. SOUTHERN 21??.% "'California THE Bangers OF BRITISH INDIA, FROM FRENCH IN l^ AS ION AND MISSIONARY ESTABLISHMENTS. fc Har.....l, M.J..I1M --|u THE DANGERS OF BRITISH INDIA, , FROM jTrencf) f n\)aston AND MISSIONARY ESTABLISHMENTS. To which are added, SOME ACCOUNT OF THE COUNTRIES BETWEEN THE CASPIAN SEA AND THE GANGES; A NARRATIVE OF THE REVOLUTIONS WHICH THEV HAVE EXPERIENCED bubsequeut to the Expedition of ALEXAiNDER THE GREAT; AND A FEW HINTS RESPF.CTIVG THE DEFEyXE OF THE BRITISH FRONTIERS IN HINDUSTAN. DAVID HOlMvINS, of the Honourable East India Company's liiiii^al Medical Establishment. THE SJX'OM) KDITION. tONDOS.- PRINTED FOR AND SOLD liV I'.I.ACK, I'AKUY, AND KINGSBURY, BvokicUer$ to the Hunniirahli- I'.tisl India Cuntjiuny, LiiADKN II A I.l,-S I H 1.11. 180%J>\Jt THE OF BRITISH INDIA, At the present moment, when the inveterate enemy of this country is exerting all the efforts of his mind, and all the strength of the states which he has enslaved, to accomplish our ruin as a free and independent nation, it becomes, more than ever, our duty to unite hand, head, and heart, in opposing his designs ; and to suspend, and forget altogether, those party animosities, whether civil or religious, which may in any way diminish or distract our efforts. There is nothing which can so ifTectually paralyze these efforts as the diffusion of an idea, that one part of the people is oppressed hy the other, and has a less interest in the preser- vation and maintenance of the existing govern- ment. Nor is the idea more injurious than it is Unjust. Every honest man has an equal interest n 2 in the support of those laws which secure his in- nocent freedom, and extend impartial jnuiishment to the person who attempts his property, life, or domestic happiness. But were circumstances different, this is not the fit time, if ever there can be a fit time, to go about and persuade the people that they are ill governed. Such persuaders, indeed, will seldom want hearers ; for their abuse is readily received ; human weakness is inclined to believe Avhat it wishes to be true ; and the consequences of personal misconduct, poverty and its train of evils, are willingly thrown from the individual who is, at once, the cause and the sufferer, to the government itself, or those who administer it. But the eflects of such an impres- sion are deeply to be regretted. Discontent assumes a wider circulation, and the arm of every person thus persuaded is unnerved, and rendered useless to his country ; he is led to believe that he has no personal rights to protect, and that he is called upon to undertake the gratuitous defence of others in a cause where he has no interest at stake. Truth, duty, and individual interest, point out a very different line of conduct. If there be ani/ tiling worth defending in a country, liberty (jf person, security of property, freedom of employ- ttient, the participation of equal laws, and the uncontrolled exercise of religious worship, are, surely, among the most valuable possessions that its people can contend for. These the inhabitants of this country, of every rank and persuasion, enjoy at present, and have enjoyed long. These are now at issue; for the enemy's attack is against the personal liberties of every individual in the British empire^ as well as against the independence and existence of the British government. Two small islands in the Atlantic are all of pAirope that has not been despoiled by the harpies, or has not crouched to the gigantic power of revolu" tionary France ; their monarch is the only one that has not obeyed the mandates, or fled the vengeance, of the Corsican, because their monarch is the only one who reigns over a free people. The threats of the enemy are inferior only to his disappointment. Britain alone obstructs his com- plete success ! Britain has withdrawn a legitimate sovereign from his trammels ! Britain prevents the accomplishment of his three wishes.* The laurels of conquest refuse to flourish, and fade upon his l)row, until this nation shall send its princes to follow his triumphal car. The sword of o!ir Edward, and the armour of our Henry; the tcipestry of Blenheim, the trophies in St. Paul's, and the artillery in our arsenals, are Ships, commerce, colyaies. wanted to decorate the capital of the spoiler of the world, and to be placed by the side of the stolen apparel of Frederick, and the plunder of Italy and Prussia. Until this country be re- duced, he cannot unite the trophies of the eastern and western world to the displayed eagles of the north and south ; nor, what is of still mightier moment in his wishes, and in the apprehension of every thinking being, can he, while Britain remains unsubdued, spread his gloomy despotism over the earth, and leave no enlightened spot to invite the steps of the weary, and to afford refuge to the oppressed. Such being the cause of his enmity to us, and such the consequences to which it would lead, is it probable it can ever cease, but with our freedom ; is there any one among us who can wish it to cease so ? God forbid I But may it not be removed or mitigated ? Has Buonaparte, then, been ever known to relinquish any project, though he may have altered his mode of execu- tion ? But some will say, may we not obtain peace from him, and thus relieve ourselves from the weight of the impending storm ? Yes, doubt- less, we may ol^tain a peace : but of what kind ? one that will increase the tem.pest which it may suspend : a peace that we muf-t purchase by the rel.inquishuK'nt of conquests tliat are not to be made again Avithout heavy charges, while he gives up only such as he can readily recover, and lias already wasted ; a peace, in short, that will Jifford him the surest means of undermining our power. We well knew the nature and value of a Corsican peace, when the influence of the tyrant was less extensive, and the knowledge encourages no hasty experiment of another trial. What, then, shall we do ? We must resist man- fully . The fate of war is in the hands of Pro- vidence. Though our dangers appear great and multiplied, we must continue ; though the wdiole continent is formed into a league, perhaps, indeed, an unwilling one, against us, yet the battle is not a!u ays to the many. The stake contended for is every thing dear to mankind the (lod of justice is the iu)j})ire. Vi)T such a stake, who, that is not a vassal of Trance, will refuse to contend ! who, that is not an enemy to his country, will dispute its value, or weaken the ardour of its defenders ! V/here the few are ([)pnsetl to tlu; many, union, zealous union, is essential to their success. The liberty wiiicli tliey cnijoy is the tie that binds them ; the eomieetioiis w hieh they love, form the zeal which animates tliem. Chin'chmun, Dissenter, and Cath(]i(' have the same cause lo defend. Where llieir 'iem')-,!! cxi^tmer is threai.'iie;l. tiwir mutual differences should cease. The season in which they are all equally attacked, is not the season to think of any thing but equal, united resist- ance. Religious disputes have, at all times, been attended with the most fatal consequences to the country in which they are excited. They are those that involve the highest interests of mankind, and render calm discussion almost impracticable. Their agitation must, therefore, be at all times to be deprecated, as it tends to inflame passion, and to disunite the peo])le ; and, in these realms, their agitation seems unne- cessary at any time, for the great national and personal stake is ever the same. If power be withheld from some, it is the only enjoyment that no one has a right to demand, and that which it is indiscreet in any to require. Every other motive to co-operation has been increased during this reign, by tlie removal of those difh- culties, whether real or imaginary, under wliich those persons laboured who refused their respect to the established worship of the country. Sureh', enough has now been seen of the spirit of n.'volution (a spirit, tlic elTects of which are still operating on the continent), to induce us to hesitate before we adopt any speculative t]ieon< s of melioration in our internal government, a government which the experience of so many years has proved the most practically wise, and the best adapted to human nature, of any in the universe. By the removal of old habits, the mind becomes unoccupied, and is left open to the intrusion of new ones, often more dangerous, always doubtful, ))recarious, and, for some time, incapable of producing- that uniformity of action which is so necessary in times of difficulty. I'jider these impressions, and recollecting also the characters and talents (the word is employed without invidiousness) of the persons who brought the measures forward, we cannot but testify our great surprise at some late attempts at change, which a{)pear to have been made without due consideration of the consequences. The agita- tion of c:hc et/tholic {|uestion, when Christianity itself is threp.tened ; tlie change in the Scottish laws, wlieH ti'.(> great nrass of British liberty is at stake ; the alM)liUon of the slave trade, when the whole coniDi'.Tce of "he country is in danger, seem to be nieasuRs, the consideration of which might have been j))stpoiicd, at least, if for no other reason, yet for this, that it must create ditfereiuu's when every thing recpiired union ; .\in\ must occupv a considc^rable j)ortion of the time and f.icidli* s )f v'hich the defence of the <'ountry, and the disconditure of its inveterate 8 enemy, were objects sufficient to require and to engross the whole. But if these speculations had been employed on our internal government alone, their conse- quences would have been easier prevented, for they were so manifest, that the good sense of the nation was equal to perceive, and defeat them. They have extended, however, beyond the limits of the realm, and towards the most valuable of all our foreign possessions, to that country which Buonaparte, and fas est ah hoste docerij justly considers as the great support of our strength and independence, and the reduction of which he views as the first step towards the accom- plishment of our ruin. Need I say that I allude to British India, or to the design adopted, and, apparently, acted upon, of converting the natives to Christianity ; nay, of coercing the contemptu- ous spirit,* as Mr. Buchanan denominates the religion of one description of our Indian subjects. * The context certainly implies this sense. Mr. Buchanan speaks of the contempt with which the Mahomedans treat the Christians, and justly ascribes it to the intolerant nature of their rehgion. If converted to Christianity, tliis contempt would vanish; but it is not possible, at ail events, iie thinks it not possible, to coerce tliis spirit, witliout con vfci ting- them ; nor can they be converted without coercion. I knov. 9 To say the least of this attempt, its success is dubious. Admitting, what its advocates' hope, that it may be accompHshed, yet its progress must be slow, and the event remote. In the mean while differences will exist, and, from these differences, great disorders must be ex- Mr. Buchanan personally ; I liave a high reverence for his motives, and a high opinion of his heart and head ; nothing but the same sense of duty which urges him to propose tlie measure, urges me to resist it. I trust we may diff^ in opinion vipon the policy of attempting a hazardous measure, without being supposed to have any difference as to the beneficial results which might arise if its accomplishment were certain. He may think we are called upon at all risks to make the altempt ; I certainly think otherwise. Our iin^t social duty is obedience to the powers that be ; but any mea- sure that m3.\ endanger the existence of these powers, is in opposition to that duty, and although we could produce ex- amples of success in converting by power, in other than the Mahomcdan religion, still, the obligation to attempt it is only a matter of comparative calculation, unless, indeed, we consider the precept to the apostles " Go ye, and teach all nations, " as decisive on this subject. But to do this, the adajjtiou' of means to the end (an adaption pccidiar to our Saviour), iniplies that we should have those |X)wers which were bestowed upon the apostles. The missionaries liavi! them not are sectaries likely to have them ? They certainly pretend to the possession. This pretence forms llie ground of their extemporaneous flights, and the jus- tice on vvliich it is founded may be allowed as a sufficient test of the credence to which they are entitled in other niattcis. 10 pected to arise. To effect a change in the reli- gious notions of sixty millions of people, whose nraiuiers, customs, laws, and language, we know to have been the same for above two thousand years, cannot be cither an easy, a speedy, or a safe work. The reverence of ancestry, the local attach- ments of habit, the pride of rank, the interest of a priesthood, the abstract nature of the religion of this people, their pious and strict discharge of religious duties, and our apparent negiect of any, joined to doubt of our motives, and repugnance to all social intercourse, will be formidable diffi- culties in the way of conversion, and will induce them to view the attempt with suspicion, if not reject it with abhorrence. But to coerce them into Christianity i cannot suppose the idea was ever seriously entertained for how is it to b'^ done? ]W force of arms? Our native troops Avould desert our colours. \^y civil authority ? Our native officers would refuse to obey it. The natives of India have borne, from their Pitan and Tartar conquerors, every species of civil tyranny; but the sword of Mahomet, keen as was its edge, and strong the arm that wielded it, made no im- pression on the religion of Brama ; and the day on which its votaries are seriously convinced that we have formed a design against their faith, or 11 that we even intend to interfere therewith, will, I am convinced, be the first day of real danger to the security of our Asiatic possessions. It is, indeed, a question of such magnitude, that its discission, even, is dangerous ; and though there maybe reason to imagine, from the connec- tion of some persons high in the administration of India, with a society whose motives we may applaud without approving all their actions, that the attempt to create a revolution in the religion of Ilindostan is meditated as an act of the Indian government, yet it seems, for many reasons, advi- sable, that as the alarm has been given, the danger of the measure should be left to silent operation on the minds of its advocates, niid that no public steps should be taken to record either the suspi- cion, or the actual entertainment, of tlie inten- tion. Any thing in the nature of ])ubiic discus- sion, will lead either to the avov.al of the desiiin, or to its disavowal : the latter is needless, and, ind(Mxl, impropir ; the former must reach India, and may there produce such an im])ression as will mak(^ the natives believe themselves ab- solved tVom their allegiance, and called upon to resist us with all their jjower, and in the name of their God. i shall not dwell upon those circumstances 12 Avhich almost confirm the notion of a design to convert the natives of India, but I shall endea- vour to consider the measure as an abstract question, altogether free of any party or religious prejudices. That it is a question of the highest importance no one can deny. All must admit how desirable it would be to diffuse the bless- ings of a pure faith, and divine morality, among those who are overspread with ignorant and gross superstitions ; but those who are most anxious for the measure would, I am sure, give it up, if convinced that it could not be'cfTected without plunging the country into confusion, antl endangering the very existence of our Indian empire. To the motives that have animated the advo- cates for converting the people of Hindostan, I must offer my humble and unqualified assent, for the unrivalled excellence of our rehgion may justly make us anxious to extend its blessings to all mankind. But it is not because they consider the superstitions of Mahomet, or Brama, as well calculated to effect the present and future happi- ness of the people, that those persons who think it unadvisable to take active measures in con- verting the natives, deprecate the attempt, but because they are convinced that it is an imprac- 13 ticabfe work, and one that will be productive of incalculable danger. This opimon they found on the well-known characters oi' the Hindus and Mahometans of India ; and the dispute, instead of being whether it is advisable to concerl the natives, is, whether, under all the circumstances of the case, it would be prudent to make the attempt. Born in a Christian country, and educated in the principles of the Christian faith, it would ill become the writer, and is far from his design, to resist auy endeavours to propagate Christianitv, where those endeavours are not likely to excite dangerous commotions. Nay, he thinks that it would be high and injpious prcsum}>tion to dis- suade the atlempf, unless upon strong and unan- swerable grounds of public safety : that those who propose the measure are not called upon to prove it advisable; but that those who resist it are to shew that they resist upon just and suffi- cient grounds. They must prove that success is not only uncertain, but impossible ; and that the attempt will not only encounter violent opposi- tion, but will produce con^^equences of the most alarming kind. If tins is done, the attempt will, I am persuaded, be relin(iuishe(l by many of tiiosc ^vho are nov/ its greattst advocates, for I bcheve tlu>v have n^lhrnu' more at lieart than the 14 happiness of the natives of India, and the prospe- rity of Great Britain.* The question, therefore, is not whether it would be of advantage to the natives of India to become Christians ; for upon this there can be no manner of doubt. Neither is it whether it is our duty to endeavour to convert them ; for here, also, the obligation is clear. But it is rather, whether the natives of India can be converted by human ef- forts, and w hether it is our duty to make these efforts, regardless of any national consequences that may ensue. There are many things very desirable, which are not at all practicable ; many events which would in themselves be highly be- neficial, though the means of attaining them are dangerous, and their successful employment extremely doubtful. In such cases the chances * By these advocates I certainly mean a different descrip- tion of persons from the members of the two Missionary Societies, who have lately set themselves up as the standard of relii,nous orthodoxy, and the models of moral conduct. Those who attack all existing regulations, and propose their own crudities as the perfection of reason and faith, can have no considerable affection for the public good. They are cast in too large a mould ; and what was said of the diffe- rence between the owl and the woodcock, may be here ap[)licd to them, " They are Fuller in the head, Fuller in the body, Fuller every where," 15 are carefully compared. If ninety-nine ships in a hundred effect a safe passage to a good market, there is a sufficient motive to undertake the voyage ; but if one ship only is fortunate, and ninety-nine perish, we must consider that man as mad who would embark his wealth and person on such an adventure. Now it is, doubtless, very desirable that the Hindus and Mahomedans should be converted to Christianity ; and great, indeed, would be the merit of those who effected this conversion. It is desirable in as much as it must increase their present happiness, and aflbrd them reasonable hopes of future enjoyment, motives by which our civil, as well as religious obligations require us to be influenced, for it is the bounden duty of every government to f)rovide, in the best way it can, tor the security and prosperity of those under its charge, and to avoid every measure which can endanger their permanency. But the Hritish government of India, say people, who know little about the subject, what they may, is already the highest blessing to the natives of that country. They have been preserved thereby for above fifty years from hostile invasion, an unexampled Occurrence in their history ; and they have been permitted the safe enjoyment 11 nd free disposal of their property, a privilege 16 never possessed by their ancestors under any other government. While our administration is, on the one hand, productive of such ad- vantages to the natives, our Indian possessions are, on the other, of the greatest importance to this country. They afford it a very considerable portion of the wealth, and educate a large pro- portion of the seamen, by which it is enabled to preserve its independence, and successfally to struggle against its enemies. We are, therefore, called upon by every inducement of national interest, and of duty to those who derive benefit from our protection, to continue to afford it, and to afford it in such manner as may be attended with the least hazard to its security. This is a consideration which we should never lose sight of. Now, the history of every country produces unquestionable proof that the greatest danger has always attended an attempt to interfere with its religion. In civihzed Europe, where every sci- ence and art is carried to such a height, and where the text, from whence all deduce their religious opinions, is the same, and is open to all, we observe, unfortunately, that though all profess Christianity, they are divided into numberless sects, each of which considers its own interpre- tation as the only standard of pure faith. Though 17 these sects agree in the principal articles of belief, and differ in such only as strangers might consider of no material consequence, yet we find that nei- ther persecutions nor rewards have been able to reconcile them to each other, and that martyrdom has been cheerfully encoimtered in the defence of their respective tenets. How many have been the lives sacrificed for believing too much, or too little, or for believing differently from those who possessed the power of punishing ! Force and argument have been equally unsuccessful in bringing people to one mind ; and the several governments of Europe have been reduced to the ultimate necessity of tolerating persuasions dif- ferent from their own, and of permitting modes of worship in direct opposition thereto. If, then, the endeavour to reconcile opposing systems has failed where the parties were agreed upon in the ])rincipal articles of their belief; if governments have been unable to bring the several subjects of a state to the right way of thinking, for there can be but one right way, and if the attempt has led to rebellion, to the subversion of the esta- blishment, and to the loss of whole provinces for ever what may we not justly apprehend from an endeavour to force the nativt>s of India to the adoption of a religion so different, in every re- spect, from their own, and so contrary to all their prejudices and established habits ? If it is dan- 18 gertlus to admit the Catholic t6 a participation of power, and impracticable to reduce the articles of his creed, though he will eat and associate with us, and is guided by the same customs of civil life what are we to effect with the Hin- du, who, like Shylock, will not eat with us, will not drink w ith us, much less pray with us ; whom we offend dailv bv killing- the animal he holds most sacred, and by eating of the bodies into which the souls of his progenitors have transmi- grated ? Christianity seems always to have despised the efforts of power, and to have owed its propagation to other than human means, Nothing can prove this more effectually than its history. Springing in a country and among people the most despised^ it over-ran the Roman empire in spite of contempt and persecution. It was communicated by con- quered Italy to the barbarians who subdued it, by the suffering IJritons to their Saxon invaders-. Previous to it becoming' the rebdon of the state, its professors and its martyrs were spread through every province of the Roman empire. But its diffusion was checked from the momeni it was supported by temporal authority. The still small voice, which called nations to profess the faith of Jesus, was heard no longer ; and human means, efficient ?.s thev misiht be supoosed to be, were 19 unable to attract or to impel a single votary ; but, on the contrary, zeal diminished andChristia- nity declined ; disputes about modes of faith took place of religious duties, and the cure of heresy became as desperate an undertaking as the con- version of paganism. The Christian religion had been but a very little time the established religion of the Ro- man empire, before the Christian bishops be- gan to dispute on what Christianity consisted in. Several involved themselves in heresies which excited serious commotions, and required the exercise of temporal authority to suppress them. The human imagination, ever restless, appears to have encouraged new interpretations of scripture, and to have endeavoured at a novel system, which should blend the simplicity of the faith of Jesus with the mysterious visions of Plato, and with the grosser accompaniments of pa- ganism. The churches of Egypt and Africa were particularly tainted ; and those of Rome and Con- stantinople, the churches of the Latin and the CJreek w^orld, separated on the insertion of a ])articlo in their creed. These evils are not, however, consequences arising from Christianity itself, whose every precept breathes peace and good MiJ! to mankind, but thev are the efl'ect ( "2 ^0 produced by those zealous professors who would confine the mercy of heaven to those only who think on every matter in precisely the same terms with themselves, and who deny virtue, faith, or knowledge to any others. What are we to expect from them, when one is of Paul, another of ApoUos, and when none are endowed with the powers, though they all assume the manner, of the apostles ? When the discoveries of Columbus and Gama opened new worlds to the enterprize of Portugal and Spain, the anxious bigotry of those govern- ments urged the conversion of the natives of America and India. Mexico, Cuba, Peru, were easily conquered by the latter power ; the C(^ast of Malabar displayed the flags, and acknow- ledged the authority of the former. But the tyranny which couid depeople Cuba, and occa- sion the death of millions unmurmuring mil- lions was unable to eradicate the ignorant superstitions of the Americans ; and the bishops of Portugal alienated by their missionaries, those countries which her generals had subdued by their arms. Titles without territory, and sees without a flock, are all that remain of an empire which, at one time, promised to extend itsdt over the peninsula of indii:. 21 While these things were carrying on under the protection of the governments of Spain and Portugal, a religious society, distinguished for its zeal and learning, was exerting its best efforts to estahlisli Christianity in Asia, and to extend the Catholic faith in Europe, But, although the massacre of St. Bartholomew disposed of 70,000 of the first protestants of France ; though the persecutions of Philip nearly unpeopled the low countries ; though the priests carried pardon, favour, and rewards in one hand, and fire, sword, -and vengeance in the other ; yet they reclaimed no apostates from their church, but found that, though they were supported by the civil and military authority of a powerful monarch, their endeavours to extinguish the protestant faith (it'Jw:,^ed Fnuice with blood for above half a cen- tury, and gave to the states of Holland, in a motive for resistance, the means of shaking off ihf domination of S])aiii, and of l)ecoming a free and an i)idepeudent people. The skill aiul science of the Jesuits likewise obtained for their missionaries a ready admission into the kingdoms of China and Japan. They taught medicine, tistronomy, and mechanics; they iiad many pupils, and were highly resi)ected. But tlic Instruct ion of the peoj)le in tliese useful 22 arts of present use was not their chief design. They sought to instruct them in the higher sci- ence of immortahty. The government of the country, strictly alUed to its rehgion, took alarm at what threatened the stability of the latter ; and the measures which it adopted in consequence, have been acted upon with such rigour, that no European can enter into the interior of either country. Much of the ill success of the missionaries in China sprung from the differences between the Jesuits and Jansenists, rivals in the important labour of heathen conversion. They exerted mutual efforts to asperse the motives and oppose the doctrines of each other, and deemed it of less consequence to make the Chinese Christians, than to make them orthodox. When the body of the English nation quitted the doctrines of the Roman church, and the Spanish influence, aiding the blind bigotry of the first Mary, was employed in restoring the autho- rity of the pope, though the matter in question was only the acknowledgment of a few articles of faith and the supremacy of the pontiff, yet we know that many mild and virtuous characters preferred death to that acknowledgment. Belief 23 could not be forced, or regulated in Tts degrees, tind conscience forbade the appearance without the reality of assent. Reason and disputation offered their assistance. Both parties met and argued the points at issue ; and, according tQ custom, each party continued to believe its own arguments irresistible, and departed without cither convincijig or being convinced. Thr protestant faith has been, for above two hundred years, the established faith of these realms : yet Ireland, at this day, exhibits a ma- jority of Catholics, whom neither tlireats, pro* mises, reasoning, nor interest, can influence to deduct one tittle from their creed. While the Catholics refuse to join us because we believe too little, there are others who have separated from i;s because we believe too much. Both parties. Dissenters as well as Catholics, refuse their as- sent to the first principle of civil government, tlie power invested in the persons who direct that goveriuTient, to make laws for the external regulations of its religious establishment ; and although this dissent strikes at the very basis of safe r)()verinnenfc, it has been deemed advisable to tolerate it. l'\>r rebellion has more than once raised its banners in defence of religious opinions, ajid oiu' ol'niir ku'jLis has lust his life, and another 24 his crown, for interfering, or appearing to inter- fere, with them.* Yet, in the instances of religious interference above related, whether by our kings at home, or by the Jesuits on the continent of Europe, the attempt was not to introduce a strange worship among a strange people. Both parties aheady acknowledged the same God, and the same Di- vine Saviour of mankind. Both reverenced the Church, and both derived, or seemed to derive, their faith from the same source, the Bible. The difference, then, was, in fact, but a difference of opinion as to the construction of that book ; a difference which, though it involved matters of high moment in the Christian faith, and led to the greatest consequences in political society, appeared so simple that it might have been rea- * SiP.ce the above was written, Mr. Fox's posthumous work has been pubiished. That celebrated man toulirnib what is here said of the cause of the revolution, i'or he states (p. 30), that the people were ready to submit to any degree ot" civil oppression, but that their dread of popery made tliem violent against indulging the Catholics. Did Mr. Fox, who was all his life an advocate for such indulgence, hope that it woahl produce a similar efi'ect : did lie expect ait;- ther revolution, and imagine that he should have been one of those who should rid on the tempest and direct th& storm ' 25 sonably expected to have given way to calm and liberal discussion. But the contrary has been notoriously the fact: discussion has even widened the breach of separation, and the weakness of human pride has generally clouded the light of truth. Thus foiled in our endeavours to obtain uni- formity of religious opinions in these realms, and certain that only one opinion can be correct, it becomes necessary, in attempting to extend Christianity, to be careful that we diffuse not an erroneous belief, or any tenets contending A ith each other, lest the first impressions of the desired convert should be hostile to a system of which the deveh^pcment is obscure, and the detail un- certain. If, therefore, unappalled by the example of fruitless efforts examples afforded with sucli fatal consequences in ]\Iahibar, S(^uth America, and the vast empire of China we still persist to sMid missionaries among our subjects in the East, and to sup})ort them with the countenance of high names in church as well as state, let us se- lect such as the church acknowknlges such as have subscribed to the articU s, and have received ordination from an English bishop but let us never sanction them in making an invidious dis- tinction between an evanijelical clergyman, a lenn Vv Inch they apply to the favourers of their '26 measures, and a clergyman of the established church, the term by which they designate the regular parish priest. This seems the evident intention of some of the missionary advocates. Yet may it not be asked where they derive authority for such an application of language, and such arrogance of presumption ? Js it from their learning, or their private characters, or thei-- strict obedience to the. laws of the land ? Inconsiderate, but well-meant zeal, has encouraged their proceedings where they ought to have been suppressed. The rage of pr.ritanism is not expired : the embers of per- secution against the better part of society are carefully fanned under the profession of the meek- est piety and the purest patriotism. But the cloven foot betrays itself ^the characters on the wall want no Daniel to decipher them. The sectaries court the friends of the church to aid in its oppression. But is it to be endured that these men shall have the sanction of the religious so- cieties of the establishment to their determination of the purity of its ministers, and for resting this purity on the intimacy between these ministers and themselves ? Berhaps this might not have happened, if every clergyman in the India ser- vice were, like Mr. Buchanan, a scholar^ a mem," her of ail tmiversiiij^ and a priest. Methodists 27 and Baptists may be very good men, hut have we not an establishment in church as well as state? Is it not an integral part of the constitution ? Is it worth preserving or not ? Are we wise in trusting its preservation to those who profess themselves its foes ? But shall we, after all, proceed in this attempt at conversion ? Have we any encouragement from experience of the past, or from analogy of the pre- sent, to proceed in it ? Hitherto it has had no success. Although there have been missionaries in India for above a hundred years, they have not made any converts of consequence, nor converted as many families as theirown number has amount- ed to. The outcasts have indeed joined them, and have appeared as of their faith ; but the conduct of these outcasts has generally proved tliat th^y professed what thi^y did not feel, and has consi- derably influenreH the higher orders in their pre- judices against Christianity. The zeal of disus- ing their doctrine has frequently induced the missionaries to receive unworthy members into their societies, and to be content with the simple avowal of conversion, without any reform of liabits. But is the attempt at conversion in realit}^ a duty more imjx'rious than any othcT, and one that we nmst execute though it may lead to the dissolution of our government, and indict sure 2S destruction to the happiness of this countr^^and all that depend upon it ? Shall we, for the precarious chance of converting a few Hindus, plunge Hin- dustan in rebellion, and occasion the massacre of every Englishman who resides these ? Is the work likely to succeed ? or is it not, rather, one that we might wish, indeed, to accomplish, but one so full of danger, and so improbable of success, that we must content ourselves with throwing: no obstacles in its way, and with leaving the rest to the good will of God, and to the slow influence of our example ? We have but one English church in Cal^ cutta ; there is not one in the interior of Bengal or its dependent provinces. European regiments have indeed their chaplains, and a part of the barracks at every station is appropriated as a chapel ; but the officers of native regiments not quartered at the principal stations of the arm3", and the whole of the Company'' s civil ser- vants throughout India, those only excepted who reside at the presidency, are deprived of every chance of hearing the word of God read and explained to them. Their children cannot be christened. The ceremonies of marriage and burial are performed by the civil magistrate. They have no place of public worship to assem- ble in to make their united adoration to their 29 God. Those who pay respect to Siiiidav, read the scriptures to their own famihes, and many are regular in family prayers ; but the want of some pubhc and united worship, leaves upon the minds of the natives an impression that the Eng- lish have, indeed, honour, generosity, and high character, but that they are the most irreligious of mankind. Now, 1 would submit it even to the warm favourers of the missiojiaries, whether it would not be proper to provide for the religious instruction and comfort of those who are already Christians, before we endeavour to increase the number of Christians ? Might not one clerg}^- man, at least, of the church of England, be sta- tioned in each district through the provinces ? Would not the example of their lives, and the pure grandeur of their religious worship, be likely to attract, slowly, but surely, the attention, and consequent conversion of the Hindus ? Perhaps the expense of sucli an establishment, in the pre- sent state of the Company's finances, may be urged as an objection to the measure, ikit if it be a m.easure of duty, should the expense be considei'ed as a sufficient objection ? If it is ad- mitted to be so, what shall we say to the econo- mical favourers of the itinerant missionaries, whose measures are directed against the very sources of the wealth which they would econo- mise? Surely the danger to be apprehended 30 from the imprudent zeal of these men is of much more consequence than a money charge of twelve lacks of rupees a year, the utmost expense of an ecclesiastical establishment for all British India. Perhaps a slight view of the principal features in the character of our Indian subjects may lead us to consider what has been stated above as the most politic conduct, and as the only conduct which a due discharge of our civil and religious duties should induce us to adopt on the present occasion. When Brama, undeV the shade of the banian tree, instructed his disciples in the duties of temperance, seclusion, and prayer, he intended as well to establish regulations for their personal welfare, as to found a faith which the powers of time should not destroy. Of climate, he knew the effects to be uniform and active. Where the labours of the ox were so needful on the road and in the field ; where the cow's milk, so useful to man, was in quantity so small, the preservation of these animals from the violence of passion, or the lust of appetite, became a measure of the greatest moment. lie, therefore, prohibited the use of animal food, and enjoined religious ho- nours to the cow. This worship existed at an early age in Egypt, I will not say it passed 31 there, and the Greeks afterwards wondered at the adoration of Apis, because they w^ere igno- rant of the cause which gave it birth. To preserve the health of his votaries, Brama required frequent ablutions, and to secure their obedience he declared the Ganges a holy stream. To separate them from the rest of mankind, he forbade the attempt to make proselytes ; to pro- duce regularity in the discharge of their duties, he established the distinctions of cast. And, for the further security of his religion, he allowed no pleasures in its front to seduce the profession of strangers, and atta(4ied disgrace, more terrible than death, to the apostate from his faith. Self- denial, prayer, and pain self-inflicted, became, in the Hindu's mind, the surest passport to the favour of the Deity, and active virtue had as little merit with the Indian god, as active employment had charms with the Indian votary. The earth yielded, almost spontaneously, what was necessary to subsistence : it was criminal in the Bramin to solicit more. The warmth of the climate rendered clothing easy ; the plaintain, the mango, and thecoacoa nut tree afforded shel- ter and food in such abundance that the duties of hospitalitv were seldom excited. It became the 32 Indian virtue to suffer, not to act ; and to abstain from evil rather than to do good. A turban, a girdle, and a pair of sandals, formed nearly the whole of a Hindu's wardrobe ; a straw hut was a sufficient abode. The luxuriousness of fashion neither altered the form of their dress,* nor the structure of their houses, the furniture of which seldom exceeded a mat and a pillow, an earthen pot, and a cup of brass. The laws of ab- stinence so rigidly prescribed rendered these pri- vations a duty, while the laws of safety rendered them wise. In a country where even the soil was the property of the prince, the appearance of wealth was an invitation to rapine : the tenure of occupation made it imprudent to build for the accommodation of the living, and the custom of burning the deceased removed every inducement to erect tombs in their honour, or to venerate particular spots as the depositaries of ancestry. General charity, and religious pageants, formed, * Corpora usque pedes rarboso velant ; soleis pedes, capita liuteis vinciunt; lapilli ex auribus pendent Capit- liun pectunt soejnus quam tondent : vivos se cremari jubent quibus aut segnis tetas aiii incommoda valetudo est : nullus corporibus qu;e seneetns solvit lionoS. CnrtinSy Llh. rill (J. u: 33 with the three great events of birth, marriage, and death, the chief calls on the wealth of a Hindu. To excavate tanks, to plant fruit trees, and to construct ghauts and pagodas, were the united objects of pride, patriotism, and devotion. Forbidden to eat, or even to associate, with an inferior, though professing the same faith, the Hindu could have no intercourse with a stranger, and was thus cut off from the general knowledge of mankind. And, as he could not prepare his food without certain formalities which it was cri- minal to observe but on dry land, he w^as pre- vented from extendincr the boundaries of his com- merce by sea. Maritime trade was left open to those only with whom religion forbade him to mix, and whom prejudice taught him to detest. The inland traffic of the rivers was, indeed, at his command, but the profession of merchandise was that of the lower orders of the state ; religion and war formed those of the highest, and the dread erf pollution, with the consequent loss of cast, chvided the same nation into several distinct societies. While enterprize was thus discouraged, the land })roduced almost every thing the Hindu wanted, ikit as wealth could not be converted into permanent substance, the chief motive to D 34 exertion lost its influence, and the indolence which the climate excited was increased by the abstemiousness which the law enjoined. Without an object to gratify, or a great stake to defend ; secure in the exercise of their religion, and in the bounties of a fertile soil ; ignorant of what formed the bliss of others, and unanxious to extend knowledge by inquiry, the people of India became hostile to effort and incapable of vigorous exertion. The sound of the trumpet, and the call of freedom, excited no enthusiasm among the worshippers of the sable goddess, and they fled dismayed at the approach of an enemy whom it was impossible to resist, and criminal to associate with. As personal indolence was the great luxury of eastern life, so personal fatigue becante the great punishment of religious infliction. The faith of Brama was formed to attract the eye of its vo- taries : particular days were celebrated with ail the pomp of pageantry ; stated hours were fixed upon for ablution and prayers, and stated places as the peculiar objects of veneration which every pious individual must visit. Thus the acts of religion being public excited emulation in their performance, and the habits of private life being vnisocial, prevented the growth of opposite opi- nions. When abroad they formed one family 35 adoring their God in one way, and closely united in their reverence for every ceremonj' in his worship ; more ready to submit themselves pas- sively to slaughter than to neglect their duties : and only inflammable into rage when tney ob- served an attempt to disturb the profession of a faith which had existed among them for ages unnumbered. At home the band of union, which was tied for the Service of their God, became dissolved for themselves. The couch and the j)ipe, rest and personal gratification formed all that was desirable, and the domestic relations were considered more as acts of civil duty than as the obligations of nature and senti- ment. The names of the Deitv, his nature, attributes, and manifestations ; the consideration of abstract good, of time which unites the eter- nity of the past and future, and of space, which only measures a portion of infinitude ; the won- ders, the wars, and the happiness of former times ; poetry, history, and metaphysics, formed the principal oV)jects o^ private study. The cere- monies of marriage, birth, and death ; attach- ment to traditional customs ; observation of the ritual of devotion ; the rigid attention to cast ; aversion to flesh, and reverence for the cow, the Ganges, and certain plants as emblems of the iroodncss of the deity, were considered as the chief pjirts of their (.rinnal attention, and as o "} 36 duties more imperious than any of the social and moral virtues. However pure the abstract theories of the bra- minical theology may be, it must be owned, even by its votaries, that they seldom produce a strict discharge of moral relations, and that ceremonies have more weight than virtues. Even in the punishment of offences, the influence of religion and the privileges of its ministers were more con- sulted than the good of the community. By the laws of Menu, almost every crime was expiahle by fine or penance, proportioned more to the station of the offender than to the enormity of the offence. The higher ranks had the greatest liber- ties, and the punishment was always least where the means of discharging it were most ample. As truth is the great support of private and public happiness, the punishment of perjury is one of the first objects of legislative enaction. Rut in the Hindu code, false witness by a Sooder, or Bice, is declared punishable with death when it is directed against the safety of a Braniia or a cow ; but while so rigidly treated in these cases of prejudiced inviolability, in others it is reckon- ed meritorious ; for any person is permitted, in the Hindu's opinion, to perjure himself in order to preserve his life or property, to effect the 37 marriage of a daughter, to gratify his lust on an vmprotected female, and to save another's life in viny instance of guilt unconnected with the mur- der of a cow or a Bramin. The unfortunate and accidental touch of an unclean thing, the careless jjerformance or the omission of a religious ceremony, the casual death of a cow at her stall, are crimes denounced with greatT severity than rapine, defamation, rape, or murder. In no single instance is a Bra- min to suffer death : as the casts diminish in rank, the" punishment of their crimes increases ; as if the estimation of men in the world's eye should add to the merit of their virtues, or lessen the just abhorrence of their infamy. Yet the traces of a pure theology, so evident in the religion of India, though mixed with a blind superstition, and a preference of external ce- remonies, many of which are ridiculous, and some inhuman, to the moral virtues of the heart, have frequently excited the wonder of the observer. The great antiquity which these people claim ; the frc(pi(nt communications with the Deity, and the several manifestations of himself in the flesh, which they record and believe, are matters that vetjuire the closest investigation ot the Chris- tian as v* ell as of the philosopher. They present 38 a fonnidable obstacle to the diffusion of the reli- gion of the former, which can only be overcome, if so, by analyzing the nature of Hindu supersti- tion and by tracing its different stages : for until we can convince the Bramin that our system is the first in time, as well as the most perfect in precept, he will tell us that it is derived from his, and that the Veda is the source from whence the Christain faith has been drawn. Far from questioning the divine authority of the scriptures, or the divinity of Christ, he will say that we believe but a part of what he does, and that the Deity might have been once incarnate in Judea, ashehad been often in India : that the Hindu scriptures, as they were carried out of their own country, were altered to the local usages of others^ and accommodated to the political views of their pro- fessors ; and that, although we neglect ceremo- nies, and profess the influence of moral precept, our external conduct implies a total negligence of visible adoration and gratitude to God, and the superiority of honour to religion. If we urge him to throw away his idols, he will say that they are not objects of his worship, but re- membrances of his duties. If we tax him with religious honours to animals and vegetables, he will answer that he considers their good quali- ties as emblems of the perfections of the Deity, but as nothing else. If we require him to ceas.^ 39 his ablutions and his sacrifices, he will say that God ordered prayer and abstinence ; that He required the otfering of the fii*st fruits as an ac- knowledgement of his bounty, and clean hands as the index of a pure heart : that the sacrifice is valuable in proportion to its consideration in the eye of the offerer, and therefore most acceptable when accompanied by the greatest effort : that in confession of the justice with which God punishes evil, we should inflict punishment on ourselves, and should make the body suffer for the impurities of the soul : that the earliest ages were those that had the most frequent inter- course with the Deity, and that, in the earliest ages, not only tlie first fruits of the earth, and the firstlings of the flock were oftcrcd to Him in sacrifice, but even the firstborn of human kind, a sure proof that it was not only acceptable to, l)Ut ordained by Him : that we urge the Hindu to forsake the religion of his ancestors for one vhich seems to have less influence on human conduct, and to be accompanied with fewer marks of reverence lor the Deity : that we would substitute belief for conduct, and obey a visionary Hcntiment at the expence of conscience. He will add, that althou-h we express our firm belief in ten comnuuidments derived from heaven, and written by ihe Deity himself, we acknowledge other gods iljan hini, worship worldly opinion, 40 adore the image of honour; that we call God to wit- ness indecent levities and absolutecrimes ; that we neglect all reverence of the day set apartfor his wor- ship, qui t the protection of those parents whom we are bound to honour, provoke into the field, and murder in open day, the friend with whom we may dispute, live in shameless and undisguised adultery, and extend our wishes and our arms over the property, and even over the opinions, of nations who, by giving us the indulgence of a port, have afforded us the means of an empire. It is true that we may reply that we acknow- ledo-e with shame the inferioritv of our conduct to our creed ; that the one, being directed by heaven, is pure and right ; but the other, assailed by the frailties of human nature, is imperfect and erring : that we urge him not to follow our example, but to adopt our belief: that we are required of heaven to be actively virtuous, and to imitate the perfections of the divine nature, in promoting the innocent happiness of all man- kind: that the knawledge and practice of social duty are among the first objects of our care : that injury to our fellow creatures, who are all equal in the eye of heavefi, is a real crime, and the extent of that injury, the just measure oi" our offence : that the dignity of the offending person, as it occasions no difference in the effect of the 41 transgression, should occasion none in its pu- nishment : that as knowledge should improve the conduct as well as the understanding, he who has the best means of obtaining it is least justifiable in transgression : that there are real distinctions between the forms of ceremony and rules of conduct ; and that to take away from human calamity and to add to the small stock essential to human happiness, is an act of more value in the eye of the God of mankind, than all the ceremonies and i^blutions, and the sacrifices, and the self-inflicted pain, that ingenuity can imagine, or enthusiasm inflict. Could we find in the Hindu a liberal mind impartially devoted to the search of truth, much might be done : could we eradicate the selfish system of his belief, his invincible contempt of what is foreign, and his abhorrence of intercourse beyond the pale of cast, we might do more. But any attempt to cflect this measure, by means of missionaries, will not fail to excite the jealousy of the people, and to defeat the intention. The residence of any persons in that country, where every man has public duties to discharge, with no other ostensible business than the pro- pagation of Christianity, which tliey are not al- lowed to preach in a Christian church, will create. alafm, prejudice, and distrust. If they persuad an individual, they will enrage a whole town, and the individual w'll be lost to the privileges of his birth, and to the enjoyment of all ad- vantages which habit has rendered essential to native happiness. No European is observed in India without political employ or private occu- pation. The missionary, how is he to be consi- dered ? If as a political character, the whole country will be in arms ; if as a private individual, his means of living will be investigated ; and, if it is found that he derives no income from preach- ing, some hidden and dangerous motive will be attributed to his supporters ; if he derives it from those he converts, the whole body of Bramins will be doubly inflamed against him. In the discharge of his duty of conversion, he must meet with some dangers, and be the* unwil- ling cause of many commotions. How are these to be settled? The civil magistrates will be called upon either to punish their countrymen for teach- ing their own religion, or to punish the native for resisting the ruin of his hereditary faith and cus- toms. The consequence is too clear not to be foreseen, and too dangerous to be hazarded. And if the tacit permission of government be afforded to the missionaries, it is a matter of high conside- ration how far it may be implicated by the natives 4S iu all the acts of the missionaries, whose zeal han sometimes carried them far beyond the bounds of prudence and of policy. The motives of some of them are unquestionably good, and their main object there are none who would not wish to promote, if it could be promoted without abso- lute danger to the state, or with the slightest pro- spect of ultimate success. The repugnant habits of the Hindu in private life, render it impossible for a stranger to his faith, or an inferior in cast, to associate with him, and thus close one avenue by which instruction might be freely conveyed. The seclusion of the female sex from the eye and converse of mankind, is another obstacle of no less magnitude. The Eng- lish missionary cannot have access either to the tables of the men, or to the apartments of the women. He must harangue them in the streets, or on the roads, when they are prosecuting tjieir business, and have no leisure to attend ; or dur- ing the celebration of their festivals, where num- bers, example, and the intoxication of the cere- mony, will harm every hand, and shut every ear, against him. It was not without the miraculous interference of the Deity, nor without miraculous power in the first preachers, that the conversion of the \ 44 Jews and Gentiles was accomplished, though the first preachers had not to contend with such su- perstitions, or with such excluding prejudices, as those of the Hindus. They had to preach to one people, from a book already in their hands ; to accompany the reading of prophecies, long admitted, with the disclosure of the events by which they were then accomplished, and to sup- port that disclosure by the proof of miracles. When they passed among the heathen, they in- structed another people, who were ready to admit the gods of other countries among their own, and to court the favour of any strange deity intro- duced to their knowledge ; a people whom phi- losophy had divested of prejudice, and had ena- bled to judge of different systems by the credi- bility of evidence, and the weight of reason. Yet slow, difficult, and dangerous was the pro- pagation of the faith under these circumstances, so much more favourable than any which can be expected to attend it in India. In India, we know the extent of ignorance to exceed that of superstition. The minds of the people are hardened against religious instruction from other than their own teachers ; and they are so totally unacquainted with science and reason- ing, as to be incapable of applying comparisons, or of deducing inductions. While they afford 45 such a contrast to the Jew and the Gentile, their preachers may, without offence, be considered as like the disciples of Christ in every thing- but the most important of all, in the power of work- ing miracles. Much as the missionaries pretend to, and perhaps believe, the inspiration of unpre- meditated discourse, yet may they, without im- piety, doubt its single virtues. The miracle of feeding the multitude made more converts than the divine sermon of our Saviour. St. Paul, the model of nervous inspiration, shook by his elo- quence, but did not convince by it. His preach- ing was accompanied by works beyond the power of man. It was to these that he and the other apostles appealed for the truth of their mission, and not to the reasonableness of their doctrines, or the eloquence of their address. But if works were then necessary among a people so much superior to the Hindus, there appears little ground to expect success in the present in- stance, where the means of judging are fewer, where prejudice is more powerful, and where the preacher cannot appeal to any authority which equally commands his own and his hearers' respect. But, in tlie making of the attempt, if nothing beyond its failure were to ensue, much as we might lament this fdilurc; the bure possibility of 46 success should encourage the experiment ; the more especially, among those persons who, to the benefits which all acknowledge Christianity to convey to mankind, add their convection of the absolute duty imposed upon them to send out to teach and to baptize all natiom, even though their missionaries are not gifted with those powers which were so largely bestowed upon the apostles, and which were, therefore, so neces- sary to the accomplishment of the work allotted them by Heaven.* If it were but an experiment free of any dangerous consequences, no one would, I am sure, resist the attempt, or refuse the praise justly due to those who made it. But where the experience of this country for above fifty years, and of the Mahomedans for five hun- dred, proves that an attempt to interfere with a single custom or prejudice of the Hindus is most dangerous, and alarms the whole nation for the safety of a religion which they believe the best ; what are we not to expect of opposition and fury, when we avow the express design of eradi- cating that religion itself, and of abolishing those * For, if miracles were not necessary, we must charge the Deity with needless display of his power, which would be gross impiety. And if, as their existence proves them, they were necessar}^ what is there to render them less so, where the difficulties to overcome are greater ? 47 ceremonies which a long series of years has pre- served inviolate ; which the instruction of the priests, the only instruction that can reach a Hindu's ears, requires him to maintain at the risk of his life ; and which, if even involuntarily neglected in a single precept, procure his willing performance of penances that would shock he finer nerves of European habits ? When we have read, and I may say, when we have seen, the dreadful spectacles afforded by these people, some suspending in air by a hook fastened through the muscles of the back ; some reclining for years on a bed of spikes ; some mea- suring their lengths from Benares to Jaggernaut ; * some, in performance of a vow, letting their nails grow out through the back of their hand ; some, with their hands uplifted in one posture until their muscles refuse to act, and others cutting their flesh with sharp instruments we must equally lament the obstinacy which refuses instruction, and the error of the superstition which recjuires it. But when we again consider the attempt, * About ( i^ht years af tlie established church, the term evangelical 54 being applied to these clergymen only who co-ope- rate with the missionaries in the great object of conversion. It is nearly the same thing to sup- ply arms as to use them against us. If the mis- sionaries are likely to wield them to the injury of the established religion of the country, the Bible society should not encourage them. An ample field is elsewhere open to their pious endeavours. The circle of duty is always strongest the nearer it is to its centre, and there are many Christians in this country who can- not procure the Scriptures. Should they not be diffused among those who know their va- lue, and who will prize their possession, before they are forced among a people who have much yet to learn before they can do cither ? Gifts of this nature are generally received with suspicion, and are supposed to originate in some latent motive of private and party interest. But the connection is a dangerous one between ])ersons who go out of England in contempt of its laws, and land in India in defiance of its government, and a people whom they represent as labouring under the aggravated evils of tyranny and super- stition. Mahomedans do not more thoroughly hate the Christians, thanthe sectaries do the Eng- lish church. The conduct of their missionaries from them should, therefore, not only be watched, but restrained. If the measure of attempting 55 <;on version in India be advisable, it should origi- nate with the heads of our church, and be earned on by members of its establishment. Our bishops must be criminal, if they deem this attempt a duty, and if they neglect to make it ; and if they think it is not advisable, equally criminal must they be in permitting others to do what they will not do themselves. At all events they should not allow the missionaries of different sects to record among the proceedings of any society friendly to the established church, and the Bible Society considers itself as such, their opinions of the evangelism of its clergy: still less to superintend and direct the progress of Christian education, and the translation of the Christian Scriptures, under the patronage of any government in the British empire. To the Bible and missionary societies, to all those who have the conversion of India so mucli at heart, and who wouhi spare none but danuc ' - ous means of attempting it, 1 beg leave to re- commend the following extract from the work of Sir William Jones, whose merits as a Chiisti.. and whose acquaintance with the kmguagt s ^ India, and the manners, laws, and custon.. w i' natives, have been so eloquently and so jr. disj)layed by the noble president ot one of luo. . 56 societies.* "We may assure ourselves that " neither Mussulmans nor Hindus will ever be *' converted by missions from the church of Rome,- " or from any other church ; and the only human " method, perhaps, of causing so great a revolu- *' tion, will be to translate into Sanscrit and Per- " sian such chapters of the prophets, particularly " of Isaiah, as are indisputably evangelical, to- " gether with ,one of the gospels, and a plain *' prefatory discourse, containing full evidence of " the very distant ages in which the predictions " themselves, and the history of the divine per- *' son predicted, were severally made public, and " then quietly to disperse them among the well- " educated natives." Thus far it would be safe and commendable to go. But the quiet dispersion among well-educated natives is not to be the work of missionary secta- ries, of whose education and manners some doubts may be entertained ; neither is the translation by those persons a likely mode of ensuring circula- tion or collateral authority. We have among the servants of the Company men of high literary acquirements, persons who have successfully * Lord Teignmouth, late Sir Jolin Shore. 57 explored the recesses of Hindu learning, and who may, without suspicion, communicate in return the treasures of their own country in science, legislation, and religion. It would be a wosk worthy of those individuals, of their nation, and their faith, to introduce among the natives of India a taste for English and ancient literature. Would the Scriptures fail to attract those who could once relish the beauties of Xenophon and Plato; who could understand the reasonings of Newton and Locke, and from these great men know their conviction of the Scripture truths ? AVould they fail to compare our system with their own, gradually to perceive the errors of the lat- ter, to drop, to reject it, and, by the foi'c of their example, to diflYise the new faith among their dependants not so well educated as thcm- gelves ? By tjjese means much has been done in other matters, but nothing by haranguing multitudes, or by forcing truth before tliey were prc[)ared to understand it. Christianity is the religion of philosophy. The Hindus are immersed in ignorance. We must instruct them, we must lead them progressively to improvement in re- ligious happiness, as well as that of habits, laws, ;*nd manners. 58 It is, therefore, again recommended to those who have the administration of our Indian empire in their hands, and its religious improvement at their hearts, to weigh how far either may be benefited by the residence of missionaries dif- fering in their religious and political opinions from the establishment in church and state ; to consider whether the disputes which existed among the Jesuits and Franciscans in China, may not be renewed or imitated by the Baptists, Methodists, and Churchmen in India ; and whe- ther discussions about shades of belief, and the form of a garment, may not injure the worship which they would introduce, and create such mutival animosities as will astonish and repel the incipient convert. But whatever may be the propriety or ultimate Success of the attempt, its nov^elty and its dangers should now suspend it altogether ; for we see the whole powers of the enemy directed against In- dia. The invasion of that country seems resolved upon ; and the enterprize will be accompanied by the exertion of ever artifice to alienate the affections of oiir subjects, and to fill them with jealousy and distrust. What more cogent argu- ment can he use to alarm and irritate them against us, than to hold out our design to change the form 59 of their religion, to disgrace their priests, arid to trample on all they reverence. The invader will say that he comes to rescue them from the civil tyranny under which they labour at present, and from the religious tyranny which we are pre- paring for them. He will call to their remem- brance the attempts made by the Portugueze to convert their ancestors, and the successful resist- ance of those ancestors in defence of their temples and their gods. He will contrast the different conduct of the INIahomedans, and will re-publish the manifesto of Egypt, as a proof of his being enlightened by the same liberal policy with the dynasty of Babur. For God's s ike, for the sake of all we hold dear in religion and in liberty, of our friends and relatives in India, whose existence hangs upon the question, of the justice and affection which we owe to our India subjects, which should deter us from a hazardous (experiment, even of good, in the moment of danger, and which calls upon us to (u i'fMid them from the grasp of revo- lutionary despotism, let us guard against any measure wliioh <;an in any way diminish the con- fidence of the people of Hindustan. Then, under the prot nion f Providence, and with the united efforts: oi jorcsight, discipline, and })ublic 60 spirit, we may reasonably expect to plunge the whole invading hosts into the waves of the Indus, or to drive them back to perish in the deserts of Kerman. Under the able and upright administration of the immortal Chatham, England subdued Ame- rica in Germany. Under the able but unprinci- pled despotism of Buonaparte, France would conquer England on the banks of the Ganges. The design has been long formed, and has been deeply matured. The invasion of Egypt by the army of Italy, was the first act towards its accom- plishment. But Heaven aiding the valour of Nelson and Abercrombie, defeated the intention, and Buonaparte has been obliged to confess that he was once ihistrated. But is he a man likely to relinquish any of his plans ? Let us not de- ceive ourselves. The occupation of Egypt is still a leading feature in his policy. He knows its importance. It supplies many of the produc- tions of the East, and what is of more weight, it aifords, by means of the Red Sea and its coasts, a speedy, and, perhaps, an easy opening to west- ern India. AYhat, though the naval superiority of this country, and an invaluable hold in Malta, may prevent him from transporting an army from Toulon to the Nile by sea, yet hisconquests on 61 the Danube, the Rhine, and the Vistula, have laid the continent prostrate at his feet, and have opened to him all the passes into the interior of Turkey. The march from Dalmatia to the Dar- danelles is not long. The Straits may be easily crossed. Asia Minor has no resistance to offer. Pressed by Russia on one hand, and by France on the other, the Porte must yield to their united pleasure, and not only grant a free passage to their armies, but supply them with every ne- cessary on their way. The passes of Cilicia, dreaded by the younger Cyrus, and rendered famous by the battle which decided the fate of the Persian empire under Darius, will have no- thing to oppose to the modern Alexander. From thence he may readily traverse Syria, establish a garrison and a Jewish colony at Jerusalem, and passing by Acre, the scene of his defeat, and Jaffa, where he may yet behold the whitened bones of his slaughtered prisoners, and perhaps hear the midnight groanings and threats of his poisoned sick, reach the eastern bank of the Nile, and re-establish his influence from the Red Sea to the deserts of Africa. With Turkey in check, and with an anny of thirty thousand men, he cannot experience any successful opposition from the Mamelukes. Notliing can defeat the accomplisliment of this scheme but a IJritish force, adequate to the previous reduction of 62 Egypt, and to the complete protection of its Syrian frontier.* Thus far we may consider the plan of Buona- parte as resembling that of Alexander, who sub- dued and secured Egypt before he proceeded into the heart of the Persian empire. But the Macedonian king had some difficulties to en- counter which the Corsican usurper will not meet with. He had to contend with those for- midable Scythians whose descendants will sup- port the present invader. But the present invader will, on the other hand, have a longer route to traverse before he reaches his enemy, and will find in that enemy something more formidable than the effeminate armies of Darius, or the irre- gular valour of Porus. He will meet troops as well acquainted with victory as his own, as well disciplined, better inured to the climate, strongly animated with the love of glory and of their countr}'^, and fresh in every thing but discipline and loyalty. The occupation of Egypt is but a part of * Perhaps it uould be useful to tlirow a garrison into Acre, and some other j>laces in the line of march, and on the Ht'ii coast. 63 Buonaparte's plans, which are intended to dis- tract our attention by the multiplicity of attack. It would be dangerous to view this as the whole of his design, or Egypt as the only route to India invasion. Fortunately this channel, though ap- parently the most facile, is one that we can shut up with the greatest ease. It only requires the occupation of that country by our own troops. And this measure will be so far from diminishing our strength, that it will increase and unite it. Egypt offers a constant communication between England and India. An army may in a few weeks be conveyed to it from either country. Malta forms a rendezvous in the Mediterranean for any European troops, and the small island of Perim, situate in the Straits of Babelmandel, presents a proper depot for an Asiatic force. An old traditionary connection between Eg>'pt and India will encourage the troops of the latter to serve in the former country. It produces rice for their food, and offers them, in the Nile, a stream of nearly equal sanctity with the Ganges. Twenty thousand men from England will be adequate to the occupation of J^gypt. When this has been effected, fifteen thousand of them may proceed to India by the Red Sea, in the transports which shall have brought twenty thousand Sepoys to replace them. By such a measure we shall not only increase the number 64 of our European troops in India, but secure tlie- fidelity of our Asiatic soldiers serving in Egypt, for we shall possess their families as hostages for their good conduct. Should a greater number of Europeans be at any time required in Egypt or India, they can be readily furnished from Malta. But the increase of British troops in India cannot be speedily effected from England, by the usual track round the Cape of Good Hope. There will not be much difficulty in prevailing upon our native troops to embark for foreign ser- vice, it is only necessary to stimulate their ambition by the promise of honours and lands, and to satisfy their religious scruples in every thing connected with the laying in of their sea stores. We have proof that they will readily engage in such expeditions, for they have under- taken them already ; and the precautions used by the wise policy of the Marquis Wellesley, w ill produce a stronger inclination for a second expedition. Another of the enemy's plans, and that which we cannot so immediately defeat, wss to unite a large force, partly French, partly Russian, on the borders of the Caspian, and to proceed from thence to the banks of the Indus, bv a route 65 similar to that of the former invaders of Hindus- tan. The death of the Emperor Paul suspended the execution of this design ; but the present amity of Alexander, the reduced state of Austria, and the annihilation of Prussia, will induce Buonaparte to resume it, with greater force and greater probability of success.* When this design was in contemplation, one of the projects submitted to the French govern- * Since the above was written, Spain has endeavoured to rescue herself from the tyranny of France, and to punish the most atrocious of all perfidies ever attempted upon any nation. The contest is too fresh in the recollection of every one to require detail, and its issue, notwithstanding the renewed vigour of the patriots, is, I fear, too likely to disappoint our wishes. There seems a want of national union in any combined operations. Individual zeal has not been deficient, and many worthy of a better fate have perished in the heroic resistance of the enemy. But there appears no man of authority and talent sufficient to command and direct the resources of the country. The men of pro- perty have been afraid to risk it ; there has been danger in trusting those who had none. And the common people seem to have been more fearful of heretic allies tlian of orthodox foes. Should, however, some great and energetic character arise in Spain, should the patriots place him at their head, and entrust themselves entirely to his direction, then they may yet rescue their country, and so occupy the tyrant's armies as to afford breathing room to the rest of the continent. F m ment for its accomplishment, proposed that thirty-five thousand French should drop down the Danube to the Black Sea, where they were to embark in Russian transports, and to land on the right bank of the Don. Arrived there, they were to move along this river as far as Piati-is-bianka, where they would cross the Don, and proceed to the town of Zarison, on the Voka. Here boats were to receive and convev them to Astrakhan, where they were to embark in the merchant ships of the Caspian, and direct their course to Astrabad at the south-east ex- tremity of that sea. It was further proposed that they should be joined at Astrabad by thirty- five thousand Russians, and advance from thence by Herat, Ferah, and Candahar, to the Attock and the Punjab. Such was the plan proposed, and four months was the time allotted for its execution. Inade- quate as is this time, and crude as the project appears, we must not despise it. It has been a constant habit of the revolutionary government to throw out hints of its intentions for some time before it beo:an their executioli ; sometimes to reconcile the minds of mankind to their atrocity ; and sometimes to lull them into the false security consequent on observing that the designs were were not immediately acted upon. 67 The present is an age of such strange events, that we may reasonably expect any thing the most extravagant to be attempted ; and the suc- cesses of Buonaparte have been such as may en- courage him to think nothing is impracticable to his s^enius. He seems not to confine himself to what others have done, but to be anxious to go beyond them in every thing. The invasion of India is, however, what has been often attempted before, and what may therefore be well appre- hended again. His means are, apparently, equal, at least, to those of other invaders, and his objects in the invasion are, unquestionably, as strong. With more disciplined armies, and better geogra- phical knowledge, than his predecessors, he joins more experience than Alexander, and greater barbarity than Timur. Whether he prosecutes the measure by his generals, or in person, we may consider it as equally dear to his heart, and as the object which has influenced his whole conduct in obtaining possession of Dalmatia, the friendship of Russia, and the entire control of Turkey. He has armies in Poland, on the Rhine, in Italy, and in Dalmatia. Either of them may easily reach the Black Sea. In their progress to the Caspian they will have none but physical diffi- culties to encounter. The Russian fleet may take them on board and convey them to Asof or Trebisond : if to the former, they may proceed 68 b}^ the route of the Don and Astrakhan, already mentioned : if to the latter, they will then be able to follow the route from Erivan to Nagjowan lead- ing along the Aras to its confluence with the Kur at Jewat, and along the latter river to th Caspian Sea, w^here they may embark for Astrabad. Or, leaving the Aras on their left, after they have quit- ted Nagjowan, they may advance to Astrabad through Tebris, Miana, and the province of Mas- andaran, on the south coast of the Caspian. The most efficient measure by which we can obstruct any part of this plan, is that of introduc- ing a fleet into the Black Sea. But this will be attended with difficulty, in consequence of the state cw'our relations with the Porte;* and were these relations less unfavourable than they are, the want of secure harbours in that sea, its violent and sudden storms, and the possibility of a coun- ter influence exerted at Constantinople to prevent the passage of supplies through the Bos})horus from the shores of the Euxine, and to close the Straits against the return of our squadron, would render this an enterprise of considerable peril. * I am happy to find that these relations are again become friendly (April, I8O9). They maybe made productive of the greatest consequence with regard to the political contest now carrying on in Persia. 69 If, indeed, the return of our ships can be secured, the other difficulties may be overcome ; for the squadron need not remain long in the Black Sea, before it reaches and destroys the Russian fleet, together with every other vessel capable of conveying troops ; and thus the progress of the French by water will be effectually obstructed. Under these circumstances they will have either to coast along the Black Sea from the left Bank of the Danube, through the deserts of the Borys- thenes, or, after passing through European Tur- key to Constantinople, to cross the Bosphorus, and advance through the celebrated provinces of Asia Minor, in the tract formerly pursued by the ten thousand when conducted by Xenophon, a route that will oblige them to traverse the whole southern coast of the Black Sea, and will give them a lengthened march of above seventeen hundred miles. In considering the possibility of this invasion we are naturally induced to compare it to former invasions, to examine the circumstances in which it dirt'ers from them, and the effects likely to arise from their operation. Of India, previous to the expedition of Alex- ander, wc know little more than that some oi ite 70 western provinces had beein obliged to acknow- ledge the sovereignty of the kings of Persia, and to pay a very large proportion of tribute. Of the whole revenue of the Persian monarchy, esti- mated by Herodotus at 14,560 Eubcean talents, India is stated to have defrayed 4,680, or nearly one third, and to have made the entire payment in gold. It was, likewise, compelled to furnish military service, and its troops formed the strength of the armies of Darius and Xerxes. How far the designation of India extended may be col- lected from comparing the lists of tributary states with the description which the historian has fur- nished of the natural limits of the country. As the Bactriani, Parthiani, Chorasmii, Areii, Sojdi, Saki, and Sarangi, are mentioned expressly by name, they do not come under the denomination of Indians, who are said to dwell in a country bounded to the eastward by a sandy desert, and to be the easternmost nation in all inhabited Asia.* These marks point out the left bank of the Indus, and the province of Sinde, while the Trpog vu KOii nXiOv ccvocJoXx? olxeovcri Kv^poovruv twv ly 1n ATin hhi IleroU. Lib. jii. Cap. 98. 71 character of the people, a mountainous and brave race, is still preserved in the Afghans of Can^ dahar and Cabul, two provinces which we know to have been considered as a portion of the old Indian empire. The magnitude of the tribute, and the bravery of the troops of India, induced Alexander to un^ dertake its conquest. Of the subsequent inva- sions the most remarkable have been those of ]Mahmt)od, of Timur, who introduced, of Babur who established, the royal dynasty of the moguls, and of Nadir Shah and Ahmed Abdalli, who hastened its decline. Of these different invaders tiie two lirst, Alexander and Mahmood, were the sons of sovereigns celebrated for their policy and for the discipline of their troops : Babur was a prince, a hero, and a philosopher: the others, like the invader who now threatens, were soldiery of fortune, who laid every thing waste wherever the} went. Alexander left his contjuest unac- complished. ISlahniood in twelve successive invasions established but a precarious authority. Plunder and bigotry directed the steps of Tinuu*, Kadir Shah, and Abdalli. Babur alone, catching the true chaiacter of the Hindus, and supciior to de[)ressi(^n, though he lost his own cmj-ire, was cnaMcd to form a greater, to give it perma- nence, and to tiansmititto his posterity, strength- 72 ened in all its parts by the willing homage and veneration of his new subjects. All these invaders entered India by the same route, and subdued its armies with nearly the same facility. All, but Babur, found it necessary to re- duce the greater part of the countries between the Caspian Sea and the Indus, before they advanced, and expierienced among the inhabitants of these countries the chief obstacles to their progress. The distance from the south-east extremity of the Caspian Sea to the town of Attock on the In- dus, is, in a direct line, eleven hundred and thirty miles ; and from Attock to Delhi five hundred and eighty-seven; the whole distance, then, from Astrabad to Delhi is one thousand seven hundred and seventeen miles ; or, allowing for the devia- tion of roads, about two thousand two hundred miles. The principal provinces on the road are Khorasan, Sejestan, Candahar, Cabul, and the Punjab, which latter is divided into the districts of Multan, Lahore, Sirhind, and Delhi. It is likely that the route of the French and Russians will be in this direction, for this has been the track of all prior in\^ders, and is the one least obstructed by a deficiency in the supply of water, forage, and provisions. 73 Of these countries all that lie westward of the hills of Candahar, formeriy called the Para- pamisan Hills, and by the Macedonians Cauca- sus, constituted a portion of the regular Persian empire, under the names of Hyrcania, Parthia, Aria, Bactria, Parikania (Ferah ?) and Parapa- misa. The countries eastward of these hills, now called Candahar, Cabul, Afghanistan, and Pehkeli, were known by the y3neral name of India. These were permitif^d to remain under the government of their owl kings, and to be administered by their own laws, on paying the tribute, and furnishing the troops already men- tioned. Khorasan, * which includes the ancient Aria, and part of J3actria, is bounded to the north by the now inhospitable country of the Usbecks,f and to the southward by the great salt desert of Khoestan. The southern parts of this province are without river, water, or grass, and are conso- * From Khor- tin,' old Persian word for the sun, and assaji, an inhabited '^hue ; a n:\me given it from its situation, beint^ the most easterly oi" the provinces of the old Persian t*m()ire. f These L shocks havi"- never yet acknowledged the supre- macy of tin- Russians, and have been always jealous of their pucroachuients. 74 quently very unproductive : the northern and north-eastern are bordered by the mountains of Gaur ; they enjoy a delightful chmate, and abound in water, fruit, and sheep. The route of an army advancing from the Caspian towards the Indus, must therefore be exposed to the mo- lestation of Tartar hordes on the one side, or to the no less dangers of a barren and unwatered track of country on the other. Flying parties of cavalry may always interrupt a line of march, which must be considerably extended, for the advantage of obtaining fodder and water. Hence, although there are no strong places nearer than the hills beyond Herat (Aria), which separate Khorasan from Balk, the reduction of Khorasan has been deemed an indispensable preliminary to the inv'asion of India. But the reduction of Khorasan did not satisfy Alexander. Still more prudent in the formation of his plans than ardent in their execution, he considered it unsafe to advance upon India until he had completely sub- dued Bactria and Sogdiana (Balk and Maver-ul- nehr), and secured his rear from the irruption of the Scythians, by driving them behind the Jax- artes, and by establishing strong posts at the different passes of the mountains. The suc- cessors of Alexander for some time retained possession of Khorasan, but were at length de- prived of their conquest by the growing power 75 of the Parthians, who established the second Persian empire, and so successfully combated the troops of imperial Rome. The subversion of their empire in the Caliphat of Othman, carried this country under the IMahomedan yoke. It has since fallen successively under the dynas- ties of Tahar, * Soffar, \ Samian, and Sebectagi : the latter made way for the Seljukes, a Tartar race, and these yielded in their turn to the Kho- rasmians and Gaurs, whose power was after- wards annihilated by Genghis and his successors. The latter governed Khorasan until the great revolution of Timur, whose posterity were after- wards driven out by an irruption of Usbccks. A number of petty Tartar chiefs exhausted the country and each other's strength, until the time of Nadir Shah, who, after many years contest, re- covered Khorasaij, and restored it to the Persian monarchy, which he subs'.)(iucntly usurped in his own person, and left, at his death, in a state of dissolution, from whence it is not yet revived. The western and northern })arts of Khorasan were formerly very fertik% and well inhabited. It boasted of four flourishing cities, Herat (Aria), Balk (Bactriana), Merou, and Nisliapoor: but they are greatly declined in wealth and popula- A. D. Hjo. t A. D. 87(. 76 tion from the condition they were in at the first invasion of Genghis Khan. The two former are situate in the neighbourhood of mountains, the two latter in the midst of plains. Sejestan, which includes the ancient Dranga or Zarangaea, and the Euergetae, joins Khorasan on the west, and is hounded by the deserts of Mekran and Kirman on the east and south. On the north it has the hills of Candahar. In its principal town, Zaringe, we may still recognize the ancient name of Zaranga. This country is, for the greater part, level, fertile, and sandy ; but subject to hot winds, and ill supplied with water* Bost is the next town to Zaringe in size, and is celebrated for its poets. The eastern geographers describe Sejestan as formerly abounding in gold mines ; perhaps it supplied the greatest part of tribute which the Indians furnished to Darius. It was the cradle of the first Persian dynasty, the residence of the hero Rustam, and has suffered extremely in all the irruptions of the Tartars and Moguls. To the north of Khorasan we find Khuaresm (Chorasmia of Herodotus), and Maver-uUnehr, the country of the Usbecks, formerly known by the names of Sogdiana, from the river Sogd, and Transoxiana, from its situation beyond the river 77 Oxus. These provinces were subject to the Per* sian kings, and were assessed with a regular tri- bute. Khuaresm is surrounded by a desert, and situate between the Jehoon, or Oxus, and the Caspian Sea. Maver-ul-nehr has been cele- brated by the Persians for the fertility of its soil and the healthiness of its climate. The cities of Bochara and Samarcand (Maracanda), were each, at different times, the seat of empire, sur- rounded with villas, orchards, and gardens, and abounding in the arts and luxuries of polish<4d life. This country appeared the middle stage between the Scythians and Persians, and was ex- posed to the perpetual conflicts of the conten- ding armies of Iran and Turan. As the Persian monarchy declined in vigor, the Tarturs possessed themselves of the valley of Sogd, and there, unit- ing the spirit of their ancestors to the arts of their vanquished enemies, became celebrated for their bravery, their wit, and their science. New inva- sions from the north-eastward expelled or reduced these settlers in their turn, and obliged the ill-fa- ted country to experience the alternate extremes of wretchedness and prosperity. It is bounded on the south-west by Khorasan, to the south-east by the mountains of Jlindu Kho, by those of Khara Tau to the northward, and to the eastward ljy the ranges of Tuck and Kuttorc. which separate it fjrom China-, 78 "^ The above-mentioned are the principal coun- tries between the Caspian Sea and the provinces of Candahar and Cabul, and were reduced by Alexander previous to his Indian invasion. The treason of Bessus facilitated his success as much as the battles of Issus and Gangamela. These victories put the conqueror in possession of the family of Darius, and dispersed the best troops of the empire. But Bessus, by the murder of his master, extinguished all measures of concerted defence, and afforded the son of Philip an oppor- tunity of winning the affections of the Persian nation, by pursuing and punishing the assassin of their monarch. The gates and stores of the cities through which he marched were thrown open to him. From Zeudracarta, the capital of Hyrcania, he moved through Parthia to Susia, a city of Aria. Here he formed a junction with the remain- der of his army, and proceeded towaixls Bactra, in pursuit of Bessus, who had, by this time, assumed the tiara, the name of Artaxerxes, and the sove- reignty of Asia. While on his march, which he appears to have directed to the left of Aria, Alex- ander heard of the revolt of Satibarzanes, and of his occupation of that city, which w^as the ca- pital of tlie province. Influenced by this intel- ligence, he immediately made a movement to the right, and by a forced march of sixty miles in two days, reached the town, and put the enemy 79 to flight. Then leaving Aria, he prcKieeded to the Zarangsei, whose governor he put to death as one of the murderers of Darius, and from them to the Agriaspae, whom he treated with great kindness, on account of their fidehty to Cyrus. He continued among these people for sixty days, most Hkely to refresh his army after their fatigues, and to collect stores for his march against Bessus, who had fled beyond the Ox us, and had wasted the intermediate country. To secure himself from the molestation of the Drangas and Arachoti, Alexander turned his arms into their country, and pursued them among the hills which separate them from India. These hills he crossed in the midst of snows, in great want of necessaries, and with extreme fatigue to his troops. After encountering many difliculties he reached a flat country, which he traversed until he arrived at the foot of Caucasus. Here he founded a city of his own name,* and then * ETrrAOf it xai run Ivi'jiif laxn; Trpctrp^^wpou; Apx^oloi;. iTTilniii'^V KXl %)> fpocliuluv luXiTTOOpiX t7r>iA0 Ev 7''u7 01 AAs^ai/g^o; Trpof toi/ Kauxafrov to opog nyiV) n/x xxi ttoAik ixTure-KXi w\>x>xx(Tiy AXt^xySpuxM xa ^\j(tx; KnnptxXilo oeo? Toi/ Kyxao-OK. Arrian, kib. iii. p. '229 '^^tives, when he moved from Bactria towards India, we must be inclined to believe that the town of Alexandria, which he then visited, was nearer Caucasus than the modern Candahar ; for this city is above one hundred and ten miles south of Bamian, or Drapsaca, and as many more from the Cophcnes, while Bamian is not above fifty from that river. We arc t.^ld, that in passing from the Cophenes, 86 or the Cow river, to the Choes, which must be the Kameh, he found the country mountainous and rugged. But the direct road from Candahar towards Cabul, is flat and uninterrupted.* Alex- ander's route must have been, therefore, to the left or northward of this road, and among the hills which form the chain of Hindu Kho, and separate Balk from Cabul. It was near these hills that he must have found the river rapid, and that the inhabitants of the country sought tor refuge. The principal town of this country, its ancient name is not given, he razed : was it not the modern Cabul, situate between the Choes and the Euaspla? The next town, Andraca, more to the northward, capitulated. We have no means of knowing the modern name of this town, but as Alexander's design was to secure himself on the side of Balk, we may consider it as lying between Cabul and the hills. After this he crossed the Euaspla, "j* one of the small streams which join the Kameh at Cabul. We are equally ignorant of the position of Arigseum, knowing- only that it lay near the mountains ; but the river * The road to Cabul, by way of Khorasan and Candahar, is without any winding, and is free from hills. Vide, Ayeen Akbery, vol. ii. p. 162. t Perhaps at the Pul musteen. Ayeen Akbery. 87 Guraeus, which was crossed with so much diffi- culty, is doubtless the Baran, which joins the Kameh below Adeenaghur, and forms the united stream of the Attock. Massaga was the next town on the way, and at some distance from the river on which Alexander retreated to draw out the garrison. From Massaga he advanced against Ora, and Bazira, the latter situate in the liilly country now known by the name of Bijore, on the confines of Sewaad, and abounding with mountainous passes : this corresponds with the description of Aornos, which Strabo places near the sources of the Indus, rather than of the Sewaad river. Alexander moved from Bijore to Peucelaotis, in which name the modern Peh- kely is recognized, and returned to Aornos along tlie Indus, by way of Emboli ma. After the re- duction of Aornos, he again invaded the Assa- cani, whom I cannot consider as the people of Issakhy I ; for these are stated in the Ayeen Akbery to lie to the south-east of Cabul, and the people attacked by Alexander were evidently to the north-east of Bijore. I deem them to be rather the inhabitants of the hills bordering on the Kuttore and Cashgar countries, countries that were likely to obstruct his march, to require advanced par- ties for clearing the jungles, and to supply that timber with which his boats were constructed. 88 Under these impressions I take the liberty of differing from the high authority of Major Rcnnel, as to Alexander's route from the Cophenes to the Indus, though I feel pleasure in acknowledging the many obligations, which, in common with others, I owe that gentleman for his illustrations of Indian geography, and for the means of forming an opinion on this intricate subject. 1 should not have ventured to have expressed an opinion contrary to his, could I have reconciled the march of Alexander, as traced by him, with a period of six wrecks employed in the expedition ; for the distance by his account is not so much as two hundred miles, including the counter-march from Peucelaotis to Aornos. Now Alexander met w^ith no delay excepting at Massaga : this town indeed held out four days, which, however, only compensated the two forced marches made immediately after crossing the Euaspla. And again, as his object was to clear the country north of the Cophenes, it seems reasonable to conclude that he would have held the work im- perfectly effected, until he had established a communication with Balk by the pass of Tool, and either driven the inhabitants of the coun- try beyond the mountains of Kuttore, or hem- med them in between his own army and tliat of Hephestion. It is for these reasons? supported 89 by the continued mention of mountains near his line of march, as well as by the traditions of the country,* that I am induced to think Alexander visited Cabul, and that he proceeded along the mountainous barrier of that province to the banks of the Indus. The friendship of Taxiles secured the passage of the Indus, and the vicinity of his capital to the place of crossing, determines it to have been above the town of Attock, situate at the confluence of the river of that name with the Indus. The pro- gress of the conqueror across the Hydaspes, the Acesines, and the Hydraotcs, towards the banks of the Hyphasis, Major Rennel has most satis- factorily detailed. In these rivers he recognizes the Chelun, the Chunaub, the Rauvee, and tlie Bey ah, the four most westerly streams of the Punjab. During this progress, the principal re- sistance arose from Porus, and the banks of the Chelun were the scene of the contest. f But the * They say that Secunder ( Alt'xandt'r) left treasure in Cabul under the care of some of his rchitions, and some lA' their descendants who carry their genealogical table in their l^ands, now dwell in the mountainous part. Ayern Akhcrij. t This battle was fouj^ht in April, 327, before our ara, in the Attic month Munychion, and the archonship of Ilcgc- mun. Arrian. JJoduell. 90 valour of one chieftain, deserted by his neigh- bours, was unequal to oppose one hundred and twenty thousand men, led on by the conqueror of western Asia, whose forces increased as he proceeded, who prepared his victories before- hand, by sowing dissentions among those who should resist him, and who, by attacking each singly, conquered all. * This conduct of the Macedonian monarch has been but too successfully imitated by the Corsi- can usurper, and has given just cause to Spain, to Austria, to the different states of Germany, and to Prussia, more than any, to deplore the influence of mutual jealousy, and the proved truth of a maxim which the events of former ages should have convinced them to have been un- erring. These jealous divisions have already ruined the continent of Europe It is for us, profiting by the precept and the example, to take care that the same consequences shall not occur in Asia, and that those whom we cannot secure by benefits as our friends, shall by our power be rendered incapable of giving assist- ance to our enemies. Alexander crossed the Hydaspes where its * Ita dum singuli puguant universi vincuntur, Tacitus. 91 stream was divided by a rocky island. Such an island still exists in the Chelun, and as his course from the Indus to this river was southerly, the towns of Bucephalia and Nicaea, built on its banks to commemorate the victory and the faith- ful companion of many victories, must also be southward of the place Vvhere he passed the Indus. These circumstances fix the passage of the Hydaspes, or Chelun, at the island where the fort of Jemaud was afterwards erected. Of the country between the Hydaspes and Acesines, Porus had commanded the greater part. His bravery excited the respect of his conqueror, and in consequence of his submis- sion, he again received possession of his domi- nions, together with the country of the Glausii, wf^om Alexander compelled to obey an authority which they had not previously recognized. After settling the arrangements of this district, Alexander proceeded to the Acesines or Ciiu- naub, which he crossed in a wide and shallow part of its course, and advanced towards the Hydraotes in pursuit of another Porus, who refused to sui)niit to his authority. Leaving Hephestion to clear the right bank of tiic Hy- draotes, and to reduc(; the country between it and the Acesines, he passed the fbrnier river, 92 and hastened to the dispersion of the confede- racy formed by the Cathei, and waiting to give him battle at Sangala. Two marches brought him from the Hydraotes to Pimprana and the Adraistae. The enemy were posted on an emi- nence in front of the town. After their defeat and the capture of the place, Alexander moved on in an easterly direction to the Hyphasis. This river is generally supposed to be the Beyah, and Alexander is said to have crossed it above its confluence wdth the Setleje, which communi- cates its name to the united stream. But a direct easterly course from Sangala brings us helow the confluence of the two rivers, and to a body of water more likely to terrify the Macedo- nians than the Beyah, which is greatly inferior to the Chunaub or the Chelun, both of which they had already crossed. And the description of the country immedi- ately beyond the river, suits better with the Set- leje, below the junction, than with the Beyah above it ; for Diodorus informs us that it was a desert of ten days' march, and such a desert still exists to the south-east of Firoospore. But there is no desert between the Beyah and the Setleje. Itw^as to this river, then, that Alexander ad- vanced from Sangala with an intention of reduc- 93 ing the nations beyond it. They were repre- sented as highly civihzed, wealthy, and brave. But the magnitude of the river, now much swollen with the summer rains, the dreadfu-l accounts given of the desert, and the epidemical complaints of the season, excited a mutiny in the troops, and a refusal to advance further. After a severe struggle, Alexander was obliged to yield ; and contenting himself with the erec- tion of twelve altars, situate perhaps beyond the Beyah, along which he might have moved to avoid the inundation of the lower country, he returned to the banks of the Hydaspes, and embarked on board the fleet which awaited his arriv^al at Nicaea, leaving to Porus the sove- reignty of the country, and contented with the acknowledgment of his own supremacy.* When we consider the state of India at the time of Alexander's invasion, divided as it was among petty chiefs who were mutually jealous of each other, f and more ready to aid than * Alexander embarked a few days before the helia.'al morning setting of the Pleiades, or a few days before tlie '20t\\ of October, 3-27 before our sera. Straho. t Megastlienes states their number as one hundred and twenty, in the part of the country known to him. 94 to resist the invader, we cannot but feel some surprize at his proceeding no further. No op- position met him on the Indus, nor in crossing the hills west of the Chelun, which form the first and principal defences of the Punjab. The difficulty with which the passage of the latter river was effected, proves what might have been done by experienced troops in preventing that of the former. But the defeat of Porus left the banks of the Punjab rivers unoccupied, and when ano- ther army w as formed, it preferred the paltry de- fences of a town to the natural barriers of the country. From the little that historians convey to us on the subject, we are at a loss to account for Alex- ander's retreat, and are tempted to believe that, having employed from the month of March to August in the conquest of a part of the Punjab, he really experienced a resistance which rendered imprudent his advance among the Prasii and Gandarides, though the national vanity of the Greeks suppressed all mention of the circum- stance. In this supposition we are strengthened by the account of the flourishing nature of those countries, whose resources were yet untouched, and by the subsequent conduct which they have almost invariably adopted, of contending with their western invaders on the plains of Carnoul 95 rather than on the western frontiers of Hindus- tan. This trait of their conduct deserves to be remembered, in order that it may not be imitated. The enemy who crosses the Setleje in safety, has every advantage in his favour ; the success of sur- mounting all the natural defences, and the neces- sity of finding safety in victory. Alexander knew nothing of the people beyond the Setleje. His successors extended their know- ledge to the Ganges, and preserved some influ- ence over the Indian princes. But though Hin- dustan experienced a visit from Antiochus, who renewed the treaty with Sophagesenes,* and after receiving one hundred and fifty elephants, return- ed through Arokaje and Zariiige into Carmania, it was, upon the whole, left in much greater quiet than the countries west of the Indus. These, bordering too nearly on the Tartar race, were ex- posed to the repeated inroad of these tribes, and although benefited by the science and arts of a Grecian government, they attained little beyond the restlessness of a Grecian people. The example of Bactria, which soon shook off the yoke, was imitated by Parthia. This coun- *.\.C\203. See Polybius, Lib. si. Cap. ^2-2. 96 try, after expelling the Greeks, and encountering successfully the armies of consular and imperial Rome, fell under the renovated dynasty of Per- sia, of which it formed a province, and sub- mitted with that empire to the followers of Mahomed. The power of the Kaliphs declined as rapidly as it had advanced. Khorasan, Sejestan, Can- dahar, and Cabul were wrested from their hands by several successive usurpers, who established dynasties that soon made way for others. * But the full measure of the wretchedness of these * The Thaherites, founded in Khorasan by Thaher, a general of the Kaliph Almamon, about the year 815. The SofFarides by Jacob Leith, who extended his empire over Sejestan, Khorasan, and a great part of Persia, A. D. 872, and made Balk his principal residence. The Samanians, who derived tlieir name from Saman, a camel-driver, the grandfather of Ismael, who annexed the dominions of the Softarides to Maver-ul-nehr, and fixed his seat of empire at Bokhara, and died in 907. The Ghasnevites, who, under Abistagi and Sebectagi, about the year 96O, wrested Kho- rasan and Ghizni from the kings of Bochara. The Seljukes, who conquered Khorasan from the grandson of Sebactagi, A. D. 1035. And the Gaurides, who elevated themselves on the ruins of Ghizni, A. D. 1150, but were soon despoiled of the western provinces by the Khuaresmians, whom Gen- ghis Khan subdued., about the year 1220. 97 Countries was reserved for the age of the monster Genghis Khan, who found them full of wealth and people, and left them in the stillness of the grave. They had scarcely began to revive from the desolation occasioned by Genghis, when they experienced a renewal of sufferings from the cruel Timur, and from his time to this they have been subject to a continued warfare of the most exhausting nature. But to return to India. The tribute paid to Alexander was continued to his successors by iSandracottus and his two next in descent, until Arsaces assumed the Persian tiara, and claimed the homage of the new Indian dynasty, which had been established by Jonah* about 240 years before our aera. A dependent government pos- sesses neither the means of prosperity or safety. The love of country becomes lost in the pre- servation of self, and national honour sinks into private aggrandisement. The Indian monarchy, which had feebly existed on sufferance rather than on its own strength, was dissolved in the * Supposed hy some to have been the Sophageseiiex ot" Arrian. U 98 time of Callianchund * into several small states, nor was it afterwards distinguished but by petty feuds until the time of Bickermajeet, the patriot king of Malva and Gujerat, a contemporary and an illustrious rival to the celebrated Sapor. The reign of Bickermajeet was a bright day in the history of India, and his name is still dear to the natives. Pie died in battle, ] and with him was extinguished the glory of his country, which continued to pay tribute to Persia, and lan- guished in decline, although marked, towards the year 330, by two virtuous monarchs, Basdeo and Ilamdeo, who were obliged to acknowledge the supremacy of Feroos Sarsa, the father of Kai- cobad. On the death of Ramdeo, Purtabchund, a stranger in blood, mounted the throne, and wil- ling to gain popularity, suspended the usual tri- bute to Persia. But Noshirvan was not a prince who would readily relinquish his rights, A Persian invasion ensued, and India, long agi- tated by party quarrels, and rendered by repeated revolutions indifferent to the person on the throne, made a most feeble resistance. The arrears of the tribute, and its payment in ad- * Before Christ, 170. f A. D. 89. 99 Vance, were insisted upon by the victor, and paid by the vanquished. * From the time of Purtabchund the minor princes of India assumed a more decided cha- racter, and the head of the empire was obliged to drop all appearance of superiority. Not long after this, the Arab invasion of Khorasan, and the occupation of Candahar, Cabul, and the hills of the Afghans, opened the road to Hin- dustan, and prepared the way to a fresh inva- sion. These people, the Afghans, inhabited the mountainous barrier of the country, and were distinguished by their valour in the armies of the first Persian kings, and during the expedition of Alexander. They claimed their descent from the children of Israel, and certainly possesed all the ferocity of that uncommon people. They were formed into a kind of federal patriarchal government, suitable to the nature of their coun- try, and, like all mountaineers, were attached * About the year 510. The Rana of Oudipoor, the most respectable in birth of the llajeports, traces his pedigree to Nonhirvan, one of whose daughters was given in marriage to liis ancestor. That ancestor must have been a Hindu ; his marriage witli a foreigner is therefore a very remarkable event, and appears at variance with the strict obsenance of cftst, so much insisted on at present. II '2 100 to the soil on which they were born. They often repulsed their Arab invaders,* and without any regular establishment, poor, brave, free, and ardent, were soon destined to form an empire which extended from the Jumna to the shores of the Caspian, and from the deserts of Persia to the banks of the Jaxartes. The revolution of time has enabled us to trace the dissolution of their government by the descendants of Timur, and its renovation on the ruins of that house. It still exists, and preserves the original cha- racter of its framers, jealousy, restlessness, and barbarism. The dynasty of Saman, avaihng itself of the weakness of the Kaliphs of Bagdat, had extended its dominions over Transoxiana, Khorasan, Se- jestan, Cabul, and Candahar. To check the restless spirit of the Afghans, a governor and garrison were established at Ghizni, the capital of a small province of the same name, under the immediate orders of the viceroy of Khorasan. The name of this viceroy, about the year 960, was Abistagi or Alpteghin, as Herbelot calls him, and that of the governor of Ghizni Scbuctagi, * A cave near Candahar was found to conlain the heud^ of some thousands of thtse invaders. Jt/cen Akben/, 101 originally a Tartar slave in the service of Abistagi, who, in consequence of a dispute vi'ith the sultaun of Bochara, made himself independent in his government, and placed Sebuctagi at the head of his armies. Hindustan, which had already been invaded by this Tartar, while in the service of Abistagi, was doomed to encounter his further oppressions when he became the successor of that chief.* Reducing Cabul, he advanced across the Indus into the Punjab, then governed by the Bramin .ley pal, who, at the head of one hundred thousand horse, and two hundred thousand foot, met Se- buctagi on the left bank of the Indus, and was completely defeated. His dominions were an- nexed to those of the conqueror, who, after ex- tending his empire i^-om Persia to the Oxus, and Irom the Caspian Sea to Lahore, died in the year 997, and was succeeded by his son Mahmood, the scourge of India. Mahmood, \ as well as his father, was a zealous Mahomedan, and was urged to the conquest of * A. D. 977. t " The son of the slave of the slave of the slave of the prophet." (jibOon, 102 India by his hatred of Paganism, and his lust for pkinder. His indiscriminating rage against the Hindu superstitions rendered the conquest of the country a tedious work, and excited an opposition, which no former invader had encoun- tered. But his power was also greater than that of former invaders. He was complete master of the adjoining provinces, had an army trained to conquest, and obtained ready supplies from the Tartar nations, after he had extirpated the Sama- nian race, and possessed himself of the kingdom of Bochara. Having settled the affairs of Bochara, he in- vaded Hindustan in 999, and returned with much plunder. In the ensuing year he defeated the Rajah Jeypal, at Peshore, and reduced Be- tinda. Jeypal, by a voluntary death (for he had been twice defeated), transmitted the war to his son Anundpal. A third invasion gives to Mah- mood the town of Tahera, situate beyond Mul- tan, and belonging to Bachera, a prince who had resisted the son of Jeypal, and who perished in the battle which decided the fate of his territory. The fourth invasion * was followed by the * A. D. 1005. 103 defeat of Anundpal, among the passes of Peshore, and by the submission of Multan, which had revolted ; but the further progress of the invader was prevented by an irruption made into Kho- rasan by Ilenk Khan, whose forces, joined to those of his allies, the Tartars, were encountered by Mahmood near Balk, and, after a desperate engagement, repelled beyond the Oxus. During his visits to India, Mahmood had en- couraged the diffusion of the faith of Mahomed : he had given power and command to some Hin- dus who had apostatized: he had left one of these in charge of his conquests when he moved against Ilenk Khan. This governor rebelled against his new master, and was punished ; but the attack on the faith of Brama, and the apos- tac}^ of one of its votaries alarmed the whole of the Hindu princes. The rajahs of Delhi, Ougein, Guallior, Callingar, Ajmere, and Canouje, joined their forces to those of Anundpal, and proceed- ed to the piajjis of Peshore. Here they were completely deieated by Mahmood, who, availing himself of the victory, advanced against, and took the strong post of Biek, in the district of Nagra- cot, situaic on a rock, and containing the religious treasures of the country.* This defeat was fol- * A. D. 1004. 104 lowed by the submission of the Punjab, and by a treaty, accompanied, on the part of the rajah, with fifty elephants, and an annual tribute. The affairs of Hindustan being thus settled, Mahmood addressed himself to the reduction of the inhabitants of the Gaurian Hills, and of Gurghistan. But these facile conquests did not satisfy his ambition ; nor did his zeal feel easy while a Hindu temple remained perfect. The respect entertained for, and, perhaps, the wealth reported to be contained in, the temple of Tanassar,* determined him to attack it. An- undpal was obliged to afford him a free passage through Lahore, and the temple fell into his hands before the rajah of Delhi had been able to collect a force for its protection. Delhi itself experienced the same fate with Tanassar : j- but as Lahore and Multan were not yet completely subdued, Mah- mood satisfied himself with plundering the coun- try, and returned to Ghizni. The following year he invested Nindoona, in the district of Lahore, and after its capture, marched against the son of Anundpal, who had retired into Cashmere. The fugitive was fol- lowed by iSIahmood, who plundered the pro- *30 Miles W. of Delhi. t A. D. 1012. 105 vince, and, returning the next season, reduced the whole country to submission, and compelled many of its natives to embrace his faith. The possession of Cashmere afforded him a new route, through which he advanced upon Canouje at the head of 130,000 Tartars, and en- tered that kinsrdom bv wav of Tibet.* The moun- tains were the only obstacles he had to encounter. The king of Canouje submitted. The conqueror returned by way of Merat, which capitulated ; of Mavin, on the Jumna, which surrendered at dis- cretion; and of Mutra,-f which he plundered and defaced. From Mutra he proceeded against the hill forts of the Rajepoots, a warlike and free race of Hindu mountaineers from whom the modern Mahrattasclaimdescent, and, after somedifficulty, took Munge and Chundpal. Satisfied with these captures, he crossed the Indus and reached Ghizni, with 20,000,000, of dihrms, 53,000 captives, 350 elephants, and an inestimable amount of pearls and precious stones. The plunder of India was laid out in the em- bellishment of Chizni, and the court of Mah- mood became the centre of learning and ele- gance. Firdausi flourished in this reign ; and * A. D. 1018. t Situate 3() miks above Agra. 106 havino: written the poem of the Shahnamah, at the request of the sultaun, retired disgusted with the small recompense made him for the work, and employed himself in satires on Mahmood's avarice and deformity. The work of his genius remains, but the offspring of his spleen is no longer known. The king of Canouje had submitted to Mah- mood, and was said to have relinquished the Hindu faith. This apostacy cost him his life. The punishment of his murderers carried the sultaun of Ghizni to the banks of the Jumna, which he crossed without opposition, in face of an Hindu army that fled at his approach. * His next expedition was against Locote, in Cashmere, which resisted his efforts, and La- hore, which he captured, and gave up to the plunder of his troops. And in the following year he invaded Hindustan an eleventh time, directing his course against the king of Callin- gar, who now submitted to the authority of his arms. The twelfth, and last expedition of this bigot, was directed against the temple of Sumnat, in the Guzerat. f He advanced by way of Multan, *A. D. 1021. fA. D. 1024. 107 crossed the desert to Ajmerie, which he hid waste, and then proceeded to Narwallah, from whence he reached Sumnat, across another de- sert. His attempt to carry the temple by assault was foiled ; but the army collected for its defence was defeated ; and the place was soon after sur- rendered, and as usual, plundered of all its wealth. Mahmood returned by way of Gurdea, which he took by storm, and of the pleasant territory of Narwallah, where he once intended to have fixed his residence. Mussaood succeeding to his father's empire and views, invaded Hindustan by the passes of Sirsutty and Cashmere, in the year 10'32. Three years after he advanced upon the city of Hassi, and the fort of Sumput, both of which he re- duced. After taking several other places, he returned to Ghizni, where the growing power of th Seljukes excited his fears, and soon obliged him to fly to India for safety. But he found it not there he was deposed on the banks of the Chelun, and was soon after put to death by the insurgents. The Seljukes had served in the armies of Mahmood, and the plunder of Hindustan in- vited many under the banners of his son. But the numbers anxious to emigrate from Tartarv, 108 exceeded what Miissaood could entertain, and the new comers soon proceeded from requests to threats. Their force accumulated, the Afghans joined them, and they soon stripped the house of Ghizni of all its possessions, to the westward and northward of Sejestan, Candahar, and Cabul. These .provinces, with the unsettled posses- sion of Hindustan, formed the whole of the ter- ritory of Moodood, the son of Mussaood. Though the Hindus were more easily encountered than the Tartars, the troops of Ghizni were no longer permitted to be victorious. The king of Delhi took Tannasar, Hassi, and Nagracot. The rajahs of the Punjab were encouraged to attack Lahore, but were repulsed.* For several years after this, Hindustan was relieved from the invasion of the princes of the house of Ghizni, who were occu- pied in defending their possessions to the west- ward from the repeated attacks of the Seljuk Tartars and the mountaineers of Gaur. The Sultan Ibrahim, availing himself of a momentary calm, advanced beyond Ajodin in 1079, and reduced the strong fort of Rupal, situate in that neighbourhood, and built upon a hill surrounded on three of its sides with water. He also sub- dued an ancient colony of Khorasans, left among *A. D. 1043. 109 these mountains by a former Persian invader.* But this expedition added not to the eastern boundary of his empire, or to the security of his throne. The rebellion of Bah n, the governor of Lahore, called Byram, the grandson of Ibrahim, into Hin- dustan, in the year 1 150. Nagore was taken, and the rebel defeated near Multan. His brother, one of the Gaurian princes, to revenge his death, invaded Ghizni, entered the capital, and soon after experienced a similar fate. Alia, the third brother, was more successful; he defeated Dyram, and obliged him to fly into Hindustan, where he died an exile from the throne of his fathers, and protected among a people whom they had per- secuted and oppressed. The prince of Gaur took possession of Ghizni; and after a few years' struggle with the Turkmans, who invaded the country, and with Chusero, who endeavoured to recover the dominions of his father Byram, succeeded in extending his authority * Such is the account given by Ferishta, but there is no trace of this invasion among the native historians. The Greek writers allude to the same occurrence, but t^ive no details. Wa know little indeed of the anient revolutimu; of empire. 110 through Afghanistan, Peshore, and Multan.* La- hore, the seat of the Ghiznian prince, held out for some years longer ; but, at length, fell into the hands of Mahommed Ghori, together with the person of the second Chusero, and the whole of the remaining possessions of his house, f About this time the Seljukes, who had esta- blished themselves in Khorasan and Persia, were defeated by the viceroy of Khuarism, who found- ed a new dynasty in that country. These revo- lutions became daily more frequent, and were in part occasioned by the delegation of exclusive powers to viceroys, and by continuing those powers in the decendants of the same family. Five years after the capture of Lahore, Mahom- med advanced into Ajmere, and took Tiberhind. The rajah of Ajmere joined his troops to those of the rajah of Delhi, endeavoured to effect the recovery of his capital. The armies met at the *Some time previous to this, Mahommed Ghori had marched against Guzerat, through the desert below Multan, and was defeated by Rajah Bimdeo. But he succeeded in reducing the right bank of the Indus as far as the sea, and built the fortress of Salcot to hold Lahore in check. tA.D. IIBO; Ill village of Sirauri, on the river Sirsutty. * Ma- hommed was wounded and put to flight, and Tiberhind, as well as Ajniere, fell into the posses- sion of the victors. But the prince of Gaur was not one who yielded to defeat the next year brought him back to Hindustan with a more formidable force, and he once more met the confederates on the fatal banks of the Sirsutty. This river he forded in the night, attacked the Indian camp, and dis- persed the army of 1 50 princes. The forts of Sirsutty, Samana, Khoran, and Hassi opened their gates Ajmere was again taken and plundered; after which he returned to Ghizui, by the moun- tains of Sewallic, leaving Cuttub, who had been originally a Tartar slave, to secure the conquered provinces, and to effect the reduction of Merat and Koel. The plunder which he had acquired in the Indian camp soon invited the return of Mahom- med into the country. Between Chundwan and Atava he defeated the rajah of Canouje, and proceeding downwards along the Ganges, took Assi, which contained the treasures, and Bunaris, which held the idols of the Hindus. -j* * 14 Miles from Tuuassur. f A. 1). 1 194. 112 Cuttub, now the confirmed viceroy of Hin- dustan, made Delhi the seat of his government, and employed himself in extending the faith of Mahomed among his new subjects. Ajmere re- volted, and was subdued by this chief, w ho car- ried his army from thence into Guzerat, and punished Bimdeo for the victory w^hich he had lately wrested from Mahommed Ghori. Biana and Guallior were taken the following year by Mahommed in person ; who, returning from Hindustan to secure the western frontier of his dominions, and the succession of his brother Yeas-ud-deen, subdued Khorasan, and, while employed in settling its disorders, left Cuttub to extend his eastern conquests. But his successes in the west were soon extinguished by the too powerful opposition of the king of Samarcand. This monarch marched to the relief of the king of Khuarism, then besieged in his capital by Ma- hommed. A dreadful engagement ensued, when Mahommed, after witnessing the destruction of his whole army, was obliged to seek safety in flight. This defeat of their sovereign encouraged the governors of Ghizni and Multan to rebel, and induced the Gickers, a race of mountaineers in- habiting the country between the Indus and the mountains of Sewallic, to overrun the province 113 of Lahore. The fideHty of Cuttiib enabled the monarch to reduce the barbarians of the Punjab. But as he was preparing a second expedition against the Tartars, for the recovery of his con- quests and military fame, he was assassinated in his tent, on the banks of the Indus, by a daring part}'- of the mountaineers, wlio had eluded the vigilance of the guard, and penetrated, unob- served, into the centre of the Gaurian camp. On the death of Mahommed,* Cuttub, who had so materially aided in the reduction of Hin- dustan, and had been adopted by the king as the heir of his eastern conquests, succeeded to that ]:>ortion of the empire. He was the first foreign sovereign of India who resided in tliat country. But the provinces west of the Indus were occu- pied by lldoze, another Tartar slave. He was not long able to retain them. After some con- test, they were wrested from his hands by Ma- hommed Kharism. Driven from Ghizni, lldoze endeavoured to possess himself of the dominions of Cuttub, but was defeated -j* by Altumsh, likewise a Tartar slave, who had married Cut- tub's daugliter, and was nominated his succes- sor in tlie govenunent. Several enemies op- * A. D. ijoj. t A. D. iii7. 114 posed themselves to Altumsh ; among others,, the unfortunate Jiilal-ud-deen, king ot" Kha- rism, who, flying from the invasion of Genghis Khan, attempted to estabHsh himself in India. It was in vain that he swam his horse across the Indus ; misfortune still accompanied his progress to the eastward. At Lahore he was met by Altumsh, and driven back upon the river, where the governor of Multan encoun- tered his reduced force, and obliged him to fly for refuge into Persia, by way of Kutch and Mukran, Cabtd being already in the possession of his Tartar oppressors. Relieved from ail fur- ther apprehensions of attack from the Aiglran provinces, iVltumsh had leisure to direct his efforts towards the Ganges. He soon succeeded in the extension of his empire over Bahar and Bengal : he recovered (juallior from the Rajepoots, reduced the city of Oujein, with all Outch and Malwa, and finally rendered himself the com- plete master of Hindustan. In tlie mean while Genghis Khan con<|uered the whole of Fartary, and extended his influence from the shores of Syria to the waters of the Indus. Though the Chinese expedition relieved Hin- dustan from the visits of Genghis Khan, the country between it and the Casj)ian Sea felt ail the dreadful eff'ects of his presence. What 115 the fate of India might have been, had tins savage attempted its invasion instead of the conquest of China, we may well imagine from the devastation which accompanied his progress in other countries. But that he would have been easily successful, may, perhaps, be some- Avhat doubtful. He would have found in Altumsh a soldieroffortune, nursed in camps, and inured to thebusiness of war ; retainingenough of his Tartar character to give firmness and activity to all his measures, and, at the same time, instructed by a residence among a more polished people, in the arts which conciliate affection, and in the sci- ences which add wisdom and experience, without lessening energy. Genghis would have opposed a cavalry that had hitherto triumphed over eveiy enemy, to a force composed of veterans equally successful with his own, artd better acquainted with the nature and resources of the country in which they must contend for victory or ex- istence. If either had been defeated, the Ganges and the Indus would have precluded escape. Hut the good fortune of Hindustan saved it from the shock, and carried the barbarian into other countries. This scourge of mankind was bom in the year i 1()(), of the Mogul race, and was first known by the name of Tamugin ; his other appellation, 1 '2 116 Genghis Khan, or king of kings, being given tc* him by a prophet of Turkestan, after he had de- feated the Mogul, Tartar, and Kathay princes. The river Oxus formed the ancient boundary between Persia and Turkestan, a name appHed to the whole country beyond the Oxus, the inha- bitants of which, whether Tartars, Moguls, Igu- reans, or Kathayans, were generally denominated Turkmans, from their first ancestor Turk, the reputed son of Japhet. The descendants of Turk had, in former ages, repeatedly invaded the Persian provinces, and had been often driven back into their fastnesses by the armies of that nation. But their habits of life (pasturage and the chase), and the necessity of providing for a population which their mode of living continually increased, encouraged them to quit their own plains, and to seek establish- ments in other countries. From this cause arose those early migrations of the Cimmerians and Scy- thians, mentioned by the Greek historians ; and from hence were issued the swarms which inun- dated and subdued the Roman, the Chinese, and Persian empires. But while others had invaded to establish themselves in richer districts, Genghis was influenced by no other motives than the lust of plunder and conquest, and felt the greatest 117 pleasure when he inflicted the greatest desola- tion. In the year 1220 he reduced Bokhara and Samarcand, and put all the inhabitants to the sword. The same fate attended Balk and Ter- med. His sons over-ran Kharism, Khorasan, and Iraque. In the former alone, the number of persons massacred is stated at two millions four hundred thousand ; and the fall of Nishabour and Merou was accompanied by the destruction of above three millions. In 1222, Herat was captured, and one million six hundred thousand of its inhabitants were slain. After thus con- verting his conquests into a desert, and prevent- ino- the possibility of revolt by leaving no hands that could wield a sabre, Genghis divided his dominions between his sons. To Tulikhan he gave the sovereignty of Khorasan, Persia, and the confines of the Indus ; and proceeding to- wards China, of whicli he meditated the sub- jugation, he died of fatigue, on the line of march, in the sixty-sixth year of his age. * The distractions which had taken place in the kiuiidom of Hindustan, upon the death of Altumsh, encouraged the Moguls to invade that country. In 1210 they crossed the Indus, * A.D.IS2G. 118 and ravaged the Punjab as far as Lahore. And in 1244 they made an irruption into Bengal, by way of Thibet. In the next year they again crossed the Indus, invested Outch> and advanced upon the Beyah ; but though assisted in these invasions by the Gickers and some rebelHous chiefs, they were not able to make any permanent establishment. In the mean while the throne of Delhi was ascended by Mah- mood II,, a vigorous prince, who first reduced the rebels, and then carried his arms beyond the Indus into the province of Ghizni, which he res- cued from the tyranny of the Moguls. * Seve- ral successive invasions were afterwards repelled by this prince and by his successors, Balin, Kai- cobad, and Feroos II. These western successes were new, and were owing to a regular plan ar- ranged by Balin, for the defence of the countr3^ It consisted in keeping a strong force on the river Rauvee, near Lahore, and in giving battle to the enemy in the neighbourhood of that city.. Feroos IL was succeeded by Alia I. He car- ried his arms into the Deccan, and distinguished himself by repulsing the Moguls, who attempted the Punjab, in 1296, with a hundred thousand *A.T>. 1252. 119 men, and again in 1298, with double that force. Their first invasion was defeated at Lahore ; the second in the plains of Delhi. They made a third attempt in 1303, and having advanced as far as Delhi, retreated in a panic. The follow- ing year they were again defeated, and in 1305 two successive armies experienced the same fate. These repeated disasters so much depressed the nation that Hindustan was, for several years, freed from their ijicursions, and the generals of Alia were enabled to carr}^ his arms into Cabul and C.'andahar.* Thus the race of Genghis failed in their en- deavours to reduce Hindustan ; and they were the onlv invaders who ever failed. But their * Alia estal)lish('d regulations for the collection of the rcxciiuo, and fixed the payment at h;:lf the annual produce, lie also settled the jiuy of his troops, giving a horseman from eighty to ^^^o hundred and thirty-four rupees a year, lie was one of the ablest of the Pitan sovereigns of India, and distinguished himself no less by his justice tlian his [>olicy. " The traveller slept in safety on the road side from tlie sea of Bengal to the lulls of Cabul, and from Cashmere to Tillingaua. " Duw's FerislUa. The case is widely ditl'e- rt nt at present in some of these provinces. The husband- niiin carrits his sword as well as his plough into the field, iiud none but armed men can traverse the Punjab. Where the pursuits of the farmer are so dangerous, those of the ujcrehunt must be nnpraelicable. 120 defeat was owing, not to the natives of the coun- try, but to the Pitan or Afghan chiefs, who had estabhshed themselves in its government, and who maintained for some time numerous and well disciplined armies. Unhappily, the succes- sors of Alia did neither pursue his measures, or inherit his abilities. The respite w hich they en- joyed from foreign hostility was wasted in private dissentions and in civil wars, instead of beino- em- ployed in securing their western frontier. But the descendants of Genghis Khan had also dege- nerated in the adjoining provinces of Cabul and Khorasan ; and both countries were left in the enjoyment of a dangerous calm, which was soon disturbed by the incursions of Timur. This prince, destined to give monarchs to Hin- dustan, was born at Casch, a small town of Transoxiana, in the year 13.30, and descended from the same ancestors with Genghis Khan. In 1370 he besieged Balk, and, having captured it, with its prince, assumed the sovereignty of the country, and extended his conquests over Samarcand and Khurism. In 1380 he crossed the Oxiis, and invaded Khorasan. The ensuing year he dismantled Herat, from whence he ad- vanced upon Kedestan, Nishabour, and Mazan- deran. In 1383 he added Sejestan, Gandahar, and Gabiil to his conquests. The two following 121 years were employed in the reduction of Persian Iraque, and, for some time afterwards, he was engao^ed in a tedious war with the king of Descht Kapchak, whom he pursued beyond the polar circle. Having defeated his northern enemies, re- duced the whole of Persia, and secured the passes of Candahar and Cabul, he proceeded to the Indus, which one of his grandsons had al- ready crossed, as far back as i;394, for the purpose of inv^esting Outch. Timur found the conquest more than half achieved by the defeat of the Pi tan army on the Beyah, by the capture ot" Multan, and by the rebellion of the principal chiefs of the em})ire. The emperor himself, Mahmood, the third of the name, was deposed by Ecbal, and the whole country was plunged into the greatest confusion and distrust. AVhile the empire was thus agitated, and with- out a leader, Timur crossed the Indus near At- tock ;* and after he had taken a strong fort deserted by the Pi tan commander in that district, he pro- ceeded to the south-east until he reached the * liuilt and named l>y Akber, one ot" Tiniiu's desccn- daiitb, iinil llie Augustus ot" Hindustan. 122 confluence of the Cheliin and Chiinab, which he crossed by a bridge of boats, and advanced upon Shahnavvaz, leaving behind him the strong fortress of Tolunbah uncaptured, and contenting himself with the destruction of the town and its inha- bitants. At Shahnawaz he found magazines of corn, and great wealth ; these he gave up to his army, and, after three days' rest, moved to the IJeyah, crossed this river, and proceeded into a rich and abundant country. In the mean while his grandson was besieged in Multan. The king hurriexl back towards that place, and, after raising the siege, advanced with his best troops towards Delhi, by w^ay of Ajodin, Chaliscote, Battenize, Sirsutty, Futte- abad, llahib, and Jonah, massacreing all the inha])itants he met with. The rest of his army, dir-;perspd ov^cr JMultan and Lahore, spread de- struction as they went, until they reached Keytil worn' Samana, at which place Timur had appoint- ed a ;c^npral rendezvous of his forces. From Keytil he advanced in order of battle to Paniput. Here he experienced the effects of his predatory invasion in a scarcity of provisions, which obliged him to pass into the Dooab before he attempted Delhi. He crossed the Jumna at some distance above the city, stormed the fort of Louni, and the^i moving downwards along the river, he en- 123 camped opposite to Delhi, thus cutting off all supplies from the east, while the west was already wasted by the excesses of his troops. The number of his prisoners was considerable. Timur thought he could ill spare a force sufficient to guard them while he crossed the river to the attack of Delhi, and was fearful of entrusting theni to a slender escort. Humanity with him was sel- dom a leading principle ; it never interfered with his interests. Having therefore put to the sword a hundred thousand of the captives, and passed the Jumna, he easily defeated the o])posing army, invested Delhi, which he gave up to plunder-, and commanded a sreneral slaucrhter of all its in- habitants. After exercising unheard of cruelties for the s])ace of fifteen days, Timur returned to Firosebad and Paniput ; but a revolt called him again beyond the Jumna, against Merat, where he put the whole of the garrison to death. The accounts of the coiuitry near the upper (iangcs made him solicitous to visit it, and the reports of thedevastation occasioned in the Pun jab produced a wish to return by another road. Therefore, in- stead of returning to Paniput, he advanced from Merat along the Ganges to Hurdwar, v.here he massacred all the Hindus whom he found there assembled for their devotion ; and after crossing ihe ri\er, aiid reducing the towns on lioth ils 124 banks, he proceeded between the northern hills of the Punjab, to Jumboo, and from thence, through Cabul, to Samarcand. Never had Hindustan witnessed such cruelties as Timur inflicted. It had frequently been invad- ed, but plunder and empire were the motives of its former invaders. Timur's ])leasure, like that of Genghis, existed in destroying. Providence, in its mercy to the people of this country, had preserved them from two of the three evils which were offered to David. He sent the sword among them, but the pestilence and famine were stran- gers to their soil. By the union of civil dissention and foreign invasion, the Pitan empire was com- pletely dismembered. Maivva, Guzerat, Oude, Multan, and Lahore, were taken possession of by the viceroys, and little remained to the emperor beisides the ruined city of Delhi, and a small territory in the Dooab of the Jumna and the Ganges. Satisfied with wasting the country, and sure that he could reduce it to subjection whenever he pleased, Timur left no establishment in Hin- dustan, and passed the remainder of his life in ravaging Persia, Syria, and Asia Minor, from whence he advanced with a large force to the conquest of China. He died in 1405; 125 and was succeeded by his son Sharoch, whose viceroy in Cubul harrassed the Punjab without effecting any permanent conquest in that still distracted country. In the mean while, Chizer, a stranger to the Pitan family, was placed on the throne of Delhi, supported by some, and op- posed in arms by many of the independant chief- tains of Hindustan. The Gickers, availing themselves of the general confusion in the empire, revolted ; they called iy the ^Moguls from Cabul, and employed the whole attentionof ^Nlubarickand Mahommed,the succes- sors of Chizer, in vain efforts to restore order to the country. But a fresh rebellion put an end to the dynasty of Chizer,* which, in a succession of four princes, had held a disturbed dominion of fifty- four years. And about the same time the death of Sharoch occasioned a further division of the conquests of Timur, four of whose grandsons were the sovereigns of ^^estern Tartary; of Kho- rasan, and the borders of India ; of Mazanduran, Georgia, and their dependencies ; and of JVrsia, The immediate consequence of these divisions of territory was a succession of family wars, wliicli reduced the power of the descendants of linuu', * This was called \\\r dviiastv uf the Scuh 126 and left to the eldest of the family little more than the recollected grandeur of his ancestors. The succession to empire must, in most cases, follow the law of succession to private property. Among- the principal nations of Asia this law divides the property equally among the children, or makes it revert to the sovereign. But as, in the succession to empire, the first mode is the only one applicable, we find it to have been the one generally folio wed* The Tartar and Mogul conquerors divided their conquests among their children, as Alexander had done among his gene- rals. But neither the remembered habits of mili- tary subordination, nor the natural ties of consan- guinity, could obviate the ill effects of rivalry. Before the new conquests were consolidated, their possessors risqued them in attempting the reduction of their neighbours, through an ambi- tion of increasing territory, rather than of improv- insf it. It is the observed effect of these divisions in Europe, which has led to the establishment of a different law of succession, which, instead of ex- citing rivalry among all the members of a family, strengthens the natural bonds, by making it the interest of all the younger to seek the favour of the elder, while it is that of the elder to strengthen himself by encouraging the prosperity of the junior branches. 127 After the deposition of the family of Chizer, the Afghan empire of Hindustan was again re- stored in the person of Beloii, who, in a long reign of thirty-eight years, recovered several of the provinces, and transmitted the crown to his son Secunder, and to his grandson Ibrahim 11. \ About the year 1500, the race of Timiir were expelled from Western Persia by ismael, the founder of the Sefi family, who added Khorasan and Western Tartary to his dominions. But they recovered in Hindustan what they lost in Persia, and in Bahur and Akber made some atonement for the cruelties oi their ancestor, Abuseid, the great grandson of Timur, and the head of the family, had eleven sons; one of whom, Amer by name, was father to Babur, and trans- mitted to him the sovereignty of the snui'l ter- ritory of Indija and Feighana. Bal)ur was in- volved in the petty wars of his family ; and after dubious successes in Cabul, Candahar, Kho- rasan, and Transoxiana, was at length stripped of his paternal dominions, and chased into Cabid. Availing himself of the possession of this pn)- vince, and the confusions existing in If industan. he passed the Indus,* and after trying the force * A. I). 1,;IH. 12B of the enemy by the way of Berah and Pin- hala, he returned to Cabul to recruit his army. To secure his rear he built a fort in Peshore, and after punishing the revoked Afghans, and reduc- ing Candahar, he returned into Hindustan,* and advanced to Lahore. Here he was joined by several discontented chiefs of the country. From Lahore he moved forward to Debalpore, and across the Setleje to Sirhind, where a desertion taking place among the principal of his new allies, he was obliged to return to Cabul, leaving garrisons at Salcot and Lahore, and directing his officers to keep up the spirit of rebellion among the subjects of Ibrahim. Finding that his friends were defeated near Delhi, he again crossed the Indus, ]- and passing the Behat, reached Salcot, where he met the survivors, and proceeded with them beyond the Ilauvee, captured the fort of Mehvit, forded the Giger, and advanced within two days march of Shahabad. Here he dispersed the vanguard of the Pi tan army, collected to stop his progress. After a halt of six days he moved forward to Paniput, where he encountered the whole force of Ibrahim, who was defeated and slain in the action. Delhi fell into the conqueror's hands, who immediately assumed the sovereignty of tlie whole empire, and established the dynasty * A.D. 1523. t A. D. 1525. 129 of the JSIoguls. His lineal descendant, Shah. Akber, is still acknowledged the legal monarch of Hindustan, and exists on the generosity of the English nation, which his father deserted. But this battle did not terminate the struggle. The recollection of the cruelties exercised by Timur against their ancestors exasperated the Pi- tans against the ]Moguls. The small force of Babur seemed one that might be easily overcome. Their own empire, which had so long existed, was also at stake ; and the issue of the contest was not so much thcchangcofa sovereign, which theywould not, perhaps, have heeded, as the contest of two hostile nations. for superiority. But the circum- stances of the contending parties were very un- equal. Babur united the force of the north-west under his banners. The Titans were torn by mutual dissentions, and were fearful of entrusting their cause to an individual chieftain. The cool courage and active discipline of Babur prevailed over the unsteady and divided valour of his ene- mies. At the village of Kava, on the frontiers of Biana, the confederates were overthrown. They no longer opposed him in a collected body ; but single chieftaius maintained the dispute dur- ing the remainder of Babur's life. He died in !').10, and transmitted the sovereisntv of Hin- 130 diistan, of Cabul, and Candahar to his son Humaioon. An early quarrel with his brothers weakened the authority of this prince, and the formidable insurrection of Shahrock involved him in wars from 1530 to 1542, and finally compelled him to quit Hindustan, and to fly for refuge into Persia. The Pitans once more recovered the empire of their fathers, and held it until the year 15o2, when Humaioon, after reducing his brother, who had taken possession of Cabul and Western India, received a message from his friends in Lahore and Delhi, inviting his return to the sovereignty of the country, which they repre- sented as exhausted by civil wars among the Pitans. He advanced from Peshore by Rotas and Lahore to Sirhind, where the bravery of his son Akber effected the final defeat of the Pitans, recovered Delhi, and secured the INIogul empire in his own family. The policy of the Mogul princes was directed towards the seciu'ity of the western and northern frontier by the firm possession of Cabul, Canda- har, and Cashmere, and by building several forts on the rivers of the Punjab. The reduction of Oude ; of Behar, Bengal, Orissa ; of the north- 131 ern parts of the Deccan, and of Guzerat, occu- pied Akber and his successors. The reign of the former, which continued fifty years,* formjed the splendid aera of the Moguls. It was a period fertile in great personages, and the age of gene- ral improvement. The vigorous mind of Eliza- beth was employed, in a reign of nearly equal length, in fixing the religion and independance of England. Henry the Fourth established a new dynasty in France, and acquired, by his high political virtues, the name of Great. The United Provinces had shaken off the domination of Spain. Gustavus Vasa secured his country from the tyranny of Denmark ; and Spain and Portugal were in the full zenith of their Ameri- can and Asiatic possessions. But while most of the states of Europe were slowly proceeding, by regular gradations, to the establishment of that prosperity, which their posterity still enjoy, the Moguls rapidly declined from the elevation which they had hastily attain- ed. All property by the laws of the empire was vested in the soverciirn honours, like wealth, were personal, and did not descend to the children of the possessor. The intrigues of the haram * From 15.3.J to lC05. K y 13 destroyed the affection of brotliers, and their jealousy of power united them in weakening its security. Without any law but the sovereign's will, the people were little more than slaves ; without any support of hereditary nobles, and relying on the dubious allegiance of powerful chiefs, who dreaded the hand that raised them, the sovereign had no real strength. His personal conduct decided his fate ; and it was too often the policy of the great chiefs to place upon the throne a weak prince whom they could manage, rather than a vigorous one who would manage them. As honours died with the possessor, he was anxious to accumulate all in himself, and little thoughtful for the future. The possession of power, the government of distant provinces, and the command of troops, who preferred action to ease, and readily followed any chieftain who would pay them, induced the viceroys frequently to attempt indcpendance, and rendered the autho- ritv of the sovereion the shadow, rather than the substance, of royalty. He was alwaj^s acknow- ledged, but seldom obeyed. Hence have ori- ginated the rapid rise and sudden change of Asiatic dynasties. They vvere hardly formed before their dissolution commenced ; and as they were established, so they were subdued, by the sword of usurpation. 133 In the year 162 5, and in the reign of Jehangeer, the Persians, under Shah Abbas, took possession of Candahar ; and the Usbecks threatened Hin- dustan by the invasion of Cabul, and Persia by the occupation of Khorasan. A disputed succes- sion, and an invasion by the Usbecks, marked the first year of Shah Jehan.* They attempted the reduction of the fortresses of Zohac and Cabul, but failed in both.f The treachery of Ali Merdan, restored Candahar to the Mogul empe- ror, and his valour defeated the Usbecks. :J But the war continued in a languid state until Aurungzebe joining Ali Merdan, || gave those Tartars a complete overthrow. After reducing the territory of Balk, he restored it to the Usbeck prince on his acknowledging the supremacy of the Mogul, and promising to keep within the limits of his own dominions. Candahar was retaken by the Persians in 1648, and resisted the attempts of Aurungzebe and Dara in the four succeeding years. Shah Jehan died in 1()66, a witness to the civil wars of his sons, to the impending ruin of his family, and * Son of Jthangeer, who died in 16-28. tA.D. 1638. JA. D. 1644. ||A. D. 1647. 134 the prisoner of his son Aurungzebe during the seven last years of his life. The Afghans, who still held possession of the hills of Cabiil and the north-west bank of the Indus, and preserved the manners and government which had ever distinguished tjiem, crossed the river in 166'S, and invaded the Punjab. Near Haran, on the Indus, they were defeated by the generals of Aurungzebe, pursued into their val- leys, and driven to the remotest of their woods. Their restlessness, joined to the frequent threats of the Persians and IJsbecks, induced the empe- ror to maintain a large force in Cabul, and on the western frontier of the empire. Shah Jehan had rebelled against his father, and in the rebellion of his own sons, received the natural punishment of his crime. Aurungzebe, the successful rebel, experienced similar disqui- etude in his latter days, and his death was fol- lowed by a renewal of those disorders which had distinguished every new succession in the family of Timur. Although he had extended the limits of the empire, these evils hastened its decline ; for the person of the prince ceased to command respect, the minds of his subjects were familiarized to change, and every man ranged himself under the banners of some iavourite chief. 135 The interest of the individual thus absorbed the welfare of the state, and the best blood of the country, instead of flowing for its defence, was shed in its destruction. The Persians were, however, too much occu- pied in their struggles with the Usbecks, to avail themselves of the confusion consequent to the death of Aurungzebe; and the Usbecks we^re fully employed in maintaining possession of their new acquisitions in Khorasan and in the neighbour- ing provinces. The growing power of the Mah- rattas, established by Sevagi in spite of Aurung- zebe, called all the Mogul forces to the south- ward, and occasioned a negligent defence of the west. The intolerant spirit of religious persecu- tion exercised towards the Hindus of Ajmere, i^xcited a confederacy of the princes of that faith, and eflected their alienation from the empire, while the new sect of Seiks, professing unbound- ed toleration, and ready to receive into its society any proselyte, established their growing strength among the eastern hills, and spread themselves through the whole country from Lahore to the .lumuH. These were the cares to which, with a thirst for empire, Bahadar Shah succet'ded in the year 1707. The plains of Agra, in which three hundred 136 thousand fellow-subjects appeared in arms against each other, ended the hopes and the life of one brother ; and the death of another in the Deccan, relieved the emperor from domestic enemies. His decease, in 1712, renewed the civil wars. Four of his sons contended for his throne : of the four, the three youngest perished ; and, after much bloodshed, the survivor was succeeded by the son of the second, who mounted the throne, under the name of Ferokshire, and was soon afterwards deposed and blinded, to make way for his cousin, Mahomed Shah. The Persians, under the first Shah Abbas, had recovered Khorasan from the Usbecks, and had, as has been already mentioned, conquered Can. dahar from the Moguls.* This conquest brought them among the Afghans, who not being able to make any successful inroads, at that time, upon India, and unwilling to submit to their new * It was taken in 1625, by Shah Abbas, restored to the Moguls in 1638, by the treachery of Ali Merdan, and reco- vered by the Persians in 1649-50, through the bravery of his sons. Shah Jehan had employed European officers in fortifying it, and its value was enhanced by its being the entrepot of the trade, as well as the strongest fortress, be- tween Persia and India. Some idea of its wealth may be formed by the revenue which Persia derived from it nearly 4380 pounds weight of gold. 137 neighbours, engaged in a warfare, which, after long harassing, at last extinguished, the dynasty of Sefi. The same year that deprived Jehan Shah of his crown, deprived the second Shah Abbas of his hfe. The kingdom of Persia was, at this time, seriously assailed by the Turks, who pushed their conquests as far as Bagdat ; by the Usbecks, who again invaded Khorasan ; and by the mountainous Afghans, who ex- tended their armies over Candahar and Se- jestan. Solyman, the successor of his father the second Abbas, was a slave to his eu- nuchs and physicians, and transmitted the em- pire, with these exhausting appendages, to his son Shah Hossein, the last monarch of the Sefi family, and totally unequal to contend with the hardy spirit and disciplined bravery of the Afghans. As the Pitans had formerly reduced Hindustan, so the Afghans, at this time, made an attack upon Persia. One of their chiefs, by name Mcervveis, * artfid and bold, was their leader. His forced residence at Ispa- han enabled him to excite a disloyal spirit among * IIiK dyiiij^ a^e, and his troops joined a knowledj^e of the country to a long acquaintance with abstinence and exertion. t The almost incredible popuUition of Asiatic towns, as ift evinced in tlie nuinijers which pcrislicd in IJockhara, Balk, Herat, &c. in Genghis Khan's time ; at Delhi, and other places, in Tnnur's ; and now at Ispaliaii, may be better believed, wlicn we coii.^ider that the inhabitants of the coun- try always flt liis enemies, and their 142 chief soon possessed himself of the sovereignty of the country which he undertook to defend. In that chief we recognize Nadir Shah, born near Meschid in 1688, of the Turkman tribe of Afchars, and of the Kirklow race. After passing his first years in the petty warfare of his nation, he offered his services to Shah Thamasp, was soon appointed his general in chief, and after securing the whole of Khorasan, and expelling the Candahar Afghans from Ispahan and it de- pendancies, he dethroned the king on the ground of incapacity, and governed the country, first in the name of an infant, and, after that infant's death, in his own. The first years of his usurpation were passed in securing the northern provinces, and in ex- tending his authority to the westward and south- ward. This effected, he advanced against Can- dahar ; and, after considerable difficulty, got pos- session of that strong hold, and either attached the Afghans to his armies, or dispersed them among their mountains.* India opened upon his * Nadir Shall took the route of Aberkho, Kirman, and Kirk, to Sejestan ; the latter place he quitted the 24th Janu- ary, 1736, by way of Dilkhee and Dilaram, and on the Qth 143 view, but Cabul was yet uncaptured, and was defended by a strong garrison and a faithful go- vernor. While doubtful whether he should ad- vance or return, he received applications from the rebeUious chiefs at Delhi, encouraging him to cross the Indus, and promising him every assist- ance and facility. This determined Nadir : he advanced into Ghizni, and took the town of that name,* on the 3d May, 1737- Cabul and Pe- shore, being unsupplied with further aid from India, fell also into his hands. Crossing the Indus, he proceeded by way of Visirabad and Katchee, to Lahore and Sirhind, which he reached the 8th January, 1738 : on the 9th he moved to Ambal ; the following day to Shaha- bad ; and thence taking an easterly route to cut off the retreat of the Indian army, he attacked February, reached Kerchek ; on the 10th he crossed the river Hinmend, and experienced some difficulty tVoui the want of fodder ; on the 20th lie passed the Argendab, and advanced to Koukeran, within six miles of Candaliar, where he arrived the loth of March, l/Jii ; it stood a siege of twelve months, bein;:; taken on the 12th of March, 1737; Bost, Kelat, and Zemindaur, were captured during this interval. * From Candahar Nadir |)roretded to Kulat, Karabtg, Ghizni, Cabul, the river Gimruod, the ])asies of Keibei. |*eshore, and tlu- Attock, 144 it on the plains of Carnoul, and defeated the; emperor Mahommed Shah with great slaughter. Delhi fell without difficulty into his hands.* The conduct of Timur was imitated by the conqueror and the place given up to plunder and the sw'ord. After a five months' residence, and a forced treaty of partition, by which all the pro- vinces west of the Indus, together with Tatta, were surrendered to Persia, Nadir quitted Delhi on the 2v5th of May, and proceeded along the northern hills to Lahore and Attock. The rainy season had now commenced, and so greatly retarded his return, that it was the 21st of November before he could reach Cabul. The following year was passed in the reduction of the ceded provinces, particularly Sinde, during his march towards which he experienced great diffi- culties, and lost the fourth of his treasures, with the greater part of his army. And when he arrived at Nadirabad,-]- built on the ruins of Candahar, revolts in Khorasan and Sejestan, and a succession of wars with the Tartars, em- ployed his whole attention, and relieved India from the apprehended evils of another visit. * On the 17th of January, 1738. t On the 24th of April, 1740. 145 The influence of Nadir Shah, at the beginning of 1747, extended over the greater part of the ancient dominions of Persia ; but his cruelties excited several insurrections, and at length occa- sioned his death. This event took place at Futteh-bad, about eight miles frorn^ Khabou- chan.* The conspirators secured the patronage, and obeyed the directions of his nephew Ali Kuli Khan, who was instigated to rebellion by the hope of personal elevation, and by the indulgence of a ferocious disposition. The first acts of Ali were the seizure of Khorasan and the massacre of Nadir's family. But his empire, acquired by parricide, was of short duration ; and his crimes prepared the way for the treasons of his brother Ibrahim, wh(j, after defeating Ali, blinded and imprisoned him. Failing to obtain possession of the personof Shahrock,t the only surviving grand- son of Nadir, Ibrahim openly resisted his autho- rity, and. after an unsuccessful contest, suffered, witli his brother, the just puuislmient of rebel- jion and murder. * Ou the 8tli of June, 1/47. f ()i\ the HH]\ of Sc|)t(Mii!)'r, 1/48. This priiicL', Sliuh- rock, who united tht; l)loo(l of Nudir and Sluih Ilosscm, was still alive in I7H.], when Mr. Korster travelled throuj^h Per- sia ; he then governed the small tirritory of Meselud, and liad tuo sons v, Iio earried on a civil war with each other. But a.> he had heeu !eprived of his si<.;ht as iur back as the L 146 As Nadir Shah was a Sunni in his religious profession, and the Persians were zealous fol- lowers of Ali, his attempt to change their religion occasioned their inveterate hatred. To form a counterpoise to its effects, he courted the Us- becks and the Afghans. Among the latter was a person of the name of Ahmed, and of the tribe of Abdalli, to whom Nadir had shewn much favour. On his sovereign's death, Ahmed at- tacked the conspirators ; but finding them too powerful, he retired towards Candahar, where, after possessing himself of the Cabul treasures, he formed an independant monarchy, and re- established the old sovereignty of the Afghans over those provinces, and over the greater part of Khorasan. The dissentions in Persia offered little to his ambition ; but Hindustan, which he had visited with Nadir, presented a full harvest and an easy conquest. The authority of the em- peror was reduced to a shadow : the principal of the state officers were contending for superiority ; and while the INIahrattas on one side, and the Seiks on the other, were endeavouring, to anni- hilate the empire of the Moslems, the latter called in Ahmed to accomplish their final destruction. year 1748, he wa.b una]>le to take any steps towards the re- covery of that empire, which one of his li^randfathers derived from inheritance, and the other had possessed by eonquest. 147 The Mahrattas were first brought into notice by their successful resistance to Aurungzebe, in his expeditions to the Deccan ; and under the government of Sevagi and Sambagi, they esta- blished a considerable empire between the Ner- budda and the Punjab. They are Hindus of the Rajepoot tribe, and, like all the inhabitants of hilly districts, more inchned to patriarchal and popular government than to obey a regular chief. Hence the family of their deliverers, above- named, soon lost their authority, and were con- fined in the fort of Sattarah, while the govern- ment was administered by the descendants of a Bramin, by name Balla-rao, who, from the office of secretary, rose to the dignity of Peishwa, now enjoyed by his family as a right of inheritance. As the Mahrattas had been kept together by the sense of danger, and by the talents of Sevagi and his son, so the weakness of the Moguls, and the imprisonment of the house of Saho, in- duced several of their chiefs to assume separate authority. The Bosclah rajahs, who were re- lated to the Rajahs of Saho, established them- selves in Nagore. Among others, Ranojee Scin- deali, a husbandman, disgusted with his occu- pation, (Mitered the army, and, by his bravery, was advanc(Mi to the rank of Reseladhar. He left two sous by his wife, and two by a concu- L '2 148 bine. Of the former, the one, Jey-^assa, wa$ assassinated, and the other, Dotajee-petel, was .killed in an engagement with Ahmed Shah ; of the latter, the elder, Tekojee-petel, fell, in the same battle, with his nephew Jengho-gee, son to the assassinated chief; and the younger, Mha Rajah Scindeah-petel, wounded at Paniput, suc- ceeded to all the wealth of the family. This chief- tain founded the empire which became so dan- gerous under bis nephew, the present Scindcah, until reduced by the vigorous policy of Marquis Wellesley. The Holkars had an origin equally obscure, and have experienced a similar fate. * By the invitations of the viceroy of the Pun- jab, Ahmed crossed the Indus, and advanced towards Lahore. Alarmed at the near approach of his dangerous guest, the viceroy recollected his duties, and endeavoured to oppose him ; but the zealous treasons of Adina Be2C ensured the success of Ahmed, w^ho, after securing the two provinces of iSlultan and Lahore, proceeded from the capital of the latter towards Delhi, by way of Lodiana and Sirhind. The royal army was encamped in the pass of Majeeburrah on the Setleje. A movement to the northward enabled the Abdalii to cross the river without opposi- tion. Several skirmishes ensued ; but the want of artillerv, and the momentary^ lo\alty of the 149 troops of the emperor, obliged the invader to retire with a considerable loss. Unhappily, the success of the Imperialists was dearly bought : the vizier Kummer-ud-deen, whose fidelity and courage ex- cited the blushes and the emulation of his rivals, perished in the action. The emperor died soon after his trusty servant ; and if any thing could have roused the old spirit of the Mogul chiefs, the corpse of their prince carried round the tomb of his hero would have had a magic infltience ; it would have unsheathed the sabres of the whole nation to maintain his son, and have called forth an oath never to return them into their scabbards until the enemy were driven from the frontiers of the Punjab, and the coun- try secured from his future incursious. In the ensuing year, the Abdalli agirn ad- vanced to Lahore. But the governor at tu!s time was the brave nephew c)f tiie Lite vizier, and one of the j)riiicipal instnimehts tt tie Afiihans' defeat in the j)receding cami)aii;,". i i.^ dispositions made bv Aioyeeii ul .Muik cIm died the j)rogrc'Ss of , Mimed Sli :h, and roii;i).ikJ hiin to coiichuK' a peac(; on tlu? coudiiicus of returniiii: uiim')!v'St(.'d to Cabul. In 17''"-^, Ik' cp-sscd t]\o IiK^is a tl.'it'. ; -^c, with in hah Ahmed, brounht the Abdalli against the .lauts, and compelled Sooraje Mull to throw huuseif into the amis of the Mahrattas; but 152 finding them divided among themselves, he made his peace with Ahmed, and deserted the Hindus at the battle of Paniput. The grant of Agra re- warded his duplicity ; but in attempting to punish Sujah ud Dowlah for the desertion of his father Sufder Jung, he was surprised and slam, on a hunting party, by a detachment from the army of the Rohilla chief, Najeeb Khan, w^ho reduced the Jaut empire during the following ten years, and left little to the descendants ot^Sooraje Mull beyond the territory of Bhurtpore. The next measures of Ahmed were directed against Muttra, which opposed a feel)le resist- ance, and fell into his hands. His conduct at this city offended all the Hindu race, ^luttra was a place sacred in their opinions ; and Ahmed set fne to its temples, and massacred its inha- bitants. From jMuttra he intended to advance against Agra ; but a serious sickness in his army obliged him to return towards Candahar. The Abdalli's sixth visit in IJGO was occa- sioned by the disturbances of the Seiks, who, availing themselves of the weakness of the em- pire, had s])read their arms and their relormed Hindu faith through the hilly country A\hich extends between Lahore and the Gaiiges. Com- bining their forces with the },lahrattas, v/hom 16S the Shah's cruelties at Muttra, and his avowed purpose of persecuting- the Hindus, had greatly alarmed, they drove his son, Timur Shah, from the government of Lahore, and extended their arms to the Indus. To revenge this insult, and to repress the growing power of the Mahrattas and Seiks, the Abdalli advanced upon Lahore; from thence to Jumboo, and across the Jumna, into the Dooab, where he was joined by the Rohilla chief, Najceb ud Dowlah, and several other Mahomedans, whom bigotry had induced to consider the contest as for the future religion, rather than the safety of Lidia. Thus strength- ened, he returned to Delhi, and moved into the neighbourhood of Sirhind, where he obtained a complete victory over the Mahrattas. This defeat produced still greater exertions among the Mahrattas. They again tf>ok the field under the couimand of Hiswas-rao,* and be- sieged and ca])tnred Delhi in the absence of the Shah, who, having passed the rainy season in the Dooab, was unal)le to ford the Jumna to the re- lief of the garrison. At length the waters sub- sided, and the Afghan army re-passed the river. * The soil of the Peishwa T>alla-rao; hi' was l)!it niiH'tfoii years of a^f, and aflcr di^i)la\ iiij^^ orcat galluntr) , fill in the battltj of Paul put. 154 and encountered the Mahratta forces in the plains of Paniput.* The battle commenced at noon, and continued until sun-set. The Mah- rattas were again defeated, and ail their principal chieftains slain. They have not yet recovered this fatal day, which put an end to their hopes of expelling the Mahomedans from Hindustan. But the Seiks, who had hitherto preferred a desultory warfare to the decision of a battle, and had committed depredations on both parties, now made head against the Shah. In the following year they were defeated with great loss near Sir- hind ; but they soon recovered themselves, and, although they have been since often beaten, they have never been subdued. On the contrary, their continued and persevering hostility at length obliged the Abdalli to relinquish his intention of subduing the Punjab, w^hich he never visited after the winter of 1767. From that period, this fertile country became the territory of its defenders, the Seiks, who extended their government from the Indus to the neighbourhood of Delhi, and have since main- tained a successful warfare against the successors of Ahmed Abdalli, whom they have been long " ' ' ' ' . ^ -I. , mm m ,, m ^mmmm^mmmmm' *In January 1761. 155 induced to consider with the utmost abhorrence, as the enemies of their faith, and the persecutors of their race. After the Persian invasion, the actual posses- sions of the Mogul emperor were reduced to the small district lying between Paniput and the Jumna. The Seiks possessed themselves of the Punjab ^ the Mahrattas and Rajepoot princes of the countries between the Punjab and the Deccan. Oude and its dependancies were dis- membered by the vizier Sufder Jung,* and his son Sujah ud Dowlah. Najeeb Khan seized upon Rohilcund and Agra ; the peninsula was occu- pied by the Mahomedan chiefs, who had been entrusted with its government. Bengal and Bahar had been also separated from the empire by their nabobs, and Shah Allum beheld himself the acknowledged emperor of Hindustan, with- out army, revenue, or establishment. Persia, from whence arose the evil which pre- cipitated the family of Timur, has also suffered * Sul'dcr Jung, the latlior of Sujali ud Dowlali, who died in 177-3, and grandfatlier of the late iiawauh A>o|)h ud Dowlah, who died in 17>8, and of the present Sadut Ali, was the son of Sadut Khan, a Persian, and a soldier of fortune. 156 equally with Hindustan. Nearly all the family of Nadir Shah fell in the confusion which fol- lowed his death. The only survivor, his grandson Shahrock, long- maintained himself in the petty district of Meschid. Kureem Khan established an empire in southern Persia, and Aga Mahom- med formed one in the northern. In southern Persia something of a stable go- vernment was established by Kureem Khan, who, under the humble title of vakeel, and under the pretended authority of one of the Sefi family ruled the lower provinces with absolute power and considerable ability for the space of thirty years. He died in 1779 ' but neither the length of his reign, nor the wisdom of his regulations, could secure the succession to his son, or prevent the ravages of a civil war. A dispute between his brother and a kinsman ended in the massacre of both, and introduced a more distant relation to the throne. The rei'jn of Jesir was a continua- tion of internal distraction, and v/as terminated, in the usual manner, by an assassin. The bravery of his son could not preserve him from his father's fate, and only put off the hour of transferring the empire of Persia from the family of Kureem Khan to that of his mutilated rival Aga Mahom- med. This chief, who was of the tribe of Kajjar, celebrated for its courage and duplicity, had, 157 with his family, fallen into the hands of Kureem Khan. The greater part suffered death : but Aga Mahommed was preserv^ed alive, though deprived of virility and freedom. The latter he recovered on the death of his rival, and repairing to Mazan- daran he established himself in its government, where he continued to maintain a dubious con- test with the several usurpers of Persia, until he at length succeeded to the undisturbed sove- reignty of the country on the death of Loolf Ali Khan, and transmitted the crown in peace to his nephew, the present king. But the security of the present kiiig of Persia, Futteh Aly Khan, is deri\ ed more from the ex- hausted state of the empire than from the attach- ment of his subjects either to his family or })erson. Weak, indolent, un warlike, ungrateful, lie pos- sesses little beyond the appearance of power, and though he commands a body guard of t\\ enty thousand chosen cavalry, his military establish- ment is an object of little real terror. It cannot add much to the actual strength of the invader, and may take away greatly from his means of sub- sistence. But should the allied armies of Prance and Russia aj)pear in the provinces of Persia, that country, if its real interests are consulted, will have strong motives to court our alliance, we little evil to dread t^'om its hostility. 158 There is, at the same time, an hereditary en- mity between the Persians and Afghans. The allies of the one will be the foes of the other. The hostile invader of Persia will find many ob- stacles in his way to Candahar, though the weakness of that power may not be able to repulse him. But the ally of Persia, who may cross the desert with some facility, will be sure to encoun- ter the bristled terrors of war in every defile of Afghanistan. In either case his progress will be impeded, though it may not in either be pre- vented. The union of both powers cannot, per- haps, overpower the invaders ; but this union is not to be expected ; on the contrary, the nature of defeated Asiatics should make us prepared to find them enrolled under the banners of their conquerors. It is, however, the duty of this country to avail itself of every means of rendering the Per- sians sensible to the true motives of the invaders, although it may not be advisable to employ any part of our force in their protection ; and to pro- vide in time against any diversion which may be attempted by way of Bussorah and the Persian Gulph, by the immediate appearance of a British squadroi;i in that neighbourhood. t understand, and it appears most strange, that 159 the French have obtained an ascendancy at the court of Persia ; I say it appears most strange, because the solid advantages which Persia has derived from our friendship, and the soHd injury which it has to apprehend from our hostihty, should have inchned it to a special connection with our Indian government. France has no- thing to offer but participation in future plunder, and that sort of predatory alliance which must infallibly destroy the weaker power. How then is this ? AYe have sent splendid embassies to the Persian court. Nothing could be more magnifi- cent than the public entry of Colonel Malcolm ; nothing more worthy of the nation he repre- sented, and no man more likely to conciliate those he visited. Yet while Ave endeavoured to leave a deep impression of the national charac- ter, the French have attended more successfully to the national interest ; that ])artial interest which considers success and honour as synoni- mous, and laughs at tiie observance of the morals which it appears to inculcate.* Yet l*ersia has great need of our alliance against the evident designs of liussia, which * This WHS written in Junuary 180B. ^\'e now know (April 1^0;)) that the Persian coiirl actually roriist-d to recti \t' (ie- ncral Malcolm, and tliat the rrcueh are active la organizing troops and foutidiny; cannon in that country. 160 she has long feared and suffered much from. The last twenty j^ears have been occupied by wars and encroachments, and the hostihty of the two countries has advanced to such a state as to prevent quarter from being given on either side. Fortunately for Persia, the unhealthiness of the climate to the Russian constitution has destroyed more men than the sword ; but the progress of the Russian arms, though slow, has been perse- vering ; and the emperor may feel fresh induce- ments to penetrate beyond the baleful coasts of the Caspian into the more healthy provinces of the interior, and to the shores of the Indian ocean. During these wars we have been known to the Persians as the intimate allies of the Russians. Such a connection must naturally have awakened their suspicion, and when emblazoned by the arts of French emissaries, may have reasonably occasioned the reserve with which all our over- tures have Ijcen received. Rut between Russia and Persia, between the Greek church and jNIahomedanism, there never can be cordial union, and the Persians feel it. As the French are now the allies of Russia, and as both are engaged in war with Great Britain, may we not avail ourselves of this circumstance to change the disjiosition of the Persian court, 161 find to renew that intimacy which formerly existed between it and this country ? It is well known to many, that, when Nadir Shah was forming a plan for checking the en- croachments of Russia along the shores of the Caspian, he considered a fleet in that sea as the most likely means of success, and emplo3^ed a British merchant of the name of Eltoii in super- intending its construction. Had the usurper lived a few years more, he would, in all proba- bility, have effected his purpose ; but his death, and the ensuing disorders of the country, put an end to those preparations, and left Russia to ac- complish her designs. The Caspian fleet has not since been thought of But is not this a proper time to urge the measure to the court of Persia, and to offer that assistance in completing it, which the British nation is beyond any other qualified to afford, and which, by extending our intercourse with the interior of that country, will open a wide field to our commerce and manufac- tures, and give to long-suffering Persia the means of })rivate happiness and public security ?* * The late reception of Cltiieral Malcolm appears dis- couragin|j;, but it is to be hoped that his temj)er ami know- Icdj^e, with the assistance of Sir II. Jones, and the co-ope- ration ot'otlier ( ircunistances, may produce an cventequally beneiicial to both nations. M 162 While Persia has encountered so many changes, the neighbouring empire of the Af- ghans has been far from stable. These people present a singular appearance for Asia. They have never been conquered. Their ancestors opposed the invasions of Alexander, and as we have seen already, retired among their moun- tains when unable to resist in the field. In after ages they repelled the attacks of the Parthians ; and checked the enthusiastic proselytism of the Arabs. In the eleventh century, one of their tribes extended its ravages into India and Trans- oxiana. And soon after this, another tribe esta- blished the Pitan dynasty in Hindustan, where it flourished with various success until anni- hilated by the valour and policy of the Moguls. Yet they lost not their courage with their em- pire ; but though Candahar and Cabul, with the plains depending thereon, were wrested from them, they preserved among their native hills their lawless freedom and patriarchal customs. A pastoral nation has few wants, and great restlessness. Preserved from the dissipation of towns, its population overflows, while the re- sources of its supply are limited by the extent of its territory. Hence the Afghans made con- tinued war, either on India or Persia; with what success has been already stated. 163 The apprehensions under which Nadir Shah made them labour were removed, after his death, by the successful ambition of Ahmed Abdalli, one of the ten tribes of their own nation. His empire extended over Cabul, Candahar, the greater part of Khorasan, Sejestan, and Sinde. The Punjab experienced the evils of his pre- sence ; and the whole of Cashmere, with the left bank of the Indus, submitted to the authority of the renovated Afghan empire. Ahmed Abdalli was succeeded by his son, Timur Shah, who pursued the same measures of securing his western frontiers against the con- tending chiefs of Persia, and of extending his authority over Hindustan. But his successes in the latter, did not equal those in the former direction. Nor was he well qualified for a con- fjueror. The Seiks obliged him to relinquish his designs, and to confine himself to his dis- tricts west of the Indus. Creatcr activity, without greater success, at- tended his son ZeemaunShah. This prince, influ- enced In' his own ambition, and instigated by the persuasions of emissaries from Tippoo Sul- taun and the French, repc^atedly invaded the J*unjab, and kept the IJritish troo])S on the frontiers of Oudc in a state of constant activity 1(54 between the years 1795^and 1800. Treason at home, rather than the valour of the Seiks, pre- vented him from estabUshing his power in the Punjab, and removed so dangerous a neighbour from our vicinity. Subsequent to these ev.ents, Zeemaun Shah has been deposed and deprived of sight, and a counter-revolution has been effected, by which he has been restored to freedom. But bhndness being a disqualification for empire among the Afghans, the sovereignty has been exercised by his brother Mahomed Shah, not without a formidable opposition from some other Afghan chiefs, who have excited divisions in Candahar and Herat, and have endeavoured to establish a separate and independant government in each of those provinces. Situate between Persia and India, in the track of an army approaching the latter from the west- ward, the Afghans will naturally attract the at- tention of the French as well as of the British government. Their repeated wars with the Per- sians and Seiks have implanted a rooted enmity to both people. They have also su ffered so much from western inroads, that they are iiot likely to receive an army among them from that quarter ; and they are so jealous of their liberties as to suspect its approach in any other. Their charac- ter, indeed, is not much to be relied on, for thev 165 are treacherous and cruel. But interest and pas- sion will ever guide them, and if we apply to these the proper stimuli, we may move them as we please. No enemy can cross the Indus in security unless the Afghans are previously subdued. But the strong defiles with which their country abounds may be converted into a complete bar- rier to Hindustan. When an invading army has to march a great distance towards its object, every degree of delay is a degree of defeat. Itij success must depend upon the rapidity of its movements, which nothing will more contribute to prevent than the dispute of passes, and tiie alarm of flying detachments on each point of the jinc of march. It is seldom that the defenders of any country should hazard a decisive battle ; those of a hilly country never should. Now, if the French enter Persia as allies, which it seems probable will be the case, the hostility of the Aighans may easily be excited against tiK'm. If as enemies, the ravages which they will be found to have committed, and particu- larly ihinr treatment of the females, will prevent the AftHians from uiving them a friendly admis- sion. The French must therefore force it. It will be necessary for us to anticipate such an 166 event, for it will be too late for the Afghans to think of resistance to the enemy when their defiles are already in his possession. Nor is the establishment of a barrier in Af- ghanistan the only circumstance which should urge us to a treaty with its government. The utility of cavalry in eastern wars is well known ; and those who have been in India are ac- quainted with the difficulty and expence of obtaining horses of a good description. Now Cabul is the great entrepot between Tartary and India, and it is computed that at the annual fair in that city more than sixty thousand horses arc sold. By forming an alliance with these people we shall be able to select the best description of horses, on reasonable terms, and at the same time prevent the enemy from procuring a force so essential to his proceedings on the left of the Indus. Fortunately our opportunities of influencing the Afghans are not inferior to the advantages which we may derive from their friendship. A considerable part of their revenue is derived from duties on the merchandize of India, and from the tribute of Cashmere, and of their remain- ing possessions on the left bank of the Indus. By possessing ourselves of the navigation of this 167 river, we may, at any time, obstruct these sup- plies. Cashmere can be easily reduced, and with the Afghan district in Hindustan, may be made the reward of our Seik allies, who are the natural enemies of the Afghans. The latter will, there- fore, have much to fear from our hostility, while a connection with our enemies will afford them little to hope beyond plunder, hard blows, and the chance of subjugation. AH the Asiatics are alive to these considerations whenever they are clearly laid before them. Such has been the fate of the countries be- tween the Caspian Sea and the Indus. They have been much more frequently ruled by stran- gers than by natives, and generally conquered from one set of barbarous invaders by another still more ferocious than themselves. Their pre- sent state is equally deplorable with their anci'nt. It is much more deplorable than when they were ruled by the first race of Persia known to Europe, by the successors of Alexander, by the Tartar tribes who established themselves in Parthia, or even by the descendants of Ismael Sefi. Each province lias now its sovereign, and every village its tyrant. I'rom Astrabad to Herat, the coun- try is a j)rey to the de.s|)()tism of an uiii)rincipled military, or to the incursions of the Turkm iiis. Afghanistan, new as the dynasty is which iias 168 been there established, is ah'eady in its decline, and torn by the private dissentions of its chiefs. Under this view of the subject, we see no rea- sonable grounds to hope that the enemy can be successfully combated, by any native efforts, in his progress to the Indus. He may, indeed, be much impeded, if early and effectual steps be taken ; but if they are not, there is little to be relied on west of the Ganges itself. If we look at the nations occupying the intermediate coun- try between the two great rivers of India, we cannot see much in their present state on which we can depend for our own security. The Seiks, who command the Punjab, have no regard for civil government, but every person who commands ten horsemen, feels himself an independant chieftain, scorns law^s, and proclaims defiance to the world. Cashmere, and part of Multan and Sinde, still pay a public acknowledg- ment to the Afghans. The Rajepoots, who in- habit the hills between the Punjab and the Dec- can, are weakened by mutual conflicts. The Mogul emperor. Shah Akber, is a dependant on the British government, which his unfortunate father deserted : and the 13ritish government pos- sesses the banks of the Ganges and Jumna. But are these sufficient defences ? Is it here 169 that the stand is to be made to preserve India against the misery of an invasion from the united barbarians of Tartary and Gaul? History informs us that every battle which gave to the invaders the possession of Hindustan, was fought not far to the westward of Delhi : that all the judicious defences of the Gaurian princes against the Tartars, were made on the rivers Beyah and Rauvee, in the neighbourhood of La- hore ; and that, in the opinion of Babur and his successors, the empire could not be secure unless it extended to, and possessed the passes of Cabul and Candahar. Shall w^e take example from history, and pre- pare to encounter the enemy where success is most likely to attend our efforts? if we meet him on the confines of the Jumna, we shall fmd him encouraged by the unobstructed passage of the Indus and the Punjab, and refreshed with the abundant produce of that country and of Cabul. And tliough, in his march from the Cas- pian Sea to Candahar, it is not likely lie may meet with any difficulties but what arise from the want of water, of forage, and provisions, which, as well as artillery and stores, must be procured at Aslrabad or Balfroush, and be pro- vided tor a uiarcii of at least three montlis, yet 170 we may consider these as sufficient to disqualify him for a contest on the banks of the Indus, where we can oppose him with a disciphned army, and with all the other means of annoyance which a river of great depth and breadth will enable us to employ. But there is not much reason to believe it can be effected so socn as in three months. Agree- ably to the very accurate account of Mr. Forster, the distance from Candahar to Balfroush is 1120 miles, the greater part of which consists of a sandy desert, ill supplied with water: the re- mainder of a mountainous, cold, and woody country. Mr. Forster left Candahar, with a ca- ravan, on the 8th of October, and arrived at Balfroush the 29th of January, having stopped twenty-three days at Herat, fifteen days at Ter- shish, eight at Sharoot, and eleven at other places. His stoppages amounted in all to sixty-one days, which, deducted from the number between the Sth of October and the 29th of January, leave fifty-six days for travelling. He performed this journey, therefore, at the rate of twenty miles a day, and this was as much as it was possible to effect. But an army, encumbered by artillery and stores of all kinds, cannot, even when unin- terrupted by an enemy, march above fourteen miles a dav, and should halt every seventh day in at least. At this rate it cannot reach Candahar from BalfroLish, or Astrabad, in less than ninety- seven days. How many are the accidents which may lengthen this time ? But at Candahar the enemy will be still far from India. Its distance, by way of Cabul, the usual route, is still five hundred and twenty-eight miles from Attock, and the greater part of it obstructed by hills. This will employ, then, about forty-six days more, even if the Afghans aid them. We cannot, therefore, consider the march from the Caspian to the Indus, as occupying less than one hundred and forty days, or twenty weeks. It will require skill to set out in the best time for crossing the deserts, and to arrive on the Indus before the rainy season commences. If the Persians aid the advance of the enemy, the Afghans, who hate the Persians, and Chris- tians more than them, will probably oppose it. The Afirhan mode of warfare is well adapted to the hilly country they occupy; and they will have to contend with an enemy, reduced by a long march through the desert, and in want of every necessary. 1 hey will have time to })re- pare for his aj)proach to waste every thing vv hich they cannot carry away to occupy every defile through which an army may pass, and to defend its approaches with artillery. It is true 172 that this people, unaided, will not be able to resist his progress, and that they may prefer their own single efforts to any European assistance. But the Hindus and jNlahornedans of India are well known to the Afghans, both are in our service, and will be kindly and readily received as allies at Peshore and Cabul. But it is possible that instead of resisting, the Afghans maybe tempted to join, the invader. The spoils of Hindustan, and the subversion of the empire of their old enemies the Seiks, may induce them to such a step, and we know that formerly they joined Nadir Shah, and were the best troops in his army. In this event we are to expect the joint forces of France and Russia to be reple- nished in Cabul with all the necessaries which they may require, and to advance through Pe- shore to the Indus with a powerful accompani- ment of new allies. What then are we to do ? To permit them to cross the Indus in safety to subdue or conciliate the Seiks to effect a junction with the Holkar, and any others of the discontented Mahrattas, and thus to rush in an irresistible wave upon Delhi, Agra, and Oude ? Are we to leave them, quietly, to occupy a rich country, to screen their rear by several rivers and forts, and to chuse where they shall attack us, whether on the banks of the Ganges, or in the 173 heartof the Peninsula? Surely not! The Ganges and Jumna form an excellent barrier against the Seiks, but not against the invaders of Hindustan. The rivers of the Seik country, the Punjab, form the proper barrier of the present British India. Its defences should be continued from the mouth of the Indus to the hills of Cashmere, and along these hills to Loll Dong, and the passes of Tibet. The power that possesses money, and pays its troops well, will never want soldiers in India. But the safety of an empire is not to be trusted to a battle. France availed herself of the ancient system of fortresses, to repel the invasion of the allies in the last war. She had before, on more occasions than one, witnessed the success of such defence, and her enemies have lately had woeful occasion to lament their acting on a different system. Had the fortified places in Austria and Prussia been placed in proper con- dition, and been well supplied with stores Had the country, in the enemy's line of march, been wasted, and his out-posts always assailed, but his main botly never opposed, he must have soon retired, or have been speedily starved. J^ut a pitched battle, as it atforded him every thing to hope from victory, and every thing to dread from defeat, inspired his utmost exertions. 174 Those who defend, think they may defend again : but those who attack, in an enemy's country, know they must either conquer or perish. The decision of a battle is, therefore, what they most anxiously desire ; procrastinated warfare of defence, what they most seriously de- precate. The country of the Punjab, so necessary to our defence, is now occupied by the Seiks, whom we mav consider in relis-ion as reformed Hindus, and in their politics as the Swiss of India. Their reformation was effected, towards the close of the loth century, by Nanock, a Hindu of the chittry cast. He forbade the worship of images, and the exhibition of religious pageants. He required that the temples should be plain, and the Deity adored without addressing any intermediate agency ; and, while the Bramin excluded proselytes, and established the grada- tions of rank, Nanock admitted the former, and levelled all distinctions among his followers. For the regulation of the conduct of his disciples, he left a book, whioli, to ensure their greater reve- rence, was written in a new character, and to deserve it, was stored with the knowledge of fifteen years, employed in travelling through Persia and Arabia. He was born at Tulwundy (now llhaypoor), sixty miles west of Lahore, in 175 1469? and he died at Dhayrah,on the banks of the Rauvee, forty miles north of Lahore, in August, 1539- In the interval between the latter year and 1708, Nanock had nine successors in the priest- hood. The last was named Govind-sing, and was distinguished by his successful opposition to the troops of the empire. On his death, no successor was appointed ; but a disciple of tlie name of Bunda collected the nation round his standard, and carried desolation and conversion to the neighbourhood of Delhi. This people, who equally despised Brama and Mahomed, excited the hostility ol' the tblluvvers of both. The former were without power ; but the fervour of the Mahomedan princes was em- ployed in persecution. Its consequences in- creased the religious zeal of the Seiks, and occa- sioned their irreconcilable hatred. They then })os- sessed the northern hills, and though sometimes defeated and driven back, they returned sj)eedily to the lower lands, and wasted the surrounding country. Regular troops could make little im- pression upon them. The strength of the empire was already in decline. But what power tailed, bigotry endeavoured to accomplish ; a price was set on the head of every Seik, and tln' captive obliged to submit to circumcisi(.)n or death. With the hrnuiess of belief, and the intrepidity 176 of conscience, the Seiks shewed many martyrs, but no apostates. The invasion of Nadir Shah called them forth, and the carelessness with which he conducted his return from Delhi exposed his baggage to their successful plunder. The governor of La- hore, jNIeer JNIunnoo,* made several attempts to reduce them ; but though dispersed in several actions, they continued unsubdued ; and taking advantas^e of the g-eneral confusion arising: from the expeditions of Ahmed Abdalli, and of the dismemberment of the empire among the diffe- rent chieftains, they succeeded in getting their independance acknowledged by a treaty with the new Lahore governor, on the condition of aiding in the annoyance of the Afghan, and of effecting his entire expulsion from Hindustan. This governor of Lahore was Adina Beg, a man of great military talent, and greater intrigue. He had originally called in Ahmed to maintain his power, and afterwards opposed the invader, well knowing the usual treatment of a traitor. For the more effectual expulsion of Ahmed, he had invited the ^lahrattas into the Punjab. It was * Or, iNIoyren ul 3Iulk, 177 this confederacy that proved at Paniput so fatal to the Mahrattas and the empire, and gave to the Seiks the occupation of the Punjab, where they have maintained themselves against the repeated attacks of Ahmed Shah, and his two successors, Timur Shah and Zeemaun Shah. The great objects of these people are, free exercise of their religion, personal independance, and plunder, rather than domestic occupation. Like the Ilajcpoot inhabitants of the hills south of the Punjab, they are admirably fitted for the annoyance of an invading army. Offers of ser- vice will bring 50,000 to your banners, and the desire of plunder will make them active in ha- rassing the enemy, whom they will elfectually prevent from sending out small detachments, or from covering any greater extent of territory than their army occupies. Accustomed to a life of hardship, they can bear great deprivations ; and knowing the etl'ects of want of fodder, they will readily execute any orders for wasting the country in the enemy's line of march, and ex- posing him to the certain operations of famine. All the rivers of the l\injab are navigable almost to the hills tiom whence they How. There is but one })lace at which an army can safely cross the Indus. It is Attock, the place where N 178 Alexander, and every successive invader, entered Hindustan. Hephestion was sent forward to prepare a bridge shall the French general be permitted to do the same ? Experience, and the nature of the country, therefore, suggest that the first measures of de- fence will be to secure the navigation of the Indus and the Punjab rivers, and to prevent any of the boats, emploj^ed in their trade, from falling into the enemy's hands. On consfdering the spot at which an attempt may be made to cross the Indus, and the route iikely to be followed from thence, two towns in particular, Attock and Multan, arrest our atten- tion ; and for the greater security of the upper stream, a third station offers itself in the village of Bazaar. The Indus is navigable to boats of a large size. The possession of Tatta will secure the Delta, and preserve the communication with Gazerat and Bombay. Multan, built near the Confluenceof three of the Punjab rivers with the Indus, commands the approaches in that direc- tion, and the free navigation to Lahore along the tlauvee. It also covers the Setleje,* which flows *- - I * The geography of this country is not yet well known. It is not yet ascertained whether the Setleje and Bey ah join 179 at no great distance, and communicates with Delhi and the Jumna ; a matter of great mo- ment, because boats from Lahore and Lodiana can drop down as far as Tatta in twelve days; though the voyage upward is of as many weeks.* An invading army must proceed from Attock? either directly eastward, through the passes guarded by the fortress of Rotas, upon Lahore ; or, inclining southward, across the confluent streams of the Chelun and Chunaub, between their junction and Multan. A small force, placed at an ancient fortress on the left of the Chelun, near the confluence, may for some time command the crossing ; and if forced, will still be able to fall back upon Tulbana, or to drop down to Mul- tan. When the river is crossed, the enemy, upon reaching the Rauvee, may have to encoun- ter all the collected defence of troops, artil- lery, and boats, extending from Lahore down to Multan, and having Tulbana as their centre. In the Rauvee, or flow by a separate cliannel into the Indus. Indeed, nothino- certain is known of the Indus itself; audit is strange that tlie last intorniation ot" any authority on thi* suljject is to he I'ountl iu Arrian. Why is it not surveyed? * Vidr, Hannhon's Account ot" tlje luist Indies. N "2 180 addition to this, a few days can bring reinforce- ments along the Setleje from the vicinity of Delhi ; and an army on the banks of that river will be able effectually to cut off all communi- cation with the Mahrattas, excepting by the Ajmere desert, to the natural difficulties of which Avill be added, the entire occupation of the banks of the Indus and Rauvee by ovu' forces. A farther advantage of this position arises from the facility with which the enemy's sup- plies can be cut off, and our own be secured. The province of Guzerat will send its produce along the left bank of the Indus ; and all the collected stores of Bengal, and the upper stations of the armies, may be forwarded across the Jumna to the Setleje, without any apprehension from the enemy's mcursions. Thus it appears, that the defences of the com- pany's territories consist of three lines, on the Indus, the Rauvee, and the Setleje, before the enemy can approach the Jumna, riiese lines are flanked by Multan, and the desert of Aj- mere to the south ; hy Bazaar and the Cash- mere mountains to the north ; and they may be made to communicate with each other bv strong' 181 positions on the different rivers and passes of the country. * What we already know of the Afghans and Seiks, will readily suggest the means of occupy- ing Tatta, Multan, and Attock. A fleet of gun boats from Bombay may command the Indus. The banks of the Setleje have been already in our occupation, and the forests at its source, if encouragement be afforded to the inhabitants, will supply timber for any number of boats which may be required, not only for that river, but also for all the others. Our object is not the conquest, but the defence of the Punjab against the worst enemies of the Seiks, their western uei(;hbours. The Seiks we should court as in- dividuals ; and by obtaining for them an ac- knowledgment of their right of possession from the emperor, attach them as a nation to our interests, as landholders to the soil, and reliev^e them from any jealousy of our designs, and ti'om any doubt that they shall be considered as law- Joss usurpers of ti^rritory. But these arrange- ments will be Ix^st made, and will d')ubtl<'ss be made, bv our government abroad I only |)re- * Afoik, Rotas, the Clieluii fort, Talbaua, Lahore, riroasjiy;x', and LoJianu. 182 ame to throw out the hint. It would be pre- sumptuous and unsafe to attempt the details in this place. I may, however, add, that it appears highl}'' wise that we should pay particular attention to the Hindus, and conciliate the continuance of their confidence by every effort in our power. From them there is not any great danger to be apprehended. Powerful as the Mahrattas were, we found them only capable of a defensive war. Their power is now diminished, and having felt our superiority, they will accept our favours with the greater gratitude. Should they not, and should Holkar and Scindeah evince a readi- ness to renew hostilities, their efforts may not only be balanced by the opposition of the other chieftains of the Mahratta confederacy, but by another still more effectual method, that of en- couragement afforded by our government to the Rajepoot princes, who have long watched the growing power of the Mahrattas with great jealousy and uneasiness. In the Rajepoot princes we recognize the de- scendants of the ancient Hindu sovereic;-ns of India, who, after being driven by their invaders from the plains, retired among the hills which separato the Punjab from the Peninsula, and there 183 preserved their independance, and the recollec- tion of their descent. With the princes of the Pi tan race they waged a various warfare. Foi a time they were compelled to submit to the Moguls, and served in their armies on exemption from the capitation tax. The tyranny of Au- rungzebe induced him to attempt the establish" ing of this badge of Mahomedan superiority, and occasioned a revolt among the Rsyepoots. One of their princes, the Jeysing, who after* wards built the city of Jeypore, and was consi- dered as the best astronomer in India, wrote a letter of remonstrance to the emperor on the effects of his conduct and intolerance. It is well worthy the attention of modern converter, and evinces equal temper and reflection. * During the attempts made to subdue the Deccan, the country of the Rajepoots wa re- peatedly traversed by the armies of the Mogul, and their princes were often at their head. Natu- rally zealous for the security of their own faith, they befriended the enterprizes of Sevagi and his son, thou^h they commanded the forces against them. The house of Sabo claimed descent from the Rana of (Jhitore, and added another motive to the alliance. Hut since the Feishwa confined * It may be IbuDd in Orme's Frag;iiieuts. 184 the sovereigns of that house, and assumed the government in himself; and particularly since new men, such as Scindeah and Holkar, have established themselves in the possession of ex- clusive territories, the Rajepoots have felt more alarm at the progress of Hindus than that of the Mahomedans had before occasioned.* Nor has their alarm been without grounds. Their territories have repeatedly suffered from the aggressions of their powerful neighbours ; and it is not among the least of the evils accom- panying it, that they have been compelled to yield submission to persons whom they consider usurpers, and of a cast infinitely below their own. While thus menaced by the Mahrattas from the southward, and frequently harassed by the Seiks from the northward, the Rajepoot princes may be considered as our natural allies, and will always look to us for protection against their powerful and encroaching neighbours. * The principal Mahratta power, that of the Peishwa, is the power of a successful servant over his deceived lord. The Rajepoots beino- of the same family with the Saho rajahs of Sattarah, c o.'sider the power of the P'-ishwa as au iisii'Dation, and that of the otiier chieftains, who are de- scended f'om oiTi'-ers Sjelouji^inL^ to the first Peishwa, as of a blili less legitimate ur.ure. 185 By detaching the Peishwa and Guiccawar from the great Mahratta confederacy, we have aheady effected the perfect security of the sea coast of Western India. But Holkar and Scin- deah, both restless and ambitious, both sufferers in the hite war, and anxious to repair their losses when an opportunity for so doing may present itself, can never be safely considered as allies upon whom we can depend, or even as neutrals whom we need not watch with vigilance. The territories of these chiefs, in a great de- gree, separate ours from those of the Rajepoots, and are separated by the latter from the Punjab and the Indus. An sjdditional motive is otfered by tliis circumstance for that intimacy with the Kajepoots which may effectually prevent a junc- tion between the Mahrattas and the invaders of India. Of these Rajepoot princes, the Ranaof Oudi- pore* has precedence, and claims the sovereignty of India, being descended from the ancient rajahs of Canouje, and the l*ersian conqueror Noshirvan. From this family have sprun"-, l>y an illegitimate branch, not only the rajalis of Sattarah, already mentioned, but also the BJio- *Or Mtwar. 186 selah, or Berar rajah. But the power of the rana is greatly unequal to his rank. His domi- nions extend through a hilly country for about 150 miles long, and 100 broad. They are bounded to the north-west by Joudpore, to the north by Ajmere, to the north-east by Khotah and Bundy, and to the south-east by Malv^a. The cultivated lands are for the greater part in possession of the Mahrattas, who distress the country by arbitrary and severe exactions. Yet there are several strong places in the hills still in possession of the Rajepoot chiefs, who are of the Sesodiah tribe, and consider themselves inde- pendant of the Mahrattas. The country pro- duces sugar, indigo, cotton, and abounds in iron and sulphur. The cattle are small, the horses numerous, and the rana is supposed capable of furnishing a force of 12,000 cavalry. The rajah of Joudpore, or Marwar, who also claims descent from the sovereigns of Canouje, is possessed of greater power and territory thai^ his neighbour of Oudipore. The country is stated to extend for 450 miles in one direction, and 350 in another, and to be covered with 5,000 villages. It is particularly fertile to the south, ward ; but, though rich in salt and lead mines, and inhabited by the Rhatores, the bravest of the Rajepoot tribes, it has not been able to 187 elude the payment of tribute to the Mahrattas. The rajah derives his chief revenue from transit duties, possesses the power of life and death over his subjects, and entertains a force of about 25,000 men in his service. To the north of Joudpore we find the sandy track of Beyk-aneer, bounded to the west by the desert, and to the south-east by Jeypore. Here also, as in Joudpore, the prince is despotic. The nature of the soil, and the difficulty of obtaining water, make the cultivation very indifferent. The revenues of this country, which were for- merly derived from transit duties on the passage of merchandize from Surat and Tatta, are now drawn into a different channel through Jeypore, and it is at present principally distinguished for its horses, especially those of the Lackee jungle, which adjoins it. It extends in length about 250 miles, and in breadth about 150, and fur- nishes an ill-equipped force of about 8,000 men. Jeypore, which has Beykanecr to the north- west, Joudpore to the west, Oudipore to the southward, and Hhurtpore to the eastward, is well watered, and very productive in grain, cat- tle, and copper. The soil is cultivated by the Jauts ; the rajah is rich in a revenue of above seventy lacs of rupees, and an army of nearly 188 fifty thousand infantry and cavalry, accompanied with a numerous artillery. But the encroach- ments made upon the feudal tenure have consi- derably reduced the military ardor of his sub- jects, and his troops are neither so brave or so well commanded as those of his neighbours. The Jeypore Rajepoots are of the Kutchwa tribe, and trace their origin from Ramchunder. The first prince reigned about two hundred and fifty years ago, and his descendants often served in the'armies of the Mogul. The above are the principal of the Rajepoot princes in Hindustan ; and though their se- parate force is not formidable, their collected strength may be employed to the most salutary purposes. We cannot, however, quit them with- out remarking the melancholy effects which the convulsions in this country have produced. It has been already stated what force they are capable of furnishing at present. The severity of their suffering will be estimated, when the reader knows that they furnished Akber with 86,oOO cavalry, 347,000 infantry, and a revenue of above five crore of rupees !* When we look to the Mahomedan powers in * A}>en Akber)'. 189 India, how greatly must we admire the vigilance and vi^^our ot" the Marquis Wellesley, who, by the timely subjection ot" their increasing empire, has afforded us additional security tor the de- fence of our own. These powers, many of Tar- tar and Persian origin, and all rebels to the autho- rity under the shelter of which they grew, would readily have attached themselves to the invader, with the hopes of sharing in the plunder of the Hindus and the li.ngiisli. As subjects, they may be kept in order, and be rendered useful as allies, they never can be trusted in the hour of danger. But our principal efforts must be directed to assure the whole of our Indian subjects and neighbours, that the blessings which our influ- ence has brought upon them, will be continued by the same conduct which rescued them from petty tyrants, from civil wars', and ti'om religious persecution. That we shall continue to respect those usafjes which they hold sacred ; that they shall always remain unmolested in the exercise ot" their customs, laws, and religion ; and that we will not authorise auv persons to proceed ofr(Misiv(>ly amoni^ them, for the purpose of de- stroyin'4 tlio ol)jt'rts ot" th(Mr hiudiest veneration ; of abusing the fiith in which their ancestors were educated ; or of deslrovinu: those uradations 190 of rank, which have been so long deemed essen- tial to their happiness. We must convince them, that insult to their feelings, to their prejudices, and their interests, is not encouraged or per- mitted by the British government ; and that, although we shall be ready to supply them with the means of hio;her knovvledore and better mo- rals, we shall take no steps to force the diffusion of either ; but leave the Hindu, the Seik, and the Mahomedan, in the free exercise of his wor- ship, contented with his obedience to our ac- knowledged authority, and with the preservation of our empire from internal feuds and external enemies. While we preserve the confidence of these people, and possess the command of Egypt, of the Indian seas, and the banks of the Indus, we may set invasion at defiance, although Buona- parte himself, with the unhappy and blind Alex- ander, should combine every effort in the at- tempt ; and as long as we use economy in our resources, pay well our native troops, lead them into battle, and fulfil our engagements to them, so long shall we be able to raise large armies, and to employ them from the banks of the Nile to the mountains of Cashgar. But if we thoughtlessly rely on the obstacles between Europe and the Indus, and consider invasion as 191 impossible, because it has not been yet at- tempted : il" we leave the enemy quietly to occupy Egypt, and to spread himself from thence across the coasts of Arabia and Persia if we suffer him to cross the Indus, to occupy the Punjab, and thus uniting the combination of two armies at the opposite extremities of our dominions, to attack the Peninsula and the banks of the Ganges, only one thing more is necessary to our certain destruction -it is to send out mis- sionaries by the fleets of this season, to encou- rage dissertations in the native languages upon the absurdities of the native religions, and to publish an order in council for the conversion of ail the Hindus and Mahomcdans in our empire. In the earnest hope that nothing of this kind is intended, and fully convinced of its danger and inefficacy, 1 have only to add my apology to the reader for having so long, and, 1 fear, so unjjrofitably, trespassed on his time. FINIS. SPEEDILY WILL BE PUBLISHED, BY BLACK, PARRY, AND KINGSBURY, IN FOUR VOLUMES, OCTAVO, THE HISTORY OF THE iaise and progress of the BRITISH EMPIRE IN THE EAST INDIES, Brought down to the close of the late Mahratta War, WITH A VIEW OF THE ANCIENT INDIAN GOVERNMENTS, BY DAVID HOPKINS. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY Los Angeles This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. ty , i 4 DEC 1 1996 Form LiH*0w-4,'61(B8994s4)444 4 III I INI Hill II nil II III! Ill I II nil I 3 1158 01216 0957 DS ^75.5 H77d UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY A A 000107 040 8