say a great deal to you; but 
 that I will not trespass upon our agreement, to 
 omit ceremony, or any thing that looketh like it. 
 Yet, you must give me leave to tell you, I think 
 myself as much assured of your kindness, by your 
 letting me stay in your thoughts (when you might 
 forget me without breach of friendship, considering 
 the weight of business that lieth upon you), as I 
 could be by any mark of it you can imagine : and if 
 you will suppose my sense of it answerably, and 
 reckon upon my service accordingly; if it may ever 
 be of use to you, you will do me but right. In the 
 mean time you make me sensible of the inconve- 
 nience of living out of the world: now that I find 
 it impossible for me to write three lines of sense in 
 exchange for your letters, that are full of every 
 thing which can make them welcome. I am so 
 ashamed you should converse with a dead man, that 
 I almost wish the French landed upon our coast, 
 thinking it better to write you a sad story than none. 
 How soon I may be furnished with something of this 
 kind, dependeth upon our success at sea, and the 
 faith of your Bishop, which may well be shaken, if 
 you do not support it with your bills of exchange. 
 He is likely to be so over-matched this next cam- 
 paign, that I doubt he will be tempted to break 
 faith with heretics, rather than be a martyr in our 
 calendar. I should be glad to hear Spain would 
 come into our scales, to help us to weigh down our 
 enemies; but I fear their ill luck in the late war 
 hath not left them spirit enough to fall out with 
 the French, though their interest provoketh them
 
 and other Ministers of State. 447 
 
 to it. Besides, the Crown is in a cradle ; and a 
 Spanish Council I imagine to be as slow an assem- 
 bly as a House of Commons. So that we must re- 
 ly upon the oak and courage of England to do our 
 business, there being small appearance of any thing 
 to help us from abroad. 
 
 I believe, before this cometh to your hands, you 
 will be waiting upon Mademoiselle Beverwaert, 
 who is a testimony that this war hath given us no 
 such antipathy to the Dutch, since we chuse one 
 to breed Statesmen for the next age. The Captain 
 that went upon so peaceable an errand, and into a 
 friend's harbour, had ill fortune to be so roughly 
 saluted: but, it being a single act of the officer, 
 without any order from his superiors, it is of no 
 more consequence to us than the sound of it may 
 amount to. 
 
 I direct this as you bid me: and, though it should 
 not come to you, I assure myself you would not 
 impute it to the omission, but to the ill fortune, oi\ 
 Sir, your most faithful humble servant. 
 
 From the Bishop of Munstcr. Ab Episcopo Monastcrii. 
 
 May 2 1 , 1 666. /. ugderio, Maii 2 1 , 
 
 Sir, Generose Domine , 1666. 
 
 I doubt not but by your good Non dubito njfidis D li V r " adi- 
 
 offices the reception of my en- turn in aula. Regis ablegate mco 
 
 voy the Baron de Rosenback Baronide Iloscnbaekita pr/rpa- 
 
 at Court will be so prepared, as ration, ut S. ltrgi<r Majestati 
 
 that his Majesty may have an ratio consilii mci pra-beatur; 
 
 account of my designs : and I quod Dom. V r,m ita continu- 
 
 hope you will continue your fa- aturam sprro, ui Her pervua- 
 
 vour so far, as the King may sui ommno habcal istam necex- 
 
 be persuaded that the neces- sit at em, <puc mihi pads 
 
 sity, which forced me to accept imposuit , nihil prorsus <ict 
 
 the peace, has not taken any de animo quo S. Majrsfafis ob- 
 
 thing from theprofession of that servant ier, aforirr, S,- utilitati, 
 
 honour, duty, and service, I ( cternum derotus sum. Kumqite 
 
 shall ever pay him. To which ;';; jinrni mandavi agent i meo 
 
 end I have ordered my agent HenturJ intimam mco nomine
 
 448 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 Rentorf to cultivate a strict 
 friendship in my name, as well 
 as to communicate to you my 
 most secret affairs, resolving to 
 watch all occasions for the ser- 
 vice of his Majesty; in order 
 to which, I have sent back to 
 the Marquis of Castel-Rodrigo 
 the Brabant troops, as well as 
 those raised in the circle of 
 Burgundy, all entire. And now 
 some German regiments, well 
 armed and exercised, are pre- 
 paring for their march into 
 Flanders, of whose valour the 
 Hollanders themselves are wit- 
 nesses, as I believe you know 
 already from the said Marquis. 
 Now, since it concerns me very 
 much that his Majesty should 
 know these soldiers are kept in 
 his service, I should be ex- 
 tremely satisfied if you would 
 inform the King of it, at the 
 same time that the said Baron 
 de Ilosenback will be arrived at 
 London. And that it be re- 
 presented as a mark of my eter- 
 nal devotion to his Majesty. In 
 which you will highly oblige 
 me: and in confidence whereof 
 I remain, Sir, your most 
 obliged servant. 
 
 cum D ne V r& communicationettt 
 mearum rerum, &; amicitiam co- 
 lere, intentus semper in occasio- 
 nes omnes Juturas pro servitio 
 S. Majestatis ; quern in finem 
 copias Brabanticas, 8? in circulo 
 Burgundico conscriptas, Domi- 
 no Marchioni de Castel-Rodri- 
 go integras remisi; &; jam itine- 
 ri in Belgium Hispanicum ac- 
 cinguntur legiones aliquot Ger- 
 manorum ; Jbrtis sant Sf exer- 
 citatus miles, de quorum virtute 
 ipsi feeder ati Bel gee testari pote- 
 runt; uti Dom. Vestramjam ex 
 prcedicto domino gubernatore la- 
 tins cosnovisse arbitror. Cum 
 autem men plurimum mtcrsit, id 
 Regice Majestati suce constet 
 militem hunc in suo servitio con- 
 servari ; pergratum mihiforet, 
 si D io Vestra de eo,facilitandce 
 intent ioni mece, quamprimum S> 
 sine mora hoc ipso tempore quo 
 dictus Baro de Rosenback Lon- 
 dinum appulerit, S. Majesta- 
 tem certiorem faciat, S? tan- 
 quam indicium ratum ceternce 
 niece in Regemfdei contestetur : 
 quo me D 10 V ra sibi summope- 
 re ob/igabit ; et haefducia ma- 
 neo Dominationi vestra addic- 
 tiss. 
 
 From my Lord Arlington. 
 
 Sir, Whitehall, July 30, 1666. 
 
 What I received in yours of the 2d was written to 
 me at large, from him whom I suppose to be the 
 author of it, but not exactly with the same circum- 
 stances: whether his meaning; or his imagination 
 fail him, is a great question here. His name to 
 speak freely with you, is able to discredit any truth : 
 and against the grain I employed him in Holland,
 
 and other Ministers of State. 449 
 
 not to make him the instrument of a peace, but to 
 send us news : however, I do not yet discourage him 
 from writing, though I wish what hesaith camefrom 
 any hand rather than his. Accordingly, you shall 
 do well to handle him : and this is enough upon 
 this subject, when I have so much a better to en- 
 tertain you upon. Here inclosed you have the ef- 
 fective truth of what I sent you the symptoms in my 
 last. I durst not hazard any of my acquaintance 
 with the putting it into French, because of the sea 
 terms wherewith it abounds: but, if you can get it 
 well done, and quickly published, you will do his 
 Majesty a good service, and may fairly put the cost 
 of it into your accounts. Moreover, I have pro- 
 mised his Majesty to charge you with the writing 
 of some small paper, and publishing it in French, 
 that may pleasantly and pertinently awaken the 
 good patriots in Holland, not only to thoughts and 
 wishes of peace, but to a reasonable application for 
 it; assuring them his Majesty continues still to wish 
 it, and would gladly receive any overtures for it 
 from the States, here in his own Kingdom, not ex- 
 pecting less from them in this kind, than they did 
 to the usurper Cromwell. This done in any form 
 you like best would certainly operate well in Hol- 
 land, and be a work worthy of your pen; which, 1 
 know, has sufficiency very much greater. One thing 
 especially it will be good to mind them of, the con- 
 siderable succours and advantages they have had 
 by the conjunction with Fiance; which hath not 
 been remarkably visible in anything more than in 
 getting their narratives to be believed in all the 
 Courts of Christendom, and helping them to make 
 their bonfires for their successes. 
 
 His Majesty is going this night to visit the Queen 
 at Tunbridge; for which he had not leisure till now. 
 T am, Sir, your most affectionate servant. 
 
 P. S. Let your emissaries give you a particular 
 
 VOL. I. 2 G
 
 450 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 account of the condition of the Dutch fleet gotten 
 into Zealand, and of the readiness they are in to 
 come out again \ with an exact account of their 
 strength if it be possible. Monsieur Nypho will 
 help to convey it speedily to us. 
 
 From the Earl of Clarendon. 
 
 Sir, Worcester-House, August 2, 1666. 
 
 I have many excuses to make you for not acknow- 
 ledging all your letters punctually when I received 
 them, which I suppose would give you some trou- 
 ble : and I am sure all I can say to you, by way of 
 information or advice, is constantly and abundant- 
 ly supplied by the diligence of my good friend my 
 Lord Arlington. 
 
 The last favour I received from you was of the 
 53d of this month ; since which time it hath pleased 
 God to give a wonderful improvement to our af- 
 fairs: and yet I am persuaded that you there know 
 more of the full extent of the late great victory than 
 we do. In all mens view it is very great and noble, 
 and in one respect very wonderful, that almost the 
 whole fleet that went from hence rides now before 
 the enemies harbours, without being compelled to 
 send any considerable number of their ships to be 
 repaired : and I believe this success will change the 
 measures of most of the counsels in Christendom. 
 I wish with all my heart it may work upon them 
 from whom your Court must receive its orders, to 
 move with a little more vigour in their resolutions: 
 the want of which will at some time or other prove 
 fatal to that monarchy. They have it yet in their 
 power to secure themselves from ever receiving 
 prejudice from the French; which I take to be the 
 only blessing they are to pray for in this world : but 
 it will not be always in their power to do so. 
 
 I presume my good friend Ogniate is before this
 
 and other Ministers of State. 451 
 
 time arrived there witli good satisfaction : and I 
 will not deny to you I always wished well to those 
 transactions, the concessions being (in truth) no 
 other than what in justice ought to be granted; ex- 
 cept we would declare to the world, that, whilst we 
 have a war with Holland, we will have no peace 
 with Flanders. I wish with all my heart that it may 
 be punctually and religiously observed on our part, 
 by the exemplary punishment of those persons who 
 in the least degree violate the protection agreed 
 upon. And though there will be, as you say, a great 
 latitude for them to cover the Dutch trade; yet that 
 cannot be long without discovery, and they will 
 thereby render themselves infamous to the world, 
 and will suffer accordingly. I know the Marquis of 
 Castel-llodrigo will be as jealous in that affair as 
 possible: and Ogniate, who was the fittest person 
 alive to be sent on that errand, will be vigilant to 
 the utmost; and I am confident will advertise the 
 Marquis upon the least discovery. I know not whe- 
 ther he be enough known to you; but, trust me, he 
 is very worthy of your friendship, which is due to 
 him from all good Englishmen, having expressed 
 the same veneration to the King, and the same ci- 
 vility and kindness to us, who had the honour at the 
 same time to attend his Majesty, when we were in 
 Flanders, as he can do now, when we are at White- 
 hall. And, as that respect of his was then of great 
 use and benefit to his Majesty, so it was apparently 
 to his own prejudice and disadvantage; so that, if 
 we are not all kind to him, we deserve no more 
 such friends. I am, Sir, your affectionate servant. 
 
 From Sir William Coventry. 
 
 Sir, September 21, 1(5G7. 
 
 Since my last to you, I have acquainted 1 1 is Ma- 
 jesty and his Royal Highness with your having dis- 
 
 2 o 2
 
 452 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 posed the blank passes sent to you ; and that the 
 people of those countries were still desirous of those 
 passes ; though there was another provision made 
 for their security, by the agreement with M. Og- 
 niate : whereupon his Majesty gave consent to the 
 sending over some more of them. By this convey- 
 ance I send you five of them. More shall be sent 
 hereafter, if you continue to desire them: but I 
 thought not fit to swell this pacquet too much. 
 
 The French fleet hath been in the Channel, and 
 Prince Rupert's fleet having been driven from their 
 anchors with a storm, and by other such accidents, 
 he did not meet with them at their first coming ; 
 and now we are uncertain whether they are not 
 gone back again. To-morrow will tell us more of 
 that than I can now affirm. The storm which drove 
 Prince Rupert's fleet from their anchors dispersed 
 some of the French fleet, and seven of them on the 
 right fell into our white squadron : one of them (a 
 ship called the Ruby) of fifty-four guns, and five- 
 hundred men, we took ; and some of our frigates 
 pursued the rest, with what success I know not as 
 yet. I am apt to believe the body of their fleet is 
 gone back again towards Brest or Rochel. We 
 hear De Ruyter is dead, and another Admiral 
 chosen. 
 
 This day the Parliament voted that they will sup- 
 ply his Majesty proportionably to his occasions, or 
 words to that effect ; so our neighbours will see our 
 hearts do not fail us in all our misfortunes. I am, 
 Sir, your most affectionate humble servant. 
 
 From the Duke of Ormond. 
 
 Sir, Kilkenny, October 14, 1666. 
 
 I have more of yours to acknowledge than I have 
 by me to take particular notice of. They were 
 very pertinent informations as things then went :
 
 and other Ministers of State. 453 
 
 and some of them got hither with so much speed, 
 that they out-ran any intelligence I could get out 
 of England. To-morrow I shall beinyourlivery,and 
 perhaps try whetheryour Brussels camlet will resist 
 Irish rain, as I have known it do that of Flanders. 
 I must thank you for the present, as coming very 
 seasonably, both in respect of the time of the year, 
 and that, for aught I can yet find, my Michaelmas 
 rent would hardly have purchased two cloaks : and 
 that your stuff will make me, if I shall be honestly 
 dealt with. 
 
 I know botli from hence and out of England, you 
 are informed of all that passes here. The Commis- 
 sioners and their dependents, I mean lawyers, and 
 the train belonging to that Court, have all the 
 business, and will have all the money; and conse- 
 quently, if they please, much of the land contend- 
 ed for, and to be distributed. In England they 
 are revenging upon us here thefalling of their rents, 
 but, I doubt, not repairing themselves ; they have 
 us, and perhaps the King, atan advantage: the King 
 must be supplied, and England only can do it. I 
 wish we could hear of some overtures towards peace; 
 then would the King be freed from a necessity of 
 consenting to unreasonable things; or we should 
 be the better able to bear the interdicture of our 
 trade with England : for to that, upon the matter, 
 the forbidding us to send our cattle to their mar- 
 kets will amount. I am very really, Sir, your most 
 affectionate servant. 
 
 From Sir William Coventry. 
 
 Sir, Whitehall, November 2, 16G6. 
 
 I have received the favour you did me of the 5th, 
 N. S. and received with it the bill of exchange for 
 fifty pounds, which, 1 doubt not, will suddenly be 
 paid. I owe so many of those advantages to your
 
 454 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 care and kindness, that they become ordinary, and 
 do not leave me any new expressions for my thanks. 
 
 We have great expectations what the Swedes 
 army at Bremen, and the new confederation against 
 them, will produce. We hear the Duke of Savoy 
 and the State of Geneva are falling out, which pro- 
 bably will not want partners in its success : so that 
 the influence of Sixty-six will extend itself farther 
 than the puritans allowance for the Revelations to 
 be fulfilled in, which they confine to England. 
 
 We are debating still in Parliament which way 
 to raise money, but we draw nearer a conclusion ; 
 and I believe the next week will bring it to good 
 maturity. I am, Sir, your most affectionate hum- 
 ble servant. 
 
 From the Dull e qfOrmond. 
 
 Sir, Dublin, December 18, 1666. 
 
 Yours of the T ^ past found me on my way hither, 
 where I propose to spend the rest of the winter. 
 How the summer will be spent, seems very doubt- 
 ful ; our preparations for the war would make one 
 think we are sure of a peace; which may be well 
 said without any reflection on the King and his 
 Ministers. 
 
 I am once to thank you for your great civility to 
 my nephew Clancarty, in whose consideration you 
 have undertaken to endeavour a pass for Colonel 
 Murphy, and for the disposition of the money the 
 Colonel was ordered (if he thought fit) to put into 
 your hand. I have by this post written to -Sir John 
 Shaw to draw it into England when he shall find it 
 best ; and I am prepared to pay the Colonel here. 
 
 I believe you heard as soon of the suppression, as 
 of the raising, of the Scottish commotion ; perhaps 
 equal credit would not be given in Holland to both. 
 It made me hasten hither, andprepare myself to have
 
 and other Ministers of State. 455 
 
 kept Christmas in the North, if the rebellion had 
 lasted. What discovery will be made, and justice 
 done upon the offenders, you will receive sooner 
 knowledge of out of England, than from hence. 
 I am very confident they had well-wishers here ; 
 which is a good, or rather a bad, step to cor- 
 respondency, as that is to conjunction. Those 
 that think well of Presbyterians, distinguish those 
 fellows, and call them Remonstrators. I think 
 the true difference is, these thought they had 
 power to change the government, and the other 
 do wish they had. 
 
 When you are at leisure, I wish to know what 
 kind of fort is raised at Charleroy, and what num- 
 ber of men, horse, and foot, it will contain. I am, 
 with all reality, Sir, your most affectionate humble 
 servant. 
 
 From the Duke of Ormond. 
 
 Sir, Dublin, January 29, 1667. 
 
 The success of your negotiations gives no man 
 greater satisfaction for the part you bad in it, than 
 to me. The happy consequences which may rea- 
 sonably be. expected from the conclusion of that 
 treaty, may extend farther and last longer, than I 
 have had time, since I received yours of the 24th in- 
 stant, to consider. I confess, my first reflections 
 were upon the good effect it will have at home, and 
 the good humour it is likely to put the Parliament 
 in at their first meeting ; which I look upon as the 
 foundation of all other advantages to be derived 
 from it by reputation, and all the good effects of 
 that amongst our neighbours. I should be glad to 
 hear where or when you are like to fix, that my 
 letters may be conveyed to you when 1 think they 
 may be worth your receiving from, Sir, your most 
 affectionate humble servant.
 
 A56 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 From my Lord Ambassador Coventry. 
 
 Sir, Breda, August 4, N. S. 1667. 
 
 Yours of the 29th July I have received, and thank 
 you for it. I doubt not but by this time you have 
 heard of the several treaties of peace signed here 
 the -f-|" of July. We were so very busy in dis- 
 patching away Sir John Coventry for England with 
 the treaties, that I had not leisure till now to give 
 you an account of it. That between the States and 
 us consisteth in an absolute abolition of all pre- 
 tences on either side, each to remain masters of 
 what they were in possession of the ^} of May 
 1667 ; what since taken, to be restored, as to lands 
 and fortresses : ships are yet liable till after publi- 
 cation, when all hostilities are to cease within 
 twelve days in the Channel, and so proportionally 
 in other seas; then the whole treaty of 1662 re- 
 newed, and we both to make use of the articles 
 between France and this State for contrabandgoods, 
 till such time as we can agree of one between our- 
 selves. The rest is a restoring of the treat} in 
 1662, as to all its articles except the eleventh, 
 wherein our pretensions are contained. As to the 
 act of navigation, you will hear much noise, that 
 that is repealed. There is no such thing ; neither 
 doth the article about that matter give the States 
 any more advantage, than as 1 conceive the act 
 gave them before. As to the French, we restore 
 all to each other that each hath taken, and all things 
 
 done put in oblivion. As to Denmark, the 
 
 debt he owed the Hamburgh Company, France 
 standing very firm to him upon the point; and 
 their greatest argument was, that it was not a debt 
 contracted by him or his father; but, on the con- 
 trary, imposed on his father for having assisted the 
 late King ; and besides they gave us our choice
 
 and other Ministers of State. A 57 
 
 either to agree thus, or to account for what had 
 been taken on each side, and render : the latter 
 was thought the more prejudicial to the King our 
 Master ; and so this hath passed. And there is, I 
 think, the substance of the three treaties. 
 
 How or where this letter will find you, we know 
 not: for we here believe Brusselsbesieged, and that, 
 according to the fashion of this year's campaign, is 
 little less than taken. 
 
 All public Ministers have, or will have, left this 
 town within a day or two, except ourselves. To- 
 morrow fortnight they all meet here again, expect- 
 ing the ratification. I am, Sir, with very great sin- 
 cerity, your most faithful humble servant. 
 
 From my Lord ITolUs. 
 
 Sir, Breda, July 1, N. S. 16(37. 
 
 I have received yours by my Lord Stafford's ser- 
 vant, and see you have put off your journey hither 
 in expectation we might be removing hence ; and 
 for which it seems the Marquis de Castcl-Kodrigo 
 is pleased to express himself with so much civility 
 and kindness towards us; for which both my Lord 
 Ambassador Coventry and myself do return our 
 most humble thanks. But it will not be possible 
 that we can remove so soon ; so as assuredly you 
 will have time enough to do us that favour, and very 
 gladly we shall receive it from you ; when we may 
 at leisure discourse of the present posture of our 
 affairs, and make those sad reflections which they 
 deserve ; and which will he much fitter for a con- 
 ference, than to be set down in paper. I shall re- 
 serve them till then, and in the mean time, and 
 ever, remain, Sir, your very affectionate and most 
 humble servant.
 
 458 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 From my Lord Ambassador Coventry. 
 
 Sir, Breda, August |, 1667. 
 
 I am very thankful to you for the buck you sent 
 us ; and it came very well, and so seasonably, that 
 Imadeuse ofsomeof it the very morning it came. We 
 have no news to send you from hence, but that we 
 are now altogether employed in jollity, and expect 
 our ships to give us some sea physic, to purge the 
 excesses we make. Your health is not only what 
 we drink, but what we pray for. The first part 
 hath already been useful to digest our venison, 
 and the other we reserve for more important con- 
 siderations. In conclusion, we hear more of drums 
 and trumpets since the peace, than we did in the 
 war ; though I hope this will not be so fatal a noise 
 as they make at Lisle. I am sorry both for the 
 want of your company, and the reason of it. Now, 
 our own peace is done, I could wish with all my 
 heart Christendom's were so too. Sir, I pray be- 
 lieve me to be, what I very sincerely am, your most 
 faithful humble servant. 
 
 From my * Lord Lisle. 
 
 Sir, September 26, 1667. 
 
 Since I had your last letter, I have made you no 
 acknowledgment of it : a retirement is in several 
 respects like the night of one's life, in the obscu- 
 rity and darkness, and in the sleepiness and dosed- 
 ness : which I mention to put you in mind that I 
 am only by my posture of life apt to be failing to- 
 wards you. 
 
 What is of Court or assemblies near us, is at my 
 
 * Afterwards Earl of Leicester.
 
 and other Ministers of State. 4o9 
 
 Lord Crofts's. Sir Thomas Ingram this summer 
 hath made no noise at all. Old Lady Devonshire 
 keeps up her feasts still ; and that hath been of late 
 Mr. Waller's chief theatre : the assembly of wits at 
 Mr. Comptroller's will scarce let him in: and poor 
 Sir John Denham is fallen to the ladies also. He 
 is at many of the meetings at dinners, talks more 
 than ever he did, and is extremely pleased with 
 those that seem willing to hear him ; and from that 
 obligation exceedingly praises the Dutchess of Mon- 
 mouth and my Lady Cavendish ; if he had not the 
 name of being mad, 1 believe in most companies 
 he would be thought wittier than ever he was. He 
 seems to have few extravagancies, besides that of 
 telling stories of himself, which he is always in- 
 clined to. Some of his acquaintance say, that ex- 
 treme vanity was a cause of his madness, as well as 
 it is an effect. 
 
 All persons of note hereabouts are going to their 
 winter-quarters at London. The burning of the 
 city begins to be talked of as a story like that of the 
 burning of Troy. At Sheen we are like to be bare : 
 Lady Luddal seems uncertain in her stay ; and we 
 hear that, when Sir James Sheen and his Lady were 
 ready to come from Ireland, great cramps took 
 my Lady in her limbs : and Sir James's servants 
 doubt whether we shall see him this winter. 
 
 I desire, Sir, your leave to kiss my Lady Tem- 
 ple's hands, and my Lady GifTard's hands, by your 
 letter. My daughter and I were in dispute which 
 of us two should write this time to Brussels; and, 
 because I was judged to have more leisure, it fell 
 to me, and my Lady Temple is to have the next 
 from her. 
 
 J wish you, Sir, all good successes in your busi- 
 ness, and am vour very affectionate servant.
 
 460 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 From the Earl of Sandwich. 
 
 Sir, Madrid, September 27, 1667. 
 
 This begs your pardon for my not writing by the 
 last post, and presents you my humble thanks for 
 that letter I should then have acknowledged, and 
 another of September 7, N. S. which, with many 
 advices very considerable and desirable to be 
 known, gives me one particular satisfaction, to hear 
 that one copy of the treaty is in so certain a way of 
 getting home. There are two more gone by sea, 
 one from Calais, August 2, N. S. the other express 
 by a vessel from Rigo in Gallicia, August 31, N. S. 
 designed to set a gentleman of my company ashore 
 in Ireland on the south part; which course I di- 
 rected as a certain way to avoid the danger of the 
 sea, and no very tedious way of passage ; I suppose 
 all these likely to arrive in England much about a 
 time. 
 
 This place affords not much considerable news 
 to return you. Our Portugal adjustment keeps the 
 pace of the accustomed Spanish gravity (if it pro- 
 ceed forward at all). They have here removed the 
 President of the Hazienda, (or, as they call it, ju* 
 bilar'd him), giving him his salary still of 6000 du- 
 cats per annum, for his own life, his wife's, and his 
 eldest son's; and also have given him some other 
 considerable mercedes ; and have made Don Lopez 
 de los Rois President de Hazienda in his room. 
 This last is Castillo's near kinsman and creature, 
 the other a near kinsman of the Duke of Medina's 
 de las Torres. 
 
 The Conde de Fwensalida is lately dead (a Gran- 
 dee of Spain). My chief business here is a long- 
 ing expectation to hear of the treaty I have made 
 here to be received in England, which now I daily 
 shall hope for; and, as any thing thonce, or here.
 
 and other Ministers of State, 46 1 
 
 occurs worth your notice, it shall be presented you 
 by, Sir, your affectionate and most humble ser- 
 vant. 
 
 From the Far I of Sandwich. 
 
 Sir, Madrid, December 44, 1667. 
 
 I hope from your goodness to find pardon for miss- 
 ing the other posts, but dare not adventure your 
 patience to fail this also, though I am now hurried 
 by business, so that I have not time so largely and 
 considerately to write as I desire. Be pleased then 
 to know that Mr. Godolphin's journey to Portugal 
 suffered so much delay, until it was found necessary 
 that I must go in person thither; and then he re- 
 solved to make use of the King my Master's leave 
 to return into England, and began his journey for 
 Bilboa on Tuesday morning last. You know the 
 value of Mr. Godolphin so well, that it is needless 
 to tell you my griefs in parting from one of the most 
 accomplished, worthy, and generous friends that 
 ever I met with: and am heartily glad that your 
 friendship and mine do also conrenire inaliquo tertio. 
 
 My journey for Portugal hath almost met with 
 as many or more calms than Mr. Godolphin's: and, 
 in good earnest, I am not able to irive vou any lis-ht, 
 whether it be likely to proceed or no. 
 
 The Spaniards have reformed two regiments of 
 Germans at Badajos; very good officers they say, 
 and are resolved never to serve the Spaniard more. 
 The King of Spain has had the small-pox; but is 
 so recovered, as they fear no danger. 
 
 In Portugal, Don Pedro is made Governor to as- 
 sist his brother in the same nature as his mother did 
 when she was Regent: and the addresses are made 
 in the same manner. 
 
 The Queen is returned to a convent, asserting 
 herself to be a maid: and the King has under his
 
 462 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 hand and oath delivered the same. So the Queen 
 pursues the cause among the church-men to have 
 the marriage declared null. There are Cortes to 
 be called there January 1 , N. S. On the 7th in- 
 stant, N. S. the Marquis of Sande (the Ambassador 
 that brought the Queen) was shot and killed in the- 
 street with a carabine, and nobody knows who 
 did it. 
 
 I wish you a very merry Christmas, and am most 
 affectionately, Sir, your most faithful and most hum- 
 ble servant. 
 
 P. S. If I go to Portugal, pray continue our cor- 
 respondence to Mr. John Werden, a Gentleman 
 worthy of your favour, and very able and securely 
 my friend, who does me the favour to continue in 
 my house, and manages the King's business in this 
 Court in my absence, and will send me your letters. 
 
 From Monsieur Gourville. 
 
 Luneburg, Jan. 28, 
 Sir, 1668. 
 
 By a copy of the letter written 
 from the King of England to 
 the States, I understand you 
 are a peaceable man: and the 
 memorial you have given to 
 desire commissioners, in order 
 to examine jointly with you into 
 the means for a good peace, 
 makes us believe that you de- 
 sire in good earnest to give re- 
 pose to Christendom. You 
 know I have always desired it; 
 but however it will be the more 
 agreeable to see it done by your 
 hands. In good earnest, i am 
 glad the King of England has 
 made choice of you for so great 
 and important an ahair: when 
 his Majesty knows your merits, 
 I assure myself you will he al- 
 ways in the greatest employ- 
 
 De Monsieur Gourville. 
 
 A Lunehourg, 28 Jan. 
 Monsieur, 1668. 
 
 Par la copie de la lettre que sa 
 Majestc Britannique a ecrite 
 aux Etals des Provinces Unics, 
 fapprens que vous etes un homme 
 pacifique; la mem aire que vous 
 avez presentee pour demandcr 
 des commissaires pour chercher 
 ensemble Irs moyens de parvenir 
 a tine bonne paix, doit faire 
 croire que e'est tout de bon que 
 vous voulez donner le repos a la 
 Chretiente. Vous savcz comme 
 je I'ai toujours souhaite; mais 
 elle me sera aidant plus agreable, 
 de la voir faite de voire main : 
 tout de bon je me rejoins que sa 
 Majeste Britannique vous ait 
 choid pour une si grande S> si 
 importante affaire, Quand elle 
 ennnoitra voire merite, je m* as- 
 sure que vous aurez toujours les
 
 and other Ministers of State. 463 
 
 ments; and I assure you, that I plus grands emplois; Sf je vous 
 shall always be making wishes assure de la meilleurejoidu mon- 
 for your advancement till I see dc, quejusqua cequeje vous voye 
 you made Chancellor of Eng- Chancelierd 1 Angleterre,jeferai 
 land. In the mean time I shall toujours des vceux pour votre 
 be ever, Sir, your most humble avancement. lit en attendant, 
 and obedient servant. je serai toujours plus veritable- 
 
 ment que person ne die monde, 
 
 votre tres humble $f tres obeis- 
 
 sant serviteur. 
 
 P. S. If you have a desire to P. S. Si vous avez bien envie 
 
 make the peace, I look upon dejaire la pair, je la ticnsjbrt 
 
 it as very far advanced; the avancee; les Princes ici tcmoi- 
 
 Princes here shew their desire gnentladesirer : je ne croyois de~ 
 
 of it. I did not think to stay meurer en ce pais iciquehuit ou 
 
 in this country above eight or dix jours, Sf my voila au bout 
 
 ten days; yet here I am after dc quatrc mois. Jevouspriede 
 
 iV-r months. Pray let me me mandcr si vous croyez que 
 
 know whether you think the as- Von s'assemblera a Aix, <!y a pen 
 
 sembly will be at Aix, and near pres le terns, afin que j'y jasse 
 
 what time, that I may keep my relenir ma chambre : Sf si vous 
 
 lodgings there; and, if you will voulcz conjidemment me mander 
 
 tell me in confidence the opinion V opinion que vous avez de la 
 
 you have of the peace, I shall paix,je vous en serai oblige. La 
 
 be obliged to you: mine is, that mienne est que si vous la voulcz 
 
 you may make it if you please ; que vous la Jerez: mais je ne 
 
 but I am not yet convinced whe- suis pas si convaincu que vous 
 
 ther you can hinder it, if Mon- lapuissicz empechcr, si Monsieur 
 
 sicur de Witt has so much de- dc Witt a aidant d* envie de la 
 
 sire to make it, as many people /aire, comme bien dc gens le 
 
 believe, according to what I croyent, scion ce que Von m'en 
 
 am told. mande. 
 
 From Monsieur Gourville. 
 
 Luneburg, Feb. I 1 !, 
 Sir, 16G8. 
 
 A 1,1. your modest reasoning 
 will not hinder me from believ- 
 ing that any other Minister the 
 King oi' England could have 
 scut to the Hague, would not 
 have finished in many months 
 what you have done in four 
 days. ' Without flattery, it is a 
 thing you ought to be extreme- 
 ly itisfied with. 1 suspected 
 at first, that you had made this 
 
 De Monsieur Gourville. 
 
 A Luncbourg, '2'2 Fevr. 
 Monsieur, lfifiS. 
 
 To/tie la modest ie de voire rai- 
 sonncmrnt nc m'empechcra pas 
 dc croire, que tout autre Mini- 
 sire que sa Majestc lhitanniquc 
 cut envoye a la llayc, n'auruit 
 pas Jail en t> en tic mois <v que 
 vous avez acheve en quatrt jours. 
 Sans flattcric e'est unc chose qui 
 void dml ex!) i memeitt satijairr. 
 ,Pai il'ab/ird soini-oiuic que vans 
 avicz Jail ce trui:e dc qu Iqre
 
 464 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 treaty by some concert with 
 the Marquis of Castel-Rodrigo: 
 for though the King ray Master 
 has so much reason to be con- 
 tent to see him grant what his 
 Majesty demanded, neverthe- 
 less the bad counsel of the 
 Spaniards has put them in a 
 condition to receive your work 
 as the safety of what remained 
 to them of Flanders. I never 
 lamented my absence from the 
 Hague but since I knew you 
 were there. 1 cannot yet tell 
 what time I shall be obliged to 
 stay here, Monsieur de Lionne 
 having charged me from the 
 King with some orders in this 
 Court, which I have reason to 
 believe will accommodate my 
 affairs. I am strongly persuaded 
 the King my Master will hold 
 to the alternative, Monsieur de 
 Lionne having sent me word 
 that his Majesty was content 
 with what you had done at the 
 Hague; and that, if the manner 
 of it had been a little more ob- 
 liging, there were nothing more 
 to be desired. These Princes 
 mightily desire the peace upon 
 your conditions; the league of 
 the Rhine is extremely satisfied 
 with it ; so that, in all appear- 
 ance, Spain may do what they 
 please; for this time their coun- 
 try shall be saved, no thanks to 
 them. I would fain know whe- 
 ther you think of going to Aix. 
 I have a great mind to see this 
 negotiation: and I should have 
 nothing to desire, if I were sure 
 to find you there. 
 
 I see by this business here, 
 that the peace will be made; 
 or else, that there will be a 
 great war ; but I rather think 
 the former. And, if they will 
 
 concert avec Monsieur le Mar- 
 quis de Castel-Rodrigo: car en- 
 core que le Roi mon Maitre ait 
 tant sujet d'etre content de le 
 voiraccorder ce qu'ila demande ; 
 neanmoins le mediant conseil des 
 Espagnols les a mis en etat de 
 recevoir votre ouvrage comme le 
 saint de ce qui leur restera aux 
 Pais-Bas. Je n'avois point re- 
 grette mon absence de la Haye 
 que depuis que je sai que vous 1/ 
 etes: je ne saurois encore savoir 
 le terns queje serai oblige de de- 
 meurer ici; Monsieur de Lionne 
 m'ayant charge de la part du 
 Roi de quelques ordres en cette 
 Cour, tant quej'ai lieu de croire 
 que cela accommodera mes af- 
 faires. Cest pourtant un che- 
 min qui me pent conduire a cette 
 Jin : je suis tres fortement per- 
 suade que le Roi mon Maitre se 
 tiendra a V alternative. Mon- 
 sieur de Lionne m'a mande que 
 sa Majeste etoit contente de ce 
 que vous aviezfait a la Haye: 
 Sf que si la facon en cut etc un 
 peuplus obligeante, il n'y auroit 
 eu rien a desirer. Ces Prince:; 
 ici souhaitent fort la paix aux 
 conditions que vous la voulez 
 faire : la ligue du Rl/in en est 
 tres satisfaite, ainsi selon les ap- 
 parences les Espagnols auront 
 beau faire, on sauvera leur pais 
 en depit d'eux pour cette fois ici. 
 Je voudrois bien savoir si vous 
 croyez alter a Aix; j'ai fort en- 
 vie de voir cette vegociation, - 
 je n'aurois rien a desirer si je 
 savois vous y trouver. 
 
 Je voi par cette affaire ici, 
 que la paix sefera,ou que sefera 
 une grande guerre; mais tout 
 me fait croire le premier ; cy si 
 on ne vent point de moi eu
 
 and other Ministers of State. 40.3 
 
 let me come no more to France, France, je m'en vai prendre mon 
 it is there (at Aix) I design to parti pour le reste de mes jours. 
 reside for the rest of my life. Je ne doute point que Von ne 
 
 I doubt not but they will let 
 me take one turn to Paris to 
 see if I can make my peace ; 
 but I fear they will raise insup- 
 portable difficulties. 
 
 I desire you to believe me 
 always, Sir, your most humble 
 and obedient servant. 
 
 It may be I shall see you 
 
 me laisse faire un tour h Paris 
 pour voir si je pourrois m'ac- 
 commodcr ; mais je crains que 
 Von ne me fasse des dijficultes 
 insuppor -tables. 
 
 Je vous supplie de me croire 
 toujours, Monsieur, votre tres 
 /nimble cS' trcs obeissant scrvi- 
 teur. 
 
 Jepourrai pcul-etre vous voir 
 
 at the Hague sooner than you <l la Hay? plutot que vous ne 
 
 think. pensez. 
 
 From Monsieur de Witt. 
 
 Hague, Feb. 25, 
 Sir, 1 668. 
 
 The bearer hereof delivered 
 me the letter you did me the 
 lioriour to write me from An- 
 twerp of the 24th instant ; 
 wherein I behold with pleasure 
 your zeal and diligence for the 
 advancement of our common 
 affair; as also the good dispo- 
 sitions that your offices have 
 already raised in the mind of 
 the Marquis of Castel-Rodrigo, 
 and the appearance of a more 
 satisfactory declaration we shall 
 receive upon the common re- 
 quest to be made him from the 
 King of Great Britain and this 
 State. I delayed not to com- 
 municate and deliberate the 
 contents of the said letter, with 
 the States Commissioners de- 
 puted upon the subject of our 
 last negotiations; and we hope 
 you will judge as we do, that 
 it is absolutely necessary tor 
 his Excellency to declare him- 
 self without farther delay or re- 
 serve, agreeably to what is con- 
 cluded between England and 
 VOL. !. 
 
 De Monsieur de Witt. 
 
 A la Haye, 25 Fevr. 
 Monsieur, 1 668. 
 
 Le porteur de celle-ci nCa bien 
 delivre la lettre qu'il vous a plii 
 me faire Phonneur de m'icrire 
 d'Anvers le 24 me de cc mois ; 
 &jy ai vu avec agrement le z. le 
 & la diligence que vous uvcz ap- 
 porte pour Vavancement de no- 
 tre affaire commune: comtne 
 aussi les bonnes dispositions que 
 vos offices out dejd fait naitre 
 dans V esprit dc Monsieur le 
 Marquis de Castel-Rodrigo, <S' 
 fapparence d'une declaration 
 plus satisfaisante que nous rc~ 
 cevrons sur la priere commune 
 qu'on lid va faire de la part du 
 Roi dc la Grande Breta 
 dc cct Flat. Je n'ai pa* tod'- 
 dc communiquer & delilterer lr 
 contain dc laditc lettre avec Its 
 Commissaires des Flats, dcj<u- 
 tcs sur le sujet de nos demiercs 
 negotiations ; s nous esprrous 
 que vous jugerez avec nous qu'il 
 est absolument ttecessairc que 
 sou Fscellencc se declare sans 
 plus dc dial iS' sans aucunr re- 
 serve couformemcut a la di<vt- 
 2 ii
 
 466 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 this State, without desiring be- 
 forehand any concert more par- 
 ticular than that which is made, 
 signed, and ratified, between us 
 and our Masters : for since the 
 King of France has seen by his 
 last conquests how weak and 
 negligent the Spaniards are, it 
 is to be feared, that, if the Mar- 
 quis lets the month of March 
 expire without plainly decla- 
 ring himself as we desire, the 
 King of France may be very 
 glad, after the expiration of the 
 said term, not to be obliged, 
 by virtue of his word given, 
 to make the peace upon the al- 
 ternative, but may make use of 
 the time and disorder of the 
 Spaniards, to surprise Luxem- 
 burg, and a great part of what 
 remains to the King of Spain 
 in the Netherlands ; and to or- 
 der his affairs afterwards as oc- 
 currences shall happen. The 
 States General are obliged and 
 entirely resolved, in case of re- 
 fusal from the King of France, 
 or any evasions from that side, 
 after it has been insinuated to 
 him that the Marquis has ac- 
 cepted either part of the alter- 
 native, to execute, in the most 
 vigorous manner possible, what 
 is contained in our third sepa- 
 rate article ; and by conse- 
 quence, jointly with England, 
 to break into open war against 
 France, to act in concert, not 
 only for defence of the Nether- 
 lands, but, also, and above all, 
 to attack and infest France by 
 sea, by descents, invasions into 
 the country, and all other 
 ways. But because it may be 
 pre-supposed in public, that the 
 King of France, after having 
 given his word to the States, 
 
 sition de ce qui est conclu entre 
 V Angleterre Sf cet Etat, sans 
 desirer au preamble aucun con- 
 cert plus particidier que celui 
 qui est fait, signe, # ratifie en- 
 tre nous &; par nos Maitres. 
 Car puisque le Rot de France 
 a vie par les derniers progrcs, 
 comme les Espagnols sont foi- 
 bles # ncgligens ; il est a appre- 
 hendcr que si Monsieur le Mar- 
 quis laisse ecouler le mois de 
 Mars sans s'etre declare nette- 
 ment, comme nous le desirous^ 
 le Roi de France ne soit tres 
 aise de n'etre pas oblige apres 
 P expiration en vertu de sa pa- 
 role donnee, de faire la paix 
 sur V alternative ; &; qu y il ne se 
 serve encore du terns Sf du des- 
 ordre des Espagnols pour sur- 
 prendre en meme facon le Lux- 
 embourg, <S>- une grande parti? de 
 ce qui reste au Roi d'Espagne 
 dans le Pais-Bas ; # pour se 
 regler par apres selon les occur- 
 rences. Les Etats Generaux se 
 trouvent obliges &? entierement 
 resokis, au cas de refus du Roi 
 de France, ou des echappatoires 
 rccherches de son cote, apres 
 quon lui aura insinue que Mon- 
 sieur le Marquis ait accepte 
 rune ou V autre partie de fal- 
 ter native, d' ' executer en la ma- 
 nure la plus vigoureuse que faire 
 se pourra, le contenu du troi- 
 sieme de nos articles separcs ; 
 par consequent dc rompre con- 
 jointement avec V Angleterre en 
 guerre ouverte contre la France, 
 d'agir de concert non settlement 
 pour la defense du Pals-Bus ; 
 mois aussi Sf surtout d'altaquer 
 & incommoder la France de leurs 
 forces maritimes ; &,' meme par 
 des descentes, ou invasions dans 
 le pais, # en toute autre ma-
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 and afterwards by a circular 
 letter, not only to the King 
 of Great Britain and the said 
 States, but also to many 
 Princes of Germany, will not 
 break a promise so solemnly 
 made ; we cannot by any means 
 enter into concert and league 
 with Spain, before this case ef- 
 fectually arrives; and we think 
 that such a league and concert 
 made before the season, would 
 be likely indeed to produce the 
 effect the Marquis desires; but 
 which is far from his Majesty 
 of England's aim, or that of 
 the States ; for you cannot 
 but know, that his Excellency 
 would prefer the continuance 
 of the war with our assistance, 
 to the conclusion of the peace 
 upon the alternative ; and his 
 Majesty, as well as the States, 
 prefers this peace before the 
 continuance of a war, whereof 
 they must bear all the costs, 
 and all the profit be to the 
 King of Spain. Now, we com- 
 prehend very well, that such a 
 concert and such a league as 
 his Excellency desires, would 
 put the King of France upon 
 an absolute necessity of con- 
 tinuing the war ; because, if 
 he should comply after such a 
 league made with his enemies, 
 it would appear publicly, that 
 he was obliged to it by this 
 bond, and consequently by his 
 enemies themselves. And there- 
 fore the matter is judiciously 
 enough proposed by his Excel- 
 lency I'or arriving at his end; 
 but, since it would m. ike us 
 miss of ours, we hope von will 
 put the Marquis oii'it, and make 
 him (put all hopes of engaging 
 us, bv the force of his im'at 
 
 4(i7 
 
 niere : mais d'autant qiiilfaut 
 presupposer publiquement, que 
 le Roi de France, apres avoir 
 donne sa parole par unc leltrc 
 circulaire, non seulcment an Roi 
 de la Grande Bretagne 8f aux 
 dits Etats, mais aussi a plu- 
 sietirs Princes d' Allemagne, nc 
 voudra pas manquer a line pro- 
 messe solemnellement donnee; 
 nous ne pourrions en aucune fa- 
 con entrer en concert & liguc 
 avec VEspagne, avant que ce 
 cas soit efjectivement arrive: & 
 nousjngeons qnun lei concert 8; 
 unc telle Ugne faite (levant la 
 saison, scroll furl capable de pro- 
 ditirc I'ejf'ct que Monsieur le 
 Marquis souhaite, mais qui est 
 lout a Jail eloigne du hut de sa 
 Majeste de la Grande Bretagne, 
 iV de ieurs Hautcs Puissances ; 
 car it ne pent vous etre incon- 
 nu que son Excellence preferre- 
 roil la continuation de la guerre 
 avec nos sccnurs, a la conclu- 
 sion de la paix sur Taltcrnativc. 
 Et sa Majeste aussi hi en que 
 leurs Hautcs Puissances prefe- 
 rent eclte paix ii la continuation 
 d'unc guerre dout its scroicut 
 obliges de porter tonics les dc- 
 penscs, l\ (tout to:;! le profit sc- 
 roll pour le Roi "/. 
 Or, nous comprennonsjlrt hie:; 
 qu'un til concert <S' unc telle 
 liguc ore son Excellence desire, 
 mettroit le Hoi de France dans 
 tine necessite absolue de conti- 
 nue)- la guerre; d'autant que 
 se rendant <: 1 1 
 /iiite arte ses , 
 troit publiquement qid 
 oblige rue ci He liaisoi, 
 
 j'ar LitK niu.'i'..) tV l)('r 
 
 Consequent par ses t h 
 memes ; S; pnrtant l\;tfairc e*t 
 judicieusc) 
 
 I'.xci. ' < . 
 
 'J. II 'J
 
 463 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 genius, to enter of our own ac- 
 cord, where we have no mind 
 to come but upon a fatal neces- 
 sity. I think his Excellency 
 does wrong to the King of 
 Great Britain and the States, 
 in not trusting their affection 
 and their honour, which are 
 concerned, as well as their in- 
 terest, after the alliance and the 
 peace they have already made 
 together : but if, after his Ex- 
 cellency has accepted our pro- 
 positions, the King of France 
 shall happen to draw back or 
 seek evasions, then the King 
 of Great Britain and the States 
 General entering into the party, 
 and even into a rupture with 
 Trance, it will be very just and 
 proper to concert with his Ex- 
 cellency after what manner to 
 act in the territory of the King 
 his Master; and yet in the 
 mean while not omit entering 
 into action without the least 
 loss of time. Therefore it will 
 be no way necessary for me to 
 be upon our frontiers towards 
 the end proposed by his Ex- 
 cellency, which besides will be 
 wholly impossible for me; much 
 less to send any body from 
 hence to Brussels, since the 
 States Deputies, who are there 
 at present, are the same we 
 should chuse for the end de- 
 sired : for I assure you I can 
 name no body in whom the 
 States as w r ell as I in particu- 
 lar can have greater confidence, 
 whereof'I do not doubt but they 
 will give you proofs, as well as 
 of their sincerity and good con- 
 duct. 1 desire you therefore, 
 Sir, to use them with as much 
 freedom as me, and I will en- 
 gage they shall do the same by 
 
 but ; mats puisque elle nous fe- 
 roit perdre le notre, nous espe- 
 rons que vous en detournerez 
 Monsieur le Marquis, 8f que 
 vous ltd Jerez perdre toute espe- 
 rance de ne pouvoir pas par son 
 grande genie meme nous enga- 
 ger comme par gayete de cceur y 
 oil nous ne voulons venir qu'au 
 cas d'une faiale necessite. II 
 me semble que son Excellence 
 feroit tort au Roi de la Grande 
 Brltagne, 8f aux Etats Gene- 
 raux, de ne se jier pas a leur 
 affection 4" d leur honneur, dont 
 it y va si bien que de leur inte- 
 rest, apres la liaiso?i 8f le pas 
 qu'ils ont fait deja ensemble. 
 Mais si aj)res qu'elle aura ac- 
 cepte nos propositions, le Roi 
 de France vient a reenter, ou 
 a chcrcher des echappatoires ; 
 alors le Roi de la Grande Bre- 
 tagne, # les Etats Generaux, 
 entrant dans le parti, &; meme 
 en rupture avec la France, il 
 sera ties a propos que I' on con- 
 certe avec son Excellence la ma- 
 nure dont on agira dans le ter- 
 ritoire du Roi son Mali re ; Sc 
 que pourtant Von ne laisse pas 
 cependant d'enlrcr en action 
 sans la moindre perte de terns, 
 line sera done nullement neces- 
 saire que je me trouve sur nos 
 frontiers pour la fin proposee 
 par son Excellence, ce que d'ail- 
 leurs me seroit tout a fait im- 
 possible ; &) encore bien moins 
 Von envoye quelquun d , ici cl 
 Bruxelles, d'autant que les De- 
 putes des Etats qui s'y trouvent 
 present ement, sont ceux-la meme 
 que Von pourroit choisir pour la 
 fn desirte ; vous pouvant as- 
 surer que je ne pouvois nommir 
 personne, en qui VEtat aussi 
 bien que moi en particulier, pu-
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 469 
 
 you. And, if you have been isscnt avoir plus de confiance y 
 at all satisfied with my manner dont Us vous doncroni sans doute 
 of transacting, as I have been des preuves, aussi bien que de 
 extremely with yours, that you leur inlegrite <fy de leur bonne 
 will also be satisfied with that conduite. Je vous supplie donc t 
 of the said Deputies. Monsieur, d'user avec cux de la 
 
 meme franchise, dont vous avez 
 useenvers moi, S(Je vous demeure 
 gar and qu eux de leur cote en 
 useront de meme : & si vous avez 
 ete en quelque facon sati.fait de 
 ma maniere d'agir, commeje I'ai 
 et de la votre, que vous le screz 
 tout ft fait de celle desdits De' 
 putes de I'Etat. 
 For the rest, we approve ex- Au reste, nous approuvons 
 tremely the diligence you make fort les diligences que vous Jerez 
 on all sides in sending to the de part S? d' autre directement 
 Ministers of the King of Eng- au Ministres a'u Roi de la 
 hind, and the States now at Grande Br tagne Sf du cet Etat 
 Paris: and from your common ft Paris; &f nous nous proniel- 
 ofiices we promise to ourselves tons de vos ejjices communs la 
 an universal peace in Christen- paix universelle dc la Chrcti- 
 dom, to the groat advantage of ente, au grand profit du public, 
 thepuhlic,and the eternal glory Sf a la gloire elernelle dc vos 
 of yourselves, which no man pcrsonncs : laquelle vous sou- 
 desires more than he who is, haitc avec autant d'afftction que 
 Sir, your most humble and most pcrsonne du monde, cclui qui est, 
 affectionate servant. & qui demeurera ft jamais, Mon- 
 
 sieur, voire tres humble &; tres 
 ujfcctionuc serviteur. 
 
 From Monsieur de Witt. 
 
 Hague, March .">, 
 Sir, lfiljs. 
 
 It is with great satisfaction 
 that I have learned from your 
 dispatch of the 'id instant, and 
 by that of the Deputies of this 
 State, the provisional success 
 it has pleased (iod to grant to 
 your cares and application to 
 the Marquis of C'astel-Kodrigo; 
 and I doubt not but the con- 
 duct you have w^vd to dispose 
 those of the Council of State of 
 
 De Monsieur de Witt. 
 
 A la I la ye, 5 Mars, 
 Monsieur, Hi6b. 
 
 C'a etc avec beaucoup de satis- 
 Jaction que fai appris par voire 
 depeche du 'Id de ee mois, s par 
 cdle de Messieurs les Deputes 
 de l' Etat, le succes prnvisionncl 
 q it'll a plu an ban Dieu d'ac- 
 troijer ft vos sotns S; ft vol re di- 
 rection auprcs du Marquis de 
 Castrl-liodriro ; ,y je nr i/outc 
 point que Iti conduite que vous 
 avez tcnuc pour disposer ccuc
 
 470 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 this country to conform to his da Conseil d'Etat de ce fiats <$ 
 
 Excellency's opinion, will be se conformer au sentiment de son 
 
 applauded by them. I hope, Excellence, ne produise leur ap- 
 
 bei'ore the receipt of this, you plaudissement. J'espere que de- 
 
 will have received from his vant que celle-ci vous sera ren- 
 
 Excellcncy a declaration in due, vous aurez recti de son Ex- 
 
 form, and in writing, couched cellence une declaration, dans 
 
 in clear and satisfactory terms, les formes 8; par ecrit, couchee 
 
 without any ambiguity or ob-. en tcrmes clairs # satisjaisants, 
 
 scurity ; and, in short, such as sans aucune ambiguite on obscu- 
 
 will leave no occasion or pre- rite ; k enfin telle qui ne laisse 
 
 text to France to find any aucune occasion m mime aucun 
 
 thing to object against, but pretexte a la France d , y trou- 
 
 what shall put them to a ne- ver quelque chose a redire ; mais 
 
 cessity of declaring themselves qui la mette en necessite de se 
 
 plainly on their side, upon the declarer aussi de son cote neite- 
 
 conditions and articles of our ment sur les conditions fy arti- 
 
 convention, and shall put us cles de noire convention, & nous 
 
 out of doubt and trouble of hors de doute # d'embarras de 
 
 what we have to do. For my- ce que nous avonsajaire. Quant 
 
 self, I shall endeavour all I can, a moi, je ne manquerai pas de 
 
 that this State shall be put in a tenir la main d. ce que I'Etal se 
 
 posture of entering vigorously mette tout a fait en posture de 
 
 and effectually upon the de- pouvoir accourir vigour eusement 
 
 fence of Flanders, in case, af- # efficacement a la defense du 
 
 ter a plain and satisfactory an- 
 swer from his Excellency, the 
 King of France shall leave us 
 any apprehensions of his en- 
 deavouring to make farther 
 progresses in this country, 
 which we cannot suppose with- 
 out the prejudice of suspecting 
 
 Pa'is-Bas en cas qu'aprcs une 
 declaration nette & satifoisante 
 de son Excellence, le lioi de 
 France nous laisse encore de 
 V apprehension de plus grands 
 progres que sa Mqjestt voudroit 
 i at her de, fa ire dans le meme 
 pais ; ce que nous nr pouvons 
 
 that the said King will falsify p>as presupposer. sans it re jjh 
 
 his word given, and the pro- occupy d f un soupcon que (edit 
 
 mise so solemnly made by Ins Hoi voudroit Men fou-.-er sa 
 
 public and circular letters ; parole donnte, iv sa promesse si 
 
 which God forbid, and which solemnellemeni faite par des let- 
 
 however common prudence tres puhliqu.es is circulaires : ce 
 
 should make us suppose to be qua Dieu ne plaise ; tV ce que 
 
 possible, that we might not pourtant la prud nee vent que 
 neglect the means, whereof we nous nous fn 
 
 have so often discoursed, and 
 upon which the States have 
 given order to their Ambassa- 
 dors in England, to concert 
 more particularly with the King 
 
 urions comme pos- 
 sible, pour ne negligcr pas les 
 moj/ens dont nous nous sommes 
 lira son-cent entretenus, <.y sur 
 lesquelsles Flats out donne ordre 
 alev.rs Ambassadcurs en Angle-
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 of Great Britain and his Mi- 
 nisters. 
 
 471 
 
 You have farther obliged me 
 by not giving a copy of my 
 foregoing dispatch to the Mar- 
 quis, since in my opinion he 
 might have made use of it to 
 provoke and anger the King of 
 
 terre de concerter plus partial* 
 lierement avec le Roi de la 
 Grande Bretagne &; ses Minis* 
 tres. 
 
 Vous mavez encore oblige de 
 n'avoir point donne copie de ma 
 pricedente depechc au Marquis; 
 puisque a mon jugement, on au- 
 roit pu s'en servir pour aigrir 
 Sf picquer le Roi de France, Sf 
 
 France, and oblige him, as it pour I'obliger en quelquc focon t 
 were in point of honour, to be par point d'honneur, a s'opinia 
 
 obstinate in the war against the 
 desire and intention of the King 
 of England and the States ; but 
 by giving his Excellency so 
 much part therein, as to read 
 to him our separate articles ; 
 that is what I cannot but en- 
 tirely approve, as being wholly 
 agreeable to my manner of 
 proceeding, as well as your 
 precaution, wherewith you kept 
 the common cause from the 
 danger above-mentioned, in not 
 giving him a copy. 
 
 trer dans la guerre contre le but 
 fy snuhait du Roi de la Grande 
 Bretagne, Sf des Etats Gcnc- 
 raux. Mais que vous ai/ez 
 donne part a son Excellence par 
 lecture de nos articles scpares, 
 cest ce que je nc puis qu' ap- 
 prouver enticrement, comme 
 etant fort cot forme a ma ma- 
 viere d'agir <V de proceder ; 
 aussi bien que la precaution dont 
 vous avez garanti la cause com- 
 mune du sudit danger, en ne lui 
 en ayant point donne copie. 
 
 For the rest, I refer myself 
 to what the Deputies of the 
 States shall have already told 
 you upon the contents of your 
 former dispatch, and to what 
 they shall communicate to you, 
 from time to time, of the in- 
 tentions of their High Mighti- 
 nesses, and shall ever remain 
 what I am with passion, Sir, 
 your most affectionate and 
 humble servant. 
 
 Au restc, je me remcts a ce 
 que Messieurs les Deputes de 
 lEtat vous auront dja dit Sf 
 temoigne sur le contain de votre 
 depechc precedentc, <V a ce quits 
 vous communiqueront de terns en 
 terns de /'intention de letirs Hali- 
 tes Puissances: Sy demeurcrai ci 
 jamais eclui qui suis avec pas- 
 sion, Monsieur, votre tres qffec- 
 tionne y tres humble servitcur. 
 
 From Monsieur de Witt. 
 
 Hague, Marcl) 16, 
 Sir, lfiGS. 
 
 Your dispatch of the 11th in- 
 stant did not come to my hands 
 till the 11th at noon, the cou- 
 
 I)e Monsieur de Witt. 
 
 A la llaije, If) Mars, 
 
 Monsieur, ltj'i^. 
 
 Votre dep'ehe du lime de ce 
 
 viois ne m\i tie vendue que / 
 
 lime aprcs midi ; le courier qui
 
 472 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 rier who brought it having not Va apportec, n'ayant ele cxpedie 
 been dismissed from Brussels 8? parti de Bruxelles que Ic 
 
 till the 13th. 
 
 I was very glad to see you 
 had at last disposed the Mar- 
 quis to dispatch the Baron of 
 Bergeyck for Aix la Chapelle, 
 being very much persuaded 
 that it imports us mightily to 
 have a quick conclusion of the 
 peace, or else to see clearly 
 into the most inward disposi- 
 tions of the King of France, as 
 well as those of the Spanish 
 Court ; and that all delay is 
 very prejudicial to our inten 
 
 lomc. 
 
 J'y ai ete fort aise de voir 
 que vous aviez enfin dispose 
 Monsieur le Marquis de Castel- 
 Rodrigo a depecher le Baron de 
 Bergeyck promptement vers Aix 
 la Chapelle ; etant tres per- 
 suade quil nous importe d'avoir 
 une prompte conclusion de la 
 paix, ou de voir clair dans les 
 intentions les plus interieures 
 du Roi de France, aussi bien 
 que dans celles de la cour d'Es- 
 pagne ; 8f que tout delai est fort 
 
 tions, and to the interests of prejudiciable a nos intentions S? 
 Spain. And, that we may be aux interets de I'Espagne : fy 
 neither surprised nor abused afin que nous ne puissions pas 
 on either side, I think, in the etre surpris ou abuses de cote 
 present conjuncture, two things ou d* autre, je juge qu'en la con- 
 are absolutely necessary: the juncture presente deux choses 
 first is, that England and this nous sont absolument neces- 
 
 State will be furnished by sea 
 and land ; and the other, that 
 we take away, not only all law- 
 ful cause, but also, as much 
 as possible, all pretext, from 
 France to delay or avoid the 
 concluding and signing the 
 treaty of peace. 
 
 To satisfy on our side for the 
 first point, we are resolved, as 
 soon as the season will permit, 
 to send into the field all our ca- 
 valry, which consists of 7300 
 horse, and provisionally 25 re- 
 giments of our foot, for which 
 the chief rendezvous sh;;ll be 
 at Bergen-op-zoom, or therea- 
 bouts; from whence there will 
 be a convenient march in a few 
 days into most part of the King 
 of Spain';; places in the Nether- 
 lands. 
 
 saires : dont la premiere est que 
 P Anghterre <!y cet Etat soieut 
 bien amies par mer &, par terrc ; 
 5f V autre qu'en Cte non seule- 
 ment toute cause legiiime, mais 
 aussi taut que fair e se pourra, 
 tout prcfexlc a la France de 
 delaier ou d'esquiver la conclu- 
 sion 8i la signature du traite de 
 paix. 
 
 Pour satisfaire de noire cote 
 au premier point, nous sommes 
 resolus de mettre en campagne, 
 aussitot que la saisc)i le pourra 
 permettre, toute noire cavalerie, 
 qui consiste en sept mille & trois 
 cens chevaux, & provisionnelle- 
 ment vingt cinqregimens de no- 
 ire infauterie, pour Icqucl le 
 principal rendezvous sera a Btrg- 
 opzoom S,- aux environs ; place 
 fori commode pour pouvoir de la 
 nous jctter en pcu de terns dan* 
 la plupari des places du Roi d* 
 Esnazne au Fais-Bas.
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 We have also given order 
 for equipping 4-8 ships of war 
 above the number commonly 
 used for guard and convoy; 
 and the States have already 
 given order to their Ambas- 
 sadors in England, to concert 
 with the King o!' Great Bri- 
 tain and his Ministers, upon 
 the number of ships and men 
 that each part)' shall be obliged 
 to have ready, and in what time. 
 Besides, the Deputies of the 
 States have this day finally 
 agreed with the Ministers of 
 the Dukes of Brunswick and 
 Lunebourg, to bring into the 
 service of this State three re- 
 giments of horse, and 3000 
 foot, and I hope the treaty will 
 be signed to-morrow, or the 
 
 473 
 
 Aussi avons-nous donne nrdre 
 pour Vequipage de quarante <Sc 
 /licit vaisseaux de gut rre par des- 
 sus le nombre qui sert pour la 
 garde & Vescorte ordinaire; Sf 
 il y a deja quelqu terns que les 
 Ilia's ont dun ne ordre a ieurt 
 Ambassadcurs en . ' : '. terre de 
 concerte.r avecle lioi < < In Gran- 
 de Bretagne <3> ses Ministrcs sur 
 le nombre S; la quantite des 
 vaisseaux & homines, que chacun 
 s'c ligeroit d* avoir tout p, 7 ^ 
 en and I cms. Ou!rt cela les De- 
 putes de F Etat sont to ubes au- 
 jourd' 'huijinal: went d\iccnrd a- 
 vec les Ministrcs des Dies de 
 Uronsivich Sc de Lunebourg, 
 pour /aire passer au service de 
 cet Etat trois regimens de cava- 
 lerie, & trois mille homines a~ 
 
 next day. And, farther, they pied; 3c fespere que le traite en 
 arc going here to augment the pourra clre signe d, main, ou a- 
 
 old militia by new levies, to th 
 number of 1 '2,000 men, with 
 the troops of the said Dukes, 
 which are to enter into the ser- 
 vice of the State: and I will 
 not fail of helping what I can to 
 the accomplishing of all this, 
 as soon as it can be done by 
 the constitution of the govern- 
 ment. And, if you approve all 
 these preparations and dili- 
 gence, as 1 hope you will, since 
 they seem very necessary, and 
 no way offensive, s nee he who 
 doir-'S tiie peace, will 
 
 prcs demain; ^ au surplus va- 
 t-on id encore augmenter !a vi- 
 cillc milicepardc. nouvelles levies 
 jusqucs au nombre de dottze mi le 
 homines, ,y compris Ls troupes 
 desdits Dues qui passcront ait 
 service de cet Etat ; <v je v.c 
 manquerai pas de tcnirla main, 
 Sc de presscr aidant qiiil me ,.<- 
 ra possible que tout cc que d, ssus 
 ait son accompli.tsement le pla- 
 int qu'il sc pourra Jtti re selon la 
 coiulit ition de ce gouvcrnmcut. 
 Et si vous approuvez tonics ccs 
 at ion s*S' ddigena s,comn;e 
 
 eally ucmp'S tne peace, will preparations*; diligences, com m i 
 hid in it 'lis support and ad- Je rcspcre, cS' qidelles me see; 
 and that these forces blent fort necosaires b mdU 
 
 vantage 
 
 shall not be employed till the 
 list in ccssitv against him, that 
 by his wilfulness would disap- 
 point Christendom of the bene- 
 fit of it ; I desire you, by your 
 litters, to make the exhort:; t ions 
 necessary to the King of Eng- 
 land and his Ministers, that 
 
 i.ient qO'en^anle.- ; d'aiifant que 
 eclui qui valid r a la paix red.'c- 
 ment, ij trouvera son appui Sf 
 son avanla^e ; y que feur cm- 
 ploi sera de la </< rnicrc necessile 
 e out re e t id qui parson opiniatre- 
 i . voudi oil ftu.dicr la Cl/rc- 
 (it ul ; j i vous s/.j plic di
 
 474 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 they may not fail on that side les exhortations necessaires par 
 
 to make the like preparations 
 and diligence. 
 
 vos lettres au Roi de la Grande 
 Bretagne & a ses Ministres, a- 
 Jin que de ce cotc-la on ne man- 
 que pas de faire de scmblables 
 preparatifs &, les meme dili- 
 gences. 
 
 Quant au second point, je croi 
 qu'il imporie grandement que 
 Monsieur le Marquis de Castel- 
 Rodrigo s'explique, laquelle des 
 deux conditions proposees par V 
 alternative il entena avoir accep- 
 ted : en quoi il me sembletant mains 
 de dijficulte, que c'est sans con- 
 tredit que son Excellence s'expli- 
 quera pour V abandonement des 
 
 As to the second point, I 
 think it imports much that 
 the Marquis of Castel-Rodrigo 
 should explain himself upon 
 which of the two conditions 
 proposed by the alternative, he 
 pretends to have accepted ; 
 wherein there seems the less 
 difficulty, since his Excellency 
 will, without doubt, explain 
 
 himself for the abandoning the places que le Roi de France a 
 places the King of France has conquis la campagne passee, avec 
 conquered the last campaign, leurs dependences: mais ce sera, 
 with their dependencies. But ce me semble . alors de notre in- 
 then I think it will be our in- teret & de notre devoir de tra- 
 terest and duty to endeavour vailler puissamment ajin que 
 that some reasonable exchange quelque echange raisonable se 
 be made, for places far in the puisse faire des places les plus 
 heartof Fianders,againstplaces avance.es en Flandre, contre des 
 lately taken in the Franche places nouvellementoccupees dans 
 Compte, or others that shall la Franche-Compte, on autres 
 be more for the advantage of qui seront plus en la bienseance 
 France and less for the incon- de la France, & moins a Vincom- 
 venience of Spain and us. mod it e de I'Espagne S$ de nous 
 
 autres. 
 
 Besides, to take all pretext De plus, pour oter a la 
 
 from France which they may France tout pretexte dont elle se 
 
 pretend to make upon a defect pourroit servir a raison qu'il 
 
 of powers in the said Marquis, pourroit y avoir quelque man- 
 
 cither in the principal matter, 
 or by default of a clause of sub- 
 stitution, or otherwise; I think 
 it will be very necessary that 
 the King of Great Britain and 
 the States General shall be 
 obliged to ratify and accom- 
 plish whatever shall be treated 
 and concluded at Aix; and shall 
 promise in the firmest manner 
 the King of France can desire, 
 to oblige Spain in case of ne- 
 
 quement au pouvoir dudit M^ar- 
 quis, on en la matiere principale, 
 on par dejaut de la clause de 
 substitution, on autrement ; il 
 me semble qu'il sera ties neces- 
 saire que la Roi de la Grande 
 Bretagne S< les Etats Generaux 
 se f assent fort de la ratification 
 > de I'accomplissement de tout ce 
 qui sera traite & conclu a Aix ; 
 tS' promettent en la manic re la 
 plus forte que le Roi de France
 
 and other Ministers of Slate. 
 
 cessity to the said ratification 
 and accomp) ishment, by all their 
 forces both by sea and land: 
 and, in short, that in every oc- 
 currence they will do very ju- 
 diciously to obviate all excep- 
 tions and delays which can be fera tresjudicieusement d'obvier 
 
 ii toutcs les exceptions & detail 
 
 475 
 
 le pourra desirer, d'obliger en 
 cas de besoin VEspagne a ladite 
 ratification, Sf an dit accom- 
 plissement, dc toutcs leursj'orees 
 par mer fy par terre : & enfin, 
 auen toute autre occurrence on 
 
 brought to the prejudice of the 
 peace. But farther, when we 
 shall have brought the King oi' 
 France to an absolute necessity 
 of either finally concluding or 
 discovering his intention con- 
 trary to the peace; in that case, 
 upon the first step France shall 
 make to frustrate Christendom 
 of such a general good, the 
 King of Great Britain and the 
 States shall, without farther 
 delay, bring all their forces by 
 sea and land, not only for de- 
 fence of the Spaniards, but also 
 for the intent specified in the 
 third of our separate articles, 
 and more amply deduced in my 
 dispatch or' the 25th of Fe- 
 bruary last. 
 
 For the rest, if you have re- 
 ceived the King of Great Bri- 
 tain's ratification upon our last 
 marine treaty, I shall wait till 
 you think proper to exchange 
 it; upon which I shall endeavour 
 to conform the States to your 
 desire; whether our ratification 
 shall be sent to our C'o''.!:!'. ; >- 
 sioncrs now with you; or whe- 
 ther von will please to send 
 your s 'cretarv or your br 
 here to the Hague; or whether 
 \ i i ;now any way m ill please 
 vd:, bi tter: for in this and i wry 
 other occurrence I shall endea- 
 vour to follow your desin , id 
 ond yoiuinttntion,;v. bcin^ 
 
 qui pourroieut ctre apportcs an 
 prejudice de la paix. Mais aussi 
 quand on aura mis par la le Roi 
 de France dans une neccssite ab- 
 solue dc proceder outre a la con- 
 clusion jinale, ou dc decouvrir 
 son intent ion contra ire ii la paix; 
 qualors ii la premiere demarche 
 que la France Jeroit pour Jrus- 
 trcr la Chretiente (Pun bien si 
 salutaire, le Roi dc la Grande 
 Bretagne & les Etats Generaux 
 Jeroient agir incontinent, & sa?is 
 marchandcr, tonics leu rs forces 
 par mer .v par tore, non seidc- 
 mentpourfa defense des Espag- 
 nols, mais aussi pour la Jin spe- 
 cific, 1 an troisieme de nos articles 
 separcs, <S" plus (implement dc- 
 duitc en ma depeche du 25 Fev- 
 ricr pas.te. 
 
 An reste, jaltcndrai dc ros 
 nouvclla si vous avez recti la 
 ratification du Roi de la (irandc 
 Br tagne sur noire dernier trai- 
 te de marine, que volts jugi rcz 
 a propos que Ton en Jesse /Y- 
 change ; sur ijuoi jc taeherai dc 
 ill -poser les Flats a se con former 
 it rot re desir ; s >il que Poit enrol 
 a itre ratification cs mains dc nos 
 commissaircs qui ?c trouvent pre- 
 scnlcment aupres dc vous; soit 
 que roits euvoi/ez voire secre- 
 taire, ou bi -n M w,ieur voire 
 frere ici a la I/ai/c; ou que vous 
 sac/iicz i lit n in 
 
 ion qui suit plus 
 car, vv en ccla, \ 
 
 que autre fa- 
 
 votre gout : 
 
 )i Ucdc autre
 
 476 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 not by form of compliment, 
 but very really, Sir, your,&c. 
 
 occurrence, je tacherai de suivre 
 vos desirs, # de seconder vos in- 
 tentions, comme etant non par 
 Jbrme de compliment, mais fort 
 reellement, Monsieur, voire, &,c. 
 
 From Monsieur de Witt. 
 
 Hague, March 25, 
 Sir, 1668. 
 
 I received thehonour of yours 
 of the 25th instant, upon which 
 I will tell you in few words, that 
 I am wholly of your opinion ; 
 as well for what regards the 
 King of France's disposition to 
 carry on the war, the insufficien- 
 cy of his offer to restore all he 
 may conquer between the first 
 of April and the fifteenth of 
 May, the strained exceptions 
 against the Marcpus of Castel- 
 Rodrigo's powers, and his ac- 
 ceptation of the alternative ; as 
 chiefly for what regards the 
 forces to be raised with all pos- 
 sible readiness, and the manner 
 by which we ought to proceed 
 to the defence of the Nether- 
 lands, as soon as the King of 
 France shall begin to move a- 
 gainst them. The States are 
 every day more confirmed in the 
 same sentiments, as their ac- 
 tions declare, by marching an 
 army with all speed to Bergen- 
 op-zoom, and by sending an 
 express to the King of Great 
 Britain with intelligence, that 
 they are of opinion, that, in or- 
 derto satisfy the King of France 
 upon the scruples proposed in 
 Monsieur de Lionne's paper of 
 the 19th instant, with promises 
 and assurances sufficient, we 
 must let him know discreetly, 
 and yet positively, that we 
 
 De Monsieur de Witt. 
 
 A la Haye, i 5 Mars, 
 Monsieur, 1668. 
 
 J'ai bien recti la lettre dont il 
 vous a plu inhonorer du 25me 
 de ce mois, surquoi je vous di- 
 rai en pea de mots que je suis 
 tout a fait de voire opinion, tant 
 a I'egard de la disposition dti Roi 
 de France a cont inner la guerre, 
 V insujjisance de I'ojfre de vouloir 
 restituer tout ce qu'il pourroit 
 conquerir entre le premier d'A~ 
 vril (if le \5me Mai; les excep- 
 tions recherchees contre les pou- 
 voirs du Marquis de Casiel-Ro- 
 drigo, & contre son ace ptation 
 de V 'alternative ; que principa- 
 lement &; sur tout a I'egard de 
 V armement que I'on devroit ad- 
 vancer avec toute la promptitude 
 possible, & de la maniere de la- 
 quelle on devra accourir a la de- 
 fense du Pais-Bas, des que le 
 Roi de France commencera a se 
 remu'erpourVaccabLr. Les Etats 
 out deja approuve 8? conjirme 
 encore dejour en jour les memes 
 senti?nens parleurs actions; Jai- 
 sunt marcher en toute diligence 
 une armee aux environs de Berg- 
 opzoom, Sf ayaitt envoye leur 
 avis par un expres au Roi de la 
 Grande Bretagne, qu'ils sont 
 d 'opinion qu'aussi bien que de sa- 
 tis/hire au Roi dc France sur les 
 scrupides proposes dans Vecritdu 
 Sieur de Lionne du \9me de ce 
 mois, avec des assurances & pro- 
 messes sirffisants, iljaudra lui
 
 and other Ministers of State. 477 
 
 think his generosity will not /aire savoir discretement, $> ne- 
 suffer him to ruin a State, or a anmoins lien positivement, que 
 
 Minister of Spain, whom the 
 Kingof England and the States 
 General have obliged, at his re- 
 quest, to accept the conditions 
 prescribed, with a formal assu- 
 rance, that by that means he 
 should free himself from all the 
 danger of the war. And, at 
 least, that the honour and good 
 faith of the King of Great Bri- 
 tain and the States cannot suf- 
 fer such a State or Minister to 
 be injured without lending him 
 their service and assistance. 
 And by every body's disposi- 
 tion here I am assured that, as 
 soon as the agreement is con- 
 cluded, we shall march to the 
 assistance of the Netherlands, 
 upon the first step France shall 
 make to attack them, if the 
 King of England will do the 
 like. But, to acquit our con- 
 sciences, and let the world see 
 the justice of our proceeding; I 
 am entirely of opinion we must 
 make all advances, and give all 
 due assurances to France, to 
 oblige them to the peace. Up- 
 on which, with many other par- 
 ticulars, I refer you to the De- 
 puties of the States to commu- 
 nicate to you; having not time 
 at present to enlarge farther, 
 but only to repeat in one word, 
 that 1 am truly, Sir, your, ike. 
 
 nousjugeons qu sa generosite ne 
 pourra pas pcrmetlre quit ac- 
 cable un Etat ou tin Minhtre 
 d'Espagnr, que le Roi (F Angle- 
 terre & les Etats G ncraux out 
 oblige a sa requisition a" accepter 
 les conditions presenter, avec une 
 assurance formelle que par lit il 
 se delivreroil de tout danger de 
 la guerre: tV qu'au mains l'/ion- 
 neur Sf la bonne Joi du Roi de 
 la Grande Bretagne cV des E- 
 tats ne pourra pas soujfrir qtdon 
 accable un tel Etat ou un tel 
 Ministre, sans lui prefer leurs 
 services S< assistances: JV je ne 
 vois point de disposition ici, qui 
 ne ni assure que Uoppignoralion 
 etant couclue, on marchcra au 
 secours dss Pais- lias des la pre- 
 miere demarche que le Roi de 
 Erance Jera pour I'attaqucr, si 
 le Roi de la Grande Bretagne en 
 vent Jaire autant. Mais pour 
 nous satisfaire en bonne consci- 
 ence, cy pour /'aire voir A tout 
 le monde la justice de noire pro- 
 cede, jesuisentierement d 'opinion 
 qiCil Jauilra J a ire toutcs les a- 
 vances, & donncr ionics Irs as- 
 surances requises a la France, 
 pour parvenir, cS* pour Vobliger 
 a la pair. Surquoi, commr aus- 
 si stir plusieurs autres particula- 
 rity's, je me rented a ce que les 
 Deputes de l' Etat v<>u< ennmu- 
 jiiqueront plus en detail, it'tu/ :> t 
 pas de tents de m'eteudre iei plus 
 (implement , mats settlement pour 
 repeter en un mot que je ids Ires 
 veritablemeut, Monsieur, vkre, 
 
 cS-C.
 
 473 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 From Monsieur De Witt. 
 
 Hague, March 4, 
 Sir, 1668. 
 
 I could not immediately an- 
 swer yours of the 2d instant, 
 by reason of a fever I got by 
 a great cold last night ; but 
 towards noon the fever lessen- 
 ing, gives me leave at present 
 to tell you, that, though it is 
 now some days since Monsieur 
 Beverning's departure for Aix 
 la Chapelle, yet I do not see 
 how in the present conjuncture 
 of affairs it should be more ne- 
 cessary for you to reside in that 
 city than at Brussels ; but, on 
 the contrary, that the affair is 
 now reduced to such a point, 
 that the business which carried 
 you to Aix, ought to be treated 
 and finished in a few days, in 
 the place where you are, and 
 in the Netherlands ; and I 
 think the King of England's 
 Ministers, and those of the 
 States at Paris, have negoti- 
 ated with address in procuring 
 us an instrument, which in a 
 few days will put us in a clear 
 light upon what we are finally 
 to resolve and to do ; if the 
 Marquis of Castel-Rodrigo se- 
 conds us, as we hope and ex- 
 pect from his prudence, and 
 from the visible interest of his 
 Master, which obliges him to 
 it. I speak of the project of 
 the treaty drawn upon the foot 
 of the alternative, and con- 
 certed between the said Mini- 
 sters of our Masters at Paris, 
 and the Commissioners of the 
 King of France, whereof, I am 
 sure, you have received a copy 
 from Sir John Trevor. I think 
 this project gives us a certain 
 
 De Monsieur de Witt. 
 
 A la Haye, 4- Mars, 
 Monsieur, 1668. 
 
 Un grand rheume qui m'a sus- 
 cite une jievre la nuit pas see, a 
 etc cause que je nai pas pu vous 
 rlpondre d'abord a~ votre lettre 
 du 2d de ce mois : mais vers le 
 midi la Jievre etant beaucoup 
 diminuee, me laisse present e- 
 ment la faculte de vous dire, 
 que quoiqiCil y a deja quelque 
 jours que Monsieur de Bever- 
 ning est parti pour se rendre a 
 Aix la Chapelle, je ne voi pas 
 pourtant que dans la conjonc- 
 ture presente des affaires votre 
 scjour soit plus necessaire au dit 
 lieu qu ci Bruxelles ; mais que 
 tout au contraire, Vajfaire est 
 presentement reduite a un point, 
 que ce, pour qaoi vous vousjus- 
 siez transports a Aix, se pourra 
 ) se devra traiter 8,- achever en 
 peu de jours, au lieu oil vous etes 
 & au Pais-Bas : S; il me semble 
 que Messieurs les Ministres du 
 Roi de la Grande Bretagne & 
 des Etats a Paris, ont negocie 
 adroitement de nous avoir sic 
 procurer un instrument qui nous 
 mettra en peu de jours dans une 
 clarte entiere pour risoudre Ji- 
 nalcment ce que nous aurons a 
 Jaire ; si le Marquis de Castel- 
 Rodrigo nous y seconde, comme 
 nous I'esperons Sf I'attendons de 
 sa prudence $ de Vinteret visible 
 de son Maitre qui I'y oblige. Je 
 parleduprojetde trait \ dressesttr 
 le pic de /'alternative Si concerto 
 entre lesdits Ministres de nos 
 Matt res ii Paris dy les Commis- 
 saircs du Roi de France, dont je 
 in assure, que vous aurez / 
 copic de la part de Monsintr 
 Trevor. 11 me semble que ct
 
 and other Ministers of Slate. 
 
 way of obtaining the peace, or 
 else a war, wherein all the 
 Princes and States of Christen- 
 dom will support us, or at least 
 commend our conduct and pro- 
 ceeding. And 1 think we must 
 proceed in it after this manner: 
 I suppose before-hand that you 
 and our Deputies with you, will 
 not be at much pains to dispose 
 the Marquis to send immedi- 
 ately a power to Monsieur Beu- 
 ningen and Sir John Trevor, to 
 sign in his (the Marquis's) 
 name, and from the King his 
 Master, the treaty with the 
 King of France's Commission- 
 ers, agreeable to the project 
 above-mentioned, which I find 
 entirely conformable to our 
 agreement and secret articles, 
 as Monsieur Beuningen tells 
 us, that he and Sir John Trevor 
 made the same judgment of it. 
 Unless his Excellency would 
 rather sign the said treaty him- 
 self, and receive the exchange 
 of it signed by the King of 
 France. In which case I think 
 there may be only writ on the 
 top of the project, ' A treaty 
 of peace between the Kings of 
 * Spain and France, to prevent 
 disputing upon the terms of 
 the preface ;' and, beneath, to 
 add the date. This being done, 
 the aforesaid Ministers at Paris 
 must, in my opinion, offer the 
 King of France to sign in the 
 King of Spain's name, or (in 
 case his Excellency thinks fit 
 to sign himself) to exchange 
 the treaty signed : on condition 
 that France will consent to a 
 reasonable time to procure the 
 
 * And in the other instru- 
 ment, of France and Spain. 
 
 479 
 
 projet nous donne en main un 
 moyen assure pour avoir la paix t 
 ou u ne guerre dans la quelle tous 
 les Princes & Etats de la Chre- 
 ticnte nous appuycronl, ou an 
 moins lou'eront noire proccde 8f 
 notre conduite. Et void comme 
 quoi, h mon avis, nous y pour- 
 rions proceder. Je presuppose 
 que vous Sf Messieurs ttos De- 
 putes qui se trouvent aupres de 
 vous, nauront pas beaucoup de 
 peine ci disposer Monsieur le 
 Marquis d'envoyer incontinent 
 tin pouvoir it Messieurs van 
 Beuningen S,- Trevor, pour sig- 
 ner en son nom, & de la part du 
 Roi son Maitrc, le traite avec 
 les Commissaires du Roi de 
 France, conformement au projet 
 susdit que jc trouve entierement 
 conformc a noire convention $ H 
 tios articles secrets ; ainsi que le 
 Situr van Beuningen nous man- 
 de aussi, que lui & Monsieur 
 Trevor en ont rendu cc mane 
 jugetnent. Si ce nest que son 
 Excellence aime micux de signer 
 lui-meme led it traite, 6; (Pen 
 rcccvoir un en echange signe de 
 la part du Roi de France, au 
 quel cas il me Semitic que I'on 
 ti'auroit qu'a mettre dessus le 
 projet, Traite de pais entre les 
 Rois a? Espagne * S> de France ; 
 pour ne disputer pas sur les ter- 
 mes de la preface ; * au lias 
 d'ajoutcr la date. Cela riant 
 fail, il faudra, a mon jugemeut, 
 que lesdiis Ministres it Paris 
 ojfrent au Roi de Frame de sig- 
 ner, au nmn du Roi d' Espagne, 
 ou bien d'cc/iawrcr /< traite *ig- 
 ne, si sou Excellence ait trouve 
 bon de signer lui m'-me; moyen- 
 
 * Ft en V ant re instrument, 
 de France i.y d" F.spagnc.
 
 Letters of Sir tV'dliam Temple, 
 
 480 
 
 ratification from the Queen of 
 Spain ; and, above all, the con- 
 tinuance of the cessation of 
 arms during the time agreed. 
 I see that, for granting this 
 term a little more to the hu- 
 mour of France,- you will be 
 more liberal and complaisant 
 than I : for, whereas you are 
 satisfied with the term till the 
 15th of May already proposed 
 by Monsieur de ituvigny, I 
 think reason and decency 
 should oblige to take till the 
 end of May. And, if the King 
 of France refuses either to sign 
 on his side, or to grant the said 
 term with the cessation of arms, 
 I should not stick to declare 
 immediately for Spain, and act 
 by sea and land in conformity 
 to our third separate article. 
 
 And since it cannot enter 
 into a reasonable man's mind, 
 that the Queen of Spain can be 
 so blind as not to ratify the 
 said treaty, by which a * whole 
 province is restored, and a mi- 
 nor King delivered from being 
 engaged in a second war with 
 us and England ; I should not 
 be hard at granting the King 
 of France whatever he can de- 
 mand with any appearance of 
 reason, in a case that will never 
 arrive ; chiefly, because many 
 Princes of Germany will then 
 declare on our side, who might 
 else (blinded by the appear- 
 ances of reason in Monsieur de 
 Lionne's letter of the 19th 
 past) abandon us entirely. 
 The King of Sweden, or his 
 Minister at London, do, I 
 think, stretch the cord too far, 
 
 * The County of Burgundy. 
 
 nant que la France accorde utl 
 ierme. raisonable pour procurer 
 la ratification de la Reine d'Es- 
 pagne, fy- stir tout la continua- 
 tion de la cessation d'armes pen- 
 dant ce terme nn peu au gre de 
 la France, vous seriez plus libe- 
 ral ou complaisant que moi ; car 
 au lieu que vous vous contente- 
 riez du terme de 15me de Mai 
 ci-devant propose par Monsieur 
 de Ituvigny, il me semble que la 
 raison <$>- la bienseance nous obli- 
 gcroient bien de prendre jusques 
 au dernier jour de Mai : $? si le 
 Roi de France vient a refuser ou 
 la signature de son cote, ou le 
 term? avec la cessation d'armes, 
 je ne hesiterois point a nous de- 
 clarer d'abord sans marchander, 
 pour PEspagne, agir par mer 
 $ par terre en conformite du 
 3me de nos articles separh. 
 
 Ft comme il ne pent tomber 
 dans Vesprit dhcne homme rai- 
 sonable, que la Reine d'Espagne 
 pourroit etre si aveugle que dc 
 ne rat ifier point le dit traite que 
 lid fait rendre une * Province 
 entiere, Sf qui delivre tin Roi 
 mineur d'un second accablement 
 de /' Angleterre Sf de cet Ftat ; 
 je ne serois nullement chiche a 
 accorder au Roi de France tout 
 ce qu'il pourroit demander avec 
 quelque apparence de raison, 
 dans un cas qui n'echerra pas. 
 Principalement parce que plu- 
 sieurs Princes aV Allemagne alors 
 se declareront de noire parti, 
 qui sans ccla, aveugles par les 
 apparencies du raisonnement com- 
 pris dans la lettre du Monsieur 
 de Lionne du I9me du mois passe, 
 nous abandonneroient entiere- 
 ment. Le Roi de Suede, ou son 
 
 * La Comte de Burgogne.
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 461 
 
 and he will break it if he does 
 not yield a little. However, we 
 have last Wednesday sent such 
 orders to our Ambassadors, 
 that I doubt not a good suc- 
 cess of this negotiation. 
 
 For the other points of your 
 letter, I must refer myself to 
 what you can learn from our 
 Deputies and his Excellency, 
 by advices from the Ambassa- 
 dor Don Estevan de Gamarra ; 
 therefore, I shall conclude, re- 
 maining, Sir, your, &c. 
 
 Ministre a Londres, me sembtc 
 trop tendre la corde ; 2? il la 
 rompra s y il ne se met un peu a 
 la raison : neanmoins noiis avons 
 encore Vendredi passe envoys 
 tels ordres a nos Ambassadeurs 
 que jc ne doute d'un bon succes 
 de cette negotiation. 
 
 Quant aux autres points de 
 votre let Ire, je suis oblige de me 
 remettre ii ce que vous pourrez 
 entendre de ?ios Dcputs # de 
 son Excellence par les avis de 
 /' Ambassadeur Don Estevan de. 
 Gamarra. C'est pourquoi enji- 
 nissant je demeurerai comme je 
 suis veritablement, Monsieur, 
 votre, &iC. 
 
 From the Elector o/Mcntz. De l'Electeur de Mayence. 
 
 Mentz, April 12, 
 My Lord, 1668. 
 
 Having heard of your Excel- 
 lency's arrival at Aix la Cha- 
 pelle, to assist in his Majesty 
 of Great Britain's name at a 
 negotiation of peace between 
 the two Crowns, I could not 
 forbear expressing my joy, and 
 the confidence I have that the 
 intervention- and authority of 
 so great a King will give much 
 weight to the affair, and very 
 much facilitate the peace; which 
 employing all my thoughts at 
 present, 1 have dispatched to 
 the said town of Aix the Baron 
 of Schonborn my nephew, with 
 orders to render all offices from 
 me to your Excellency, anil to 
 contribute all he can towards 
 a peace so necessary to the re- 
 pose of all Christendom. In 
 the mean time 1 desire your 
 Excellency to he assured, that, 
 as 1 shall always reckon it an 
 honour to serve the King your 
 VOL. J. 
 
 A Mayence, 12 Avril, 
 Monsieur, 1668. 
 
 Ayant sii farrivee de votre Ex- 
 cellence ci Aix la (' ha pel If pour 
 y assisler au nom de sa Majeste 
 de la Grande Bretagne a la ne" 
 gociation de la paix entre les 
 deux Couronncs ; je nai pit 
 in empecher de lui tcmoigner ma 
 joye, <S - la conjiance que fat que 
 I' intervention is I'autorite d'un 
 Roy si puissant donncra unpaids 
 tres grand a I' affaire, Sfjacili- 
 tera de beaucoup la conciliation 
 & A' retablissement de cette paix: 
 laqucllc faisant aujourd'hui tons 
 mes soins, fai depeche a lailite 
 ville d'Aix lr Huron de Schon- 
 born iiion nevcu, nice ordre d'n/'- 
 frir iSf de rendre a votre Excel- 
 lence, de uia part, tons les offices, 
 \ de contribuer de ion possible 
 pour parveuir a la Jin que I'on 
 s'est proposee, pour obtrnir tine 
 paix .w necasaire au repos de 
 toittc la Chretirntc. Cepemlani 
 jc prie votre Excellence d'etre 
 '2 l
 
 482 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 Master, so I shall never let pass 
 any occasion of shewing in par- 
 ticular that I am, my Lord, 
 your Excellency's most hum- 
 ble and affectionate servant. 
 
 From Monsieur de Witt. 
 
 Hague, March 16, 
 Sir, 1668. 
 
 After having writ to you on 
 the 4th, I find myself honoured 
 by two of yours of the 9th and 
 14th instant. The Marquis of 
 Castel-Rodrigo's manner of 
 transacting does infinitely dis- 
 please us ; and we believe we 
 nave entered enough into his 
 designs, to conclude, that his 
 aim is to delay the signing of 
 the project, and the sending of 
 the powers, till the French be- 
 gin to be in motion: and in the 
 mean while to sign or send the 
 power desired, and summon us 
 by virtue of a former promise 
 to oppose our arms against 
 those of France, which will 
 then begin to enter into action, 
 and by that means set us into 
 an open war by advance. 
 
 However, to give the said 
 Marquis the amplest assurance, 
 and to convince him he is in 
 the wrong, we were willing en- 
 tirely to agree to your advice, 
 and to authorise our Deputies 
 to pass a promise with you in 
 due form by writing, inserting 
 in it the same words of our 
 third separate article. And I 
 think you have very judiciously 
 considered, that the condition 
 of the promise ought to be, not 
 only the signing of the project 
 
 assuree que comme jeferai toU' 
 jours gloire de servir le Rot son 
 Maitre ; de memeje ne perdrai 
 jamais ^occasion ou je pourrai 
 temoigner en mon particulier 
 que se suis, Monsieur, de votre 
 Excellence le tres humble fy tres 
 ajfectionne serviteur. 
 
 De Monsieur de Witt. 
 
 A la Haye, 16 Mars, 
 Monsieur, 1668. 
 
 Apres que je vous ai ecrit le 
 kme je me trouve honore de vos 
 deux depeches du 9me &; \^me 
 de ce mois. La maniere d'agir 
 de Monsieur le Marquis de Ca- 
 stel-Rodrigo nous deplait infini- 
 ment ; 8$ nous croyons penetrer 
 asses ses visees, pour conclurre 
 que son but est de delayer signa- 
 ture du projet fy I 'envoi du pou- 
 voir jusques a ce que les Fran- 
 cois commencent d se remu'er ; 
 fy de signer en meme terns ou 
 d'envoyer le pouvoir desire, If 
 de nous sommer en vertu d'une 
 promesse prealable d'opposer nos 
 amies contre celles de France 
 qui commenceront alors d'e?itrer 
 en action, <?f par ainsi nous met- 
 tre en guerre ouverte par pro- 
 vision. 
 
 Neanmoins pour donner au 
 dit Marquis une assurance plus 
 ample, fy pour achever de le met- 
 tre dans le tort, nous avons bien 
 voidu nous conformer entiere- 
 ment a votre avis, <3f autoriser 
 nos Deputes a passer avec vous 
 la promesse en bonne fy due 
 forme par ecrit ; y inserant les 
 memes paroles troisieme de ?ios 
 articles separes ; ^ je juge que 
 vous avez t?~es judicieusement 
 considere que la condition de la 
 promesse doit etre non seulement
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 483 
 
 and powers; but, if after the la signature du projet & des pou 
 signing, &c. France refuses ei- voirs ; mais si apres la sio-na- 
 
 ther to consent to it, or to con- 
 tinue the suspension of arms, 
 we believe we have great 
 cause to complain of the Mar- 
 quis, that notwithstanding the 
 solemn promise made by the 
 States General, and delivered 
 to Don Estevan de Gamarra 
 in their resolution of the 5th of 
 this month, he has delayed to 
 sign and dispatch the power; 
 so that, if this had been done 
 at first, we had been already 
 out of all doubt ; for either the 
 conclusion of it would have 
 been pursued at Paris with the 
 suspension of arms: or, in case 
 of refusal, England and this 
 State would already act in ear- 
 nest, and with a good con- 
 science, for Spain. 
 
 And I desire you to let his 
 Excellency see as plainly as 
 possible, that, if now after the 
 signing and sending the power 
 to Paris, and before the King 
 of Prance can he informed of 
 it, he shall receive any disgrace, 
 it is himself he ought to impute 
 it to; for England and this State 
 will not put into his hands the 
 power of involving them in an 
 open war with Trance, unsea- 
 sonably, and against their in- 
 tention clearly expressed in the 
 agreement of the l J5th instant ; 
 which would have happened if 
 we had left him the liberty to 
 delay the signing or sending 
 liis power, till he had provoked 
 the French to move ; or, if 
 then, signing or sending the 
 power, he had the right of em- 
 ployingour troops against those 
 of France, before the King of 
 France could have had intelli- 
 
 ture, Sfc. la France refuse ou 
 
 d'y consentir, ou de continu'er la 
 
 suspension d'armes ; noun croy- 
 
 ons avoir grand sujet de nous 
 
 plaindre du Sieur Marquis en 
 
 ce que nonobstant la promesse so- 
 
 lenelle,faite par les Etats G ne- 
 
 raux, # dclivree a Don Estevan 
 
 de Gamarra dans lenr resolution 
 
 du 5me de ce mois, il a drlayi 
 
 de signer Sf de depecher le pun- 
 
 voir ; d'autant que si cela eut 
 
 itefait d'abord, nous nous trou- 
 
 verions deja hors de toute obscu- 
 
 rite ; car ou la conclusion en an- 
 
 roit ete suivie a Paris, avec la 
 
 suspension d'armes ; ou, en cos 
 
 de re/us, V Angleterre Sf cet E- 
 
 tat agiroit deja. de bon cceur 8$ 
 
 en bonne conscience pour I'Es- 
 
 pagne. 
 
 Et je vous supplie de faire 
 
 voir a son Excellence le plus vi- 
 
 vcment qu'ilse pourra faire, que 
 
 si a cette heure apres la signa- 
 ls i 
 tare ou I envoi du pouvoir vers 
 
 Paris, Sf avant qu on en puisse 
 avoir averti le lioi de France, 
 il rccoive quelque disgrace ; que 
 ce sera a soi-meme a qui it le 
 devra imputcr: car V Angleterre 
 & cet Etat ne pcuvent pas lid 
 donncr en main un moyen as- 
 sure pour les envcloper mat H 
 propos iV conlre leur intention 
 claircmcnt cxprimee dans la con- 
 vention du '25>ne de ce mois dans 
 line guerre ouvcrlc avrc la 
 France; ce qui sc fcroit si on 
 liti laissoit la facultc dc de/ai/cr 
 signature on renvoi de son pou- 
 voir jusques a ce qu'il auruit 
 provoquc les Francois dc se rc- 
 mii'er ; on qualors signant ou 
 envoi/ant le pouvoir il rut le droit 
 dejaire agir nos troupes contre 
 2 I 2
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 484 
 
 gence of the said signing or 
 sending of the said power, and 
 by consequence before the said 
 King could have finished the 
 treaty, and continued the sus- 
 pension of arms. 
 
 I hope, and am assured, that 
 after this peace, which is the 
 last the States are capable of 
 making in this conjuncture, 
 the Marquis will not delay a 
 moment the signing and send- 
 ing of the peace to Paris ; but 
 if, contrary to all appearance, 
 he should be capable of doing 
 so, I desire you to let him know, 
 that neither England nor the 
 States can assist one who ma- 
 nifestly refuses, and conse- 
 quently that he will be aban- 
 doned on all sides ; and also 
 that we shall find ourselves un- 
 der a necessity to reduce him, 
 by more effectual means, to ac- 
 cept really and effectually, by 
 signing of the treaty, the al- 
 ternative he has already ac- 
 cepted by a separate writing. 
 And I even apprehend that, by 
 the delays already passed, the 
 affair is reduced to a point not 
 to be redressed ; as in truth we 
 shall find ourselves embarrassed 
 enough, if the King of France 
 be already gone from Paris to 
 his army, before the project 
 signed, or the power be arrived 
 there. I cannot tell by what 
 politic his Excellency desirts 
 his conduct should be decried 
 by all men, or that his govern- 
 ment should be lost ; for, to 
 think us so ill advised, that he 
 can engage us in a war against 
 France, when they on their side 
 are earnest for concluding a 
 peace, is what I cannot sup- 
 
 celles de France avant que U 
 Roi de France eut pu avoir nou* 
 velle de ladite signature ou de 
 V 'envoi dudit pouvoir, Sf par con- 
 sequent avant qu'il eut pu Jaire 
 achever le traite # continuer la 
 suspension d'armes. 
 
 J'espere Sf je me tiens assure 
 quapres ce pas qui est le dernier 
 que les Etats soni capables de 
 Jaire en cette conjoncture, Mon- 
 sieur le Marquis ne delayera 
 plus un moment la signature & 
 l' envoi d'un pouvoir vers Paris; 
 mais, si, contre toute apparence, 
 iljid capable de le Jaire, je vous 
 supplie de lui Jaire voir comme 
 ilj'aut que ni V Angleterre ni les 
 Etats ne peuvent pas assister un 
 refusant manifeste; que par con- 
 sequent il sera abandonne de tous 
 cotes, Sf qu'aussi nous nous trou- 
 verons necessites de le redidre 
 par des moyens plus ejficaces a 
 accepter reellement fy en effet, 
 par la signature du traite, ^al- 
 ternative qu'il a deja accepte par 
 un ecrit separe. Et j' 'apprehend 
 meme que par les delais deja 
 passes, Vaffairc ne soit reduite 
 a un point pour ne pouvoir pas 
 etre redressee : comme en veritS 
 nous nous trouverions Men em- 
 harasses, si le Roi de France fut 
 deja parti de Paris vers son ar- 
 m e, avant que le projet signe 
 ou le pouvoir y fut arrive. Je 
 ne sai pas par quelle politique 
 son Excellence trouve bon de 
 Jaire decrier sa conduite par tout 
 le monde, &; de pcrdrc le pais de 
 son gouvcrnement ; car de nous 
 croir si mal avises quelle nous 
 pourroit engager dans une guer- 
 re contre la France, lors quelle 
 de son cole vent tout de ban con~ 
 clurre la paix, e'est que je ne 
 jmis pas presupposer ; if si ellc
 
 and other Ministers of State. 4S5 
 
 pose; and, if lie thinks France juge que la France reculera ou 
 will draw back, or refuse the refusera la suspension, pourquoi 
 
 lie 
 
 suspension, then why he would 
 not let it appear publicly to the 
 world by a ready signing on his 
 side; this is what I cannot com- 
 prehend. 
 
 In the mean time Monsieur 
 Colbert at Aix has loudly made 
 appear the easiness, and even 
 the complaisance, of his Ma- 
 ster, by the protestation he has 
 publicly made, that he has or- 
 der to sign the alternative, with- 
 out excepting against the pre- 
 amble of the Marquis's power 
 upon the defect of a faculty to 
 substitute, or upon any other; 
 whereas, on the contrary, the 
 Baron de Bergeyck is not au- 
 thorised to do any thing at all: 
 and I assure you, the positive 
 advices we receive of it, make 
 every body's head turn : there- 
 fore I desire you so much the 
 more to endeavour effectually 
 that the Marcpiis should finish 
 the affair without any more de- 
 lay ; for, if this last compliance 
 of the States does not satisfy 
 him, I confess to you I shall 
 think no farther, but of some 
 effectual means to reduce him 
 to reason, and of some expe- 
 dients by which the King of 
 Great Britain and their High 
 Mightinesses may take mea- 
 sures with France for prevent- 
 ing the miseries of the neigh- 
 bourhood; in which I hope you 
 assist with as much application, 
 according to the intent of our 
 agreement, as I believe you will 
 by all means endeavour to pre- 
 vent a case so desperate, and 
 SO destructive to Spain : and 
 for me I shall remain ever with 
 much passion, Sir, your, Sec. 
 
 eUe ?ie Fait pas voulu faire pa- 
 roitre publiquement devant tout 
 le monde par une prompte sig- 
 nature de son cote, e'est ce que 
 je ne puis pas comprendre. 
 
 Cependant Monsieur Colbert 
 a Aix a fait paroilre hautement 
 lafacilite, voire la complaisance^ 
 du Roi son Mail re, par la pro- 
 testation qu'ilfait publiquemcnty 
 qiCil a ordrc de signer I'aller- 
 native, sans faire exception sur 
 le preamble du pouvoir du Mar- 
 quis, sur la da/hut de la faculte 
 de substitu'er, ou autre s ; It) oic 
 ate contrairc Monsieur le Baron 
 de Bergeyck nc sc trouve auto- 
 rise a rien. Et je vous assure 
 que les ains positifs que nous en 
 recevons, font tourner la tele ti 
 un chacun : e'est pourquoi je 
 vous supplie d'autant plus de lc- 
 nir la main efficacement a cc que 
 Monsieur le Marquis acheve I af- 
 faire sans plus de delai: car si 
 cette dermere complaisance des 
 Etats ne lui satisfait pas,je vous 
 avouc que je ne songcrai plus 
 qu'aux niouens efficaces pour le 
 reduire a la raison, iy aux expe- 
 diens, par IcsqueUcs le Roi de la 
 Grande BrclagneSf leurs Hautes 
 Puissances sc puissent entendre 
 avec la France, pour prevenir 
 les malheurs de son voisinage ; 
 en quni j'esperc que vous coupe- 
 rez avec aidant d'applicalion 
 scion ^intention de notre con- 
 vention, que je me tiens assure 
 que vous tachercz par toute sorte 
 de moi/cns de prevenir ce cas 
 dt sespere iS" ruineux pour VEs- 
 pagne. F.l moi, je demeurerai 
 ti jamais avec bcaucoup de pas- 
 sion, Monsieur, voire ires hum* 
 ble scrvitcur.
 
 486 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 From Monsieur de Witt. 
 
 Hague, April 27, 
 Sir, 1668. 
 
 You ought to be well satisfied 
 with your whole conduct, since 
 the success so well answers 
 your good intention, and that 
 your work has so excellent an 
 agreement with the foundations 
 you had laid. All Christen- 
 dom owes you the glory of ha- 
 ving first disposed the King of 
 Great Britain's mind to so strict 
 an alliance between his Majesty 
 and this State, for the univer- 
 sal good and peace of Europe. 
 It is upon this principle you 
 have continued to labour with 
 so much application and so suc- 
 cessfully with the Marquis of 
 Castel-Rodrigo, that it is chiefly 
 to you we are obliged for the 
 good disposition he is in at pre- 
 sent, and for the enjoyment of 
 so great an advantage to Chris- 
 tendom as results from it. I 
 speak of it as a thing we pos- 
 sess already, because I see no- 
 thing that can hinder us from 
 it ; it being likely that the Ba- 
 ron de Bergeyck has already 
 executed the power we have 
 sent him ; and that the Court 
 of Madrid, in order to deliver 
 Flanders from its troublesome 
 guests, will no longer defer to 
 ratify the treaty. For the rest, 
 I agree extremely with your 
 sentiments, and am of your opi- 
 nion, some exchange of places 
 should be negotiated imme- 
 diately after the signing of the 
 treaty. 
 
 A la Haye, 27 Avril, 
 Monsieur, 1 668. 
 
 Vous devez etre Men satisfait de 
 toute vatre conduite, puisque le 
 succes repond si parfaitement a 
 voire bonne intention, Sf que vo- 
 ire ouvrage a un si excellent rap- 
 port aux Jbndemens que vous en 
 aviez jettes. Toute la Chre- 
 tiente vous doit la gloire d' avoir 
 donne la premiere disposition 
 dans Vesprit du Roi de la 
 Grande Bretagne d une si e- 
 troite liaison entre sa Majeste 
 &; cet Etat pour le Men # le re- 
 pos universel de V Europe. Sur 
 ce principe vous avez continue 
 de travailler avec tant d'appli- 
 cation 8? si heureusement aupres 
 de Monsieur le Marquis de Ca- 
 stel-Rodrigo, que c est a vous 
 principalement a qui Von est ob- 
 lige de la bonne disposition en 
 laquelle il se trouve presente- 
 ment, & de la jouissance d'un si 
 grand avantage pour la Chre- 
 tiente qui en resulte. J' en par- 
 te comme d'une chose que nous 
 possedons deja, parceque je ne 
 voi rien qui nous en puissejrus- 
 trer, y ayant de V apparence que 
 des a present le Baron de Ber- 
 geyck aura execute le pouvoir 
 que nous lid avons parte ; # que 
 la Cour de Madrid, pour deli- 
 vrer les Pa'is-Bas de I'importu- 
 nite de ses hotes, ne voudra pas 
 differer de ratifier le traite. Au 
 reste,je donne fort dans vos sen- 
 timens, 8$ suis d'avis que Von 
 Jasse negocier quelque echange 
 de places incontinent apres la 
 signature du traite.
 
 and other Ministers of State. 
 
 487 
 
 I writ about it before to Mon- 
 sieur Beverning, so that I do 
 not doubt but you have been 
 entertained with it already. I 
 confess also with you, that this 
 negotiation will be more con- 
 veniently managed afterwards 
 at Paris than any where else, 
 at least, if the Marquis of Ca- 
 stel-Rodrigo can resolve to have 
 confidence enough in the King 
 of Great Britain's Ministers and 
 those of this State, to refer to 
 them the negotiation of an af- 
 fair of this nature : though, if 
 he considers it well, he will find 
 that we both have the same in- 
 terest in it. You have nothing 
 else but to go on your own way 
 upon the foundation of the a- 
 greement of January the 23d, 
 to support the peace made, by 
 a guaranty of all who arc in- 
 terested in it, either in general 
 or particular; never fearing that 
 those who shall negotiate jointly 
 with you in the name of this 
 State, will disorder the har- 
 mony that has appeared in the 
 whole course of this negotia- 
 tion. What they can do, is as 
 well from their own inclination, 
 as in pursuance of their orders. 
 For me, I shall ever second 
 your zeal with joy, and shall 
 take all occasions to shew with 
 how much passion and since- 
 rity I am, Sir, yours, &c. 
 
 J'en aitcrit ci-devant & Mon- 
 sieur Beverning, de sorte quejc 
 ne doute point que vous ne vous 
 en soyez dejh entretenus. J'a- 
 voue aussi avec vous que cette 
 negociation se fera plus commo- 
 dement dans la suite ti Paris 
 quailleurs ; au moins si Mon- 
 sieur le Marquis de Castel-Ro- 
 drigopeut resoudre d prendre as- 
 sez de conjiance aux Ministres 
 du Roi de la Grande Bretagne 
 <Sf de cet Etat, pour s'en rappor- 
 ter h eux de la negociation d'une 
 affaire de cette nature ; quoique 
 s'il le considere bicn, il trouvera 
 que nous y avons les uns 4' les 
 auires prcsque le meme interet. 
 Vous ?i'avez que continuer votre 
 route sar lejbndement de la con- 
 vention du 23 Janvier, pour sou- 
 tenir la paix faite par une gua- 
 rantee de tous les interesses en 
 general 8? en particidier ; Sf ne 
 point craindre que ceux qui tra- 
 vaillcront au nom de cet Etat 
 avec vous, deconcertent cette belle 
 harmonic que Von a vue en toute 
 la suite de cette negociation. lis 
 le fcront non seulcme7it en exe- 
 cution des ordres qu'ils en ont, 
 viais aussi par inclination. Pour 
 moi, ce sera toujours avec joye 
 que je scconderui votre zele, Sf 
 que je rencontrcrai les occasions 
 oiijc vouspuisse donncr despreu- 
 ves de passion fy sincerite avec 
 laquelle lajc suis, Monsieur, vo- 
 tre ires humble scrviteur.
 
 438 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 From my Lord Arlington. 
 
 Sir, Whitehall, May 8, 1668. 
 
 If I had written to you last post (as I should have 
 done if there had been time for it), you would have 
 heard me complain much of the pain I was in not 
 to hear from you in fifteen days in so delicate a 
 conjuncture of affairs, which was occasioned by con- 
 trary winds. In the mean time we were a little 
 eased by Sir John Trevor's assurance to us of the 
 peace having been signed on the 2d, N. S. which 
 has been since amply confirmed by two of yours 
 brought together, of the 2d and 8th, N. S. so that 
 now I can with foundation give you the parabien 
 of this great work, which you may without vanity 
 call your own, whatever padrinoes you have had to 
 assist you in it : and with more satisfaction, con- 
 sidering what escapes you made between the Mar- 
 quis's irresolutions, the Baron de Bergeyck's punc- 
 tilios, and Monsieur Colbert's emportement. God 
 be thanked, the great business and you are so well 
 delivered from these accidents; after which I hope 
 this will find you safely arrived at Brussels, and 
 keeping yourself still in the same figure of equipage 
 to wear the better the character of his Majesty's 
 Ambassador at the Hague ; towards which I will 
 send you with all speed his final resolution and in- 
 structions. In the mean time you will receive, by 
 the inclosed, his mind to the Marquis, recommend- 
 ing; to his Excellence the making good with all 
 speed to the Crown of Sweden what we and the 
 Dutch Ambassadors have promised to the Count 
 de Dona, as you will see by this inclosed act, which 
 we gave him at the exchange of our treaty, enga- 
 ging him in the triple alliance ; the performance 
 of which the Dutch Ambassadors and I have al- 
 ready bespoken of the Count de Molina within six
 
 and other Ministers of State. 48J 
 
 weeks time, when we hope the ratification will be 
 come from Stockholm ; and, the said Ambassador 
 observing already that the Count de Molina calls 
 to the Dutch Ambassadors and us for a ratification, 
 he admonishes us to delay it till the conditions be 
 performed with him. This, I say, is offered, but 
 not concluded by us to be so observed. 
 
 His Majesty had resolved the Parliament should 
 adjourn on Monday last, but, an unhappy differ- 
 ence falling out between the Lords and Commons 
 upon a great point of their privileges, their sitting 
 hath been spun on to this day, though not without 
 hopes of our finally rising to-morrow. Our long 
 talkcd-of miscarriages have this week been finished 
 with a very unhappy one in the Queen, after twenty 
 days going, and raising the dejected hopes of the 
 whole nation, which even this misfortune hath 
 somewhat revived. I leave it to Ambassador Pa- 
 trick to entertain you upon this subject, who can- 
 not fail of long letters by this post. I am, with all 
 truth and affection, Sir, your very humble servant. 
 
 P. S. You never sent us any copy of the promise 
 of guaranty you signed to the Marquis ; though 
 you did the original of that he gave you in ex- 
 change of it, with relation to the King our Master. 
 When the Count de Molina hath pressed me apart 
 from the Dutch Ambassadors for his Majesty's ra- 
 tification, 1 have told him he ought to have ready 
 his ratification from Madrid to exchange with ours; 
 which it will not be amiss for you to take notice 
 of likewise to the Marquis, when he shall give you 
 occasion for it. 
 
 From the Elector qfMenlz. 
 
 Mentz, May 1 1, Dc Muycncc, 1 1 Mai, 
 
 My Lord, H>(>8. Mc icur y Hi'iS. 
 
 Tin; honour of a general joy, L'honncur i/'ui:c juj/r frticir.lr 
 
 upon the peace concluded and sur la jxux concluc y sigm'c in-
 
 490 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 signed between the Crowns, 
 being equally due to the vigo- 
 rous interposition of his Ma- 
 jesty of Great Britain, and to 
 the wise conduct of your Ex- 
 cellency in an affair of such 
 importance to Christendom ; I 
 desire to rejoice with you upon 
 the happy success of it. I hope 
 the ratification of this treaty 
 will be exchanged in due time 
 on both sides ; and shall not 
 fail, on my part, of contributing 
 all I can to the preservation of 
 the public peace, and to second 
 his Majesty's intentions ; as- 
 suring your Excellency in the 
 mean time, that the obligations 
 will never be forgot, which an 
 infinite number of good Chris- 
 tians owe you for your dili- 
 gence in accomplishing the 
 peace : and that, for my par- 
 ticular, I shall cherish all occa- 
 sions of shewing your Excel- 
 lency the sincerity of my affec- 
 tion, and how much I desire to 
 let you know that I am your 
 Excellency's most humble and 
 most affectionate servant. 
 
 tre les Couronnes, se devant 
 egalement a la vigoreuse inter- 
 position de sa Majeste de la 
 Grande Bretagne, &> a la sage 
 maniere dont votre Excellence a 
 su conduire une affaire de telle 
 importance a toute la Chretiente; 
 jai bien voulu me conju'ir avec 
 elle de l*heureux succes qui Va 
 suivi. J'espere que la ratifica- 
 tion de ce traite sera echangee 
 son terme de part &; d' autre ; 8< 
 ne manquerai de contribuer de 
 ma part tout ce que je pourrai 
 a la conservation du repos pub- 
 lic, Sf pour seconder les inten- 
 tions de sa Majeste; assurant ce- 
 pendant votre Excellence qu'on 
 n'oubliera jamais les obligations 
 que lui doivent une infinite de 
 bons Chretiens pour les soins 
 qu'elle a apportcs a la concilia- 
 tion de cette paix ; Sf que pour 
 mon partiadier je cherirai les 
 occasions par lesquelles je lui 
 pourrai temoigner la sincerite 
 de mon affection, Sf combien je 
 desire lui fair e connoitre que je 
 sias, Monsieur, de votre Excel- 
 lence tres humble # tres qff'ec- 
 tionne serviteur. 
 
 From the Duke de Roanez. 
 
 From the Camp of Ruysbrouk, 
 
 Sir, May 29, 1668. 
 
 The Count of Rembourg has 
 informed me this morning (be- 
 ing the 27th instant) at eleven 
 o'clock, from the Marquis of 
 Castel-Rodrigo, of the arrival 
 of the ratification ; to which I 
 sent answer, that I doubted not 
 of what he did me the honour 
 to write to me, but that I had 
 no news of it from the King. 
 Be pleased that I repeat the 
 
 Au Camp de Ruysbrouk, 
 Monsieur, Mai 29, 1668. 
 Monsieur le Compte de Rem- 
 bourg m'a fait savoir ce matin 
 27 a onze heures, de la part de 
 Monsieur le Marquis de Castel- 
 Rodrigo, Varrivee de la ratifi- 
 cation : a qui fai fait reponse, 
 que je ne doutois pas de ce quil 
 mefaisoit I'honneur de m'ecrire; 
 mais que je nen avois aucune 
 nouvelle du cote du Roi. Trouvez 
 bon que je vous repete la rneme
 
 and other Ministers of State. 49 1 
 
 same thing to you, to tell you chose; &; que je votes disequeje 
 that I wonder extremely how suis extremement etonne que Con 
 any one can complain that I se puisse plaindre de ce que j'ai 
 have attacked their troops out fait attaquer leurs troupes nors 
 of the city ; since these acts of de la ville : puisque ces sortes 
 
 hostility are always allowed till 
 the publication of the peace; 
 for it is but yesterday that one 
 of their parties attacked ours, 
 whereof I sent you the prison- 
 ers back to Braine le Chateau ; 
 and the same day those of 
 Braine le Chateau took 10,000 
 Francs from the equipage of 
 one of our captains. They 
 might better inform you, how 
 I send your prisoners back, 
 without suffering them to be 
 dismounted or plundered; that 
 I allow no pillage that comes 
 to my knowledge, and that they 
 have dismounted and stripped 
 even my own domestics. For 
 what the Marquis of Castel- 
 Rodrigo has assured you, that 
 his troops on the 27th at noon, 
 and the 28th or 29th at night, 
 acted only in the defensive : if 
 there be any action for the fu- 
 ture, whereof I see no appear- 
 ance, then I shall know by the 
 issue, whether they have yet 
 acted defensively or offensively. 
 This is all I can answer you 
 upon what is past, or to come. 
 In expectation of the King's 
 orders for publishing the peace 
 at the camp, as it has been this 
 day published at Brussels, you 
 will do me justice to believe 
 that no one is more than I, Sir, 
 your most humble servant. 
 
 d'actes d'hostilile sont permis 
 jusqu* la publication de la 
 paix, Sf que meme hier un de 
 leurs parties attaqua les notres, 
 dont je renvoyai les prisonniers 
 a Braine le Chateau ; & le me- 
 me jour, ceux du meme Braine 
 le Chateau prirent pres de dix 
 mille Francs d 'equipage *5 un 
 de nos capitaines. lis pourroient 
 encore mieux vous informer com- 
 me je renvoi leurs prisonniers, 
 sans permettre qu'on les demonte 
 Si' qu on les depouille ; que je ne 
 souffre point de pillage qui vi- 
 enne a ma connoissance ; # quits 
 out demonte & depouille jusqiC 
 a nos domestiques. Pour ce que 
 Monsieur le Marquis de Castel- 
 Rodrigo vous a assure que ses 
 troupes le ( 2~mc apres midi, <Sf 
 la unit du 2Sme on l 29me, n'a- 
 voient agi qiCcn se defendant ; 
 e'est tine verite dont je tombc 
 d' accord : si ii Vavenir il q a 
 qnelquc action, a quoi je ne vol 
 point d'apparence, alors jc sau- 
 rai par I'issue s'ils out encore 
 agi en se defendant on en atta- 
 quant. Voila ce que je vous 
 puis rcpondrc pour ce qui est 
 passe, Sf ce que pent arr'ner, en 
 attendant les ordrcs du Uoi pour 
 faire publicr la paix an camp 
 comnie Von Va publi c aujour- 
 d'hui <) Bruxclles ; vous vie Je- 
 rez justice de croirc qu'il n'est 
 personne qui soit plus, Monsieur, 
 vutrc ties humble scrviteur.
 
 492 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 From Monsieur de Witt. 
 
 Hague, July 6, 
 Sir, 1668. 
 
 I could not receive more a- 
 greeable news than what you 
 tell me of your return hither 
 with the character of Ambassa- 
 dor, lam sureyouwill notdoubt 
 the truth of what I say, when 
 you reflect on the satisfaction I 
 ought to have, and have already, 
 in the generosity and sincerity 
 I have observed in all your pro- 
 ceedings. You have reason, 
 Sir, to say, that it is impossi- 
 ble the King of Great Britain 
 should not design to live in a 
 perfect good intelligence with 
 this State, when he sends us a 
 person who ought to be so dear 
 to us upon so many considera- 
 tions, honoured with a cha- 
 racter that shews the esteem 
 and friendship he has for this 
 State : we shall endeavour the 
 continuance of both, by doing 
 all his Majesty can expect from 
 his most faithful allies ; and by 
 the same means I shall endea- 
 vour to give his Majesty the 
 marks of that profound respect 
 I have for his person, and the 
 proofs of those sentiments I 
 have for your merit. And as 
 you and I des:rj nothing on 
 both sides, but to preserve eter- 
 nally the good intelligence you 
 have helped to strengthen with 
 so much success ; I cannot 
 doubt, but we may easily avoid 
 whatever is capable of changing 
 it. Permit me, Sir, to say, that 
 you shall find me always dis- 
 posed to give all facility to 
 whatever can establish the com- 
 
 A la Haye, 6 JuilL 
 Monsieur, 1668. 
 
 Je ne pouvois pas recevoir un 
 avis plus agreable que celui que 
 vous me donnez de vStre prochain 
 rtitour avec la qualite d'Ambas- 
 sadeur : je m' 'assure que vous ne 
 douterez point de la verite de ce 
 que je viens de dire ; quandvous 
 voudrez Jaire reflexion sur la 
 satisfaction que je dois avoir, 8; 
 ai en effet, de la generosite $y 
 sincerite que jai remarque en 
 tout voire procrde. Vous avez 
 raison dedire, Monsieur, qic'il ne 
 se peut, que V intention du Roi 
 de la Grande Bretagne ne soit 
 de vivre dans une parfaitement 
 bonne intelligence avec cet Etat, 
 puisque il nous envoye une per- 
 sonne qui nous doit etre chere 
 par tant de considerations, re- 
 vctue d'un charactere qui marque 
 Vestime & I'amitie qiCil a pour 
 cet Etat. Nous tacherons d'e?i 
 meriter la continuation en Jai- 
 sant tout ce que sa Majeste 
 pourra desircr de ses plusjidcles 
 allies ; S? par le mime moycu 
 iacherai de lui donner des mar- 
 ques du prqfond respect que j'ai 
 pour la pcrsonne de sa Majeste, 
 &) des preuves des sentimens que 
 j'ai de voire merite. Et comme 
 de part &$ cVav.tre, nous ne desi- 
 rous ricn, ni vous ni moi, que de 
 conserver eternellement la bonne 
 intelligence que vous avez aide 
 a offer mir avec tant de sneces ; 
 je ne puis pas doutcr que nous 
 n'evitions sans peine tout ce qui 
 pourroil etre capable dc Valterer, 
 Permetlez moi, Monsieur, qua 
 je vous dise encore, que vous me
 
 end other Ministers of State. 
 
 mon interest of either State; 
 and, as I know I shall always 
 find the samedisposition in you, 
 I cannot but rejoice when I con- 
 sider, that I shall have to nego- 
 ciate with a Minister who pos- 
 sesses all the qualities that can 
 make him succeed in whatever 
 he undertakes. 
 
 This is all I am permitted to 
 say, by an affliction lately come 
 upon me, having lost a wife who 
 was indeed the true half of me ; 
 whereof I make no difficulty 
 by this occasion to inform 
 you, who have had the good- 
 ness to tell me, that you take 
 part in my concerns; as on my 
 side I shall ever do in all your 
 interests, with that affection and 
 sincerity wherewith I am and 
 shall remain all my life, Sir, 
 your most humble servant. 
 
 4f}3 
 
 trouvcrez ton jours dispone a don- 
 ner une derniere facilite a tout 
 ce qui pound etablir I'iulcrct 
 commun de I'un Sf de l' autre 
 Etat ; 8f comme je sai que je 
 trouvcrai toujours la menic dis- 
 position en vous, il nc sc peut 
 que je ne me rejouisse quand je 
 considere que j'aurai d negocier 
 avec un Ministre qui posscde 
 toutes les qualites qui le peuvent 
 Jaire reusser en tout cc quit en- 
 treprendra. 
 
 C'est tout cc que me permet de 
 dire prescntcment I'ajjliction qui 
 m'est survenue, venant de pcrdre 
 une femme qui faisoit en effet 
 la veritable moiti de moi-meme; 
 dont je nejais point de difficult e 
 de jaire part per cettc occasion, 
 d eclui qui a eu la bonte de me 
 temoigner qu'il en prend beau- 
 coup de part a ce qui me louche ; 
 comme de mon cole j' en prendrai 
 toujours ii tons vos intents aire 
 toute V affection <S" sincerite avec 
 laquelle je suis <fy demcurerai 
 toute ma vie, Monsieur, vutre 
 ires humble serviteur. 
 
 From Monsieur dc Will. 
 
 Hague, July 27, 
 Sir, H>(58. 
 
 In your obliging letter of the Sd 
 instant, 1 find so many nun ks oi' 
 affection and tenderness for me, 
 that I cannot defer to return 
 you my most humble thanks, 
 and to tell you, that, of all the 
 consolations given me in my 
 affliction, there is none has hi en 
 more effectual than what 1 re- 
 ceived from you. I there find, 
 it is the heart that speaks, and 
 that you truly take part in my 
 
 A la Ilaye, 27 Juill. 
 Monsieur, IfiGS. 
 
 Je trouve dans Vohlig'anic let- 
 tre que vous m'avez fait I'hon- 
 neur de m'ecrire du '.hue de cc 
 mois,stiledc lieu, taut de marques 
 d , ajfection t\ "V tendn. <sr j'our 
 vim. que '] ne puis pas d/f/' n r 
 de vous i!ire que de toutes lex 
 consolations que I'on me domic 
 en mon nf) , il >:'// en a 
 
 jntint qui ml il ]<hc< ijjieace que 
 eel/'e que je viens or rceevoii dc 
 vous : J y rccunnuis que e'ett lc
 
 494 
 
 affliction, whereof I see you 
 know the greatness, because 
 you so well know the inestima- 
 ble loss I have suffered. And 
 I dare to say, that, if any re- 
 medy be capable of closing the 
 wound, it will doubtless be 
 what your gentle healing hand 
 has applied to it. I confess it 
 is somewhat sensible, because 
 it searches the wound, but it 
 afterwards applies a balm that 
 eases and lessens the pain. I 
 receive it as I ought, and shall 
 endeavour to profit by all your 
 consolations, by combating my 
 weakness with the strength of 
 your reasons, which are dic- 
 tated to you not only by that 
 Christian philosophy whereof 
 you make profession, but by 
 that sincere friendship where- 
 with you are pleased to honour 
 me. I most humbly intreat 
 you to be persuaded that I per- 
 fectly return your kindness, 
 and am impatient for an occa- 
 sion to give you proofs of it, 
 which as I hope I shall find 
 when we have the happiness 
 to enjoy you, so I desire with 
 passion to see you here, to let 
 you judge of the intention of 
 this State to preserve faithfully 
 the alliance that the King of 
 Great Britain has pleased to 
 make with it, but more parti- 
 cularly, to let you judge of the 
 inclination I have to contribute 
 thereto all in my small power; 
 and to remain as long as I live, 
 Sir, your, &c. 
 
 Letters of Sir William Temple, 
 
 cceur qui parte, fy que vous 
 prenez veritablement part a mon 
 affliction ; dont je voi que vaus 
 savez la grandeur puisque vous 
 savez celle de la perte inestima- 
 ble que faijaite: fy j'ose dire 
 que s'il y a un remede capable 
 de Jermer la playe, c'est sans 
 doute celui qui y applique la 
 main benigne Sf salutaire que 
 vous me pretez : elle se Jait 
 sentir, je Vavoue, parce qu'elle 
 sonde la playe, mais elle y ap- 
 plique ensuite un baume qui la 
 doucit fy qui en soulage la dou- 
 leur. Je le recoi commeje dois, 
 fy tdcherai de Jaire mon profit 
 de toutes vos consolations, en 
 combatant une Jbiblesse avec la 
 force de vos raisons, que vous 
 dicte non seidement la philoso- 
 phic Chretienne, dont vousfoites 
 profession, mais aussi la tres sin- 
 cere amitie, dont. it vous plait 
 m'honorer. Je vous supplie tres 
 humblement d'etre persuade que 
 fy reponds parfaitement , que je 
 suis dans l* impatience de vous 
 en pouvoir donner des preuves ; 
 fy que comme Jespere que fen 
 trouverai les occasiotis, lorsque 
 nous aurons Vavantage de vous 
 posseder, je desire avec passion 
 de vous voir id, pour vous Jaire 
 juge de Vintention de I'Etat H 
 entretenir fidellement V alliance 
 qu'il a plu au Roi de la Grande 
 Bret agne Jaire avec lui ; mais 
 bien plus particulierement de 
 V 'inclination que fai ay contri- 
 bu'e'r tout ce qui est de mon petit 
 pouvoir, fy a demeurer tani que 
 je vivrai, Monsieur, voire tres 
 ajfectionne fy tres humble ser- 
 tiiteur.
 
 and other Ministers of State. 495 
 
 From the Lord Keeper Bridgeman, 
 
 Sir, July 26, 1666. 
 
 I received yours yesterday morning after you 
 were gone hence ; and am afraid the letter which 
 I sent you from Mr. Williamson, might come un- 
 seasonably to discompose you : it not being so in- 
 tended by me ; nor I believe the message from the 
 King to be otherwise intended than out of kind- 
 ness and respect to you to hasten you away ; that 
 you might know how important he held your ne- 
 gociations might be for his service at this critical 
 time. And therefore I should be glad that you 
 would take this by the right handle. 
 
 I had a letter this night from Sir Thomas Clif- 
 ford ; who writes, that they in the Treasury have 
 a great desire to accommodate you : and though it 
 be not in the privy seal, that you shall have three 
 months advance besides the 1000/. yet they will 
 be careful that you receive the money as it is due. 
 The draught of the instructions are sent away to 
 my Lord Arlington, and expected back on Tues- 
 day night, and the foreign committee appointed 
 to sit on Wednesday to dispatch them. Really, 
 Sir, I do not think that there is any intention in 
 pressing your departure for Holland, but just and 
 honourable towards you, and with respect to the 
 greatness of the employment and the urgency of 
 the King's affairs at this time to have you at the 
 Hague : and (if you will take my opinion) I would 
 not have you take other measures of it, even for 
 your own sake. In the mean time, while you do 
 stay, you may press on the business of your ac- 
 count, though 1 should not advise you to retard 
 your journey upon that score. It may be as well 
 pressed on by your Lady if she do not accompany
 
 496 Letters of Sir Willia?n Temple. 
 
 you, or else by your solicitors (among whom I will 
 be one), who, if any obstructions be, may write 
 to you to remove them : but you will find the 
 Vice-Chamberlain dilatory, and then your stay at 
 last upon this new business (for so I may call it) 
 may beget a misconstruction. You will pardon the 
 freedom I take in imparting my own thoughts to 
 you in this case. 
 
 I wish you and my Lady (to whom I recom- 
 mend my humble service) a happy journey and all 
 other felicities, as I wish to myself, who am ever 
 your faithful and very affectionate servant. 
 
 END OF VOL. I. 
 
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