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ii3lach'ci School iiiicitciro 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY ILLUSTRATED 
 FROM ORIGINAL SOURCES 
 
VOLUMES IN THIS SERIES, 
 
 1215-1307. — W. J. CoRBETT, Fellow and Lecturer, King's 
 College, Cambridge. {In preparation. 
 
 1307-1399. — N. L. Frazer, B.A. , late Scholar, Corpus Christi 
 College, Cambridge ; Assistant Master in 
 Cardiff Intermediate School for Bovs. 
 
 1399-1485. — MissF. H. Durham, sometirhe Scholar of Girton 
 College, Cambridge ; Alexander Medallist, 
 Royal Historical Society. {In preparation. 
 
 1558-1603. — H. J. Cunningham, Balliol College, Oxford. 
 
 {hi preparation. 
 
 1660-1715. — Rev. J. Neville Figgis, Rector of Marnhull ; 
 formerly Lecturer in St. Catharine's College, 
 and Birkbeck Lecturer in Trinity College, 
 Cambridge. 
 
 Other Volumes to folloiv. 
 
• ENGLISH HISTORY- 
 ILLUSTRATED 
 ROM ORIGINAL SOURCES ' 
 
 General Editor— GY.OKQ'^ TOWNSEND WARNER, M.A. 
 
 SOMETIME KELI.OW OF JESUS COLLEGE, CAMbRIDGE 
 ASSISTANT MASTER IN HARROW SCHOOL 
 
 1660— 1715 
 
 BY 
 
 J. NEVILLE FIGGIS, M.A. ■ 
 
 RECTOR OF MARNHULL 
 
 FORMERLY LECTURER IN HISTORY IN S. CATHARINE'S COLLEGE, AND 
 
 BIRKBECIC LECTURERiN-^^I^JJY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE 
 
 WITH IL L US TRA TIONS 
 
 LONDON 
 ADAM AND CHARLES BLACK 
 
 1902 
 

 
 PRINTED BY 
 
 BIILING AND SONS, LIMITED, 
 
 Gl'ILDFORD 
 
 X 
 
 % 
 
/ 
 
 TO 
 
 MY FATHER 
 
 IN RECOLLECTION OF EARLY READINGS IN 
 MACAULAY 
 
 109981 
 
EDITOR'S PREFACE 
 
 The task of teaching history to the middle and 
 upper forms of schools presents many difficulties. 
 Even when the best text-book has been mastered, 
 there is something wanting, for the highest value 
 of history as an educational subject lies not in the 
 exercise of the memory only, but in the training 
 of the reasoning power. Every teacher of history 
 knows three degrees of interest which boys take : 
 first and least, in that which they read in a book ; 
 secondly, in what they are told by way of supplement 
 to the book ; third, and best of all, in what they 
 infer for themselves. History should not merely be 
 learnt, but understood ; and the smallest efforts of 
 the pupil towards tracing causes and effects for 
 himself and drawing inferences from the facts which 
 he learns are worth more than the most glib repeti- 
 tion of observations cut and dried in the text-book. 
 
 The series of which this volume forms a part is 
 framed on a new plan. It is made up of extracts 
 from writers either strictly contemporary or else who 
 
viii ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 lived so near the period which they describe that' 
 they can be regarded as first-hand authorities. The' 
 extracts have been chosen, not with a view of dis- • 
 cussing knotty historical points, but to make clear, 
 and vivid the great events. By reading them a boy - 
 will have before him a view of the time as some of, 
 the men of the time saw it. Finally, to supplement 
 the historians, extracts are given from political songs 
 and verse, and in some cases from the writings of 
 poets who though not contemporary, yet illustrate 
 the historical events they describe. 
 
 X'olumes of this kind must be a useful supplement 
 to any text-book, which, however good it is, is bound 
 by its very nature to fail in giving the historical and 
 literary atmosphere of the times, and further is often 
 hindered by its limits of space from giving any but 
 the briefest description of events. To all teachers 
 who wish to go beyond the text-book, this series will ( 
 be a valuable storehouse of illustration. Advanced ,. 
 students, from whom nowadays some knowledge of j 
 contemporary authorities is expected, will find these 
 volumes spare them much trouble by collecting for 
 them a mass of information which otherwise they 
 would have to seek among a multitude of books. 
 Finally, those to whom chroniclers' Latin and 
 medieval French are a stumbling-block will welcome 
 the translations here offered. I 
 
 But it is confidently hoped that these volumes' 
 will have a use beyond being a mere supplement I 
 
editor's preface ix 
 
 for the teacher and the advanced student. They 
 have b^en designed principally to serve as text- 
 books, or rather to supply the plaQe of text-books, 
 in the hands of a class. 
 
 The extracts have been so chosen as to give an 
 account of all the principal events in the period 
 covered, either in their chronological order or in 
 their logical connection. An analysis of the period 
 is given at the end of each volume, to be a guide 
 to the reader and to refresh his memory. Some 
 additional information is offered in notes, though 
 this is done sparingly, since it should be the work 
 of the teacher to supply the explanations that are 
 needed. Further, where archaic English would pre- 
 sent any serious difficulty, the spelling, and in some 
 cases the diction of the authorities, has been simplified. 
 
 It is true that the use of these books may demand 
 from the teacher more careful preparation of his 
 history lesson than has sometimes been given in 
 the past. But the old way of asking cut-and-dried 
 questions out of the text-book and getting cut-and- 
 dried answers is being fast discarded as unsatisfactory : 
 there are few teachers who would grudge trouble if 
 their work were to produce better results. And it 
 is certain that infinitely better results are got from 
 teaching that is largely explanation by word of 
 mouth than from mere reading and questioning on 
 a text-book, since the pupils are thus trained to 
 think for themselves instead of having their thinking 
 
 
X ENGLISH 11 [STORY 
 
 done for them. Understanding is a far more 
 attractive process than merely learning. A multi- 
 tude of disconnected facts is merely a burden to the 
 memory ; on the other hand, the mind is strengthened 
 by the practice of drawing inferences, and putting 
 together cause and effect. These volumes are meant 
 to encourage the reasoning powers as well as the 
 memory. 
 
 Two other features in the series remain for notice. 
 Each volume is accompanied by notices of the 
 writers from whom extracts are taken, and also by 
 a set of bibliographical notes on the most useful 
 authorities, modern as well as contemporary, so that 
 the student has before him information for a more 
 complete investigation of any point. And further, 
 while to the volumes are assigned such limits as are 
 commonly chosen for periods of our history, each 
 volume is divisible into two parts, either of which 
 can be supplied separately, so that the series can be 
 adapted for the study of shorter periods which are 
 sometimes required for examination. 
 
 G. T. W. 
 
AUTHOR'S PREFACE 
 
 In dealing with this period the mass of authorities 
 is so great that the task of selection grows almost 
 impossible. In deference to the Editor, I have 
 omitted much that interests me, and in deference to 
 the reader I have inserted much that does not. I 
 have endeavoured to bear in mind the object of the 
 book, and to get together a series of extracts which 
 shall form a stimulus to school-boys, rather than a 
 storehouse for scholars. Consequently, comparatively 
 unimportant passages are put in, largely by way of 
 explanation, for the reader cannot be supposed to 
 know beforehand the story of events here related. 
 On account of space, it was impossible to give illus- 
 trations of all the historical movements of the period 
 {e.g., the Non-Jurors and Irish and Scotch affairs) ; 
 but it seemed better to make such narratives as were 
 given sufficiently detailed to be interesting, than to 
 attempt the task of making the selection exhaustive 
 at the cost of rendering it unintelligible. Spelling 
 is throughout modernized, and asterisks are not 
 
xii ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 always inserted at omissions, with the view^ of 
 making the passages run more smoothly. The book 
 is one of contemporar\' illustrations, not a collection 
 of documents as evidence. Strictly contemporar}- 
 authorities are cited in italics ; accounts written 
 later in Roman type, with date — e.g., Pcpys ; 1728, 
 Carleton. 
 
 J. Neville Figgis. 
 
 . i 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PART I 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Editor's Preface -.-_-- vii 
 Author's Preface - - - - - ' xi 
 
 Introduction ------- xvii 
 
 The Restoration . . - - . - i 
 
 From the Declaration of Breda - - - - 2 
 
 The Restoration Settlement - - - - 5 
 
 Growth of Standing Army - - - - - 9 
 
 The Savoy Conference (1661) and the Act of Uniformity 
 
 (1662)- - - - - - - - n 
 
 The Plague - - - - - - - 15 
 
 The Fire of London - - - - - " 17 
 
 The First Dutch War - - - - - 21 
 
 The Peace of Breda - - - - - - 28 
 
 The Fall of Lord Chancellor Clarendon - - 30 
 
 The Triple Alliance - - - - - - 35 
 
 The Treaty of Dover (1670) - - - - - 39 
 
 The Second Dutch War (1672) - - - - 42 
 
 Toleration (1672) and the Test (1673) - - - 48 
 The Marriage of the Prince of Orange with the Princess 
 
 Mary (1677) - - - - " " -55 
 
 Fall of Danby (1678) — New Parliament (1679)— Habeas 
 
 Corpus (1679) - - - - - 57 
 
 The Popish Plot - - - - - - 62 
 
 Monmouth and the Covenanters - - - - 72 
 
 The Exclusion Bill (1679-81) - - - - 78 
 
XIV 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 Shaftesbury - - _ 
 
 Reaction - - _ . 
 
 The Rye House Plot - 
 Trial of Algernon Sidney 
 Sidney's Petition to the King 
 Death of the King 
 Character of Charles 
 Bibliography 
 Date Summary - 
 
 PA(",E 
 
 87 
 
 91 
 
 93 
 96 
 
 99 
 
 100 
 
 102 
 108 
 112 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 PART I 
 
 PAGE 
 
 "harles II. - - - - - - - 6 
 
 Iavoy Palace : from the Thames - - - - 12 
 
 )ld St. Paul's - - - - . _ _ ig 
 
 'ePYS --------24 
 
 LARL OF Clarendon - - - - - - 32 
 
 »IR William Temple - - - - - - 36 
 
 Iexrietta, Duchess of Orleans, and her Children - 40 
 
 )uke of Buckingham - - - - - - 49 
 
 )uke of Monmouth - - - - - - 74 
 
 ntony Ashley Cooper, First Earl of Shaftesbury - 88 
 
 lgernon Sidney - - - - - - 96 
 
I 
 
PART I 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 The period covered by this volume is one of the most 
 mportant and not the least interesting in the history 
 )f the forces that have contributed to produce the 
 England of our day, and, indeed, the British Empire, 
 [ts interest lies, not so much in the fact that it is full 
 )f stirring events and attractive personalities, but that 
 t was essentially an age of transition. Every age is 
 :hat, of course ; but transition is more pre-eminently 
 he characteristic of some special periods, which 
 orm, as it were, the watershed between two differ- 
 ng civilizations and their mental characteristics. 
 \t the beginning of the reign of Charles II. we are 
 ,-et in the period of the religious wars. Politics is, 
 it least in appearance, but a secondary element in a 
 itruggle which is at bottom religious and ecclesi- 
 istical. The manners, the habits, the expressions, 
 he arguments, and modes of thought, of the age to 
 vhich * the reign of the saints ' had been a very un- 
 pleasant reality were alien from ours. We are still, 
 n fact, in the Reformation period, and so likewise 
 vas Europe until the Peace of Westphalia had 
 securely established a new order of things. In many 
 
xviii ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 ways the early seventeenth century is more remote 
 from us than are the Middle Ages, and harder to 
 understand. 
 
 The Restoration, although it took the forms of an 
 extravagant ecclesiastical loyalty and a yet more ex- 
 travagantly monarchical theory, was more than this. 
 It owed its original and widespread success, not merely 
 to that devotion to the defeated which was always the 
 surest support of the Stuarts, but to its being a protest 
 on behalf of the modern spirit against a rule which 
 alike in method and fundamental idea was more 
 medieval than the Middle Ages without a like excuse. 
 Charles II. differs from his father, not only in being 
 shrewd and successful, but in being modern. The 
 reaction which brought him in did not last long. 
 The failures of administration, the losses of the 
 Dutch War, soon brought unpopularity upon the 
 Clarendon Government, for such it was ; and the 
 Parliament, more Royalist than the King and mor^ 
 Episcopalian than the Bishops, had done much td 
 assist Charles in violating his promises by proxy.. 
 and rewarding the party which had restored hirr 
 with deprivation and proscription. But even this 
 party revolted against the polic}* of the Chancellor, 
 and he fell. Charles, whose leanings were al 
 towards Roman Catholicism, ere long made thai 
 arrangement with Louis XI\\ which he was toe 
 modern a politician to carry out upon finding itf 
 impracticability. The Declaration of Indulgena 
 awoke the feverish panic, always latent in England 
 against Rome, united for a time Church and Dissent 
 broke up the Cabal Ministry, owing to the uncom' 
 promising Protestantism of Shaftesbury, and ruineci 
 
INTRODUCTION xix 
 
 the religious aspirations of Louis and Charles. I^ut, 
 after all, these were of slight importance compared 
 to the connection between the cousins which enabled 
 the French King to make successful war upon the 
 Dutch, and even after the treaties of Nimeguen to 
 seize in peace more than he had gained in war. But 
 the fears of France and Popery awakened by the 
 Treaty of Dover were not set at rest till the Revo- 
 lution. Danby, who was the successor of the Cabal, 
 fell a victim to private spite and anti-French feeling; 
 and the popular incapacity for estimating evidence 
 had an interesting illustration in the so-called Popish 
 Plot. Manipulated by the first of modern party 
 politicians, this panic was like to have been the ruin 
 of the monarchy but for the coolness of Charles and 
 the prevision of Halifax. The Exclusion Bill, 
 plausible though it seemed on paper, was not merely 
 revolutionary in intention, but was well known to be 
 practically only an instrument of turning Shaftesbury 
 into the Mayor of the Palace of Monmouth. It was 
 the perception of this fact, together with the im- 
 possibility of maintaining the excitement about the 
 plot, that enabled Halifax to effect a change in 
 general opinion, and Charles, with the help of 
 French gold, to snatch a victory from the very jaws 
 of defeat. But it is to be observed that the success 
 of Charles is due to his being the very opposite of 
 his father — matter-of-fact, shrewd, opportunist, not 
 altogether without ideals, but determined never to 
 let his principles interfere with his interests. 
 
 With the dissolution of the Parliament at Oxford 
 the interest of the reign comes to a close, and we 
 hasten on the wings of reaction towards the dcnouc- 
 
XX ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 ment of 1688. With corporations regulated, the 
 country quiescent, and the Whigs crushed by the 
 convenient expedient of the Rye House Plot, all 
 seemed favourable to a royal autocracy ; and such, 
 indeed, existed for the remainder of this reign. 
 The reign as a whole is to be remembered, for many 
 of its results were permanent. The fact of the 
 Restoration, the definite beginnings of political 
 parties, the establishment of the Cabinet Council, on 
 the one hand the failure of the Church of England, 
 in spite of the barbarous Clarendon Code, to extir- 
 pate Dissent, on the other the definitive adoption 
 of Episcopal government and the Prayer- Book, the 
 outcry awakened by the Declarations of Indulgence, 
 and by any form of irresponsible government, as 
 shown by the unpopularity of Clarendon and the 
 impeachment of Danby — all seemed to point to 
 the fact that England had definitely made up its 
 mind on many points : a limited monarchy, con- 
 trolled by law and criticised by Parliament ; an 
 Established Episcopal Church, with non-episcopal 
 bodies permitted, and shortly to be tolerated ; the 
 divisions of secular and religious ideas expressing 
 themselves in two opposing political parties ; and a 
 resolute refusal to entertain the notion of an accom- 
 modation with the Papacy, and, indeed, an un- 
 reasoning and unjustifiable prejudice against Roman 
 Catholics (illustrated in the Popish Plot). This 
 would have afforded a hint not to be disregarded 
 by any man only a little less foolish than Charles's 
 successor. 
 
i! 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 FROM ORIGINAL SOURCES 
 
 1660 — 1 7 15 
 
 The Restoration. 
 
 1660. Evelyn's Diary. 
 
 February 3. — General Monk came now to London 
 out of Scotland, but no man knew what he would 
 do or declare, yet he was met on all his way by the 
 gentlemen of all the counties which he passed, with 
 petitions that he would recall the old long-interrupted 
 Parliament, and settle the nation in some order, being 
 at this time in most prodigious confusion, and under 
 no government, everybody expecting what would be 
 next and what he would do. 
 
 February 10. — Now were the gates of the city 
 broken down by General Monk, which exceedingly ex- 
 asperated the city, the soldiers marching up and down, 
 as triumphing over it, and all the old army of the 
 fanatics put out of their posts and sent out of town. 
 
 February 11. — 'A signal day. Monk, perceiving how 
 infamous and wretched a pack of knaves would have 
 still usurped the supreme power, and having intelli- 
 gence that they intended to take away his commission, 
 repenting of what he had done to the city, marches 
 to Whitehall, dissipates that nest of robbers, and 
 convenes the old Parliament, the Rump Parliament 
 
 I 
 
2 ENGLISH IIISTORV [1660 
 
 being dissolved, and for joy whereof were many 
 thousands of rumps roasted pubHcly in the streets 
 at the bonfires this night with ringing of bells and 
 universal jubilee. 
 
 From the Declaration of Breda. 
 
 1660. Common^ s Journals^ viii. 5, 
 
 To the end that the fear of punishment may not 
 engage any, conscious to themselves of what is past, 
 to a perseverance in guilt for the future, by opposing 
 the quiet and happiness of their country, in the 
 restoration of King, Peers, and people to their just, 
 ancient, and fundamental rights, we do declare, that 
 we do grant a free and general pardon, which we are 
 ready, upon demand, to pass under our Great Seal 
 of England to all our subjects, of what degree or 
 quality soever, who, within forty days after the ' 
 . publishing hereof, shall lay hold upon this our grace 
 and favour, and shall, by any public act, declare 
 their doing so, and that they return to the loyalty 
 and obedience of good subjects ; excepting only such 
 persons as shall hereafter be excepted by Parliament, 
 those only to be excepted. 
 
 And because the passion and uncharitableness of 
 the times have produced several opinions in religion, 
 by which men are engaged in parties and animosities 
 against each other (which when they shall hereafter 
 unite in a freedom of conversation, will be composed 
 or better understood), we do declare a liberty to 
 tender consciences, and that no man shall be dis- 
 quieted or called in question for differences of 
 opinion in matter of religion, which do not disturb 
 
[ir 
 
 nany 
 
 reets 
 
 1660] FROM THE DECLARATION OF BREDA 
 
 past, 
 osing 
 I the 
 
 that 
 eare 
 Seal 
 eeor 
 the 
 grace 
 iclare 
 lyalty 
 such 
 nent, 
 
 the peace of the kingdom; and that we shall be 
 ready tg consent to such an Act of Parliament, as 
 upon mature deliberation, shall be offered to us' for 
 the full granting that indulgence. 
 
 And because, in the continued distractions of so 
 many years, and so many and great revolutions 
 many grants and purchases of estates have been 
 made to and by many officers, soldiers and others 
 who are now possessed of the same, and who may 
 be liable to actions at law upon several titles, we are 
 hkewise willing that all such differences, and all 
 things relating to such grants, sales and purchases, 
 shall be determined in Parliament, which can best 
 provide for the just satisfaction of all men who are 
 concerned. 
 
 And we do further declare, that we will be ready 
 to consent to any Act or Acts of Parliament to the 
 purposes aforesaid, and for the full satisfaction of all 
 arrears due to the officers and soldiers of the army 
 under the command of General Monk; and that 
 they shall be received into our service upon as good 
 pay and conditions as they now enjoy. 
 
 ;5S 
 
 o( 
 
 iglOD, 
 
 isities 
 
 eafter 
 
 ^osed 
 
 tvto 
 
 /di 
 
 es 
 
 isturl 
 
 Pepjys' Diary. 
 May 2. — The House, upon reading the letter 
 ordered ;f 50,000 to be forthwith provided to send to 
 His Majesty for his present supply ; and a committee 
 chosen to return an answer of thanks to His Majesty 
 ;lor his gracious letter ; and that the letter be kept 
 imong the records of the Parliament ; and in all 
 this not so much as one No. The City of London 
 W put out a Declaration, wherein thev do dis- 
 claim their owning any other government^ but that 
 
 I — 2 
 
4 ENGLISH HISTORY [166O 
 
 of a King, Lords, and Commons. Thanks was 
 given by the House to Sir John Greenville, one of 
 the bedchamber to the King, who brought the letter, 
 and they continued bare all the time it was reading. 
 Upon notice from the Lords to the Commons, of 
 their desire that the Commons would join with them 
 in their vote for King, Lords, and Commons ; the 
 Commons did concur, and voted that all books 
 whatever that are out against the government of 
 King, Lords, and Commons, should be brought into 
 the House and burned. Great joy all yesterday at 
 London, and at night more bonfires than ever, and 
 ringing of bells, and drinking of the King's health 
 upon their knees in the streets, which methinks is a 
 little too much. But everybody seems to be very 
 joyful in the business, insomuch that our sea- 
 commanders now begin to say so too, which a week 
 ago they would not do. And our seamen, as many 
 as had money or credit for drink, did do nothing 
 
 else this evening. 
 
 Evelyn's Diary. 
 
 May 29. — This day His Majesty Charles II. came 
 to London after a sad and long exile and calamitous 
 suffering both of the King and Church, being 17 
 years. This was also his birthday, and with a 
 triumph of above 20,000 horse and foot brandishing 
 their swords and shouting with inexpressible joy; 
 the ways strewed with flowers, the bells ringing, the 
 streets hung with tapestry, fountains running with 
 wine ; the Ma}or, x\ldermen, and all the Companies 
 in their li\eries, chains of gold, and banners; 
 Lords and Nobles clad in cloth of silver, gold, and 
 velvet, the windows and balconies well set with 
 
IGGO] THE RESTORATION SETTLEMENT 5 
 
 ladies ; trumpets, music, and m}riads of people 
 flocking even so far as from Rochester, so as they 
 were seven hours in passing the Cit}-, even from 2 in 
 the afternoon till g in the night. 
 
 I stood in the Strand and beheld it and blessed 
 God. And all this was done without one drop of 
 blood shed, and by that very army w^hich rebelled 
 against him ; but it was the Lord's doing, for such 
 a Restoration was never mentioned in any history, 
 ancient or modern, since the return of the Jews from 
 the Babylonish captivity; nor so joyful a day and so 
 bright ever seen in this nation, this happening when 
 to expect or to effect it was past all human policy. 
 
 The Restoration Settlement. 
 
 1660. Pepys' Dia7y. 
 
 May 21. — At Court I find that all things grow 
 high. The old clergy talk as being sure of their 
 lands again, and laugh at the Presbytery ; and 
 it is believed that the sales of the King's and 
 
 7 Bishops' lands will never be confirmed b}- Parlia- 
 ment, there being nothing now in any man's power 
 to hinder them and the King from doing what they 
 had a mind, but everybody willing to submit to 
 anything. 
 
 June 7. — At night walked up and down with Mr. 
 Moore, who did give me an account of all things at 
 
 8 London. Among others, how the Presbyterians 
 would be angry if they durst, but they will not be 
 able to do anything. 
 
 June 18. — This day they made an end of the twenty 
 men to be excepted from pardon to their estates. 
 
 ^ 
 
ENGLISH IIISTOKV 
 
 [1660 
 
 October 
 
 13 
 
 -I went out to Charino^ Cross to see 
 
 Major-General Harrison hanged, drawn, and quar- 
 tered, which was done there, he looking as cheerful 
 as any man could do in that condition. He was 
 presently cut down, and his head and heart shown 
 to the people, at which there was great shouts of 
 
 joy. Thus it was my chance to see the King be- 
 headed at Whitehall, and to see the first blood shed 
 in revenge for the King at Charing Cross. 
 
 October 20. — This afternoon I saw limbs of som( 
 
 11 of our new traitors set upon Aldersgate, which was 
 
 sad sight to see ; and a blood}' week this and the 
 
[m 
 
 see 
 |uar- 
 erful 
 
 16C0] THE RESTORATION SETTLEMENT 
 
 last have been, there being ten hanged, drawn, and 
 quartered. 
 
 December 4. — This day the Parhament voted that 
 the bodies of OHver, Ireton, Bradshaw, etc., should 
 jwuj be taken up out of their graves in the Abbey, and 
 drawn to the gallows, and there hanged and buried 
 1^^ under it ; which (methinks) do trouble me, that a 
 man of so great courage as he was, should have that 
 dishonour, though otherwise he might deserve it 
 
 ■ 
 
 enough. 
 
 Before 1705. Burnet, ' History of His Own 
 
 Times,' i. 159, 160. 
 
 'I 
 
 shed' 
 
 some 
 was a 
 dthc 
 
 If the King had applied himself to business, and 
 had pursued those designs which he studied to re- 
 trieve all the rest of his reign, when it was too late, 
 he had probably in those first transports carried 
 everything that he could have desired either as to 
 revenue or power. But he was so given up to 
 pleasure that he devolv^ed the management of all his 
 affairs on the Earl of Clarendon, who, as he had his 
 breeding in the law, so he had all along declared 
 himself for the ancient liberties of England as well 
 13 as for the rights of the Crown. He resolved not to 
 stretch the prerogative beyond what it was before 
 the wars, and would neither set aside the Petition 
 of Right nor endeavour to raise the Courts of the 
 Star Chamber or the High Commission again, which 
 could easily have been done if he had set about it. 
 He took care, indeed, to have the things that were 
 extorted by the Long Parliament from King 
 Charles 1. to be repealed. And since the dispute 
 of the power of the militia was the most important 
 and the most insisted on, he was very earnest to 
 
8 ENGLISH HISTORY [I66O 
 
 have that clearly determined for the future. But as 
 to all the acts relating to property or the just limita- 
 tion of the prerogative, such as the matter of the 
 ship-monev, the tonnage and poundage, and the 
 Habeas Corpus Act, he did not touch on these. 
 And as for the standing revenue, ;£'i, 200,000 a jear 
 was all that he asked ; and though it was much 
 more than any of our Kings had formerly, yet it was 
 readily granted. This was to answer all the ordinary 
 expense of the Government. It was believed that 
 if two millions had been asked he could have carried 
 it. rUit he had no mind to put the King out of the 
 necessity of having recourse to his Parliament. 
 The King came afterwards to believe that he could 
 have raised both his authorit}' and revenue much 
 higher, but that he had no mind to carry it farther 
 
 or to trust him too much. 
 
 Ibid., i. 164. 
 
 The Act of Indemnity passed with very few 
 exceptions, at which the Cavaliers were highly 
 dissatisfied. In the disposal of offices and places, 
 there was little regard had to men's merits or 
 services. The King was determined to most of 
 these by the cabal that met at Mistress Palmer's 
 lodgings. And though the Earl of Clarendon did 
 often prevail with the King to alter the resolutions 
 taken there, yet he was forced to let a great deal go 
 that he did not like. He would never make applica- 
 tions to Mistress Palmer, nor let anything pass the 
 seal in which she was named, as the Earl of 
 Southampton would never suffer her name to be 
 in the Treasury books. These virtuous Ministers 
 thought it became them to let the world see that 
 
 I 
 
1660] THE RESTORATION SETTLEMENT 9 
 
 they did not compl}- with the King in his vices. Rut 
 whether the Earl of Clarendon spoke so freely to the 
 King about his course of life, as was given out, I 
 cannot tell. When the Cavaliers saw they had not 
 that share in places they expected, they complained 
 of it so highly that the Earl of Clarendon, to excuse 
 the King passing them by, was apt to beat down the 
 value they set on their services. This laid the founda- 
 tion of an implacable hatred in many of them, that 
 was completed by the extent and comprehensiveness 
 of the Act of Indemnity. . . . When the new Parlia- 
 ment was called a year after, in which there was a 
 design to set aside the Act of Indemnity, the King 
 did positively insist on his adhering to the Act. The 
 Earl of Clarendon owned it was his counsel. Acts or 
 promises of indemnity, he thought, ought to be held 
 sacred. He often said, it was the making of those 
 promises had brought the King home, and it was 
 the keeping of them must keep him at home. The 
 angry men that were thus disappointed of all their 
 hopes, made a jest of the title of it, An Act of 
 oblivion and of indemnity ; and said the King had 
 passed an Act of oblivion for his friends and of 
 indemnity for his enemies. 
 
 Growth of Standing Army. 
 
 lica- 
 
 the I 
 1 of 
 
 1660. 1744. Ralph's 'History of England,' i. 34, 35. 
 
 Advantage was likewise taken b}^ some of the 
 Court sycophants of this incident [Venner's insur- 
 rection] to propose that a number of standing forces 
 that should be continued to preserve the King's person 
 
10 
 
 ENGLISH IIISTORV [I66O 
 
 and quell any sudden tumults ; but the ill effects of 
 this beinf^ too apparent, we are told the Chancellor 
 influenced the King to lay aside an}' such design ; or, 
 rather, he was forced to connive at the foundation, 
 though he made a shift to put off the immediate 
 raising of the edifice : for when Monk's regiment of 
 foot were disbanded according to Act of Parliament, 
 they were taken into His Majesty's pay, as was like-, 
 wise a regiment of horse by way of an extraordinary 1 
 guard. And here we have the root of our present 
 standing army, the Kings of England till then having 
 had no other guards than the affections of theirj 
 people. 
 
 Chamberlayn, ' AnglicT Xotitia,' 
 p. 209, ed. 1673. 
 
 Belonging peculiarh' to the King's Court (besidej 
 above 4,000 foot and above 500 horse who are! 
 always in pa}' and readiness to assist upon any 
 occasion) there are guards of horse and foot. The/ 
 ,_ Horse Guard — which the French call Garde du corps, 
 
 Id . 
 
 the Germans Lich-Guardz, we corruptly Life Guard, 
 that is, the guard of the King's body — hath consisted 
 of 500 horsemen, all or most gentlemen and old 
 officers, commanded by the Captain of the Guard, 
 now [1673] James, Duke of Monmouth, whose pay 
 is 30s. a day, and each horseman 4s. a day. 
 
 I 
 
 I/u(/.^ p. 218, ed. 1702. j 
 
 Besides His Majesty's Guards aforementioned o:| 
 ^_ horse, there are two regiments of footguards, the' 
 one consisting of twenty-eight companies, the seconc 
 called the Coldstream Guards. 
 
ol 
 
 '% 
 lion, 
 
 iiai! 
 
 nt 
 
 1661] THE SAVOY CONFERENCE il 
 
 The Savoy Conference (i66i) and the Act 
 OF Uniformity (1662). 
 
 Before 1705. Burnet, ' History of His Own 
 
 Times/ i. 178-185. 
 
 The first point in debate was whether concessions 
 should be made and pains taken to gain the Dis- 
 senters or not, especial!}' the Presbyterians. The 
 '^^^I Earl of Clarendon was much for it, and got the King 
 to publish a declaration soon after his Restoration 
 concerning ecclesiastical affairs, to which, if he had 
 stood, very probably the greatest part of them might 
 have been gained. But the Bishops did not approve 
 of this. . . . The jo}' then spread through the nation 
 
 ;5eiit 
 
 [V 
 
 then 
 
 Til 
 
 tia; 
 
 had got at this time a new Parliament to be elected 
 ^idg of men so high and hot, that unless the Court had re- 
 ) jfi strained them, they would have carried things much 
 farther than they did. But they were not to expect 
 such success at all times. Therefore they thought it 
 was necessary to make sure work at this time. And 
 nstead of using methods to bring in the sectaries 
 ;i5(j they resolved rather to seek the most effectual ones 
 d q1 for casting them out. This took with the King. 
 Yet he was in another and deeper design, to which 
 the heat of these men proved subservient, for bringing 
 in of Popery. It was thought a toleration was the 
 only method for setting it agoing all the nation over. 
 And nothing could make a toleration for Popery 
 pass, but the having great bodies of men put out of 
 the Church and put under severe laws, which should 
 force them to move for a toleration, and should make 
 it reasonable to grant it to them. And it was resolved 
 that whatever should be granted of that sort should 
 
 luari 
 ;e 
 
 ned 
 Is.t 
 seco 
 
^i 
 
 er 
 
 ''""II 1' 
 I '/'id I 
 
 m 
 ■A 
 
 < 
 
 W 
 
 H 
 
 <^ 
 O 
 
 < 
 
 o 
 > 
 
 < 
 
166l] THE SAVOY CONFERENCE 13 
 
 I . • 
 
 'go in so large a manner that Papists should be com- 
 
 Iprehended within it. 
 
 So after the declaration was set out, a Commission 
 
 I was granted to twelve of a side, with nine assistants 
 
 to each side, who were appointed to meet at the 
 
 Savoy and to consider on the ways of uniting both 
 
 .| sides. . . . All the whole matter was at last re- 
 
 ilduced to one single point — whether it was lawful to 
 
 'determine the certain use of things indifferent in the 
 
 'worship of God. The Bishops held them to that 
 
 ' point, and pressed them to show that any of the 
 
 ' things imposed were of themselves unlawful. The 
 
 Presbyterians declined this; but affirmed that other 
 
 * circumstances might make it unlawful to settle a 
 
 peremptory law about things indifferent, which they 
 
 . applied chiefly to kneeling in the Sacrament. . . . 
 
 The Conference broke up without doing any good. 
 
 It did rather hurt, and heightened the sharpness that 
 
 u was then on people's minds. The Presbyterians 
 
 laid their complaints before the King. But little 
 
 regard was had to them. And now all the concern 
 
 that seemed to employ the Bishops' thoughts was, 
 
 not only to make no alteration on their account, but 
 
 to make the terms of conformity much stricter than 
 
 before the war. So it was resolved to maintain 
 
 conformity to the height, and to oblige all persons to 
 
 subscribe an unfeigned assent and consent to all and 
 
 every particular contained in the Book of Common 
 
 Prayer. Another subscription was enacted with 
 
 reference to the League and Covenant ; by which they 
 
 re required to declare it unlawful upon any pre- 
 
 tencbsAvhat soever to take arms against the King. 
 Anothe'h.Doint was tixed by the Act of Uniformity, 
 
 \ 
 
14 ENGLISH HISTORY [l662 
 
 which was more at large formerly. Those who came 
 to England from the foreign Churches had not been '■ 
 required to be ordained among us, but now all that i 
 had not episcopal ordination were made incapable of , 
 holding any ecclesiastical benefice. Some few altera- ' 
 tions were made in the Liturgy by the Bishops them- • 
 selves. But care was taken that nothing should be 
 altered, so as it had been moved by the Presbyterians ; 
 for it was resolved to gratify them in nothing. The 
 Act passed by no great majority. And by it all who 
 did not conform to the Liturgy by the 24th of x\ugust, 
 1662, were deprived of all ecclesiastical benefices 
 without leaving any discretional power with the) 
 King in the execution of it, and without making | 
 provision for the maintenance of those who should 
 be deprived ; a severity neither practised by Queen 
 Elizabeth in the enacting her Liturgy, nor by Crom- 
 well in ejecting the Royalists, in both which a fifth 
 part of the benefice was reserved for their sub- 
 sistence. St. Bartholomew's Day was pitched on, 
 that if they were then deprived they should lose 
 the profits of the whole year, since the latter are 
 commonly due at Michaelmas. Reynolds accepted 
 of the bishopric of Norwich. But Calamy and Baxter 
 refused the sees of Lichfield and Hereford. About 
 two thousand of them fell under the Parliamentary 
 deprivation, as they gave out. The nimibers have 
 been much controverted. The blame of all this fell 
 heaviest on Sheldon. The Earl of Clarendon was 
 charged with his having entertained the Presbyterians 
 with hopes and good words, while he was all the 
 while carrying or at least giving way to the Bishops' 
 project. 
 
1665] THE PLAGUE 15 
 
 cam 
 bei 
 th; 
 ble 
 Iter; 
 :liei 
 idi 
 
 1662. Pcpys Diary. 
 
 December 24. — He [Lord Crewe] pities the poor 
 ministers that are put out to whom he says the 
 King is beholden for his coming in, and that if any 
 uch thine: had been foreseen he had never come in. 
 
 W 
 ;\vli 
 
 ikio 
 loul 
 
 )uee 
 
 iitai 
 hai 
 5 
 
 The Plague. 
 
 1665. Pepy^ Diary. 
 
 June 10. — My great trouble, hear that the plague is 
 :ome into the City, though it hath, these three or 
 our weeks since its beginning, been wholly out of 
 he City. 
 
 June 29. — By water to Whitehall, where the court 
 ull of waggons and people ready to go out of the 
 own. This end of the town every day grows very 
 ad of the plague. The Mortality Bill is come to 
 167, which is about ninety more than the last ; and 
 Jiil) »f these but four in the City, which is a great blessing 
 us. 
 
 August 12. — The people die so, that now it seems 
 
 hey are fain to carry the dead to be buried by day- 
 
 ipte ght, the nights not sufficing to do it in. And my 
 
 xtt ^ord Mayor commands people to be within at nine 
 
 ibou t night all, as they say, that the sick may have 
 
 berty to go abroad for air. 
 
 August 31. — This month ends with great sadness 
 pon the public, through the greatness of the plague 
 w3 verywhere through the kingdom almost. Every 
 rianjay sadder and sadder news of its increase. In the 
 ity died this week 7,496, and of them 6,102 of the 
 liop lague. But it is feared that the true number of the 
 ead this week is near 10,000 ; partly from the poor 
 
 IodIo 
 r ai 
 
i6 ENGLISH HISTORY [l66i] 
 
 that cannot be taken notice of, through the greatness 
 
 of the number, and partly from the Quakers anc 
 
 others that will not have any bell ring for them. 
 
 November 15. — The plague, blessed be God, i 
 
 24 decreased 400, making the whole this week bu 
 
 1,300 and odd, for which the Lord be praised ! 
 
 January 5, 1666. — Lord ! what staring to see i 
 
 nobleman's coach come to town ! And porters every 
 
 where bow to us ; and such begging of beggars 
 
 And delightful it is to see the town full of peopl( 
 
 again, and shops begin to open, though in mam 
 
 places seven or eight together, and more, all shut 
 
 but yet the town is full compared to what it use( 
 
 to be. 
 
 1722. Defoe, 'Journal of the Plague,' 
 
 6, 14, 166. 
 
 The richer sort of people, especially the'Uobilit 
 and gentry from the west part of the city, thronge* 
 out of town with their families and servants in ai 
 unusual manner. Nothing was to be seen bu 
 waggons and carts, with goods, women, servants 
 children, etc. ; coaches filled with people of th 
 better sort, and horsemen attending them, and a 
 hurrying away ; then empty waggons and cart 
 appeared, and spare horses with servants, who 
 was apparent were returning, or sent from th 
 country to fetch more people ; besides innumerabl 
 numbers of men on horseback, some alone, otheii 
 with servants, and, generally speaking, all loade 
 with baggage. 
 
 The face of London was now indeed strange) 
 altered. Sorrow and sadness sat upon every fac 
 and though some part were not yet overwhelme* 
 
 iitt 
 
 ne 
 
1GC6] THE FIRE OF LONDON 17 
 
 yet all looked deeply concerned ; and as we saw it 
 apparentl}' coming on, so everyone looked on himself 
 and his ' family as in the utmost danger. London 
 might well be said to be all in tears. The mourners 
 I did not go about the streets, indeed; for nobody put 
 on black or made a formal dress of mourning for their 
 nearest friends. But the voice of mourning was truly 
 heard in the streets ; the shrieks of women and 
 children at the windows and doors of their houses, 
 where their dearest relations were perhaps dying or 
 just dead, were so frequent to be heard as we passed 
 ^j^yjthe streets, that it was enough to pierce the stoutest 
 heart in the world to hear them. Tears and lamenta- 
 tions were seen in almost every house, especially in 
 the first part of the visitation ; for towards the latter 
 end, men's hearts were hardened, and Death w^as so 
 always before their eyes, that they did not so much 
 concern themselves for the loss of their friends, 
 ^lexpecting that themselves should be summoned at 
 
 ' Ithe next hour 
 
 n Di 
 
 rvant 
 
 see 
 
 ;ve! 
 ;gari 
 leoi 
 
 ; use 
 
 m: 
 
 ibilii 
 
 oftl 
 and J 
 1 cai 
 who 
 )iii t! 
 nieral 
 , otlii 
 loai 
 
 The Fire of London 
 
 trang) 
 ,liel< 
 
 1666. Pepys' Diary. 
 
 Septeinber 2, {Lord's Day). — Some of our maids 
 sitting up late last night to get things ready against 
 our feast to-day, Jane called us up about three in the 
 morning to tell us of a great fire they saw in the 
 City ; so I rose and slipped on my nightgown and 
 [went to her window, and thought it to be on the 
 back side of Mark Lane at the farthest ; but being 
 unused to such fires as followed, I thought it far 
 enough off, and so went to bed again and to sleep. 
 
 2 
 
1 8 ENGLISH HISTORY [I6O6 
 
 By-and-by Jane comes and tells me that she hears 
 that about three hundred houses have been burned 
 down to-ni.G:ht by the fire we saw, and that it is now 
 burning down all Fish Street, by London Bridge. 
 So I made myself ready presently, and walked to the 
 Tower, and there got up upon one of the high places, 
 and there I did see the houses at that end of the 
 bridge all on fire, and an infinite great fire on this 
 and the other side the end of the bridge, which, 
 among other people, did trouble me for poor little 
 Michell and our Sarah on the bridge. vSo down,; 
 with my heart full of trouble, to the Lieutenant of 
 the Tower, who tells me that it begun this morning 
 in the King's baker's house in Pudding Lane, and 
 that it hath burned down St. Magnus's Church and 
 most part of Fish Street already. So I down to the 
 water-side, and there got a boat, and through bridge, 
 and there saw a lamentable fire. Poor MichclTs 
 house, as far as the Old Swan, already burned that 
 wa\', and the fire running further, that, in a very 
 little time, it got as far as the Steele-Yard while I 
 was there. Everybody endeavouring to remove their 
 goods, and fiinging into the river, or bringing them 
 into lighters that lay off; poor people staying in their 
 houses as long as till the very fire touched them, and 
 then running into boats, or clambering from one pair 
 of stairs by the water-side to another. 
 
 Having stayed, and in an hour's time seen the fire 
 rage every way, and nobody, to my sight, endeavour- 
 ing to (juench it, but to remove their goods, and leave 
 all to the fire, and having seen it get as far as the 
 Steele- Yard, and the wind mighty high, and driving 
 it into the City : and ever}thing, after so long a, 
 
 Kinoes 
 
1666] 
 
 THE FIRE OF LONDON 
 
 19 
 
 drought, proving combustible, even the very stones 
 of churches ; I to Whitehall, and there up to the 
 
 ,1 I'l III ", i.i. ! 
 
 'i|' f'l! 
 
 iMililiii''''"" 
 
 
 -i ■mm 
 
 il: 
 
 i!.il.!!i iiili!l;i 
 
 
 ''■^'^^WiiMii^ 
 
 !l^ " ::|'i' 
 
 'f- ,1 'III 
 
 r .i! 
 
 
 C/2 
 
 < 
 a, 
 
 H 
 
 CO 
 
 Q 
 O 
 
 King's closet in the Chapel, where people came about 
 
 me, and I did give them an account dismayed them 
 
 11, and word was carried in to the King. So I was 
 
 2 — 2 
 
•M 
 
 20 ENGLISH HISTORY [I666 
 
 called for, and did tell the Kinj^ and Duke of York 
 what I saw, and that, unless His Majesty did command 
 houses to be pulled down, nothing could stop the fire. 
 They seemed much troubled, and the King com- 
 manded me to go to my Lord Mayor with him, and 
 command him to spare no houses, but to pull down 
 before the fire every way. ... 
 
 We to a little alehouse on the bankside ; saw the 
 fire grow, and in corners and upon steeples and 
 between churches and houses as far as we could see 
 up the hill of the City in a most horrid, malicious 
 bloody flame, not like the fine flame of an ordinary 
 fire. We saw the fire as only one entire arch of fire 
 from this to the other side the bridge, and in a bow 
 up the hill for an arch of above a mile long ; it made 
 me weep to see it. The churches, houses, and all on 
 fire, and flaming at once ; and a horrid noise the 
 flames made, and the cracking of houses at their 
 ruin. 
 
 Evclyii's Diary. 
 
 September 4. — The burning still rages, and it was 
 now gotten as far as the Inner Temple : all Fleet 
 Street, the Old Bailey, Ludgate Hill. A\':irwick Lane, 
 Newgate, Paules Chaine, Watling Street, now flaming,- 
 and most of it reduced to ashes. The stones of Paul's 
 
 18 flew like granados, the melting lead running down] 
 the streets in a stream, and the vcr}- pavements 
 glowing with fiery redness, so as no horse nor man, 
 was able to tread on them. 
 
 September 5. — It crossed towards Whitehall, but 
 oh, the confusion there was then at that court ! . . 
 
 19 It now pleased God by abating the wind, that the 
 fury of it became sensibly to abate about noon, sc, 
 
 est:! 
 d 
 
 ion 
 5fi 
 
 ee[! 
 fete 
 
 rdl; 
 
'ort 
 land 
 fire, 
 :oiii. 
 and 
 
 
 (fir, 
 ibo' 
 mad 
 alio 
 etli 
 thti 
 
 iiVl 
 
 itv 
 
 Flee 
 
 Lani 
 
 llllill; 
 
 Paul 
 
 diw 
 
 :'nier.: 
 
 ir ni( 
 
 1664] THE FIRE OF LONDON 21 
 
 that it came no farther than the Temple westward, 
 nor than the entrance of Smithheld north. 
 
 Pcpys' Diary. 
 
 September 5. — Lord ! what a sad sight it was by 
 
 moonHght to see ahnost the whole city on fire, that 
 
 you might see it as plain at Woolwich as if you were 
 
 by it ! 
 
 Evelyii's Diary. 
 
 September 6. — It is not indeed imaginable how 
 extraordinary the vigilance and activity of the King 
 and the Duke was, even labouring in person and 
 being present to command workmen, by which he 
 showed his affection to his people and gained theirs. 
 
 September 7. — Saw all the town burned, and a 
 miserable sight of Paul's Church, with all the roofs 
 fallen, and the body of the choir fallen into St. Faith's. 
 He [Sir W. Coventry] hopes we shall have no public 
 distractions upon this fire, which is what everybody 
 fears, because of the talk of the French having a 
 hand in it. 
 
 oon 
 
 The First Dutch War. 
 
 1664. Pepys' Diary. 
 
 February 22. — All the Court are mad for a Dutch 
 
 war ; but both he and I did concur that it was a 
 
 ^ thing rather to be dreaded than hoped for ; unless by 
 
 the French King's falling upon Flanders, they and 
 
 the Dutch should be divided. 
 
 j September 10. — All the morning much troubled to 
 ithink what the end of our great sluggishness will be, 
 
 II 
 
22 ENGLISH HISTORY [I660 
 
 for we do nothing in this office Hke people able to 
 carry on a war. | 
 
 November 21. — This day, for certain, news is come 
 that Teddiman hath brought in eighteen or twenty 
 Dutchmen, merchants, their Bordeaux fleet, and two 
 35 men-of-war to Portsmouth. And I had letters this 
 afternoon that three are brought into the Downs 
 and Dover, so that the war is begun. God give a 
 
 good end to it ! 
 
 Victory off Lowestoft. 
 
 ! 
 
 36 
 
 June 8, 1665. — The news is this day [June 3] they 
 engaged ; the Dutch neglecting greatly the oppor- 
 tunity of the wind they had of us ; by which they lost 
 the benelit of their fire-ships. The Earl of Falmouth, 
 Muskerry, and Mr. Richard Boyle killed on board the 
 Duke's* ship, the Royal Charles, with one shot ; their 
 blood and brains flying in the Duke's face, and the head 
 of Mr. Boyle striking down the Duke, as some say. 
 Admiral Opdan blown up, Tromp killed; all the rest 
 of their Admirals, as they say ; we have taken and 
 sunk, it is believed, about 24 of their best ships; killed 
 and taken near 8,000 or 10,000 men, and lost, we 
 think, not over 700. A greater victory never known 
 in the world. They are all fled; some 43 got into 
 the Texel, and others elsewhere, and we in pursuit of 
 the rest. Had a great bonfire at the gate. I did 
 give the boys four shillings among them, and mighty 
 merry ; so home to bed with my heart at rest and, 
 quiet. 
 
 * Jaines, Duke of York. 
 
9 
 
 1666] THE FIRST DUTCH WAR 23 
 
 Disasters. 
 
 October 31, 1665. — Want of money in the navy puts 
 7 everything out of order. Men grow mutinous. 
 
 January 25, 1666. — It is now certain that the King 
 3 of France hath pubhcly declared war against us, and 
 God knows how httle fit we are for it. 
 
 May 31. — As to pubhc business, by late tidings of 
 the French fleet being come to Rochelle — how true, 
 though, I know not — our fleet is divided. Prince 
 Rupert being gone with about thirty ships to the 
 westward, as is conceived, to meet the French, to 
 hinder their coming to join with the Dutch. My 
 Lord Duke of Albemarle lies in the Downs with the 
 rest, and intends presently to sail to the Gunfleet. 
 
 June 4. — How we found the Dutch fleet at anchor 
 on Friday, half seas over, between Dunkirk and 
 Ostend, and made them let slip their anchors. They 
 about ninety and we less than sixty. We fought 
 them, and put them to the run, till they met with 
 ^ about sixteen sail of fresh ships, and so bore up 
 again. The fight continued till night, and then 
 again the next morning from five till seven at night. 
 And so, too, yesterday morning they began again, 
 and continued till about four o'clock, they chasing 
 us for the most part of Saturday and yesterday, we 
 flying from them. 
 
 Jtme 6. — A very serious account how upon Monday 
 the two fleets fought all day till seven at night, and 
 ,^ then the whole fleet of Dutch did betake themselves 
 to a very plain flight. We were so overtaken with 
 this good new^s that the Duke ran with it to the 
 King, who was gone to chapel, and there all the 
 
24 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 [I66G 
 
 Court was in a hubbub, being rejoiced over head and 
 
 ears with this good news. i 
 
 June 7. — My Lord Browncker tells me the contrary I 
 
 news, which astonishes me, that is to say, we are ; 
 
 beaten — lost many ships and good commanders ; have , 
 
 PEPVS. 
 
 42 
 
 not taken one ship of the enemy's; and so can only 
 report ourselves a victory ; nor is it certain that we 
 were masters of the field. This news do much 
 trouble me and the thoughts of the ill consequences 
 of it and the pride and presumption that brought us 
 to it. 
 

 hi 
 
 eare 
 
 hav 
 
 1667] THE FIRST DUTCH WAR 25 
 
 June 18. — This day the great news is come of the 
 French, their taking the island of St. Christopher's 
 from us;' and it is to be feared they have done the 
 
 ike of all these islands thereabouts ; this makes me 
 Had. 
 July 21. — Commissioner Pett tells me how infinite 
 
 he disorders are among the commanders and all 
 :)fficers of the fleet. No discipline ; nothing but 
 jwearing and cursing, and everybody doing what 
 ;hey please. He fears, and I do no less, that God 
 \lmighty cannot bless us while we keep in this dis- 
 order ; he observing to me, too, that there is no man 
 )f counsel or advice in the fleet ; and the truth is that 
 he gentleman-captains will undo us, for they are not 
 o be kept in order. 
 
 October 20. — Commissioner Middleton says that 
 he fleet was in such a condition as to discipline as 
 f the devil commanded it. 
 
 February 28, 1667. — We do intend to keep but a 
 lying fleet this year ; which it may be may preserve 
 is a year longer, but the end of it must be ruin. 
 
 June 3. — Reflecting upon the bad management of 
 
 hings now compared with what it was in the late 
 
 ^'ebellious times, when men, some for fear and some 
 
 or religion, minded their business, which none now 
 
 lo, by being void of both. 
 
 June 10. — Up, and news brought us that the 
 3utch are come up as high as the Nore, and more 
 )ressing orders for fire-ships. So we all down to 
 3eptford, and pitched upon ships and set men at 
 vork ; but. Lord ! to see how^ backwardly things 
 nove at this pinch. 
 
26 ENGLISH HISTORY [lG67 
 
 The Dutch Fled in the Mcdway. 
 
 Evelyn s Diary. 
 
 June 10. — To London, alarm'd by the Dutch, 
 who were fallen on our fleet at Chatham, by a most 
 audacious enterprise entering the very river with part 
 of their fleet, doing us not only disgrace, but incredible 
 mischief in burning several of our best men-of-war 
 lying at anchor and moor'd there, and all this through 
 our unaccountable negligence in not setting out our 
 fleet in due time. This alarm caused me, fearing 
 the enemy might venture up the Thames even to 
 London (which they might have done with ease, and 
 fired all the vessels in the river, too), to send away 
 my best goods, plate, etc., from my house to another 
 place. The alarm was so great that it put both 
 country and City into a panic fear and consterna- 
 tion, such as I hope as I shall never see more ; every- 
 body was flying, none knew why or whither. Now 
 were land forces despatched with the Duke of Albe- 
 marle, Lord Middleton, Prince Rupert, and tht 
 Duke, to hinder the Dutch coming to Chatham: 
 fortifying Upnor Castle, and laying chains and booms 
 but the resolute enemy brake through all, and sel 
 fire on our ships, and retreated in spite, stopping uj 
 the Thames, the rest of their fleet lying before tht 
 mouth of it. 
 
 Pepys^ Diary. 
 
 June 14, 1667. — The hearts as well as aftcctions o\ 
 
 _ the seamen are turned away ; and in the open streets 
 
 in Wapping, and up and down, the wives have criec 
 
 publicly, ' This comes of your not paying our hus 
 
 I 
 
[n\ 
 
 667] THE FIRST DUTCH WAR 27 
 
 I 
 
 )ands ; and now your work is undone, or done by 
 
 lands that understand it not.' 
 
 July 12'. — [The Chancellor] did say at his table, 
 
 Treachery ! I could wish we could prove there was 
 
 Juiything of that sort in it ; for that would imply 
 
 .1 liome wit and thoujihtfulness : but we are ruined 
 .hpaijB - ^ . . 
 
 \kA 
 
 r.m 
 
 merely by folly and neglect.' 
 
 1667. A. Marvell, Last Instructions to a Painter. 
 
 utoul After this loss to relish discontent 
 
 Some one must be accus'd by punishment ; 
 All our miscarriages on Pett must fall, 
 His name alone seems fit to answer all. 
 
 lotliei 
 
 botl 
 
 terna 
 
 even 
 
 eariDB 
 
 :en 
 
 e,ai 
 
 awal Whose counsel first did this mad war beget ? 
 
 Who all commands sold through the navy ? Pett. 
 
 Who would not follow when the Dutch were beat ? 
 
 Who treated out the time at Bergen ? Pett. 
 
 Who the Dutch fleet with storms disabled met ? 
 \yj And, rifling prizes, them neglected ? Pett. 
 ^ Who all our seamen cheated of their debt, 
 J th And all our prizes who did swallow ? Pett. 
 
 thai 
 
 31 
 id 4 
 
 Who did advise no navy out to set ? 
 
 And who the forts left unprepared ? Pett. 
 
 Who to supply with powder did forget 
 
 Languard, Sheerness, Gravesend and Upnor? Pett. 
 
 Who all our ships in Chatham net ? 
 
 Who should it be but the fanatic Pett ? 
 
 Pett, the sea-architect in making ships, 
 
 Was the first cause of all these naval slips. 
 mslj Had he not built, none of these faults had been ; 
 trew If no creation there had been no sin. 
 cnB But his great crime, one boat away he sent, 
 biM That lost our fleet and did our flight prevent. 
 
 w^. 
 
28 ENGLISH HISTORY [l66'i 
 
 The Peace of Breda. 
 
 1667. Temple s Works ^ ii. 133. 
 
 From my Lord Ambassador Coventry to Sir W. Temple 
 
 August 4. — We were so very busy in despatching 
 away Sir John Coventry for England with the treaties 
 that I had not leisure till now to give you an accouni 
 of it. That betwixt the States and us consisteth in ar 
 absolute abolition of all pretences on either side, each 
 to remain masters of what they were in possession o\ 
 the loth of May, 1667 ; what since taken to be restored, 
 as to lands and fortresses ; ships are yet liable till 
 after publication ; when all hostilities are to cease 
 within twelve days in the Channel, and so proportion- 
 ably in other seas ; then the whole treaty of 1662 
 renew'd, and we both to make use of the articles 
 betwixt France and this State for contraband goods, 
 till such time as we can agree of one betwixt ourselves. 
 The rest is a restoring the treaty in 1662, as to all 
 its articles except the eleventh, wherein our pretensions 
 are contained. As to the Act of Navigation you will 
 hear much noise, that that is repealed. There is no 
 such thing. Neither doth the article about that 
 matter give the States any more advantage than as I 
 conceive the Act gave them before. As to the 
 French, we restore all to each other that each hath 
 taken, and all things done put in oblivion. 
 
 Pcpys' Diary. 
 
 July 13. — It is an odd and sad thing to say that 
 
 54 though this be a peace worse than we had before, yet 
 
 everybody's fear almost is that the Dutch will not 
 
[lji667] THE PEACE OF I5REDA 29 
 
 5tand b}^ their promise now the King hath consented 
 :o all they would have. 
 It was' pleasantly said by a man in this city, a 
 
 tranter to one that told him the peace was con- 
 cluded, 'Well, and have you a peace?' 'Yes.' 
 
 Why, then, hold your peace.' 
 
 Sir Joh7i Deitham^ Directions to a Painter. 
 
 Draw England ruined by what was given before, 
 
 Then draw the Commons slow in giving more : 
 
 Too late grown wiser, they their treasure see 
 
 Consumed by fraud or lost by treachery ; 
 
 And vainly now we'd some amount receive 
 
 Of those vast sums, which they so idly gave, 
 
 And trusted to the management of such 
 
 As Dunkirk sold to make war with the Dutch ; 
 
 Dunkirk design'd once to a nobler use 
 
 Than to erect a petty Lawyer's* house. 
 
 But what account would they from those expect, 
 
 Who to grow rich themselves the State neglect ; 
 
 Men who in England have no other lot 
 
 Than what they by betraying it have got ; 
 
 Who can pretend to nothing but disgrace. 
 
 Where either birth or merit find a place ? 
 
 Plague, fire, and war have been the nation's curse, 
 
 But to have these our rulers is a worse : 
 
 Yet draw these causers of the kingdom's woe. 
 
 Still urging dangers from our growing foe, 
 
 Asking new aid for war with the same face. 
 
 As if, when given, they meant not to make peace. 
 
 With these new millions might we not expect 
 
 Our foes to vanquish, we ourselves protect ; 
 
 * Clarendon. 
 
 cit 
 
30 ENGLISH HISTORY [lG6/ 
 
 If not to beat them off usurped seas, 
 
 At least to force an honourable peace ; 
 
 But though the angry fate, or folly rather, 
 
 Of our perverted State allow us neither, 
 
 Could we hope less to defend our shores 
 
 Than guard our harbours, forts, our ships and 
 
 stores ? 
 We hoped in vain : of these remaining are. 
 Not what we saved, but what the Dutch did spare 
 
 I 
 
 The Fall of Lord Chancellor Clarendon, 
 
 1667. Evely7is Diary. 
 
 August 27. — Visited the Lord Chancellor, to whom 
 His Majesty had sent for the seals a few days 
 before ; I found him in his bed-chamber very sad. 
 The Parliament had accused him, and he had ene- 
 mies at Court, especially the buffoons and ladies oij 
 pleasure, because he thwarted some of them and 
 stood in their way ; I could name some of the chief. 
 The truth is, he made few friends during his grandeur 
 56 among the royal suffers, but advanced the old rebels. 
 He was, however, though no considerable lawyer, 
 one who kept up the form and substance of things 
 in the nation with more solemnity than some would' 
 have had. He was my particular kind friend on all 
 occasions. The Cabal, however, prevailed, and that 
 party in Parliament. Great division at Court con- 
 cerning him, and divers great persons interceding for 
 him. 
 
>'^ ao 
 
 ;parJ 
 
 1667] THE FALL OF LORD CLARENDON 31 
 
 Pcpys' Diary. 
 
 August 27. — This business of my Lord Chancellor's 
 kVas certainly designed in my Lady Castlemaine's 
 hamber. 
 
 November 15. — The Lords cannot agree to the con- 
 fining or sequestering of the Earl of Clarendon from 
 the Parliament, forasmuch as they do not specify any 
 particular crime which they lay upon him and call 
 reason. 
 
 D0\, 
 
 ]e 
 lies 
 ii an 
 chie 
 
 'cbr, 
 [\\Tci 
 
 Chief Charges Against Clarendon J' 
 
 Coinino7is' Journals^ ix. 16. 
 
 L That the Earl of Clarendon hath designed a 
 standing army to be raised, and to govern the 
 h Kingdom thereby ; advised the King to dissolve the 
 V saii present Parliament ; to lay aside all thoughts of Par- 
 liament for the future ; to govern by military power. 
 
 IL That he hath, in hearing of many of his 
 Majesty's subjects, falsely and seditiously said, The 
 King was in his heart a Papist, Popishly-affected ; or 
 words to that effect. 
 
 IV. That he hath advised and procured divers ol 
 his Majesty's subjects to be imprisoned against Law, 
 in remote islands, garrisons and other places, thereby 
 to prevent them from the benefit of the Law; and to 
 introduce precedents for imprisoning any other of his 
 Majesty's subjects in like manner. 
 
 XL That he advised and effected the Sale of 
 Dunkirk to the French King, being Part of his 
 Majesty's Dominions. 
 [ XVL That he hath deluded and betra3'ed his 
 
 • * These were answered by Clarendon, but not officially made. 
 
 itti 
 
 n? 
 
32 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 [i*''': 
 
 Majesty and the Nation, in foreign Treaties anc 
 Negociations relating to the late War. 
 
 Earl of Clarendon. 
 
 XVII. That he was a principal author of tha 
 fatal counsel of dividing the Fleet, about June, 1666 
 
 i 
 
11668] 
 
 THE FALL OF LORD CLARENDON 
 
 33 
 
 Extracts from Lord Clarendon's Vindication.^ 
 
 1668. 'Clarendon's Tracts,' pp. 84, 86, 87. 
 
 When his Majesty was pleased first to send me an 
 
 intimation of his purpose to take the Seal from me, 
 
 which was by the Duke of York, he vouchsafed to 
 
 use all the gracious expressions that can be imagined ; 
 
 . that I well knew the condition of his affairs, and 
 
 low much he depended upon the House of Commons 
 
 for a Supply of Money, without which he should 
 
 jfiot be able to support his Government : his advice 
 
 :herefore was, that I should deliver up the Seal to 
 
 lim out of my own choice, by which he should be 
 
 tble to protect me from further inconvenience ; and 
 
 (ft would be so grateful to the Parliament, that he 
 
 should in consideration thereof receive all that he 
 
 :ould desire from them. ... 
 
 From the beginning of the prosecution in 
 'arliament against me, some persons who wished 
 le very well, and were well inform'd of the severe 
 intentions against me, earnestly advised me to 
 withdraw myself, and thereby to provide for my 
 security ; which I utterly refused to do. And it is 
 well known that the day when the House of Commons 
 ;ent up their general Impeachment of High-Treason 
 Lgainst me, that my Coach was ready and waited 
 three or four Hours to carry me to the House, I 
 expecting to be sent for till the rising of the House. 
 |\Vhen the Debate grew so hot in the House of Peers 
 and that after many Expostulations from the House of 
 Y^ommonSy the House of Lords still refused to commit 
 
 * Published later. 
 
34 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY [l6«8!l 
 
 me to prison, I received new importunities from my 
 friends to make m}^ escape ; and the}- were 
 perswaded by some who had had the greatest 
 hand in contriving my ruin, to beHeve that it would 
 be grateful to the King, and that there should be no 
 means to obstruct my going away. . . . 
 
 The Duke bid his wife* send presently to me, and 
 conjure me presently to be gone; that she should let 
 me know that it was absolutely necessary for the 
 King's service ; and that I might be very confident 
 and secure, that I should meet with no obstruction in 
 the way, nor undergo the least damage in my 
 honour or fortune by being gone. And upon this 
 authority and command I did the same night, on 
 Saturday the last of November, One Thousand Six 
 Hundred Sixty and Seven, leave my own house, and 
 went by coach to Erith, where I embarked ; and 
 it pleased God, after four days struggling with ill 
 wind and weather, I arrived at Calais the Wednes- 
 day following. And I did no more in this adventure, 
 whatever prejudice I have undergone by it, than I 
 shall always do, in sacrificing my honour and my 
 hfe itself, upon the least intimation of his Majesty's 
 pleasure. 
 
 Front the Protest of the Earl of Strafford against the 
 Act of Banishment of Clarendon. 
 
 Lords' Journals, x\\. 168. 
 
 To require such commitment seems to be contrary 
 to the Petition of Right and Magna Charta, and the 
 rights not only of the Peers, and great persons of this 
 
 * Clarendon's daughter. 
 
 i 
 
Q6S] THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE 35 
 
 "I'^ingdom, but the birthright even of the meanest sub- 
 ects ; and therefore these proceedings not having 
 )een according to law and the ancient rules of Par- 
 ^ lament hath given opportunity to the Earl of Ckircn- 
 lon to absent himself. The commitment upon a 
 general impeachment hath been heretofore and may 
 
 ;" )e again of most dangerous consequence. 
 
 Tt: 
 
 
 The Triple Alliance. 
 
 1668. Temple's \Vo7-ks^ ii. 57. 
 
 Sir VCilliam Temple to Mr. Godolphin. 
 
 Brussels, 
 
 January 28, 1668. 
 
 About the end of last month I passed through this 
 )lace with a private commission from His Majesty 
 o sound the mind of the States in what concerns 
 he present quarrel between the two crowns [France 
 ind Spain] , and how they [the States] were disposed 
 o join with him in the share of a war or project of 
 L peace to be endeavoured by our joint offices between 
 hem. From hence I went to London with the pri- 
 vate account of what I had in charge. After five 
 lays' stay there, I was despatched back as his 
 Vlajesty's Envoy Extraordinary to the States, with 
 ull power to treat and conclude upon those points 
 vhich His Majesty esteemed necessary for our com- 
 iiion safety and the repose of Christendom in this 
 onjuncture. 
 
 ■ Upon the 6th I arrived here, had my first audience 
 w^ the iSth, and on the 23rd were signed by me and 
 he Commissioners given me by the States, with full 
 
 3—3 
 
 -y 
 
36 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 [I668 
 
 powers, three several instruments of our present 
 treaty ; the first containing a league defensive and 
 perpetual between His Majesty and the States against 
 
 
 SIR WILLIAM TEMPLE. 
 
 all persons without exception which shall invade^ 
 cither of them. 
 
 The second instrument contains our joint obliga-l 
 
 i 
 
[l« 
 
 ■ean 
 
 1668] THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE ^J 
 
 tions to dispose France to make peace in Flanders 
 upon one of the alternatives already proposed, and 
 likewise ,to dispose Spain to accept it before the end 
 of May ; but, in case of difficulty made by them, to 
 dispose France, however, to stop all farther progress 
 of its own arms there, and leave it wholly to the 
 
 I allies to procure the ends proposed in this league. 
 The third instrument contains certain separate 
 articles not to be committed to letters. 
 'Tis hardly imaginable the joy and wonder con- 
 ceived here upon the conclusion of this treaty, brought 
 to an issue in five days, nor the applause given to 
 His Majesty's resolution as the wisest and happiest 
 that could in this conjuncture be taken by any Prince, 
 both for his own and his neighbours' advantage ; nor 
 are the reflections upon the conduct of it less to the 
 advantage of the present Ministry in England ; the 
 thing being almost done here as soon as my journey 
 was known in London, and before my errand was 
 suspected by any public Minister here. 
 
 Three days after our signing, the Swedish Ambas- 
 sador signed another instrument jointly with me and 
 the States Commissioners, obliging his master to 
 enter as principal into the same alliance. 
 
 7di(^., 52. 
 
 For His Majesty he neither thought it for his own 
 interest nor safetv, nor for that of the States or of 
 Christendom in general, that Flanders should be 
 lost, and therefore was resolved to do his utmost to 
 preserve it, provided the States were of the same 
 mind. 
 
38 ENGLISH HISTORY [l668 
 
 DE WITT'S FEARS. 
 
 Ibid.^ 54. 
 
 Thougli this resolution seemed now to be taken 
 by his Majesty and his Ministers upon the surest and 
 wisest foundations, which were those of true interest 
 and safety, yet no man knew how long they might 
 last. That if they should break all their measures 
 with France and throw themselves wholly upon his 
 Majesty by such a conjunction, any change of 
 councils in England would be their certain ruin. 
 That he knew not this present Ministry, and could 
 say nothing to them, but that he knew the last too 
 well. Upon which he said a good deal of our uncer- 
 tain conduct since His Majesty's return, and con- 
 cluded that the unsteadiness of Councils in England 
 seemed a fatal thing to our Constitution. 
 
 TEMPLE S VIEWS. 
 
 Ibid.^ 59. 
 
 They will needs have me pass here for one of great 
 abilities for having finished and signed in five days 
 a treaty of such importance to Christendom. But I 
 will tell you the secret of it. To draw things out of 
 their centre requires labour and address to put them 
 into motion ; but to make them return thither Nature 
 helps so far that there needs no more than just to set 
 them agoing. Now, I think a strict alliance is the 
 true centre of our two nations. ... In short, the 
 two nations are closer united than if there never had 
 been a war. 
 
[m 1668] THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE 39 
 
 AFTER THE SIGNATURE OF THE PEACE OF 
 ''■'Jll AIX-LA-CHAPELLE. 
 
 Temple to Arlington. 
 
 ntereM I have been the more earnest in bringing this matter 
 ™gli(| to an issue here (which the Holland Ambassador says 
 asorej had never been done without me), because I con- 
 ceived that the peace was necessary for the constitu- 
 ?t cf tion of His Majesty's present affairs. And since he 
 has had the glory of making two peaces so important, 
 we have now nothing to wish but to see him in a 
 '-^ tM| condition to make war as well as peace w^henever the 
 honour and interest of his crowns shall make it 
 necessary ; for that necessity can, I suppose, be no 
 ways long avoided but by our being in a posture to 
 welcome it whenever it comes, and to make advan- 
 tage of it. And I think the best time to fall into 
 counsels tending to this great end will be after the 
 conclusion of this general peace, when no engage- 
 ment abroad forces his Majesty to have so much 
 need of money from his people. For the time to 
 repair the harms that storms have done a house is 
 in fair weather; and to mend a leaky ship she must 
 
 incer 
 coil' 
 
 dan( 
 
 59' 
 
 c 
 
 dav 
 
 ituii 
 3 id 
 
 be brought ashore. 
 
 The Treaty of Dover (1670). 
 
 1682. ' State Tracts,' i. 10. 
 
 Colbert de Croissy, Ambassador from France to the 
 Court of England, after having set forth to the King 
 of England all the reasons he had to be dissatisfied 
 with the Dutch, after reminding him of the medals 
 
HENRIETTA, DUCHESS OF ORLEANS, AND HER CHILDREN. 
 
1670] THE TREATY OF DOVER 41 
 
 in which the Dutch attributed to themselves all the 
 honour of the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle and treated 
 the mediation of England with so much contempt, 
 he at last gave him to know that the time was come 
 of being revenged upon a nation that had so little 
 respect for Kings, and he could never meet with a 
 more favourable opportunity. Upon this representa- 
 tion that Prince sign'd a private treaty with France ; 
 and, to give him farther assurances upon the matter, 
 Henrietta of England, Duchess of Orleans, a Princess 
 whose wit and capacity was equal to her beauty, 
 sister to the King of England and sister-in-law to 
 the King of France, cross'd over to England in 1670, 
 and in the name of the Most Christian King made a 
 proposal to her royal brother of insuring to him an 
 absolute authority over his Parliament re-establishing 
 the Catholic religion in the three kingdoms of England, 
 Scotland, and Ireland. But with the same breath 
 she gave him to know that there was a necessity 
 above all things of lowering the pride and power of 
 the Dutch, and of reducing that State to the narrow 
 compass of the Province of Holland, of which the 
 Prince of Orange should be Sovereign, or, at least, 
 perpetual Stadtholder ; that by this scheme the King 
 of England should have Zealand for a retreat in case 
 of necessity, and the rest of the Netherlands should 
 remain in the hands of the King of France if he 
 could make himself master of it. 
 
 [This passage is taken from a translation of the ' History of 
 the Dutch War 'by the Abb^ Primi, published at Louis' instiga- 
 tion in 1682, to revenge himself upon Charles for his action in 
 regard to Luxemburg. Afterwards the book was suppressed 
 and the Abbe nominally punished.] 
 
42 ENGLISH HISTORY [l672 
 
 TJic Treaty. 
 
 Lingard^ vii. 628, 629. 
 
 The King of Great Britain, being convinced of the 
 truth of the Cathohc rehgion, and resolved to make 
 his declaration of it and to be reconciled to the 
 Church of Rome, thinks that the best means to 
 prevent the [public] tranquillity being checked is 
 to be assured in case of need of the assistance of his 
 most Christian Majesty, who promises to furnish to 
 the King of England for this object the sum of 
 2,000,000 livYCs touynoises . . . and, further, that the 
 said King obliges himself to assist His Britannic 
 Majesty as often as there shall be need, to the number 
 of 6,000 men ; the day for executing the design shall 
 be entirely in the option of the King of England. 
 
 The Second Dutch War (1672). 
 
 The Closing of the Exchequer. 
 
 Before 1705, Burnet, ' History of His Own 
 
 Times,' i. 306. 
 
 Our Court, having resolved on a war, did now look 
 
 out for money to carry it on. The King had been 
 
 running into a great debt ever since his Restoration. 
 
 The King, in order to the keeping his credit, had 
 
 dealt with some bankers, and had assie^ned over the 
 69 • 
 
 revenue to them. The King had them at the rate ol 
 
 8 per cent., and they paid those who put money in 
 
 their hands only 6 per cent. ; and had great credit 
 
 for payments were made very punctually. So one 0:1 
 
 the ways i)roposed for supplying the King with, 
 
[isl 1672] 
 
 malii 
 
 IS 
 
 edii 
 )fhii 
 islit 
 nif- 
 ,tti( 
 m 
 
 THE SECOND DUTCH WAR 43 
 
 money was that he should stop these payments for 
 a year, it being thought certain that by the end of 
 the year the King would be out of all his necessities 
 by the hopes they had of success in the war. The 
 Earl of Shaftesbury was the chief man in this advice. 
 
 Evelyn^ Diary. 
 
 March 12, 1672. — Now was the first blow given by 
 us to the Dutch army of the Smyrna fleet by Sir 
 Robert Holmes and Lord Ossory, in which we re- 
 ceived little save blows and a worthy reproach for 
 attacking our neighbours ere any war was proclaimed, 
 and then pretending the occasion to be that some 
 time before the Merlin yacht chancing to sail through 
 the whole Dutch fleet, their Admiral did not strike 
 to that trifling vessel. Surely this was a quarrel 
 slenderly grounded, and not becoming Christian 
 ; neighbours. We are like to thrive accordingly. 
 Lord Ossory several times deplored to me his being 
 engaged in it. There is no doubt but we should have 
 surprised this exceeding rich fleet had not the avarice 
 and ambition of Holmes and Spragge separated them- 
 selves and wilfully divided our fleet, on presumption 
 that either of them was strong enough to deal with 
 the Dutch convoy without joining ; but they so 
 atioif warmly plied our divided fleets that whilst in conflict 
 the merchants sailed away and got safe into Holland. 
 eric . A few days before this the Treasurer of the House- 
 tii i hold. Sir Thomas Clifford, hinted to me, as a con- 
 nevcf fidant, that His Majesty would shut up the Exchequer ; 
 * but,' says he, ' it will soon be open again andevery- 
 oneii . body satisfied ;' for this bold man, who had been the 
 4 '• sole adviser of the King to invade that sacred stock 
 
 UWD 
 
 V loii 
 bet: 
 
 I 
 
44 ENGLISH HISTORY [l672 | 
 
 (though some pretend it was Lord Ashley's counsel, 
 then Chancellor of the Exchequer), was so over-con- 
 fident of the success of this unworthy design against 
 the Smyrna merchants as to put His Majesty on an ' 
 action which not only lost the hearts of his sub- 
 jects, and ruined many widows and orphans whose 
 stocks were lent him, but the reputation of his Ex- 
 chequer for ever, it being before in such credit that 
 he might have commanded half the wealth of the 
 nation. The credit of this bank being thus broken 
 did exceedingl}- discontent the people, and never did 
 his Majesty's affairs prosper to any purpose after that, 
 for as it did not supply the expense of the meditated 
 war, so it melted away, I know not how. 
 
 Course of the War. 
 
 Before 1705. Burnet, ' History of His Own 
 
 Times,' i. 307. 
 
 By the Peace of Breda it was provided that in order 
 to the security of trade no merchant's ships should be 
 for the future fallen on till six months after a decla- 
 ration of war. The Dutch had a rich fleet coming 
 from Smyrna under the convoy of a few men-of-war. 
 Our Court had advice of this, and Holmes was ordered 
 to lie for them, and take them near the Isle of Wight. 
 This was a breach of faith such as even Mahometans 
 and pirates would have been ashamed of. The un- 
 successfulness of it made it appear as ridiculous as it 
 was base. 
 
 1728. Carleton's 'Memoirs,' 3-6. 
 
 In the year 1672, war being proclaimed with Hol- 
 land, it was looked upon among nobility and gentry 
 
1672] THE SECOND DUTCH WAR 45 
 
 as a blemish not to attend the Duke of York aboard 
 the fleet, who was then declared Admiral. The fleet 
 set sail from the buoy off the Nore about the beginning 
 of May, in order to join the French fleet, then at 
 anchor in St. Helen's Road under the command of 
 the Count d'Estree. But in executing this design 
 we had a very narrow escape ; for de Ruyter, the 
 Admiral of the Dutch fleet, having notice of our in- 
 tentions, waited to have intercepted us at the mouth 
 of the river, but by the assistance of a great fog we 
 passed Dover before he was aware of it. 
 
 A day or two after the joining of the English and 
 the French we sailed directlv towards the Dutch 
 coast, where we soon got sight of their fleet, a sound 
 called the Galloper lying between. The Dutch 
 seemed willing there to expect an attack from us, 
 ' but it was resolved to avoid coming to a battle for 
 the present and to sail directly for Solebay. We had 
 not been in Solebay above four or five days when 
 de Ruyter, hearing of it, made his signal for sailing 
 in order to surprise us; and he had certainly had his 
 aim had there been any breeze of wind to favour him. 
 But though they made use of all their sails, there 
 was so little air stirring that we could see their fleet 
 making towards us long before they came up. It 
 was about four in the morning of the 28th of May 
 when we first made the discovery, and about eight 
 the same morning the blue squadron, under the 
 Earl of Sandwich, began to engage with Van 
 Ghent, who commanded the Amsterdam squadron; 
 and about nine the whole fleets were under a 
 general engagement. The fight lasted till ten at 
 night, and with equal fury on all sides, the 
 
46 * ENGLISH HISTORY [l672 
 
 French excepted, who appeared stationed there 
 rather as spectators than parties. During the fight 
 the Enghsh Admiral had two ships disabled under 
 him, and was obliged, about four in the afternoon, 
 to remove himself a third time into the London. On 
 his entrance upon the London, which was the ship I 
 was in, and on our hoisting the standard, de Ruyter 
 and his squadron seemed to double their fire upon her. 
 Notwithstanding all which, the Duke of York re- 
 mained all the time upon quarter-deck, and as the 
 bullets plentifully whizzed around him, would often 
 rub his hands, and say, ' Sprage, Sprage, they follow 
 us still.' I am very sensible later times have not 
 been over-favourable in their sentiments of that un- 
 fortunate Prince's valour ; yet I cannot omit the 
 doing a piece of justice to his memory in relating a 
 matter of fact of which my own eyes were witnesses, 
 and saying that if intrepidity and undauntedness 
 may be reckoned any parts of courage, no man in 
 the fleet better deserved the title of courageous or 
 behaved himself with more gallantry than he did. 
 
 The English lost the Royal James, commanded byi 
 the Earl of Sandwich, and amongst the rest the Earl 
 himself. This was the only ship the English lost im 
 this long engagement. The Dutch had one man-of- 
 war sunk, with their Admiral, Van Ghent, who was 
 slain in the close engagement with the Earl of Sand- 
 wich. This engagement lasted fourteen hours, and 
 was looked upon as the greatest that ever was foughti 
 between the English and the Hollander. 
 
 Soon after this sea-engagement I left the fleetJ 
 And the Parliament, the winter following, manifesting 
 their resentments against two of the plenipotentiaries,^ 
 
thei 
 
 liipl 
 
 1673] THE SECOND DUTCH WAR 47 
 
 Buckingham and Arlington, who had been sent over 
 into Holland, expressing withal their great umbrage 
 liidul taken at the prodigious progress of the French arms 
 in the United Provinces, and warmly remonstrating 
 the inevitable danger attending England in their 
 ruin ; King Charles, from all this, and for want of 
 the expected supplies, found himself under a neces- 
 sit\- of clapping up a speed}' peace with the Dutch. 
 
 e r 
 
 It'L 
 
 ttk 
 
 essea 
 
 ■hi 
 
 anil 
 
 id, 
 
 ledk 
 
 Before 1705. Burnet, i. 352. 
 
 1673, — The Duke carried all his commissions to 
 oUoJ the King.-*- Prince Rupert was sent to command 
 the fleet. He had two or three engagements with 
 the Dutch, that were well fought on both sides, but 
 were of no great consequence. None of the French 
 , ships engaged except one, who charged their 
 Admiral for his ill conduct ; but instead of reward 
 he was clapt in the Bastille. This opened the eyes 
 and mouths of the whole nation. All men cried out 
 and said we were engaged in a war by the French, 
 that they might have the pleasure to see the Dutch 
 and us destroy one another, while they knew our 
 seas and ports and learned all our methods. . . . 
 
 3id, 368. 
 
 1674. — The French resolved to accept of the King's 
 mediation. And so the King got out of the war very 
 ; aiitj? little to his honour, having both engaged in it upon 
 unjust grounds and managed it all along with ill con- 
 duct and bad success ; and now he got out of it in so 
 jeellpoor and so dishonourable a manner that with it he 
 feitiDjIlost his credit both at home and abroad. 
 
 tiariti| * On account of the Test Act. 
 
 iO Wi' 
 
 tou?i 
 
48 ENGLISH HISTORY [l673. 
 
 Toleration (1672) and the Test (1673). ; .^|iyi 
 
 I'-stn 
 
 Before 1705. Burnet, ' History of His Own Times,' 
 
 i. 307, 308. 
 
 A Declaration was set out, suspending the ex-l 
 ecution of all penal laws, both against Papiste'l 
 and Nonconformists. Papists were no more to bej 
 prosecuted for their way of worship in their owr| 
 houses, and the Nonconformists were allowed t( 
 have open meeting-houses, for which they were tcl 
 take out licenses, and none were to disturb those! 
 who should meet for worship by virtue of thosfj 
 licenses. Lord Keeper Bridgeman had lost all 
 credit at Court, so they were seeking an occasioi] 
 to be rid of him. He refused to put the Seal U\ 
 the Declaration, as judging it contrary to law. Stj* 
 he was dismissed, and the Earl of Shaftesbury waSi \ 
 made Lord Chancellor. Lord Clifford was mad - 
 Lord Treasurer. And, as Arlington was made ai , - 
 Earl, Lauderdale was made a Duke ; and thilj 
 Junto, together with the Duke of Buckingham, bein:i J J 
 called the Cabal, it was observed that Cabal prove " ' '^ 
 a technical word, every letter in it being the firs' ' .^ 
 letter of those five — Clifford, Ashley, Buckingharr . 
 Arlington and Lauderdale. They had all of thcr . 
 great presents from France, besides what was openl 
 given them. 
 
 The Court had now given such broad intimatior 
 of an ill design, both on our religion and the civ 
 constitution, that it was no more a jealousy. A 
 was now open and barefaced. In the King's presenc . 
 the Court flatterers were always magnifying absolul 
 Government and reflecting on the insolence of -^- 
 
lis:' 
 
 073] 
 
 TOLERATION AND THE TEST 
 
 49 
 
 '^oiise of Commons. The King said once to the 
 ^ larl of Essex that he did not wish to be Hke a Grand 
 inie; ^ignior with some mutes about him, and bags of 
 
 )OW-strings to strangle men as he had a mind; but 
 L p iie did not think he was a King, as long as a company 
 L^;,, !)f fellows were looking into all his actions and 
 
 toll I 
 ■ereli : 
 
 DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 aixamining his Ministers, as well as his accounts. 
 ^^ ^^e reckoned now he had set the Church party at 
 
 
 '^ *uch a distance that it was impossible to make them 
 irm in opposition to his designs. He hoped the 
 
 bsol| 
 eof 
 
 'hurch party would be always submissive. And he 
 [had the Dissenters at mercy. 
 
50 ENGLISH HISTORY [l673i 
 
 Before 1705. /^/V?'., i. 345-352. itol^^^'^^ 
 
 The Ministry was all broke to pieces. The Duke' 
 of Buckingham was alone, hated by all, as he hated 
 all the rest. But he went so entirely into all their 
 ill designs that the King considered him, and either 
 loved or feared him so much that he had a deep root 
 with him. Lord Clifford stuck firm to the Duke, 
 and was heated with the design of bringing in Popery: 
 
 13] 
 
 76 
 
 power of 
 authorise 
 power to 
 
 o( ever)' 
 andiftbt 
 
 Arlington thought that the design was now lost, andy"^" 
 
 that it was necessary for the King to make up with 
 
 his people in the best manner he could. Shaftesbury 
 
 was resolved to save himself on any terms. The 
 
 money was exhausted, so it was necessary to have 
 
 a session of Parliament, and one was called in the 
 
 beginning of the year. At the opening it, the King 
 
 spoke of the Declaration for liberty of conscience; 
 
 He said he had seen the good effects of it, and thai 
 
 he would stick to it, and maintain it. He was 
 
 engaged in a war for the honour of the nation, anc 
 
 therefore he demanded the supplies necessary tc 
 
 carry it on. On these heads Lord Shaftesbur} 
 
 enlarged ; but no part of his speech was more 
 
 amazing than that, speaking of the war with th( 
 
 Dutch, he said, Delenda est Carthago. Yet, while h( 
 
 made a base complying speech in favour of th( 
 
 Court and of the war, he was in a secret manage 
 
 ment with another party. "* 
 
 The House of Commons was upon this all in { 
 
 flame. They saw Popery and slavery lay at th( 
 
 bottom. Yet, that they might not grasp at tO( 
 
 much at once, they resolved effectually to breal 
 
 the whole design of Popery. They argued thijtould tr 
 
 matter of the Declaration, w hcthcr it was accordin|lley wer 
 
 laws, sinC' 
 the Kin?': 
 TheH 
 resolution 
 they set ' 
 hichtht 
 TheH 
 brought ii 
 any empl 
 persons i: 
 parish chi 
 Transubs' 
 Court to 
 re^^ard m 
 that their 
 ty hop( 
 into new 
 Popery, 
 what ill e 
 moved tl 
 against I 
 ithat\ 
 
:;.'• 
 
 11 
 
 ;673] TOLERA^^^^A!APal^^f^ TEST 51 
 
 ip law or not. It was plainly an annulling of the 
 
 renal Law, made both against Papists and Dis- 
 
 ;enters. "It was said that though the King had a 
 
 power of pardoning, yet he had not a power to 
 
 luthorize men to break laws. This must infer a 
 
 30wer to alter the whole Government. The strength 
 
 3f every law was the penalty laid upon offenders ; 
 
 knd if the King could secure offenders by indemni- 
 
 j' ying them beforehand, it was a vain thing to make 
 
 y aws, since by that maxim they had no force but at 
 
 :he King's discretion. 
 
 The House came quickly to a very unanimous 
 resolution that the Declaiation was against law. And 
 they set that forth in an address to the King, in 
 kvhich they prayed that it might be called in. 
 I The House was not content with this, but they 
 brought in a Bill disabling all Papists from holding 
 ej iny employment or place at Court, requiring all 
 II persons in public trust to receive Sacrament in a 
 iry' parish church, and to make a declaration renouncing 
 Fransubstantiation. Great pains was taken by the 
 ourt to divert this. They proposed that some 
 , regard might be had to Protestant Dissenters, and 
 :hat their meetings might be allowed. By this means 
 they hoped to have set them and the Church party 
 into new heats; for now all were united against 
 Popery. Love, who was himself a Dissenter, saw 
 w hat ill effects any such quarrels might have, so he 
 . moved that an effectual security might be found 
 against Popery, and that nothing might interpose 
 till that was done. When that was over, then they 
 would try to deserve some favour ; but at presen* 
 ' they were willing to lie under the severity of 
 
 4- 
 
 dj 
 
 ■■^ti 
 
 r^ 
 
52 ENGLISH HISTORY [167^^1 
 
 hac 
 aiiii 
 
 ^ tii 
 at 
 
 piitflia 
 
 fOOS. 
 
 laliers. 
 
 laws rather than clog a more necessary work withf'^''^^ 
 
 their concerns. The chief friends of the sects agreed 
 
 to this, so a vote passed to bring in a Bill in favoui 
 
 of Protestant Dissenters, though there was not time 
 
 enough nor unanimity enough to finish one thi< 
 
 session. But this prudent behaviour did so softer 
 
 the Church party that there was no more votes noi 
 
 Bills offered at against them, even in that angrj * '^ 
 
 Parliament. The Court tried what could be done ir 
 
 the House of Lords. Lord Clifford resolved tc 
 
 assert the Declaration with all the force and all theft ^^"^ 
 
 arguments he could bring for it. When he hac»*^^' 
 
 done, the Earl of Shaftesbury, to the amazement oisoarbe, 
 
 the whole House, said he must differ from the lorcP^'^oi 
 
 who spoke last {toto ado). He said, while thos*" 
 
 matters were debated out of doors, he might thinli 
 
 with others that the Supremacy, asserted as it waW 
 
 by law, did warrant the Declaration; but now thap™'^ 
 
 such a House of Commons, so loyal and affectionatii*"'^ 
 
 to the King, were of another mind, he submittec'T^f^^^'i 
 
 his reasons to theirs. They were the King's greajl^^ltliat 
 
 Council. They must both advise and support him 4 '■■' Ki: 
 
 they had done it, and would do it still if their lawjPfdfori 
 
 and their religion were once secure to them. Th^U'ttolx 
 
 King was all in fury to be thus forsaken by hi 
 
 Chancellor, and told Lord Clifford how well he wa 
 
 pleased with his speech, and how highly he wajl^4 wl 
 
 offended with the other. m,i 
 
 Soon after this letters came from the Frencl 
 King pressing the King to do all that was necessar; 
 to procure money of his Parliament, since he coul( 
 not bear the charge of the war alone. 
 
 As soon as Lord Clifford saw he must lose th 
 
S3] TOLERATION AND THE TEST 53 
 
 lite staff, ^-' he went to the Duke of Buckingham, 
 10 had contributed much to the procuring^ it to 
 n, and told him he brought him the first notice 
 it he was to lose that place, and that he would 
 ;ist him to procure it to some of his friends, 
 ley at last pitched on Sir Thomas Osborn, a 
 itleman of Yorkskire, whose estate was much 
 ik. He was a very plausible speaker, but too 
 Dious. He had been always among the high 
 vedi Cavaliers. And missing preferment he had opposed 
 allt|he Court much, and was one of Lord Clarendon's 
 itterest enemies. He gave himself great liberties in 
 iscourse, and did not seem to have any regard to 
 ruth, so much as to the appearances of it, and was 
 n implacable enemy. He was a positive and 
 ndertaking man ; so he gave the King great ease 
 y assuring him all things would go according to 
 is mind in the next session of Parliament. By 
 
 (his means he got into the highest degree of con- 
 dence with the King, and maintained it the longest 
 fall that ever served him. 
 The King now went into new measures. He 
 ailed for the Declaration, and ordered the seal put 
 :> it to be broken. So the Act for the taking the 
 [jyjAacrament and the test against Transubstantiation 
 J^ent on, and together with it an Act of Grace 
 assed, which was desired chiefly to cover the 
 linistry, who were all very obnoxious by their late 
 
 lent 
 leloii 
 
 tll9 
 
 ttlliE 
 !t v. 
 
 le 
 
 iff^ 
 
 COili 
 
 ictmgs. 
 
 * The badge of the treasurer's ofifire. 
 
54 ENGLISH HISTORY [l673 
 
 77 
 
 Pi ^''^^ 
 
 mr 
 
 Court 
 
 aid I hac 
 
 IHE Ma! 
 
 TkPi 
 flanncli 
 as a sea; 
 mkind 
 lioth invi 
 
 Temple s Views. 
 
 1683. Temple's ' Memoirs,' Works, i. 384. 
 
 At a long audience in his closet I took occasion to 
 reflect upon the late counsels and Ministry of the 
 late Cabal; how ill His Majesty had been advised 
 to break measures and treaties so solemnl}- taken 
 and agreed ;* how ill he had been served, and how ill 
 succeeded, by the violent humour of the nation break- 
 ing out against such proceedings, and by the jealousies 
 they had raised against the Crown. I showed how 
 difficult, if not impossible, it was to set up here the 
 same religion or government that was in France; 
 that the universal bent of the nation was against both; 
 that many who were perhaps indifferent enough in the 
 matter of religion consider'd it would not be changed 
 here but b}' force of an army ; and that the same force j , , , 
 which made the King master of their religion mader"' . 
 him master of their liberties and fortunes too; thatj*™" 
 if they had an army on foot yet if composed of ^^'^^^ 
 English they would never serve ends that the people '" ^^^ 
 hated and fear'd ; that the Roman Catholics in Eng- 
 land were not the hundredth part of the nation, and 
 in Scotland not the two hundredth, and it seemed 
 against all common-sense to think by one party to 
 govern ninety-nine that were of contrary minds and 
 humours; that I never knew but one foreigner who 
 understood England well, which was Gourville ; thatfl 
 when I was at Brussels in the first Dutch war and! ^"^''^'I'r 
 he heard the Parliament grew weary of it, he said the; 
 King had nothing to do but to make the peace ; thatl 
 he had been long enough in England, seen enough ol 
 
 * The Triple Alliance. " 
 
 ie affair 
 tke peace 
 The Pi 
 the PnD( 
 lie imme 
 Diike, w! 
 to, but w 
 
 ISi 
 
1*. 
 
 .77] MARRIAGE OF THE PRINCE OF ORANGE 55 
 
 iir Court and people and Parliaments, to conclude 
 
 lat a King of England who will be the man of his people 
 
 the greatest King in the world, but if he will be any- 
 
 ling more, by God! he is nothing at all. The King 
 
 ;aid I had reason in all, and so had Gourville, and, 
 
 jiying- his hand upon mine, he added, ' And / will be 
 
 he man of my people. ^^' 
 
 fHE Marriage of the Prince of Orange with 
 THE Princess Mary (1677). 
 
 1683. Temple's 'Memoirs,' Works, i. 455. 
 
 The Prince, like a hasty lover, came post from 
 'Tarwich to Newmarket, where the Court then was 
 iS a season and place of country sports. He was 
 l/ery kindly received by the King and the Duke, who 
 [Doth invited him often into discourses of business, 
 which the}' wondered to see him avoid or divert 
 ndustriously, so as the King bid me find out the 
 
 jfjeason of it. The Prince told me he was resolved 
 ro see the young Princess before he entered into 
 the affair, and to proceed in that before the other of 
 the peace. t 
 
 The Prince upon his arrival in town and sight of 
 the Princess was so pleased with her person that 
 
 /|he immediately made his suit to the King and the 
 Duke, which was very well received and assented 
 to, but with this condition, that the terms of a peace 
 abroad might be first agreed on between them. 
 
 
 ■^ It is supposed that about this time Charles became con- 
 vinced that the design of introducing Popery was impracticable, 
 and abandoned it. 
 
 t That eventually signed at Nimeguen 
 
56 ENGLISH HISTORY [1077 l^'^J 
 
 The Prince said he must end his first business 
 before he began the other. The King and Duke 
 were both positive in their opinion, and the Prince 
 resolute in his. My Lord Treasurer [Danby] and I 
 began to doubt the whole business would break upon 
 this punctilio. About that time I chanced to go to 
 the Prince after supper, and found him in the worst 
 humour that I ever saw him. He told me he re- 
 pented he had ever come into England, and resolved 
 he would stay but two days longer, if the King con- 
 tinued in his mind of treating upon the peace before 
 he was married ; but that before he went the King 
 must choose how they should live hereafter, for he 
 was sure it must be either like the greatest friends 
 or the greatest enemies. 
 
 I told the King all the Prince had said. When 
 I had done [he] said : ' Well, I never yet was 
 deceived in judging of a man's honesty b}- his 
 looks, and if I am not deceived in the Prince's face, 
 he is the honestest man in the world, and I will trust 
 him, and he shall have his wife, and you shall go 
 immediately and tell my brother so, and that 'tis a 
 thing I am resolved on.' I did so, and the Duke 
 at first seemed a little surprised ; but when I had 
 done he said : ' The King shall be obeyed, and I 
 would be glad all his subjects would learn of me to 
 obey him. I do tell him my opinion very freely 
 upon anything ; but when that is done, and I know 
 his pleasure upon it, I obey him.' From the Duke 
 I went to the Prince, and told him my stor}', which 
 he could at first hardly believe, but embraced me 
 and said I had made him a very happy man and 
 very unexpectedly. My Lord Treasurer undertook 
 
rs] FALL OF DAN BY 57 
 
 k 
 
 kit, 
 1118 
 
 ndf 
 
 ■OR* 
 '■1 
 
 * 
 
 m 
 
 to adjust all the rest between the Kinp^ and the 
 Prince, which he did so well that the niatch was 
 declared that evening at the committee. Next day 
 it was declared in Council, and received there and 
 everywhere else in the kingdom with the most 
 universal joy that ever I saw anything in the King's 
 reign. The French Ambassador and my Lord 
 Arlington appeared the only two persons unsatisfied 
 upon it at Court, the first not knowing how he 
 should answer it to his master, that an affair of that 
 importance should pass without his commination, 
 much less advice, in a Court where nothing had been 
 done so for many 3'ears.* 
 
 Fall of Danby (1678) — New Parliament (1679) 
 — Habeas Corpus (1679). 
 
 p. 
 
 52 
 k 
 
 to? 
 
 1683. Temple's ' Memoirs/ i. 405 
 
 The Lord Shaftesbury, impatient at his fall from so 
 great a share of the Ministry, and hoping to retrieve 
 a game he was forced to give over, had run desperately 
 into the popular humour, both in Parliament and 
 city, of censuring the Court, exclaiming against our 
 partiality to France, but most of all against the 
 conduct of the present Ministry; and Lord Arlington 
 f],[ I was so enraged at the growth of my Lord Treasurer's 
 credit upon the fall of his own that he fell in with 
 the common humour of the Parliament in fomenting 
 t ithose jealousies and practices in the House of Com- 
 
 t 
 
 ■^ This was the cause of the French giving leave to Ralph 
 Montague to produce the correspondence with Louis, and so 
 juin Danby. 
 
58 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 [1678 
 
 mons which, centred in a measure, agreed among 
 the most considerable of them not to consent to give 
 any money whilst the present Lord Treasurer continued. 
 Upon these occasions or dispositions they grew very 
 high in pursuing the Lord Lauderdale, the only 
 remainder of the Cabal that had now any credit left 
 at Court. Thus the seeds of discontents that had 
 been sown in the Parliament under the counsels of 
 the Cabal began to spring fast and root deep after 
 their power and influence was wholly at an end ; 
 and those heats were under other covers fomented 
 by two of the chief that composed that Ministry, 
 and with help of time and accident grew to such 
 flames as have since appeared. 
 
 Ibid., 458. 
 
 The constitution of this Parliament, which had sat 
 for seventeen years, was grown into two known 
 factions — that of Court and Country. The Court 
 party were grown numerous by a practice introduced 
 by my Lord Cliford of downright buying off one man 
 after another. The Country part}' was something 
 greater yet in number, and kept in more credit upon 
 o_^ the corruption of others, and their own pretence of 
 steadiness to the true interest of the nation, especially 
 in the points of France and Popery. When these || 
 came in question many of the Court party voted _^ 
 with those of the Country, who then carried all 
 before them ; but wherever the Court seemed to fall 
 in with the true interests of the nation, especially in 
 these two points, then many of the Country party, 
 meaning fairly, fell in with the Court and carried the 
 votes. 
 
m 
 
 '«?'!'« 
 
 kiil 
 
 : onlj 
 it left 
 itt 
 iels of 
 I after 
 end; 
 lented 
 listi]', 
 sod 
 
 ad sat 
 nowE 
 Court 
 luced 
 :mai 
 thiog 
 upon 
 ice of 
 ciallf 
 tliese 
 voted 
 'd ■■ 
 
 
 
 11: 
 
 lartj, 
 Itiel 
 
 1679] NEW PARLIAMENT 59 
 
 1679. 1683. Temple, i. 479. 
 
 At my arrival in England, I found the King had 
 dissolved a Parliament that had sat eighteen years, 
 and given great testimonies of loyalty and compliance 
 with His Majest}', till they broke first into heats upon 
 the French alliances, and at last into flames upon 
 the business of the plot. I found a new Parliament 
 was called, and that, to make way for a calmer session, 
 the resolution had been taken for the Duke's going 
 over into Holland. 
 
 1681. Temple, 'Memoirs,' Part III., Works, i. 332. 
 
 The Short Parliament met with the disputes 
 between the Court and the Commons about the 
 Speaker, begun, indeed, upon a pique between the 
 Treasurer and Mr. Seymour. This soon ran the 
 House into such violences against my Lord Treasurer 
 as ended in his ruin : first by the King's sudden 
 resolution to remove him ; then by the Commons 
 continuing their pursuits and impeachments ; and 
 last, by his lordship's first concealing and then pro- 
 ducing himself in the face of the storm, which ended 
 in the Tower. 
 
 The Treasonable Letter, 
 
 March 25, 1678. Comino7is' Journals^ ix. 560 
 
 In case the conditions of the peace shall be ac- 
 cepted,* the King expects to have six millions of 
 livrest yearly for three years from the time that this 
 
 * Between France and the allies. England had made peace 
 in 1673. 
 
 t Livres = francs. 
 
6o ENGLISH HISTORY [l679 
 
 agreement shall be signed betwixt His Majesty and 
 the King of France, because it will be two or three 
 years before he can hope to find his Parliament in a 
 humour to give him supplies after the having made 
 any peace with France ; and the Ambassador has 
 agreed to that sum, but not for so long a time. 
 ®^ If you find the peace will not be accepted, you are 
 not to mention the money at all ; and all possible 
 care must be taken to have this whole negotiation as 
 private as possible, for fear of giving offence at home, 
 where for the most part we hear, in ten days after, 
 anything that is communicated to the French 
 Ministers. 
 
 Speech of Charles, March 22, 1679. 
 
 HoweWs State Trials, xi 725. 
 
 My Lords and Gentlemen, 
 
 I should have been glad to see 3'ou had made 
 any good progress in the matters I called you for. 
 I perceive that your proceedings against my Lord 
 Treasurer have hindered you therein. I am therefore 
 now come to put an end to that business, such as I 
 hope will be to your satisfaction. I have given him 
 my pardon under my broad seal, before the calling 
 this Parliament, for the securing both his life and 
 fortunes ; and if there should happen to be any defect 
 therein, I will give it him ten times over rather than 
 it should not be full and sufficient. I never denied 
 it to an}' of ni}' servants or Ministers when they 
 quitted their places, as Lord Shaftesbury and the 
 Duke of P>ackingham very well know. Besides, L 
 must inform you that there are great mistakes in 
 

 1C79) HABEAS CORPUS ACT 6i 
 
 those matters concerning him. For the letters were 
 written by my order. And for the conceaHng the 
 plot, it was impossible, for he had heard nothing of 
 that but what he had immediately from myself. I 
 have dismissed him my court and councils, and not 
 to return. Public business presses hard, and there- 
 fore I recommend them to you to go speedily upon 
 them. 
 
 ■ h 
 
 time, 
 'nit 
 ik 
 'H a; 
 
 Jllie.p [Neither the order of Charles nor the pardon were held to 
 
 tff.lj absolve Uanby from impeachment and trial. Another question 
 
 :'licl| that came up was that as to whether a dissolution freed the 
 
 prisoner. It was held for a long time not, but in 1684 we have 
 
 this note :] 
 
 Evelyn^ s Diary. 
 
 February 12. — The Earl of Danby, together with 
 the Roman Catholic Lords impeached of high 
 treason in the Popish Plot, had now their habeas 
 corpus, and came out upon bail after five years' im- 
 prisonment in the Tower. 
 
 d 
 ect 
 
 Passing of the Habeas Corpus Act. 
 
 Before 1705. Burnet, i. 485. 
 
 The former Parliament had passed a very strict 
 Act for the due execution of the Habeas Corpus, 
 which was, indeed, all they did. It was carried by 
 an odd artifice in the House of Lords. Lord Grey 
 
 ied r and Lord Norris were named to be the tellers. 
 
 lev 1 Lord Norris, being a man subject to vapours, was 
 not at all times attentive to what he was doing ; so, a 
 very fat lord coming in. Lord Grey counted him for 
 ten as a jest at first ; but, seeing Lord Norris had not 
 
62 ENGLISH HISTORY [1679! 
 
 {^ 
 
 observed it, he went on with his misreckoning ofl^'^'^f 
 ten for one; so it was reported to the House andl'^' 
 declared that they who were for the Bill were theJi^F^ 
 majority, though it, indeed, went on the other side; 
 and by this means the Bill passed. 
 
 4 
 
 1679. Lutlrcll. 
 
 May 27. — His Majesty was pleased to give his' 
 royal assent to a Bill for the better securing of thej ,jji 
 liberty of the subject, and for preventing of imprison 
 ments beyond the seas. 
 
 
 
 ktici 
 Dr.Tc 
 
 The Popish Plot. 
 
 Murder of Sir Edniundbury Godfrey. 
 
 1678. Lutircll^ Narcissus : a Brief Historical ^'dujir 
 
 Relation of State Affairs. 
 
 September. — About the latter end of this month 
 was a hellish conspiracy contrived and carried on b} 
 the Papists, discovered by one Titus Oates, untc 
 
 ®® Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, justice of peace, whc 
 took his examination on oath. 
 
 October. — On Saturday, the 12th of this month, was 
 Sir Edmundbury Godfrey missing, and so continuec 
 till Thursday morning following, when he was founc 
 murdered on Primrose Hill near Hampstead ; hi: 
 
 ®^ stick and gloves set up against the hedge, and hi: 
 money and watch in his pocket, and his swore' 
 sticking in his body, but not bloody (which is ail 1 
 argument he was run through when dead), and h( 
 had a livid circle round his neck, as if he had beei 
 
 lis! 
 m 
 
 ^ use 
 
 i fctt 
 
 u 
 
[iSIi 
 
 se 
 ire 
 rside; 
 
 veliii 
 
 oftk 
 prisoG- 
 
 1(378] THE rOPISH PLOT 63 
 
 strangled. His death caused variety of talk ; but 
 that which is most remarkable are the several 
 reports' that run about whilst he was missing : that 
 he was gone into the country ; that he was at a 
 relation's house in town and lay secret whilst he 
 was courtmg of a lady. Others reported that he had 
 really killed himself, which the posture he was 
 found in confuted. 
 
 1678. Evelyfis Diary. 
 
 October i. — The Parliament and the whole nation 
 were alarmed about a conspiracy of some eminent 
 Papists for the destruction of the King and intro- 
 duction of Popery, discovered by one Oates and 
 Dr. Tongue, which last I knew, being the translator 
 of the 'Jesuites Morals.' I went to see and con- 
 verse with him at Whitehall with Mr. Oates, one 
 that was lately an apostate to the Church of Rome, 
 and now returned again with this discovery. He 
 seemed to be a bold man, and in my thoughts 
 furiously indiscreet ; but everybody believed what he 
 t'j said, and it quite changed the genius and motions of 
 the Parliament, growing now corrupt and interested 
 with long sitting and Court practices ; but with all 
 this Popery would not go, down. This discovery 
 turned them all as one man against it, and nothing 
 was done but to find out the depth of this. Oates 
 I'M was encouraged, and everything he affirmed taken 
 idil for Gospel; the truth is, the Roman Catholics were 
 swortj exceeding bold and busy everywhere, since the Duke 
 is atf forbore to go any longer to the chapel. 
 
 October 15. — I never saw the Court more brave, 
 I nor the nation in more apprehension and con- 
 
 moDtl 
 
 tinoet 
 foooc 
 
 iid 
 
 beti 
 
64 ENGLISH HISTORY [l683 
 
 111 
 
 y 
 
 sternation. Coleman* and one Stalyt had now 
 been tried, condemned, and executed. On this ! Danl)} 
 Oates grew so presumptuous as to accuse the Queen Popish P 
 of intending to poison the King. He probably uiseda? 
 thought to gratify some w^ho would have been glad 
 His Majesty should have married a fruitful lady4 
 However, divers of the Popish peers were sent to 
 the Tower, and all the Roman Catholic lords were 
 by a new Act for ever excluded the Parliament, § 
 which was a mighty blow. The King's, Queen's 
 and Duke's servants were banished, and a test to be 
 taken by everybody who pretended to any office of WiJ 
 public trust. \ LoKt 
 
 ithe 
 1678. 1683. Temple, ' Memoirs,' Works, i. 479. MR.T 
 
 We knew very well that both Houses of Parlia- 
 ment believed the plot, that the clergy, the city, the 
 country in general, did so too, or at least pursued it 
 as if they all believed it. We knew the King and '*' ° 
 
 Dr.C 
 
 some of the Court believed nothing of it, and yet 
 thought not fit to own that opinion. 
 
 1678. 168 1. /l>i</., iii. 339. 
 
 mer 
 mt to 
 
 i' '■ 
 
 lords, ir 
 [Halifax] affirming that the plot must be handled ttiatis, 
 as if it were true, whether it were so or not, in those 
 93 points that were so generally believed by city or toft! 
 country as well as by both Houses. nj'tuni, 
 
 * A Papist accused of conspiracy. , ^i^^ 
 
 t A Papist. ImIii 
 
 I A royal divorce and new marriage was a project of some Smuljjn 
 who desired to exclude the Duke of York. I f()[T 
 
 ,^ The Uuke of York was e.\.cepted by a majority of two. 
 
lt)79] THE POPISH I'LOT 65 
 
 no? 
 
 tlis 
 ueej 
 
 idv,: 
 It 
 
 wei? 
 
 at,' 
 
 ceo 
 
 •,tlc 
 edi* 
 ;acl 
 Ivci 
 
 1683. James' Memoirs,'*' iir. 
 
 Danby concurred with the faction about the 
 Popish plot to save himself from the storm that was 
 
 3 
 
 ndlei 
 thos 
 tvof 
 
 raised against him. 
 
 THE STORY OF TITUS OATES. 
 
 From the Trial of Lord Stafford. 
 1679. . State Trials, iii. 11 4- 116. 
 
 Mr. Treby : Call Dr. Oates. 
 
 Lord High Steward : Do you examine Mr. Oates 
 upon the general plot or the particular ? 
 
 Mr. Treby : Only to the general now. 
 
 Dr. Oates : My Lords, in the year '76 I was 
 admitted into the service of the Duke of Norfolk as 
 chaplain in his House. And there came one Kemish, 
 who told me that I should find that the Protestant 
 religion was on its last legs, and that it would 
 become me and all men of my coat to hasten betimes 
 home to the Church of Rome. To satisfy my 
 curiosity, I pretended some doubts in my mind. My 
 Lords, my design was to deal with their casuists — 
 that is, those of the Society. t After that I had 
 obtained the favour to have some conference wath 
 one of the Society, I found they were the men for 
 my turn, because I found they w^ere the cunning 
 
 * Extracts from the ' Life of James [., written by Himself,' 
 printed in Macpherson's Original Papers, Vol. I.; cited in this 
 work as ' James' Memoirs.' 
 
 t Of Jesus 
 
66 ENGLISH HISTORY [l679 
 
 politic men. I pretended to be convinced by their 
 arguments. On Ash Wednesday, 1676, I was recon- 
 ciled. I did desire to be one of their Society. I was 
 admitted. I went for Valladolid, but by the way I 
 opened certain letters, wherein was made mention of 
 a disturbance designed in Scotland; and the letters 
 
 did express what hopes they had to effect their design 
 in England for the carrying on of the Catholic cause. 
 My Lords, after I had arrived at \'alladolid there 
 were letters there got before me, which were dated 
 in May, wherein was expressed news that the King 
 was despatched, which was the cause of great joy 
 to the Fathers there ; and afterwards letters came 
 that thev were mistaken, and desired the Fathers 
 to stifle that news. When I came for England, at 
 London I was lodged at one Grigson's, that lived 
 in Drury Lane, near the sign of the Red Lion. I 
 brought these letters to this Strange, and there was 
 Father Keins laying ill upon Strange's bed, and 
 Keins was saying he was mighty sorry for honesi 
 William (so they called the ruffian that was to kil 
 the King) that he had missed in his enterprise. Bu' 
 they were not so zealous for the destruction of th( 
 King till the King had refused Coleman the dis 
 solving of the Long Parliament. Then they wen 
 more intent upon it, though they had several time, 
 attempted it ever since the Fire of London. I lef \ 
 England in November. I came to St. Omers. ijl^ 
 
 carried with me a packet of letters from Strange, th ■ faereij 
 provincial and other Fathers, wherein Strange di< 1 '':i^ 
 tell them that they had great hopes of their desig; *' ilonldi 
 taking effect next year, but as yet it could not b * 
 effected. He said, therefore, they at London though J 
 
 We, 
 
 We: 
 
 Lords, 
 
 tliey«'' 
 W'efoi 
 were v 
 [esolve 
 tkPai 
 fraoce 
 tiattfc 
 
 tiieKii 
 
 iiscipli 
 
 LH 
 
 TOO sa) 
 
 Oatj 
 M 
 tktwa 
 
 llyL 
 
 ofilarr 
 
! 
 
 1679] TUK POPISH PLOT 67 
 
 fit to suspend it till they saw what the Parhament 
 would do. 
 
 We have now done with year 1677, and we come 
 now to January, 1678. 
 
 We received letters out of Ireland, and there, my 
 Lords, we found by the contents of those letters that 
 they were as busy in Ireland as we were in England. 
 We found there that the Talbots and other persons 
 were very zealous in raising of forces, and were 
 resolved to let in the French King, provided that 
 the Parliament should urge the King to break with 
 France. My Lords, in March we received letters 
 that there was a very shrewd attempt made upon 
 the person of the King, and that the flint of Picker- 
 ing's gun or pistol was loose and his hand shaking ; 
 the King did then escape, for which he received a 
 discipline and the others a severe chiding. 
 
 L. H. S. : You explain not the meaning of what 
 you say ; that was not honest Will, for he, you say, 
 was Grove. 
 
 Gates : I mean Pickering received the discipline 
 and William was chid ; for it was Pickering's flint 
 that was loose. 
 
 My Lords, this was in March, and at the latter end 
 of March there comes a letter from London, in which 
 there was a summons to a consult here in London. 
 We did come to town in April, and there the consult 
 was held. There were letters which did follow us, 
 wherein were proposals made to Sir George Wakeman 
 for the poisoning of the King, and that ;fio,ooo 
 should be proposed to Wakeman to poison the King. 
 Coleman did look upon it as too little. Langham 
 thought it too much, and that he ought to do so 
 
 5—2 
 
f] 
 
 flat 
 
 stand 
 litEK 
 (fori 
 
 68 ENGLISH HISTORY [l679 
 
 great a piece of service for nothing, and told us he 
 was a narrow-spirited man if he would not engage in 
 such a thing. My Lords, there was ;£'5,ooo, as the books J jji^ii 
 told me, paid ; but I did not then see it paid, because 
 I was then ill, and not fit to stir abroad. My Lords, 
 we are now past June, 1678. In July Father Ashby 
 comes to town, who did revive the proposal to Sir 
 George Wakeman. About the 26th of August I find 
 that Fenwick went to St. Omers, and there he was to 
 attend the Provincial home, and to give the Pro- 
 vincial an account of the proposal accepted by Sir 
 George Wakeman ; but in July (if your lordships 
 please to give me leave to go back again) Strange 
 comes to town, and falling into discourse about the 
 Fire of London, he very frankly told me how it was 
 fired, and how many of those concerned were seized ; 
 and amongst the rest told me that the Duke ofj 
 York's guard as by his order did receive them, and] 
 were afterwards willing to discharge them ; which I 
 forgot to mention before ; but I do find that it was|* 
 told me his guard did release the prisoners suspectedL 
 about the fire, and that all the order thev had for it,r ' 
 they pretended was from the Duke. The later part oiit 
 July I communicated with Dr. Tongue ; I desired' 
 him to communicate it to some that might make itf*ilj 
 known to the King. The King had noticed the I3tl:, . 
 of August or the 14th, as I remember ; and by the' , ' 
 3rd of September I was betrayed, and was exposec 
 to the vengeance of those men whose contrivancei 
 I had thus discovered. 
 
 IDDSti 
 
 m. 
 
m 
 
 
 
 1680] THE POPISH PLOT 69 
 
 From Lord Stafford's Defence. 
 
 Decemdfr 6, 1680. /did., '\u. i6S. 
 
 My Lords, I do infer this one thing further, upon 
 
 what this Dr. Gates tells you; he did seemingly 
 
 profess himself of the Catholic religion, and I do 
 
 stand upon it that hereupon he is no competent 
 
 witness. For he being of the Church of England 
 
 Pfji (for I think he professes himself so and wears that 
 
 habit), I say any man, let him be who he will, 
 
 Church of England man or other, that shall pretend 
 
 himself to be a Papist, for what end soever it may 
 
 I be, and dissembles with God Almighty, which he 
 
 must do to a great height in receiving the Sacra- 
 
 ] ment, which is by your lordships and the House of 
 
 j,gii|i Commons declared to be gross idolatry, is not easily 
 
 ^ ^j^l [ to be esteemed a witness. I appeal to your lordships 
 
 ■' whether such a fellow that will abhor his religion, 
 
 let him do it for any ends in the world, be a man to 
 
 . be credited ; and especially engaging in such a way to 
 
 r J such an height in that which his conscience tells him 
 
 font . . , , ^ . • -, r 11 J 
 
 ,1 IS idolatrous is not a perjured fellow and no com- 
 
 j . J petent witness ? no Christi 
 
 iesiredj ^ 
 
 nakeit 
 leijtl 
 bytkt 
 
 Lord, 
 Ashk 
 toSii 
 
 m 
 
 ivas 
 
 traogf 
 
 Qttk 
 
 itwai 
 
 md 
 
 like 
 
 B,; 
 
 hichll 
 
 it waij 
 
 ivance: 
 
 
 stian but a devil, and a 
 witness for the devil. And I appeal to the whole 
 Christian world, if a Protestant of the Church of 
 England should come to be a servant to a Catholic, 
 and pretend himself a Papist and were not so, 
 whether he were fit to be countenanced. . . . For 
 this man truly I shall say no more ; I think I have 
 said enough to make him appear a person not lit to 
 be believed. 
 
 [Evelyn says of this argument, ' It did exceedingly affect me. 
 Verily I am of his lordship's opinion ; such a man's testimony 
 should not be taken against the life of a dog.'J 
 
70 ENGLISH HISTORY [I68O 
 
 Ibid,^ iii. 187, 188. 
 
 The first witness swore I was at a consult at 
 Tixall in the end of August or the beginning of 
 September ; I have sufficiently proved that in all 
 August I was not there, nor till the 12th of September. 
 I have proved that his first oath was I was there in 
 August, and a man that will swear false in one thing 
 is not to be credited in any. . . . 'Tis proved by 
 two witnesses. Holt and Morral, that he offered them 
 money to swear, as likewase he did to another, one 
 Robinson. I suppose it is also clear by my witnesses 
 - that Dugdale is a man of no reputation, having for- 
 sworn himself in several particulars ; and I submit 
 the truth of all he says to your lordships. 
 
 The next witness, my Lords, is Mr. Oates. Mr. 
 Oates all alon^^ before swore onlv that he believed I 
 was m the plot ; now he swears that I was in it, at 
 Mr. Fenwick's chamber, a man I never saw in my life. 
 And that he saw letters subscribed by my name ; 
 but that, my Lords, I conceive is no evidence at all, 
 for he never saw me write, nor does know my hand, 
 nor does he pretend to know me then ; and when he 
 had told your lordships he had a letter of mine, he 
 pretended to look for it, and then said he had lost it. 
 But besides, my Lords, his evidence now does not 
 agree with his former; for I do appeal to your 
 lordships that he swore the first time he only saw] 
 my name to letters; afterwards he swore (that is,j 
 some days after he had ended his evidence) a com- 
 mission he saw delivered to me ; so his memory] 
 increases, as he hath time to invent, and perhaps by 
 another time it might be much more. But, my 
 
 ¥\ 
 
1680] THE POPISH PLOT 
 
 n 
 
 
 Lords, I think that one particular his swearing before 
 your lordships, as it is entered in your Journal, that 
 he had no more to say against anybody, and after- 
 wards naming the Queen, and now to me to have a 
 commission, I conceive, is perfect perjury. 
 
 The last witness, my Lords, is Turberville, and he 
 says in the year '75 he often discoursed alone with 
 me for a fortnight together in Paris. My servants, 
 he owns, he never saw them, and how he could 
 come for a fortnight together, and not see my 
 servants, I refer it to your lordships' consideration 
 whether it be possible. This gentleman very civilly 
 the next day, after he had made an affidavit against 
 me, would needs mend it. Now I humbly conceive, 
 my Lords, a man that swears one thing to-day which 
 he forswears to-morrow is not to be believed. . . . 
 My Lords, there is one witness more, John Porter, 
 that swears to your lordships this one thing, that 
 this Turberville swore to him at such an ale-house, 
 he knew nothing of the plot. And then there is 
 Mr. Yolden, he said in his company there was no 
 trade good but a discoverer ;^ 'God damn the Duke 
 of York, Monmouth, Plot and all, for I know nothing 
 of it.' Truly, my Lords, whether he got money by it 
 or no, is known since he hath been a discoverer, 
 telling w^hat he knew not so many months ago ; and 
 therefore I submit it to your lordships what he is. 
 My Lords, I submit myself to your lordships. And 
 
 |i I beseech your lordships to consider that one 
 thing against Dr. Oates, his dissembling with God 
 
 r Almighty, and his impudent owning of it. This I 
 do insist upon ; and I protest before God Almighty, 
 
 * Informer. 
 
72 ENGLISH HISTORY [l683 
 
 if I were a judge, I would not hang a dog upon such 
 
 evidence. 
 
 1679. Jaines' Memoirs, i. 93. 
 
 Qo When Sir George Wakeman was acquitted, people's 
 eyes began to open. 
 
 1683. Evelyn. 
 
 June. — The Popish plot, which had hitherto 
 made such a noise, began now sensibly to dwindle 
 through the folly, knavery, impudence, and giddiness 
 of Oates, so as the Papists began to hold up their 
 heads higher than ever. 
 
 1685. nud. 
 
 May 22 [reign of James II.]. — The Popish lords, 
 who had been some time before released from 
 their confinement about the Plot, were now dis- 
 charged of their impeachment. Oates, who had but 
 two days before been pilloried at several places and 
 whipped at the cart's tail from Newgate to Aldgate, 
 was this day placed on a sledge, being not able to 
 go by reason of so late scourging, and dragged from 
 prison to Tyburn, and whipped again all the way, 
 which some thought to be very severe and extra- 
 ordinary; but if he was guilty of the perjuries, and 
 so of the death of so many innocents, his punishment 
 was but what he deserved. A strange revolution ! 
 
 Monmouth and the Covenanters. 
 
 1679. Lilt tr ell. 
 
 May, 1679. — From Edinburgh, Scotland, we are 
 advised of a horrid murther committed on the person 
 
1679] MONMOUTH AND THE COVENANTERS 73 
 
 ^siicflof the Lord Archbishop of St. Andrews.. Primate and 
 Metropohtan of the said kingdom. 
 
 Bothwell Bridge (1679). ^ 
 
 Before 1705. Burnet, i. 472. 
 
 The country was left in their hands, and if there 
 had been any designs or preparations made formerly 
 for a rebellion, now they had time enough to run 
 together and to form themselves ; but it appeared 
 that there had been no such designs by this, that 
 none came into it but these desperate men, who 
 were, as it were, hunted from their houses into all 
 those extravagances that men may fall in who 
 wander about inflaming one another. The rebels, 
 having the country left to their discretion, fancied 
 that their numbers would quickly increase ; and 
 they set out a sort of manifesto, complaining of 
 the oppressions they lay under, and asserting the 
 obligation of the Covenant ; and they concluded it 
 with the demand of a free Parliament. When the 
 news of this came to Court, Duke Lauderdale said, it 
 was the effect of the encouragement that they had 
 from the King's hearkening to their complaints ; 
 whereas all indifferent men thought it was rather to 
 be imputed to his insolence and tyranny. 
 
 The King resolved to lose no time, so he sent 
 the Duke of Monmouth down first, and with full 
 powers to command in chief. . . . They [the 
 rebels] fixed at Hamilton, which is near a bridge 
 on Clyde, which it was believed they intended 
 to defend, but they took no care of it. They sent 
 some to treat with the Duke of Monmouth. He 
 
74 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 [1679 pi ■ 
 
 answered that if they would submit to the King's luere b 
 mercy, and lay down their arms, he would inter- tit ' 
 
 DUKE OF MONMOUTH. 
 
 pose for their pardon, but that he would not treat! 
 with them so long as they were in arms. Some ' 
 
 ft' 
 
 m 
 
i m 
 
 679] MONMOUTH AND THE COVENANTERS 75 
 
 vere beginning to press their rendering them- 
 ;elves at discretion. They had neither the grace 
 ^o submit, nor the sense to march away, nor the 
 courage to fight it out, and suffered the Duke of 
 Monmouth to make himself master of the bridge. 
 They were then 4,000 men, but few of them were 
 well armed. If they had charged those that came 
 first over the bridge, they might have had some 
 advantage ; but they looked on like men that had 
 ■ lost both sense and courage, and upon the first 
 charge they threw down their arms and ran away. 
 There was between 200 and 300 killed, and 1,200 
 ^ taken prisoners. The Duke of Monmouth stopped 
 the execution that his men were making as soon as 
 he could, and saved the prisoners; for some moved 
 that they should be all killed on the spot. Yet this 
 was afterwards objected to him as a neglect of the 
 King's service, and as a courting the people. The 
 Duke of York talked of it in that strain, and the 
 King himself said to him that if he had been there 
 they should not have had the trouble of prisoners. 
 He answered he could not kill men in cold blood ; 
 that was work only for butchers. Duke Lauderdale's 
 creatures pressed the keeping the army some time 
 in that country on design to have eat it up. But 
 the Duke of Monmouth sent home the militia, and 
 put the troops under discipline, so that all that 
 country was sensible he had preserved them from 
 ruin. The very fanatical party confessed that he 
 ^ treated them as gently as was possible, considering 
 I ' their madness. He came back to Court, and moved 
 the King to grant an indemnity for what was past, and 
 a liberty to hold meetings under the King's license 
 
76 ENGIJSH HISTORY [l679i 
 
 by connivance; he showed the King that all this 
 madness of field conventicles flowed only from the 
 severity against those that are held indoors. 
 
 Thus ended this tumultuous rebellion, which went, 
 by the name of Bothwell Bridge, where the meeting 
 was. The King soon after sent down orders for 
 allowing meeting-houses; but the Duke of Mon- 
 mouth's interest sunk so soon after this that these ^ 
 were scarce opened when they were shut up again. 
 Their enemies said this looked like rewarding them 
 for their rebellion. 
 
 'Ballads of Scotland/ ii. 3i8-32r, 
 Edited by W. E. Aytoun. 
 
 ' O Billie, billie, bonny billie, 
 
 Will ye go to the wood wi' me ? 
 We'll ca' our horse hame masterless, 
 
 An' gar them trow slain men are we.' ' 
 
 * O no, O no !' says Earlstoun, 
 
 ' For that's the King that mauna be ; 
 For I am sworn to Bothwell Hill, 
 Where I maun either gae or die.' 
 
 ' Now farewell, father, and farewell, mother. 
 An' fare ye well, my sisters three ; 
 An' fare ye well, my Earlstoun, 
 
 For thee again I'll never see !' fi 
 
 So they're awa to Bothwell Hill, i,i 
 
 An' wal}' they rode bonnilie ! 
 When the Duke o' Monm.outh saw them comin'. 
 
 He went to view their companie. 
 
IG79] MONMOUTH AND THE COVENANTEUS 77 
 
 ' Ye're welcome, lads,' then Monmouth said, 
 * Ye're welcome, brave Scots lads, to me ; 
 And'sae are ye, brave Earlstoun, 
 The foremost o' your companie ! 
 
 ' But yield your weapons ane an' a' ; 
 O yield your weapons, lads, to me ; 
 For gin ye'll yield your weapons up, 
 Ye'se a' gae hame to your countrie.' 
 
 Out up then spake a Lennox lad. 
 And waly but he spake bonnilie ! 
 * I winna yield my weapons up 
 
 To you nor nae man that I see.' 
 
 They stell'd their cannons on the height, 
 And showr'd their shot down in the howe ; 
 
 An' beat our Scots lads even dow^n, 
 Thick they lay slain on every knowe. 
 
 As e'er you saw the rain down fa' 
 Or get the arrow frae the bow, — 
 
 Sae our Scottish lads fell even down, 
 And they lay slain on every knowe. 
 
 ' O hold your hand !' then Monmouth cry'd, 
 ' Gie quarters to yon men for me !' 
 r But wicked Claver'se swore an oath, 
 
 jl His cornet's death revenged should be 
 
 \ ' O hold your hand !' then Monmouth cry'd, 
 I ' If ony thing you'll do for me ; 
 
 Hold up your hand, you cursed Graeme, 
 Else a rebel to our King ye'll be.' 
 
78 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 [l67'- I»'l 
 
 Then wicked Claver'se turned about, 
 
 I wot an angry man was he ; 
 And he has lifted up his hat, 
 
 And cry'd, ' God bless his Majesty !' 
 
 Then he's awa to London town, 
 
 Ay, e'en as fast as he can dree ; 
 Pause witnesses he has wi' him ta'en, 
 
 An' ta'en Monmouth's head frae his bodie. 
 
 Alang the brae, beyond the brig, 
 Mony brave men lie cauld and still ; 
 
 But lang we'll mind, and sair we'll rue. 
 The bloody battle of Bothwell Hill. 
 
 1681. Temple's 'Memoirs,' Works, i. 340. 
 
 The Duke of Monmouth went into Scotland ; sucj 
 ceeded ; took the body of rebels ; suppressed absd 
 lutely the rebellion ; ordered the punishment of some 
 104 gave pardon to the rest ; returned in triumph ; wal 
 received with great applauses and court from^ allj 
 and with great appearance of kindness and credit b 
 the King. 
 
 The Exclusion Bill (1679-81). 
 
 1679. 
 
 James' Memoirs^ 95. 
 
 September, 1679. — ^^ ^^'^s now^ necessary to prepai 
 
 for the meeting of Parliament. So Sunderlanc 
 
 ^^^ Essex, Halifax, Hyde, and Godolphin thought 
 
 proper that the Duke should return to Planders, c 
 
 condition that Monmouth was sent out of Englan( 
 
l;stt 
 
 1679] THE EXCLUSION BILL 79 
 
 The commission of General of Scotland and England 
 taken from him [Monmouth], and he himself sent 
 away. « 
 
 1 68 1. Temple, i. 236. 
 
 Both Houses of Parliament seemed to have no 
 eyes but for the dangers of Popery upon the Duke's 
 succession to the Crown, which humour was blown 
 up by all the arts and intrigues of the Duke of Mon- 
 mouth and Lord Shaftesbury. The King seemed 
 willing to secure them all that would be against 
 these fears, without changing the laws in point of 
 succession. The House of Commons were busy in 
 finding out expedients to secure this point, but could 
 agree on none, being still diverted from fixing on 
 any by Lord Shaftesbury's practices. The Council 
 fell upon the same scent with great earnestness and 
 endeavour, and after much hammering agreed upon 
 many heads to be offered to Parliament. These ex- 
 j pedients were agreed to by all the Council except my 
 Lord Shaftesbury and me, who were against them upon 
 very different grounds. Mine were two : first, because 
 I believed that nothing that came first from the King 
 would be accepted ; the second was, that as I did not 
 see any certain ease these expedients would give the 
 King, though agreed to by both Houses ; so it was 
 evident to all men that they would leave the Crow^n 
 after him in shackles. My Lord Shaftesbury's ground 
 was plain ; which w^as that there could be no security 
 against the Duke if once in possession of the Crown. 
 This being well infused by his and the Duke of 
 Monmouth's friends into the House of Commons 
 occasioned their sullen rejecting all the expedients 
 glaii offered them by the King. 
 
8o ENGLISH HISTORY [l679 
 
 Within a fortnight or Httle more they began to i6;9' 
 find the Duke of Monmouth and Lord Shaftesbury Qnth^ 
 unreasonable, and Hke to prevail upon the House of jiving & 
 Commons to endeavour bringing the King into neces- onieettb 
 sities of yielding all points to them, thereby leaving 
 the Duke of Monmouth and Lord Shaftesbury abso- 
 lutely at the head of all affairs ; so that the three 
 lords began to make their complaints of it, and to 
 fall upon the thoughts of proroguing the Parliament 
 as the only remedy left in the present distemper. I 
 agreed with them. So we agreed to propose it to 
 His Majesty, and that it should be debated and 
 resolved at Council. In this resolution we parted, neet. T 
 and appointed to meet again two days after. 
 
 I stayed my two days [in the country] and [on 
 returning] I went to Lord Essex and asked whether 
 anything new had happened. He told me that the 
 King had found out there v/ere remonstrances ready lid not s 
 prepared in the House of Commons to inflame the 
 city and nation upon the points of plot and Popery, 
 and that their three lordships [Halifax, Essex and tppoiiu. 
 Sunderland] having upon it consulted with His Council 
 Majesty, he had resolved the Parliament should be side 
 prorogued that morning upon the King's coming iswriti.ii 
 to the House, and that it could not be allowed time ogadon 
 or vent by a debate of Council ; which for my part I tkthel 
 thought an ill omission. But it passed otherwise 
 and with very great resentment of both Houses, and 
 such rage of my Lord Shaftesbury that he said upon |ve[estm] 
 it aloud in the House, that he would have the heads 
 of those who were the advisers of this proroga- 
 tion. 
 
 he openii 
 'osation 
 
^J579] THE EXCLUSION BILL gi 
 
 1679. Luttrell^ i. 18, 19. 
 
 On the 12th came out a proclamation here dis- 
 
 • olving this present Parhament, and the calling one 
 meet the 17th of October next. 
 
 J In order to qualify elections, orders were sent 
 f.own' to all boroughs that they put the Corporation 
 ict strictly in execution* ; whereby many Dissenters 
 yere turned out of their places of magistrates, and 
 
 ''■thers better inclined were put in. 
 
 ' (■ 
 ■ 1679. 1681. Temple, i. 345, 346. 
 
 October came on, when the Parliament was to 
 'facet. The Duke was in Flanders, the Duke of 
 
 • .lonmouth in Holland. Lord Shaftesbury en- 
 . .eavoured to inflame the reckoning of the late 
 
 onduct and counsels against the sitting of the 
 
 i^arliament, and to set afoot petitions in case they 
 
 lid not sit. The Ministers were not able to stand 
 
 he opening of the Parliament, and so a short pro- 
 
 •jogation was expected some days before that 
 
 ppointed for their assembly. . . . We went to 
 
 ^^ouncil ; the King told us that upon many con- 
 
 iderations, which he could not at present acquaint 
 
 s with, he found it necessary to make a longer pro- 
 
 ogacion than he had intended of the Parliament ; 
 
 artjhat he had considered all the consequences, so far 
 
 s to be absolutely resolved, and not to hear any- 
 
 Ihing that should be said against it. All at Council 
 
 vere stunned at this surprising resolution, and the 
 
 ^ay of proposing it, except those few that were in 
 
 |he secret, and they thought fit to be silent. 
 
 * Breaches of the persecuting statutes were often connived at 
 jluring the seventeenth cer.tury. 
 
 6 
 
 ^\l;c 
 
 leadi 
 
82 ENGLISH HISTORY [lG79 
 
 1679. Lutlrell, i. 23. 1^"^ 
 
 The 15th [Oct.] in Council, His Majesty ordered 
 ^^^ a Commission for the proroguing the ParHament, 
 and was then pleased to remove the Earl of Shaftes 
 bury from the place of President of his Council. 
 
 jesolotK 
 aiiallcii 
 
 1679, 1680. 1681. Temple, i 349, 350. 
 
 From what seeds the discontents and violent pro- 
 ceedings of this last session grew, I have told already ; 
 but by what motives and degrees they came to such 
 a height is another story, and may have had some 
 roots which I did not discover ; but what I observed 
 was this. After the Duke's return into Flanders, he 
 had the King's leave to come over again in some few 
 months. The Duke of Monmouth came back out o:' 
 Holland without leave, and so came not to Court . 
 and thereby seemed to make himself the head o 
 those that were discontented, either with the Duke'.-I jjjgj^ 
 return or the intermission of Parliament. In actinJ„»,ni ,, 
 
 louth f 
 'lilstth 
 
 wi 
 prn* 
 iirival 
 joy, to t 
 liisDu 
 Protestai 
 
 this part he was guided by Lord Shaftesbury, wh(l,^(j,^||^ 
 was resolved to blow up the fire as high as he coul( 
 this summer; so as to make the necessity the greate 
 of the Parliament sitting at the time appointed ; an< 
 because boldness looks like strength, he engage- 
 several lords, and among them Lord Russell, to g 
 with him to Westminster Hall publicly, and there a 
 the King's Bench to present the Duke as a recusan' 
 Though the matter had no consequences in the form,|iJainatt! 
 of the Court, yet it had a general one upon the mine 
 of the people, and a strong one upon the passions (. 
 all those persons that were so publicly engaged i|Iigr^'. 
 this bold pace against the Duke, which was breakiniJsav;-, 
 
 Did;;- 
 
 antral)' 
 ^d. ,'. , 
 ■5r lie ST 
 
769] THE EXCLUSION BILL 83 
 
 iMill measures with him, and entering into the desperate 
 
 resolution of either ruining His Highness or them- 
 |>elves ; and I found it had a great effect upon the 
 '.mall circle of my acquaintance or observation. 
 
 Evelyti. 
 
 November 28, 1679. — Came over the Duke of Mon- 
 Inouth from Holland unexpectedly to His Majesty, 
 philst the Duke of York was on his journey to Scot- 
 Land, whither the King sent him to reside and 
 [govern.* The bells and bonfires of the city at this 
 lirrival of the Duke of Monmouth publishing their 
 joy, to the no small regret of some at the Court, 
 'his Duke, whom for distinction they called this 
 [Protestant Duke, the people made their idol. 
 
 1679. Liittrell^ i, 30. 
 
 The King hath been pleased to revoke his letters 
 ipatent, constituting the Duke of Monmouth Master 
 3f the Horse. 
 
 Ibid.^ i. 28, 30. 
 
 December 12, 1679. — Came out another proclama- 
 n^ags tion against tumultuous and seditious petitions, as 
 
 contrary to the known and common laws of the 
 here land. . . . Several persons have promoted petitions 
 coiai' for the sitting of Parliament ; which were dashed 
 eforc again at the coming out of the proclamations, but are 
 
 (now carried on more earnestly than before. 
 
 * The object of Halifax was to keep both Dukes at a 
 distance from Court, so as to escape the danger from the 
 party of Shaftesbury, and also from the Papists. 
 
 6—2' 
 
solvei 
 I'etl 
 
 person 
 
 I 
 
 partj't 
 gidnc 
 [dient 
 Protest 
 iijtlie 
 l]:for 
 Intl 
 
 84 ENGLISH HISTORY 1680] ig 
 
 Ltittrell^ i. 43. \%'&< 
 
 May, 1680. — There have been several addresses 
 ^^^ or declarations against petitioning offered to His 
 Majesty.* 
 
 1680. Temple, i. 350. 
 
 The Duke went away, and the Parliament began: 
 with the general knowledge of so many great persons 
 having appeared so publicly against His Highness in 
 Westminster Hall, and so considerable ones in the 
 Court itself and at the Council table. Those of the 
 first gang fell immediately into the Cabals of Lords 
 and Commons who framed the Bill of Exclusion. 
 The generality of the House of Commons were 
 carried partly with the plausibleness of the thing, 
 
 115 calculated in appearance only against Popery. All 
 the Duke of Monmouth's friends drove it on so. 
 violently, not doubting he would lie in the Duke's 
 place, though no provision seemed to be made foi 
 that in the forms of the draught ; and all these cir- 
 cumstances made so violent a torrent for carrying on 
 this Bill, as nothing could resist or any ways divert 
 and, as it happens upon all occasions, the smal 
 opposition made by two or three men made th( 
 violence the greater. 
 
 J aims' Meinoirs^ i. 108. 
 
 November 15, 1680. — Lord Russell brought up th« 
 Bill of Exclusion. When he had read the title! 
 
 116 there was a great shout at the bar. Halifax spok« 
 incomparably, and bore the burden of the day ii 
 Committee. He answered Shaftesbury and Essex 3.^^ 
 
 ^ Hence the distinction, Petitioners and Abhorrers. 
 
 Tliii^ 
 aiedol 
 
 3ade il 
 
 ^ 
 
1680] THE EXCLUSION BILL 85 
 
 ' ^^lloft as they spoke. He spoke at least sixteen times, 
 %x;Tletting slip no good occasion. His reasons were so 
 ^0 lls|j5trong tnat they convinced everybody that was not 
 
 resolved not to hear. 
 
 Yet he proposed next day a Bill of Banishment, 
 
 that the Duke should not come near the King's 
 
 It hx 
 person 
 
 5 in t: 
 )f LOIG 
 
 'iclusioL 
 ns we ■ 
 le thin; 
 % i 
 I 
 
 : Duk'i 
 nade k 
 hese ct' 
 mi 
 ■5 divert: 
 
 person as long as he lived. Shaftesbury and his 
 party turned it into ridicule. The Duke's friends 
 said nothing, and it fell. Shaftesbury said no ex- 
 pedient would serve but marrying the King to a 
 Protestant wife and divorcing the Queen. For reject- 
 ing the Bill of Exclusion, 49 Lords and 14 Bishops — 
 63 ; for passing it, 30. 
 
 In the House of Commons, for an address to 
 remove Halifax, 2ig ; against it, 95. 
 
 1680. 168 1. Temple, i. 351. 
 
 This enraged the House of Commons, and, having 
 failed of the only thing they seemed to have at heart, 
 made them fall upon persons — engage first in the 
 pursuit of Lord Stafford to the block upon the score 
 I J of the plot, and then in addresses either upon general 
 discontents in the public affairs, or upon common 
 fame against particular men. 
 
 lade tk 
 
 ,108. 
 
 It up 
 
 thet: 
 
 nip 
 eday 
 
 tk 
 
 
 /ames^ Memoirs, i. 109, no. 
 
 November 11, 1680. — A Bill of Limitation in the 
 House of Lords. The Duke to be banished for the 
 
 J King's life to some place 500 miles from England. 
 In case of his accession, that the whole power of 
 government should be vested in a Council of forty- 
 ners. lone. 
 

 86 ENGLISH HISTORY [1680, 
 
 James' Memoirs^ 113. 
 
 January, 1681. — The Parliament impeach the 
 119 Duke's friends. The King prorogues them. One tc 
 meet at Oxford on the twenty-first of March. 
 
 Ibid.^ 1 14. 
 
 The King to prepare for the Oxford Parhament 
 Had some guards with him, and quartered the besi 
 part of Oxford's regiment on the road to serve hi 
 return. He left a body to secure the city. 
 
 Forclc 
 
 Sagacif 
 
 lopow 
 lien' 
 
 lesoD 
 
 Greats 
 
 Ibid.^ 1 17. 
 
 March 28. — The House of Commons, not bette 
 composed than the last, resolved at some of the! 
 cabals to begin with the Bill of Exclusion. Th< 
 House, being enraged, ordered in the Bill of Exclusioi 
 on Saturday night. It was read the first time 01 
 Monday, and ordered a second reading, when th 
 King, to their great surprise, appeared in his robesS ^'^^^' 
 The Lords, ignorant of it, had not theirs. He disl 
 121 solved them, took coach immediately, and went thailj 
 night to Windsor. This struck them, like thundei 
 with confusion and amazement. It gave the Kin J'"™ 
 great reputation. His friends took courage. Th 
 faction were in the greatest rage and despair. Th 
 King still would not let the Duke of York return tiM'''^P'J 
 he saw how matters went, and till he had reformed *^"ifit 
 the lieutenancy of the city, the justices of the peac<,t M^'i 
 and the militia throughout the kingdom. 1 1 ^^le 
 
 1^ 
 
 5\ 
 
(/., II'. 
 
 'l680] SHAFTESBURY 87 
 
 ■ Shaftesbury. 
 
 icli 
 
 OoflM Dryden, '■Absalom aiid Achitophcl^ Part I., 146 sqq 
 
 Of these the false Achitophel* was first ; 
 
 A name to all succeeding ages curst : 
 s'lj Por close designs and crooked counsels fit, 
 liameK ■ Sagacious, bold, and turbulent of wit ; 
 tlielKc Restless, unfixed in principles and place; 
 enet; ' I^ power unpleased, impatient of disgrace ; 
 
 A fiery soul, which, worketh out its way, 
 
 Fretted the pigmy body to decay, 
 
 And o'er-informed the tenement of clay. 
 
 A daring pilot in extremity ; 
 
 Pleased with the danger, when the waves went high 
 
 He sought the storms ; but, for a calm unfit, 
 
 Would steer too nigh the sands, to boast his wit.. 
 'i Great wits are sure to madness near allied. 
 
 And thin partitions do their bounds divide ; 
 
 Else why should he, with wealth and honour blest, 
 
 Refuse his age the needful hours of rest ? 
 
 Punish a body which he could not please ; 
 
 Bankrupt of life, yet prodigal of ease ? 
 
 In friendship false, implacable in hate ; 
 
 Resolved to ruin or to rule the State. 
 
 To compass this the triple bondt he broke ; 
 
 The pillars of the public safety shook ; 
 
 And fitted Israel for a foreign yoke;t 
 
 Then seized with fear, yet still affecting fame, 
 J Usurped a patriot's all-atoning name. 
 j So easy still it proves in factious times 
 
 With public zeal to cancel private crimes. 
 
 Shaftesbury. f The Triple Alliance. % French. 
 
88 
 
 ENGIJSH HISTORY 
 
 [1680 
 
 How safe is treason, and how sacred ill, 
 Where none can sin against the people's will ! 
 Where crowds can wink, and no offence be known, 
 Since in another's guilt they find their own ! 
 
 ^€^ 
 
 ANTONY ASHLEY COOPER, FIRST EARL OF SHAFTESBURY, 
 
 Yet fame deserved no enemy can grudge ; 
 The statesman wc abhor, but praise the judge. 
 In Israel's courts ne'er sat Abethdin 
 With more discerning eyes, or hands more clean. 
 
11680] SHAFTESBURY 89 
 
 Unbribed, unsought, the wretched to redress ; 
 Swift of despatch, and easy of access. 
 Oh ! had he been content to serve the Crown, 
 With virtues, only proper to the gown ; 
 Or had the rankness of the soil been freed 
 From Cockle, that oppressed the noble seed ; 
 David for him his tuneful harp had strung, 
 And heaven had wanted one immortal song. 
 But wild ambition loves to slide, not stand, 
 And fortune's ice prefers to virtue's land. 
 Achitophel, grown weary to possess 
 A lawful fame, and lazy happiness, 
 Disdained the golden fruit to gather free. 
 And lent the crowed his arm to shake the tree. 
 Now manifest of crimes contrived long since, 
 He stood at bold defiance with his Prince ; 
 Held up the buckler of the people's cause 
 Against the Crown, and skulked behind the laws. 
 The wished occasion of the plot he takes, 
 Some circumstances finds, but more he makes; 
 By buzzing emissaries fills the ears 
 Of listening crowds with jealousies and fears 
 Of arbitrary counsels brought to light. 
 And proves the King himself a Jebusite."^ 
 Achitophel still wants a chief, and none 
 Was found so fit as warlike Absalom. f 
 Not that he wished his greatness to create, 
 For politicians neither love nor hate ; 
 But, for he knew his title not allowed 
 Would keep him still depending on the crowd ; 
 That kingly power, thus ebbing out, might be 
 Drawn to the dregs of a democracy. 
 
 * Papist. t Monmouth. 
 
90 ENGLISH HISTORY [1680 
 
 Him he attempts with studied arts to please, 
 
 And sheds his venom in such words as these : 
 
 'Tis true he* grants the people all they crave, 
 
 And more, perhaps, than subjects ought to have. 
 
 But when should people strive their bonds to break. 
 
 If not when Kings are negligent or weak ? 
 
 Let him give on till he can give no more ; 
 
 The thrifty Sanhedrimt shall keep him poor. 
 
 And every shekel which he can receive 
 
 Shall cost a limb of his prerogative. 
 
 To ply him with new plots shall be my care, 
 
 Or plunge him deep in some expensive war ; 
 
 Which, when his treasure can no more supply. 
 
 He must with the remains of kingship buy 
 
 His faithful friends, our jealousies and fears 
 
 Call Jebusites,+ and Pharaoh's§ pensioners; 
 
 Whom when our fury from his aid has torn. 
 
 He shall be naked left to public scorn. 
 
 The next successor, whom I fear and hate, 
 
 My arts have made obnoxious to the State ; 
 
 Turned all his virtues to his overthrow. 
 
 And gained our elders to pronounce a foe. 
 
 His right, for sums of necessary gold, |^( 
 
 Shall first be pawned and afterwards be sold ; 
 
 Till time shall ever-wanting David || draw 
 
 To pass your doubtful title into law. 
 
 If not, the people have a right supreme 
 
 To make their Kings ; for Kings are made for 
 
 them. 
 All empire is no more than power in trust. 
 Which, when resumed, can be no longer just. 
 
 * Charles. f Parliament. | Papists. 
 
 § Louis'. H Charles. 
 
 !Ml 
 
4 
 
 \ 
 
 1681] SHAFTESBURY 91 
 
 Succession, for the general good designed, 
 
 In its own wrong a nation cannot bind ; 
 
 If alteririg that the people can relieve, 
 
 Better one suffer than a nation grieve. 
 
 The Jews well know their power ; ere Saul* they chose, 
 
 God was their King,f and God they durst depose. 
 
 Reaction. 
 
 1 68 1. ■ James' Memoirs^ 124. 
 
 The King's necessities forced him to a private treaty 
 
 with France ; fifty thousand pounds a quarter were 
 
 the terms, and the first payment to be at the end 
 
 ^ of June, 1681, without any condition on the King's 
 
 * part but that of friendship. 
 
 The Duke of York comes to Court by the Duchess 
 of Portsmouth's means. Shaftesbury sent to the 
 ^. Tower. 
 
 Ibid, 129. 
 
 I 
 
 November 26. — This night there were bonfires on 
 Shaftesbury's being acquitted by an ignoramus jury.:l 
 Quo Warranto brought against the City Charter, 
 j which pleases all good men there. 
 
 I 
 
 fo! 
 
 1683. Evelyft. 
 
 June 18, 1683. — I was present and saw and heard 
 5 the humble submission and petition of the Lord 
 Mayor, Sheriffs and Aldermen on behalf of the City 
 
 * Cromwell. f This refers to the Puriian theocracy. 
 
 + The grand jury, by an i^?iora)niis of the charge refused to 
 send Shaftesbury for trial. 
 
15. 
 92 ENGLISH HISTORY [1683 
 
 of London, on the Quo Warranto against their 
 charter. It was deHvered keehng. My Lord Keeper 
 made a speech to them exaggerating the disorderly 
 and riotous behaviour in the late election, with other 
 misdemeanours, libels on the Government by which 
 they had incurred His Majesty's high displeasure; 
 and that but for this submission, under such articles 
 as the King should require their obedience to, he 
 would certainly enter judgment against them. The 
 things required were as follows : That they should 
 neither elect Mayor, Sheriff, etc., without His 
 Majesty's approbation ; that if they presented any ' 
 His Majesty did not like they should proceed in ' 
 wonted manner to a second choice ; and if within ' 
 five days they thought good to assent to this, all 
 former miscarriages could be forgotten. And so 
 they tamely parted with their ancient privileges. 
 This was a signal and most remarkable period. 
 What the correspondences will prove time will 
 show. Divers of the old and most learned lawyers 
 and judges were of opinion that they could not 
 forfeit their charter ; but the plurality of the younger 
 judges and rising men thought otherwise. 
 
 Ibid. I Jim 
 
 October 4. — I went to London on receiving a note I ^^^ 
 from the Countess of Arlington of some considerable I ''^"' 
 charge or advantage I might obtain by applying ■ ^"^ 
 myself to His Majesty on this signal conjuncture of _ , , 
 ^^^ His Majesty entering up judgment against the City I ,^ 
 Charter. The proposal made me I wholly declined, not I ^§ 
 being well satisfied with these violent transactions, • ^ 
 and not a little sorry that His Majesty was so often 
 
 ttie C0D5 
 
 Pembert 
 
 most lea 
 
 George 
 jDoranl 
 
 corderc 
 anobjc 
 richest 
 tie resi 
 •iiore V 
 Lordi 
 oynew 
 Ikpc 
 the wo 
 
 PI 
 hearts 
 werefc 
 
[|Jl683] REACTION 93 
 
 lit tle-lput upon things of this nature against so great a city, 
 dKeepglthe consequences whereof may be so much to his 
 isordeJprejudice. At this time the Lord Chief Justice 
 ilhotlf-iPemberton was displaced. He was held to be the 
 nwliiJmost learned of the judges and an honest man. Sir 
 ileasuff.! George Jefferies was advanced, reputed to be most 
 larticlgl gi^orant, but most daring. Sir George Treby, Re- 
 ;iQ|,lcorder of London, was also put by, and one Jenner, 
 I |L|an obscure lawyer, set in his place. Eight of the 
 jy I richest and chief Aldermen were removed, and all 
 the rest made only justices of the peace, and no 
 more wearing of gowns or chains of gold. The 
 Lord Mayor and two Sheriffs holding their places 
 by new grants, as Custodes, at the King's pleasure. 
 The pomp and grandeur of the most august city in 
 the world thus changed face in a moment, which 
 gave great occasion of discourse and thoughts of 
 hearts what all this would end in. Prudent men 
 were for the old foundations. 
 
 :p(i ar; 
 :ee(l ;■ 
 
 his, a!.' 
 Ind s 
 rileKj, 
 
 period, 
 le \\i 
 
 iwTers 
 
 inote 
 erable 
 
 iire( 
 
 [lODS, 
 
 often 1 
 
 The Rye House Plot. 
 
 Rereshys ' Meinoi7's^ 279, 2S0. 
 
 June 26, 1683. — Came the report of a dangerous 
 conspiracy against the life of our sovereign lord the 
 King, laid by the anti-Court party, composed of such 
 as had been disappointed of preferments at Court 
 7 and of Protestant Dissenters. It was also against 
 the Duke of York, and intended to have shot the 
 King and the Duke coming from Newmarket in their 
 coach, the certain day of his return being known by 
 forty men well armed, who, after the blow given. 
 
engaged 
 creditiDi 
 lonfesse 
 'etired^ 
 
 94 ENGLISH HISTORY [1683 W 
 
 were to fly to London, and to report that the Papists P^'^ 
 
 had done it. In London there were a body of men ino'^'^s 
 
 lit 
 ready to rise to make themselves masters of the City M^*^?^ 
 
 and Tower, and consequently of the whole kingdom, ftturne 
 the Prince of Orange being in Holland (the next right jAlg^r'^^' 
 heir to the Crown), and the Duke of Monmouth 
 being ready to head the rebels. This was most 
 miraculously prevented by a fire happening at New 
 market, which, burning down a great part of the 
 town, caused the King's departure from thence ten 
 days sooner. It was afterwards designed against the 
 King and the Duke as they came from Hampton 
 Court, which was also disappointed by the Duke's 
 not coming with the King, their design being either 
 to kill both or neither. This and the like disappoint- 
 ments put it into the head of one of the melancholy 
 conspirators that God was against them in this 
 design, which disposed him to go and reveal it, as he 
 did accordingly. Upon this several of the contrivers 
 fled, as the Duke of Monmouth and my Lord Grey, 
 who made his escape before being taken. Sir Thomas 
 Armstrong and many of them were taken and com- 
 mitted to the Tower, as the Earl of Essex, Lord 
 Howard of Escrick, Lord Russell, and many others. 
 
 KiDg,o 
 limto 
 were I 
 intentic 
 part, I 
 
 1683. James Memoirs^ \. 137. 
 
 the pre 
 aoy de 
 5 Me? 
 reason: 
 as kv 
 mecliai 
 otk\ 
 platon: 
 
 1683. — The Rye House conspiracy discovered, being 
 the last effort of malice to the King and the Duke 
 of York. An accident of fire at Newmarket prevented 
 it. It was discovered about the end of Trinity term 
 by Keeling. Shaftesbury said they were too few to 
 do the work, and too many to conceal it. So on 
 
 gave 1 
 k di 
 
i 
 
 ■ % 
 
 1683] THE RYE HOUSE PLOT 95 
 
 the 19th November he went to Holland, pretending 
 no longer to walk the King out of the kingdom, as he 
 t arrogantly expressed it. Walcot and Ferguson soon 
 ^Ijreturned to join with Monmouth, Essex, Russell, 
 Algernon Sidney, etc. ; 4,000 men were said to be 
 nnioiitl lengaged in this insurrection. The King was slow in 
 L> HKijal crediting it; but the Duke of Monmouth at last 
 it Ne»B confessed it. He was banished from Court, and 
 •"jftliM retired abroad to Zealand. 
 
 nee tefl 
 
 Evelyn. 
 
 Uh 
 
 i^. 
 
 \ 
 
 as lie 
 
 \ 
 
 m 
 
 05 
 
 July 13. — Some were said to be for killing the 
 King, others for only seizing on him and persuading 
 him to new counsels. The Lords Essex and Russell 
 t were much deplored, few believing they had any evil 
 f intention against the King or the Church. For my 
 part, I believe the crafty and ambitious Earl of 
 Shaftesbury had brought them into some dislike of 
 the present carriage of matters at Court, not with 
 any design of destroying the monarchy (which 
 Shaftesbury has in confidence and for unanswerable 
 reasons told me he w^ould support to his last breath, 
 as having seen and felt the misery of being under 
 mechanic tyranny), but perhaps of setting up some 
 other whom he might govern and frame to his own 
 platonic fancy. But when he perceived those whom 
 he had engaged to rise fail of his expectations, he 
 gave them the slip and got into Holland, where the 
 fox died three months before these unhappy lords 
 and others were discovered or suspected. 
 
96 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 [1683 83] 
 
 i68^ 
 
 Trial of Algernon Sidney. 
 
 Cobbctfs state Trials^ ix. 855-858. 
 
 [These passages from Sidney's writings are given here as 
 representing to a certain extent the Whig theory of poHtics.] 
 
 Bracton saith that the King hath three superiors, 
 
 OQ to wit, ' Deum, Legem, et ParHament ' — that is, the 
 
 power originally in the people of England is delegated 
 
 unto the Parliament. He is subject to the law of 
 
 ALGERNON SIDNEY. 
 
 God, as he is a man ; to the people that makes him 
 a King, inasmuch as he is a King ; the law sets a 
 measure unto that subjection ; and the Parliament 
 judges of the particular cases thereupon arising. He 
 must be content to submit his interest unto theirs, 
 since he is no more than any one of them in any 
 
a 3 
 
 nieot 
 
 He 
 
 leirs. 
 
 ^3] TRIAL OF ALGLKNON SlUNEY 97 
 
 her respect than that he is, by the consent of all, 
 
 .Jised above any other. If he doth not like this 
 
 »ndition, 'he may renounce the Crown ; but if he 
 
 ceive it upon that condition (as all magistrates do 
 
 ie power they receive), and swear to perform it, he 
 
 nist expect that the performance will be exacted or 
 
 *(venge taken by those that he hath betrayed. . . . 
 
 • ! In all the revolutions we have had in England, the 
 
 .pople have been headed by the Parliament or the 
 
 lability and gentry that composed it, and when the 
 
 ings failed of their duties by their own authority 
 
 idled it. The multitude, therefore, is not ever head- 
 
 '!ss, but doth either find or create heads unto itself 
 
 Mi occasion doth require ; and whether it be one 
 
 I'.an or a few or more, for a short or a lono^er time, 
 
 [e see nothing more regular than its motions. But 
 
 ley may, saith our author,* shake off the yoke ; and 
 
 Jhy may they not if it prove uneasy or hurtful 
 
 ' :ito them ? Why should not the Israelites shake 
 
 1^ the yoke of Pharaoh, Jabin, Sisera, and others 
 lat oppressed them ? When pride had changed 
 
 ebuchadnezzar into a beast, what should persuade 
 |ie Assyrians not to drive him out amongst beasts 
 
 til God had restored unto him the heart of a maa? 
 IV^hen Tarquin had turned the regal monarchy of 
 'ome into a most abominable tyranny, why should 
 ley not abolish it ? And when the Protestants of 
 le Low Countries were so grievously oppressed by 
 le power of Spain under the proud, cruel, and savage 
 onduct of the Duke of Alva, why should they not 
 lake use of the means that God had put into their 
 ands for their deliverance ? . . . The general revolt 
 
 ■^ Sidney is attacking Filmer. 
 
98 ENGLISH HISTORY [l( 
 
 of a nation from its own magistrates can never b-pn?'' 
 called rebellion. . . . The power of calling and dis ml^so 
 solving Parliament is not in the King.* lillli^'' 
 
 CobbeWs State Trials, ix. 868. 
 
 Sidney : Will you, my lord, indict a man for tree 
 son for scraps of paper found in his house, relatin 
 to an ancient paper, intending as innocently as an} 
 thing in the world, and piece and patch this to m 
 Lord Howard's discourse to make this a contrivanc 
 to kill the King ? Then, my lord, I think 'tis 
 right of mankind, and 'tis exercised by all studioi 
 men, that they wTite in their own closets what th( 
 please for their own memory, and no man can ] 
 answerable for it, unless they publish it. 
 
 L. C. J. [Jeffpeys]: Pray do not go away wi 
 that right of mankind, that it is lawful for me 
 131 write what I will in my own closet unless I publi 
 it. I have been told. Curse not the King, not 
 thy thoughts, not in thy bedchamber ; the birds 
 the air will carry it. I took it to be the duty 
 mankind to observe that. 
 
 Sidney : I have lived under the Inquisition 
 
 Novel 
 3Ddtlie 
 io that 
 coinpret 
 udedol 
 M for 
 copy, an 
 Edward 
 slialb 
 any man 
 dictmeot 
 juiywas 
 len tl 
 wfor 
 lor Dot 1) 
 sre^^ood 
 
 ruled k 
 
 L. C. J. : God be thanked we are governed 
 law. 
 
 Sidney : I have lived under the Inquisition, alpfoij^j^ 
 there is no man in Spain can be tried for heresy —ivourpg^ 
 
 Justice Withins : Draw no precedents from i 
 Inquisition, I beseech you, sir. 
 
 SH'O 
 
 ;,ai] 
 
 L. C. J.: We must not endure men to talk thatBujjj^; 
 
 * These passages come from Sidney's ' Discourses on Govj 
 ment.' and were allowed as evidence. 
 
 \l 
 
683] SIDNEY'S rETITION TO TFIE KING 99 
 
 ^fijhe right of Nature every man may contrive mischief 
 |n his own chamber, and he is not to be punished, 
 lill he thiliks fit to be called to it. 
 
 m 
 
 Sidney's Petition to thi-: King. 
 
 Cobbctt s State Trials^ ix. 904-906. 
 
 mi 
 
 November 21 he [A. S.] was brought to his trial ; 
 md the indictment being perplexed and confused, 
 jQ that neither he nor any of his friends could fully 
 omprehend the scope of it, he was utterly unpro- 
 luli /ided of all the helps that the law alloweth unto every 
 i^ltli nan for his defence ; whereupon he again desired a 
 opy, and produced an authentic copy of the statute, 
 Edward III., whereby it is enacted that every man 
 shall have a copy of any record that toucheth him in 
 any manner ; but could have neither a copy , of his in- 
 dictment, nor that the statute should be read. The 
 jury was not summoned in the usual and legal manner. 
 When they came to be called, he excepted against 
 some for being your Majesty's servants ; many ohters 
 for not being freeholders (which exceptions, he thinks, 
 are good in law), and others more lew;d and infamous 
 persons, not lit to be of any jury; but all was over- 
 ruled by the Lord Chief Justice. No witness was 
 produced who fixed anything beyond hearsay upon 
 your petitioner, except the Lord Howard, and those 
 'Ithat swore to some papers said to be found in his 
 .'house, and offered as a second witness. . . . Eight 
 ktliatlor nine important points of law did hereupon arise, 
 upon which your petitioner, knowing his weakness, 
 |did desire his counsel might be heard ; but all was 
 
 7—2 
 
 jrnei 
 
 iOD 
 
 Cos 
 
lOO ENGLISH HISTORY [1685k] 
 
 overruled by the violence of the lord chief justice, iieing' 
 and your petitioner so frequently interrupted, that the ioctof' 
 whole method of his defence was broken, and he notpje:^ 
 suffered to say the tenth part of what he would have 
 acknowledged in his own defence; so the jury was 
 hurried into a verdict which they did not under 
 stand.* 
 
 Death of the King. 
 
 1685. James^ i. 142. 
 
 On the 2nd of February the King was seized with 
 a fit of apoplexy ; the Bishop of Bath and another 
 Bishop, who read the visitation of the sick when he 
 was despaired of. The King saying that he repented 
 of his sins, the Bishops read absolution to him. The 
 Duke of York proposed sending for a priest to him 
 to Court Castelmellor ; but none being found, Hudle- 
 ston was brought up the backstairs to the private 
 closet. Hudleston gave him the Extreme Unction 
 and Sacrament. The company were then called in, 
 and he died between 11 and 12 on Friday morningj 
 the 6th of February, 1685. 
 
 Evclyfi. 
 
 February 4, 1685. — I went to London hearing His 
 Majesty had been the Monday before surprised in h'u 
 bedchamber with an apoplectic fit, so that if by God's 
 providence Dr. King had not been present to let hirr 
 blood. His Majesty had certainly died that moment 
 which might have been of direful consequence, then 
 
 * This is a very fair specimen of the seventeenth-centurj 
 notion of justice in a State trial on all sides. 
 
 faiDtiDS 
 lieved 1 
 
 noon t 
 tky se 
 andmel 
 kf 
 botitu 
 
 fflo w« 
 
 effect 
 operatic 
 
 renew t 
 telle 
 when, c( 
 
 12 ODDC 
 
 in the n 
 botitdi 
 aidstni: 
 conflict 
 
>l68o] DEATH OF THK KING loi 
 
 Wm teing nobody else present with the King save this 
 ^iiatl^ loctor and one more, I am assured. This revived His 
 
 Jiii)ij 
 
 ;e(i mi 
 anotia 
 ivhe: 
 epentd 
 n, Ik 
 to Ik 
 
 ^f klajesty for the instant, bnt it was only a short rc- 
 
 "n )rieve. He still complained, and was relapsing, often 
 
 ainting, with sometimes epileptic symptoms, till 
 
 vVednesday, for which he was cupped, which so re- 
 
 ieved him that on Thursday hopes of recovery were 
 
 iignified in the public Gazette, but that day about 
 
 loon the physicians thought him feverish. This 
 
 hey seemed glad of, as being more easily allayed 
 
 ind methodically dealt with than his former fits ; so as 
 
 :hey prescribed the famous Jesuits' powder [quinine ?], 
 
 3ut it made him worse, imd some very able doctors, 
 
 A^ho were present, did not think it a fever, but the 
 
 effect of his frequent bleeding and other sharp 
 
 operations used by them about his head, so that 
 
 probably the powder might stop the circulation, and 
 
 enew his fits, which now made him very weak. 
 
 Thus he passed Thursday night with great difficulty, 
 
 when, complaining of a pain in his side, they drew 
 
 12 ounces more of blood from him ; this was by six 
 
 in the morning on Friday, and it gave him relief, 
 
 but it did not continue, for being now in much pain 
 
 and struggling for breath, he lay dozing, and after some 
 
 i^£,}jj; conflicts the physicians despairing of him, he gave up 
 
 jj[]|ij the ghost at half an hour after eleven in the morning, 
 
 (jjj'; being 6th February, 1685, in the thirty-sixth 3'ear of 
 
 l^fjjjj his reign and the fifty-fourth of his age. 
 
 onies' 
 
 • ^ 1685. Before 1705. Burnet, i. 608 
 
 ^eDiE^f He gathered all his strength to speak his last words 
 to the Duke, to which everyone hearkened with great 
 
 privalt 
 jctioi 
 Jled 
 
I02 ENGLISH HISTORY [1685 
 
 
 
 attention. He expressed his kindness to him, and P^'^f 
 that he now dehvered jdl over to him with great joy. 
 He recommended Lady Portsmouth over and over 
 again to him. He said he had always loved her, and 
 he loved her now to the last, and besought the Duke, 
 in as melting words as he could fetch out, to be very 
 kind to her and to her son. He recommended his other 
 children to him, and concluded, ' Let not poor Nelly 
 starve ;' that was Mrs. Gwyn. But he said nothing 
 of the Queen,* nor any one of his people or of his 
 servants, nor did he speak one word of religion or 
 concerning the payment of his debts, though he left 
 behind him about 90,000 guineas. 
 
 Character of Charles. 
 
 1750. From 'The Character of King Charles IL 
 by George Savile, first Marquis of Halifax. 
 
 [bat he'^ 
 
 tn iiia^' 
 
 his y( 
 
 lative ei 
 ants wei 
 Hthad 
 not troc 
 him on 
 objectio! 
 disguisii 
 tude to 
 andal 
 tofe 
 inEng 
 other c 
 fcseml 
 jects, V 
 PriDce 
 
 This Prince at his first entrance into the world 
 had adversit}- for his introducer, which is generally- 
 thought to be no ill one ; but in his case it proved 
 so, and laid the foundation of most of those misfor- 
 tunes or errors that were the causes of the great objec- 
 tions made to him. 
 136 fhe ill-bred familiarity of the Scotch divines had 
 given him a distaste of that part of the Protestant 
 religion. The company, the men in his pleasures, 
 and the arguments of State, did so loosen and untie, r, 
 him from his first impressions, that I take it f^>r| , , 
 granted for the first ^-ear or two he was no more a I 
 
 * But c/. Evelyn : ' He entreated the C^ueen to pardon him, ■ ill 
 not without cause.' Mfe 
 
 that it 
 fixed t 
 tance 
 saidtl 
 th 
 
585] CHARACTER OF CHARLES lo; 
 
 J 
 
 ""^^3lif frotestant. ... I conclude that when he came into 
 England he was as certainly a Roman Catholic as 
 hat he Was a man of pleasure. His unwillingness 
 o marr}- a Protestant was remarkable. Very early 
 n his youth, when any German Princess was pro- 
 
 fjosed, he put off the discourse with raillery. A 
 -housand little circumstances were a kind of cumu- 
 Wi\e|r .ative evidence. Men that were earnest Protest- 
 Inofii^^ ants were under the sharpness of his displeasure. 
 f)rof|, He had sicknesses before his death, in which he did 
 ii?ioii(( not trouble any Protestant divines; those who saw^ 
 hliejfljjhim on his death-bed saw a great deal. One great 
 objection made to him was the concealing himself and 
 disguising his thoughts. In this there ought a lati- 
 tude to be given ; it is a defect not to have it at all, 
 and a fault to have it too much. In France he was 
 to dissemble injuries and neglects from one reason ; 
 in England he was to dissemble, too, though for 
 other causes. No King can be so little inclined to 
 dissemble but he must needs learn it from his sub- 
 jects, who every day give him such lessons of it. 
 Princes dissemble with too many not to have it dis- 
 covered. No wonder, then, that he carried it so far 
 that it was discovered. Those who knew his face 
 fixed their eyes there, and thought it of more impor- 
 tance to see than to hear what he said. It may be 
 ^' I said that his inclinations to love were the effects of 
 health and a good constitution with as little mixture 
 of the seraphic part as ever man had, and though from 
 that foundation men often raise their passions, I am 
 apt to think his sta3'ed as much as any man's ever 
 did in the lower region. After he was restored mis- 
 tresses were recommended to him. It was resolved 
 
 It ti( 
 
 [till 
 
I04 ENGLISH HISTORY [1685! ^"^ 
 
 generally by others \yhom he should have in his 
 arms as well as whom he should haye in his counsels. 
 Of a man so capable of choosing, he chose as seldom 
 as any man that ever lived. He was said to be as 
 little constant as they were thought to be. ... In 
 these hours where he was more unguarded, no doubt 
 the cunning men of the Court took their time to 
 make their observations, and there is little doubt but 
 he made his upon them, too ; where men had chinks, 
 he would see through them as soon as any man about 
 him. There was much more real business done there 
 in his politic than in his personal capacity, and there 
 was the French part of the Government, which was 
 not the least. His was not an unthinkingness ; he 
 did not, perhaps, think so much of his subjects as they 
 might wish, but he was far from being wanting to 
 think of himself. 
 
 He lived with his Ministers as he did with his mis- 
 tresses : he used them, but he was not in love with 
 them. He was free of access to them, which was a 
 very gaining quality. He had at least as good a 
 memory for the faults of his Ministers as for their 
 services ; and whenever they fell, the whole inventory 
 came out — there was not a slip omitted. That 
 some of his Ministers seemed to have a superiority 
 did not spring from his resignation to them but to 
 his ease. He chose rather to be eclipsed than to be 
 troubled. 
 
 His brother \\'as a Minister, and he had his 
 jealousies of him. At the same time that he raised 
 him, he was not displeased to have him lessened. 
 
 His wit consisted chiefl}^ in the quickness of his 
 apprehension. By his being abroad, he contracted 
 
lime 
 
 %f 1685] CHARACTER OF CHARLES 105 
 
 ^[ a habit of conversing familiarly, which, added to his 
 natural genius, made him very apt to talk — perhaps 
 '^\kn more than a very nice judgment would approve. His 
 ^olie^J wit was not acquired by reading ; that which he had 
 above his original stock by nature was from compan}' 
 in which he was very capable to observe. His 
 affability was a part, and perhaps not the least, of 
 his wit. There was at first as much of art as of 
 nature in his affabilit}-, but b}' habit it became 
 natural. He was so good at finding out other men's 
 weak sides that it made him less intent to cure his 
 own. 
 
 He had a mechanical head, which appeared in his 
 inclination to shipping and fortification, etc. He 
 had a very good memory, though he could not always 
 make equal good use of it. His chain of memory 
 
 I was longer than his chain of thought — the first could 
 bear any burden, the other was tired by being carried 
 on too long ; it was fit to ride a heat, but it had not 
 wind enough for a long course. He was often 
 retained in his personal against his politic capacity. 
 Charles Stuart could be bribed against the King, 
 and in the distinction he feared more to his natural 
 self than his character would allow. The power of 
 nature was too strong for the dignity of his calling, 
 which generally yielded as often as there was contest. 
 tokl It was not the best use he made of his backstairs to 
 admit men to bribe him against himself, to procure 
 a defalcation, help a lame accountant to get off, or 
 side with the farmers against the improvement of the 
 revenue. 
 
 The King was made the instrument to defraud the 
 Crown. He could not properly be said to be either 
 
 cliw 
 
 astkv 
 tin? to 
 
 e 
 TO a 
 
 ooda 
 
 rtlifi[ 
 
 Tiiai 
 ■ionty 
 
 lliij 
 
io6 ENGLISH HISTORY [1685 
 
 covetous or liberal ; his desire to get was not with 
 an intention to be rich, and his spending was rather 
 an easiness in letting money go than any premeditated 
 thought for the distribution of it. He would do as 
 much to throw off the burden of a present impor- 
 tunity as he would to relieve a want. He had as 
 little eagerness to oblige as he had to hurt men ; the 
 motive of his giving bounties was rather to make ' 
 men less uneasy to him than more easy to themselves. 
 He could slide from an asking face, and could guess 
 every will. (I used to think it was the motive for 
 making him walk so fast.) This principle of making 
 the love of ease exercise an entire sovereignty in his 
 thoughts would have been less censured in a private 
 man than might be in a Prince. It must be allow^ed 
 he had little overbalance on the well-natured side — 
 not vigour enough to be earnest to do a kind thing, 
 much less to do a harsh one ; but if a hard thing 
 was done to another man, he did not eat his supper 
 the worse for it. It was rather a deadness than 
 severity of nature. In short, this Prince might more 
 properly be said to have gifts than virtues. After 
 all . . . he had as good a claim to a kind interpreta- 
 tion as most men. 
 
 If all who are akin to his vices should mourn for 
 him, never Prince would be better attended to his 
 grave. If he sometimes let a servant fall, let it be 
 examined whether he did not weigh so much upon 
 his master as to give him a fair excuse. If he dis- 
 sembled, let us remember first that he was King, and 
 that dissimulation is a jewel of the Crown. Should 
 nobody throw^ a stone at his faults but those who ||^ 
 are free from them, there would be but a slender ^ 
 
'] 
 
 1G85] CHARACTER OF CHARLES 107 
 
 shower. What private man will throw stones at 
 him because he loved ? Or what Prince because he 
 dissemb)led ? If Princes are under the misfortune 
 of being accused to govern ill, their subjects have 
 the less right to fall hard upon them, since they 
 generally so little deserve to be governed well. 
 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 PART I 
 
 AUTHORITIES CITED. 
 
 Subjoined is a list of the chief authorities cited, with such 
 explanations as are needful to render it intelligible. In addition 
 to these authorities, use has been made of official publications, 
 such as the /our??a/s of the Houses of Pai-Uameiit^ the London 
 Gazette, the State Trials. The reader should bear in mind that 
 besides State Papers there is a mass of pamphlet literature, 
 dealing with the chief political conflicts of the period, which 
 gives one a very good insight into the ideas and motives of 
 the actors in the Revolution. It is not attempted to detail 
 them here. But the political writings of Sidney, Locke, Swift, 
 Bolingbroke, and Defoe are all of great importance, and would 
 interest those who do not care for research. 
 
 I 
 
 Burnet, Gilbert, Bishop of Salisbury : History of His Own 
 Times. First edition. This is the most important com- 
 plete contemporary history of events. Burnet (1643-1715) 
 was a strong partisan, and had much to do with effecting 
 the Revolution, yet, though dull and verbose as a writer, 
 he is very accurate, and strives to be fair. He is invaluable 
 for the history of Scotland in the reign of Charles II. ; 
 he at that time held a living in East Lothian. He was 
 tolerant in opinion, and opposed the violent persecution of 
 Lauderdale, by whom he was afterwards attacked. He 
 endeavoured to mediate in the Exclusion Bill controversy- 
 He attended Russell at his trial and execution, but after 
 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 109 
 
 that found it more prudent to leave England. Towards 
 the end of Charles II. 's reign he was deprived of his prefer- 
 ments. During that of James II. he lived in Holland, 
 greatly in the favour of the Prince and Princess of Orange. 
 He came over in the expedition of 1688, and drew up the 
 declaration of the Prince. He was made Bishop of Salis- 
 bury, and although his activity as a Whig politician re- 
 mained to the end, he was an industrious and devout 
 prelate, and has left us a valuable picture of the increase 
 in regularity and activity introduced by the 'latitudinarian ' 
 clergy. The first part of his History was composed before 
 1705, and the later, which goes down to the Peace of 
 Utrecht, in the end of the reign of Anne. 
 
 Carleton, George: Military Memoirs (1672-1713), 1728. The 
 writer of these memoirs — the authenticity of which has, on 
 the whole, been successfully vindicated — is the main 
 anthority for the traditional account of Peterborough, and 
 professes to have been an eye-witness of the events which 
 he relates. 
 
 Clarendon, Edward Hyde, Earl of, Vindication of (1727). 
 This, written in 1668, is Clarendon's own considered 
 defence of himself in answer to the charges of impeach- 
 ment. 
 
 Evelyn, John, Diary of, is a valuable first-hand authority for 
 contemporary manners and general opinion — less lively 
 than Pepys. Evelyn (1620-1706) was a country gentleman 
 of scientific and cultured tastes, who had much to do with 
 the founding of the Royal Society. He was a High 
 Churchman and Tory, was appointed by James II. a 
 Commissioner of the Privy Seal, and, though strongly 
 opposed to the violent courses of James II., was greatly 
 alarmed at the Revolution. The book is cited by the day. 
 
 James II.: Memoirs, published in Macpherson's 'State Papers,' 
 vol. i. It would appear that the transcripts given are 
 substantially correct, although the form slightly differs 
 according as they are made by Carte or Macpherson. 
 
 Luttrell, Narcissus : A Brief Historical Relation of State 
 t Affairs. Six vols., 1857. A very dull but detailed con- 
 ^ temporary account of history, compiled day by day from 
 
no ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 ^ 
 
 cnti( 
 lioD 
 
 k 
 
 newspapers and letters besides the author's own knowledge. 
 Not always quite accurate. 
 Pepys, Samuel, Diary of. This is the most valuable of our 
 authorities for social history, general gossip, and naval 
 events. Pepys was secretary to Sir Edward Montagu 
 (first Earl of Sandwich), Clerk of the Acts of the Navy, a j 
 Younger Brother of Trinity House, and was in the con- I ^^y^O 
 fidence of the Duke of York and Sir William Coventry 
 was an industrious and keen-eyed official, fully alive to the I i^^ix<[\ 
 deficiencies in his department. Unfortunately the diary I 51^ 
 ends in 1669, owing to the failing eyesight of the author 
 Owing to the variety of editions, this work is quoted in the I yo 
 text by the day. | ^^^j 
 
 Reresby, Sir John: Memoirs, edited by Cartwright, 1875. 
 
 A dull but useful first-hand authority for the latter half of ■ j]k 
 Charles II. and the events leading to the Revolution. The I }u^i^ 
 chief value of Reresby, in addition to his being an eye- I n,.j|j 
 witness in Parliament, is due to the fact of his being a 
 hanger-on of Halifax, although he was probably more 
 definitely Tory than the latter. 
 Savile, George, Marquis of Halifax : Life and Letters, by J. A. 
 Foxcroft. Longmans. Two vols. Contains a reprint of all 
 the authentic writings of the great Premier. The ' Char- 
 acter of Charles 11.,' first published 1750, appears to have 
 been undoubtedly by him. It is a balanced and judicial 
 estimate by a man singularly observant and free from 
 prejudice, who was the chief author (in addition to the ; . 
 King) alike of the failure of the exclusionist agitation and of \*\ L 
 the form in which the Revolution took shape. i^ - 
 
 Temple, Sir William : Works, edited by Swift. Two vols. ; , ^^ 
 We have in this collection (i) Letters: extremely useful |*'| 
 for the Triple Alliance, in the formation of which Temple, hi 
 as Ambassador Extraordinary, took a leading part ; (2) 1 j 
 Memoirs: written very shortly after the events narrated, f*^ 
 forming one of the most trustworthy accounts of the » • ' 
 changes of combinations in regard to the Exclusion Bill^ i i 
 and of the famous scheme for a new Council propounded ' 
 by the author to Charles W. in 1679. His relations to 
 Essex, Sunderland, and Halifax, and his dilettante attitude 
 
 OvEn: 
 
 H 
 
 
. 
 
 '"%l 
 
 n»a 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY ill 
 
 towards politics render him a well-informed and balanced 
 critic of affairs. His writing is also quoted as an illustra- 
 tion of the best English prose of the day. 
 
 SOME MODERN BOOKS. 
 
 Airy, Osmund : Charles II. Goupil. ^ 
 
 : The English Restoration and Louis XIV. Longmans. 
 
 Christie, W. D. : Anthony Ashley Cooper, first Earl of 
 
 Shaftesbury. Two vols. 
 Cunningham : History of English Industry and Commerce : 
 
 Modern Times. 
 Green, J. R. : History of the English People. Macmillan. 
 Hallam, J. R. : Constitutional History of England. Vols. ii. 
 
 and iii. 
 Hassall, J. : Louis XIV. Unwin. 
 Hume : History of England. 
 
 Hunt : History of Religious Thought in England. Three vols. 
 JUSSERAND : A French Ambassador at the Court of Charles II. 
 Macaulay, Lord : History of England. 
 
 : Essays. 
 
 Overton : The Church in England (1660- 17 14). Longmans. 
 Ranke : History of England, Chiefly in the Seventeenth 
 
 Century. Six vols. 
 Seeley, Sir John: The Growth of British Policy. Two vols. 
 
 Cambridge University Press. 
 Stebbing, J. : Some Verdicts of History Reviewed. Macmillan. 
 Stoughton : Religion in England in the Seventeenth Century. 
 Traill, H. D. : Shaftesbury. Macmillan. 
 Wakeman, H. O. : The Ascendancy of France (1598-1715).; 
 
 Rivingtons. 
 : A History of the Church of England. 
 
DATE SUMMARY 
 
 PART I. 
 
 Charles II. — 1660-1685. 
 
 1660. Convention Parliament: 
 
 Invites Charles, who issues Declaration of Breda and 
 returns. 
 
 Act of Indemnity and Oblivion for actions since the out- 
 break of the Civil War, excepting the regicides. 
 
 King^'s revenue settled, in return for surrender of all 
 feudal dues and right of purveyance. 
 
 Army disbanded. 
 
 1661-1679. Pensionary Parliament. 
 1661-1667. Clarendon in power. 
 
 Acts of Uniformity and persecution of Dissenters. 
 
 1665. Plague. 
 
 1666. Fire of London. 
 
 1 665- 1 667. War with Holland. 
 
 1667. Fall of Clarendon, and abandonment of Church policy. 
 
 Charles draws near to Louis XIV. 
 1667-1673. The Cabal (Clifford, Arlington, Buckingham, 
 Ashley, Lauderdale). 
 
 1672. Closing of Exchequer. 
 
 Duke of York becomes a Papist. 
 
 1673. Break up of the Cabal. 
 
 1673-1679. Sir Thomas Osborne (Earl of Danby) Lord 
 
 Treasurer. 
 1677. Marriage of Princess Mary to William of Orange. 
 1678-80. Popish Plot. 
 
 i()n 
 
DATE SUMMARY 113 
 
 I 678. Impeachment of Danby. 
 1679. Dissolution of Parliament. 
 
 The Exclusion Bill — Ascendancy of 
 Shaftesbury. 
 
 1679. New Parliament. 
 
 Danby pleads (in vain) the King's pardon in bar of im- 
 peachment, but is committed to the Tower. 
 
 Bill to exclude Duke of York from the throne intioduccd. 
 
 Habeas Corpus Act. 
 
 Parliament prorogued, then dissolved. 
 
 New Parliament elected, but does not meet until October, 
 1680. 
 
 1680. Exclusion Bill passes Commons ; defeated in the House 
 
 of Lords through ti^.e efforts of Halifax. 
 Execution of Lord Stafford. The belief in the plot begins 
 to decline. 
 
 1681. Dissolution of Parliament. 
 Parliament at Oxford. 
 Exclusion Bill reintroduced. 
 
 Charles, having obtained money from Louis, dissolves. 
 
 Reaction. 
 
 Shaftesbury prosecuted, but the grand jury refused to find 
 a true bill. 
 
 1682. Charters of London and other towns examined by ' Quo 
 
 Warranto,' and regulated so as to secure a Tory majority. 
 
 1683. Ryehouse Plot. Execution of Lord William Russell and 
 
 Algernon Sydney. 
 
 1684. Banishment of Monmouth. 
 
 1685. Death of Charles. 
 
 The Church and Persecution. 
 
 1661. Savoy Conference. 
 
 Corporation Act, imposing renunciation of the Covenant 
 and reception of the Sacrament on all municipal officers. 
 
 1662. Act of Uniformity. 
 Black Bartholomew. 
 
 8 
 
114 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 1662. Declaration of Indulgence by Charles II. alarms the 
 House of Commons. 
 
 1664. Conventicle Act. 
 
 1665. Five Mile Act (forbidding all who refused to take the 
 
 oath of non-resistance to be schoolmasters or to settle 
 within five miles of any corporate town). 
 
 1672. Declaration of Indulgence, allowing the worship of 
 
 Dissenters in public and of Roman Catholics in private. 
 
 1673. Commons compels Charles to withdraw the declaration 
 
 and passes — 
 Test Act, ordering all persons holding office under the 
 
 Crown to take the Sacrament in the English Church 
 
 and subscribe a declaration against Transubstantiation. 
 The Duke of York resigns his office. 
 1678. Second Test Act (in consequence of the Popish Plot) : 
 
 excludes Papists, except the Duke of York, from the 
 
 House of Lords. 
 
 Foreign Affairs. 
 
 1662. Dunkirk sold to Louis XIV. 
 i^US' First Dutch War. 
 
 Victory of Duke of York at Lowestoft. 
 
 1666. Louis XIV. joins the Dutch. 
 Victory over Dutch. 
 
 1667. Dutch advance into the Thames and burn ships. 
 
 Peace. 
 
 1668. The Triple Alliance — England, Holland and Sweden — 
 
 compels France to make the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle. 
 1670. Secret Treaty of Dover. Charles promises to aid Louis 
 
 in a war against the Dutch, and to declare himself a 
 
 Catholic. Louis engages to pay Charles a pension, 
 
 and, if needful, assist him with troops. 
 1672. Seconc' Dutch War. 
 1674. Peace. 
 1678. Another secret treaty with Louis. 
 
 Treaty of Nimeguen between France and Spain and 
 
 Holland. 
 1 68 1. Louis promises Charles further help if he will allow him 
 
 to secure Luxemburg. • 
 
 ll 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PART II 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Introduction -.--..- i 
 
 James's Character and Views . . . . 8 
 
 Meeting of Parliament - - - - - lo 
 
 King James's Speech to his Parliament - - - lo 
 
 Argyll and Monmouth - - - - - 12 
 
 The Bloody Assize - - - - - - 16 
 
 Trial of Alice Lisle - - . - - - '9 
 
 Petition of Alice Lisle to the King - - - 21 
 
 Dismissal of Halifax and Prorogation of Parliament 22 
 
 The King's Speech to the Parliament - - - 22 
 
 The House of Commons' Address to the King - - 23 
 
 The King's Answer to the Commons' Address - - 25 
 Progress of James's Design - - - - -25 
 
 Hales's Case - - - - - - - 27 
 
 The Court of Ecclesiastical Commission - - - 28 
 
 The Case of Magdalen College - - - - 29 
 
 Ireland - - - - - - - - 31 
 
 The Fall of the Hydes - - - - - 33 
 
 The Dispensing Power and the Trial of the Seven 
 
 Bishops - - - - - - -35 
 
 Second Declaration of Indulgence - - - 36 
 
 The Petition of the Seven Bishops - - - 39 
 
 Summing up of Wright, C.J. - - - - - 4^ 
 
 Birth of the Prince of Wales - - - - 45 
 
 The Letter of Invitation to the Prince of Orange - 46 
 
 William's Expedition - - - - - - 49 
 
11 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 I'AGE 
 
 Churchill's Treachery - - - - - 53 
 
 Letter ro James - - - - - - 53 
 
 Negotiations and Flight of the King - - - 55 
 
 Capture of JaiMEs and Second Withdrawal - - 58 
 
 The Convention - - - - - - 60 
 
 William's Intrusion — A Jacobite Song - - - 69 
 
 The Revolution Settlement and the Non-Jurors - 70 
 
 Ireland -------- 74 
 
 Killiecrankie ------- 76 
 
 The Viscount Dundee to King James after the Battle 
 
 OF Killiecrankie - - - - - - 78 
 
 Killiecrankie — Jacobite Song ■ ■ - -79 
 
 Beachy Head ------- So 
 
 Mary's Fears ------- 82 
 
 The Battle of 'ihe Boyne - - - - - 83 
 
 The Massacre of Glencoe - - - - - 85 
 
 Responsibility for the Deed - - - - 90 
 
 Unpopularity and Insecurity of William - - 92 
 
 Change of Ministry - - - - - - 94 
 
 The Failure against Brest - - - - - 95 
 
 Battle of Steinkirk - - - - - 98 
 
 Mrs. Morley and Mrs. P'reeman - . - - ico 
 
 Anne's Relations to the King and Queen - - loi 
 
 Death of Queen Mary ..... 105 
 
 To William III. going to the War - - - 106 
 
 The Peace of Rysvvick - - - - - 107 
 
 Disbanding the Army- - - - - - m 
 
 Sunderland - - - - - - ■ ^^3 
 
 The Darien Scheme - - , - - - - 115 
 
 The Partition Treaty - - - - - 119 
 
 Death of the Electoral Prince - - . . 120] 
 
 Acceptance of the Will of Charles II. by Louis XIV. 121I 
 
 Death and Character of James II. - - - i2i 
 
 Recognition of the Pretender by Louis XIV. - - i2j 
 
 Dissolution of Parliament - - - - - 12' 
 
 Death and Character of William III. - - - i2f 
 
 William's Isolation - - - - - - i2< 
 
 Corruption - - - - - - - 12c 
 
 The Discontent at William's Favour to the Dutch - i^i 
 
?i,J 
 Ji 
 
 CONTENTS iii 
 
 ILE 
 
 The Eighth Article of the Grand Alliance - - 132 
 
 Anne— Opening of the Reign - - - 134 
 
 Ministerial Changes - - - - - - 135 
 
 i Anne's Favour to the Churchills - - - - 136 
 
 ^ Blenheim - - - - - - - 13^3 
 
 t^ The Campaign of 1704 - - - - - 141 
 
 Party Struggles - - - - - - 146 
 
 ;; Peterborough in Spain— Capture of Montjuich - 153 
 
 li Battle of Ramillies .---.. 160 
 
 GoDOLPHiN - - - - - - - 162 
 
 The Union with Scotland ----- 164 
 
 The Battle of Almanza - - - - - 166 
 
 The Battle of Oudenarde ----- 168 
 
 The Battle of Malplaquet - - - - - 170 
 
 Sachevekell's Sermon - - . . . . 172 
 
 The Fall of the CHURCiiiLi^s and the Whigs • • ^75 
 
 Marlborough's Views and Character - - - 181 
 
 Arguments for Peace- ..... 183 
 
 The Restraining Orders - - - - - 1S6 
 
 Bolingbroke's Account of the Neciotiation - - 187 
 
 The Peace of Utrecht . ~ . . . 188 
 
 Comments on the Peace - - - - - 190 
 
 Dissensions in the Government - - - - 191 
 
 loj Death of the Queen - - - - - - 194 
 
 \i A Later Estimate of Bolingbroke - - - - 194 
 
 Taking of Gibraltar .-..-- 196 
 
 HI Bibliography .-....- 198 
 
 i[] Date Summary ----.-. 204 
 
 11) 
 115 
 
 in 
 
 \: in 
 
 4 
 
 m 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 PART II 
 
 I' AGE 
 
 James II. - ■ - - - - - - 9 
 
 Judge Jeffreys ------- 17 
 
 George Savile, Marquis of Halifax - - - 61 
 
 Whitehall and St. James's Park - - - - 66 
 
 William III. - - - - - - - 71 
 
 Charles Talbot, Duke of Shrewsbury - - - 96 
 
 Mary (William and Mary) - - - - - 104 
 
 Robert, Earl of Sunderland - - - - 114 
 
 Lord Somers - - - - - - - 119 
 
 House of Parliament, Hall, and Abbey, Westminster 130 
 
 Anne ..--...- 134 
 
 John, Duke of Marlborough - - - - '37 
 
 J. Addison - - - - - - - 142 
 
 Duchess of Marlborough - - - - - i47 
 
 Charles Mordaunt, Earl of PETERBOROUciH - 154 
 
 Sidney, Earl of Godolphin - - - - - 163 
 
 Robert Harley, Earl of Oxford - - - - 181 
 
 Louis XIV. - - - ' - - - - 189 
 
 Bishop Burnet - - - - - - - 191 
 
 Dean Swift - - - ■ - - - I95 
 
 James; 
 reactior 
 tberebt 
 titkof 
 died a] 
 secure; 
 mtil tt 
 kd av 
 wbllyi 
 teenth 
 resilto 
 luinof 
 
 km 
 \U 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 li 
 
PART II 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 i/| James ascended the throne in the height of a Tory 
 reaction, which was rendered still more virulent by 
 the rebellion of Monmouth. Had he possessed one 
 tithe of his brother's political ability, he might have 
 died a popular King, and incidentally done more to 
 secure justice to his co-religionists than was possible 
 until the animosities and panic his ill-advised hurry 
 had awakened were partly (they have never been 
 wholly) set at rest in the first generation of the nine- 
 teenth century. But, as a matter of fact, the net 
 result of the activity of James was not so much the 
 ruin of the Stuarts as the definite exclusion from the 
 national life of the Roman Catholics for a century 
 and a half. Barbarous and indefensible as were the 
 penal laws in England — far more so in Ireland — the 
 cause, if not the excuse, for them is to be sought in 
 the acts of James and Tyrconnell and Father Petre. 
 The difference between James and Charles was not 
 that between fanaticism and libertinism ; it was a 
 difference of age. James belonged to the medi- 
 evalesque period of the Counter-Reformation ; his 
 notions were those of the Jesuit reaction and the 
 PT. II. I 
 
ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 I 
 
 Thirty Years' War. No less doctrinaire than his 
 father, he had none of his personal charms, and 
 even less conception of the relation of means to 
 ends. He began by getting rid of Halifax, to whom 
 he owed his throne ; and after infuriating the Non- 
 conformists by the instrumentality of Jeffreys, he 
 deserted the Church of England in order to patch 
 up an alliance with them in favour of his own faith. 
 By this means he succeeded in uniting against him 
 the great bulk of the Church which he had bullied, 
 and the Nonconformists whom he had won over, or 
 imagined that he had. The fall of the Hydesj 
 marks the failure of his attempt to govern by the 
 Church party, and from this to the Battle of the 
 Boyne events hurried on in a way which would be 
 unintelligibly rapid were it not for the Stuart genius 
 for mismanagement. The Declaration of Indulgence 
 might have been borne, but the deliberate insult tc 
 the clergy involved in the order to read it was toe 
 much for human nature. When the Bishops 
 petitioned they were put on their trial, against the 
 advice of Jeffreys and Sunderland. On the night o 
 acquittal was despatched the letter which broughi 
 William over. This was due partly to the birth o 
 the Prince of Wales, which removed the hope tha' 
 James would naturally be succeeded by a Protestant 
 To crown all, James stood on his dignity at th< 
 critical moment, and compensated for a career o 
 subserviency before, and of dependence after, thi 
 Revolution by refusing to his cousin the right t( 
 protect him. Helped by the assistance of the othe 
 Catholic Powers, including the Pope, the Prince o 
 Orange appeared and demanded a free Parliament* 
 
 Desert* 
 James 
 back, t' 
 
 Fromi 
 lings 
 btha 
 practici 
 En?i 
 took si 
 content 
 tleory 
 TheBi 
 .\ct of 
 a? any 
 Constit 
 
 tionAci 
 tkfact: 
 
 d 
 
 iDtt' 
 
 t 
 
Wilis 
 
 ns, aoi 
 eans 
 )wlii 
 e Nod. 
 eys, 
 ) paid 
 'nfaitl. 
 i5t h 
 
 3ver,o[ 
 Hyfc 
 by k 
 
 oftk 
 
 INTRODUCTION TO TART IT 
 
 olgencf 
 
 \d[ 
 
 vas to 
 
 Bisbis 
 
 nsttk 
 
 iig 
 
 3roii5'lii 
 
 3irtlio: 
 
 petiiai 
 
 teitani 
 
 at tie 
 
 ireer 
 
 :er,lk 
 
 'Ai tc 
 
 
 
 leotlKi 
 :iDce(J 
 
 Deserted by his General, his Minister, his daughter, 
 James lost such heart as he had, and fled. Brought 
 back, to William's annoyance, he was soon induced 
 to play the Prince's game by a second withdrawal. 
 From that day the Stuarts have played the part of 
 kings of romance with a grace which their virtues, no 
 less than their vices, denied to them in the sphere of 
 practice. 
 
 Engineered by skilful politicians, the Revolution 
 took shape. Eminently practical. Englishmen were 
 content to disavow the greatness of the change in 
 theory in order to secure its persistence in fact. 
 The Bill of Rights is not a political treatise, but an 
 Act of Parliament ; but the Revolution was as real 
 as any in history, and the centre of gravity of the 
 Constitution was irretrievably shifted. To this fact 
 William owed his difficulties, and the nation the 
 Bank of England. With the Revolution politics 
 ceased to be definitely or mainly religious ; the Tolera- 
 tion Act was of its essence. It was the expression of 
 the facts (i) of the impossibility of securing religious 
 uniformity ; (2) the possibility of maintaining politi- 
 cal union without it. This is the fundamentally 
 modern conception of the State, opposed to the 
 medieval view which makes excommunication equi- 
 valent to outlawry. 
 
 In the next two reigns we see this conception 
 struggling to maintain itself and producing its 
 natural results. William's real object was to draw 
 England into the European conflict with France ; 
 and to this purpose his life was henceforth devoted. 
 With this end in view, he alternately governed by 
 help of a mixed, a Whig, and a Tory Ministry, had 
 
4 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 resort to Parliamentary corruption, and negotiated 
 alliances and treaties apart from his Ministers. His 
 objects were unintelligible to Englishmen, who 
 neither knew nor cared about the Continent ; and 
 this, coupled with his manners, which were detest- 
 able, and with the natural reaction in favour of the 
 absent claimant, rendered his position sometimes 
 precarious, and always disagreeable. But the 
 fortunate folly of Louis in proclaiming James III. 
 gave him the chance he needed, and, after rousing 
 the national patriotism to frenzy, he died outworn 
 and unlamented by a people whom he served without 
 loving and benefited without understanding ; but it 
 was William's work which won Blenheim and gave 
 us the British Empire. 
 
 The reign of Anne is one of the most brilliant in 
 English history, and cannot be adequately sketched 
 here. It is notable in English politics for the gradu- 
 ally increasing strength of the party system, which 
 apparently became inevitable with Parliamentary 
 government. Marlborough and Godolphin were 
 neither of them party men in the strict sense, and 
 yet both were driven by the exigencies of their 
 position into being agents first of the Tory and latei 
 of the Whig party. The career of Marlborough is 
 the cardinal instance of the strength of the forces 
 that made for the two-party system. Here was iij'^". 
 man conducting a victorious war, with a position irj 
 Europe probably reached by no English subjeC| 
 since Wolsc}', gifted with infinite tact and politicaJ 
 dexterity; yet withal, hating parties as he did, an(ij -'^^ 
 striving hard to resist their influence, he found thenf^ ^^ 
 in the long run too strong for him, was driven b; 
 
 t^n 
 
INTRODUCTION TO PART II S 
 
 :he Whig Junto to force the younger Sunderland 
 jpon the rchictant Queen, and fell not only from 
 3olitical hut military intiuence so soon as the Tories 
 lad secured their position. That position was won 
 Dwing partly to national weariness of a war which 
 lad begun by being necessary, was continued as 
 ' oeing glorious, and ended by becoming useless ; but 
 ,jj3artly also to a reaction against the engineers of 
 l,^U:he Revolution. But for the quarrel between Harley 
 iind St. John, and for the additional fact that neither 
 
 !Df them w^as possessed of a real conviction, it is 
 probable enough that a Stuart restoration might 
 lave been accomplished and been for- a time 
 successful. The national sentiment was at least not 
 idverse to the principles of Sacheverell. Further 
 :han this, the struggle between Harley and St. John 
 vvas more than merely personal, and affords evidence 
 ?{ the fact that w^ith a two-party system the evolution 
 Df the office of Prime Minister is all but inevitable. 
 !\11 these points strike one the more that they are 
 it up by the genius of the actors on the stage, for 
 :he currents of politics were more closely interwoven 
 with those of society and literature at that time than 
 2ver before or since, and Thackeray is one of the 
 greatest of our historians. 
 
 But it is in foreign policy, above all, that the 
 reign of Anne has its highest interest. The War of 
 the Spanish Succession is the first of these struggles 
 vvith France for trade and empire which marked the 
 eighteenth century. Commerce, if not its origin, was 
 argely its object, and the Peace of Utrecht paved 
 ' ' ithe way for Pitt. Owing to their short-sighted 
 '", pbstinacy, the Dutch had allowed England to reap 
 
 ]d} 
 
 wert 
 
 iOD2 
 
6 ENGLISH HISTORY ^ 
 
 all the maritime gains of the war, and the peace saw 
 us firmly fixed in Newfoundland and Nova Scotia. 
 Thus maritime supremacy was now more than ever 
 English, for the Dutch barrier was the grave of an 
 imperial dominion. Holland suffered more from her 
 ally than her enemy, and in giving William to 
 England gave herself, though unconscious of the 
 fact. From Utrecht the importance of Holland as a 
 great Power is at an end. With France the peace 
 was but a truce, for the family compact did destroy 
 the Pyrenees for sixty years, and the commercial 
 concessions in the South Seas made to England 
 could not fail to be developed, and to be the cause of 
 quarrel. The Fishery Question is not yet solved, and 
 the possession of Gibraltar has been a leading fact 
 in our Mediterranean policy ever since. 
 
 The whole period is one of great unrest and real 
 development. At the end of it Britain is a modern 
 State, with two religious systems established and 
 many tolerated, with two legal systems, but a 
 Parliament already becoming Imperial, with a world 
 polic}^ before it, and its greatest naval and com- 
 mercial rival for ever crushed. Government, from 
 being regal, wath constitutional checks, has become 
 Parliamentary, tempered by the King. The struggles 
 of sects have become the politics of parties. Th(, 
 Divine Right of Kings is rising into a memory, anc' 
 * revolution principles ' are becoming an idol. Th( 
 Privy Council has given place finally to the Cabinet 
 and there is no longer a doubt that the law must b< 
 obeyed by all persons and in all causes. Reasoi 
 of State has ceased to be a plea, and become 
 principle ; for it has passed from the courts to th 
 
f 
 
 Scotk, 
 
 INTRODUCTION TO PART II 
 
 
 f 
 
 ii 
 
 Court, and from being a defence for Ministerial 
 actions it has become an apology for diplomatic 
 words. > In 1660 the main thought is still of 
 Puritanism and its antagonists, which look before 
 even more than after ; in 1715 the watchwords of 
 'peace, retrenchment, and reform' — Imperitim ct 
 libertas — are looming in the future ; we have passed 
 from the Pilgrim Fathers to Rule, Britannia ! 
 
 nerciajj 
 
 
 t0 
 
 )Die 
 :otli 
 
2 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 FROM ORIGINAL SOURCES 
 
 JAMES II. 
 James' Character and Views.* 
 
 1676. James Memoirs. 
 
 There is no man of common-sense in our island 
 who does not, or ought not, to know that England 
 can never be secure and at ease, without she be 
 master of the seas, at least to such a degree as that 
 no prince or state might alone dispute the superiority 
 with her. This being granted, it behoves whosoever 
 is at the helm so to do all things, as they may con- 
 tribute to that purpose : and this is not only to be 
 done by building of great ships, and having the stores 
 and magazines full of all kinds of necessaries for the 
 speedy fitting out of a fleet, but by promoting and 
 encouraging of trade of all kinds, especially those 
 that breed and employ most seamen, that there may 
 be always a plentiful stock of marines, and settling 
 such encouragements as may induce the nobility and 
 gentry to apply themselves to sea affairs. 
 
 September^ 1685. Evelyiis Diary. 
 
 By what I observed in that journey, is that infinite 
 industry, sedulity, gravity, great understanding, and 
 
 * See also No. 96. 
 
 
1685] 
 
 JAMES' CHARACTER AND VIEWS 
 
 experience of affairs in His Majesty, that I cannot 
 but predict much happiness to the nation as to its 
 
 JAMES II. 
 
 poHtical government ; and if he so persist, there 
 could be nothing more desire to accomphsh our 
 prosperity, but that he was of the national religion. 
 
lo ENGLISH HISTORY [1685 
 
 Meeting of Parliament. 
 
 May, 1685. Lzcttrell^ i. 341. 
 
 About this time persons were very busy in elections 
 of members of the House of Commons ; great tricks 
 and practices were used to bring in men well affected 
 to the King, and to keep out all those they call 
 Whigs or Trimmers ; noblemen busying themselves 
 with elections, getting the writs and precepts into 
 3 their hands, and managing them as they pleased ; 
 King commanding some to stand, and forbidding 
 others, polling many of his servants at Westminster 
 to carry an election ; foul returns made in many 
 places ; and where gentlemen stood they called 
 Whigs they offered them all the tricks and affronts 
 imaginable. 
 
 King James' Speech to his Parliament. 
 
 May 22, 1685. Lords' Journals, xiv. 9, 10. 
 
 After it had pleased Almighty God to take to His 
 mercy the last King, my dearest brother, and tc 
 bring me to the peaceable possession of the throne o: 
 my ancestors, I immediately resolved to call a Parlia^ 
 ment, as the best means to settle everything upor 
 those foundations that might make my reign botl 
 easy and happy to you, towards which I am disposec 
 to contribute all that is fit for me to do. What 
 said to my Privy Council at my first coming there 1 
 am desirous to renew to you, wherein I freely de < 
 clared my opinion concerning the principles of th' 
 Church of England, whose members have show 
 
 i 
 
■iduiai 
 
 called 
 fats 
 
 NT, 
 
 itoHt 
 and 
 irone 
 , Park' 
 
 JlG85] JAMES' SPEECH TO HIS PARLIAMENT ii 
 
 themselves so eminently loyal in the worst of times, 
 4 that I will always take care to support and defend it. 
 I will make it my endeavour to preserve this Govern- 
 1 ment both in Church and State, as it is by law 
 established. And as I will never depart from the 
 just rights and prerogative of the Crown, so will I 
 never invade any man's property. And you may be 
 sure that, having heretofore ventured my life in 
 defence of this nation, I shall still go as far as 
 any man in preserving it in all its just rights and 
 liberties. 
 
 There is one popular argument which I foresee 
 may be used against what I ask of you, from the 
 inclinations men may have for frequent Parliaments, 
 which some men think would be the best secured by 
 feeding me from time to time by such proportions as 
 they shall think convenient. And this argument, it 
 being the first time I speak to you from the throne, 
 I will answer once for all : That this would be a very 
 improper method to take with me, and that the best 
 way to engage me to meet you often is always to use 
 me well. I expect that you w^ill comply with me in 
 what I have desired, and that you will do it speedil}', 
 that this may be a short session, and that we may 
 meet again to all our satisfaction. 
 
 What 
 
 therel 
 
 eelv^ 
 
 i 
 
 Evelyn^ s IHary. 
 
 At every period of this the House gave loud shouts. 
 Then he acquainted them with that morning's news 
 of Argyle's being landed in the West Highlands, and 
 the treasonous declaration he had published, and 
 softlf that he should take the best care he could it should 
 meet with the reward it deserved, not questioning 
 
 5 
 
T2 ENGLISH HISTORY [1685 
 
 the Parliament's zeal and readiness to assist him as ^ 
 he desired, at which there followed another Vive Ic 
 Rot, and so His Majesty retired. 
 
 So soon as the Commons were returned, they 
 unanimously voted the revenue to His Majesty for 
 life. Mr. Seymour made a bold speech against many 
 elections, and would have had those members who 
 he pretended were obnoxious to withdraw till they 
 had cleared the matter of their being legally returned ; 
 but no one seconded him. The truth is there were 
 many whose elections and returns were universally 
 censured, many of them being persons of no con- 
 dition or interest in the nation or places for which 
 they served, said to have been recommended by the 
 Court, and from the effect of the new charters chang- 
 ing the electors. It was reported that Lord Bath 
 carried down with him [into Cornwall] no fewer 
 than fifteen charters, so that some called him the 
 Prince Elector ; whence Seymour told the House in 
 his speech that if this was digested they might intro- 
 duce what religion and laws they pleased, and that 
 though he never gave heed to the fears and jealousies 
 of the people before, he now was really apprehensive 
 of Popery. 
 
 Argyll and Monmouth. 
 
 1685. Rcrcsby. 
 
 June 14. — The King had an express that Argyll 
 
 was come into his own country out of the island 
 
 6 where they intended to block him up. The same 
 
 day the Duke of Monmouth's declaration, which 
 
 arrived the day before, was sent by the King to both 
 
 V 
 
 \ 
 
linias' 
 
 ty for I 
 
 1685] ARGYLL AND xMON MOUTH 13 
 
 •i 
 
 Daill . 
 
 that 
 mi 
 m 
 
 
 Houses, which passed a bill of attainder against his 
 Grace that very day, and voted ;f 5,000 reward to any 
 that should apprehend the Duke and bring him to 
 the King, dead or alive. This declaration charged 
 James, Duke of York — for so it styled the King — 
 with the burning of the city, the death of Sir 
 Edmondbury Godfrey, the murder of Colonel Sidney 
 i and my Lord Russell, with poisoning the late King, 
 • I and tearing his crown from his head, with being led 
 ; by Popish councils, with packing the present Parlia- 
 ment ; and he (the Duke) came to revenge these 
 things upon the King, and would never come to any 
 terms or accommodation till it was done ; that he 
 would give no quarter to those who opposed him, 
 and therefore desired all good people to come and 
 assist him. He further declared that he had a just 
 title to the Crown, but he could not claim it till he 
 had called a Parliament, which he w^ould fully satisfy 
 I in that matter, promising that Parliaments should 
 sit every year, and not be dismissed till all grievances 
 were redressed ; that he would give liberty of con- 
 science to all persons, even to Papists ; with much 
 more to this or the like purpose. 
 
 June 22. — His Majesty received this news from 
 Scotland : that the Earl of Dumbarton, having 
 notice that the rebels had passed the river Leven 
 ? above Dumbarton, marched from Glasgow to Stir- 
 ling, overtook them near Killearn, where they in- 
 tended to fall upon them, but that night prevented, 
 and gave the rebels opportunity to steal away and to 
 get into Renfrew. The Earl of Dumbarton pursued 
 
14 ENGLISH HISTORY [1685 \0 
 
 them with his horse and dragoons, and on his way ^ 
 understood that they were running away in great 
 confusion. The same day three servants belonging 
 to some gentleman of Renfrew found the Earl of 
 Argyll running away in the habit of a countryman, 
 with a blue bonnet on his head. They asked him 
 who he was, but he refused to tell his name or to 
 render himself, till, being wounded in several places 
 of the head, and fearing to be killed, he confessed he 
 was the Earl of Argyll. Whereupon they took him , 
 prisoner and carried him to Glasgow, where he was 
 committed. 
 
 1685. 1702. ' Life of James II.,' 1 16- 1 18. 
 
 The Duke on Sunday, the 14th of June, about 3 of 
 the clock in the morning, marched out of Lime with 
 60 horse and 120 foot, and came to Bridport, from 
 whence he bent his march towards Taunton, greatly 
 increasing his number, for all the Dukes of Alber- 
 marle, Somerset, and Beaufort posted themselves to 
 prevent the countries coming into him. After many 
 marches, and some skirmishes between the Duke and 
 the King's party, the Earl of Faversham, who com- 
 8 manded the King's forces in chief, being advanced 
 from Somerset as far as Weston within three miles 
 of Bridgewater, quartered his horse and dragoons in that Lor 
 the said village, and encamped his foot in an advan- 
 tageous post near it, fronting towards a spacious .| 0^1. 
 moor, and having a ditch before them. In the 
 evening the Earl had notice that the Duke was with- 
 drawing out of the town, which made him keep his 
 troops in readiness, and send out frequent parties toi 
 observe the motion of the enemy ; but the Duke so 
 
I 
 
 liiffl. 
 
 1685] ARGYLL AND MONMOUTH 15 
 
 dexterously ordered his march, and with such a 
 secrecy, that he got a passage without discovery or 
 opposition into the said moor, and there towards 
 morning draw up his foot in battle array, to the 
 number of between five and six thousand men, and 
 '''"i||in this position, the Duke being at the head of them, 
 they got within a little way of the King's camp ; the 
 '_ Earl's advanced guards having discovered the ap- 
 proach of the enemy, by this time gave the alarm, 
 whereupon the General with all expedition put his 
 . men, to the number of 2,000 foot and 500 horse, in a 
 I posture to receive them ; then the fight began, by 
 ■ the Duke's men making several loud shouts, and brisk 
 ''volleys being repeated on both sides. The Duke's 
 'i^i horse were coming to second the foot, but were inter- 
 . cepted and briskly charged by Colonel Oglethorp ; 
 ,:then the Earl of Oxford's regiment and a detachment 
 J of the Guards came in to form the lines. It is true, 
 the resistance made by the Duke's horse, commanded 
 esl^by the Lord Grey, was very inconsiderable; the 
 reason thereof was their undexterity in martial disci- 
 pline, and being never drawn up in a body before, 
 gave way before all that charged them, and soon 
 (being more fit for running than fighting) quitted the 
 field ; but others affirm that there w^as treachery in 
 that Lord. But the foot all this while stood firm on 
 both sides, exchanging volleys with equal eagerness, 
 being debarred from a close engagement by the ditch 
 that was between them. However, the cannon 
 coming up, and the King's horse breaking upon the 
 Duke's infantry, they were at last put to the rout, 
 leaving three pieces of cannon and all that they had 
 behind them. About 2,000 fell a victim to the 
 
 m 
 
 m 
 
 lit 
 
 :ie5 
 ikes 
 
9 
 
 i6 ENGLISH HISTORY [1685 \0 
 
 sword, and several were taken prisoners. The coat^ 
 also the Duke usually wore was found amongst the 
 booty, which occasioned a report that he was slain ; 
 but this was confuted soon after by an account of his 
 being taken at Ringwood upon the borders of Dorset- 
 shire, hiding himself in a ditch, as was also the Lord 
 Grey, in a disguised habit near that place, taken by 
 the Lord Lumley. Upon the 13th of July the Duke 
 and the Lord Grey were both brought to London, 
 and committed to the Tower, and on the 15th the 
 Duke, by virtue of an attainder passed upon him, 
 was beheaded on Tower Hill. 
 
 1685. Evely7is Diary. 
 
 Thus ended this quondam Duke, darling of his 
 fathers and the ladies, being extremely handsome 
 and adroit, an excellent soldier and dancer, a 
 favourite of the people, of an easy nature, debauched 
 by lusts, seduced by crafty knaves, who would have 
 set him up only to make a property. 
 
 ////j^ 1 68 5 . Lu tireU, i . 351. 
 
 Letters from Scotland inform that the late Earl of 
 ■j^Q Argyll was beheaded on a scaffold erected for that 
 purpose near the cross in the city of Edinburgh ; his 
 execution was in pursuance of his former conviction. 
 
 The Bloody Assize. 
 
 1685. 1702. ' Life of James IL,' 122-124. 
 
 Now the Lord Chief Justice Jeffreys had a special 
 11 commission granted to try all Monmouth's adherents, ^^. 
 in the West; and indeed he made use of it with ar 
 
 \KV:\ 
 
1685] 
 
 THE BLOODY ASSIZE 
 
 17 
 
 witness even to barbarity itself. The first that fell 
 under his merciless resentment was one Alice Lisle, 
 one whose age, if not sex, could find (one should 
 think) some tenderness at his hands. The sequel 
 
 JUDGE JEFFREYS. 
 
 jwill justify this our unusual reflection upon this 
 person, who, though the jury brought the prisoner in 
 three times not guilty, yet by threats and commina- 
 tions he prevailed at last, that she was brought in 
 I guilty of high treasomj5fl£b^fe=^w^s=>^eheaded for it. 
 
 PT. II. >^^'oFTHE^ A 2 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
i8 ENGLISH HISTORY [1685 
 
 1«»] 
 
 Her crimes were that she had concealed Mr. Hicks, ' 
 the Nonconformist minister, and Richard Nelthorp, 
 who was a perfect stranger, as the other was in no 
 proclamation. But the Convention after King 
 William came in, were so much satisfied of the ille- 
 gality of the severe proceedings of Jeffreys, that they 
 reversed the judgment of her death. 
 
 Jeffreys, after this was done, posted to Dorchester, 
 where, understanding there were 30 persons that had 
 been found by the Grand Jury to have been assisting^ 
 the Duke of Monmouth, My Lord told the prisoners 
 with a great deal of seeming sincerity, that if anyone 
 of them there indicted would relent from their con- 
 spiracies and plead guilty to the same, they should 
 find him to be a merciful Judge ; but for all his 
 quaintness and elegancy of speech to persuade them 
 to it, yet they pleaded not guilty ; yet 29 of the 30, 
 being found guilty, were immediately executed, for 
 the terrifying of others from justifying themselves. 
 But to see the clemency of this Judge, there were 80 
 more out of 243, who were deluded to plead guilty, 
 executed : and near as many at Exeter served so by 
 the like delusion ; and his cruelty at Taunton and 
 Wells where he put a period to his bloody execution, 
 was not inferior or less inhuman to the forementioned 
 ones ; for in these two places he passed sentence of 
 death upon 500 persons, whereof 239 were executed, 
 and had their quarters set up in the principal places 
 and roads of those countries, to the no small annoy- 
 ance of those parts. 
 
 And here, not to omit Colonel Kirk, one of the 
 King's officers, he, after the overthrow of the Duke 
 of Monmouth, caused 90 wounded men to be hanged, 
 
 without 
 toibem 
 suchufi 
 drums I 
 
 ikf- 
 
 pitch-v 
 
 last, aft 
 
 id the 
 
 oald] 
 
 hereol 
 
 to pure 
 whereai 
 avance, 
 tations 
 not wit 
 Mr. Co: 
 \'ow, 
 Jeffreys 
 was mi 
 theiiri 
 Chief) 
 Wn^ht 
 Court. 
 
T 
 
 
 isonesl 
 anyonel 
 
 ircoi 
 
 alliiij 
 letk. 
 the|, 
 ted. k 
 nselvs 
 were So 
 
 1685] THE BLOODY ASSTZE 19 
 
 without permitting their wives and children to speak 
 to them ; but to express his joy to be the author of 
 such unheard-of severity, he caused his pipes to play, 
 drums beat, and trumpets sound, at the execution of 
 the poor wretches, and their quarters, being boiled in 
 pitch, were set up in several parts of the town. At 
 last, after Kirk and Jeffre3's had played their game, 
 and the latter took the latitude to reprieve those that 
 would pay him as much as their necks were worth, 
 whereof Mr. Prideaux, though innocent, was forced 
 to purchase his life at the rate of 14,500 pounds, 
 whereas others, having not wherewithal to satisfy his 
 avarice, were sold for slaves into the American Plan- 
 tations ; a Proclamation of Pardon came out, but 
 not without a great many exceptions, and such as 
 j\lr. Coke takes the liberty to call ridiculously cruel. 
 
 Now, it being the month of September, Sir George 
 Jeffreys, already made Baron of Wem in Shropshire, 
 was made Lord Chancellor of England, and upon 
 the nth of October Sir Edward Herbere was made 
 Chief Justice of the King's Bench, and Sir Robert 
 dsoljl Wright removed out of the Exchequer into the same 
 Court. 
 
 ecution 
 ■md 
 lencefll 
 ^ecutfli 
 1 plate 
 aDOOi- 
 
 Trial of Alice Lisle. 
 
 HoweWs State Trials^ xi. 338-348. 
 L. C. J. : I would not terrify thee to make thee 
 
 say anything but the truth, but assure thyself I never 
 met with a lying, sneaking, canting fellow, but I 
 always treasured up vengeance for him. . . . 
 >oftlI L. C. J. : Now upon your oath tell me truly who 
 it was that opened the stable door — was it Carpenter 
 or you ? 
 
 2 — 2 
 
 leL 
 
20 ENGLISH HISTORY [1685 , 1« 
 
 Dunne : It was Carpenter, my Lord. 
 
 L. C. J. : Why, thou vile wretch, didst not thou 
 tell me just now that thou pluckedst up the latch ? 
 Dost thou take the God of Heaven not to be a God 
 of truth, and that He is not a witness of all thou 
 sayest ? Dost thou think because thou prevaricatest 
 with the Court here, thou canst do so with God above, 
 who knows thy thoughts? And it is infinite mercy 
 that for those falsehoods of thine He does not imme- 
 diately strike thee into hell ! Jesus God ! There is 
 no sort of conversation nor human society to be kept 
 with such people as these are who have no other 
 religion but only in pretence, and no way to uphold 
 themselves but by countenancing lying and villainy. 
 How durst you offer to tell such horrid lies in 
 presence of God and of a Court of Justice ? . . . 
 
 L. C. J. : It seems the saints have a certain 
 charter for lying ; they may lie and cant and de- 
 ceive and rebel and think God Almighty takes no 
 notice of it nor will reckon with them for it. 
 You see, gentlemen, what a precious fellow this 
 is, a very pretty tool to be employed upon such an 
 errand, a knave that nobody would trust for half a 
 crown between man and man, but he is the fittest to 
 be employed about such works. What pains is a 
 man at to get the truth out of these fellows ! And it 
 is with a great deal of labour that we can squeeze 
 one drop out of them. A Turk has more title to an , 
 eternity of bliss than these pretenders to Christianity, 
 for he has more morality and honesty in him. . . . 
 
 L. C. J. {to the same witness) : Dost thou think that 
 after all the pains I have been at to get an answer 
 to my question, that thou canst banter me with such 
 
:reisv 
 
 1685] PETITION OF ALICE LISLE TO THE KING 21 
 
 sham stuff as this ? Hold the candle to his face, 
 that ye may see his brazen face. 
 
 Dunne : My Lord, I tell you the truth. 
 L. C. J. : That is all nonsense ! Dost thou 
 imagine that any man hereabouts is so weak as to 
 believe thee ? 
 
 Dunne : My Lord, I am so baulked, I do not 
 know what I* say myself; tell me what you would 
 have me to say, for I am cluttered out of m}- senses. 
 
 L. C. J. : Why, prithee, man, there is nobody 
 baulks thee but thy own self; it is only thy own 
 I depraved naughty heart that baulks both thy honesty 
 .] and understanding, if thou hast any ; it is thy study- 
 *■' ing how to prevaricate that puzzles and confounds 
 ii thy intellect ; but I see all the pains in the world and 
 J all compassion and charity is lost upon thee, and 
 therefore I will say no more to thee. 
 
 *!/ 
 
 1685. Luttrell, i. 357. 
 
 ^' x\licia Lisle, convicted of high treason at a special 
 
 ;^ commission held at Winchester for harbouring of 
 
 3, John Hicks, a rebel (but neither convicted, outlawed 
 
 nor a proclamation against him), received sentence 
 
 .s[iijiA of death to be burnt, and accordingly was beheaded 
 
 i\ on the Castle Hill. 
 
 infill 
 
 uedf Petition of Alice Lisle to the King. 
 
 State Trials^ xi. 376. 
 
 ' Your Petitioner humbly begs your Majesty that 
 
 jut execution may be altered from burning to beheading, 
 
 and may be respited for four days.' To which His 
 
 Majesty answered : ' That he would not reprieve her 
 
 0^ 
 
22 ENGLISH HISTORY [1685 , 
 
 one day ; but for altering the sentence he could do ^ ' 
 it, if there were any precedents for it.' 
 
 Dismissal of Halifax and Prorogation of 
 
 Parliament. 
 
 1685. Reresby^ 345. 
 
 My Lord Halifax told me the particulars of his 
 being dismissed from the Presidentship of the Council. 
 He said he might have continued with greater ad- 
 vantages than ever, if he would have joined in some ^ 
 things which he said were contriving to be carried 
 on, which he could not agree to ; that the King j 
 15 parted with him with kind expressions, did assign no 
 cause for his dismission, nor would put any person 
 in his place. This Lord was so generally looked 
 upon as a wise man and a good subject, that the 
 removal of him, especially at the beginning of Parlia- 
 ment, astonished a great many, and made them fear 
 there was a change of councils as well as councillors. 
 
 The King's Speech to the Parliament. 
 
 
 7tlieBiu 
 
 1685 (^No7'e?nber ()). Lords' Jotir?iaIs, xiv. 7^. 
 
 After the storm that seemed to be coming upon us 
 when we parted last, I am glad to meet you all again 
 in so great peace and quietness. God Almighty be 
 praised ! by whose blessing that rebellion was sup- 
 -^Q pressed. But when I reflect what an inconsiderable 
 number of men began it, and how long they carried 
 it on without any opposition, I hope everybody will 
 be convinced that the Militia, which have hitherto §5^^^ 
 been so much depended on, is not sufficient for such 
 
 ofcasii 
 ofwel 
 defend 
 aredii 
 tion tl 
 qualili' 
 ments. 
 tome, 
 occasic 
 prlncif 
 to bee 
 you, tl 
 senice 
 neither 
 want 0' 
 nia!;et: 
 maybe 
 ence n 
 
 kvear 
 standin 
 tliat5U( 
 
 The 
 
1685] COMiMONS' ADDRESS TO THE KING 23 
 
 occasions, and that there is nothing but a good force 
 of well-disciphned troops in constant pay that can 
 defend lis from such as, either at home or abroad, 
 are disposed to disturb us. Let no man take excep- 
 tion that there are some officers in the army not 
 quahfied according to the late tests for their employ- 
 ments. The gentlemen are most of them well known 
 to me, and having formerly served me on several 
 occasions, and always approved the loyalty of their 
 principles by their practice, I think them not unfit 
 to be employed under me, and will deal plainly with 
 you, that, after having had the benefit of their 
 services in such a time of need and danger, I will 
 neither expose them to disgrace, nor myself to the 
 want of them, if there should be another rebellion to 
 make them necessary to me. I am afraid some men 
 may be so wicked to hope and expect that a differ- 
 ence may happen betw^een you and me upon this 
 occasion ; but when you consider what advantages 
 have arisen to us in a few months by the good under- 
 standing we have hitherto had, I will not apprehend 
 that such a misfortune can befall us. 
 
 1685. Evelyn's Diary. 
 
 November 12. — The Commons postponed finishing 
 the Bill for the supply to consider the test and the 
 Popish officers. 
 
 The House of Commons' Address to the 
 
 King. 
 
 November 16, 1685. Journals of the House ^ ix. 758. 
 
 We, your Majesty's most loyal and faithful sub- 
 jects, the Commons in Parliament assembled, do in 
 
24 lENGLlSH HISTORY [1685 
 
 the first place (as in duty bound) return your 
 Majesty our most humble and hearty thanks for your 
 great care and conduct in suppressing the late re- 
 bellion. . . . We further crave leave to acquaint 
 your Majesty that we have with all duty and readi- 
 ness taken into our consideration your Majesty's 
 gracious Speech to us. And as to that part of it 
 relating to the officers in the army not qualified for 
 their employments, we do, out of our bounden duty, 
 humbly represent to your Majesty that these officers 
 cannot by law be capable of their employments, and 
 that the incapacities they bring upon themselves that 
 way can no way be taken off but by an Act of Parlia- 
 ment. 
 
 Therefore, out of that great reverence and duty we 
 owe to your Majesty, who have been graciously pleased J'^'' 
 to take notice of their services to you, we are pre- 
 paring a Bill to pass both Houses for your Royal 
 assent, to indemnify them from the penalties they 
 have now incurred ; and because the continuing of 
 them in their employments may be taken to be a 
 dispensing with the law without Act of Parliament 
 (the consequence of which is of the greatest concern 
 to the rights of all your Majesty's subjects, and to all 
 the laws made for the security of their religion), we 
 therefore do most humbly beseech your Majesty that 
 you would be most graciously pleased to give such 
 directions therein that no apprehensions or jealousies 
 may remain in the hearts of your Majesty's most 
 faithful subjects. 
 
k 
 
 1685] KING'S ANSWER TO THE COMMONS' ADDRESS 25 
 
 The King's Answer to the Commons' Address. 
 
 ^ VOl 
 
 'oryoi 
 
 litem ' Comtnons' Journals^ ix. 759 
 
 cquaiiiM My Lords and Gentlemen, 
 Ireadi-i I did not expect such an address from the 
 
 ^]^t)jl House of Commons. For having so lately recom 
 ^ of ill mended to your consideration the great advantages a 
 iliedfcilgood understanding between us had produced us in 
 :i(lut)-| a very short time and given you warning of fears and 
 jealousies amongst ourselves, I had reason to hope 
 that the reputation God had blessed me within the 
 world would have created and confirmed a good confi- 
 dence in vou of me, and of all that I sav to vou. 
 
 officer: 
 ]ts,an(i 
 vestbi 
 :Parlia- 
 
 (lllt}-\ve 
 pleased 
 are pre- 
 I Royal 
 ies k\ 
 laing ol 
 tobf' 
 rliameDi 
 coDcen 
 ndtoal 
 ion),w 
 itytiai 
 ive suck 
 ealooa; 
 
 1685. Evelyiis Diary. 
 
 November 20. — The Parliament was adjourned to 
 February, several both of Lords and Commons ex- 
 cepting against some passage of His Majesty's speech 
 relating to the test and continuance of Papist officers 
 in command. This w^as a great surprise in a Parlia- 
 ment which people believed could have complied in 
 all things. 
 
 Progress of James's Design. 
 
 1685. * Evelyn. 
 
 December 4. — Lord Sunderland was declared 
 President of the Council, and yet to hold his 
 Secretary's place. The forces dispersed into several 
 quarters through the kingdom are very insolent, on 
 which there are great complaints. 
 
 ApriV 22, 16S6. I^eresdy, ;^6i. 
 
 There was a great change in Westminster Hall of 
 the Judges. There was a new Lord Chief Justice of 
 
 
26 ENGLISH HISTORY [1686 
 
 the Common Pleas, and other new judge there ; a 
 new Lord Chief Baron. This made the greater 
 noise, because several of those turned out were know- 
 ing and loyal gentlemen, and their crime was only 
 this : that they w^ould not give their opinions, as most 
 of the rest had done, that the King by his prerogative 
 might dispense with the taking of the test to Roman 
 Catholics. 
 
 I 
 
 oneo 
 loseh 
 
 1686 
 
 Ikj 
 out, a 
 ffkt 
 tliea 
 CoUe? 
 of Put 
 wliicli 
 tkirb 
 
 iCOD 
 
 ;Ro! 
 
 1686. /diW. 
 
 April. — I was informed by Mr. Jones, son to the 
 late Chief Justice, that his father told the King at his 
 dismission that he was not sorry for himself to be 
 laid aside, being old and worn out in his service, but 
 that His Majesty should expect such a construction 
 of the law from him as he could not honestly give ; 
 and that none but indigent, ignorant, or ambitious 
 people would give their judgments as he expected ; 
 that His Majesty replied it was necessary his judges 
 should be of one mind. He told me further that Sir 
 ^^ Robert Sawyer, the Attorney -General, had been I j)]f 
 directed by the King to draw a warrant by virtue of 
 his prerogative for a priest of the Church of Rome 
 being put into a benefice, and for one Walker, master 
 of a college in Oxford, and some more fellows of the Ititlim 
 same college, turned Papists, to be confirmed master ijjQij^. 
 and fellows, by non obstante. The Attorney said that 
 would be against not only one statute, but all the 
 laws since the time of Elizabeth, that he durst not 
 do it, and desired the King would consider of it, since 1 
 this struck at the root of the Protestant Church, 1 -^ 
 which was contrary to His Majesty's late graciousjf |,;- 
 promise. The Attorney said further, that as soon as' 
 
 itaD 
 
te|l686] HALES'S CASE 27 
 
 '^ffi; alone could be found that would do it, he expected to 
 
 b'^^terllose his place. 
 
 „ ,n 1 686. Reresby, 2)^2. 
 
 ismcai ^^^^y 5- — ^^1"- Finch, Solicitor-General, was turned 
 out, and one Mr. Powis put in his stead, who did 
 what the other refused, viz., to draw a warrant for 
 the confirming of Walker, Master of University 
 College in Oxford, and three fellows and the parson 
 of Putney, in their respective benefices and places, 
 which after passed the Great Seal, notwithstanding 
 their being Papists. 
 
 Koniaii 
 
 totk 
 
 f to lie 
 ice,k 
 ;nictioi 
 lygive; 
 ibitioiij 
 
 ;hat & 
 d bee: 
 irtuei 
 
 jasK 
 ;oftl: 
 1 mastt: 
 
 aitk 
 uRtod 
 it,siDtt 
 
 1686. . Ibid., 363. 
 
 May 13. — The King having lately got a Jesuit for 
 his confessor, went on faster than ever in promoting 
 the Roman Catholic religion. 
 
 Hales's Case. 
 1686. Liittrell. 
 
 The i6th June came on the great case between 
 Godden and Sir Edward Hales in an action of debt 
 upon the Test Act for ;if 500 for not taking the Sacra- 
 ment and the oaths according to that Act within the 
 time limited, having executed an office ; the plaintiff 
 is only the defendant's servant, and the action 
 brought barely to have the opinion of the judges. 
 
 The Judgment. 
 
 1686. State Trials, \\. 1199. 
 
 Having the concurrence of eleven out of twelve, 
 we think we may very well declare the opinion of 
 
 
 i' 
 
28 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [1686 
 
 the Court to be that the King may dispense in this 
 case ; and the judges go upon these grounds : 
 
 I. That the Kings of England are sovereign 
 
 I 
 
 of a Vic 
 Caiiterr 
 
 princes 
 
 i|indR( 
 
 2. That the laws of England are the King's 
 
 laws ; 
 
 3. That therefore 'tis an inseparable prerogative 
 
 in the Kings of England to dispense with 
 penal laws in particular cases and upon 
 particular necessary reasons ; 
 
 4. That of those reasons and those necessities 
 
 the King himself is sole judge ; and then, 
 
 which is consequent upon all, of the f 
 
 LorO 
 [Jelfrev: 
 he Chit 
 [Sundei 
 S'p 
 was OD 
 silencing 
 sermon 
 
 5. That this is not a trust invested in or granted 
 to the King by the people, but the ancient 
 remains of the sovereign power and ' pre- 
 rogative of the Kings of England, which 
 never yet was taken from them, nor can be. 
 
 The Court of Ecclesiastical Commission. 
 
 1686. Evelyns Diaiy. 
 
 July 14. — Was sealed at our office the constitution 
 of certain commissioners to take upon them the full 
 power of all Ecclesiastical affairs, in as nnlimitcd a 
 manner or rather greater than the late High Coininission 
 
 suited tl 
 
 was ovf 
 Bishop s 
 anypur[ 
 way of p 
 so much 
 Rochestt 
 their sull 
 to sit am 
 
 1 
 
 Co2irt, abrogated by Parliament ; for it had not only %'/,ii 
 28 faculty to inspect and visit all Bishops' dioceses, butj Dr.Cl 
 to change what laws and statutes they should think lislatelv 
 fit to alter among the colleges, though founded by} Father f 
 private men, to punish, suspend, fine or give oaths, 
 and call witnesses. The main drift was to suppress 
 zealous preachers. In sum it was the whole power^jjim^^^ 
 
687] THE CASE OF MAGDALEN COLLEGE 29 
 
 )f a Vicar-General — note the consequence ! Of the 
 ;lerg}', the commissioners were the Archbishop of 
 Zanterbuiry [Bancroft], Bishop of Durham [Crew], 
 md Rochester [Sprat] ; of the Temporals, the 
 !^ord Treasurer [Rochester], the Lord Chancellor 
 Jeffreys] [who alone was ever to be of the qicoruui] , 
 he Chief Justice [Herbert], and the Lord President 
 Sunderland] . 
 
 September 8. — Dr. Compton, Bishop of London, 
 'Vas on Monday suspended on pretence of not 
 L silencing Dr. Sharp of St. Giles's for something of a 
 ;ermon in which he zealously reproved the doctrine 
 i )f the Roman Catholics. The Bishop, having con- 
 sulted the civilians, they told him he could not by 
 my law proceed against Dr. Sharp without producing 
 Avitnesses and impleading according to form ; but it 
 jA^as overruled by my Lord Chancellor, and the 
 Bishop sentenced without so much as being heard to 
 iny purpose. This was thought a very extraordinary 
 W3iy of proceeding, and was universally resented, and 
 10 much the rather for that 2 Bishops, Durham and 
 •Rochester, sitting in the Commission, and giving 
 :heir suffrages, the x\rchbishop of Canterbury refused 
 thefai to sit among them. 
 
 The Case of Magdalen College. 
 
 Apn7, 1687. Luttrell, i. 399. 
 
 Dr. Clerk, Master of Magdalen College in Oxford, 
 is lately dead, and a mandate is sent to choose one 
 Father Farmer, a priest, in his room. 
 
 Ibid. 410. 
 
 Magdalen College have chose Dr. Hough Master, 
 pofcrand not Mr. Farmer. 
 
 illUllOi 
 
3o HISTORY OF ENGLAND [1687 
 
 September^ 1687. Rercsby. 
 
 The President of Magdalen College in Oxford 
 being dead, the King sent a mandamus to them to 
 choose the Bishop of Oxford to succeed him ; but 
 their answer was locu^ plemis est. The King coming 
 to Oxford, told them that the Church of England 
 men did not use him well, that they had behaved 
 neither like gentlemen nor good subjects, and bid 
 them go presently back to their election and choose 
 the said Bishop, or they should feel how heavy a 
 32 hand the King had. They went, but returned this 
 answer : they could not make a new choice without 
 committing wilful perjury. 
 
 It was generally observed in this progress that the 
 King courted the Dissenters, and discouraged those 
 of the Church of England. The Papists not being 
 numerous enough to contest with the Church of 
 England, he thought to make that party the stronger 
 by gaining to it the Dissenters, whom he baited with 
 liberty of conscience. 
 
 1687. Ltittrcll^ i. 421. 
 
 November. — The Commissioners did, upon the 
 refusal of the fellows of Magdalen College to own 
 their power or the Bishop of Oxford to be theii 
 3*^ President, actually expel about 25 fellows, anc 
 ordered their names to be struck out of their books 
 and 'tis said the undergraduates treat the President 
 and the mandamus fellows with all imaginable scorn. 
 
1686] IRELAND . 31 
 
 H| Ireland. 
 
 Oxfoi 
 
 liemi 
 m;l)al] 
 
 Aiti^ust 14, 1 686. Clarendon to the King : Corrc- 
 
 5pondc7ice^ i. 533. 
 
 I am unwilling, sir, to give a rash judgment or 
 ■ 1 Jcensure upon any men, but I doubt there are some 
 kL J^^^° have no mind to make much haste to settle this 
 .Spoor country, or, rather, who will ravel so far into 
 ■the present settlements, under which your peoples 
 , ^ have flourished 20 years past, as will confirm men in 
 '! the opinions they have had, that they should lose the 
 estates they have been so long possessed of, all which 
 apprehensions were easily to be pacified by telling 
 them that they are safe in their possession by laws, 
 which cannot be altered but by their own consents, 
 and that your Majesty will not suffer those laws to 
 be infringed. In the first place they are alarmed at 
 the alterations made in the army. There are already 
 2,000 Irish (which is a fourth part), besides those 
 'who have been received since the last June muster, 
 [Which in all probability will make above that number 
 more. That which adds to their fright is the report 
 that there will be another purge of the army after 
 iponit Michaelmas, and that by Christmas Day there shall 
 not be any Englishman left in it. When men are 
 reasoned out of these fancies, the answer is. Why 
 should we not believe what the officers say them- 
 selves ? especially when we see whole companies 
 disbanded, and the men plainly told, if they would 
 keep any of their religion, they would not discharge 
 them. ' When we see,' say they, ' all our country- 
 men disarmed, and that the arms and power are in 
 tithe hands of the Irish, how can we forget the 
 
 thattl 
 edtk 
 ot kiij 
 hurcli [i 
 
 itedwii 
 
 e to ov: 
 be k- 
 ows, 1' 
 irbook: 
 presifc 
 lie scorn. 
 
 \ 
 
32 ENGLISH HISTORY [1686 
 
 barbarous murders committed on us by their 
 murderers ? And when we are told plainly that we 
 have no right to our estates, what violence may we 
 not expect from those who have power to take what 
 they think their own, and what they have been so 
 long injuriously kept out of?' The other causes 
 given for their fears are the Irish maintaining that 
 there was no rebellion in 1641, that all grants made 
 by the late King not in pursuance of the Acts of 
 Settlement were a surprise on His Majesty, and are 
 void. The old proprietors have in several places 
 forbid their tenants paying their rents to their present 
 landlords. The Roman Catholic clergy have in 
 several places forbid the people paying their tithes to 
 the Protestant ministers. 
 
 1686. Clarendon to Rochester : Corre- 
 
 spondcnce^ i. 541. 
 
 I do assure you truth, even in bare matter of fact, 
 will never be known from my Lord Tyrconnel ; it is 
 impossible ; you can't believe, except you found it, 
 as we do here, how false he is in almost everything 
 he says. What he desires to be done one day, or 
 avers he has done, he will as positively deny another, 
 though witnesses can prove him in the wrong — nay. 
 35 though sometimes his own hand is shown againsi 
 him ; really his passion and his rage (we know nol 
 for what) make him forget what he says and does 
 and when he is convinced that he is in the wrong, h( 
 is then in such a fury that the like is not usual. 
 
 I push to know what His Majesty would hav< 
 done, w^hich I should be very glad he would tell nit 
 then I should know what to think of ; but, really, t( 
 
that we 
 mayw^ 
 ke what 
 
 causi^ 
 
 ts mal 
 
 Acts 
 
 andai 
 
 placs 
 
 preseel 
 
 1687] PROGRESS OF THE KING'S SCHEME ^3 
 
 je told that my Lord Tyrconnel has no orders to do 
 mything but what I give him, and for him to give 
 directions which I do not know of, as if he had some 
 5ecret instructions from the King, and which yet he 
 vvill not own, makes me make a strange figure. 
 
 Progress of the King's Scheme. 
 The Fall of the Hydes. 
 
 1687. Diary of Clare ?idon, ' Corre- 
 
 spondence^ ii. 142. 
 
 have 
 
 tithes to 
 
 Cot- 
 
 [ of fact 
 
 el;itii 
 
 "ound 
 
 enlhifl; 
 
 ' day. '(■ 
 
 anotk 
 
 r' 
 
 1 agaiE- 
 ;now D(< 
 ndd(J 
 iTong) 
 lal. 
 
 uldlwi^ 
 I tell D^ 
 reaiy 
 
 January 8. — I received a letter from my Lord 
 President* acquainting me with the King's pleasure, 
 that I was to leave the Government. I am not now 
 surprised at my being recalled, having had so certain 
 information of my Lord Tyrconnel's being to come 
 into the Government. I did expect it, but I confess 
 the manner of my being recalled, to remove out of 
 such a station at this season of the year, and at a 
 week's warning, looks like a mark of the King's dis- 
 pleasure. I confess I have been very stiff in the 
 matter of reversing the outlawries, because, according 
 to very good opinions, it is against law, and because 
 it is plain it will be the greatest blow that can be 
 given to the English Protestant interest, to the 
 prejudice of which nothing shall tempt me to con- 
 tribute. Sometimes I think it may be possible that 
 the King have so far altered his measures as to bring 
 Roman Catholics into all employments ; it seems to 
 be something that way by the opinions the judges 
 have lately given as to the King's dispensing power. 
 
 * Sunderland. 
 PT. n. 3 
 
 \ 
 
 
34 ENGLISH HISTORV [1687 
 
 Considering how powerful the Papists now are in 
 Ireland, that the army has been this last summer 
 new modelled, most of the English Protestants being 
 disbanded, and Papists admitted to freedoms in all 
 corporations, it is very probable that the King might 
 think it now seasonable to put Ireland under a 
 Popish Governor. If my being a Protestant be the 
 cause of my ill usage, I am so far from being troubled, 
 that I look on it as a great honour to be found worthy 
 to suffer for my religion. 
 
 1687. Liittrell. 
 
 January 3. — There was now another change of the 
 37 great officers. The Treasury was put into Com- 
 mission, two professed Papists amongst them. 
 
 Evelyn 
 
 January 17. — Much expectation of several great 
 men declaring themselves Papists. Lord Tyrconnel 
 gone to succeed the Lord Lieutenant in Ireland, to 
 the astonishment of all sober men, and to the evident 
 ruin of the Protestants in that kingdom, as well as 
 of its great improvement going on. Much discourse 
 gg that all the white Staff Officers and others should hi 
 dismissed for adhering to their religion. PopisI 
 Justices of the Peace established in all counties o 
 the meanest of the people ; judges ignorant of th( 
 law and perverting it — so furiously do the Jesuit 
 
 asti 
 tot^ 
 
 ment 
 and: 
 were 
 ofgrf 
 
 The 
 
 16S7. 
 
 M 
 ItheK 
 
 ic 
 
 1 attend 
 
 pat out 
 
 aofsof 
 drive and even compel princes to violent courses an(Jg|jL 
 
 destruction of an excellent Government, both iij 
 Church and State. 
 
 March 10. — Most of the great officers, both in thi 
 Court and country, Lords and others, were dismissec'* 
 
 ^ 
 
 i.Id 
 
1687] TRIAL OF THE SEVEN BISHOPS 35 
 
 as they would not promise His Majesty their consent 
 to the repeal of the Test and Penal Statutes against 
 ""^'"Sj" Popish recusants. To this end most of the Parlia- 
 ''"^j ment men were spoken to in His Majesty's closet, 
 and such as refused, if in any place, civil or military, 
 ™ \\\ were put out of their employments. This was a time 
 
 be 
 }ul 
 wortk 
 
 Mtid 
 
 e of (lie 
 :o CoiB'^ 
 
 i gre 
 \TConee 
 eland, & 
 e evto 
 j well i 
 discouTs 
 hoi k 
 
 of great trial. 
 
 The Dispensing Power and the Trial of the 
 
 Seven Bishops. 
 
 16S7. Reresby^ 374. 
 
 July 7. — Came the proclamation to hand whereby 
 the King dissolved the Parliament, which startled 
 many. 
 
 1687. Ibid., 375. 
 
 July 8.— The Pope's Nuncio being to make his 
 public entry at Windsor with great solemnity, and 
 the Duke of Somerset, being in waiting, refused to 
 .attend us that ceremony ; for which he was forbid 
 coming to Court and lost all his places. Five of the 
 '' six gentlemen of the privy chamber in waiting were 
 put out of their employments for the same cause. 
 
 lunties 
 
 nt 
 
 lejesi 
 
 iirses t 
 botti' 
 
 1687. Reresby, 387, 388. 
 
 December ij. — The King caused the Lord- Lieuten- 
 ants of most, if not all, counties of England to call 
 together all their deputy-lieutenants and the justices 
 of the peace, and to ask them these three questions : 
 1. In case the King should call a Parliament and 
 they be chosen of it, would they give their votes to 
 othio- take away the Test and Penal Laws ? 
 jijniisc^ 2. Would they give their votes for the choosing ot 
 
 i 3—2 
 
36 ENGLISH HISTORY [1688 
 
 such members as thev believed would be for the 
 taking them away ? 
 
 3. Would they live peaceably with such as dis- 
 sented from them in religion, as good Christians ought 
 to do ? 
 
 Several Lord Lieutenants who refused to execute 
 this order were turned out, and Papists put in their 
 places. 
 
 January, 1688. Luttrell, i. 429. 
 
 Several corporations have been newly regulated, 
 ^^ the Tories turned out, and Dissenters and Papists 
 put in. 
 
 Second Declaration of Indulgence. 
 
 April ^^ 1688. Londoji Gazette. 
 
 We, out of our princely care and affection unto 
 all our loving subjects, that the\' may live at ease 
 and quiet, and for the increase of trade, and encour- 
 agement of strangers, have thought fit, by virtue of 
 our royal prerogative, to issue forth this our declara- 
 tion of indulgence, making no doubt of the concur- 
 rence of our two Houses of Parliament, when we shall 
 think it convenient for them to meet. In the first 
 44 place, we do declare, that we will protect and main- 
 tain our Archbishops, Bishops, and clergy, and all 
 other our subjects of the Church of England, in the 
 free exercise of their religion, as by law established, 
 and in the quiet and full enjoyment of all their 
 possessions, without any molestation or disturbance 
 whatsoever. We do likewise declare, that it is our 
 royal will and pleasure, that from henceforth the execu- 
 tion of all and all manner of penal laws in matters 
 
i' 
 
 
 cCUlc 
 
 lilaH 
 
 • 
 
 1688] SECOND DFXLARATION OF INDULGENCE 37 
 
 ecclesiastical, for not coming to church, or not re- 
 ceiving the Sacrament, or for any other nonconformity 
 to the religion established, be immediately suspended, 
 and the further execution of the said penal laws, and 
 every of them, is hereby suspended. And to the end 
 that by the liberty hereby granted the peace and 
 securitv of our government, in the practice thereof, 
 may not be endangered, we have thought fit, and do 
 hereby straitly charge and command all our loving 
 subjects, that as we do. freely give them leave to meet 
 and serve God after their own way and manner, be 
 it in private houses, or places purposely hired or 
 built for that use, so that they take special care that 
 nothing be preached or taught amongst them which 
 may any ways tend to alienate the hearts of our 
 people from us or our government ; and that their 
 meetings and assemblies be peaceably, openly, and 
 publicly held, and all persons freely admitted to them ; 
 and that they do signify and make known to some 
 one or more of the next justices of the peace what 
 place or places they set apart for those uses. And 
 that all our subjects may enjoy such their religious 
 assemblies with greater assurance and protection, we 
 have thought it requisite, and do hereby command, 
 that no disturbances of any kind be made or given 
 unto them, under pain of our displeasure, and to be 
 further proceeded against with the utmost severity. 
 And forasmuch as we are desirous to have the benefit 
 of the service of all our loving subjects, which by the 
 law of nature is inseparably annexed to and inherent 
 in our royal person, and that none of our subjects 
 may for the future be under any discouragement or 
 inatte;!'' disability (who are otherwise well inclined and fit to 
 
 at ease 
 jncof 
 irtueof 
 leclarn 
 concur- 
 
 hetirst 
 1 male- 
 andal 
 Lintk 
 
 ill thei 
 urbaoe 
 (is on 
 
 iee# 
 
38 ENGLISH HISTORY [1688 
 
 serve us) by reason of some oaths or tests that have 
 been usually administered on such occasions, we do 
 hereby further declare, that it is our royal will and 
 pleasure that the oaths commonly called the oaths of 
 supremacy and allegiance, and also the several tests 
 and declarations mentioned in the Acts of Parliament 
 
 jmade in the 25th and 30th years of the reign of our 
 late royal brother King Charles II., shall not at any 
 time hereafter be required to be taken, by any per- 
 sons whatsoever, who is or shall be employed in any 
 office or place of trust, either civil o'r military. . . . 
 We do hereby give our free and ample pardon unto 
 
 ^'all non-conformists, recusants, and other our loving 
 subjects for all crimes and things by them committed 
 or done, contrary to the penal laws formerly made, 
 relating to religion, and the profession or exercise 
 thereof; hereby declaring that this our royal pardon 
 and indemnity shall be as good and effectual to all 
 intents and purposes as if every individual person 
 had been therein particularl}^ named, or had par- 
 ticular pardons under our Great Seal, which we do 
 likewise declare shall from time to time be granted 
 unto any person or persons desiring the same. /\nd 
 although the freedom and assurance we have hereby 
 given in relation to religion and property might be 
 sufficient to remove from the minds of our loving 
 subjects all fears and jealousies in relation to either ; 
 yet we have thought fit further to declare, that we 
 will maintain them in all their properties and posses- 
 sions, as well of church and abbey lands as frranyj ^tt 
 other their lands and properttes~"^vhatse€^r. 
 
 \ 
 
1688] THE PETITION OF THE SEVEN BISHOPS 39 
 
 May 4, i688. Lo?ido?t Gazette. 
 
 It is this day ordered by His Majesty in Council, 
 that His Majesty's late gracious declaration, bearing 
 date the 27th of April last, be read at the usual time 
 of Divine service, upon the 20th and 27th of this 
 month, in all churches and chapels within the cities 
 of London and Westminster, and ten miles there- 
 about ; and upon the 3rd and loth of June next in 
 all other churches and chapels throughout this king- 
 dom. And it is hereby further ordered, that the 
 right reverend the Bishops cause the said declaration 
 to be sent and distributed throughout their several 
 and respective dioceses, to be read accordingly. 
 
 The Petition of the Seven Bishops. 
 
 1688. State Trials^ xii 239. 
 
 Humbly sheweth : that the great averseness they 
 find in themselves to the distributing and publishing 
 in all their churches your Majesty's late declaration 
 for liberty of conscience, proceedeth neither from any 
 want of duty and obedience to your Majesty ; our 
 holy mother, the Church of England, being both in 
 her principles and in her constant practice unques- 
 tionably loyal, and having, to her great honour, been 
 more than once publicly acknowledged to be so by 
 your gracious Majesty ; nor yet from any want of due 
 tenderness to dissenters, in relation to whom they 
 are willing to come to such a temper as shall be 
 thought fit, when that matter shall be considered and 
 settled in Parliament and Convocation. But among 
 many other considerations, from this especially, 
 
40 ENGLISH HISTORY [1688 
 
 because that declaration is founded upon such a dis- 
 pensing power, as hath been often declared illegal in 
 Parliament, and particularly in the years 1662 and 
 1672, and the beginning of your Majesty's reign ; 
 and is a matter of so great moment and consequence 
 to the whole nation, both in Church and State, that 
 your petitioners cannot in prudence, honour, or con- 
 science, so far make themselves parties to it as the 
 distribution of it all over the nation, and the solemn 
 publication of it once and again even in God's House, 
 and in the time of His Divine service, must amount 
 to, in common and reasonable construction. 
 
 1688. Appendix to ClarendoTi's Letie7's^ ii. 479. 
 
 The King : This is a great surprise to me. Here 
 are strange words. I did not expect this from you, 
 especially from some of you. This is a standard of 
 rebellion. 
 
 1688. Clarendon s Diary, ii. 177. 
 
 June 14. — In the morning I went to see my Lord 
 Chancellor. He discoursed very freely to me con- 
 cerning the Bishops. He said the King was once 
 . Q resolved to let the business fall, and not to have 
 proceeded thus against them ; that he was grieved 
 to find he had changed his mind, but said there was 
 no remedy ; some men would hurry the King to his 
 destruction. 
 
f''^lll68S] TRIAL OF TIIK SEVEN lUSHOPS 41 
 
 cliadisi 
 
 ilUjjJ Trial of the Seven Bishops. 
 
 3te,tliat 
 I or coo- 
 t as tie 
 : soleniB 
 i Houst 
 amooDt 
 
 M79. 
 
 . Herf 
 omyoD. 
 idardoi 
 
 iL 17; 
 
 ly hi 
 oe COD' 
 iS ooce 
 ;o have 
 mi). 
 erewa.« 
 tote 
 
 Suuiining up of Wright, C.J. 
 
 1688. Howell's S/n/e Trials, xii. 424-428. 
 
 Gentlemen, after this was proved, then the 
 defendants came to their part, and these gentlemen 
 that were of counsel for my lords let themselves into 
 their defence by notable learned speeches, by telling 
 you that my lords the Bishops are guardians to the 
 Church, and great peers of the realm, and were bound 
 in conscience to take care of the Church. They have 
 read 3'ou a clause of a statute made in Queen Eliza- 
 beth's time, by which they say my lords the Bishops 
 were under a curse if thev did not take care of that 
 law. Then they show you some records, one in 
 Richard II. 's time, which was a liberty given to the 
 King to dispense with the Statute of Provisors. Then 
 they show you some journals of Parliament ; first in 
 the year 1662, where the King had granted an in- 
 dulgence, and the House of Commons declared it 
 was not fit to be done, unless it were by Act of 
 Parliament ; and they read the King's speech, 
 wherein he says he wished he had such a power ; 
 and so likewise that in 1672, which is all nothing but 
 addresses and votes, or orders of the House, or dis- 
 courses — either the King's speech or the subjects' 
 (addresses ; but these are not declarations in Parlia- 
 ^'ment. That is insisted upon by the counsel for the 
 I King, that what is a declaration in Parliament is 
 a law, and that must be by the King, Lords, and 
 f Commons. The other is but common discourse, but 
 ^a vote of the House, or a signification of their opinion. 
 
m 
 
 42 ENGLISH HISTORY [1688 
 
 ^] 
 
 and cannot be said to be a declaration in Parliament. 
 Then they come to that in 1685, where the Commons 
 take notice of som.ething about the soldiers in the 
 army that had not taken the test, and make an 
 address to the King about it ; but in all these things 
 (as far as I can observe) nothing can be gathered out 
 of them one way or the other. It is nothing but 
 discourses. Sometimes this dispensing power has 
 been allowed, as in Richard II.'s time, and some- 
 times it has been denied, and the King did once 
 waive it. 
 
 But those concessions which the King sometimes 
 makes for the good of the people, and sometimes for the tbi 
 the profit of the Prince himself (but I would not be 
 thought to distinguish between the profit of the 
 Prince and the good of the people, for they are both 
 one, and what is the profit of the Prince is always 
 for the good of the people) — but I say those conces- 
 sions must not be made law, for that is reserved in 
 the King's breast, to do what he pleases in it at any 
 time. ... 
 
 Now, gentlemen, anything that shall disturb the 
 Government, or make mischief and a stir among the 
 people, is certainly within the case of De Libellis 
 Famosis, and I must, in short, give you my opinion. 
 I do take it to be a libel. Now, this being a point 
 of law, if my brothers have anything to say to it, I 
 suppose they will deliver their opinions. 
 
 Justice Pow^ell : Truly, I cannot see, for my 
 part, anything of sedition, or any other crime, fixed 
 upon these reverend fathers, my lords the Bishops. 
 
 For, gentlemen, to make it a libel it must be 
 false, it must be malicious, and it must tend to 
 
•al 
 
 '5 in tl^fc 
 
 wed or 
 
 wer y 
 id some- V 
 lid once: 
 
 times tor 
 d nolle 
 1 of tie 
 areW. 
 ? aim 
 
 : CODC& 
 
 medii 
 it at am' 
 
 ;88] TRIAL OF THE SEVEN BISHOPS 43 
 
 edition. As to the falsehood, I see nothing that 
 offered by the King's counsel ; nor anything as 
 the mahce. It was presented with all the humility 
 nd decency that became the King's subjects to 
 pproach their Prince with. 
 
 Now, gentlemen, the matter of it is before you. 
 fou are to consider of it, and it is worth your con- 
 ideration. They tell His Majesty it is not averse- 
 less to pay all due obedience to the King, nor want 
 )f tenderness to their dissenting fellow-subjects, that 
 nade them not perform the command imposed upon 
 hem ; but they say that because they conceive that 
 he thing that was com.manded them was against 
 
 turb tk, 
 nongtk 
 ' [tf 
 opiflioi. 
 a point 
 : to it, I 
 
 foriBf 
 
 ijtiops. 
 mi^ 
 tendis 
 
 he law of the land. Therefore they desire His 
 Vlajesty that he would be pleased to forbear to insist 
 ipon it that they should perform that command 
 vhich they take to be illegal. 
 
 Gentlemen, we must consider w^hat they say 
 s illegal in it. They say they apprehend the 
 ieclaration is illegal because it is founded upon a 
 dispensing power, which the King claims, to dispense 
 mth the laws concerning ecclesiastical affairs. 
 
 I do not rem'^^mber, in any case in all our law 
 (and I have taken some pains upon this occasion 
 to look into it), that there is any such power in the 
 King, and the case must turn upon that. In short, 
 if there be no such dispensing power in the King, 
 then that can be no libel which they presented to 
 the King, which says that the declaration, being 
 founded upon such a pretended power, is illegal. 
 
 Now, this is a dispensation with a witness. It 
 amounts to an abrogation and utter repeal of all the 
 laws ; for I can see no difference, nor know any, in 
 
44 ENCxLISH HISTORY [1C88 ,, 
 
 law, between the King's power to dispense with laws 'ito^t' 
 ecclesiastical, and his power to dispense with any ' articu 
 other laws whatsoever. If this be once allowed of, 
 there will need no Parliament; all the legislature, 
 will be in the King, which is a thing worth consider 
 ing, and I leave the issue to God and your con- nd tli' 
 sciences. '^ench 
 
 Justice Allybone : I think, in the first place, 
 that no man can take upon him to write against 
 the actual exercise of the Government, unless he 
 have leave from the Government, but he makes 
 a libel be what he writes true or false ; for if once we 
 come to impeach the Government by way of argu- 
 ment, it is the argument that makes it the Govern- 
 ment or not the Government. So that I lay down 
 that, in the first place, the Government ought not to 
 be impeached by argument, nor the exercise of the Ji 
 Government shaken by argument, because I can nublisb 
 
 Whei 
 
 lassed 
 vere m 
 aken V' 
 ixtv li 
 omfort 
 
 manage a proposition in itself doubtful wath a 
 better pen than another man ; this, say I, is a libel. 
 
 Then, I lay down this for my next position, that 
 no private man can take upon him to write concern- 
 ing the Government at all, for what has any private 
 man to do with the Government if his interest be 
 not stirred or shaken ? It is the business of the 
 Government to manage matters relating to the 
 Government. It is the business of subjects to mind 
 only their own properties and interests. If my 
 interest is not shaken, what have I to do with 
 matters of Government ? They are not within my 
 sphere. If the Government does come to shake my 
 particular interest, the law is open for me, and I may 
 redress m3^self by law. And when I intrude myself 
 
 sion 
 
 ofti 
 
 1" 
 
 o(aPriDi 
 
 discourai 
 
 refle:: 
 
'itfijaii:** 
 
 ntliacr^ 
 
 "ir coc. 
 
 less |{; 
 
 inatei 
 iDcefi, 
 
 ar,^- 
 
 88] BIRTH OF THE PRINCE OF WALES 45 
 
 to other men's business that does not concern my 
 articular interest, I am a Hbeller. 
 
 1688. Evelyji's Diary. 
 
 When this was heard there was great rejoicing, 
 ad there was a lane of people from the King's 
 iench to the waterside on their knees, as the Bishops 
 assed and repassed, to beg their blessing. Bonhres 
 ^ere made that night, and bells rung, which was 
 iken very ill at Court, and an appearance of near 
 ixty Earls and Lords on the bench did not a little 
 omfort them. 
 
 Birth of the Prince of Wales. 
 
 1688. Luttrell^ i. 426. 
 
 January. — His Majesty's proclamation hath been 
 1 ffl,] )ublished for a day of thanksgiving upon the occa- 
 ion of the Queen's being with child. 
 
 1688. Ibid., i. 442. 
 
 June 10, being Trinity Sunday, in the morning 
 
 Bittjifteen minutes before ten, the Queen was delivered 
 
 eitlif l)f a Prince. 
 
 }f 
 
 otkB 1688. Ibid., \. 4^(). 
 
 July. — People give themselves a great liberty in 
 
 discoursing about the young Prince, with strange 
 
 , reflections on him., not fit to insert here. 
 
 d\ 
 
46 ENGLISH HISTORY [1688 
 
 The Letter of Invitation to the Prince of 
 
 Orange.* 
 
 m ■ 
 
 theyc< 
 tion b' 
 anum 
 
 army i 
 uponv 
 woold 
 nianyi 
 contini 
 (besidt 
 and ve 
 such a 
 
 1688. ' Dalrymple's Memoirs,' ii. 107. " 
 
 We have great satisfaction to find that your High- 
 ness is so ready and wilhng to give us such assistance 
 as they have related to us. We have great reason to 
 beheve we shall be every day in a worse condition 
 than we are, and less able to defend ourselves, and 
 therefore we do earnestly wish we might be so happy 
 as to find a remedy before it be too late for us tojjjjgan 
 contribute to our own deliverance. 
 
 The people are so generally dissatisfied with the 
 present conduct of the Government in relation to 
 their religion, liberties, and properties (all of which 
 have been greatly invaded), and they are in such 
 expectation of their prospects being daily worse, that 
 ^^ your Highness may be assured there are nineteen 
 parts of twenty in the people throughout the kingdom 
 who are desirous of a change ; and who, we believe, 
 would willingly contribute to it if they had such a 
 protection to countenance their rising, as could secure 
 them from being destroyed ; it is no less certain thai 
 much the greatest part of the nobility and gentry are 
 as much dissatisfied, although it be not safe to speal 
 to many of them beforehand ; and there is no doubr 
 but that some of the most considerable of them wil 
 venture themselves with your Highness at your firs 
 landing, whose interests would be able to draw grea 
 numbers to them ; and if such a strength could b( 
 landed as were able to defend itself and them til 
 
 ■^ Despatched the night of the acquittal of the seven Bishops. 
 
 j of de5< 
 is ab' 
 do the 
 we do 
 thingj 
 before 
 probab 
 the an 
 to be' 
 thei 
 
IN'CE 
 
 yfto 
 
 . 'UOJ. , 
 
 reasoote 
 Mnditioi 
 ;lves,a[il^ 
 so 
 
 for OS to 
 
 with tif 
 latioo 
 
 1688] INVITATION TO THE PRINCE OF ORANGE 47 
 
 they could be got into some order, we make no ques- 
 tion but that strength would quickly be increased to 
 a. number double to the army here, although their 
 army should remain firm to them ; whereas we do 
 upon very good grounds believe that their army then 
 [would be very much divided among themselves ; 
 many of the officers being so discontented that they 
 continue in their service only for a subsistence 
 (besides that, some of their minds are known already), 
 [ and very many of the common soldiers do daily show 
 such an aversion to the Popish religion that there is 
 the greatest probability imaginable of great numbers 
 of deserters from them : and amongst the seamen it 
 
 in Sid 
 3rse,tk 
 nioeto 
 kingk 
 e kht 
 dsocli 
 lid sect 
 laifltb! 
 entr)!': 
 lospei'^ 
 
 is almost certain there is not one in ten who would 
 do them any service in such a war. Besides all this, 
 we do much doubt whether this present state of 
 things will not yet be much changed to the worse 
 before another year by a great alteration which will 
 probably be made both in the officers and soldiers of 
 the army, and by such other changes as are not only 
 to be expected from a packed Parliament, but what 
 the meeting of any Parliament (in our present cir- 
 cumstances) may produce against those, who will be 
 looked upon as principal obstructors of their pro- 
 ceedings there ; it being taken for granted that if 
 things cannot then be carried to their wishes in a 
 Parliamentary way, other measures will be put in 
 hem id-j execution by more violent means ; and although 
 voiirDG| g^^j^ proceedings will then heighten the discontents, 
 yet such courses will probably be taken at that time as 
 will prevent all possible means of relieving ourselves. 
 [k^^^ These considerations make us of opinion that this 
 is a season in which we may more probably contri- 
 
 could 1^1 
 
48 ENGLISH HISTORY 1688] 
 
 U 
 
 bute to our own safeties than hereafter, in so much 
 that if you beheve you can get here time enough, in 
 a condition to give assistances this year sufficient for 
 a rehef, we who subscribe this will not fail to attend 
 your Highness upon your landing, and to do all that 
 lies in our power to prepare others to be in as much 
 readiness as such an action is capable of. But we 
 must also lay our difficulties before your Highness, 
 which are chiefly : that we know not what alarm your 
 preparations for this expedition may give, or what 
 notice it will be necessary for you to give the States 
 beforehand, by either of which means their intelli 
 gence or suspicions here may be such as may cause 
 us to be secured before your landing ; and we mus 
 presume to inform your Highness that your compli 
 ment upon the birth of the child (which not one in j 
 thousand here believes to be the Queen's) hath domj S^^ 
 you some injury ; the false imposing of that upon thw p 
 Princess and the nation being not only an infinit 
 exasperation of people's minds here, but being cei 
 tainly one of the chief causes upon which the declali j^ j 
 
 
 the 
 
 evei 
 
 oew 
 
 desi, 
 
 ,wert 
 
 side: 
 
 the 
 
 call 
 
 foloi 
 
 their 
 
 m 
 
 I to ID' 
 
 shoiili 
 
 ration of your entering the kingdom in a hostili 
 
 '■• 
 
 manner must be founded on your part, although j^i 
 many other reasons are to be given on ours. 
 
 If upon due consideration your Highness sha 
 think fit to adventure upon the attempt, there mu: 
 be no more time lost in letting us know your resolil p ' , 
 tion, and in what time we may depend that all tllji p 
 preparations will be ready. 
 
 ^tata« 
 si en 
 ' preti 
 
 ^ 
 
 25 24 27 29 II 
 
 Shrewsbury. Devonshire. Danby. . Lumley. I 1 '^' 
 
 31 35 33 ii k 
 
 ^ishop of London. Russell. Sidney. 
 
 icnui! 
 n.1 
 
16s8] william's expedition 49 
 
 William's Expedition. 
 
 1688. < Rcresby, 399. 
 
 August 25. — The Court was in some trouble and 
 the King out of humour (though he was always of so 
 even a temper that it was hard to discover it) at the 
 news of the Dutch having set out a great fleet as 
 designed against us, that the French and the Dutch 
 were to fall out, and that we were pressed on both 
 sides to declare speedily which to take. The King, 
 the first thing he did, was to declare that he would 
 call a Parliament to meet the 27th of November 
 
 bllowing. He commanded all officers to repair to 
 their commands, and drew the forces out of other 
 
 arrisons and places to man the seaports. 
 
 September^ 1688. James' Memoirs^ i. 154. 
 
 D'Avaux's memorial to the States about their design 
 
 o invade England ; that his master (Louis XIV.) 
 
 hould look on it as a rupture with France, and 
 
 nvade their country with 40,000 men ; which, had 
 
 ahostil'lt been pursued, would have broke their design. 
 
 fcjSunderland had persuaded the King it was a French 
 
 'iitratagem, and got him to reject all advice. He had 
 
 nesi jM;till credit to arraign this step, as affording the Dutch 
 
 ;hereiiii4ji pretence to arm, and alarming England with a 
 
 ciurr6- ..^rench alliance against their religion. So the King 
 
 hatallt^flisclaimed M. d'Avaux's memorial to the Dutch 
 
 Embassador, and in all foreign Courts. 
 
 :9 
 nley- 
 
 September i, 1688. Luttrell, i. 462. 
 
 His Majesty hath issued a declaration to quiet 
 he minds of his people in the ensuing Parliament 
 
 PT. II. A 
 
 
50 ENGLISH HISTORY [1688 
 
 (for which the writs are out), to meet in November 
 next, that he will only endeavour a universal liberty 
 of conscience, that he \vill secure the Church of 
 England, that the Roman Catholics shall remain 
 unable to be members of the House of Commons. 
 
 1688. Evely7is Diary. 
 
 September 18. — I found the Court in the utmost 
 consternation on the report of the Prince of Orange's 
 landing, which put Whitehall into so panic a fear 
 that I could hardly believe it possible to find such a 
 change. Writs were issued in order to a Parliament, 
 
 ofl 
 
 tllel 
 
 16I 
 ft 
 
 Stat( 
 'was 
 he w; 
 
 His 
 torne( 
 
 and a declaration to back the good order of elections 
 with great professions of maintaining the Church of jtenani 
 England, but without giving any sort of satisfaction 
 to the people. 
 
 September, 1688. Lut/rcll, i. 463. 
 
 Fresh expresses do confirm the design of the} 
 59 Dutch to be upon England ; that they have 16,000 
 men on board besides seamen. 
 
 October^ 1688. Jaines^ Memoirs., i. 154, 155. 
 
 On October 3 the Bishops waited on the Kin^ 
 with heads of advice, which he granted in grea 
 gQ measure ; on the 12th Magdalen College was re 
 stored, and on the 15th the Prince of Wales wa 
 named. His birth was proved in a Council Extra 
 ordinary on the 22nd. J y^^^ 
 
 Luttrell, I 464. r^,,* 
 
 mm 
 
 The 2nd, the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Sheriff;;f[U.; 
 attended the King, and he was pleased to tell theiJg^y - 
 
 His 
 thePr 
 OIi!n 
 in rest 
 which [ 
 
 Odck 
 
 Oori 
 
 oen-of.\ 
 
remain 'j 
 
 .0D5, 
 i 
 
 % < 
 
 ;a 
 
 liament 
 lectioej, 
 hurcy* 
 [isfactioi 
 
 1688] WILLIAM'S EXPEDITION 51 
 
 of his resolution to restore the City of London to 
 their charters and ancient privileges as before the 
 Ouo \\'arranto. 
 
 1688. Rercsby, 406. 
 
 October 6. — Lord Preston the new Secretary of 
 State, my Lord Sunderland being laid aside who 
 was turned Papist and had done great harm, since 
 he was near the King. 
 
 1688. Luttrcll, i. 465. 
 
 His Majesty since the news of this invasion hath 
 turned out for the present several Popish Lord Lieu- 
 tenants and put in Protestants. 
 
 Ibid., 468. 
 
 His Majesty hath been pleased to restore Dr. Hough, 
 
 H.M^} "Jthe President, and Fellows of Magdalen College. 
 
 , , |IOh ! rare invasion to occasion so many gracious acts 
 
 /..in restorin^: things to their old leiral foundation, 
 
 'j which hath been the work of some years to unhinge. 
 
 the % 
 1 \if 
 e t& f: 
 Wales'^ 
 
 ncilE^^- 
 
 October 17, 1688. Ibid., 469. 
 
 Our fleet is put to sea, consisting of about thirty 
 men-of-war and some fire-ships under the command 
 of the Lord Dartmouth. 
 
 1688. Ibid., 473. 
 
 November. — An express came to the King the 3rd 
 
 it night from Dover that the Dutch fleet, about 600 
 
 ^//.i# jsail, were passed by the Channel westward ; on which 
 
 he King immediately ordered the Irish battalion of 
 
 uards, several companies of the Lord Craven's regi- 
 
 4—2 
 
 i0 
 to 
 
52 ENGLISH HISTORY [1688 
 
 ment, and some troops of grenadiers, immediately for | 
 Portsmouth. On the 4th another express from Sir ^ 
 Robert Holmes, that the Dutch fleet were seen off ^ 
 the Isle of Wight ; and the 6th came another ex- ' ^ 
 press that the Dutch fleet made towards the land 1 
 about Dartmouth in Devonshire. Upon this news, \ 
 order was immediate!}' sent to all the forces that 
 were drawn down northwards to come up (the Prince's 
 landing being expected either at Yarmouth, Col- 
 chester, Sold Bay, or Bridlington Bay). 
 
 tha 
 retu 
 
 1 
 
 1688. Rereshy, 410. 1 
 
 NovemhcY 7. — I had another express that the Prince 
 was certainly landed at Torbay the 5th of November "j 
 '^ and had marched straight to Exeter, attended b}- the 
 Marshal de Schomberg. 
 
 Oi 
 the I 
 
 Jlaje: 
 atrai 
 the hi 
 
 1688. Ltittrell^ i. 474. 
 
 The Prince of Orange entered Exeter the gth, 
 68 and had his declaration read by Dr. Burnet in the 
 cathedral. 
 
 of his 
 accoiDf 
 BeM 
 Church 
 thed^ 
 a, Ml 
 
 1688. Ibid., 475. 
 
 Letters from the West say that the West Country jjj, 
 gentlemen go in very fast to him, as also that some I gj, 
 of the King's regiments of soldiers at Salisbury were jwheDfii^- 
 gone over to him ; that the Lord Cornbury with his \^} 
 regiment of dragoons, the Duke of St. Alban's Itiuejjjij^ 
 regiment of horse, commanded by Colonel Langston, \^^^ .. 
 and the royal regiment of horse of the Duke of It- 
 Berwick's, commanded by Sir Francis Compton;! -_. 
 that they were decoyed near the enemies' quarters « ifj^^j^ , 
 by the Lord Cornbury and Colonel Langston, but ■( ... 
 
 i 
 
i-for ' 
 I Sir ' 
 
 \i\ 
 ex.-; 
 
 laod 
 left's, 
 
 frj, 
 
 iin'tia' 
 
 i'l. 
 
 itkef 
 
 1688] CHURCHILL'S TREACHERY 53 
 
 that some of them, finding they were betrayed, 
 returned back. 
 
 Churchill's Treachery. 
 
 1688. Rereshy, 419, 
 
 On November ig, the King being got to Sahsbury, 
 the Lord Churchill under pretence of showing His 
 Majesty the outguards of the army had led him into 
 a train, where he had certainly been betrayed into 
 the hands of a party of the Prince's army, but that 
 an immoderate bleeding at the nose prevented his 
 going. My Lord Churchill, finding that he missed 
 of his design, went immediately over to the Prince, 
 accompanied by the Duke of Grafton, Colonel 
 Berkeley, and others. This ungrateful Lord 
 Churchill was raised from page to the King to 
 the degree of a Viscount of England, and had got 
 a great estate with it, by the King's bounty. 
 
 Letter to James. 
 
 1688. Coxe, i. 22. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 Since men are seldom suspected of sincerity 
 
 (When they act contrary to their interests, and though 
 
 vitllisAny dutiful behaviour to your Majesty in the worst of 
 
 ^IJiaDAimes (for which I acknowledge my poor services 
 
 Jmuch overpaid) may not be sufficient to incline you 
 
 -j^ljeifcto a charitable interpretation of my actions, yet I 
 
 hope the great advantage I enjoy under your Majesty, 
 
 hich I can never expect in -any other change of 
 
 'government, may reasonably convince your Majesty 
 
 tOD, 
 
 lis 
 
54 ENGLISH HISTORY [1688 , 
 
 I 
 
 m 
 
 \ 
 
 and the world that I am actuated by a higher 
 principle when I offer that violence to my inclination 
 and interest, as to desert your Majesty at a time when 
 your affairs seem to challenge the strictest obedience 
 from all your subjects, much more from one who lies 
 under the greatest obligations to your Majesty. 
 
 This, sir, could proceed from nothing but the 
 inviolable dictates of my conscience and a necessary 
 concern for my religion (which no good man can 
 oppose), and with which I am instructed nothing !jj ^^^ 
 can come in competition. Heaven knows with what 
 partiality my dutiful opinion of your Majesty has 
 hitherto represented those unhappy designs, which 
 inconsiderate and self-interested men have framed Tlj^-j 
 against your Majesty's true interest and the Protes- 
 tant religion ; but as I can no longer join with such 
 to give a pretence by conquest to bring them to effect, 
 so I will always, with the hazard of my life and 
 fortune (so much your Majesty's due), endeavour 
 to preserve your royal person and lawful rights with 
 all the tender concern and dutiful respect that 
 becomes [etc.]. 
 
 m 
 were 
 
 Mi 
 
 wast 
 foUow' 
 where 
 
 En^^lai 
 
 The! 
 
 and 
 
 wei 
 
 1688. \ Reresby, 419. 
 
 November 25. — The number of those that revolted 
 was not 1,000 in all as yet, but everyone was so 
 -,0 jealous one of another that they knew not whom 
 to trust, so the army and artillery were marched 
 towards London, and the King came there on 
 the 26th. 
 
 168?. 
 
 The! 
 Pnoces 
 oiirmeei 
 
 bin:: 
 
 tOolioCG 
 if IV:' 
 
 He-' 
 
 h. 
 
 
tion 
 
 1688] FLIGHT OF THE KING 
 
 55 
 
 ! 
 
 Negotiations and Flight of the King. 
 
 1688. Rcrcsby, 420. 
 
 November 27. — Proclamation came out for a Par- 
 liament to meet January 15 next ; my Lord Halifax, 
 my Lord Nottingham, and my Lord Godolphin 
 were named Commissioners to go to the Prince. 
 
 1688. Ibid., 420, 421. 
 
 December 3. — Portsmouth, also a strong garrison, 
 4 was taken. Bristol and several other less places, 
 4 followed the same fate. In that part of Yorkshire 
 ^ where I lived very few gentlemen continued lirm to 
 
 (the King — nor, indeed, in any part of the North of 
 
 i England. 
 
 1688. Liittrell, i. 485. 
 
 The Commissioners met the Prince at Hungerford, 
 ,^and were well received. 
 
 i 
 
 :ltli5l*^ j^gg Before 1705. Burnet, i. 794. 
 
 The Marquis of Halifax sent for me. But the 
 
 Prince said, though he would suspect nothing from 
 
 our meeting, others might ; so I did not speak with 
 
 rs™'"Ihim in private, but in the hearing of others. Yet he 
 
 was i*! I took occasion to ask me, so as nobody observed it, 
 
 t*^if we had a mind to have the King in our hands. I 
 
 if^"^lsaid, by no means, for we would not hurt his person. 
 
 here*! He asked next, what if he had a mind to go away. 
 
 I said nothing was so much to be wished for. This 
 
 I told the Prince, and he approved of both my 
 
 answers. 
 
 jtlllC 
 
56 ENGLISH HISTORY [1688 
 
 1688. Ltdtrell, i. 485. 
 
 The gth an express came of a skirmish at Reading 
 between the Prince's advanced guards and the King's 
 forces there ; and the King, upon the news of this 
 77 skirmish, and that his army refused to fight, ordered 
 the Queen to be gone with the Prince of Wales, and 
 according about two at night she took water in 
 order to her going beyond the sea. 
 
 1 688. Clare7ido7i^s Diary ^ ii. 220. 
 
 Lord Hahfax asked for Dr. Burnet, and desired 
 me to send him to him ; we then left them together. 
 I presentl}' told the Prince how my Lord Halifax 
 had desired to see Dr. Burnet, upon w^hich the 
 Prince said there would then be fine tattling ; but 
 he should not speak to Burnet in private. 
 
 1688. Luttrell^ i. 485. 
 
 Things growing more to a ferment, and all tending 
 towards the Prince, the King went the loth at 
 night to Somerset House, and stayed with Queen 
 Dowager some time ; and at two in the morning on 
 the nth he took water privately and went down the 
 river, in order to going beyond the sea. 
 
 1688. ' Ibid., 487. 
 
 The broad seal, the privy seal, and the signet were j 
 carried away when the King went, or, rather, the 
 Queen took them with her. The King, when he 
 went away, left a letter for the Earl of Feversham : 
 
 1688. Printed in ' Life of James II.,' 1702. 
 
 My Lord, 
 Q Things being come to that extremity that j^^^- 
 
 I have been forced to send away the Queen and my 
 
, ;88] FLIGHT OF THE KING 57 
 
 ^^5' 5on, the Prince of Wales, that they might not fall 
 into the enemy's hands, which they must have done 
 ?i ^ f they had stayed, I am obliged to do the same 
 :hing, in hopes it will please God out of His infinite 
 nercy unto this unhappy nation to touch their 
 learts again with true loyalty and honour. If I 
 :ould have relied on all my troops, I might not have 
 3een put to the extremity I now am in, and would 
 lit least have had one blow for it. But though I 
 i^now there are many valiant and brave men among 
 ou, both officers and soldiers, yet you know that 
 iDoth you and several of the general officers and 
 loldiers and men of the army told me it was no 
 vays advisable for me to venture myself at their 
 lead, or to think to fight the Prince of Orange with 
 hem. 
 
 And now there remains only for me to thank you 
 ,nd all those, both officers and soldiers, who have 
 tuck to me and been truly loyal. I hope you still 
 etain the same fidelity to me ; and though I do not 
 xpect you shall expose yourselves by resisting a 
 oreign army and a poisoned nation, yet I hope your 
 Drmer principles are so inrooted in you that you will 
 eep yourself free from associations and such per- 
 licious thinsfs. 
 
 tendiD^ 
 lOth 2t 
 I giieei 
 ruing oc 
 
 netffffc 
 kr, tls 
 vheo k 
 :>hani: 
 
 litv tlis' 
 
 '&' 
 
 1688. Reresby, 421. 
 
 This absenting himself was the more wondered at, 
 •ecause the Commissioners sent to the Prince of 
 )range had sent him word that they thought that 
 hings might be accommodated with His Highness 
 o His Majesty's satisfaction ; whereupon he ordered 
 he Cabinet Council to meet the next day at nine in 
 
matlii^ 
 
 Ttie] 
 tbeLo 
 Prioce. 
 
 learof' 
 tk Kin 
 iccordii 
 
 S8 ENGLISH HISTORY [168^^ 
 
 the morning, but intended nothing less than to be 
 there, but went away that very night, without leaving 
 any orders behind him or directions in the least 
 Upon this the Lords, spiritual and temporal, and the 
 general officers wrote to the Prince to let him knov 
 that the King had left them, and that they wouk 
 endeavour to keep all things in order till they receive( 
 His Highness's directions, inviting him to town a 
 the same time. 
 
 W 
 Capture of James and Second Withdrawal. 
 
 December^ 1688. Liittrell,\. 487. 
 
 The 13th an express came to the Lords fror 
 Feversham in Kent that a shalloop was driven i 
 
 83 there, wherein was His Majesty, Sir Edward Hale 
 etc. ; they were stopped by the seamen, and theii 
 money taken from them before they were known. Bull 
 
 1688. Ibid., 488. 
 
 His Majesty lay the 15th at Rochester in Ken 
 and returned to London in his coach the i6th in tf 
 evening, attended by his guards. The Prince (| 
 
 84 Orange hath sent the Sieur de Zulesteyn to H 
 Majesty, and the King hath sent the Lord Fevershai 
 to the Prince with a letter, and to invite him to SI 
 James's. 
 
 December 16, 1688. Clarendon^ s Diary, ii. 227. Ilf 
 
 We fell into discourse of the King's being stoppc 1 
 at Feversham, and that he would be at Whitehj 
 to-night ; upon which Burnet said it was foolishi' 
 done of those who stopped him at Feversham, ail 
 
 Then 
 rocon 
 
 ly, 
 
 ISKOOC 
 
 Good 
 
 \ 
 
 ivn 
 
10 
 
 '688] CAPTURE OF JAMES 59 
 
 that his coming back to Whitehall would very much 
 disturb things. 
 
 1 688. Luttrcll, i. 489. 
 
 The 17th in the evening the Lord Shrewsbury and 
 he Lord Delaware came to the King from the 
 ^rince, to acquaint His Majesty that the Prince 
 bought it not safe for him to continue in town for 
 ear of the rabble, but that he thought it better for 
 he King to retire to Ham, near Richmond ; and 
 iWAiliccordingly the next morning about eleven the King, 
 seeing he must go, chose rather to go to Rochester. 
 
 Hall 
 
 idt 
 
 WD, 
 
 skf 1688. Reresby, i^2^. 
 
 Then the Prince came to St. James's, where he 
 
 'was complimented, and attended by a great many of 
 
 the nobility ; and the night was spent in ringing of 
 
 'bells, bonfires, and other expressions of joy by the 
 
 grabble. The King began to apprehend that he was 
 
 jin danger, and sent to the Lords that he desired to 
 
 " '^Hjvvithdraw himself out of the kingdom. They took 
 
 ^"'%ome time to consider what answer to give to His 
 
 Majesty. In the meantime he went away privately 
 
 a second time. 
 
 jjI December 11^ 1688. Clarendon^ ii. 234. 
 
 Good God ! what will become of this poor dis- 
 ftracted and distempered nation ? It is like an earth- 
 "•"'Hiquake. 
 
 'nit. 
 
 i> 1688. Clare7ido?i' s Diary^ ii. 237. 
 
 December 29. — The King's reasons for withdrawing 
 juj j[j| from Rochester appeared to-day in print. 
 
could ^ 
 (mm 
 
 60 ENGLISH HISTORY [1688 
 
 1688. From a Li/e of James II. 
 
 ' The world cannot wonder at my withdrawing, 
 myself now this second time. I might have expected, 
 somewhat better usage, after what I writ to the 
 Prince of Orange by my Lord Feversham, and the 
 instructions I gave him. But instead of an answer, 
 such as I might have hoped for, what was I to 
 expect, after the usage I received by the making the 
 said Earl a prisoner, against the practice and law 
 of nations ; the sending his own guards at eleven at 
 night to take possession of the posts at Whitehall, 
 90 without advertising me in the least manner of it ; 
 the sending to me at one of the clock at midnight, 
 when I was in bed, a kind of order by three Lords to 
 be gone out of my palace before twelve the same 
 morning ? After all this, how could I hope to be 
 safe, so long as I was in the power of one who had 
 not only done this to me, and invaded my kingdoms, 
 without any just occasion given him for it ; but that 
 did, by his own declaration, lay the greatest aspersion 
 on me that malice could invent, in the clause of it 
 which concerns my son.' 
 
 The Convention. 
 1688. Reresby., 426. 
 
 The Lords, having sat in the Lords' house for 
 some time, finding His Majesty refused to appoint 
 another Chancellor or Lord Keeper, or to produce the jif Lore 
 Great Seal (my Lord Halifax chairman), framed an 
 address to the Prince to take the government upon 
 himself till things were settled. K 
 
M688] 
 
 THE CONVENTION 
 
 6i 
 
 1688. 
 
 Reresby, 426. 
 
 •\'pectdi- 
 
 December 26. — He returned this answer, that he 
 
 ;oiild give no answer till he had the opinion of the 
 
 ommons. Two days before the Prince had ordered 
 
 GEORGE SAVILE, MARQUIS OF HALIFAX. 
 
 ny Lord Mayor and fifty of the Aldermen and 
 pommon Council, with all such members of the 
 iouse of Commons, in town in the Parliaments of 
 ^ing Charles II., to meet in the House of Commons, 
 
 
62 ENGLISH HISTORY [1689)#! 
 
 ofPbili 
 \Vales, i 
 
 to sit there as a Committee of that House. They 
 met to the number of about 300, and voted to agree 
 with the Lords in most things, particularly in their 
 address to take the government upon him until the 
 22nd of January, when a Convention was to be agreed 
 upon to be called. 
 
 1689. Clarendon' s Diary ^ ii. 252. 
 
 January 22. — Lord Marquis of Halifax was ap- 
 pointed Speaker [of Lords] hro tempore.* 
 
 1689. Reresby^ 430. 
 
 Though the Convention had met on the 22nd, yet 
 nothing was done considerable till the 28th, when 
 the settlement of the nation being taken into con- 
 sideration, they passed this vote, that King James H.. 
 having endeavoured to pervert the government o; He 
 
 94 this kingdom by breaking the original contract tbiund 
 between the King and the people, and by the advice 
 of Jesuits and other wicked persons having sabvertec 
 the fundamental laws, and having withdrawn him^ 
 self out of the kingdom, had abdicated the Govern' 
 ment, and the throne was thereby vacant. 
 
 January 29, i68g. — The Lords entered into con 
 sideration of the same matter. Some were for recalling 
 the King upon conditions, but those very few ; other: 
 for the government to be continued in the King': 
 
 95 name, and the Prince to have the executive power o 
 it by the name of Regent or Protector ; others fo 
 having the King to forfeit the crown, and the Princi 
 of Orange elected into it ; others for having the sai( 
 Prince and Princess crowned, as it was in the casi 
 
 * Jeffreys was in the Tower. 
 
 The 
 
 Rochest- 
 iofavoui 
 (or setti. 
 upon ar 
 throw of 
 precarioi 
 lie in tl 
 \dtli. 
 taand 
 tlepers( 
 
 part of tl 
 Tletl 
 kt the 
 Kings 1 
 Kings w 
 pm t! 
 )lev 
 
intil'^ 
 
 ^ 689] THE CONVENTION 63 
 
 ■ Tli{| )f Philip and Mary, and to hold it by descent in 
 'Qa?r ight of Mary, without taking notice of the Prince of 
 "1 tli kVales, because a Papist. 
 
 16S9. Burnet, i. 8, 1019. 
 
 The Earls of Nottingham, Clarendon, and 
 '^^ochester were the men that managed the debates 
 
 in favour of a Regent in opposition to those who were 
 or setting up another King. It was urged that if, 
 ipon an}' pretence whatsoever, the nation might 
 |hrow off their King, then the crown must become 
 ' j)recarious, and the power of judging the King must 
 2n(l,«B)e in the people. This must end in a common- 
 Mvliaivealth. A great deal was brought from both the 
 itocowaws and history of England to prove that not only 
 ^nifsILlhe person, but the authority, of the King was sacred. 
 imeDtmrhe much greater part of the House of Lords was for 
 contractlhis, and stuck long to it, and so was about a third 
 leadflAart of the House of Commons. 
 
 jbvem The third party was made up of those who held 
 wnlilhat there was an original contract between the 
 Govf!W<;ings and the people of England, by which the 
 fcings were bound to defend their people, and to 
 ntoci»overn them according to law, in lieu of which the 
 recalifteople were bound to obey and serve the King. 
 ; otlAVhat did all limitations of the royal power signify, 
 e™f, upon a King's breaking through them all, the 
 powmeople had not a right to maintain their laws and to 
 to ['preserve their constitution ? [King James] had 
 iePno:|oroken the laws in many public and avowed in- 
 the4';>tances ; he had set up an open treaty with Rome ; 
 tliecJfie had shaken the whole settlement of Ireland, and 
 lad put that island, and the English and the Pro- 
 
 I 
 
64 ENGLISH HISTORY [1689 
 
 testants that were there, in the power of the Irish. 
 The dispensing power took away not only those 
 laws to which it was applied, but all other laws 
 whatsoever, by the precedent it had set and b}- the 
 consequences that followed upon it ; by the eccle- 
 siastical commission he had invaded the liberty of 
 the Church, and subjected the clergy to mere will 
 and pleasure ; and all was concluded by his desert- 
 ing his people and flying to a foreign power, rather 
 than stay and submit to the determinations of a free 
 Parliament. 
 
 As to the proposition of a Prince Regent, it was 
 argued that this was as much against monarchy, or 
 rather more, than what they moved for. If the 
 oaths to James were thought still binding, the sub- 
 jects were by these not only bound to maintain his 
 title to the crown, but all his prerogatives and 
 powers. 
 
 Those who were for continuing the government, 
 and only for changing the persons, were not at all of 
 a mind. Some among them intended to depress the 
 Crown, to render it as much precarious and elective 
 as they could, and to raise the power of the people 
 upon the ruin of monarchy. Some went so far as to 
 say that the whole government was dissolved. 
 
 It was a more important debate, whether the 
 throne could be declared vacant. It was said that, 
 supposing King James had abdicated, the throne ■ 
 was ipso facto filled in that instant by the next heir. 
 The next thing in debate was who should fill the 
 throne. The Marquis of Halifax moved that the 
 crown should be given to the Prince, and to the two 
 Princesses after him. How far the Prince himself 
 
 U 
 
I 
 
 y 
 bytk 
 
 ere wi* 
 
 deseii. 
 
 I ratts, 
 
 )fafaf 
 
 icliy,j' 
 Iftk. 
 
 1689] THE CONVENTION 65 
 
 entertained this I cannot tell, but I saw it made 
 great impression upon Bentinck, in which the Mar- 
 quis of Halifax was single among the peers. Some 
 moved that the Princess of Orange might be put in 
 the throne, and that it might be left to her to give 
 the Prince such a share either of dignity or power as 
 she should propose. 
 
 1689. Lord Dartmouth's note to Burnet, i. 819. 
 
 There was a great meeting at the Earl of Devon- 
 shire's, where the dispute ran very high between 
 Lord Halifax and Lord Danby, one for the Prince 
 and the other for the Princess. At last Lord Halifax 
 said he thought it would be very proper to know the 
 thesr Prince's ow^n sentiments, and desired Fagel would 
 |speak, who [said] he believed the Prince would not 
 ^es i: flike to be his wife's gentleman usher, upon which 
 i' Danby said he hoped they all knew enough now — 
 for his part he knew too much — and broke up the 
 assembly. 
 
 ■raoi 
 atalil 
 )resstk, 
 electiu, 
 
 iher 
 
 lid ik» 
 
 lexthti' 
 
 1689. Before 1705. Burnet, i. 820, 821. 
 
 During all these debates the Prince's own be- 
 haviour was very mysterious. He stayed at St. 
 James's ; he went little abroad ; access to him was 
 not very easy. He heard all that was said to him, 
 but seldom made any answer. He did not affect to 
 be affable or popular. After a reservedness that con- 
 tinued so close for several weeks that nobody could 
 certainly tell what he desired, he called for the 
 thattltiMarquis of Hahfax, and the Earls of Shrewsbury 
 thewjand Danby, and some others. He told them he 
 hiiDStltwas resolved neither to court nor threaten anyone, 
 
 PT. II. 5 
 
66 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 [1689 
 
 and therefore he had dedined to give out his own 
 thoughts. Some were for putting the government in 
 
 ■J 
 
 
 id ,1: k ¥ 
 
 fd 
 
 In 
 W 
 
 < 
 
 H 
 Q 
 
 I— I 
 H 
 
 > 
 
 the hands of a Regent. He would say nothinj 
 against it, if it was thought the best mean fo 
 setthng their affairs, only he thought it necessarjj 
 
entiL 
 
 
 1689] THE CONVENTION 67 
 
 to tell them he would not be the Regent ; so, if they 
 continued in that design, they must look out for 
 some other person to be put in that post. He liim- 
 self saw what the consequences of it were likely to 
 prove, so he would not accept of it. Others were 
 for putting the Princess singly on the throne, and 
 that he should reign by her courtesy. He said no 
 man could esteem a woman more than he did the 
 Princess, but he was so made he could not think of 
 "holding anything by apron-strings, nor could he 
 
 ■ ,i think it reasonable to have any share in the govern- 
 
 ■ fement, unless it was put in his person, and that for 
 • jterm of life. If they did think fit to settle it other- 
 "; I wise, he would not oppose them, but he would go 
 
 back to Holland and meddle no more in their 
 ; affairs. 
 
 This was presently told about, and it helped not 
 a little to bring the debates to a speedy determina- 
 tion. 
 
 1689. Reresby, 435. 
 
 The vacancy being thus agreed to, the Lords 
 voted that the Prince and Princess of Orange should 
 be crowned King and Queen of England. The 
 Commons went further, and voted that all sanction 
 hi the laws should be in the King singly, and not in 
 tthe Queen ; that the succession of the Crown should 
 be to them, and to the longer liver of them, then to 
 their issue, and for want thereof to Princess Anne 
 and her issue, and next the issue of the Prince of 
 
 E)range, in case he had any by another wife, and so 
 o the right line, Papists excepted. 
 
 5—2 
 
68 ENGLISH HISTORY [1689 ' 
 
 Clare?ido?i's Diary, i. 26c 
 
 The great argument used by my Lord Halifax 
 
 (who was the head of the prevaiHng party, and drove 
 
 100 furiously) was necessity, and that the Crown was 
 
 only made elective pro hac vice, and then reverted 
 
 into its hereditary channel again. 
 
 1689. Reresby, 438. 
 
 February 11. — Both Houses having agreed at 
 several conferences in their grievances now expected 
 to be redressed, and the Princess of Orange being 
 arrived from Holland, the day after Shrove Tuesday 
 both Houses in a body went to attend their High- 
 nesses, seated in two chairs of state in the Banquet- 
 ing House at Whitehall, where the Lords' Speaker 
 [Halifax], after having read their said grievances,! 
 and desired redress of them, desired them also to' 
 accept of the crowns of England, France, and Ire-; 
 land. The Prince, after a short speech, wherein hej 
 told them he did accept of the same, and would do] 
 101 what he could to preserve their liberties, went away 
 with the Princess ; and the heralds and several o\ 
 the nobility proceeded to proclaim them King anc» 
 Oueen according: to the usual form, the rest of th( 
 day being spent in ringing of bells, bonfires at night 
 and other expressions of joy, though a great manyr 
 looked sadly upon it. 
 
 Some of the chief things which the conventioner 
 declared illegal were as follows : Suspension of law 
 or their execution by the King, without consent c 
 Parliament ; the Court of Commissioners for ecclesi 
 astical causes ; the raising of money by prerogativ 
 without Parliaments ; the keeping a standing arm 
 
 W^: 
 
,|||1689] WILLIAM'S INTRUSION 69 
 
 in time of peace, without consent of Parliament ; 
 obstructing the free choice of members of ParHa- 
 ment, or, freedom of speech in Parhament ; imposing 
 excessive bail or fines upon the subjects ; the illegal 
 choice of jurors. 
 
 William's Intrusion. 
 
 A Jacobite Sojig. 
 
 Mackay's ' Jacobite Songs,' 47. 
 O, I had a wee bit mailin, 
 
 And I had a good grey mare, 
 And I had a braw bit dwelling, 
 
 Till Willie the wag came here. 
 He waggit me out o' my mailin, 
 
 He waggit me out o' my gear, 
 And out o' my bonny black govvny 
 
 That ne'er was the waur o' the wear. 
 
 He fawn'd and he waggit his tail 
 
 Till he poisoned the true well-e'e ; 
 And wi' the wagging o' his fause tongue 
 
 He gart the brave Monmouth die. 
 He waggit us out o' our rights, 
 
 And he waggit us out o' our law, 
 And he waggit us out o' our King — 
 
 O, that grieves me the warst of a'. 
 
 The tod rules o'er the lion. 
 
 The midden's aboon the moon, 
 And Scotland maun cower and cringe 
 
 To a fause and a foreign loon. 
 O walyfu' fa' the piper 
 
 That sells his wind sae dear, 
 And O walyfu' fa' the time 
 
 When Willie the wag came here. 
 
70 ENGLISH HISTORY [1689 
 
 WILLIAM III. AND MARY II. 
 
 The Revolution Settlement and the 
 
 Non-Jurors. 
 
 1689. Reresby, 440. 
 
 The next business was to get a Parliament, especi- 
 ally such a one as would confirm what the Con- 
 vention had done ; and because a new choice of 
 members might prove hazardous in that respect, they 
 agreed to convert this Convention into a Parliament. 
 This they did by framing a Bill for that purpose in 
 the House of Lords, first passing it there, then in 
 the House of Commons, and at the last getting the 
 
 103 royal assent to it, which was easily compassed upon 
 the 23rd of February. 
 
 A Parliament being thus obtained, they first pro- 
 ceeded to prepare several Bills, one for compre- 
 hension, another for the toleration of Protestant 
 Dissenters. This was moved by my Lord Notting- 
 ham, seconded by some of the Bishops — more out of 
 fear than love ; another for raising forty-two thousand 
 pounds by a tax upon land. 
 
 1689. Ibid., 454. 
 
 April II was the day of the Coronation of King 
 
 104 Wilham and Queen Mary, performed with great 
 splendour according to the usual ceremonies. 
 
 Ibid., 455. 
 
 April 14. — King James continued all this while in ' 
 ^^^ Ireland, the Kirk party in Scotland continuing to 
 
L689] 
 
 THE REVOLUTION SETTLEMENT 
 
 7i 
 
 •oppose him in the Convention, they having declared 
 .j:he throne vacant of that kingdom. Soon after 
 
 WILLIAM III. 
 
 jjljjjcame the news that they had voted King Wilham 
 .,!jand Queen Mary King and Queen of Scotland, had 
 
72 ENGLISH HISTORY [1689 J * 
 
 invited the English forces upon the borders into thatj 
 kingdom, to assist them in [case of] any attempt oi' 
 King James ; but had prepared several conditions foij 
 the King to pass, one of which was that episcopacy 
 should be no longer established in Scotland, and 
 that the King thereof should be of the Presbyteriar 
 religion. 
 
 1689. Reresby^ 440. 
 
 At home Parliament voted money. The Commonjl 
 
 106 niade an address to the King to declare war againsl] 
 France. There passed both Houses the Bill o:| 
 Toleration for all Protestant Dissenters. 
 
 March i, 1689. Clai'eiidon s Diary ^ ii. 266. 
 
 I was fully satisfied I could not be absolved frorr 
 the oaths I had taken, to which these new ones werej 
 
 107 contradictory ; that having already taken the forme) 
 oaths, my allegiance was due to King James, anc 
 not in my power to dispose of. 
 
 1689. Reresby^ 445. 
 
 Five Bishops more took the oaths of allegianc( 
 and supremacy, in addition to the three that hacj 
 taken them on the 2nd of March, being the day ap, 
 
 108 PO^^t^d ^o^ swearing the members of both Housesj 
 Most, if not all, the Commons did swear ; but som<j 
 of the Lords refused, and the greater number of th(: 
 Bishops, from the principle that they thought i 
 unlawful, having before taken oaths to King James. 
 
 Ma7'ch 9, 1689. Clarendon^ s Diary ^ ii. 268. 
 
 I 
 
 109 Lord Abingdon told me he had taken his leav<i 
 of the King, and had spoken very freely to him 
 
totiij 
 mptG 
 
 OQsftf 
 
 :opaci 
 i at: 
 
 «o, 
 
 i 1689] THE REVOLUTION SETTLEMENT 73 
 
 fhe made great protestations to me, that if he had 
 (thought this revolution of Government would have 
 [happened, he would never have gone in to the Prince 
 of Orange. 
 
 1689. Reresby, 451. 
 
 March 26. — The Archbishop of Canterbury all this 
 while refused to swear or to come at all to the 
 House of Lords, not so much as owning the 
 authority either of King or the Parliament. 
 
 bin 
 
 dk 
 fonut: 
 
 1689. Clarendo7i' s Diary, ii. 299. 
 
 I December 31. — In the evening the Bishop of Ely 
 
 was with me, and told me that a fevv days since the 
 
 Bishops of London and St. Asaph had been with 
 
 iLord Canterbury,* pressing to know what he and 
 
 [the rest could do to prevent being deprived. Could 
 
 :they make no steps towards the Government ? To 
 
 all which the Archbishop answered that they could 
 
 do nothing ; if the King thought it fit for his own 
 
 sake that they should not be deprived, he must make 
 
 !giMij!it his business ; they could not vary from what they 
 
 . had done. 
 
 i 
 
 1690. Ibid.^ 300. 
 
 Really, to hear clergymen in these days so varying 
 
 in their practice from what themselves have formerly 
 
 i taught, as if we were to change our principles as 
 
 -11-j, often as they change their humours, would give 
 
 ■.«> 
 
 i.^[i 
 
 I.., 
 
 provocations. 
 \\ * The Archbishop. 
 
 1 1 
 I 
 
74 ENGLISH HISTORY [1688 1* 
 
 Ireland. 
 
 1688. Reresby^ 427. 
 
 My Lord Tyrconnel, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, 
 all this while continued firm to the King's interest 
 with a great army of Papists ; and my Lord 
 113 Inchiquin raised another of Protestants, and de- 
 clared for the Prince and the Protestant religion, 
 having taken Londonderry and some other strong 
 towns in that kingdom. 
 
 December^ 1688. Luttrell, i. 490. 
 
 Irish letters say that the Protestants in that king- 
 dom are in a great confusion, many of them daily 
 1^4 leaving that kingdom ; but that in the north they 
 generally began to take up arms and to stand in 
 their own defence. 
 
 1689. Ibid.^ 500. 
 
 February. — Irish letters give but a bad account oi 
 
 the condition of the Protestants in that kingdom : 
 
 115 that they were disarmed and turned out of all ; that 
 
 Tyrconnel has got near an army of 40,000 men ; that 
 
 Colonel Hamilton will not return back. 
 
 20.000 ff 
 
 ts 
 'ortkr; 
 agisted 
 tiigates.2 
 ithpla 
 qoipa^'e, 
 
 ;cds,jo,( 
 
 1689. Rercsby, 441, 442. 
 
 February 28. — [Danby] said that he was sorry tc] ■■^*- 
 see things managed no better and with no morel lietn 
 expedition. Ireland was in a manner become in jlippeaiiiij 
 vincible, by neglect not sending forces thither before a«it tie, 
 which he had pressed the King to so much that hf^^^Odtj) 
 was uncivil in pressing it. He seemed very earnes 
 
1689] 
 
 IRELAND 
 
 75 
 
 lor the legality of taking the new oaths of allegiance 
 Ind supremacy, and condemned the Bishops who 
 jiow scrupled at it, when their acting in some things 
 jnd their indifference in others had so far con- 
 jributed to this change of Government. 
 
 1689. Liittrell^ i. 506. 
 
 March. — Orders are given for the speedy raising of 
 lOjOOO men for the service of Ireland. 
 
 9 
 
 1689. Reresby^ 445. 
 
 March 4. — It was now more feared that King 
 ames was actually in Ireland, and that Scotland 
 ould take his part. Commissions were given out 
 
 r the raising 10,000 foot. The French King had 
 ssisted James with fourteen ships of war, six less 
 igates, and three fire-ships, ^f 200,000 in ready money, 
 vith plate, tents, and a very loyal and splendid 
 ^quipage. He furnished him with eight experienced 
 fficers, 100 other officers, 15,000 of his own sub- 
 sets, 40,000 arms, cannon and ammunition in great 
 abundance ; but King James refused them, saying he 
 vould succeed by his own subjects, or perish in the 
 ttempt. 
 
 March 22, 1689. Ibid.^ 450. 
 
 The truth is, King James lost his business by not 
 ppearing sooner in Ireland, or rather in Scotland ; 
 )at the winds were so contrary that he could not 
 et out sooner from Brest. 
 
120 
 
 76 ENGLISH HISTORY [1689 
 
 KiLLIECRANKIE. 
 
 1689. Bal Carres' Memoirs touching the 
 
 Rcvohiiion, 45-47. 
 
 The Viscount* resolved to secure the Castle oj 
 Blair, and about the end of July marched down tc 
 Atholl. When he came to the Castle of Blair he 
 called a council of war, ha-.ing intelligence thai 
 Mackay was entering by the narrow pass of Killie- 
 crankie into that country. Many of the clans anc 
 other officers were for maintaining that pass, but th( 
 Viscount convinced them that in all appearance the} 
 never could have so fair an opportunity, Macka^j 
 having then only two troops of horse with him; but 
 if they delayed, he could soon bring up all the Englisl 
 horse and dragoons, w^hich the Highlanders of al 
 things most fear. This determined them, and it wa 
 resolved to suffer Mackay to enter the pass and t( 
 fight him with half his number rather than stay til 
 his cavalry had joined him. Mackay, having enterec 
 the pass without resistance, formed his army, of abov 
 4,000 men, upon a plain, having a small river in hi 
 rear, upon the further side of which he placed hi 
 baggage. 
 
 The Viscount of Dundee encamped upon a heat 
 the night before the battle, and w^as desirous before s 
 bold an undertaking to have some symptoms that hi 
 Highlanders (after so long a peace) still retained thj 
 courage of their ancestors. For this end, while hii 
 men slept in their plaids, near the break of day, hj 
 caused a loud alarm to be made the enemy was s 
 hand. The Highlanders instantly were roused, thre'*] 
 
 ■^ Dundee. 
 
689] 
 
 KILLIECRANKIE 
 
 77 
 
 [iway their plaids, seized their arms, and ran to the 
 
 ront of their camp, drew up into order, then cahnly 
 
 i;tood, expectino^ the enemy. When the Viscount 
 
 berceived this, and that not a man of them had retired, 
 
 Lvith full assurance he instantly began his march to 
 
 [Tieet the enem}^ When he came to a height that 
 
 overlooked the plain where Mackay was, he was much 
 
 bleased to observe them drawn up in but one line and 
 
 without any reserve ; he assured his men they should 
 
 peat them if they observed his orders. The posture 
 
 f the enemy made him change the order of his 
 
 attle ; he formed his small army of near two thousand 
 
 nto three divisions, deep in file, with large intervals 
 
 €tween them, that he might not be outflanked by 
 
 [Mackay, who was more than double his number, and 
 
 f veteran troops. Having completed his disposition, 
 
 hich took some time, in the afternoon he marched 
 
 own to the attack. The Highlanders suffered their 
 
 [ire with courage ; then, when nearer, delivered their 
 
 wn, and with sword and targe rapidly broke through 
 
 heir line and fell upon their flanks and rear, so that 
 
 n a moment the whole intervals of their extended 
 
 front gave way and fled. The Viscount put himself 
 
 ,t the head of his small body of horse. The Viscount 
 
 'p.dvanced to attack their cannon, but thought Sir 
 
 William [Wallace] advanced too slowly ; he called 
 
 o them to march, but Sir William not being so for- 
 
 ard, the Earl of Dunfermline and some others left 
 
 their ranks and followed the Viscount ; with these 
 
 he took the cannon before the rest came up. When 
 
 |he observed the foot beaten and horse fled, he rode 
 
 itowards a body of the Macdonalds in the rear, in- 
 
 itending to make use of them to attack the regiments 
 
78 ENGLISH HISTORY [1683 
 
 of Hastings and Leven who were retiring unbrokerlL"^"^"' 
 from being not fronted ; but, unhappily, while doind 
 this he was by a distant shot mortally wounded ; hJ 
 attempted to return, but fell from his horse. Althougbj 
 the Highlanders had acted with order and intrepidity^ 
 yet unluckily when they came to the enemies' baggage! 
 it stopped their pursuit, and lost them part of th( 
 fruits of their victory, for Mackay and these two regi'i 
 ments got off. . . . General Mackay fled to vStirlingj 
 and arrived the next day with not above two hundrecj 
 of his army ; he had two thousand men killed upon 
 the field, and near five hundred made prisoners. Th<| 
 victory was complete, but I must own your Majesty': 
 affairs were undone by the irreparable loss of th«] 
 Viscount of Dundee. 
 
 The Viscount Dundee to King James afte)] 
 THE Battle of Killiecrankie. 
 
 1689. Macpherson, i. 372. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 It has pleased God to give your forces a grea 
 victory over the rebels, in which three-fourths c 
 them are fallen under the weight of our swords, 
 might say much of the action if I had not the honou 
 to command in it ; but of five thousand men, whic 
 -01 was the best computation I could make of th 
 rebels, it is certain there cannot have escaped abov 
 twelve hundred men. We have not lost full 01. 
 nine hundred. This absolute victory made ^Uj 
 masters of the field and the enemies' baggage 
 which I gave to the soldiers, who, to do them a; 
 right, both officers and common men. Highland 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 I 
 
pidir, 
 
 :tif 
 
 tirlii; 
 
 unte 
 
 689] KILLIECRANKIE 79 
 
 :^o\vlands and Irish, behaved themselves with equal 
 
 antry to whatever I saw in the hottest battles 
 
 lought abroad by disciplined armies ; and this McKay's 
 
 tlioAld soldiers felt on this occasion. I cannot now, sir, 
 
 pe more particular, but take leave to assure your 
 
 !>Iajesty the kingdom is generally disposed for your 
 
 ervice, and impatiently wait for your coming ; and 
 
 reJihis success will bring in the rest of the nobility and 
 
 lentry, having had all their assurances for it, except- 
 
 •ng the notorious rebels. Therefore, sir, for God's 
 
 ilupc ake assist us, though it be with such another detach- 
 
 ). It lUent of your Irish forces as you sent us before, espe- 
 
 ially of horse and dragoons, and you will crown our 
 
 )eginnings with a complete success, and yourself 
 
 ^•ith an entire possession of your ancient hereditary 
 
 ;ingdom of Scotland. My wounds forbid me to 
 
 nlarge to your Majesty at this time, though they 
 
 ell me they are not mortal. However, sir, I beseech 
 
 our Majesty to believe, whether I live or die, I am 
 
 ' ntirely yours.* 
 
 Dundee. 
 
 N.B. This letter is said to be a forgery. 
 
 KiLLIECRANKIE. 
 
 ajejii 
 
 M 
 
 1,371 
 
 agrst 
 jrlfe 
 ords. 
 ;hoi 
 ], wbi: 
 
 idalvj 
 
 if 
 
 lade il 
 
 '|! 
 
 1689. Mackay, 'Jacobite Songs,' 39, 40. 
 
 Whare ha'e ye been sae braw, lad ? 
 
 Whare ha'e ye been sae brankie, O ? 
 Whare ha'e ye been sae braw, lad ? 
 
 Came ye by Killiecrankie, O ? 
 An ye had been whare I ha'e been. 
 
 Ye wadna been sae cantie, O, 
 And ye had seen what I hae seen 
 
 r the braes of Killiecrankie, O. 
 
 * He died next morning. 
 
8o ENGLISH HISTORY 1689]! 
 
 I faught at land, I faught at sea, 
 
 At hame I faught my auntie, O ; 
 Rut I met the devil and Dundee 
 
 On the braes o' Killiecrankie, O ; 
 An ye had been, etc. 
 
 The bauld Pitair fell in a furr, 
 
 And Clavers got a clankie, O, 
 Or I had fed an Athol gled 
 
 On the braes o' Killiecrankiej O. 
 An ye had been, etc. 
 
 O fie, Mackay, what gart ye lie 
 
 r the bush ayont the brankie O ? 
 Ye's better have kissed King Willie's loof 
 
 Than come to Killiecrankie, O. 
 It's nae shame, it's nae shame. 
 
 It's nae shame to shank ye, O ; 
 There's sour slaes on Athol braes, 
 
 And deils at Killiecrankie, O. 
 
 Beachy Head. 
 
 1690. Mary to William : Dalryinplc^ iii. ']% 74. 
 
 The news is come to-night of the French flee 
 being upon the coast. I think Lord Torrington haj 
 made no haste. I cannot tell whether his being sicf 
 and staying for Lord Pembroke's regiment will be 
 ^ sufficient excuse. I am so little afraid that I begijj 
 to fear I have not sense enough to apprehend tl',^ 
 danger ; for whether it threatens Ireland or th, 
 place, to me 'tis much at one as to the fear. Fcjj 
 as much a coward as you think me, I fear more f<| 
 your dear person than my poor carcass. 
 
l^JieOO] BEACHY HEAD. 8i 
 
 1690. Torrington to Caermarthen : Dalrymple^ iii. 66. 
 
 Yesterday morning, according to Her Majesty's 
 order, we engaged the enemy's fleet with the wind 
 easterly, a fresh gale. We bore down upon them. 
 The Dutch had the van. By that time we had 
 fought two hours it fell calm, which was a great 
 misfortune to us all, but most to the Dutch, who 
 being most disabled, it gave the French an oppor- 
 tunity of destroying all their lame ships, which I 
 hitherto have prevented by ordering them to anchor, 
 falling with the red squadron by the help of the tide 
 between all but one of their lame ships and the 
 enemy. That single ship, for want of anchoring, is, 
 without a mast, fallen into the power of the French. 
 We rid within three miles of one another till the 
 fleet came, and then weighed. The French rid fast, 
 'which has given us the opportunity of getting about 
 five leagues from the body of their fleet. We have 
 (the Dutch lame ships in tow, and will endeavour to 
 Iget them into the river or Portsmouth. Several of 
 the English ships are very much disabled, and have 
 jlost many men. Others have had better fortune, 
 myself for one, for I have not lost many more than 
 [twenty men that I can yet hear of, and eight cannon 
 dismounted by the enemy's shot, and a pretty many 
 severe shot under water. Most of the officers be- 
 haved themselves very well, but the Dutch, in point 
 jof courage, to admiration. 
 
 That several of their [the French] ships have 
 Ireceived damage is certain, for they have bore away 
 from us. It is that makes me hope we shall be able 
 to make our retreat good with our lame ships, which 
 
 PT. II. 6 
 
 ;will«t; 
 
 m 
 
 dor 
 fear. 
 
 ii 
 
82 ENGLISH HISTORY [1690 
 
 is utterly impossible if they press on. It has been 
 said they are ill-manned, but I do assure you the 
 oldest seaman that lives never saw quicker firing. 
 
 that 
 breat^ 
 
 1690. Mary to William : Dalrymple^ iii. 84. tHIi 
 
 What Lord Torrington can say for himself I know- 
 not, but I believe he will never be forgiven here. 
 The letters from the fleet before and since the 
 eno^ao;'ement show sufficientlv he was the onlv man 
 
 'e5"^t>' 
 
 
 fin 
 stay ; 
 and: 
 reput: 
 apiti] 
 IdEi 
 thepc 
 totliir 
 
 wasw 
 
 there had no mind to fight, and his not doing it was 
 ,^. attributed to orders from hence. Those which have 
 been sent and obeyed have had but very ill success, 
 the news of which is come this morning. I am more 
 concerned for the honour of the nation than any- 
 thing else, but I think it has pleased God to punish 
 them justly, for they really talked as if it was impos- 
 sible they should be beaten. 
 
 Mary's Fears. P^f^'di 
 
 I He b 
 
 1690. Mary to William : ibid.^ 127. \m\ 
 
 I never do anything without thinking now it may I lb' 
 be you are in the greatest dangers, and yet I must I thenvf 
 see company upon m}' set da}-s. I must play twice I Ootj 
 a week ; nay, I must laugh and talk, though never soi^ftlier 
 much against my will. I believe I dissemble veryliloDgi 
 ^^ ill to those who know me ; at least, 'tis a great con-l*iiiy 
 straint to m3'self — yet I must endure it. All myliiosiiti 
 motions are so watched that, if I eat less or speaklaklp 
 less or look more grave, all is lost in the opinion oiBofliisc! 
 the world ; so that I have this misery added to that ■ (HI of 1 
 of your absence, and my fears for your dear person, ■tliat^>^ 
 
1690] THE BATTLE OF THE BOYNE 8 
 
 J 
 
 that I must grin when my heart is ready to break, 
 and talk when my heart is so oppressed I can scarce 
 breathe.* 
 
 The Battle of the Boyne. 
 
 1690. Between 1705 and 1713. Ijurnet, ii. 50, 51. 
 
 King James himself was positive that they must 
 stay and defend the Boyne. If they marched off 
 and abandoned Dublin they would so lose their 
 reputation that the people would leave them, and 
 capitulate. It would also dispirit all their friends 
 in England. Therefore he resolved to maintain 
 the post he was in, and seemed not a little pleased 
 to think that he should have one fair battle for his 
 crown. He spoke of this with so much seeming 
 
 i pleasure that many about him apprehended that he 
 
 i was weary of the struggle, and even of life, and 
 
 longed to see an end of it, at any rate ; and they were 
 
 « afraid that he would play the hero a little too much. 
 
 He had all the advantages he could desire. The 
 
 I river was deep, and rose very high with the tide. 
 
 j There was a morass to be passed after the passing 
 jjthe river, and then a rising ground. 
 
 On the last of June the King came to the banks 
 of the river, and as he was riding along and making 
 a long stop in one place, to observe the grounds, the 
 enemy did not lose their opportunity, but brought 
 down two pieces of cannon. And wdth the first taring 
 a ball passed along the King's shoulder, tore off some 
 of his clothes, and about a hand-breadth of the skin, 
 out of which about a spoonful of blood came, and 
 that was all the harm it did him. 
 
 6-2 
 
 1 
 
 nt 
 
 4 
 
§4 ENGLISH HISTORY [1690 
 
 The King sent a great body of cavalry to pass the 
 river higher, while he resolved to pass it in the face 
 of the enemy, and the Duke of Schomberg was to 
 pass it in a third place a little below him. 
 
 It was a complete victory, and those who were 
 the least disposed to flattery said it was almost 
 wholly due to the King's courage and conduct, and 
 though he was a little stiff by reason of his wound, yet 
 he was forced to quit his horse in the morass, and to 
 go through it on foot ; but he came up in time to 
 ride almost into every body of his army. He charged 
 in many different places, and nothing stood before 
 him. The Irish horse made some resistance, but 
 the foot threw down their arms and ran away. The 
 most amazing circumstance was that King James 
 stayed all the while with his Guards at a safe 
 distance, and never came into the places of danger 
 or of action, but, when he saw his army was every- 
 where giving ground, was the first that ran for it, 
 and reached Dublin before the action w^as quite over. 
 The only allay to this victory was the loss of the 
 Duke of Schomberg. He passed the river in his 
 station, and was driving the Irish before him, when f 
 a party of desperate men set upon him as he was 
 riding very carelessly with a small number about ' 
 him. They charged, and in the disorder of that 
 action he was shot. Thus, that great man, like 
 another Epaminondas, fell on the day on which his 
 side triumphed. 
 
 
 i(^ 
 
 IL 
 
 t 
 
1690] 
 
 THE BATTLE OF THE BOYNE 
 
 85 
 
 Mackay's 'Jacobite Songs,' 46. 
 
 Now a' is done that men can do, 
 
 An' a' is done in vain ; 
 My love an' native land, farewell, 
 For I maun cross the main, my dear — 
 
 I maun cross the main. 
 
 He turned him right an' round about 
 
 Upon the Irish shore. 
 An ga'e his bridle-reins a shake. 
 With, Adieu for evermore, my dear — 
 
 With, Adieu for evermore. 
 
 The sodger frae the wars returns. 
 
 The sailors frae the main ; 
 But I ha'e parted frae my love, 
 Never to meet again, my dear — 
 
 Never to meet again. 
 
 When day is gane, an' night is come, 
 
 An' a' folk bound to sleep, 
 I think on him that's far awa' 
 The lee-lang night, an' weep, my dear — 
 
 The lee-lang night, an' weep. 
 
 V! 
 
 The Massacre of Glencoe. 
 
 1692. Report of the Commission of Inquiry, 
 
 Carstairs, 239-245. 
 
 His Majesty's proclamation of indemnity was pub- 
 lished in August, 1691, offering a free indemnity and 
 pardon to all the Highlanders, who had been in arms, 
 
 II 
 
86 ENGLISH HISTORY [1692 
 
 
 Glef 
 
 li 
 
 scor 
 Bat 
 toll 
 
 ki 
 
 upon their coming in and taking the oath of alle- 
 giance betwixt that and the first of January there- 
 after. In compliance with the proclamation Glenco 
 goes, about the end of December, 1691, to Colonel 
 Hill, Governor of Fortwilliam at Inverlochy, and 
 desired the Colonel to minister to him the oath of 
 allegiance that he might have the King's indemnity ; 
 but Colonel Hill doth further depone-'-'that he hastened 
 him away all that he could, and gave him a letter to 
 Ardkinglass to receive him as a lost sheep ; and the 
 Colonel produces Ardkinglass's answer, that he had ■ 
 endeavoured to receive the great lost sheep Glenco, 
 and that Glenco had undertaken to bring in all his 
 friends and followers as the Privy Council should ; 
 order ; and Ardkinglass further writes that he wAs 
 sending to Edinburgh that Glenco, though he had > 
 mistaken in coming to Colonel Hill to take the oath 
 of allegiance, might yet be welcome ; and that there- .' 
 after the Colonel should take care that Glenco's friends \ 
 and followers may not suffer. Ardkinglass further | 
 depones that when he declined to give the oath of 
 allesfiance to Glenco because the last of December, | 
 the time appointed for the taking of it, was past, ' 
 Glenco begged with tears that he might be admitted 
 to take it, and promised to bring in all his people 
 within a short time to do the like ; and if any of them i 
 refused they should be improvised or sent to Flanders. 
 Upon which he did administer to him the oath of 
 allegiance upon the 6th of January, 1692, and sent a 
 certificate thereof to Edinburgh, with Colonel Hill's | 
 letter to Colin Campbell, and further wrote to ther^ fe 
 said Colin that he should write back to him whether 
 
 * = testify 
 
 |ol 
 
1692] THE MASSACRE OF GLENXOE 87 
 
 Glenco's taking the oath was allowed by the Council 
 or not. . . . And Colin Campbell does further depone 
 that he did by himself or his servant score or delete 
 the certificate, as now it stands scored, as to Glenco's 
 taking the oath of allegiance, and gave it in, so 
 scored, or obliterate, to the clerk of the Council. 
 But it doth not appear that the matter was brought 
 to the Council-board, though it seems to have been 
 intended by x\rdkinglass, who both wrote himself and 
 sent Colonel Hill's letter for to make Glenco's excuse, 
 and desired to know the Council's pleasure. 
 
 After that Glenco had taken the oath of allegiance 
 he went home, and he not only lived there for some 
 days, quietly and securely, but called his people 
 together and told them he had taken the oath of alle- 
 giance and made his peace, and therefore desired and 
 engaged them to live peaceably under King \\'illiam*s 
 government. These things having preceded the 
 slaughter, which happened not to be committed 
 until the 13th of February, 1692, six weeks after the 
 deceased Glenco had taken the oath of allegiance at 
 Inverary, the slaughter was in this manner : Glen- 
 lyon, a Captain of the Earl of Argyle's regiment, and 
 six score soldiers returned to Glenco about the ist of 
 February, where at their entry the elder brother 
 John met them and demanded the reason of their 
 coming, and Lindsay showed him his orders for 
 quartering there under Colonel Hill's hand, and gave 
 assurance that they were only come to quarter, and 
 thereupon they were billeted in the country and had 
 free quarters and entertainment, living familiarly with 
 the people until the 13th of February. And Alexander 
 depones that Glenlyon, being his wife's uncle, came 
 
88 ENGLISH HISTORY [1692; 
 
 i«l 
 
 ilat he 
 ttetlii 
 
 almost every day and took his morning drink at his 
 house, and that the very night before the slaiighteri 
 Glenlyon did play at cards in his own quarters with 
 both his brothers. And John depones that old Glenco 
 his father had invited Glenlyon to dine with him 
 upon the very day the slaughter happened. But on 
 the 13th of February, about four or five in the morn- 
 ing, Lindsay, with a party of the foresaid soldiers, 
 came to old Glenco's house, where, having called in 
 a friendly manner and got in, they shot his father 
 dead, with several shots, as he was rising out of his Jiao 
 bed; and the mother having got up and put on her ■'ijpli 
 clothes, the soldiers stripped her naked, and drew j^ajieC 
 the rings off her fingers with their teeth, as likewise :ym 
 they killed one man more, and wounded another | 
 grievously at the same place. John McDonald, 
 eldest son to the deceased Glenco, depones : The |^.itt 
 same morning that his father was killed there came 
 soldiers to his house before day, and called at his 
 window, which gave him the alarm, and made him ; 
 to go to Innerriggen, where Glenlyon was quartered; 
 and that he found Glenlyon and his men preparing j 
 their arms ; but Glenlyon gave him good words, and ' 
 said they were to march against some of Glengary's 
 men ; and if these were ill-intended., would not he 
 have told Sandy and his niece, meaning the depo- ' 4 
 nent's brother and his wife ; which made the depo- 
 nent go home and go again to his bed until his 
 ^servant, who hindered him to sleep, raised him, and 
 when he rose and went out he perceived about 
 twenty men coming towards his house with their 
 bayonets fixed to their muskets ; whereupon he fled, 
 and having Auchraion, a little village of Glenco, i.u 
 
 :m 
 
 Gk 
 
 1 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 i-< f 
 
592] THE MASSACRE OF GLENCOE 89 
 
 
 terswii 
 iGb, 
 
 iew, he heard the shots wherewith Auchintraiten 
 ind four more were killed, and that he heard also 
 e shots at Innerriggen, where Glenlyon had caused 
 kill nine more. . . . The same morning there was 
 ""^Pne Sergeant Barber laid hold on Auchintraiten's 
 "•^^ •''Brother and asked him if he were alive. He answered 
 '^ "^"^1 'lat he was, and that he desired to die without 
 ither than within. Barber said that, for his meat 
 
 soldiei 
 
 s fatk; 
 
 id dits 
 likewTjc 
 anotlit: 
 
 called ii||^ 3^1- \^q Yi^(\ eaten, he would do him the favour to 
 ill him without ; but when the man was brought 
 ut, and soldiers brought to shoot him, he, having 
 is plaid loose, flung it over their faces, and so 
 scaped. And at Innerriggen, where Glenlyon was 
 uartered, the soldiers took other nine men, and did 
 ind them hand and foot, killed them one by one. 
 Donala nd when Glenlyon inclined to save a young man of 
 ^: M Dout twenty years of age, one Captain Drummond 
 ime and asked how he came to be saved, in respect 
 
 recaiBc 
 
 latbiilf the orders that were given, and shot him dead, 
 nd another young boy of about thirteen years ran 
 ) Glenlyon to be saved : he was likewise shot dead ; 
 iid in the same town there was a woman and a boy 
 )out four or live years of age killed. And at 
 .uchraion, also, there was a child missed, and 
 )thing found of him but the hand. There were 
 cewise several killed at other places, whereof 
 tie was an old man about eighty years of age. 
 j. . And all five witnesses concur that the foresaid 
 Hughter was made by Glenlyon and his soldiers 
 iter they had been quartered and lived peaceably 
 iid friendly with the men of Glenco about thirteen 
 lieielA'-ys, and that the number of those whom they knew 
 iDCO,il*^ be slain were about twenty-five; and that the 
 
 r 
 
 ide hill 
 artered; 
 :epanB» 
 \^d 
 ;n?an'! 
 notk 
 edepo- 
 ledepo 
 ntil % 
 im,aiii 
 aW 
 b # 
 
e|iiietl] 
 
 flceniiD 
 
 90 ENGLISH HISTORY [160 
 
 soldiers after the slaughter did burn the houses! 
 barns, and goods, and carried away a great spoil. 
 
 . Responsibility for tJic Deed. 
 
 Report of the Commission of Inquiry, 
 Carstairs, 248-254. 
 
 There were additional ones [instructions] , super 
 signed and countersigned by His Majesty, and th 
 date marked by Secretary Stair's hand, wherein al 
 to be noticed to the present purpose is, that thereii 
 His Majesty doth judge it much better that thes 
 who took not the benefit of the indemnity i: 
 due time should be obliged to render upon merc} 
 they still taking the oath of allegiance, and the 
 added: ' // Mackean of Glenco and that tribe can I 
 well separated from the rest, it will be a proper vindicc 
 tion of tlie public justice to extirpate tJiat sect of thieves f^t 
 Of these additional instructions a principal duplicat 
 130 was sent to Sir Thomas Livingston, and another tBittle 
 Colonel Hill. And these were all the instructior»'SlHrea 
 given by the King in this matter. But SecretarJ^eyoo 
 Stair, by a letter written to Sir Thomas, says: 'Yc 
 know in general that the troops posted at Invernej 
 and Inverlochy will be ordered to take in the houj'lltisit 
 of In\'ergarie, and to destroy entirel}- the county •■i^te 
 Lochabar, Lochiel's Lands, Keppoch's, Glengary'Bftexci 
 and Glenco'; and then adds: 'I assure you yoijailletie 
 power shall be full enough, and I hope the soldie 
 will not trouble the Government with prisoners.' B- 
 this [another] letter of the nth of January hath th 
 expression : ' My Lord Argyle tells me that GlerKJJ j^ii 
 hath not taken the oath, at which I rejoice. It is 
 great work of charity to be exact in rooting out th;. 
 
 ii in 
 [esto 
 
 135 
 
2] 
 
 THE MASSACRE OF GLENCOE 
 
 91 
 
 mnable sect — the worst of the Highlands.' Yet 
 e execution and slaughter of the Glenco men did 
 )t immediately take effect, and thereafter on the 
 j)th of January the Master of Stair doth again write 
 /o letters. ' I am glad that Glenco did not come 
 within the time prefixed. I hope what is done 
 ere may be in earnest. I believe you will be 
 tisfied it were a great advantage to the nation that 
 ieving tribe were rooted out and cut off. It must 
 quietly done ; otherwise they will make shift for 
 th their men and their cattle.' And the other to 
 jolonel Hill, which bears : ' Pray, when the thing 
 i)ncerning Glenco is resolved, let it be secret and 
 jidden, and otherwise the men will shift you, and 
 2tter not meddle with them than not to do it to pur- 
 se.' Sir Thomas Livingston, having got the 
 ing's instructions, with Secretary Stair's letter, 
 rites to Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton : ' Seeing 
 lat the orders are positive from Court to me not 
 spare any of them that have not timely come in, I 
 sire you will begin with Glenco, and spare nothing 
 hich belongs to him, but do not trouble the Govern- 
 ent with prisoners.' 
 
 It is the opinion of the Commissioner that Secre- 
 iry Stair's letters were no ways warranted by, but 
 uite exceeded, the King's instructions. Since the 
 lid letters . . . appear to have been the only 
 'arrant and cause of their slaughter, which in 
 ffect was a barbarous murder. And this is farther 
 onfirmed by two more of his letters written to 
 'olonel Hill after the slaughter was committed, 
 /herein he continues : ' All that I regret is that any 
 ;f the sort got away'; and another wherein he says : 
 
92 ENGLISH HISTORY [16S* 
 
 ' When 3'oii do your duty in a thing so necessary t 
 rid the countr}- of thieving, you need not troubl 
 to vindicate yourself by showing all your ordeni 
 When you do right, you need fear nobody. All tha 
 can be said is that in the execution it was neither si 
 full nor so far as might have been.' 
 
 ,Goi 
 
 Eepron 
 
 5,::ence i 
 
 Unpopularity and Insecurity of William, l^^] 
 
 1 69 1. From a nieniorial of Ferguson to J nines ^ 
 
 Macpherson^ i. 390. 
 
 ilwn 
 carts 0: 
 
 kdarli 
 
 The Prince of Orange is mortally hated by th 
 English. They see very fairly that he hath no lev 
 for them, neither doth he confide in them, but all i 
 his Dutch. It is certainly known he hath brough 
 over a great many foreigners this summer, and it' 
 not doubted but the Parliament will not be fo p^u 
 foreigners to ride them with a caveson ; and it' 
 mightily in their heads that these foreigners wer^ ^^ 
 
 brought over to noose the Parliament. He is curse 
 daily by those of his Council, his bedchamber, an 
 others that hath very good employments unde 
 him. 
 
 ,511 
 
 !!jresto: 
 
 ki^e, 
 
 
 1 69 1. ^ James' Memoirs, i. 236. 
 
 Others were not discouraged from owning theiw^ 
 inclination to return to their duty. To the King'fcas 
 great surprise, my Lord Churchill and my Lorwigi 
 Godolphin themselves were of the number. It waj^stk 
 supposed that the intention of these men were t 
 save themselves, in case of a restoration, against th| 
 King's resentment. The success of France and th "7':ttk 
 aversion of the English to the Prince of Orang 
 
b2] 
 
 UNPOPULARITY OF WILLIAM 
 
 93 
 
 ^^^^Iftide a restoration appear an event not far distant. 
 ot trotyl ^ Godolphin made open assurances to the King. 
 'Worijlg promised to resign. But it went against his con- 
 ™'!i,lience to betray his trust from any man. It had 
 "^'felen happy had he been always so scrupulous. 
 
 I1692. James' Memoirs, i. 241. 
 
 [Many begin to be dissatisfied with the Prince of 
 (range's government. The violent current, which 
 m borne down everything before it, abated. The 
 |arts of many remained true, though their hands 
 jre tied. Every day cleared up more and more 
 |e dark and hidden contrivances which had pro- 
 iced the Resolution. The number of the King's 
 [ends increased daily. They proposed schemes for 
 restoration. The correspondence with Churchill 
 LS kept up. There was some cause to believe 
 I, as both he and his mistress, the Princess of 
 ;nmark, were out of favour with the Prince of 
 range. 
 
 Ibid.^ 242, 243. 
 
 Admiral Russell still pretended to be in the King's 
 |terest. He advised him, if he wished to reign as a 
 
 Ltholic King over a Protestant people, he must 
 Irget the past and grant a general pardon ; and 
 }at, as for him, he made no stipulations for himself, 
 laying it was the public good and no private advant- 
 i^es that made him enter this affair. He told him, 
 •lerefore, that if he met the French fleet he would 
 ^^ht it, were even the King himself on board. But 
 lat the method he proposed to serve the King was 
 y going out of the way with the English fleet. 
 
94 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 [16{l 
 
 M 
 
 This was an odd way to restore the King, b 
 lighting him. He, however, meant nothing bAnc' 
 advantage to himself, as the preparations of thJieSeati 
 French fleet made a restoration probable. Had th 
 French passed by accident or prevailed by force, h 
 could have made a merit of serving the King, anjl^'' 
 should the contrary happen, he could easily keep h: 
 credit with the present Government. 
 
 Change of Ministry. 
 
 Whig Goveniuicnt. 
 Mtirc/i, 1693. LutlrcU, iii. 60. 
 
 His Majesty hath dismissed Sir John Trevor, etcj 
 from being Commissioners of the Great Seals, an 
 Sir John Somers, being last night called into Counci 
 ,0- was told by the Lord President that His Majest; 
 being satisfied of his integrity and abilities, pitched 
 upon him to be Lord Keeper of the Great Seal < 
 England, and that he would admit of no excuse, an 
 accordingly was declared Lord Keeper. 
 
 paiofp 
 ildoE 
 
 ave 
 1?; 
 
 tWz 
 
 136 
 
 Ibid.^ 67. 
 
 April I. — Admiral Russell kissed the King's hanj 
 for the government of the Isle of Wight.. 
 
 
 % 
 
 U 
 
 Ibid., 71. 
 
 April 6. — Sir Cloudesley Shovel is made one of tlj 
 Commissioners of the Navy. - 
 
 Lord Capel, Dalryniple, 56. 
 
 Upon Admiral Russell's sending me word that 1, 
 had accepted being employed for the ensuing yea 
 
\94] CHANGE OF MINISTRY 95 
 
 y hopes were great ; but then at the end of the 
 "?Btter telhng me my Lord Shrewsbury had refused 
 '^^me Seals, feet aside all comfort. 
 
 )rce,B Capel to Russell : Dalryiiiple^ iii. 57. 
 
 "giJI I am not surprised that 'tis obedience to advice 
 lat makes you accept the honour the King has con- 
 rred upon you ; but I am infinitely surprised at my 
 ord Shrewsbury,^- who has been often blamed by 
 en of prudence as a person quite unintelligible, 
 id I doubt the world will have reason to think so. 
 /e have been often blamed as men contented with 
 Dthing ; and if the Church, the fleet, the law^ the 
 my (in regard to Talmasch's great station), and 
 le offering of both seals to be in the hands of our 
 :iends (the obstacle to common safety, my Lord 
 ottingham, being removed) will not give content, 
 hat must — nay, what will the world say of us ? 
 
 piti 
 Sej 
 ise, 
 
 
 The Failure against Brest. 
 
 1694. James" Memoirs^ i. 245. 
 
 The Kingt sends again to Admiral Russell. He 
 sclared he had the same goodwill, but he refused to 
 ) out of the way. The Lord Churchill wrote to 
 le King. He advised him to bring with him 25,000 
 
 en, and arms for 7,000. He wrote also a letter 
 ited February 28, 1694. He told him that Lord 
 hrewsbury was so pressed to receive his former 
 '.fice of Secretary that he was afraid he could not 
 
 James said of him in 1692 : 'The Ead of Shrewsbury laid 
 ^»wn his employment by his orders' {Memoirs^ i. 435). 
 t 'The King' throughout these passages is James II. 
 
96 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 [16< 
 
 $] 
 
 resist. But though he altered his condition, hlc«i|'"' 
 assured him that he could not alter his inclinatiorf 
 
 CHARLES TALBOT, DUKE OF SHREWSBURY. 
 
 Yet Churchill himself was the adviser of Shrewsbui, 
 hoping he would do himself the same good tur. J^ lij. 
 He told the King that he himself was solicited ) 
 
ill 
 
 I 
 
 A 
 
 4 
 
 ;694] THE FAILURE AGAINST BREST $7 
 
 ome into office, but that he would do nothing without 
 he King's consent. On May 4 the Lord Churchill 
 ^ave notice to the King of the design upon Brest. 
 
 1694. A translation of Churchiir s letter^ 
 
 Alacp/ierson, i. 487. 
 
 It is only to-day I have learned the news I now 
 rite to you, which is, that the bomb-ketches and 
 [he twelve regiments encamped at Portsmouth, with 
 :he two regiments of marines, all commanded by 
 Talmash, are destined for burning the harbour of 
 l)rest, and destroying all the men-of-war w^hich 
 lire there. This will be a great advantage to 
 ngland. 
 
 But no consideration can prevent, or ever shall 
 prevent, me from informing you of all that I believe 
 o be for your service. Therefore, you may make 
 your own use of this intelligence, which you may 
 depend upon being exactly true. 
 
 But I must conjure you, for your own interest, to 
 et no one know it but the Oueen and the bearer of 
 this letter. 
 
 1694. The King to Shrewsbury : Coxe, 45, 46. 
 
 I am indeed extremely affected with the loss of 
 
 poor Tollemache, for, although I do not approve of 
 
 (his conduct, yet I am of opinion that his too-ardent 
 
 zeal to distinguish himself induced him to attempt 
 
 what was impracticable. 
 
 1694. Shrewsbury to die King : ibid., 47. 
 
 It is impossible to forget the probability and con- 
 veniency of Your Majesty's receiving my Lord Marl- 
 
 PT. II. 7 
 
98 ENGLISH HISTORY [169 
 
 ; 
 
 borough into your favour.* He has been with m( 
 since this news to offer his service with all the exi|:-jP 
 pressions of duty and fidelity imaginable. It is sclidi?"^^ 
 unquestionably his interest to be faithful that single 
 argument makes me not doubt it. 
 
 Eeceiv 
 krg la) 
 
 ikoagli 
 
 : was 
 
 1694. William to Shrewsbury : Coxe, 53. 
 
 As to what you wrote in your last letter concern 
 ing Lord Marlborough, I can say no more than tha 
 I do not think it for the good of my service to entrus 
 him with the command of my troops. v. 
 
 Battle of Steinkirk. 
 
 1692. 1728. Carleton's Memoirs, 47-49. 
 
 Soon after this happened that memorable battle aj 
 Steenkirk. The undertaking was bold, and, as ii^3.n_U|ji 
 thought, bolder than was consistent with the charMi, 
 acter of the wise undertaker. 
 
 Nevertheless, the French having taken Naniui 
 and, as the malcontents alleged, in the very sight c 
 a superior army, and nothing having been done b 
 145 land at any moment, things were blown into such 
 dangerous fermentation by a malicious and lyin 
 spirit that King William found himself under 
 necessity of attempting something that might appeas 
 the murmurs of the people. He knew very well the 
 it was not true that his forces at the siege of Nami 
 exceeded those of the enemy. No man could 1; 
 more afflicted than he at the overflowing of th 
 
 * Marlborough's treachery has been supposed to be due toi^ 
 desire to get rid of his rival, Talmash. 
 
 fsl)e 
 
 W^) 
 
 im\ 
 
 

 loot 
 
 uodt 
 
 )e^«1 
 
 i;9-2] BATTLE OF STEIN KIRK 99 
 
 Jehaigne, which obstructed the rehef he had 
 .esigned for that important place. Yet, since his 
 laHgners' insinuate [d] that he had no mind to put 
 n end to the war, he was resolved to evince the 
 ontrary. 
 
 Receiving intelligence that the Duke of Luxem- 
 urg lay strongly encamped at Steenkirk, near 
 Lughien, though he was sensible he must pass 
 iirough many defiles to engage him, and that the 
 iiany thickets between the two armies would fre- 
 uently afford him new difficulties, he resolved there 
 D attack him. Our troops at first were forced to 
 evv out their passage for the horse, and there was 
 o one difficulty that his imagination had drawn 
 hat was lessened by experience ; and yet so pros- 
 erous were his arms at the beginning that our 
 roops had made themselves masters of several pieces 
 f the enemy's cannon. But the farther he advanced, 
 le ground growing straiter — so strait as not to 
 dmit his armies being drawn up in battalia — the 
 oops behind could not give timely succour to those 
 igaged, and the cannon we had taken was forcibly 
 :ft behind, in order to make a good retreat. The 
 rench had lost all their courage in the onset, for, 
 lOugh they had too fair an opportunity, they did 
 Dt think fit to pursue it, or, at least, did it very 
 .nguidly. However, the malcontents at home, I 
 ^member, grew very well pleased after this, for, so 
 •ng as they had but a battle for their money, like 
 ue Englishmen, lost or won, they were contented, 
 everal causes were assigned for this miscarriage, 
 ome were willing to lay it upon the Dutch, and 
 lege a saying of their General's, who, receiving 
 
 7-2 
 
loo ENGLISH HISTORY [169? 
 
 ,f 
 
 orders to relieve some English and Scotch that were 
 overpowered, was heard to say: ' Damn 'em ! since!' ^ 
 they love fighting, let 'em have their bellies full.' I'l"^^*"'^ 
 should rather impute the disappointment to the loss 
 of so many of our bravest officers at the very first 
 onset. i''''^'J"^' 
 
 :ippen 
 
 :lter5 
 
 Mrs. Morley and Mrs. Freeman. W^f 
 
 Conduct of the Duchess of Marlborough, 1742. lltdniel 
 
 The beginning of the Princess's kindness for m« 
 had a much earlier date than my entrance into hep'^'^''^^' 
 service. We had used to play together when sh< 
 was a child, and she even then expressed a particula 
 fondness for me. In all her parties for amusement 
 was sure, by her choice, to be one ; and so desiroui 
 she became of having me always near her, that npoi 
 her marriage with the Prince of Denmark, in i68j 
 at her own request, I was made one of the Ladies c 
 her bedchamber. 
 
 W^hat conduced to render me the more agreeabl 
 146 to her in this station was doubtless the dislike sh 
 
 had conceived to most of the other persons about he.wM ^ 
 and particularly to her First Lady of the Bedchambe:||!fe[iers 
 the Countess of Clarendon, for she looked like a mac 
 woman and talked like a scholar. Kings and Princcfceeva 
 for the most part imagine they have a dignity famihijtbcten 
 to their birth and station, which ought to raise thei 
 above all connection of friendship with an inferio 
 . . . The Princess had a difterent taste. A frierl 
 was w^iat she most coveted. She grew uneasy 
 be treated by me with the form and ceremony di 
 to her rank, nor could she bear from me the souiW^ 
 
 ODtb 
 
 Pre? 
 
 'SI 
 
i;soi THE PRINCESS ANNE loi 
 
 
 I! 
 
 f words which implied in them distance and 
 
 Ftiperiority. It was this turn of mind which made 
 
 i|er one day propose to me that, whenever I should 
 
 jlappen to he absent from her, we might in all our 
 
 ;3tters write ourselves by feigned names, such as 
 
 ^ould import nothing of distinction of rank between 
 
 s. Morley and Freeman were the names her fancy 
 
 I it upon, and she left me to choose by which of them 
 
 II would be called. My frank, open temper naturally 
 
 bd me to pitch upon Freeman, and so the Princess 
 
 ook the other ; and from this time Mrs. Morley and 
 
 Irs. Freeman began to converse as equals, made so 
 
 V affection and friendship. 
 
 Anne's Relations to the King and Oueen. 
 
 Duchess of Marlborough's Conduct, 1742. 
 
 On the arrival of Queen Mary in England, the 
 
 ^■incess of Denmark went to meet her, and there 
 
 as a great appearance of kindness between them. 
 
 iut this quickly wore off, and a visible coldness 
 
 nsued, which I believe was partly occasioned by 
 
 he persuasion the King had that the Prince and 
 
 gjii i^rincess had been of more use to him than they 
 
 jj),|||/ere ever like to be again, and partly by the different 
 
 . iharacters and humours of the two sisters. The 
 
 Vincess continued to pay all imaginable respect to 
 
 he King and Queen, but this did not hinder Her 
 
 lajesty from expressing a great deal of displeasure 
 
 hen some steps were made in Parliament towards 
 
 . ^ttling a revenue on the Prince and Princess. 
 
 leaking her sister one night to task for it, she 
 
 1i 
 
.•the 
 
 ?rl 
 
 >02 ENGLISH HISTORY [168!| !»] 
 
 asked her : * What was the meaning of these pro 
 
 ceedings ?' To which the Princess answered : ' She 
 
 heard her friends had a mind to make her som(Tiitli 
 
 settlement.' The Oueen hastily rephed wuth a ven|iinl;i 
 
 imperious air: ' Pra}', what friends have you but the 
 
 King and me?' The affair went on so well in th( 
 
 House of Commons that her friends were encouragec 
 
 to propose for her a much larger revenue than wailjienc 
 
 at last obtained, to prevent which the King pro|«role 
 
 rogued the Parliament. The business, however, wa: 
 
 resumed again at the next meeting, and then 'allitaocej 
 
 possible endeavours were used to engage me b^Jtklvi 
 
 flattery and fear to dissuade the Princess from thi 
 
 pursuit of a settlement. Sometimes she [Lady Fitz 
 
 harding] attacked me on the side of my own interest Jitisve 
 
 telling me that, if I would not put an end to measure 
 
 so disagreeable to the King and Oueen, it would cer 
 
 tainly be the ruin of my Lord, and consequently oBijim 
 
 all our family.' I need not tell you that the Princes 
 
 carried her point, and that ^^50,000 was settled b; 
 
 Parliament ; for, when the King found that he coulc^jfss 
 
 not persuade her to an entire dependency on himBjtoin] 
 
 he compounded the matter with her friends upoiHjitatgt 
 
 these terms to hinder their insisting on a largeiBtlfPfjf 
 
 settlement. The success of the affair was chiefl iBi^Lop 
 
 imputed to the steadmess and diligence of my Lonj; 
 
 Marlborough and me, both by those to whom it wa 
 
 so exceedingly disagreeable, and by her to whosHjtt,-y 
 
 happiness it was then so necessar}-. lliiD'tt 
 
 Notwithstandino- all these things, the Oueen an^ 
 Princess lived in appearance for some time after a 
 if nothing had happened, till the King was please 
 (without publicly assigning any particular reason) ti 1 ^,| 
 
 i|;« I 
 
er, 
 
 1G89] THE PRINCESS ANNE 103 
 
 einovc my Lord Marlborough from all his cmploy- 
 ents. His Majesty sent Lord Nottingham to tell 
 im that he had no more occasion for his service. I 
 think it is not to be doubted that the principal cause 
 Df the King's message was the Court's dislike that 
 anybody should have so much interest with the 
 Princess as I had, who would not implicitly obey 
 very command of the King and Queen. The Queen 
 wrote to her sister : ' Never anybody was suffered to 
 live at Court in my Lord Marlborough's circum- 
 stances. I need not repeat the cause he has given 
 the King to do what he has done, nor his unwilling- 
 ness at all times to come to such extremities, though 
 people do deserve it. I now tell you that, after this, 
 it is very unfit that Lady Marlborough should stay 
 with 3'ou, since that gives her husband so just a 
 pretence of being where he ought not.' The Princess 
 returned an answer: ' Your Majesty was in the right 
 to think your letter would be very surprising to me, 
 for you must needs be sensible enough of the kind- 
 ness I have for my Lady Marlborough to know that 
 a command from you to part with her must be the 
 greatest mortification in the world to me.' To this 
 the Princess received no answer but a message from 
 my Lord Chamberlain to forbid my continuing any 
 longer at the Cockpit. The Princess resolved to 
 leave the Cockpit. Soon after a dreadful plot broke 
 out, which was said to have been hid somewhere — I 
 don't know where — in a flower-pot, and m\- Lord 
 Marlborough was sent to the Tower. Whether my 
 Lord Marlborough's conspiracy w^as what the Queen 
 meant in her letter to the Princess I know not. My 
 Lord Devonshire, my Lord Bradford, and the late 
 
I04 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 [ir>89 
 
 ;vi 
 
 Duke of Montague, thought it infamous to send my ji ^ 
 Lord Marlborough to prison upon such evidence; j-i-'-^^ „ 
 and therefore, when the warrant for his commitment li"'^"^^ 
 came to be signed at the Council-table, they refused I'i^^^ 
 to put their hands to it, though at that time they ■ 
 had no particular friendship for him. Lord Shrews- i 
 
 vxeof 
 
 .IDOt 
 
 oextl 
 lib) 
 kCrowi 
 
 tiforli 
 irtto 
 kPriiK 
 ■ atf 
 
 MARY (WIIJJAM AND AIARV). 
 
 bury. Lord Burlington, Lord Carberry, and Lord 
 Halifax, were to be bail for my Lord Marlborough. 
 I told him [Mr. Maul] Lord Marlborough had friends 
 who would bail him, but that one of his best friends 
 was a paper that lay upon the table which I had 
 often kissed — ' The Act of Habeas Corpus.' 
 
 . 
 
 ^UlUTi 
 
THE PRTNCKSS ANNE 105 
 
 During the time of the Queen's illness the Princess 
 
 nt every da}- to inquire how she did, and once I 
 
 m sure Her Majesty heard of it, to which the Oueen 
 
 turned no answer but a cold thanks. 
 
 Upon the death of the Queen the Princess, by the 
 
 K'ice of my Lord Sunderland, wrote to the King: 
 
 It is my earnest desire Your Majesty would give 
 
 le leave to wait upon you.' The King had sense 
 
 lough to know that it would be impossible to con- 
 
 nue any longer an open difference with the Princess 
 
 ithout exposing himself to daily slights, for he 
 
 :)uld not hope that the nobility of England would 
 
 e hindered from paying respect to a Princess who 
 
 as next heir to him by Act of Parliament, and who, 
 
 title by blood had taken place, would have had 
 
 le Crown before him ; and he was well aware that 
 
 verj'body who had a mind to show they did not 
 
 are for him would certainly do it by making their 
 
 ourt to her. Quickly after this letter, therefore, 
 
 e Princess, with the King's consent, waited on 
 
 im at Kensington, and was received with extra- 
 
 rdinary civility. I never heard of anybody who 
 
 pposed this reconciliation except my Lord Portland, 
 
 ut the person who wholly managed the affair was 
 
 ly Lord Sunderland. 
 
 Death of Queen Mary. 
 
 January i, 1695. Shrewsbury to Russell : Core, 218. 
 
 , Certainly there never was anyone more really and 
 iS'niversally lamented ; the King particularly has been 
 • ejected by it beyond w^hat could be imagined. 
 
io6 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 The Queen's Death. 
 
 To William III. going to the War. 
 
 1695. Matthew Prior, 
 
 At Mary's tomb (sad, sacred place !) 
 The Virtues shall their vigils keep, 
 
 And every Muse and every Grace 
 In solemn state shall ever weep. 
 
 For her the wise and great shall mourn 
 When late records her deeds repeat ; 
 
 Ages to come and men unborn 
 
 Shall bless her name and sigh her fate. 
 
 But let the King dismiss his woes, 
 
 Reflecting on his fair renown, 
 And take the cypress from his brow 
 149 To put his wonted laurels on. 
 
 Embattled Princes wait the chief 
 
 Whose voice should rule, whose arm 
 
 should lead, . 
 
 And in kind murmurs chide that grief 
 Which hinders Europe being freed. 
 
 See, pious King, with different strife .^ 
 
 The struggling Albion's bosom torn ; 
 
 So much she fears for William's life 
 That Mary's fate she dare not mourn. 
 
 Her beauty, in the softer half 
 
 Buried and lost, she ought to grieve 
 
 But let her strength in thee be safe, 
 And let her weep, but let her live. 
 
 
^'Prk, 
 
 « 
 
 11696] THE PEACE OF RYSWICK 107 
 
 Thou, guardian angel, save the land 
 From thy own grief, her fiercest foe. 
 
 Lest Britain, rescued by thy hand. 
 
 Should bend and sink beneath thy woe. 
 
 Her former triumphs all are vain, 
 Unless new trophies still be sought, 
 
 And hoary Majesty sustain 
 
 The battles which thy youth has fought. 
 
 Go, mighty Prince ! let France be taught 
 How constant minds by grief are tried ; 
 
 How great the land, that wept and fought 
 When William led and Mary died. 
 
 The Peace of Ryswick. 
 
 1696. Shrewsbury to William : Co.re, 126. 
 
 It is certain, as your Majesty observes, that a 
 peace is much discoursed of; a good one everybody 
 would desire, and manv are so weary as to be content 
 with a bad one. 
 
 I 
 
 ■I 1696. William lo Shrewsbury : 2di(/., 127 
 
 5 I have now only bad news to impart : we have 
 ' certainly lost the Duke of Savoy, who has tricked us. 
 
 
 Shrewsbury to William : z'did , 128. 
 
 When I consider our own condition at home — 
 .encompassed b}- so many difficulties from the ruin 
 jof all credit, the scarcity of money, the deficiency 
 in the suppl}- for restoring the coin, and other 
 anticipations — I dare confidently affirm no remedy 
 
loS KNf'.lJSn HTSTORY [1096 
 
 SO speedy and effectual can be found as will put the 
 nation in a capacity the next year to furnish such 
 sums as have been given in former sessions. A 
 willing Parliament may pass Acts, but I fear the 
 money can neither be raised nor borrowed. The 
 resolution — \\'hether a peace upon such terms, as it 
 is now reasonable to expect from France, be to be 
 wished or no — is attended with so many considera- V Iherc 
 tions beyond my search and so many circumstances J lJlere^ 
 out of m}' knowledge that it would be too great pre-lialetlie 
 sumption in me to speak on that subject. I cannot inliaiaai 
 see that a town, more or less, is very material to yourflfeled; 
 Majesty's interest. lawliei 
 
 1696. William to Shrewsbury : Coxr^ 132. ijiiUliv 
 
 I have no fears of any further defection after the||fbtt 
 base conduct of the Duke of Savoy; but I do not||iofaa' 
 think we can oblige the allies to accept of the offer 
 of peace made by France, unless we force them. 
 153 May God relieve us from our present embarrassment! 
 for I cannot suppose that it is His will to suffer a 
 nation to perish ^\'hich He has so often almost 
 miraculoush' saved, though we have too well de- 
 served it. 
 
 Caiiti 
 IS orde 
 
 1697. William to Shrewsbury : Grz'jfidlof, i. 52. 
 
 I can tell you news that will not be unpleasant to 
 164 . . . 
 
 you, which is that I believe peace is very near. 
 
 1696. Villiers to Shrewsbury : Coxi\ 320. 
 
 I hear that M. Dykwelt has had several conferences 
 155 with M. Callieres, and is to meet the King at Breda; 
 
 but I suppose there are no more difficulties very ■itatt,! 
 
jyO] THE PEACE OF RYSWICK 109 
 
 laterial, for I am told that Spain has ahcacly notice 
 ) prepare Ambassadors to treat. My Lord, though 
 do not' write what }'OU should not know, your 
 irace will not think ht that anybody else should 
 now that I do it. 
 
 October, 1696. The same to the same : Coxe, 326. 
 
 There will not be much difficulty in the rest of 
 allieres' declaration as to the preliminaries. I will 
 ike the liberty to repeat it : The treaties of West- 
 'halia and Niemeguen ; His Majesty to be acknow- 
 jdged ; Strasbourg to be restored in the condition it 
 )6vas when France took it : Luxemburg in the state it 
 low is ; all in general to be restored that has been 
 aken by the reunions since the Peace of Niemeguen. 
 A'hen the place is agreed upon, Callieres is required 
 o dictate to the mediator the declaration as I have 
 tated it. 
 
 57 
 
 5J 
 
 November, 1696. The same to the same : ibid., 328. 
 
 I am sorry to tell your Grace that the French 
 hicancnt every day more and more. 
 
 December, 1696. The same to the same : ibid., 330. 
 
 Callieres has changed his note, and acknowledges 
 
 is orders to own the King [William]. I am of 
 
 pinion we shall not soon go to a place of treaty. 
 
 The King and States have a mind to conclude as 
 
 Tiuch of the affair as they can in this private manner. 
 
 December 14. The same to the same : ibid.., 331. 
 
 I do not apply myself to you as a Secretary of 
 State, but I wish you would contrive that instructions 
 
no ENGLISH HISTORY [1697] 
 
 may be given for what concerns our nation in the! 
 treaty. I may venture to tell your Grace that ourivi [[,ijj 
 friends* here are not backward in what concernsii 
 themselves, though I dare not tell it to anybody else. 
 
 0^'' 
 
 Mciy, 1697. Villiers to Shrewsbury : Coxe^ 336. 
 
 160 Yesterday our Congress was opened at Ryswick. 
 
 
 a? 
 Marshal Boufflers has lately had a meeting with^ ihtc 
 my Lord Portland near Halle. I am told that itj 
 
 ice' 
 particulars. fclasi 
 
 July, 1697. The same to the same : Griniblot, i. 26. 
 
 itb 
 
 1697. Williamson to Shrewsbury : Coxe., -^^y]. 
 
 We find, by the account of what passed between 
 my Lord Portland and M. de Boufflers, that His 
 Majesty did resolve to push the thing to a point by 
 declaring his real desires for a peace and his resolu-ji, 
 162 tions, if it could not be had, no longer to be amused^ I ,,|.| 
 with a pretended negotiation at Ryswick ; but on the \ ^^.ij 
 other hand to put it hard and plain upon France, toi^^jw 
 discover how far all this pretence on their side is well 
 and sincere. 
 
 1697. Villiers to Shrewsbury : Coxe^ 350. 
 
 The French, according to their promise, gave in 
 
 their project of peace to the allies last Saturday. 
 
 ^^^ You will find it to be in the foot of that of Nimeguen., 
 
 I believe we shall not get better terms from them. j 
 
 i 
 
 * The Dutch. t Deceived. 
 
j, [397] THE PEACE OF RYSWICK iii 
 
 that* 
 
 1697. Shrewsbury to Villiers : Coxe, 356. 
 
 It will be counted one of the greatest actions of 
 i lis Majesty's life to have settled that in a fortni<^dit, 
 \- a method of his own, which he saw could not 
 - ave been concluded in many months at Ryswick. 
 
 1697. Portland to Shrewsbury : Griinblot^ i. 125. 
 
 I congratulate you that peace is at length made, 
 
 ch as it is; for, in my opinion, though it is not 
 
 uch to the advantage of France, yet we might 
 
 ve made it in a better manner, without permitting 
 
 ranee to assume that haughty demeanour which 
 
 le has manifested since August, had we not testified 
 
 p immoderate desire, and even a necessity, of making 
 
 jiis peace. 
 
 September, 1697. \'illiers to Shrewsbury : Coxe^ 374. 
 
 At last it was made, against the will of most of our 
 lies; but peace never was the design of the Germans, 
 it to keep England and Holland in an expensive 
 
 6 cU" w hilst they made the best market they could of 
 leir troops. A point of honour had like to have 
 ade us their dupes, but Providence has taken better 
 
 , 'ire of us. 
 
 n 
 
 Disbanding the Army. 
 
 1697. William to Henry Heinsius : Griinblot, i. 139. 
 
 I perceive that the project of maintaining troops 
 the country during peace will meet with more 
 fficulties than I expected. 
 
J 
 
 112 ENGLISH HISTORY [i6< 
 
 1698. William to Heinsius : Gri7nblof, i^Z. 
 
 You cannot form an idea of the indifference wit 
 which foreign aftairs are now considered. Peop- 
 les here only busy themselves about a fanciful liberty 
 while they are forced to acknowledge that they neve' 
 were so free and have nothing to apprehend from m- 
 
 tebi'iiary^ 1698. William to Heinsius: ibid^ 184. 
 
 The people here are now so foolishly engrosse" 
 169 with themselves that they do not pay the least attei 
 tion to what is going on in foreign countries. \\^ 
 
 I 
 
 1 1 ^ 
 1698. Tallard to Louis XIV. : ibid., ii. 216, 217. 
 
 The House of Commons has acted as in a fur Vm 
 It hastily determined to cashier the army; not |i^, 
 allow^ any foreigner in the three kingdoms ; ai < 
 permits only 7,000 men in England, including t' 
 170 officers, all native English ; 12,000 in Ireland, eith 
 Irish or Scotch ; and 6,000 in Scotland. The aff?ji 
 
 % 
 
 cat 
 
 passed in such a fury that no person of the Coi; j^j 
 party could be listened to. 
 
 \m\ 
 
 1698. Somers to Shrewsbury : Coxc, 573 
 
 This has put the King upon great extremities ; - 
 his purposes. I have not acquainted you with 1^, 
 resolution sooner, because I thought it need not . \ 
 taken up in good earnest. His resolution is to coi ' 
 'to the Parliament and tell them that he came over y \ -■ 
 rescue the nation from the ruin impending over the:. j'^'J 
 That now they had peace, and might provide r'ti 
 their own safety ; that he saw they were entertaini \ , 
 
 t 
 
:nceii: 
 lliliei 
 
 l4;;96] SUNDERLAND 113 
 
 jalousies and distrusts of hini, so as not to know- 
 hat was necessary for themselves ; that he was 
 lerefore determined to leave En^rland. 
 
 i^:[ 
 
 1699. William to (lalway : Dalryniple^ iii. 180. 
 
 It is not to be conceived how people here are set 
 i gainst the foreigners. You will easily judge on 
 horn this reflects. 
 
 Sunderland. 
 
 1693. 1705-1713. Burnet, ii. 123. 
 
 The person that had the King's confidence to the 
 ghest degree was the Earl of Sunderland, who, by 
 inafcl'is long experience and his knowledge of man and 
 v;Dii| 'lings, had gained an ascendant over him, and had 
 3m5; • rore credit with him than any Englishman ever had. 
 
 1696. Admiral Russell to Shrewsbury : Coxe^ 388. 
 
 Ttie: I cannot bring my tongue nor countenance to 
 
 tliei ;|:em satisfied with a man I am not. You say he 
 
 :', very much for us [the Whigs]. It was plain that 
 
 \ 'as his design to appear when he writ about coming 
 
 imi ijther, and complaining of some friend of his wanting 
 
 'icndship. ' It is an old saying when the fox is 
 
 t ;)road look to your lambs.' No man is ever secure 
 
 ,1 1pm his tricks; but he can play none very prejudicial 
 
 ^l^he be not too much trusted and relied upon. If I 
 
 Ijid Lord Marlborough's art I could use him in his 
 
 <\n way ; but I will do my best to learn as much 
 
 ; I can from my lord, and not let him know my 
 
 '1 oughts. 
 
 I'T. n. 8 
 
 i 
 
 listotJ 
 < over'- 
 
114 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 1697. 1705 17 13. Burnet, ii. 207. J^f 
 
 j-,g The Earl of Sunderland had argued with mai 
 upon the necessity for^keeping up a greater fore 
 
 ROBERT, EARL OF SUNDERLAND. 
 
 He was charged as the author of the counsel f«; 
 keeping on foot a standing army. The Tories pressl^ 
 hard upon him, and the Whigs were so jealous iT , 
 
1698] 
 
 THE DARIEN SCHEME 
 
 115 
 
 [lim that he, apprehendini; that while the former 
 vould attack him the others would defend him faith- 
 ully, resolved to retire from business. 
 
 Speaker Onslow, note to the above. 
 
 Some of his friends told him they had computed 
 he numbers in the House of Commons upon any 
 jiddress against him, and that they did not think 
 Ihere would be more than 160 for it. * One hundred 
 .nd sixty,' said he, ' for it ! That is more than any 
 nan can stand against long. I am sure I won't ;' 
 nd so resigned his staff and key next day. 
 
 The Darien Scheme. 
 
 1698. 1705-1713. Burnet, ii. 216. 
 
 The company in Scotland this year sent out a fleet, 
 , ith a colony, on design to settle in America. The 
 ecret was better kept than could have been well 
 xpected, considering the many hands in which it 
 as lodged. It appeared at last that the true design 
 ^ad been guessed from the first motion of it. They 
 inded at Darien, which, by the report they sent 
 Ipjver, was capable of being made a strong place, \\ith 
 •' ; good port. It was no wonder that the Spaniards 
 • omplained loudly of this ; it lay so near Porte Bello 
 , nd Panama on the one side, and Carthagena on the 
 :ther, that they could not think they were safe when 
 ach a neighbour came so near the centre of their 
 npire in America. The King of France complained 
 so of this, as an invasion of the Spanish dominion, 
 id offered the Court of Madrid a fleet to dislodge 
 iem» This was a breach of treaties, and a violent 
 
 8—2 
 
ii6 ENGLISH HISTORY [leOi;,, 
 
 possession of their country. It was given out tha" 
 there was much gold in the country. Certainly th( 
 nation was so full of hopes from this project tha ? 
 they raised a fund for carrying it on, greater than 
 as was thought, that kingdom could stretch to. ^j 
 national fury seemed to have transported the whoL 
 kingdom upon this project. |. 
 
 i 
 
 1699. Burnet, 234, 235. 
 
 All men were full of hopes that their new colon 
 should bring them home mountains of gold. Th 
 proclamations sent to Jamaica and to the othe f 
 English plantations were much complained of a • 
 acts of hostility and a violation of the commo' 4 
 rights of humanity. These had a great effect o ^ 
 them, though without these that colony was to; 1 
 weak and too ill - supplied, as well as too muc: 1 
 divided within itself, to have subsisted long. Thos, 
 who had first possessed themselves of it were force! 
 to abandon it. Soon after they had gone from it 
 
 I 
 
 t 
 
 fira 
 
 second recruit of men and provisions was sent thiths 
 from Scotland, but one of their ships unhappily toe 
 fire in which they had the greatest stock of pr< 
 visions, and so these likewise went off; and thoui: 
 the third reinforcement that soon followed this w 
 both stronger and better furnished, yet they fell in 
 such factions among themselves that they were t( 
 weak to resist the Spaniards, and capitulated ; ar 
 with that the whole design fell to the ground. Tl 
 conduct of the King's Ministers in Scotland w 
 much censured in the whole progress of this affai 
 for they had connived at it, if not encouraged it, < 
 hopes that the design would fall of itself; but nc 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 
 
i\ 
 
 1699] THE DARIEN SCHEME 117 
 
 tainlv 
 
 oject 
 
 alertls 
 
 chta 
 
 it was not so easy to cure the universal discontent 
 which the miscarriage of this design had raised and 
 which now spread hke a contagion among all sorts 
 of people. A petition for a present session of Parlia- 
 thewla ^^^^^ ^^'^^ immediately sent about the kingdom, and 
 was signed by many thousands. This was sent up 
 by some of the chief of their nobility, whom the 
 ij,,,| King received very coldly ; yet a session of Parlia- 
 ment was granted them. Great pains were taken, 
 Dy all sorts of practices, to be sure of a majority 
 ^ Great offers were made them in order to lay the 
 : discontent, which ran then very high. A law for a 
 ' Habeas Corpus, with a great freedom of trade, and 
 '^ [everything that they could demand, was offered to 
 ' persuade them to desist from pursuing the design 
 » jpon Darien. The Court had tried to get the Parlia- 
 'iient of England to interpose in that matter, and to 
 "' ieclare themselves against that undertaking. The 
 . House of Lords was prevailed on to make an address 
 o the King, representing the ill -effects that they 
 '';»• ipprehended from that settlement ; but they did not 
 . ugnify much, for as it was carried in the House by a 
 ''^"■y ;mall majority of seven or eight, so it was laid aside 
 *py the House of Commons. Some were not ill- 
 ^^■"•^ oleased to see the King's affairs run into an embroil- 
 nent, and others did apprehend that there was a 
 >v«Wt Hesign to involve the two kingdoms in a national 
 . juarrel, that by such an artifice a greater army might 
 )OD(i. J be raised. So they let that matter fall ; nor would 
 "'""' 'hey give any entertainment to a Bill that was sent 
 mi:' hem by the Lords, in order to a treaty for the union 
 . jf both kingdoms. The managers in the House of 
 i;W^* Commons, who opposed the Court, resolved to do 
 
 toor. 
 
 h 
 

 ii8 ENGLISH HISTORY [I 
 
 
 nothing that should provoke Scotland or that shoula 
 
 take any part of the blame or general discontent that 
 
 soured that nation off from the King. It was further 
 
 given out, to raise the national disgust yet higher, 
 
 that the opposition the King gave to the Scotch' 
 
 colony flowed neither from a regard to the interests; 
 
 of England nor to the treaties with Spain, but from 
 
 a care of the Dutch, who from Curagoa drove ai 
 
 coasting trade among the Spanish plantations, which ; 
 
 they said, the Scotch colony would draw wholly fron: 
 
 them. These things were set about that nation with: 
 
 great industry. In the session of Parliament it wae 
 
 carried by a vote to make the affair of Darien z 
 
 national concern. Upon that the session was foi 
 
 some time discontinued. When the news of tht 
 
 total abandoning of Darien was brought over, i 
 
 cannot be well expressed into how bad a temper thi:: ^ 
 
 cast the body of that people. They had now losi 
 
 about £200,000 sterling upon this project, besidei 
 
 all the imaginary treasure they had promised them' 
 
 selves from it. So the nation was raised into a sor; 
 
 of a fury upon it, and in the first heat of that a re 
 
 monstrance was sent about the kingdom for hand? 
 
 representing to the King the necessity of a presen 
 
 sitting of the Parliament, which was drawn in si 
 
 high a strain as if they had resolved to pursue th! 
 
 effects of it by an armed force. 
 
 :^ 
 
 ■;ffil 
 
 
1 THE SPANISH SUCCESSION 119 
 
 The Spanish Succession. 
 
 The Partition Treaty. 
 
 ScotJ 1698. William to Lord Chancellor Somers : 
 
 J J Griniblot^ ii. 121. 
 
 itfi(J I imparted to you, before I left England, that in 
 roKj|.^rance there was expressed to my Lord Portland 
 ome inclination to come to an agreement with us 
 
 LORD SOMERS. 
 
 concerning the succession of the King of Spain ; 
 
 jsince which Count Tallard has mentioned it to me, 
 
 and has made propositions, the particulars of which 
 
 • jny Lord Portland will write to Vernon, to whom I 
 
I20 ENGLISH HISTORY [l(i99i|l''^ 
 
 I 
 
 have given orders not to communicate them to any 
 other besides yourself, and to leave to your judgment 
 to whom else you would think proper to impart them, 
 to the end that I might know your opinion upon so, 
 important an affair, and one which requires the 
 greatest secrecy. If it be fit this negotiation should 
 be carried on, there is no time to be lost, and you. 
 will send me the full powers under the Great Seal, 
 with the names in blank, to treat with Count Tallard. 
 I believe this may be done secretly, that none but 
 you and Vernon and those to whom you shall have 
 communicated it may have knowledge of it, so that 
 the clerks, who are to write the warrant and the full 
 powers, may not know what it is. According to alli' 
 intelligence, the King of Spain cannot outlive the 
 month of October, and the least accident may carry 
 him off every day. 
 
 Death of the Electoral Prince. 
 
 1699. William to Hcinsius : Grijublot^ ii. 260. 
 
 Count Tallard has been with me and the Earl of 
 Portland to-day. He says he has received an express 
 from his Court with the news of the death of the 
 Electoral Prince of Bavaria, and assures us they 
 have the same feelings as when the treaty was made,; 
 
 17Q . ' 
 
 but seems to insinuate that the secret article ceases,! 
 which, in my opinion, is the case, having read it over 
 with attention, so that new engagements must bc^^ 
 entered upon, in which I foresee no small difficulty, 
 and about which I should be very glad to learn your 
 sentiments. 
 
 lesl 
 France 
 
 aiicewi 
 
 ! never 
 
 lit 100 jl' 
 
 Ik UK 
 ikoie 
 lie k 
 
 f 'i COD 
 
 Ik w( 
 
 Forthi 
 mi 
 
rOO] THE SPANISH SUCCESSION 121 
 
 Acceptance of the Will of Charles II. by Louis XIV. 
 1700. ' William to Heinsius : Gritnhlot^ ii. 476, 479. 
 
 Yesterday I received an express from my Ambassador 
 Ik France with the enclosed memorial. 
 1 doubt not but this unheard-of proceeding of 
 ranee will surprise you as much as it did me. 
 I never relied much on engagements with France, 
 . ut must confess I did not think the}' would, on this 
 ccasion, have broken, in the face of the whole world, 
 solemn treaty before it was well accomplished. 
 The motives alleged in the annexed memorial are 
 ) shameful that I cannot conceive how they can 
 • ave the effrontery to produce such a paper. We 
 mst confess we are dupes ; but if one's word and 
 lith are not to be kept, it is easy to cheat any man. 
 10 The worst is it brings us into the greatest em- 
 arrassment, particularly when I consider the state 
 f affairs here, for the blindness of the people here 
 ' . incredible. 
 
 . j For though this affair is not public, yet it was no 
 
 Doner said that the King of Spain's will was in 
 
 ivour of the Duke of Anjou than it was the general 
 
 pinion that it was better for England that France 
 
 hould accept the will than fulfil the Treaty of 
 
 'artition. 
 
 . t I am perfectly persuaded that if this will be 
 
 ;Xecutcd England and the Republic* are in the 
 
 tmost danger of being totally lost or ruined- I 
 
 ill hope that the Republic understands it thus, and 
 
 ill exert her whole force to oppose so great an evil. 
 
 It is the utmost mortihcation to me in this im- 
 
 ! * Holland. 
 
122 ENGLISH HISTORY [I70i:p 
 
 portant affair that I cannot act with the vigour] 
 which is requisite and set a good example ; but thej 
 RepubHc must do it, and I will engage people herej 
 by a prudent conduct by degrees and without per-| 
 ceiving it. 
 
 I confess I think vigour is necessary on this occa-l 
 sion, and hope it is to be found in the Republic, inij 
 case the Emperor shall maintain his right. 
 
 If I followed ni}^ own inclination and opinion, li 
 should have sent to all Courts to incite them to»M^ 
 vigour; but it is not becoming, as I cannot set aBai"''^' 
 good example, and I fear doing more harm thanfci? 
 good, not being able to play any other game with™ of 
 these people than engaging them imperceptibly. ■(ffliedti 
 
 Death and Character of James II. 
 
 1701. 1705-1713. Bur?iet/\\. 2i.j2. 
 
 |llt\T,i 
 
 King James died on September 6. He was al 
 Prince that seemed made for greater things. He;' 
 was esteemed in the former parts of his life a man' 
 of great courage, as he was quite through it a man 
 of great applications to business. He had no vivacit} 
 of thought, invention, or expression ; but he had n 
 181 good judgment where his religion or his educatioii'i 
 gave him not a bias, which it did very often. He"^ 
 was bred with strange notions of the obedience dut «^ 
 to Princes. He was naturally a man of truth. , 
 fidelity, and justice ; but his religion was so infused , 
 in him, and he was so managed in it by his priests, 
 that the principles which Nature had laid in him *, 
 had little power over him when the concerns of h\i 
 
)1] DEATH AND CHARACTER OF JAMES U. 123 
 
 hurch stood in the way. He was a gentle master, 
 id was very easy to all who came near him ; yet he 
 as not so apt to pardon as one ought to be that is 
 e viceregent of God. He had no personal vices 
 ut of one sort : he was still wandering from one 
 
 our to another. Yet he had a real sense of sin, 
 
 id was ashamed of it. But priests know how to 
 
 ngage Princes more entirely into their interests, by 
 
 laking them compound for their sins by a great zeal 
 
 r Holy Church, as they call it. In a word, if it 
 
 d not been for his popery, he would have been, if 
 ot a great, yet a good Prince. By what I once 
 new of him, and by what I saw him afterwards 
 arried to, I grew more confirmed in the very bad 
 pinion which I was always apt to have of the 
 itrigues of the popish clergy and of the confessors 
 f Kings. He was undone by them, and was their 
 lartyr, so that they ought to bear the chief load of 
 11 the errors of his inglorious reign and of its fatal 
 atastrophe. 
 
 Recognition of the Pretender by Louis XIV. 
 
 1 701. 1 71 3- 1705. Burnet, ii. 293. 
 
 Upon his* death, it was debated in the French 
 
 (juncil what was fit to be done with relation to his 
 
 •retended son. The Ministry! advised the Kingt to 
 
 B2)e passive, and let him assume w^hat title he pleased, 
 
 :)ut that, for some time at least, the King should not 
 
 • leclare himself. This might be some restraint on 
 
 he King of England, whereas a present declaration 
 
 * James II. f French. X Louis XIV. 
 
'II 
 
 n 
 
 124 ENGLISH HISTORY [1|| 
 
 must precipitate a rupture. But the Dauphin inte:' 
 posed, with some heat, for the present* owning hii 
 King. He thought the King was bound in honoi 
 to do it. He was of his blood, and was driven awa 
 on the account of his rehgion. So orders were giveff'yi 
 to proclaim him at St. Germains. Soon after th] 
 the King of Spain owned him, so did the Pope, an 
 
 list ot 
 
 k 
 
 the Duke of Savoy ; and the King of France presse— , 
 all other Princes to do it in whose Courts he ha 
 Ministers, and prevailed on the Pope to press thL », v 
 Emperor and other Popish Princes to own hin 
 though without effect. The King looked upon th 
 as an open violation of the Treaty of Ryswick, am 
 he ordered the Earl of Manchester to leave th 
 Court without asking an audience. The French pre 
 tended that the bare owning of his title, since the| 
 gave him no assistance to make good his claim, ws; 
 not a breach of the treaty ; but this could not pas 
 on the world, since the owning his right was a plai 
 declaration that they would assist him in claiming 
 whensoever the state of his affairs should allow of it 
 This gave a universal distaste to the whole Englis 
 nation. All people seemed possessed with a high ii 
 dignation upon it to see a foreign Power that was c 
 peace with us pretend to declare who ought to be 01. 
 King. 
 
 m 
 
 Dissolution of Parliament. 
 
 1701. 1705-1713. Burnet, ii. 295 
 
 The first thing that fell under debate upon his/. 
 
 183 -^ ii>-' ii^.w.w ..i^^.jj^ 
 
 return was whether the Parliament should be coi 
 
 * Immediate. t William. 
 
 J 
 
phin 
 '^niDgj 
 
 01] DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT 125 
 
 after i 
 
 nued or dissolved and a new one called. Some of 
 he leading men of the former Parliament had been 
 inlijecretly asked how they thought they would proceed 
 nvenalf they should meet again. Of these, while some 
 were J[nswered doubtfull}-, others said positiv^ely they 
 ould begin where they had left off, and would 
 nsist on their impeachments. The new Ministry 
 truggled hard against a dissolution, and when they 
 aw the King resolved on it, some of them left his 
 ervice. 
 
 The heats in elections increased with every new 
 "ummons. This was thought so critical a con- 
 uncture that both sides exerted their full strength. 
 Aost of the great counties and the chief cities chose 
 
 ceprt 
 tsle 
 
 own 
 upoi 
 mi 
 leave 
 rend 
 ice 
 
 nen that were zealous for the King and Government 
 
 mt the rotten part of our constitution — the small 
 )oroughs — were in many places wrought on to 
 
 ^^jkthoose bad men. Upon the whole, however, it 
 • ippeared that a clear majority were in the King's 
 nterests, yet the activity of the angry side was such 
 hat they had a majority of choosing the Speaker and 
 n determining controverted elections; but in matters 
 )f public concern things went on as the King desired 
 nd as the interest of the nation required. He [the 
 ■Cing] said that he had entered into some alliances 
 jursuant to the addresses of the last Parliament, and 
 vas negotiating some others, all which should be 
 aid before them, and this was accordingly done. 
 3oth Houses began with addresses, in which they 
 
 i,ii^ did very fully renounce the Prince of Wales. The 
 House of Lords ordered that all such as were willing 
 :o do it should sign the address that was entered 
 nto their books. 
 
 I 
 
126 ENGLISH HISTORY [17(1 
 
 III P^^^ 
 
 Death and Character of William III. 
 
 1702. 1705-1713. Burnet, ii. 304-307. |jtott 
 
 Thus lived and died William III., King of Greaj 
 Britain and Prince of Oranire. He had a thin anjfr'*'"" 
 
 'b' 
 
 aece: 
 
 weak body, was brown haired, and of a clear am 
 
 delicate constitution ; he had a Roman eagle nosel 
 
 bright and sparkling eyes, a large front, and a counteM'^^^^ 
 
 nance composed to gravity and authority ; all hil'ft'"'^^^ 
 
 senses were critical and exquisite. He was alwayjl'^''^'''^' 
 
 asthmatical, and the dregs of the small-pox fallin;j|'5W^^' 
 
 on his lungs, he had a constant deep cough. Hi': 
 
 behaviour was solemn and serious, seldom cheerfu]jl*tni 
 
 and but with a few. He spoke little and very slowly ft liid'^^' 
 
 and most commonly with a disgusting dryness, whiclp«>ii"i^^ 
 
 was his character at all times, except in a day o 
 
 battle, for then he was all fire, though withou Jiilittt 
 
 134 passion. He was then everywhere, and looked t( 
 
 everything. He had no great advantage from hi:i 
 
 education. De Witt's discourses were of great usifcjud 
 
 to him, and he, being apprehensive of the observafc 
 
 tion of those who were looking narrowly into every J%' 
 
 thing he said or did, had brought himself under i 
 
 habitual caution that he could never shake offjiftoo 
 
 though in another sense it proved as hurtful as i 
 
 was necessary to his affairs. He spoke Dutch 
 
 French, English, and German equally well ; and hf 
 
 understood the Latin, Spanish, and Italian, so thai 
 
 he was well fitted to command armies composed o'Vlkl 
 
 several nations. He had a memory that amazed al f^nrit 
 
 about him, for it never failed him. He was an exact, *«pai 
 
 observer of men and things. His strength lay rathei J kj 
 
702] DEATH AND CHARACTER OF WILLIAM IIL i: 
 
 b a true discerning^ and a sound judgment than in 
 Tiagination or invention. His designs were always 
 reat and^ good, but it was thought he trusted too 
 uuch to that, and that he did not defer enough to 
 he humours of his people to make himself and his 
 lotions more acceptable to them. This, in a Govern- 
 nent that has so much of freedom in it as ours, was 
 nore necessary than he was inclined to believe. His 
 eservedness grew on him, so that it disgusted most 
 if those who served him. But he had observed the 
 rrors of too much talking, more of those of too cold 
 silence. He did not like contradiction, nor to have 
 is actions censured ; but he loved to employ and 
 your those who had the arts of complacence, yet 
 e did not love flatterers. His genius lay chiefly to 
 v'ar, in which his courage was more admired than 
 lis conduct. Great errors were often committed by 
 lim, but his heroical courage set things right, as it 
 nflamed those who were about him. He was too 
 avish of money on some occasions both in his build- 
 ngs and to his favourites, but too sparing in reward- 
 ng services or in encouraging those who brought 
 ntelligence. He was apt to take ill-impressions of 
 )eople, and these stuck long with him. He gave 
 vay too much to his own humour almost in every- 
 hing, not excepting that which related to his own 
 lealth. He knew all foreign affairs well, and under- 
 tood the state of every Court in Europe very 
 )articularl3\ He instructed his own Ministers him- 
 elf, but he did not apply enough to affairs at home, 
 ie tried how he could govern us by balancing the 
 wo parties one against another ; but he came at last 
 o be persuaded that the Tories were irreconcilable 
 
128 ENGLISH HISTORY [169[ * 
 
 of 
 
 i: 
 
 wcomi 
 
 to him, and he was resolved to try and trust then- 
 no more. 
 
 His indifference as to the forms of Church govern 
 ment and his being zealous for toleration, togethe 
 with his cold behaviour towards the clergy, gav( 
 them generally very ill-impressions of him. In hi 
 deportment towards all about him, he seemed t( 
 make little distinction between the good and th 
 bad, and those who served well or those who servec 
 him ill. He loved the Dutch, and was much belovec 
 among them. But the ill-returns he met from th( 
 English nation, their jealousies of him and thei] 
 perverseness towards him, had too much soured hi» 
 mind, and had in a great measure alienated him fron 
 them, which he did not take care enough to conceal 
 though he saw the ill -effects this had upon hi 
 business. 
 
 He died in a critical time for his own glory, since 
 he had formed a great alliance, and had projectec 
 the whole scheme of the war, so that if it succeedj 
 a great part of the honour of it will be ascribed tc 
 him ; and if otherwise, it will be said he was the sou 
 of the alliance, that did both animate and knit v. 
 together, and that it was natural for that body to di( 
 and fall asunder when he who gave it life was with 
 drawn. :r'^^^ 
 
 Hie Sec 
 )ti! 
 
 i;oo. 
 
 I"'"' 
 
 % 
 
 William's Isolation. 
 
 aftS\i 
 
 1698. '• Memorandum 071 the Affairs of England : ^^\ 
 
 Grimblot, ii. 191. 
 
 His [William's] chief characteristic is great dis r;ii 
 185 trust, so that very few persons, even among thost ^ 
 who are in office, are acquainted with his secrets 
 
,698] WILLIAM'S ISOLATION 129 
 
 '^-^tlijlrhe Secretaries of State whom he has had, if we 
 xcept the Duke of Shrewsbury, have been only a 
 ^ired kind of clerks, who had only the despatch of 
 he current affairs in the offices, and no share what- 
 ,^ver in secrets, which are in the hands of his Dutch 
 Kivourites. The Privy Council, and even the Cabinet 
 '•^ouncil, are, properly speaking, only for form's sake. 
 .iriij^ost of those who compose it are very mediocre, 
 "here is none \\"ho can be considered as a man to 
 e depended upon ; since all the artifice with which 
 arliament has been led for these ten years has been 
 corrupt the members or to intimidate those who 
 ere not to be corrupted. 
 
 I. 
 
 1700. \'ernon to Shrewsbury : James, iii. 95. 
 
 If there were twenty Secretaries during his 
 
 fe'William's] absence, the}' would be but so many 
 iphers. 
 
 Corruption. 
 
 1699. Vernon to Shrewsbury : James^ ii. 305, 306. 
 
 The ill consequences that attend the disposal of 
 laces to such as are not fit for them are very 
 
 > bvious, and the greatest clamour arises from thence, 
 if all places were filled with honest men who under- 
 tood the business, then nobody would concern them- 
 
 }7jslves whether they were members of Parliament or 
 ot, whereas they are now left to chance, and if 
 lere be no choice among the solicitors,* the boldest 
 
 . f them must carry it ; and it is not to be wondered 
 
 ^ t if a nation be dissatisfied with such a management 
 nd take what ways they can to get it redressed. 
 
 * Those who sohcit posts. 
 PT II. 9 
 
I30 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 2C 
 
 C/3 
 
 O) 
 
 
 C/3 
 
 O 
 3: 
 
599] CORRUPTION 131 
 
 I am afraid Ministers may find themselves under a 
 
 Jiistake when they yield so much to importunities, 
 
 id prefer people merely because they think them 
 
 leir friends or creatures. Such as are like to dis- 
 
 rage them do not deserve that name ; but by 
 
 Iways recommending- the most deserving, they will 
 
 (e to themselves a new set of men who will be of 
 
 iiore use and credit to them. As we have ordered 
 
 latters, and as industry has been overlooked and 
 
 iscouraged, it may be thought hard to find out the 
 
 len who shall be adapted to the several stations. 
 
 ut if that method were once begun and kept to, 
 
 :)od men would come to be discovered ; and by 
 
 omparing and judging impartially, little or no 
 
 istake need be committed. These notions are 
 
 ■rhaps for Utopia, and impracticable everywhere 
 
 ise. 
 
 The DiscOiNTENT at William's Favour to 
 
 THE Dutch. 
 
 1 70 1. Defoe ^ ' The True- Born Englishman.^ 
 
 We blame the King that he relies so much 
 On strangers — Germans, Hugonots, and Dutch ; 
 And seldom does his great affairs of state 
 To English counsellors communicate. 
 The fact might very well be answered thus : 
 ^ He has so often been betrayed by us. 
 He must have been a madman to rely 
 On English Godolphin's fidelity. 
 For. laying other arguments aside, 
 This thought might mortify our English pride, 
 That foreigners have faithfully obeyed him, 
 And none but Englishrnen have e'er betrayed him. 
 
132 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 [17011 
 
 DEFOE. 
 
 They have our ships and merchants bought and 
 And bartered EngHsh blood for foreign gold. 
 First to the French they sold our Turkish fleet, 
 And injured Talmash next at Camaret. 
 The King himself is sheltered from their snares, 
 Not by his merit, but the crown he wears. 
 Experience tells us 'tis the English way 
 Their benefactors always to betray. 
 
 soldi? 
 
 1 4:" 
 
 I 
 
|ll701] EIGHTH ARTICLE OF THE ALLIANCE 133 
 
 I 
 
 The Eighth Article of the Grand Alliance. 
 
 , ! 1 701. Translated : Duniont^ ' Corps Diplotnatique^ \\\\. 90. 
 
 'j 
 
 W'hen the war is once undertaken, none of the 
 arties shall be at liberty to treat of peace with the 
 nemy, save jointly and in concert with the others. 
 ^or is peace to be made without having first obtained 
 just and reasonable satisfaction for His Imperial 
 jVIajesty, and for His Royal Majesty of Great Britain, 
 lind a particular security to the Lords, the States 
 ■jeneral for their dominions, provinces, navigation, 
 knd commerce ; and a sufficient provision that the 
 Idngdoms of France and Spain be never united or 
 *l:ome under the government of the same person, nor 
 |:hat the same person may ever be King of both 
 kingdoms ; and particularly that the French may 
 Jjiever come into possession of the Spanish West 
 Qglndies ; and that they shall not have freedom of 
 'navigation for the sake of conducting trade, under 
 ' my pretence whatsoever, neither directly nor in- 
 •jiirectly, except it is agreed that the subjects of 
 Great Britain and Holland may have full power to 
 ^ijise and enjoy all the same privileges, rights, im- 
 munities, and liberties of commerce by land and sea 
 f.. In Spain, in the Mediterranean, and in all the places 
 ai"l^ md countries of which the late King of Spain, at the 
 1. > :ime of his death, was in possession, as ^\•ell in 
 to, {.Europe as elsewhere, and which they did then use 
 fe md enjoy, or which the subjects of both or each 
 jKSif lation could use and enjoy, by virtue of any right 
 ^ obtained before the death of the said King of Spain, 
 * jither by treaties, conventions, custom, or any other 
 .vay whatsoever. 
 
u* 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 [I705|pi- 
 
 ANNE. 
 Opening of the Reign. 
 
 1702. \'ernon to Stepney : James, iii. igo. 
 
 March H. — His Majesty's death was noticed tcl 
 both Houses of Parliament then sitting. I ought 
 ^QQ not to omit telhng you that as the House showed 
 great concern at the loss of His Majesty, so they 
 were very firm in their resolutions of supporting the! 
 alliances that are or shall be made against France. 
 
 James, iii. 193. 
 March 13. — Her Majesty has thought fit in this, 
 great conjuncture to despatch the Earl of Marl- 
 borough over to Holland with the character of Her 
 Majesty's Ambassador Extraordinary, to give the 
 States-General assurances of her steadfast resolution' 
 to adhere to all the treaties of alliance that have 
 jg^ been entered into, and to pursue all the measures' 
 that have been concerted between His Majesty the 
 Emperor and the States for carrying on the common 
 cause. 
 
 Her Majesty has made him Captain-General of all 
 her land forces abroad as well as here, and this even- 
 ing he and the Duke of Bedford have had the honour 
 of the Garter conferred upon them. 
 
 i 
 
 . > 
 
 1702. 
 
 Ministerial Changes. 
 
 Vernon to Shrewsbury : /l>/(/. 200. 
 
 192 
 
 March 24. — Much is said of the moderation the 
 two forementioned lords* will maintain. I believe 
 
 * Marlborough and (iodolphin. 
 
1702] 
 
 MINISTERIAL CHANGES 
 
 135 
 
 ANNE. 
 
 it their interest and inclination to do so ; but when 
 I consider whom they are linked with, I can't think 
 them at liberty to act bat as others will allow them. 
 
 The same to the same : ibid., 232. 
 May I. — I have got my quietus this evening. It 
 • seems 1 was too obnoxious to the party to be 
 
136 
 
 ENCiLISH HISTORY 
 
 continued in. My Lord ^larlborough and Lordj 
 Godolphin both tell me they did what they couldjbfc^^r; 
 towards it. Ibce ^ 
 
 Anne's Favour to the Churchills. 
 
 1702. Mrs. Moiley to Mrs. Freeman : *" Conduct of 
 
 the Duchess^ 304. 
 
 It is very uneasy to your poor, unfortunate, faithful 
 Morley to think she has so very little in her power to 
 show how truly sensible I am of all my Lord Marl- 
 borough's kindness, especially at a time when he 
 deserves all that a rich crown could give. But since 
 there is nothing else at this time, I hope you will 
 give me leave, as soon as he comes, to make him a 
 Duke. I know my dear Mrs. Freeman does not care 
 for anything of that kind, nor I am not satisfied with 
 it, because it does not enough express the value I 
 have for Mr. Freeman, nor nothing ever can how 
 passionately I am yours, my dear Mrs. Freeman. 
 
 Blenheim. 
 
 To Mr. Secretary Harley ; ' TJie MarlborougJi 
 Despatches^ i. 390-392. 
 
 August M. 1704. Camp at Hochstrt. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 I gave you an account on Sunday of the situa- 
 tion we were then in, and that we expected to hear 
 the enemy would pass the Danube at Lavingen, in 
 order to attack Prince Eugene. At eleven that night 
 we had an express from him that the enemy were 
 
 'J 
 
 W 
 
 ^ 
 
\04] 
 
 BLENHEIM 
 
 ^57 
 
 )me over, and desiring he might be reinforced : 
 f-hereupon I ordered my brother Churchill to 
 [dvance at one o'clock in the morning with his 
 
 JOHN, DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH. 
 
 enty battalions, and by three the whole army was 
 motion. For the greater expedition I ordered 
 ]irt of the troops to pass over the Danube and 
 
138 ENGLISH HISTORY [1 
 
 t 
 
 I; ■ 
 
 follow the march of the twenty battalions, and wi ' 
 most of the horse and the foot of the first line 
 passed the Lech at Kain, and came over the Danu : 
 at Donawert, so that we all joined the Prince the 
 night, intending to advance and take this camp 
 Hochstet, in order whereto we went out on Tuesd:j| 
 early in the morning with forty squadrons to vi( 
 the ground, but found the enemy had alreacj 
 possessed themselves of it ; whereupon we resolvrj 
 to attack them, and accordingly we marched betwe<j 
 three and four yesterday morning from the camp 
 Munster, leaving all our tents standing. About s] 
 we came in view of the enemy, who we found dj 
 not expect so early a visit. The cannon began 
 play at half an hour after eight. They formed ther] 
 selves in two bodies, the Elector with M. Mars 
 and their troops opposite our right, and M. de Talla 
 with all his opposed to our left, which last fell to n 
 share. They had two little rivulets besides a moraj 
 before them, which we were obliged to pass over ; 
 their view, and Prince Eugene was forced to take, 
 great compass to come to the enemy, so that it w' 
 one o'clock before the battle began. It lasted wi 
 great vigour till sunset, w^hen the enemy were obligt 
 to retire, and, by the blessing of God, we obtained; 
 complete victory. We have cut off great numbers 
 them, as well in the action as in the retreat, besid ♦ 
 upwards of thirty squadrons of the Erench, which \ ^ 
 pushed into the Danube, where we saw the greate; ^^ Im- 
 part of them perish, M. de Tallard, with several . 
 his general officers, being taken prisoners at tl' ''%\ 
 same time ; and in the village of Blenheim, whi( \'H 
 the enemy had intrenched and fortified, and whe • 
 
 ■■< 
 
 I 
 
1 
 
 I 
 
 [i;il704] BLENHEIM 139 
 
 H\\ iihey made the greatest opposition, we obliged twenty- 
 rst liot 'i-"^ battalions and twelve squadrons of dragoons to 
 e Danjiiiurrender themselves prisoners at discretion. We 
 rincetitook likewise all their tents standing, with their 
 annon and ammunition, as also a great number of 
 tandards, kettledrums, and colours in the action, so 
 hat I reckon the greatest part of M. Tallard's army 
 s taken or destroyed. The bravery of all our troops 
 n this occasion cannot be expressed, the Generals, as 
 ell as the officers and soldiers, behaving themselves 
 vith the greatest courage and resolution, the horse 
 ind dragoons having been obliged to charge four or 
 ive several times. 
 
 The Elector and M. Marsin were so advantageously 
 )osted that Prince Eugene could make no impression 
 ^[ y ." )n them till the third attack, at or near seven at 
 deTa' I ^'S^^j when he made a great slaughter of them ; but 
 [g)l[, I ;)eing near a wood-side, a good body of Bavarians 
 ,,.• etired into it, and the rest of that army retreated 
 pwards Lavingen, it being too late and the troops 
 ijg(,tfloo much tired to pursue them far. I cannot say 
 .yjjgjoo much in praise of the Prince's good conduct and 
 I ij^jAie braverv of his troops on this occasion. . . . 
 
 M. 
 
 Atigusi 13, 1704. Marlborough to the Duchess : Coxes 
 
 ' Marlboi'oiio^h^' i. 206. 
 
 IS at: 
 assw? 
 
 m 
 eat. 
 
 I have not time to say more, but to beg you will 
 .;ji jive my duty to the Queen, and let her know her 
 ,.<0'rmy has had a glorious victory. M. Tallard and 
 • ^vo other Generals are in my coach, and I am follow- 
 jodit '"'g the rest. 
 
I40 ENGLISH HISTORY [17<| 
 
 1704. Co.ve's '' Marlborous^h,' i. 214, 216. 
 
 The army of M. de Tallard, which was that 
 fought with, is quite ruined ; that of the Elector ^^'& 
 Bavaria and the Marshal de Marsin, which Princ 
 Eugene fought against, I am afraid, has not h 
 much loss, for I cannot find that he has manRdi^i 
 prisoners. As soon as the Elector knew that M. c 
 Tallard was like to be beaten, he marched off, s 
 that I came only time enough to see him retire. 
 j^g„ am so very much out of order with having beeHjjfea 
 seventeen hours on horseback yesterday, not havir 
 been able to sleep above three hours last night, th< 
 I can write to none of my friends. However, I ai||ii]!i 
 so pleased with this action that I can't end my lett( 
 without being so vain as to tell my dearest soul thjj 
 within the memory of man there has been no victoi; 
 so great as this; for had the success of Prince Euger 
 been equal to his merit, we should in that day; \\\^. 
 action have made an end of the war. 
 
 1704. Coxc, i. 214 
 
 Never was victory so complete, notwithstandii •' 
 that they were stronger than we and very advaii , 
 198 tageously posted. But believe me, my dear sot , 
 there was an absolute necessity for the good of tlj » 
 common cause to make this venture, which Gc 
 has so pleased. 
 
 ]ijmt 
 
 i I 
 
 *1' 
 
 4. 
 
 1704. Coxe^ i. 216 
 
 We have intercepted several letters of the iQt^ 
 going from Dutlingen to the French Court, I 1 
 
 which the enemy own to have lost 40,000 killc 
 taken prisoners, and deserted since the battle. 
 
 II' 
 
:q, 
 
 .704] the campaign of 1704 141 
 
 The Campaign of 1704. 
 
 is ttiaij Addison., ' 77/1? Campaign.^ 
 
 '^''^'^'fcoon as soft vernal breezes warm the sky, 
 
 "fcritannia's colours in the zephyrs fly ; 
 "''''"Her chief already has his march begun, 
 rossing the provinces himself had won, 
 ill the Moselle, appearing from afar, 
 ,™'|^etards the progress of the moving war : 
 Delightful stream had Nature bid her fall 
 n distant climes, far from the perjured Gaul. 
 ***** 
 Dur God-like leader, ere the stream be past, 
 he mighty scheme of all his labours cast, 
 he long laborious march he first surveys, 
 \nd joins the distant Danube with the Maese. 
 ***** 
 
 j,Big with the fate of Europe, he renews 
 ' His dreadful course, and the proud foe pursues, 
 r Till on the borders of the Maine he finds 
 \ Defensive shadow^s and refreshing winds. 
 Still to the rising sun they take their way 
 Through clouds of dust and gain upon the day. 
 When now the Neckar on its friendly coast 
 With cooling streams receives the fainting host. 
 
 * ^ ^ * * 
 
 At length the fame of England's hero drew 
 Eugenio to the glorious interview. 
 Great souls by instinct to each other turn, 
 Demand alliance, and in friendship turn. 
 
 s^ * * * * 
 
 The march concludes, the various realms are past, 
 Th' immortal Schellanberg appears at last. 
 
 las 
 
 retire. 
 
 ■ing 
 
 otkii 
 
 i?M 
 ver,l 
 
 Divli 
 
 soul 
 iovi( 
 
 
 l;.l.» 
 
 oil 
 
142 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 [llS 
 
 Like hills the aspiring ramparts rise on high, 
 Like vallies at their feet the trenches lie ; 
 
 Batt'ries on batt'ries guard each fatal pass, 
 Threatening destruction ; rows of hollow brass 
 
1 
 
 [I 
 
 m] THE CAMPAIGN OF 1704 143 
 
 \ibe behind tube the dreadful entrance keep, 
 Vhilst in their wombs ten thousand thunders sleep. 
 Lvening approached; but, oh, what hosts of foes 
 Vere never to behold that evening close ! 
 'hick'ning their ranks, and wedged in firm array, 
 {'he close-compacted Britons win their way ; 
 !n vain the cannon their throng'd war defaced 
 Vith tracts of death, and laid the battle waste ; 
 till pressing forward to the fight, they broke 
 'hrough flames of sulphur and a night of smoke, 
 'ill slaughtered legions fill'd the trench below, 
 .nd bore their fierce avengers to the foe. 
 ligh on the works the mingling hosts engage ; 
 'he battle, kindled into tenfold rage 
 \'ith show'rs of bullets and with storms of fire, 
 iurns in full fury ; heaps on heaps expire ; 
 'ations with nations mixed confus'dly die, 
 g| nd lost in one promiscuous carnage lie. 
 |s t length the long disputed pass they gain, 
 ; '>y crowded armies fortified in vain : 
 J he war breaks in, the fierce Bavarians yield, 
 
 f nd see their camp with British legions filled. 
 
 ^ ^ ^ ^ -jji 
 
 * "0 Donawert, with unresisted force, 
 he gay, victorious army bends its course. 
 
 - he growth of meadows and the pride of fields, 
 \ hatever spoils Bavaria's summer yields. 
 The Danube's great increase) Britannia shares, 
 
 »t'he food of armies and support of wars : 
 jVith magazines of death, destructive balls, 
 i-^nd cannons doomed to batter Landau's walls. 
 \ he victor finds each hidden cavern stored, 
 t nd turns their fury on their guilty lord. 
 
144 ENGLISH HISTORY [1704 
 
 Deluded Prince ! How is thy greatness crost, 
 
 And all the gaudy dreams of empire lost, 
 
 That proudly set thee on a fancy" d throne, 
 
 And made imaginary realms thy own ! 
 
 Thy troops, that now behind the Danube join, 
 
 Shall shortly seek for shelter from the Rhine, 
 
 Nor find it there ; surrounded with alarms 
 
 Thou hop'st the assistance of the Gallic arms ; 
 
 The Gallic arms in safety shall advance 
 
 And crowd thy standards with the power of France, 
 
 While to exalt thy doom, th' aspiring Gaul 
 
 Shares thy destruction, and adorns thy fall. 
 
 * * * * 7^ 
 
 The fatal day its mighty course began 
 
 That the grieved world had long desired in vain ; 
 
 States that their new captivity bemoan'd, 
 
 Armies of martyrs that in exile groan'd, 
 
 Sighs from the depth of gloomy dungeons heard, 
 
 And prayers in bitterness of soul prefer'd 
 
 Europe's loud cries, that Providence assailed, 
 
 And Anna's ardent vows at length prevailed. 
 
 The day was come when Heav'n designed to show 
 
 His care and conduct of the world below. 
 
 ^ ^^ 'X" T* 1^ 
 
 But see the haughty household troops advance ! 
 The dread of Europe and the pride of France, 
 The war's whole art each private soldier knows, 
 And with a Gen'ral's love of conquest glows ; 
 Proudly he marches on, and void of fear 
 Laughs at the shaking of the British spear : 
 Vain insolence ! with native freedom brave 
 The meanest Briton scorns the highest slave. 
 ***** 
 
 I 
 
 
 Lieiotl 
 Iroopii 
 
 Fioin ] 
 
 Ikrsc 
 
 Istl 
 
 .yioot 
 
 
 fc\r 
 
 H 
 
1 
 
 1704] THE CAMPAIGN OF 1704 145 
 
 d 
 
 The rout begins, the GalHc squadrons run, 
 Compelled in crowds to meet the fate they shun. 
 Thousands of hery steeds with wounds transfixed 
 Floating in gore with their dead masters mixt, 
 With heaps of spears and standards driven around 
 Lie in the Danube's bloody whirlpools drown'd. 
 Troops of bold youths, born on the distant Soane, 
 Pr sounding borders of the rapid Rhone, 
 Or where the Seine her flowery fields divides. 
 Or where the Loire through winding vineyards glides ! 
 |[n heaps the rolling billows sweep away 
 i\nd into Scythian seas their bloated corps convey. 
 
 ■^ -^ -^f "Tr iji 
 
 ?"rom Memminghen's high domes and Ausburg's 
 
 walls, • 
 
 ifhe distant battle drives the insulted Gauls ; 
 l^reed by the terror of the victor's name 
 Irhe rescued states his great protection claim ; 
 -Vhilst Ulm th" approach of her deliverer waits, 
 ^nd longs to open her obsequious gates. 
 "he hero's breast still swells with great designs, 
 n every thought the tow'ring genius shines : 
 f to the foe his dreadful course he bends, 
 )'er the wide continent his march extends ; 
 f sieges in his laboring thoughts are form'd, 
 )amps are assaulted, and an army storm'd ; 
 f to the fight this active soul is bent 
 'he fate of Europe turns on its event. 
 Vhere will he next the flying Gaul defeat 
 o make the series of his toils complete ? 
 here the swoll'n Rhine, rushing with all its force, 
 ►ivides the hostile nations in its course, 
 n Gallia's side a mighty bulwark stands 
 
 PT. II. 10 
 

 146 ENGLISH HISTORV [ITOi I ""!•''■ 
 
 That all the wide-extended plain commands. 
 Twice, since the war was kindled, has it tried 
 The victor's rage, and twice has changed its side. 
 As oft whole armies with the prize o'erjoyed 
 Have the long summer on its walls employed. 
 Hither our mighty chief his arms directs. 
 Hence future triumphs from the war expects : 
 And, though the dog-star had its course begun, 
 Carries his arms still nearer to the sun : 
 Fixt in the glorious action, he forgets 
 The change of seasons and increase of heats. 
 No toils are painful that can danger show. 
 No climes unlovely that contain a foe. 
 
 "^Z ^f ^ rff ^ 
 
 Fiction may deck the truth with spurious rays. 
 And round the Hero cast a borrowed blaze. 
 Marlbro's exploits appear divinely bright. 
 And proudly shine in their own native light. 
 Raised of themselves, their genuine charms the 
 
 boast. 
 And those who paint 'em truest praise 'em most. 
 
 i^ 
 
 Party Struggles. 
 
 1702-1706. ' The Duchess of Marlborough's Conduct,' . 
 
 1742. 
 
 The Queen had from her infancy imbibed the mo ! 
 unconquerable prejudices against the Whigs. SI 
 201 had been taught to look upon them all, not only i 
 republicans, who hated the very shadow of reg 
 authority, but as implacable enemies to the Churcli ihi 
 of England. This aversion to the whole party he' v;iiso[ 
 
( 
 
 \yr I o i 
 
 JNIVERSITY 
 
 1702-1706] 
 
 . 
 
 147 
 
 Deen confirmed by the ill-usage she had met with 
 rom her sister and King William. On the other 
 ide, liand, the Tories had the advantage, not only of the 
 
 DUCHESs OF MARLBOROUGH. 
 
 ^: 
 
 fli 
 
 i)ueen's early prepossession in their favour, but of 
 leir having assisted her in the late reign in the 
 iffairs of her settlement. It was, indeed, evident 
 
 10 — 2 
 
148 ENGLISH HISTORY [1702-1706 
 
 ■0^ 
 
 that they had done this more in opposition to Kin^-fJ'onesli 
 WiUiam than from any real respect for the Princess " le; 
 of Denmark. But, still, they had served her. It is <. 
 
 ?tit t(j 
 
 no great \\onder, therefore, all these things con- j irthet 
 sidered, that, as soon as she was seated on the fki. 
 throne, the Tories (whom she usually called by the j[cluln| 
 agreeable name of the Church party) became the " 
 distinguished objects of the royal favour. Her Privy, •■ 
 Council was tilled with Tories. My Lord Normanby, , Qi^iotin 
 
 ere wel 
 ;votion 
 iti, ffi 
 
 end; fr 
 
 rmists 
 ho coil 
 
 )po;eso 
 ][]■ Lor 
 iri'leadf 
 e Oueen 
 ik yea 
 great v 
 
 the Earls of Jersey and Nottingham, Sir Edward 
 Seymour, with many others of the high-fliers, were j 
 brought into place. Sir Nathan Wright was con- 
 tinued in possession of the Great Seal of England, •* 
 and the Earl of Rochester in the lieutenancy of • L^j ^^ 
 Ireland. These were men who had all a wonderful 
 zeal for the Church — a sort of public merit that 
 eclipsed all other in the eyes of the Queen. L 
 
 ^T* 'T* 'T* ^^ 'V* 
 
 I resolved from the beginning of the Queen's reign 
 to try whether I could not by degrees make im- 
 pressions on her mind more favourable to the Whigs. . ^^u 
 . . . Upon her coming to the Crown, she had not ^ ,^^- 
 only made me her Groom of the Stole and Keeper of 
 the Privy Purse, but had given the command of the 
 army to my Lord Marlborough and the Treasurer's 
 staff to my Lord Godolphin, to whose son m}' eldest 
 daughter was married. It is plain, therefore, that I 
 could have no motive of private interest to bias me 
 to the Whigs. I did speak very freely to Her 
 Majesty upon the subject of Whig and Tory, accord- 
 ing to my conception of their different views anc''^ 
 principles. It was at first to little effect. Perhaps • 
 I should never have succeeded so far as I did if the , 
 
 fore, it 
 
 leniuyL 
 tlie Coa; 
 M\ was 
 :nt. But. 
 n\i tbe 
 legate as 
 'sneivblo 
 

 02-1706] PARTY STRUGGLES 149 
 
 ories had not, by the heat with which they overacted 
 leir part, exposed that monopohzing ambition which 
 ight to have been concealed under the cloak of zeal 
 r the Church. 
 
 The Occasional Conformity Bill did not aim at 
 eluding from employments the occasional Con- 
 ■ pmists only, but those constant Conformists, too, 
 o could not relish the High Church nonsense of 
 omoting religion by persecution ; for as the Tories 
 re well acquainted with Her Majesty's entire 
 votion to the Church, they designed this Bill as 
 test, whereby she might certainly distinguish its 
 i ends from its foes, and they doubted not but she 
 •!* ^)uld reckon among the latter whoever should 
 '^ cipose so religious a scheme. 
 
 My Lord of Rochester was, I think, the first of the 
 )ry leaders that discovered a deep discontent with 
 tfc Queen and her administration. Before the end 
 the year he resigned the lieutenancy of Ireland 
 great wTath upon Her Majesty's being so un- 
 ^ r Lsonable as to press him to go thither to attend 
 ^^ tfi affairs of that kingdom. 
 
 f^ KVhether the Church was in any danger or not 
 ore, it could not be questioned by any good 
 urchman, but it now began to be in some peril 
 ^v en m}' Lord Rochester was no longer in place nor 
 the Council. The Bill against occasional con- 
 flj^ft nity was revived by the Tories the next Parlia- 
 il^ n nt. But, though it had once more an easy passage 
 it'^«^ ough the House of Commons, it met with the 
 "i'^^c le fate as the year before in the House of Lords. 
 T'is new blow to the Church was soon followed by 
 •aii.ther — the removal of Lord Jersey and Sir Edward 
 
 r 
 
 Ik. in 
 
I50 ENGLISH HISTORY [1702-1705 i| 
 
 Seymour from their employments; and about the'" 
 same time Lord Nottingham resigned his place of 
 Secretary of State because the Whigs were too much 
 favoured. 
 
 The Whigs did, indeed, begin to be favoured, and 
 with good reason, for when they said that my Lord 
 Marlborough prosecuted the common cause with 
 such hearty diligence and such unexpected success, 
 they, notwithstanding the partiality which had been 
 shown to their opposites, universally forgot their 
 resentments, and as the trade and money of the 
 nation were chiefly in the hands of those who 
 espoused the cause in which the Ministry were then 
 engaged, it is no wonder that my Lord Godolphini 
 began to pay them as much regard as the times and 
 the Queen's prejudices would permit him to do. 
 
 * ¥.'. Hi Hi i^ 
 
 It was resolved the next sessions of Parliament t 
 tack the Occasional Conformity Bill to the Mone 
 Bill. The tack was rejected by the majority of th 
 members even of this House of Commons, so rich ii 
 Tories and High Churchmen ; and though the Bi! 
 by itself was afterwards passed in that House, it wa 
 again thrown out by the Lords. | 
 
 Next year I prevailed with Her Majesty to tal^j 
 the Great Seal from Sir Nathan Wright. Hj' 
 successor. Lord Cooper, was not only of the Whi^ • 
 party, but of such abilities and integrity as brougl . 
 a new credit to it in the nation. 
 
 The majority of the House of Commons in t\, 
 new Parliament of 1705 proved to be Whig. Whr 
 remedy ? 
 
 One expedient still remained, and this was 
 
 A . 
 
1702-1706] PARTY STRUGGLES 151 
 
 invite the Princess Sophia of Hanover to come over 
 ^ and defend the Church. A motion was therefore 
 I made inthe House of Lords for this invitation, and 
 the necessity of it was urged with great strength of 
 argument by the Earls of Rochester and Nottingham 
 and the other grave men of the party. Not that 
 they had the least hope or the least desire to carry 
 their point ; but being well assured that the Queen 
 would never consent to such an invitation nor pardon 
 her Ministers if they encouraged such a design, this 
 was a notable stratagem to ruin them either with 
 ivk Her Majesty or with the nation; for if, in compliance 
 with her prejudices, they opposed this notion, it was 
 to be hoped it would draw the public odium upon 
 them, as declared enemies to the Protestant suc- 
 
 ! cession. This hopeful scheme, however, did not 
 succeed. The Whigs opposed the invitation and yet 
 • preserved their credit. 
 
 ^ Such rude treatment from the Tories, and the zeal 
 and success of the Whigs in opposing a motion so 
 extremely disagreeable to her, occasioned her [Queen 
 Anne] to write to me in the following terms : ' I 
 believe dear Mrs. Freeman and I shall not disagree, 
 as we have formerly done, for I am sensible of the 
 services those people have done me, that 3'ou have a 
 good opinion of, and am thorough' convinced of the 
 malice and insolence of them that you have always 
 been speaking against.' 
 
 At this same time Her Majesty authorized my 
 
 ' Lord Godolphin to give the utmost assurances to 
 
 the chief men of the Whigs that she would put 
 
 herself and her affairs into such hands as they should 
 
 ■fr. approve, and would do everything possible for the 
 
ip:- 
 
 kces 
 
 152 ENGLISH HISTORY [1702-1706 < 
 
 security of the Protestant succession. But notwith- 
 standing this, it was not till after much solicitation 
 that Her Majesty could be prevailed with so far to 
 oblige the Whigs as to make my Lord Sunderland 
 Secretary of State in the room of Sir Charles Hedges. 
 The Whigs thought it reasonable to expect that one 
 of the Secretaries, at least, should be such a man as 
 they could place a confidence in. They believed 
 they might trust my Lord Sunderland ; and . . . 
 being my Lord Marlborough's son-in-law, they chose 
 to recommend him to Her Majesty, because they 
 imagined it was driving the nail that would go. I 
 must observe here that my Lord Marlborough was 
 not in his inclination for this promotion of my Lord 
 Sunderland. Hnc^ 
 
 It quickly appeared that the difficulties raised by 
 Her Majesty were wholly owing to the artifice and 
 management of Mr. Harley, the other Secretar}- of : 
 State, whose interest and secret transactions \\ith *i 
 the Queen were then doubtless in their beginning, f 
 This man had been put into that post by the '^■■ 
 Lords Marlborough and Godolphin when my Lord | 
 Nottingham in disgust resigned it. They thought | 
 him a very proper person to manage the House of | , 
 Commons, upon which so much always depends. '^ 
 As for Sir Charles Hedges, when he found how 
 backward the Queen was to dismiss him, he was 
 so prudent as to make a greater advantage to him- 
 self by quitting his post than he could have done by 
 holding it. And in the winter of 1706 Lord Sunder- 
 land was appointed to succeed him. 
 
(l.ij'i.i;, 
 
 ■mi 
 
 50 far 
 
 = Hedge;, 
 
 
 that .. 
 a man as 
 believd 
 nd.,, 
 
 tt'cllOSf 
 
 Jse tlej 
 
 Jgli H-as 
 ovLorJ 
 
 lisedk 
 
 1705] TETERBOROUGH IN SPAIN 153 
 
 Peterborough in Spain — Capture of 
 
 montjuich. 
 
 1705. 1723. Carleton's ' Memoirs,' 11 1 143. 
 
 Pursuant to his instructions from England, the 
 repeated desires of the Archduke, and the impor- 
 tunities of the Prince of Hesse, our General gave 
 orders to sail from Altea towards Barcelona. Our 
 forces were driven backwards and encamped ; not- 
 withstanding, the succours increased very slowh', 
 nor were those that did appear an}- way to be 
 depended on. At las<- the Prince of Hesse was 
 pleased to demand pay for these stragglers. Thus, 
 we came to Catalonia upon assurances of universal 
 assistance, but found when we came there that we 
 ice anil were to have none unless we paid for it. x\nd now 
 tai)'o[| began all these difficulties which long before by the 
 1, General had been apprehended. The troops had 
 continued under a state of inactivity for three weeks, 
 bvtliel all which was spent in perpetual disputes among 
 Lord I ourselves. In six several councils of war the siege 
 of Barcelona was rejected as a madness and an 
 impossibility. . . . Such were the unhappy circum- 
 stances of the Earl of Peterborough : impossibilities 
 proposed, no expedient to be accepted, a court 
 ewasj reproaching, councils of war rejecting, and the 
 Dutch General refusing the assistance of the troops 
 under his command, and a despair of bringing such 
 animosities and differing opinions to any tolerable 
 agreement. Yet all these difficulties, instead of 
 discouraging the Earl, set every faculty more afloat, 
 , and at last produced a lucky thought, which was 
 
 5 w 
 
 biiii- 
 nek 
 odef- 
 
 r 
 
154 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 [1705' 
 
 happily attended with events extraordinary and. 
 scenes of success much beyond his expectation. 
 True it is that his only hope of succeeding consisted 
 
 Govern' 
 
 0' 
 
 liti 
 ■jjtraori 
 
 flVtO 
 
 tk 
 
 CHARLES MORDAUNT, EARL OF PETERP.OROUGH. 
 
 in this : that no person could suppose such an enter )•' 
 prise would enter into the imagination of man ; anci!^ 
 without doubt the General's chief dependence la} , 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
fl705] PETERBOROUGH IN SPAIN 155 
 
 upon what he found true in the secjuel, that the 
 Governor and garrison of Montjouick, by reason of 
 Itheir own security, would be very neghgent and 
 very httle on their guard. Forced as lie was to this 
 extraordinary resolution, he concluded the readiest 
 way to surprise his enemies was to elude his friends. 
 He therefore called a council of war ashore of the 
 land officers, and aboard of the admirals and sea 
 officers, in both which it was resolved that, in case 
 the siege of Barcelona was judged impracticable, 
 and that the troops should be re-embarked by a day 
 appointed, an effort should be made upon Naples. 
 Accordingly, the heavy artillery, landed for the siege, 
 was returned aboard the ships, and everything in 
 appearance prepared for a re-embarkment. All 
 things were so well disguised by our seeming pre- 
 parations for a retreat, that the very night our 
 troops were in march towards Montjouick there 
 were public rejoicings in the town for the raising ol 
 the siege. 
 I The Earl began his march on the enemy with 
 ; 1,200 foot and 200 horse, which of necessity were to 
 <| pass b}^ the quarters of the Prince of Hesse. That 
 f Prince was told that the General was come to speak 
 j with him. The Earl acquainted him that he had at 
 I last resolved upon an attempt against the enemy, 
 adding that now, if he pleased, he might be a judge 
 of their behaviour, and see whether his officers and 
 soldiers had deserved that character which he had 
 given them. The Prince made answer that he had 
 always been ready to take his share, but could hardly 
 believe that troops marching that way could make 
 any attempt against the enemy to satisfaction. 
 
156 ENGLISH HISTORY [1705 
 
 However, without further discourse, he called for his 
 horse. 
 
 The troops which marched all night along the foot 
 of the mountains arrived two hours before day under 
 the hill of Mountjouick, not a quarter of a mile from 
 the outward works. ... A Lieutenant with thirty 
 men was ordered to advance towards the bastion 
 nearest the town, and a Captain with fifty men to 
 support him. After the enemy's fire they were to 
 leap into the ditch, and their orders were to follow 
 them close if they retired into the upper works, 
 nevertheless, not to pursue them farther if they 
 made into the inner fort, but endeavour to cover 
 themselves within the gorge of the bastion. 
 
 A Lieutenant and a Captain, with the like number 
 of men and the same orders, were commanded to a 
 demi-bastion towards the west above musket-shot 
 from the inward fortification. Towards this place 
 the wall which was cut into the rock was not faced 
 for about 20 yards, and here our men got up, where 
 they found three pieces of cannon upon a platform 
 without any men to defend it. 
 
 Those appointed to the bastion towards the town 
 were sustained by 200 men, with which the General 
 and the Prince went in person. The like number 
 were to sustain the attack towards the west, and 
 and about 500 men were left under a Dutch Colonel, 
 whose orders were to assist where he should think 
 most proper. Our men, though quite exposed, went 
 on with an undaunted courage, and immediately 
 after the first fire of the enemy leaped in pell-mell 
 amongst the enemy, who retired in great confusion 
 and ran into the inward works. . . . The enemy 
 
if k 
 I cow 
 
 [i:i I1705J PETERBOROUGH IN SPAIN 157 
 
 ^forfjliad lines of communication between Harcelona and 
 JiVIontjoiiick. The Governor of the former, hearinj^ 
 [fheiivjLhe firing from the gates, sent 400 dragoons, under 
 ^yuDiisIorders that 200 dismounting should reinforce the 
 ^''efroJgarrison, and the other 200 should return with their 
 fi tlirtiBhorses. When those 200 dragoons were got into 
 bastJthe inward fort, unseen by our men, the Spaniards 
 meDiijIrepeated over and over ' Viva el Rey !' This the 
 were tirl Prince of Hesse took for a signal of their desire to 
 surrender. Upon which, calling 'They surrender! 
 they surrender !' he advanced with nearly 300 men 
 along the curtain which led to the ditch of the 
 I inward fort. The enemv suffered them to come into 
 ithe ditch, and there, surrounding them, took 200 of 
 them prisoners. This tiring brought the Earl down 
 from the upper part of the bastion to see what was 
 doing below. He saw the Prince of Hesse retiring 
 with the men that had so rashly advanced. The 
 Earl had exchanged a few words with him, when 
 from a second fire that Prince received a shot, of 
 which he died immediately, falling down at the 
 General's feet. 
 
 Almost the same moment an officer came to 
 acquaint the Earl that a great body of horse and 
 foot, at least 3,000, were on their march from 
 Barcelona towards the fort. The General directly 
 got to horseback to take a view of those forces from 
 the rising ground without the fort, having left all the 
 posts, which were already taken, well secured with 
 the allotted numbers of officers and soldiers. No 
 sooner was the Earl out of the fort, the care of 
 which he had left under Lord Charlemont. when a 
 panic fear seized upon the soldiery, which was too 
 
 ivliere 
 tfom 
 
 neral 
 
 \ii 
 
it 
 
 158 ENGLISH HISTORY [1705 h 
 
 easily complied with by Lord Charlemont. I heard; ^0-' 
 an officer urge to him that none of all those posts jidtliv 
 we were masters of were tenable, and that to offer at ! 
 it would be not better than sacrificing human lives 
 to caprice, like a mian's knocking his head against i 
 stone walls to try which was hardest. ... I slipped 
 away as fast as I could to acquaint the General of 
 the danger impending. As I passed along I took 
 notice that the panic was on the increase, the 
 rumour affirming that we should be cut off by the 
 troops come out of Barcelona if we did not imme- 
 diately gain the hills. Officers and soldiers under 
 this prevailing terror quitted their posts, and in one 
 united body (the Lord Charlemont at the head of 
 them) marched, or rather hurried, out of the fort, 
 and were half-way down the hill before the Earl 
 came up to them. Though on my acquainting him 
 with the shameful and surprising accident, he made Bfc 
 no stay, but answering, ' Good God ! is it possible ?' Lbat 
 hastened back as fast as he could. It is surprising Biiiertl 
 to see with what alacrity and new courage theymtlie: 
 faced about and followed the Earl. In a moment 
 they had forgot their apprehensions, and, without 
 doubt, had they met with any opposition, would 
 have behaved themselves with the greatest bravery. 
 But as these motives were unperceived by the 
 enemy, all the posts were regained and anew 
 possessed in less than half an hour without any loss. Abp; 
 Another incident which attended this enterprise wasj 
 this : the 200 men which fell into the hands of the 
 enemy were carried into the town. The Marquis of 
 Risburg, who commanded the 3,000 men marching 
 from the town to the relief of the fort, examined the j^ 
 
 fife h^ 
 lid, at 
 51 ai'ai 
 
 kartil 
 
 lie fori I 
 lioursi] 
 liwitli 
 slo wei 
 iuiieiii; 
 
 liar 
 ipi 
 
 KOCt 
 
 I 
 
705] PETERBOROUGH IN SPAIN 159 
 
 ^Jrisoners, and they all agreeing that the General 
 
 ''^^nd the Prince were in person with the troops, the 
 
 larquis gave immediate orders to retire to the town, 
 
 king it for granted that the main body of the 
 
 oops attended the Prince and General. The body 
 
 ere 1,000 under Stanhope, being come up to Mont- 
 
 uick, and no interruption given us by the enemy, 
 
 )ur affairs were put into very good order. The 
 
 :ommunication between the two camps was secure 
 
 nough. ' The next day the Earl gave orders to kind 
 
 ;he artillerv, immediately upon the landing whereof 
 
 [WO mortars were lixed, from both which we plied 
 
 .he fort of Montjouick. The third or fourth day one 
 
 of our shells, lighting on their magazine, blew it up, 
 
 nd with it the Governor and many principal officers 
 
 eEaii|^ho were at dinner with him. The blast at the 
 
 same instant threw down a face of one of the smaller 
 
 bastions, which the vigilant Miquelets no sooner 
 
 'saw but they readily entered, while the enemy were 
 
 J under the utmost confusion. If the Earl had not 
 
 tkefjat the same moment thrown himself in with some 
 
 MI I regular troops, in all probability the garrison had 
 
 tbt been put to the sword. However, the General's 
 
 i presence not only allayed the fury of the Miquelets, 
 
 ; but kept his own troops under strictest discipline, so 
 
 that in a happy hour of the frighted garrison the 
 
 General gave officers and soldiers quarters, making 
 
 tel them prisoners of war. 
 
 VOOKl 
 
 ■[ic 
 
 
i6o ENGLISH HISTORY [1706 
 
 i 
 
 Battle of Ramillies. 
 
 1706. Marlborough to Eugene (translated) : ' Marl- 
 
 borough^ s Despatches^ ii. 524, 525. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 Your Highness may have learnt before the 
 arrival of this letter that the enemy, having assembled 
 the whole of their force in the Low Countries and 
 crossed the Dyle, had advanced near to Lean be- 
 tween the two Gheets with the object of attack- 
 ing us. We advanced against them without hesi- 
 tation. On Friday we left Tongres and came to 
 Borchloen, where we stayed the next day on account 
 of the bad weather, and also in order to give time to 
 the Danish troops, who were still in the rear, to 
 reach us. On Saturday we reached Corswaren, and 
 on Sunday continued our march until three o'clock 
 in the morning, so as to gain possession of the open- 
 203 ing between the Mehaigne and the great Gheet. We 
 soon learned that the enemy was also on the march ; 
 but, according to the report of the Generals whom 
 we have taken prisoners, their object was not to fight 
 before Monday, for they did not believe we should 
 dare to attack them. 
 
 IIada! 
 
 I 
 
 lest)' 
 
 The armies were in sight of one another before J^^ ^ 
 noon. A halt was made on both sides so as to 
 put the troops in battle order and to prepare the 
 batteries, which began firing a little after noon. At J/.P 
 two o'clock we attacked the village of Ramillies, 
 which supported the right wing of the enemy's 
 infantry, and where they had their largest battery 
 and many men. The fight grew hot, and lasted 
 with great fury for a long time. At last, however, 
 
 CODt 
 
 iWonoi 
 
 iJl'Otll 
 
 fi.ii 
 
:, 
 
 )6] BATTLE OF RAMILLIES i6i 
 
 ■'h 
 
 le enemy were obliged to yield. We took their 
 
 innon and made many prisoners, and continued 
 
 ^hting \Yith the same vigour, both infantry and 
 
 ivalry, until between four and five o'clock, when 
 
 le enemy began to retreat. We continued to 
 
 ;forg (ijJ-irsue them as they retired. We took fifty guns, 
 
 eir pontoons, a large part of their baggage, and at 
 
 ast 4,000 prisoners, besides what they lost in the 
 
 ittle. We halted only for two hours during the 
 
 ight, and once more began the march before dawn 
 
 3 as to reach the Dyle ; for we had determined to 
 
 ttempt to cross it this morning at dawn. The 
 
 nemy, however, retreated yesterday evening towards 
 
 Brussels and spared us the trouble, so that we have 
 
 ntered Louvain, and the whole of our army has 
 
 rossed the river without any opposition. The 
 
 ^rench destroyed their magazines in the city, but 
 
 he Spaniards left theirs untouched. 
 
 :riesaj| 
 
 timefc 
 rear, tf 
 'en, m: 
 o'clocl 
 eopea- 
 ;t. Iff 
 Tiarck 
 
 1706. ^Marlborough to the Queen : ^ Marlboroiiglis 
 
 Despatches ^' ii. 536, 537. 
 
 I have thought it my duty to give your 
 Majesty an account of the advantages we have 
 Uready reaped by our victory, the enemy having 
 itill continued to retire before us ; so that not only 
 Brussels, with Louvain, Mechlin, Alost, and several 
 Dther places have submitted to your Majesty's 
 victorious arms, but the three States of this Duchy 
 of Brabant, the Sovereign Council, and the city of 
 Brussels have actually declared for King Charles 
 their lawful Sovereign, and have prayed me to own 
 to your Majesty the deep sense they have of your 
 
 PT. II. II 
 
 as to 
 retk 
 1, it 
 ifc 
 m} 
 
 \d 
 
 \'eve! 
 
 1 
 
i62 ENGLISH HISTORY [170fj 
 
 Majesty's great goodness in relieving them from thtj.-, 
 oppression of the French Government, from whict 
 there seems to be a universal joy among all sorts o 
 people. 
 
 [itlidef 
 
 i". 
 
 GODOLPHIN. ^ 
 
 May 24, 1706. Marlborough to Godolphin : 
 
 Coxe's ' MarlborougJi^ i. 418. 
 
 The first half-hour was very doubtful, but I than' 
 God after that we had success in our attacks, whic 
 were on a village in the centre, and on the lei| 
 we pursued them three leagues. They had 12 
 squadrons and 74 battalions ; we had 123 squadron! 
 and "j^ battalions ; so that you see the armies wer 
 near of a strength ; but the general officers whic 
 are taken tell us that they thought themselves surl 
 of a victory by having all the King of France 
 household and wath them the best troops of Francej 
 
 1706. Marlborough to the Duchess : Coxe's 
 
 '■ Marlboroi/gh^ i. 426. 
 
 We are now masters of Ghent, and to-morrow 
 shall send some troops to Bruges. So many towi 
 have submitted since the battle that it really looi 
 more like a dream than truth. My thoughts a: 
 oQg now turning to the getting everything ready for tl 
 siege of Antwerp, which place alone in former yea 
 would have been thought good success for a w ho 
 campaign; but I hope we shall do more in tb ^owt 
 campaign than was done in the last ten vears' w pow'n 
 in this country. WJin^tli: 
 
16] 
 
 GODOLriilN 
 
 163 
 
 1706. Matt. Frio?\ ' Ode on Ramillics^ xxxii. 
 
 rabantia, clad with fields and crown'd with tlowr'?, 
 'ith decent joy shall her deliv'rers meet ; 
 
 SIDNEY, EARL OF GODOLPHIN. 
 
 [hall own thy arms, great Queen, and bless thy 
 
 pow'rs. 
 Laying the keys beneath thy subjects' feet. 
 
 II — 2 
 
i64 ENGLISH HISTORY [17( 
 
 Flandria, by plenty made the home of war, 
 
 Shall weep her crime and bow to Charles restored; 
 
 With double vows shall bless thy happy care 
 
 In having drawn and having sheathed the sword. 
 
 From these their sister provinces shall know 
 
 How Anne supports a friend, and how forgives a fo 
 
 The Union witH Scotland. 
 
 1707. To Mr. Carstares : Carstares^'' State Papers^ 
 
 759, 760. 
 
 Rev. Sir, 
 
 I heartily congratulate yo^-^^Don the finishin 
 stroke the Union Bill received chad i^j;day. Th 
 Bill has been the most darling Y^ the jj^whigs ev 
 had in their possession, and was pLrtifying, on t 
 other side, to the Tories. When the Act for securi 
 the true Protestant religion and Presbyterian Chur 
 government was debated, the Archbishop of Cant"^ 
 bury said he had no scruple against ratifying a 
 confirming it within the bounds of Scotland ; tl 
 208 he thought the narrow votaries of all churches h 
 been their ruin ; and that he believed the Church 
 Scotland to be as true a Protestant Church as 1 
 Church of England, though he could not say it v 
 so perfect. If we have but the temper Her Maje 
 recommends, the union will be the greatest bless ^ 
 that Almighty God ever brought to this island. I 
 hope our having made no alteration in those t Lt 
 were made in Scotland will convince the nation t it 
 we design to make this union as much or niorc )V 
 
 their advantage than our own. 
 
 
)7] THE UNION WITH SCOTLAND 165 
 
 '1 707. Mackay^ ''Jacobite So;ii;:\\' 53. 
 
 Fareweel to a' our Scottish fame, 
 
 Fareweel our ancient glory ; 
 Fareweel e'en to the Scottish name, 
 
 Sae fam'd in martial story. 
 Now Sark rins ower the Solway sands, 
 
 And Tweed rins to the ocean, 
 To mark where England's province stands, 
 
 Such 3l parcel of rogues in a nation ! 
 
 What force or guile could not subdue 
 
 Through many warlike ages 
 Is wrought now by a coward few 
 
 For hireling traitors' wages. 
 The English still we could disdain, 
 
 Secure in valour's station. 
 But English gold has been our bane ; 
 
 Such a parcel of rogues in a nation. 
 
 1707. /dzW., 61. 
 
 ;i;| Now fy let us a' to the treaty. 
 
 For there will be wonders there, 
 For Scotland is to be a bride, sir, 
 
 And wed to the Earl of Stair. 
 There's Queensbury, Seafield, and Mar, sir. 
 
 And Morton comes in by the bye ; 
 There's Loudon and Leven and Weems, sir. 
 
 And Sutherland, frequently dry. 
 
 Now the Lord bless the jimp one and thirty, 
 If they prove not traitors, in fact ; 
 
 But see that their bride be well drest, sir, 
 Or the devil take all the pack. 
 
i66 KNGLISH HISTORY [I7(ir' 
 
 May the devil take all the hale pack, sir, 
 Away on his back with a bang ! 
 
 Then well may our new buskit bridie 
 For her ain first wooer think lang. 
 
 The Battle of Almanza. 
 
 1707. 1728. Carleton's * Memoirs,' 208 
 
 fforei 
 Do 
 
 
 jjvancf 
 fithex 
 flich' 
 Id; 
 wew 
 tie En 
 
 10 ha 
 
 April 15th in the year 1707 we had in the mornir 
 a flying report that there had been the day before 
 battle at Almanza between the army under the Du 
 of Berwick and that of the English under Lo 
 Galway, in which the latter had suffered an enti 
 defeat. We at first gave no great credit to it ; bi 
 alas ! we were too soon woefully convinced of t 
 truth of it by numbers that came flying to us frc 
 the conquering enem}'. 
 
 To bring the Lord Galway to a battle in a pla 
 211 most commodious for his purpose the Duke ma 
 use of this stratagem : He ordered two Irishmen 
 both officers — to make their way over to the ener 
 as deserters, putting this story in their mouths : tl 
 the Duke of Orleans was in full march to join t§ 
 Duke of Berwick with 12,000 men; that this woi'd -Be: 
 be done in two da3's, and that then they would ir\hi bv 
 out the Lord Galway and force him to fight where 'f 
 they found him. 
 
 Lord Galway, who at this time lay before Ville u 
 receiving this intelligence from these well-instruc d 
 deserters, immediately raised the siege, with a rescT 
 tion, by a hasty march, to force the enemy to ba e 
 
 Etofi 
 
 fek 
 iemo: 
 ilole 1 
 kttlei 
 lit'tl 
 Freoch 
 'liec 
 
m] 
 
 THE BATTLE OF ALMANZA 
 
 167 
 
 efore the Duke of Orleans should be able to join 
 
 jhe Duke of Berwick. To effect this, after a hard 
 
 Inarch of ' three long Spanish leagues in the heat of 
 
 [he da}', he appears a little after noon in the face 
 
 |)f the enemy with his fatigued forces. Glad and 
 
 icjoiced at the sight — for he found his plot had taken 
 
 -Berwick, the better to receive them, draws up his 
 
 lirmy in a half moon, placing, at a pretty good 
 
 [advance, three regiments to make up the centre, 
 
 [with express order to retreat at the first charge ; all 
 
 [which was punctually observed and had its desired 
 
 (effect ; for the three regiments at the first attack 
 
 gave wa}', and seemingly fled towards their camp, 
 
 the English pursuing them with shouts and holloa- 
 
 ings. As soon as the Duke of Berwick perceived his 
 
 I trap had taken he ordered his right and left wings 
 
 to close, by which means he at once cut off from the 
 
 rest of the army all those who had so eagerly pursued 
 
 the imaginary runaways. The rout was total, and 
 
 the most fatal blow the English received during the 
 
 whole war with Spain. The day after this fatal 
 
 battle (which gave occasion to a Spanish piece of 
 
 wit ' that the English General had routed the 
 
 French '*) the Duke of Orleans did arrive, indeed, 
 
 in the camp, but wnth only fourteen attendants. 
 
 * Berwick, the commander of the French, was an Enghsh- 
 man by birth, the natural son of James II. by Arabella 
 Churchill ; (ialway, the English commander, was a French 
 Huguenot refugee Ravigny, who came to England with the 
 Prince of Orange. 
 

 i68 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 The Battle of Oudenarde. 
 
 1708. Marlborough to Count Piper (translated) 
 
 ^ Marlboi'ough Despatches,^ iv. 114. 
 
 The enemy having remained some weeks in thj 
 camp of Braine-la-Leude have during that tim 
 estabhshed intelhgence with the chief cities of thi|;S# 
 countr}^, and have made such good use of it that 01 
 the 5th of this month, through the treachery c 
 some of the inhabitants, they entered with a detach 
 ment of their army into the town of Ghent ; antj 
 since there were only 300 men for the defence of thj 
 citadel, it has also been compelled to surrender! 
 Their army at the same marched to secure thei ; 
 new conquest, for they thought by that to mak| . 
 themselves masters of the whole of Flanders. The ;i 
 intended first to effect the siege of Oudenarde| 
 212 '^'^hich they had invested on the gth ; and in orde" 
 to cover it their army marched on the loth to seizlj 
 the camp of Lessines, from which they were onljl! 
 two leagues distant, when we anticipated them bjl 
 forced marches. Then, seeing that we were alread; 
 beginning to pass the Dendre at Lessines, the;! 
 recalled their troops from Oudenarde, and ono 
 more took the road of Gavre on the Scheldt, so ai 
 to pass that river, which they began to do the nexi 
 day, the nth, at four o'clock in the morning, whil' ^ 
 on the same day we continued our march toward i 
 Oudenarde to five leagues from our camp, having 
 sent on a detachment to make bridges, which wa:' 
 done successfully and without opposition. The de 
 tachment advanced to take post on the other side! 
 while the army followed in haste, and the head die 
 
 •II 
 
Dilated' 
 • Hi 
 
 1708] THE BATTLE OF OUDENARDE 169 
 
 not arrive at the bridge till just on noon. But the 
 
 enemv, who had scarcely a league to march to cross 
 
 . the river, advanced on the other side and took up 
 
 jj their ground. This obliged our detachment between 
 
 three and four o'clock in the afternoon to attack 
 
 '>4 
 
 their first troops ; this was executed with great 
 
 ^'^'^^ success. A brigade of ours defeated, killed, or took 
 ttiatotjj prisoners seven of the enemy's battalions, and by 
 %f this means gave a part of our army time to join 
 detacll them, while the enemy were ranging themselves in 
 line ; and although many of our troops were still 
 behind, between five and six o'clock the battle 
 began, principally between the infantry, and lasted 
 till night, when the enemy retreated towards Ghent 
 in great confusion, so that God has given us a very 
 complete victory, with very small loss on our side, 
 lenarde although the enemy had many slain. We took 
 n orde more than 7,000 prisoners, besides nearly 800 
 toseifi' officers, several of them persons of distinction, and 
 captured 100 standards, flags, and trumpets. That 
 night our army slept under arms on the field of 
 battle, and after having pursued the enemy for some 
 leagues on the next day, rested on Thursday and 
 Friday ; but to-day at midnight we have detached 
 forty squadrons and thirty battalions with some guns 
 towards the lines of the enemy between Ypres and 
 Warneton. 
 
 re onii 
 liemlw 
 alread) 
 
 1 OOCf 
 
 Lsoai 
 leneil 
 ■. 'Mi 
 
 additl 
 
 tiaviD? 
 
 \iU 1708- Before Oudenarde. Marlborough to (iodolphin : 
 
 Coir, ii. 252. 
 
 The States have used this country so ill that I no 
 ways doubt but all the towns in this countrv will 
 
 3 
 
I70 ENGLISH HISTORY [1708 
 
 play us the same trick as Ghent has done whenever 
 they have it in their power. 
 
 1708. Marlborough to the Duchess : 
 
 Coxe, ii. 267. 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 July 16. — If we had been so happ}' as to have had 
 
 214 two more hours of dayhght, I beheve we should have 
 
 made an end of this war. 
 
 uotio 
 PnDC' 
 
 innne 
 
 215 
 
 1708. Marlborough to Godolphin : Jbid. \ 
 
 I 
 If we had been six hours later, I am afraid we, 
 
 should not have been able to have forced these lines ; |' 
 
 for M. de la Motte was got with his little army to! 
 
 Ypres, and the Duke of Berwick was at the same ^ ,\\ 
 
 time at Lille. We are now masters of marching!! . 
 
 where we please, but can make no siege till we a-rei||.i r 
 
 masters of Ghent, from whence only we can have 
 
 our cannon. The camp the French are now in 
 
 behind the Canal of Bruges makes them entirel}' 
 
 masters of Ghent and Bruges ; but at the same time* «, . 
 
 they leave all France open to us, which is what ]h,j 
 
 flatter myself the King of France and his council \ 
 
 will never suffer, so that I hope b}- Thursday M. d( 
 
 Vendome will receive orders from Court not to con . 
 
 tinue in the camp w^here he is, from \\'hence we an ' 
 
 not able to force him, but by famine. 
 
 jota 
 
 jati 
 
 The Battle of Malplaouet. 
 
 1709. Marlborough to Stanhope : ' T/ic Marlborough 
 
 Despatches; iv. 594, 595. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 You will already have had an account of th 
 happy issue of the siege of Tournay, and of tfc] 
 
 I 
 
 laat 
 
1709] THE BATTLE OF MALPLAQUET 171 
 
 garrison of the citadel, to the number of upwards of 
 4,000 i-^ien, being obliged to surrender prisoners of 
 war, whereupon the army was immediately put in 
 motion in order to besiege Mons. The hereditary 
 Prince of Hesse was detached before with sixty 
 squadrons and 4,000 foot to force the lines between 
 the Sambre and Mons and to invest the place. 
 The whole army followed in some hours after, and 
 the Prince, having succeeded and obliged three 
 regiments of dragoons posted in the lines to retire, 
 immediately invested the towm. The enem}- in the 
 meantime, seeing our motions, assembled all their 
 troops, and marched da}- and night till they passed 
 the Scheldt and came to Quievrain, which obliged 
 us to continue our march all Sunday night to pass 
 the Hayne and join the Prince. On Monday the 
 enemy extended themselves to the right to the plains 
 of Tasniere, with the woods of Dour and Blangies 
 before them, into which they threw a great body of 
 foot and began to entrench themselves, upon which, 
 having notice that twenty-one battalions and four 
 squadrons of the troops we left at Tournay till the 
 citadel was evacuated were at hand, it was resolved 
 to attack them this morning. We began about 
 eight o'clock. The French maintained the wood 
 and their entrenchments with great obstinacy, so 
 that it was noon before we could force them out. 
 Our horse then advanced into the plains, where the 
 battle was renewed with great fury, and lasted till 
 three in the afternoon, when the enemy began to 
 retire, part of their army towards Valenciennes and 
 Conde, and the rest towards Maubeuge, and we 
 pursued as far as Bavay with great slaughter, which 
 
172 ENGLISH HISTORY [1709 
 
 is all the particulars I can give you at present of this 
 great action, which you will believe must have cost 
 us a great many brave men ; but I hope it will con- 
 duce to the putting a speedy and happy issue to the 
 war, to the general satisfaction of all the allies. 
 
 Sacheverell's Sermon. 
 1709. 
 
 Our constitutions both in Church and State have 
 been so admirably contrived, with that wisdom, 
 weight and sagacity, and the temper and genius of 
 each so exactly suited and modelled to the mutual 
 support and the assistance of one another, that 'tis 
 hard to say whether the doctrines of the Church of 
 England contribute more to authorize and enforce 
 our civil laws, or our laws to maintain and defend 
 the doctrine of our Church. The natures of both 
 are so nicel}' correspondent and so happily intermixt 
 that 'tis almost impossible to offer a violation to the 
 5-„ one without breaking in upon the body of the other. 
 So that, in all those cases before mentioned, what- 
 soever presumes to innovate, alter, or misrepresent 
 any point in the Articles of the Faith of our Church 
 ought to be arraigned as a traitor to our State, 
 heterodoxy in the doctrine of one naturally pro- 
 ducing and almost necessarily inferring rebellion and 
 high treason in the other, and consequently a crime 
 that concerns the civil magistrate, as much to punish 
 and restrain, as the ecclesiastical. However this 
 assertion at first view may look like a high-flown 
 paradox, the proof of it will fully appear in a few 
 instances. The grand security of our Government, 
 
1709] SACHEVERELL'S SERMON 173 
 
 and the very pillar upon which it stands, is founded 
 upon the steady belief of the subject's obli^^ation to 
 an absolute and unconditional obedience to the 
 supreme power in all things lawful, and the utter 
 illegality of resistance upon any pretence what- 
 soever. 
 
 ***** 
 Our adversaries think they effectually stop our 
 mouths, and have us sure and unanswerable on this 
 point, when they urge the revolution of this day in 
 their defence ; but certainly they are the greatest 
 enemies of that and His late Majesty, and the most 
 ungrateful for the deliverance who endeavour to 
 cast such black and odious colours upon both. 
 How often must they be told that the King himself 
 solemnly disclaimed the least imputation of resist- 
 ance in his Declaration, and that the Parliament 
 declared that they set the crown on his head upon 
 no other title but that of the vacancy of the throne. 
 
 iff ^pT lipT ^T* 'T* 
 
 Now, as the Republicans copy after the Papists in 
 most of their doctrines and practices, I would fain 
 know in this where the difference lies betwixt the 
 power granted to (as 'tis supposed originally invested, 
 but from what commission God knows) in the 
 people, to judge and dethrone their Sovereigns for 
 any cause they think fit, or a no less usurped power 
 of the Pope to absolve the people from their 
 allegiance, and dispose of sceptres and diadems to 
 his favourites, whenever he thinks it his interest to 
 pluck them from his enemies' heads. 
 
 ***** 
 
 But since this model of a universal liberty and 
 
ijioD. 
 kf 
 
 astical 
 tioogli 
 ibedien 
 (tons; 
 
 174 ENGLISH HISTORY [1709 
 
 coalition failed, and these false brethren could not 
 carry the conventicle into the Church, they are now 
 resolved to bring the Church into the conventicle 
 — that is, what they could not do by open 
 violence, they will not fail by secret treacheries to 
 accomplish. If the Church can't be pulled down, it 
 may be blown up ; and no matter with these men 
 how 'tis destroyed, so that it is destroyed. Now, 
 let us, I beseech you in the name of God, fairly 
 consider what must be the consequence of this 
 scandalous fluctuation and trimming betwixt the 
 Church and Dissenters, both in conscience and 
 prudence. Does not this innovating in giving up or 
 receding from any one point or article in our faith 
 violate and affect the whole frame and body of it ? 
 Can we either add to or diminish from the least jot 
 of our religion ? Are we to take its constitution as 
 our Saviour and His Apostles delivered it down to 
 us ? or have we authority to curtail, mangle, or alter 
 it to suit it to the pride, humours, caprice, and qualm 
 sick stomach of obstinate, moody, wayward, and |fcftli t 
 self- conceited hypocrites and enthusiasts? Will 
 not such a base and time-serving compliance give 
 the enemies of our Church an occasion of blasphem- 
 ing her as weak and inconstant ? Mfcf 
 ***** 
 
 Thus, we see how dangerous these false brethren ' 
 are to our Church, which is so great and consider- 
 able a branch of our civil constitution, that the 
 support of our Government depends upon its welfare, 
 and what affects that must strike at the foundation 
 of our State, innovations in either tending to the 
 subversion of their laws and the unsettling their fcjlfs. 
 
 ■f 
 
 the 
 
 tteirac 
 d wl 
 mid 
 Clorch 
 [ertain, 
 tan so 
 to mat 
 
 idina: 
 
17(17-11] THE FALL OF THE CHURCHH.LS 175 
 
 """(S establishment, and consequently to anarchy and con- 
 reno^ fusion. But to draw this argument more home to 
 the point I will endeavour to prove that our false 
 ^P^ brethren are as destructive of our civil as ecclesi- 
 astical rights. For, first, it cannot be denied that, 
 though they do submit to the Government, their 
 obedience is forced and constrained, and therefore 
 (to use their own expressions) are as much occa- 
 sional loyalists to the State as occasional conformists 
 to the Church — that is, they will betray either 
 whenever it is in their power and they think it for 
 their advantage. Falsehood always implies treachery, 
 and whether that is a qualification for anyone to be 
 trusted, especially with the guardianship of our 
 Church or Crown, let our governors consider ; and 
 certainly nothing but the most sottish infatuation 
 can so far blind both our eyes and our judgments as 
 to make us believe that the same causes should not 
 produce the same effects, and that the same lati- 
 tudinarian and republican notions should not bring 
 forth the same rebellions and pernicious conse- 
 quences. 
 
 'm, 
 enif 
 
 it tlie 
 
 t and 
 upo[ 
 [faiti 
 of it; 
 1st jot 
 
 r alter 
 (|oalffl 
 I, aoJ 
 
 itlireo 
 isider- 
 ,ttk 
 
 The Fall of the Churchills and the Whigs. 
 
 1707-11. I74-- Duchess of Marlborough's * Conduct.' 
 
 It was about this time [1707] that the Ministry 
 ^ ji,^ began to be assured of the secret practices of Mr. 
 ilfare, 18 Harley against them, and tliat I discovered the base 
 latiofll returns made me by Mrs. Masham, upon whom I 
 Q(j,{l had heaped the greatest obligations. 
 (ljgil| Mrs. Masham was the daughter of one Hill, a 
 
176 ENGLISH HISTORY [1707-11 
 
 merchant in the city, by a sister of my father. [Her 
 father] , turning projector,* brought ruin upon him- 
 self and his family. I sent Mrs. Hill money. She 
 told me that her husband was in the same relation 
 to Mr. Harley as she was to me, but that he had 
 never done anything for her. Mrs. Masham's father 
 and mother did not live long after this. I took her 
 to St. Albans, and treated her with as great kindness 
 as if she had been my sister. After some time a 
 bedchamber woman of the Princess of Denmark's 
 died, and I thought I might ask the Princess to give 
 the vacant place to Mrs. Hill. I made the request 
 to the Princess, and it was granted. ... I may 
 here add that even the husband of Mrs. Masham had 
 several obligations to me. It was at my instance 
 that he was made first a page, then an equerry, and 
 afterw^ards Groom of the Bedchamber to the Prince. 
 
 The first thing which led me into inquiries about 
 her conduct was the being told in the summer of 
 1707 that my cousin Hill was privatel}' married to 
 Mr. Masham. ... In less than a week's time I 
 discovered that my cousin was become an absolute 
 favourite, that the Queen herself was present at her 
 marriage in Dr. Arbuthnot's lodgings, that Mrs. 
 Masham came often to the Queen when the Prince 
 was asleep, and w^as generally two hours every da}^ 
 in private wath her. I likewise then discovered 
 beyond all dispute Mr. Harley's correspondence and 
 interest at Court by means of this woman. 
 
 About the same time that I made this discovery o 
 Mrs. Masham's intriguing my Lord Godolphin, a: 
 I before mentioned, got notice of Mr. Harley': 
 
 * = Company-promoter. 
 
 iideavot 
 id Go 
 
 pendo 
 that 
 
 i plac( 
 Har 
 
 the 
 lirs. .\ 
 ;:venc 
 [Jarlf 
 
 kvesc 
 Lord 
 
 i!lier« 
 
 j'iasi 
 
 Lord! 
 
 ictme, 
 
 fshou! 
 
 '"IwroD 
 ^aeen 
 osible 
 
 se 
 
 proce 
 ofS: 
 II. 
 
1 
 ndoe 
 
 :iiiie 
 niad'i 
 
 istanij 
 
 lied 
 til 
 bsolott 
 tatlifl 
 It Jlr» 
 
 en- da* 
 covered 
 nceaDi 
 
 jvetj-o 
 ihio, ^ 
 
 .l>7-ll] THE FALL OF THE CHURCHTLLS 177 
 
 jactices both within doors and without. He was 
 i deavoiiring to create in the Whigs jealousies of 
 ] )rd Godolphin and Lord Marlborough, and at the 
 jme time assuring the Tories that thcv might 
 c;pend upon the Queen's inward aftection to them, 
 id that it was wholly owing to these two great 
 rds that the Tories were not still possessed of all 
 e places and employments. The conduct which 
 r. Harley observed became quickly so notorious 
 at m}' Lord Godolphin could not help representing 
 to the Oueen as of the utmost prejudice to her 
 fairs. And when he found that Her Majesty would 
 ilieve nothing of it, he went so far as to say that, if 
 r. Harley continued to act the part he did, and yet 
 ) have so much credit with her, as he perceived he 
 id. Lord Marlborough and himself must of necessity 
 jit her service. The Queen appeared much alarmed 
 this. ' Can dear Mrs. Freeman think I can be so 
 upid as not to be sensible of the great services that 
 ly Lord Marlborough and my Lord Treasurer have 
 one me, nor of the great misfortune it would be if 
 ley should quit my service ?' In a very short time 
 16 great breach at Court became public. Lord 
 [arlborough and Lord Godolphin had often told 
 16 Queen in the most respectful manner that it was 
 npossible for them to do her any service while Mr. 
 larley was in her confidence. Her Majesty, never- 
 leless, seemed determined not to part with him, 
 11 at length those two lords declared their resolution 
 b serve no longer with him, and they absented 
 liemselves from the council. Mr. Harley would 
 ,ave proceeded to business without them, but the 
 )uke of Somerset said he did not see how it could 
 PT. n. 12 
 
;aiswei 
 
 31 
 
 r t,, 
 
 178 ENGLISH HISTORY [l707-lM 
 
 be to any purpose when neither the General ncK^^ 
 the Treasurer was present, whereupon the councft^'^^' 
 immediately broke up. This had such an effec reatcD' 
 upon the Queen that very soon after Mr. Harley w? 
 dismissed from his post 
 
 Such a compliance seemed to the world a vei 
 great concession, but was, in truth, nothing ; for 
 was evident by what followed that this appearand 
 of giving up Mr. Harley was with his own conse n\% 
 and by his own advice, who, as long as Mrs. Mashal.lUi 
 continued in favour, would, under pretence of visitiilraecol 
 her (who was his cousin), have all the opportunitililititi 
 he could wish for of practising upon the passions aifcntlv 
 credulity of the Queen, and the method of cormtwo 
 sponding with him had been settled some tirltte( 
 before ; and that a correspondence was thus carriftiolpliiii 
 on with Mr. Harley became every day more afce,sli 
 more manifest by the difficulties and objecticBliinto 
 which Her Majesty had learnt to raise agaiifcger 
 almost everything proposed by her Ministers. Tfcliip's 
 scheme of the Queen's new counsellors to make ]fcD,a 
 Ministers quit her service or engage her to discmirib 
 them began now to appear without disguise. L(ft:. readi 
 Marlborough had written to the Queen: 'Y^Bftilier 
 Majesty will allow me on this occasion to remBbiersei 
 you of what I writ to you the last campaign, of Btolies. 
 certain knowledge I had of Mrs. Masham's havB|Diil[e 
 assured Mr. Harley that I should receive siBtevan', 
 constant mortifications as should make it imposspi/jther 
 for me to continue in your service. God Almigy'aioflli; 
 and the whole world are my witnesses with wfcfjst.it 
 care and pains I have served you for more t|fc)i', gg 
 twenty years, and I was resolved, if possible, to h||j^asQ 
 
 I 
 
)7-ll] THE FALL OF THE CHURCIIILLS 
 
 179 
 
 ^■ruggled with the difficulties to the end of this war. 
 ut the many instances I have had of your Majesty's 
 eat change to me has so broke my spirits that I 
 ust beg, as the greatest and last favour, that you 
 ill approve of my retiring.' The Ouccn wrote him 
 11 answer, assuring him that he had no ground for 
 spicions, and desiring him to come to town. 
 
 eaial About the beginning of June [17 10] the design of 
 
 coD^rning out Lord Sunderland began to be talked of. 
 . . Whether my interfering in this matter hastened 
 e execution of the design I cannot say. Certain it 
 that it did not retard it, for Lord Sunderland was 
 fesently after dismissed from his office. In less 
 an two months after this, and even the very day 
 
 ne tilter the Queen had expressed her desire to my Lord 
 
 ;c2!i§odolphin himself that he would continue in her 
 
 rvice, she dismissed him, and her letter of order 
 
 him to break his staff was sent by no w^orthier a 
 
 a^ssenger than a man in livery to be left with his 
 
 Ti. 1 Dfdship's porter. 
 
 When, after a very successful campaign, the Duke 
 Marlborough was returned to London, the Queen 
 
 e, h. ost readily accepted the resignation, which he 
 rried her from me, of my offices. The Duchess 
 Somerset was made Groom of the Stole and had 
 e Robes, and Mrs. Masham had the Privy Purse. 
 e Duke of Marlborough, notwithstanding an 
 finite variety of mortifications, continued to serve 
 t another campaign. As all the arts of malice and 
 traction had proved ineffectual to make him resign 
 
 „^Mp post, it was become necessary to remove him 
 jjti>ni it. But what plausible pretence to remove so 
 
 1 lgl|le and so successful a General while the war was 
 
 12 — 3 
 
 nale 
 
 3(liiO 
 
 
i8o ENGLISH HISTORY [170? -| 
 
 in appearance still subsisting ? A frivolous an^;;i 
 groundless complaint in Parliament about certaft 
 
 '|ifev« 
 
 perquisites he had claimed must serve the tur 
 The Queen, indeed, when he had laid before hil 
 what was doing by the Coiuniissioncrs of Accounts w 
 pleased to say she was sure her servants ivould n 
 encourage such proceedings. Nevertheless, Her Majest- 
 once more pressed by an irresistible necessity, maJlp^ 
 use of that very complaint as a reason for dismissiij 
 him from all his employments. 
 
 November lo, 1710. Henry St. John to Mr. Drummond 
 
 Boli?tgbroke's Letters^ i. 15. 
 
 The situation of the great man here will chie] 
 depend on his ow^n conduct. Things are gone 
 far that there can be no thoughts of returning n 
 to Egyptian bondage. 
 
 Jcmuary^ 171 1. Henry St. John to Mr. Drummond' . 
 
 Boli?igbrokc's Lette7's^ i. 79. 
 
 He was told at first that he had nothing o. 
 reproach us with; that his wife, my Lord Godolphi,^ 
 and himself had thrown the Queen's favour aw /■ 
 and that he ought not to be angry if other pccic' ^ 
 had taken it up. He was told that his true inteisf 
 consisted in getting rid of his wife, who was gn i 1 
 to be irreconcilable with the Oueen, as soon as it 
 could and with the best grace he could. Insteacji 
 this, he teased the Queen, and made the utrrit 
 effort to keep this woman in her place. He ncer 
 brought the key till he had but three days given Ipj. 
 to do it in, and till he found that a longer delay Ipliever. 
 
1703] MARLBOROUGH'S VIEWS AND CHARACTER i8i 
 
 "^^^not to be hoped for from the Queen's resohition. 
 ceiti However^ he now pretends to make a merit of 
 
 '^ ^"^ resignation. 
 
 foreli 
 
 ilajesj Marlborough's Views and Character. 
 
 Sffll 1703. Marlborough to the Duchess : Core, i. 132, 
 
 smisil ^1 • 1 • -11 
 
 ^ 1 here is nothmg more certam than what you say, 
 
 ^that either of the parties would be tyrants if they 
 
 I 
 
 ciiii| 
 
 3(iolpl| 
 
 erpeo! 
 e iotel 
 as 
 
 m 
 Hei 
 
 ROBERT HARLEY, EARL OF OXFORD. 
 
 iriveE|Jvere let alone ; and I am afraid it is as true that it 
 delafl^vill be very hard for the Queen to prevent it. 
 
l82 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 [17*1 
 
 1704- Coxe. i. 235 
 
 I will endeavour to leave a good name behind m^ 
 
 222 ^^^ countries that have hardly any blessing but tha 
 
 of not knowing the detested names of Whig an* 
 
 Tory. 
 
 1711- Bolingbroke's Letters^ i. 105. 
 
 I am sorry my Lord Marlborough gives you si 
 
 223 much trouble. It is the only thing he ever wi] 
 give you. 
 
 1758. Swift, ' Four Last Years of Queen Anne ' 
 
 Works, V. 26. 
 
 He was bred in the height of what is called thl 
 Tory principle, and continued with a strong bicl 
 that way till the other party had bid higher for hii] 
 than his friends could afford to give. His want \ 
 literature is in some sort supplied by a good undej 
 standing, a degree of natural elocution, and th;j 
 knowledge of the world which is learned in armi( 
 and Courts. We are not to take the height of hi 
 ambition from his soliciting to be General for li«™ 
 
 224 I am persuaded his chief motive was the pay arP™'' 
 perquisites by continuing the war. He is noted ■™^t 
 be master of great temper — able to govern or veiHp™ 
 well to disguise his passions, which are all mclt<l,>: '^*^ 
 down or extinguished in his love of wealth. Thji'*^^^ 
 liberality which Nature has denied him, with respel'f^'- 
 to money, he makes up by a great profusion a^^h 
 promises ; but this perfection, so necessary in Court 
 is not very successful in camps among soldiers, wlj 
 are not retined enough to understand or to relish it' 
 
Itt 
 
 [nil] ARGUMENTS FOR PEACE 183 
 
 , Arguments for Peace. • 
 
 1711- St. John to Lord Raby* : BoUngbroke's 
 
 Letters^ i. 192-195. 
 
 We are now in the tenth campaign of a war, the 
 great load of which has fallen on Britain, as the 
 great advantage of it is proposed to redound to the 
 e5.,gj. House of Austria and to the States-General. They 
 are in interest more immediately, we more remotely 
 concerned. However, what by our forwardness to 
 engage in every article of expense, what by our 
 private assurances, and what by our public parlia- 
 mentary declarations that no peace should be made 
 without the entire restitution of the Spanish 
 Monarchy, we are become principals in the contest. 
 The war is looked upon as our war, and it is treated 
 accordingly by the confederates, even by the Irr- 
 ,perialists and by the Dutch. I will not enter into 
 the particulars ; I will only make an observation. 
 If a method of carr^ung on the war was offered never 
 so prejudicial to the interests of Britain, yet the 
 general topic+ of necessity prevailed. On the other 
 hand, our allies have always looked first at home, 
 and the common cause has been served by the best 
 of them in the second place. From hence it is that 
 our commerce has been neglected, while the French 
 have engrossed the South Sea trade to themselves, 
 and the Dutch encroach daily upon us, both in the 
 East Indies and on the coast of Africa. From hence 
 it is that we have every year added to our burden, 
 which was long ago greater than we could bear ; 
 
 * Afterwards Strafford. t Argument. 
 
 't 
 
lS4 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 [171 : 
 
 whilst the Dutch have yearly lessened their propor- 
 tions in every part of the war, even in that o:^ 
 Flanders, on the pretence of poverty. Whilst the] 
 Emperor has never employed twenty of his go,ooo*j 
 men against France, on account of the troubles in] 
 Hungary, which he would not accommodate, noi 
 has suffered our vast expenses in Italy to be effectual! 
 on account of articles in which it did not suit with! 
 his conveniency to keep his word, and whilst each oil 
 the other confederates in his turn has, from some] 
 false pretence, or from some trilling consideration oil 
 private advantage, neglected to perform his part inl 
 the war, or given a reason to others for not perform-] 
 ing theirs, from hence it is that our fleet is diminished] 
 and rotten, that our funds are mortgaged for thirty- 
 two and ninety-nine years, that our specie is ex- 
 hausted, and that we have nothing in possession and] 
 hardly anything in expectation, as a compensation 
 to Britain for having borne the burden and heat of] 
 the day ; whilst Holland has obtained a secure and] 
 even formidable barrier ; and by my Lord Towns- 
 hend's great generosity has a claim against our| 
 claiming any privilege or benefit in point of com- 
 merce, wherein they shall not be entitled to an equal! 
 share ; whilst the House of Austria has everything 
 in hand a la Sicile prcs, which they proposed by] 
 the war, whilst all the allies have had our annualj 
 tributes rather than subsidies, besides particular! 
 advantages, and some of them are already masters! 
 of greater rewards than their services deserve. From 
 hence, in one word, it is that our Government is in a 
 consumption, and that (how florid a countenance 
 
 ■^ His stipulated quota. 
 
m 
 
 isODli 
 
 tiooti 
 )artiii 
 rfora- 
 
 17U-12] ARGUMENTS FOR PEACE 185 
 
 ever we put on) our vitals are consuming, and we 
 must in,evitably sink at once. This state is either a 
 true or a false one. We take it to be a true one, 
 and then I am sure there can be no dispute about 
 the inference to be deduced from it. 
 
 tectBii 1711-12. 1758. Swift, ' Four Last Years of the 
 
 ^ Queen,' v. 39-43. 
 
 Parliament met upon December 7, 171 1. The 
 Queen's Speech was taken up in telling both Houses 
 what progress she had made towards a general 
 peace. The House of Lords resolved upon an 
 address of thanks, to which the Earl of Nottingham 
 
 nisiiail proposed an addition : ' And we do beg leave to 
 ! represent it to your Majesty as the humble opinion 
 ', and advice of this House that no peace can be safe 
 or honourable to Great Britain and Europe if Spain 
 and the West Indies are to be allotted to any branch 
 of the house of Bourbon.' Her Majesty's answer 
 was short and dr}^ In return to Lord Nottingham's 
 clause [she] said : ' She should be sorry that any- 
 body should think she should not do her utmost to 
 recover Spain and the Indies from the House of 
 Bourbon.' When this address against any peace 
 without Spain, etc., was carried in the House of 
 Lords, it is not easy to describe the effects it had 
 upon most men's passions. The partisans of the old 
 1 Ministry triumphed loudly and without any reserve, 
 
 niaiteriias if the game were all their own. The Earl of 
 From I Wharton was observed to smile and put his hands 
 
 tjjiiulto his neck when any of the Ministry were speaking. 
 
 lenattcelpn the other side all well-wishers to the Queen, the 
 jChurch, or the peace, were equally dejected, and 
 
 uii ail 
 
 isatiosf 
 
 ■ 
 
 tieat ol 
 le aei 
 
 1st Oil 
 
 rythin? 
 
iS6 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 [1711-12 
 
 the Treasurer stood the foremost mark both of his 
 enemies' fury' and the censure of his friends ; among 
 the latter some imputed this fatal miscarriage to his 
 procrastinating nature, others to his immeasurable 
 public thrift. Both parties agreed that a first 
 Minister, with very moderate skill in affairs, might 
 easily have governed the event, and some began to 
 doubt whether the great fame of his abilities acquired 
 in other stations* were what he justly deserved. It 
 was, I believe, upon these motives that the Treasurer 
 advised Her Majesty to create twelve new lords, and 
 thereby disable the sting of faction for the rest of her 
 lifetime. This promotion was so ordered that a third 
 part were of those on w^hom or their posterity the 
 peerage w^ould naturally devolve, and the rest werei 
 such whose merit,, birth, and fortune could admit of] 
 no exception. 
 
 The adverse party being thus driven by open force] 
 had nothing left but to complain that it w^as a per- 
 nicious example set for ill Princes to follow, who byl 
 the same rule might make at any time a hundred as| 
 well as twelve. 
 
 The Restkainixg Orders. 
 
 May^ 1/12. Bolingbioke to the Duke of Ormondt : 
 
 Bolhigbrok^s Letters^ \\. 320. 
 
 „27 Her Majesty, my Lord, has reason to believe thai] 
 we shall come to an agreement. ... It is therefore] 
 
 ■^ He had been Speaker of the House and Secretary o] 
 State. 
 
 t Ormond was Commander-in-Chief of the Enghsh forces iij 
 alHance against France. 
 
1712] ACCOUNT OF THE NEGOTIATION 187 
 
 the Queen's positive command to your Grace that 
 you avpid engaging in any siege or hazarding a battle 
 till you have farther orders. I am at the same time 
 directed to let your Grace know that the Oucen 
 would have you disguise the receipt of this order, 
 and Her Majesty thinks that you cannot want pre- 
 tences for conducting yourself so as to answer her 
 ends without owning that which might at present 
 have an ill effect if it was publicly known. 
 
 P.S. — Communication is given of this order to the 
 Court of France, so if the Mareschal de \'illars takes 
 in any private way notice of it to you your Grace 
 will answer accordingly. 
 
 Bolingbroke's Account of the Negotiation. 
 
 January^ 171 2. St, John to Peterborough : Boling- 
 
 brok^s Letters^ ii. 119. 
 
 Some months ago the French means of applying 
 to the Queen and of desiring her assistance to set on 
 foot a negotiation of peace.* The hrst answer to 
 this overture was that they would do well to 
 endeavour to renew the treaty where it broke off.t 
 Q The enemy absolutely refused to begin with the 
 Dutch, and renewed their addresses to the Queen, 
 who received from them some general propositions, 
 which were immediately sent into Holland. After 
 this Prior went into France, and Menager came over 
 hither. The whole intent of this negotiation was to 
 try how^ far we could bring the enemy to offer and 
 
 ■^ The first secret overtures came, as a matter of fact, from 
 England. 
 
 t In Holland. 
 
i88 ENGLISH HISTORY [1713 
 
 engage without expecting anything reciprocal from 
 us.' For, my Lord, after all the clamour which has 
 been raised, the Queen is under no tie nor obligation 
 from France, whatever France may be to her. At 
 last the general articles which you have seen were 
 received to serve as inducements to the confederates 
 to open the congress, and as propositions which 
 contained in them all that ever was or that ever 
 could be demanded. The Queen exacted from 
 France an engagement on several heads relating to 
 the interest of Britain, which is only to take effect in 
 case a peace succeeds, and she declared both to her 
 friends and to her enemy that this peace should never 
 succeed unless her allies had all reasonable satisfac- 
 tion in their several pretensions. On this foot what 
 injustice was done ? What ill consequence could 
 follow ? 
 
 The Peace of Utrecht. 
 
 17 1 3. Burnet^ ii. 618, 619. 
 
 By the Treaty of Peace, the French King was 
 bound to give neither harbour nor assistance to the 
 Pretender, but acknowledged the Queen's title and 
 the Protestant succession. Dunkirk was to be razed 
 in a time limited within live months after the ratifi- 
 cations. Newfoundland, Hudson's Bay, and St. 
 ^^^ Christopher's were to be given to England ; but 
 Cape Breton was left to the French, with a liberty 
 to dry their fish on Newfoundland. This was the 
 main substance of the articles of ueace. 
 
 As for the Allies, Portugal and Savoy were satisfied. 
 The Emperor was to have the duchy of Milan, the 
 kingdom of Naples, and the Spanish Netherlands; 
 
1713] 
 
 THE PEACE OF UTRECHT 
 
 1S9 
 
 Sicily was to be given to the Duke of Savoy, with 
 the title of Kinc: ; the States were to deliver at Lille 
 and the little places about it. And besides the places 
 
 LOUIS XIV 
 
 of which they were already possessed they were to 
 have Namur, Charleroi, Luxemburg, Ypres, Nieu- 
 port. 
 
1 90 
 
 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 [1713 
 
 1713- 
 
 Comments on the Peace. 
 
 Bolingbroke to Prior : Boliiigbr Che's 
 Letters^ iv. ']■], 78. 
 
 The peace is made, and I thank 3'Our friendship 
 for the compHment upon it. I have acquired some 
 experience, and that is all I expect besides the public 
 advantage to gain by it. I have learned that one 
 !30 should never despair, that perseverance will make 
 amends for many defects in measures and in con- 
 duct. I have learned that, in Britain at least, doing 
 little is better than doing much, and doing nothing 
 is better than either. 
 
 1 7 1 3. From a speech prepared by Bishop Burnet. 
 
 Burnet^ ii. 626. 
 
 My Lords, 
 
 I cannot reconcile the carrying on a treaty 
 with the French without the knowledge and con- 
 currence of the other confederate States and 
 Princes, and the concluding it without the consent 
 of the Emperor — I say I cannot reconcile this with 
 the articles of the Grand Alliance, and the later 
 ^^ treaties that are in print. I must think that a peace 
 made in opposition to the express words of so many 
 treaties will prove a curse instead of a blessing to 
 us. Bv this our nation is dishonoured and our 
 Church disgraced. And I dread to think what the 
 consequence of those things is like to prove. 
 
1714] DISSENSIONS IN THE GOVERNMENT 
 
 191 
 
 BISHOP BURNET. 
 
 Dissensions in the Government. 
 
 July, 1 7 14. 
 
 Bolins^broke's Letters, iv. 567. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 The Queen's affairs are in a deplorable 
 % state by the glorious management with which, it 
 seems, no man must presume to find fault. We are 
 
192 ENGLISH HISTORY [1714 fi;H] 
 
 fallen into contempt abroad, into confusion at home. 
 With a vast majority of the nation on our side, we 
 are insulted by the minority ; and with the merit 
 of having made a good and popular peace, we are 
 reproached by those who lie under the guilt of 
 attempting to prolong a ruinous war. It is a great 
 w^hile since I have thought that this could never be. 
 Was not our leader in a secret with our enemy ? 
 And I believe that there is hardly a Whig or Tory 
 in Britain that is not of the same opinion. What 
 the Queen will do to extricate herself from these 
 difficulties — and she alone can save herself — I do not 
 know. This I know : that there is no danger, no 
 labour I decline to serve her, except one, which is 
 that of trusting the same conduct a fifth year which 
 has deceived herself these four years. 
 
 Prior to Bolingbroke : Bolin^broke's 
 Letters^ iv. 5 78. 
 
 Aiigi/sl 7, \yi4. Paris, 
 
 My Pear Lord, 
 
 I should be wanting in my duty and friendship 
 to you if I were silent upon a point which, for me of 
 all men, it is most dangerous to touch ; you will 
 easily guess it is the differences — and, as they are 
 represented here, the open quarrels — between my 
 masters at Whitehall. Who is in the wrong or who 
 •is in the right is not in my power at this instance to ^ttvi 
 determine; but this thing everyone sees at this Court, lal, ani 
 from Torcy to Courtenvaux, as I believe they do in ' cure the 
 yours, from my Lord Chancellor to Miramont, that 
 the honour of our nation daily diminishes, and the 
 
1714] DISSENSIONS IN THE GOVERNMENT 193 
 
 credit of the Ministers particularly suffers. I would 
 expatiate upon this topic if I did not write to a man 
 of your superior sense, and I need make no excuse 
 for touching upon it, because I am sure I write to a 
 man who loves me and knows I love him. I have 
 one reason to wish an end to these misunderstandings 
 more than any man else, which is that I foresee my 
 own ruin inevitably fixed in their continuance. But 
 ibe all that as it will, my Lord Bolingbroke shall 
 Jnever be ashamed of my conduct or find me behave 
 ^"^^^^ iDtherwise than as an honest and an English man. 
 
 Am I to go to Fontainbleau ? Am I to come 
 
 jiome ? Am I to be looked upon ? Am I to hang 
 
 jTiyself? From the present prospect of things the 
 
 atter begins to look most eligible. Adieu, my Lord ! 
 
 od bless you ! 
 
 I am. 
 
 Ever inviolably yours. 
 
 Matt. 
 
 1 7 14. Bolingbroke' s Letters^ iv. 575. 
 
 The removal of the Earl of Oxford from the post 
 f Lord High Treasurer, the constitution of a com- 
 lission of the Treasury, and several other incidents 
 ^hich attend such a change have for a few days 
 iterrupted the regular course of business. I hope 
 ^e shall soon settle into order, and carry on the 
 irvice with more vigour and dispatch than has been 
 5ual, and then one of the first cares must be to 
 icure the peace of Ireland. 
 
 PT. II. 13 
 
 they are 
 veen mf 
 
 jtancew 
 lis Court) 
 bey do in 
 
194 ENGLISH HISTORY . [17hIi:H] 
 
 Death of the Oueen. ft,^ 
 
 ■tIio 
 
 1 7 14. Bolingbroke to Swift : Siui/t^s Works, Itlist 
 
 >^vi. 178. Jprisin 
 
 Dear Dean, l^^ 
 
 The Earl of Oxford was removed on Tuesday li |jg 
 
 235 the Queen died on Sunday. What a world is this[ 
 and how does fortune banter us ! 
 
 A Later Estimate of Bolingbroke. 
 
 'Lord Hervey's Memoirs,' i. 21, 22. 
 
 As to Lord Bolingbroke's general character, it Wc 
 so mixed that he had certainly some qualificatior 
 that the greatest men might be proud of, and mar 
 which the worst would be ashamed of. He had fir 
 talents, a natural eloquence, great quickness, a hap| 
 memor3^ and very extensive knowledge, but he w 
 vain much beyond the general run of mankind, timi 
 false, injudicious, and ungrateful ; elated and insole 
 in power, dejected and servile in disgrace. F 
 
 236 people ever believed him without being deceived, 
 trusted him without being betrayed. He was o 
 to whom prosperity was no advantage and advers 
 no instruction. He had brought his affairs to tl 
 pass that he was almost as much distressed in 
 private fortune as desperate in his political vie^, 
 and was upon such a foot in the world that no VJ\^^ \n 
 would employ him, no party support him, and f 
 particulars^- defend him. His enmity was the CfPtoation.- 
 tempt of those he attacked, and his friendship |ke >[^ 
 
 orn •, 
 
 i 
 
 at; 
 
 ■**■ Individuals. 
 
 ^niepass 
 
1714] A LATER ESTIMATE OF BOLINGBROKE 
 
 195 
 
 weight and reproach to those he adhered to. Those 
 who were most partial to him could not but allow 
 that he was ambitious without fortitude, and enter- 
 prising without resolution ; that he was fawning 
 without insinuation, and insincere without art ; that 
 he had admirers without friendship, and followers 
 
 I- 
 
 DEAN SWIFT. 
 
 without attachment ; parts without probity, know- 
 ledge without conduct, and experience without 
 
 [judgment. This was certainly his character and 
 situation ; but since it is the opinion of the wise, 
 the speculative, and the learned that most men are 
 
 [born with the same propensities, actuated by the 
 
 same passions, and conducted by the same original 
 
 13—2 
 
196 ENGLISH HISTORY [1704i 
 
 principles, and differing onl}- in the manner of 
 pursuing the same ends, I shall not so far chime 
 in with the bulk of Lord Bolingbroke's contempo- 
 raries as to pronounce he had more failings than any 
 man ever had ; but it is impossible to see all that is 
 written and hear all that is said of him and not allow 
 that if he had not a worse heart than the rest oi 
 mankind at least he must have had much worse 
 luck. . . . 
 
 ADDENDUM. 
 
 Taking of Gibraltar.* 
 
 1704. 1 705- 1 7 14. Burnet, ii. 3S8, 389. 
 
 Rook as he sailed back fell in upon Gibraltar 
 where he spent much powder, bombarding it to ven 
 little purpose, that he might seem to attempt some 
 what, though there was no reason to hope that hi 
 could succeed ; some bold men ventured to go ashor 
 in a place where it was not thought possible to climl 
 237 up the rocks, yet they succeeded in it. When the;, 
 got up, they saw all the women of the town wer 
 come out, according to their superstition, to chapelj 
 there to implore the Virgin's protection. The 
 seized on them, and that contributed not a little t 
 dispose those in the town to surrender. They ha< 
 leave to stay or go as they pleased ; and in case the 
 
 ■^ This should be read after the passages pp. 136-146. 
 
lemf 
 in an? 
 
 that 
 tallfjn 
 
 1704] TAKING OF GIBRALTAR 197 
 
 sta3'ed, they were assured of protection in their 
 rehgion and in ever3'thing else; for the Prince of 
 Hesse, who was to be their Governor, was a Papist. 
 But they all went away, with the small garrison that 
 had defended the place. The Prince of Hesse, with 
 the marines that were on board the fleet, possessed 
 himself of the place, and they were provided out of 
 the stores, that went with the fleet, with everything 
 that was necessary for their substance or defence. 
 
 It has been much questioned by men who under- 
 stand these matters whether our possessing ourselves 
 of Gibraltar and maintaining ourselves in it so long 
 was to our advantage or not. 
 
 tova) 
 it some 
 that 
 ashoR 
 tocliffll 
 lenl 
 
 ^h 
 lh« 
 
 little tfl 
 -asetli^ : 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 PART II 
 
 AUTHORITIES CITED. 
 
 Subjoined is a list of the chief authorities cited, with such 
 explanations as are needful to render it intelligible. In addition 
 to these authorities, use has been made of official publications, 
 such as the Journals of the Houses of Parliament^ the London 
 Gazette^ the State Trials, The reader should bear in mind that 
 there is a mass of pamphlet literature, dealing with the chief 
 political conflicts of the period, which gives one a very good 
 insight into the ideas and motives of the actors in the Revolu- 
 tion ; it is not attempted to detail it here. But the political 
 writings of Sidney, Locke, Swift, Bolingbroke, and Defoe are 
 all of great importance, and would interest those who do not 
 care for research. 
 
 Balcarres, Earl of, Colin Lindsay : Memoirs touching 
 the Revolution in Scotland (1841). Balcarres was one of 
 James's most intimate friends, to whom he confided his 
 intention of leaving the country. Balcarres was com- 
 missioned to manage civil affiiirs in Scotland, just as 
 Dundee was in charge of military. His account of affairs 
 from which the Battle of Killiecrankie is taken gives us 
 a very useful history of the events from the point of view 
 of a Jacobite eye-witness. 
 
 Bolingbroke, Henry St. John, Viscount : Letters, 4 vols 
 This work is a source of much of our knowledge of th^. 
 negotiations for the Peace of Utrecht. The style of the 
 
 Car 
 
a 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 199 
 
 author renders them worthy of citation, irrespective of the 
 subject. Bohngbrokc was responsible for the negotiations, 
 and his letters are first-rate evidence (1) of what he wished 
 to be believed, (2) of some of the actual difficulties in the 
 negotiation, and (3) his relations to Harlcy and Prior, the 
 poet and envoy. 
 
 BuRXET, Gilbert, Bishop of Salisbury : History of His Own 
 Times. First edition. This is the most important com- 
 plete contemporary history of events. Burnet (1643-1715) 
 was a strong partisan, and had much to do with effecting 
 the Revolution ; yet, though dull and verbose as a writer, he 
 is fairly accurate, and strives to be fair. He is invaluable for 
 the history of Scotland in the reign of Charles II. ; he at 
 that time held a Hving in East Lothian. He was tolerant 
 in opinion, and opposed the violent persecution carried on 
 by Lauderdale, by whom he was afterwards attacked. He 
 endeavoured to moderate in the Exclusion Bill controversy. 
 He attended Russell at his trial and execution, but after 
 that found it more prudent to leave England. Towards the 
 end of Charles ll.'s reign he was deprived of his prefer- 
 ments. During that of James II. he lived in Holland, 
 greatly in the favour of the Prince and Princess of Orange. 
 He came over in the expedition of 1688, and drew up the 
 declaration of the Prince. He was made Bishop of Salis- 
 bury, and although his activity as a Whig politician re- 
 mained to the end, he was an industrious and dexout 
 prelate, and has left us a valuable picture of the increase 
 in regularity and activity introduced by the ' latitudinarian ' 
 clergy. The first part of his History was composed before 
 1705, and the latter, which goes down to the Peace of 
 Utrecht, in the end of the reign of Anne. 
 
 Carleton, George: Military Memoirs, 1728. The writer of 
 these memoirs — the authenticity of which has, on the 
 whole, been successfully vindicated — is the main authority 
 for the traditional account of Peterboruugh, and professes 
 to have been an eye-witness of the events which he relates. 
 
 Carstares, William : State Papers, edited by McCormick, 
 
 1774. This volume contains some valuable documents for 
 
 ^ Scottish affairs, especially the massacre of Glencoe and the 
 
200 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 Treaty of the Union. Carstares was a Presbyterian divine 
 and a devoted Whig. 
 
 Clarendon, Henry Hyde, Earl of: Diary and Corre- 
 spondence (1828). The latter is most useful for the effects 
 of James II.'s policy in Ireland and for the character of 
 Tyrconnell, and shows us how the King blindly alienated 
 the Tory and High Church party. The Diary (1687 -1690) 
 gives a most useful expression to the changes of feeling on 
 the part of the High Tories, and the way in which they 
 regarded the final issue of the invasion. Clarendon was 
 unlike his brother Rochester in refusing to take the oaths 
 to William and Mary. 
 
 Duchess of Marlborough: Conduct of, 1742, digested by 
 R. N. Hooke. Invaluable for the relations of Marlborough 
 and his wife to Anne and the Whigs. Although the 
 Duchess was indebted to Hooke for the literary form of 
 this apologia pro vita sua^ there seems no doubt that it 
 may be regarded as the expression of her views, both as to 
 politics and matter of fact. 
 
 Evelyn, John, Diary of, is a valuable first-hand authority for 
 contemporary manners and general opinion — less lively 
 than Pcpys. Evelyn (1620-1706) was a country gentleman 
 of scientific and cultured tastes, who had much to do with 
 the founding of the Royal Society. He was a High 
 Churchman and Tory, was appointed by James II. a 
 Commissioner of the Privy Seal, and, though strongly 
 opposed to the violent courses of James II., was greatly 
 alarmed at the Revolution. The book is cited by the day. 
 
 Grimblot : William III. and Louis XIV. (1842). Two vols. 
 Gives a number of interesting letters relative mainly to 
 the question of the Spanish Succession. 
 
 Hervey, John, Lord: Memoirs, 1848 (1693-1746). Hervey 
 was the intimate adviser of the wife of George II. and the 
 friend of Walpole. The passage quoted is given as a 
 specimen of English prose, and an illustration of that 
 opinion of Bolingbroke which serves, if correct, to account 
 for his failure. 
 
 James II. : Memoirs, published in Macpherson's 'State Papers,' 
 vol. i. It would appear that the transcripts given are sub-" 
 
1 
 
 11 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 2or 
 
 stantially correct, althoui;h the form slightly differs, accord- 
 ing- as they are made by Carte or Macpherson. 
 
 LuTTRLllL, Narcissus : A Brief Historical Relation of State 
 Afifiiirs. Six vols., 1857. A very dull but detailed con- 
 temporary account of history, compiled day by day from 
 newspapers and letters, besides the author's own know- 
 ledge. Not always quite accurate. 
 
 Macpherson ; Original Papers. Two vols. Macpherson 
 collected a large number of valuable original papers belong- 
 ing to both the Stuart and Hanoverian archives. But he 
 is mainly known as the clever impostor who jjalmed off the 
 so-called ' Ossian ' on the public ; consequently, although 
 many of the documents he gives are clearly genuine, he 
 must be consulted with great caution, and illustrates one 
 of the main difficulties of historians in regard to sources. 
 
 Marlborough : Memoirs of, by Coxe. Three vols., 1848. 
 This contains many valuable letters from Marlborough, 
 Godolphin, and Queen Anne. 
 
 : Despatches of, edited by Murray. Five vols., 1845. 
 
 Useful for its first-hand accounts of Marlborough's activity 
 both as a diplomat and a General. 
 
 Reresby, Sir John : Memoirs, edited by Cartwright, 1875. 
 A dull, but useful, first-hand authority for the latter half of 
 Charles II. and the events leading to the Revolution. The 
 chief value of Reresby, in addition to his being an eye- 
 witness in Parliament, is due to the fact of his being a 
 hanger-on of Halifax, although he was probably more 
 definitely Tory than the latter. 
 
 Shrewsbury, Charles Talbot, Duke of : Correspondence, 
 edited by W. Coxe, 1821. This is a very valuable 
 authority for the views of William, Sunderland, and many 
 of the great Whig leaders, besides Shrewsbury himself. 
 The latter was the most universally admired, but least 
 practically effective, of the statesmen of the day, owing to 
 his incurable lack of nerve and disgust with the back-ways 
 of politics. 
 
 Swift, Jonathan, Dean of St. Patrick's : Workb, edited by 
 Scott. The only work here quoted is the ' Four Last 
 Years of Queen Anne,' first published in 1758, not always 
 
202 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 reckoned authentic. It is biassed strongly on the Tory 
 side, but there seems no reason to doubt its being genuine. 
 Swift was the ablest pamphleteer on the Tory side, and his 
 tracts on 'The Conduct of the Allies' and the 'Barrier 
 Treaty' paved the way for peace. 
 Vernon, James, Correspondence of, edited by G. P. R. James. 
 Three vols., 1841. Vernon was Secretary of State to 
 William III. and a follower of Shrewsbury. His letters 
 give us an interesting picture of the currents of parly 
 politics and the relations of Sunderland with the Whigs. 
 
 SOME MODERN BOOKS. 
 
 Burton : The Reign of Queen Anne. Two vols. 
 
 Green, J. R. : History of the English People. Macmillan. 
 
 Hallam, H. : Constitutional History of England. Vols. ii. 
 
 and iii. 
 Has.sall, J. : Louis XIV. Unwin. 
 Hertz : English Public Opinion. T. Fisher Unwin. 
 Hume : History of England. 
 
 Hunt ; History of Religious Thought in England. Three vols. 
 Lecky : History of England in the Eighteenth Century. 
 
 Vol. i. 
 
 : History of Ireland in the Eighteenth Century. Vol. i. 
 
 Macaulay, Lord : History of England. 
 
 : Essays. 
 
 Mahan : The Influence of Sea-Power in History. 
 
 Malleson : Eugene of Savoy. Chapman and Hall. 
 
 Morris : The Age of Anne. Longmans. 
 
 Overton : The Church in England (i66o- 1714). Longmans. 
 
 Parnell : Peterborough. Two vols. 
 
 Ranke : History of England, chiefly in the Seventeent 
 
 Century. Six vols. 
 Seeley, Sir John : The Growth ^f British Policy. Two vols. 
 
 Cambridge Uni\ersity Press. J 
 SiCHEL, W. : Bolingbroke. 
 Stanhope, Lord : The Reign of Oucen Anne. Two vols. 
 
 : The War of the Succession in Spain. 
 
 Stebbing : Peterborough. Macmillan. 
 
BILIOGRAPIIY 
 
 203 
 
 Stebbing, J. : Sonic Verdicts of History reviewed. iMamiillan. 
 Stoughton : Religion in England in the Seventeenth Century. 
 Thackeray : Esmond. 
 Thorold Rogers : The First Nine Years of the liank of 
 
 England. 
 Traill : William III. Macmillan. 
 Wake^lan, H. O. : The Ascendancy of France (1598-1713) 
 
 Rivingtons. 
 WOLSELEY : Life of Marlborough. Two vols. Dcnllcy. 
 
 Vol 
 
 enteeit 
 
 fOli- 
 
DATE SUMMARY 
 
 PART II. 
 
 James II.— 1685-1689. 
 
 1685. Parliament votes larg^e revenue. 
 Monmouth's rebellion. Battle of Sedgcmoor. 
 Bloody /\ssize. 
 
 Halifax dismissed ; the Hydes in power. 
 James quarrels with Parliament on the subject of the 
 Dispensing Power. 
 
 1686. Hales' case establishes the Dispensing Power on prin- 
 
 ciples of absolutism. 
 Court of Ecclesiastical Commission. 
 
 1687. P^all of the Hydes ; ascendancy of Sunderland, Tyrconnel 
 
 Father Petre. 
 Declaration of Indulgence. 
 
 1688. Declaration ordered to be read in churches. 
 Birth of the Prince of Wales. 
 
 Trial of the Seven Bishops. 
 
 Letter of invitation to the Prince of Orange. 
 
 James begins to undo his arbitrary acts ; but William 
 
 lands at Torbay in November and marches to London, 
 
 joined by Churchill and others. 
 James, having despatched his wife and son, flies ; is 
 
 brought back, but again flies. 
 
 1689. Convention : 
 
 Offers crown to William and Mary, 
 Draws up Declaration of Right. 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
DATE SUMMARY • 205 
 
 William III. and Mary 1 1.-- 1689- 1694 
 
 1689. Convention becomes a Parliament, and turns Bill of 
 
 Rights into a statute. 
 Toleration Act (tolerates all but Roman Catholics 
 
 and Unitarians). 
 William and James in Ireland. 
 Battle of the Boyne. James leaves Ireland. 
 
 1692. Marlborou<^h, being suspected of treason, is dismissed from 
 
 all his offices. 
 Massacre of Glencoe. 
 
 1693. First homogeneous Whig Cabinet. 
 
 1694. Bank of England established. 
 Triennial Act. 
 
 Death of the Oueen. 
 
 William III.— 1695- 1702. 
 
 1696. Plot against William. 
 
 1697. Execution of Fenwick. 
 Reduction of army. 
 
 1699. William's Dutch guards dismissed, and attacks made on 
 grants to Portland and others. 
 
 1 701. Act of Settlement. 
 
 Impeachment of Portland and Somers and others for 
 
 their part in the Partition Treaty. 
 Death of James II. 
 New Parliament of WHiig sympathies. 
 
 1702. William dismisses the Tory Ministry. 
 The Pretender attainted. 
 
 Death of William. 
 
 Foreign Policy under James II. and William III. 
 
 1685. James receives pension from France. 
 
 1687. Arrival of Papal Nuncio. 
 
 1688. James repudiates assistance of Louis. 
 
 1689. War with France. 
 
2o6 ENGLISH HISTORY 
 
 1690. Battle of Beachy Head, leading to trial and dismissal of 
 Torrington. 
 
 1692. Battle of La Hogiie. 
 liattle of Steinkirk. 
 
 1693. Battle of Landen. 
 
 Disaster to the Smyrna Fleet. 
 
 1694. Failure of expedition against Brest, and death of Talmash. 
 
 1695. William takes Namur. 
 
 1697. Peace of Ryswick. Louis acknowledged William as 
 
 King, and recognised Anne as his successor, 
 
 1698. First Partition Treaty between England, Holland, and 
 
 France. The Electoral Prince of Bavaria to have 
 Spain, the Indies, and the Netherlands. The Dauphin 
 to have Naples, Sicily, the Tuscan ports, and Guipuscoa. 
 The Archduke Charles to have Milan. 
 
 1699. Death of the Electoral Prince. 
 
 1700. Second Partition Treaty. 
 
 Death of Charles II. of Spain. Louis accepts the will in 
 favour of Philip. 
 
 1 701. Grand Alliance concluded. 
 
 Death of James II. and proclamation of the Pretender as 
 James III. by Louis XIV. 
 
 1702. Death of the King. 
 
 Anne — 1702-1714. 
 
 1702. Marlborough and Godolphin chiefs of the Ministry. 
 Rochester is dismissed. 
 
 War with France. 
 Battle of Vigo Bay. 
 
 1703. Methuen Treaty with Portugal. 
 Savoy joins the allies. 
 
 1704. Nottingham, a high Tory, leaves the Ministry. 
 Harley and St. John take office. 
 
 Battle of Blenheim. 
 Capture of Gibraltar. 
 
 1705. Lord Cowper becomes Lord Chancellor. 
 Capture of Barcelona by Peterborough. 
 
 1705. Whig majority in Parliament. 
 
 ' / i;o6. f 
 
DATE SUMMARY 207 
 
 1706. Battle of Ramillics. 
 Sunderland Secretary of State. 
 
 1707. Union with Scotland. 
 
 1708. Battle of Almanza. 
 
 Harley and St. John removed from the Ministry. Walpole 
 
 becomes Secretary of War. 
 Battle of Oudenarde. 
 Capture of Minorca. 
 
 1709. Negotiations for peace with Louis break duwn. 
 Battle of Malplaquet. 
 
 1710. Impeachment of Sachevercll. 
 
 Failure of Conference at Gertruydenberg. 
 Fall of the Ministry. Harlev and St. John form 
 a fresh one and begiin negotiations for peace. 
 
 1711. Dismissal of the Dukc and Duchess of Marlborough. 
 Occasional Conformity Act passed to prevent Dis- 
 senters qualifying for office by 'occasionally' conform- 
 ing. 
 
 Creation of twelve new peers. 
 
 1712. Public negotiations with P>ance at the Hague. 
 
 1 713. Peace of Utrecht. 
 
 Anne and the Protestant succession acknowledged. 
 
 England to possess Gibraltar, Newfoundland, Nova 
 Scotia, and England to have (i) the Asicnto — /.<'., right 
 of slave trade to America ; (2) right to send one ship 
 a year to trade in the South Seas. 
 
 1 7 14. Quarrel between Harley and St. John ; removal of Harley. 
 Illness of Anne. 
 
 Shrewsbury becomes Lord Treasurer. 
 Death of the Oueen. 
 
4 
 
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