^ 5 o '^/5a3AINfl3WV "^^^AavifiiH^^ ^^AHYHan-^^"^ :lOSANCflfx^ O %a3AINft3V^ ^0FCAIIF0% ^OAav«aii-i^'^ JNIVERJ/A vN;lOSANCflfj> o "^/^a^AiNnawv" -s^lllBRARYQr ^^lllBRARYQ/r ^^&Aava8iiA\^'^ %jnV3-J0>^ %OJIlVjJO^ ^ ^^Aavaaii^^"^ ,^WE•UNIVERS•/A 5^ ^5? o ^OFCAllFOff^ ^^WEUNtVER% ^•lOSANCElfj> ^lOSANCflfx> O <'^UDNVSOV'^ "^/iiUAlNrtJWV ^lLiBRARY&Aavaan# JNIVERy/A vVlOSANCEl^ ^nM-UBRARYQ^^ ^l-UBRARY-^/^ ^^Wt•UNIVER5•/^ . .VU um 'in J//* OQ — -- ■ — •MllBRARYQr ^tLIBKAfjrC'/r ^Aa3AINIl3WV^ ^OJnVD-JO^ so ;$.- — -.^ ^\\E■UNIVERy//^ o %«3AIN(l-3\^'^ ^OFCAIIFO/?/^ ^.OFCAlIFOff^ >t?A«vaaii# |1 vA\taiBKAKr6'/ '^(i/OJIlVDJO^ ^<^OJI1V3JO>^ .\VMl)NIVtRS/A. 5 vvWBANCflfjy. e .:^ Dj r Kh' THE TODAS J w Sif/^kJifr^ntc^^Wi^l^^/h o • THE TODAS BY W. H. R. RIVERS FELLOW OF ST. JOHN'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE WITH ILL us TRA TIONS Uontion MACMILLAN AND CO., Limited NEW YORK : THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 1906 All rights 7-ese7i'cd Richard Clay and Sons, Limited, bread street hill, e.c., and bungay, suffolk. NonClrc Reading Ctr. ^ P6 PREFACE It has been my object in writing this book to make it, not merely a record of the customs and behefs of a people, but also a demonstration of anthropological method. The great need of anthropology at the present time is for more exact method, not only in collecting material, but also in recording it, so that readers may be able to assign its proper value to each fact, and may be provided with definite evidence which will enable them to estimate the probable veraciousness and thoroughness of the record. With this idea in my mind I have tried to describe as fully as possible the way in which my account has been built up, and have been careful to point out the different degrees of trustworthiness of different portions of my story. Perhaps I have been so anxious to make it clear when my record is of doubtful value that sometimes I may have laid undue stress on its uncertainties and deficiencies. I have tried to make a clear distinction between my description of Toda custom and belief, and any theoretical conclusions drawn by myself, and have kept the latter for sections at the ends of chapters or for special chapters, of which those numbered xi, xix, xxix and xxx are the most important. It m.ay be thought by some that the book is unduly loaded with minute detail, and I am myself aware that I have often complicated, perhaps even obscured, the story I am telling by the mass of detail with which it is accompanied. I have had, 3101 1)?,*? vi PREFACE however, no scruples on this score, partly because I wished my readers thoroughly to grasp the nature of the material on which my account is based, but still more, because details which may seem insignificant or trivial are often of great importance in the comparative study of custom and belief. I have not attempted such a comparative study of Toda institutions. It was often very tempting to suggest resem- blances with the practices of other peoples of the present or the past, but the result would have been to swell the book to unwieldy dimensions, and perhaps to have obscured the description of the life of the people. In giving parallels for Toda custom I have therefore limited myself to examples from other parts of India, and even here I have only dealt with a few resemblances which illustrate certain suggestions made in the final chapter on the origin and affinities of the Toda people. In c(3nclusion, I am very glad to express my gratitude for help received from many sources. The researches on which the book is based were undertaken in consequence of the award to myself of the income of the Gunning Fund of the Royal Society for the years 190 1-2, and my work was also assisted by a grant from the British Association. In India I received every assistance from those whose official positions gave them the means of helping me, and my thanks are especially due to Mr. Edgar Thurston, whose kind interest and assistance I cannot sufficiently acknowledge. I owe much to the care and attention with which my two inter- preters, P. Samuel and Albert Urrilla, performed their duties, and I am greatly indebted to the managers of the Church of England Zenana Missionary Society at Ootacamund for the services of the former, and to Mr. C. M. Mullaly and Mr. Hadfield for giving the latter leave from his forest duties in order that he might help me. Of friends in England I am especially indebted to Dr. C. S. Myers, who kindly read nearly the whole of the book in proof; to Syed Ali Bilgrami for information on various points connected with Indian custom ; to Don M. da Zilva PREFACE vii Wickramasinghe for reading Chapter xxv, dealing with the language ; and to Mr. H. N. Webber for help, especially in the revision of the genealogical tables. Most of the illustrations in the book are from photographs taken under my direction by Messrs. Wiele and Klein of Madras, and I am indebted to H M. India Office for per- mission to make use of illustrations from " An Account of the Primitive Tribes and Monuments of the Nilagiris," by the late J. Williamson Breeks (1873), and to Messrs. Longmans Green and Co., for permission to make use of illustrations from " A Phrenologist amongst the Todas," by the late Colonel W'illiam E. Marshall (1873). W. H. R. R. CONTENTS CHAPTER I I'ACE INTRODUCTION I CHAPTER II THE TODA PEOPLE l8 CHAPTER III DAIRIES AND BUFFALOES 38 CHAPTER IV THE VILLAGE DAIRY 56 CHAPTER V THE TI DAIRY 83 CHAPTER \T BUFFALO MIGRATIONS 1 23 CHAPTER VH ORDINATION CEREMONIES 144 CHAPTER VIII SPECIAL DAIRY CEREMONIES 166 CHAPTER IX THE TODA GODS 182 X CONTENTS CHAPTER X TAGE prayp:r . 213 CHAPTER XI THE DAIRY RITUAL 23 1 CHAPTER XII DIVINATION AND MAGIC . 249 CHAPTER XIII SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 274 CHAPTER XIV BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD CEREMONIES 313 CHAPTER XV FUNERAL CEREMONIES • ZZI CHAPTER XVI FUNERAL CEREMONIES {continued) 372 CHAPTER XVII SACRED DAYS AND NUMBERS 405 CHAPTER XVIII SACRED PLACES AND OBJECTS 4^7 CHAPTER XIX THE TODA RELIGION 442 CHAPTER XX GENEALOGIES AND POPULATION 4^1 CHAPTER XXI KINSHIP 483 CHAPTER XXII MARRIAGE $02 CONTENTS xi CHAPTER XXIII PAGE SOCIAL ORGANISATION 540 CHAPTER XXIV ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS 570 CHAPTER XXV LANGUAGE 6o2 CHAPTER XXVI PERSONAL NAMES 619 CHAPTER XXVII RELATIONS WITH OTHER TRIBES 628 CHAPTER XXVIII THE CLANS OF THE TODAS 643 CHAPTER XXIX TEIVALIOL AND TARTHAROL 679 CHAPTER XXX THE ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF THE TODAS 693 APPENDIX I 719 APPENDIX II— BIBLIOGRAPHY 731 APPENDIX III— LIST OF VILLAGES 734 APPENDIX IV— LIST OF PLANTS 738 GLOSSARY 741 INDEX 749 GENEALOGICAL TABLES. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS FIG. I'AGE 1. Toda Man. Full Face 19 2. Toda Man. Side Face 20 3. Toda Woman. Full Face 21 4. Toda Woman. Side Face 22 5. The Village of Taradr, showing two Dairies in the Foreground and three Houses in the Background 25 6. The Village of Taradr, showing the Houses surrounded by a Wall, in which there is one Opening in the Middle .... 27 7. The chief House of the Village of Kiudr 28 8. The Village of Peivors, showing a Double Hut (in the Back- ground). The two Buildings on the Left are Dairies, and the Structure in the Centre is a Calf-House 29 9. A Toda Man, Siriar (20), with his Wife and Child, showing the ordinary Method of wearing the ' Putkuli ' 30 10. Kodrner performing the Salutation called ' Kaimukhti.' His Right Arm is bared (' Kevenarut'), and he has removed his Turban 31 11. Women Pounding and Sifting. The Broom is on the Ground to the Right 33 12. The ' Kalmelpudithti ' Salutation taking place at the Village of Nodrs. On the Left is the House ; on the Right is the less important Dairy of the Village ( the ' Tarvali '), and in Front of it is the Stone called ' Menkars ' 35 13. The Conical Dairy of Nodrs. The Stone at the Right-Hand End of the Wall is the 'Teidrtolkars' 44 14. The lower part of the Conical Dairy of Nodrs, which is hidden by the Wall in Fig. 13. The ' Wursol' is shown eating ' Al ' from a Leaf-Plate 46 15. 6d (26) Churning 51 16. The morning Milking at the Village of Molkush. In the Back- ground is a modern ' Tu ' made of Wooden Palings . . . 53 17. A Milking Scene 54 18. The chief Dairy Vessels 59 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS FIG. I'AGE 19. The 'Wursol' of Nodrs carrying the ' Adimu' and ' Patatpun' to fetch Water 63 20. The ' Pahkartmokh ' Saluting the Threshold of the Dairy at Kiudr, ' Pavnersatiti ' 65 21. The ' Kudrpali ' of Kars, with the ' Kudrpalikartmokh ' standing on the Wall. In the Foreground is the Mound called ' Imudrikars.' In the Background on the Right is the Calf- House 67 23. The 'Wursol' of Kars, Kernpisi (56), standing by the side of his Dairy 75 24. The ' Kugvali ' of Taradr. On its Left is the ' Kwotars,' and on the extreme Right, under the Tree, is the ' Kush.' The flat Stone to the Right of the ' Kugvali ' is the ' Piidrshtikars' ']^ 25. The ' Poh ' of Kanodrs. The two Walls are shown 80 26. Showing the General Plan of the Ti Dairy . . 87 27. The 'Palol' Karkievan, saluting at Modr. He is standing in the ' Pepkarmus.' The Building next to the ' Palol ' is the ' Ti poh ' ; that on the Right is the ' Karenpoh,' and between it and the 'Ti poh ' can be seen the Hut where the Inhabitants of the ' Ti mad ' sleep 95 28. To show the Attitude adopted by the ' Palol '' when Praying 96 29. To show the Method of carrying the Contents of the Dairy. The boy Kalmad (64) is carrying the ' Patatpur ' ; Karsiiln (15) the ' Ertatpur.' In front of Kalmad is the entrance of the Pen at Kars called ' Althftu ' 125 30. I. A. The 'Madth.' B. A'Patat.' C. Another ' Patat.' D. The ' Parskadrvenmu.' E. The ' Irkartpun.' 2. A. The axe. B. The fire-sticks. C. The ' Majpariv.' D. The ' Pol- machok.' E. The 'Ertatpun.' F. A ' Tek.' G. The lamp. 127 31. The Dairy of Kiudr with the ' Pahkartmokh ' Etamudri (58) ; on the Right of the Dairy above and to the Left of the head of Etamudri is the Stone called ' Neurziilnkars,' by which the 'Patatmani' is laid 129 32. The ' Neurziilnkars' of Kiudr, by the side of which the 'Ertat- mani' are laid 130 33. The four 'Neurziilnkars' at Modr. Behind the Stones on the Right is Karkievan, the ' Palol' of the 'Tiir' ; on the Left is Nerponers, the ' Palol ' of the ' Warsir ' ; in the Centre is the ' Kaltmokh,' Katsog, carrying a sickle-shaped Knife .... 141 34. Punatvan (53) drinking during his Ordination as ' Pahkartmokh' of Karia 146 35. Imitation Buffalo Horns 190 36. Midjkudr and Mongudrvan Divining at a Funeral 253 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS FIG. PAGE yj. Punatvan and Pichievan attempting to make Fire at the ' Erkumptthpimi ' Ceremony 277 38. Punatvan uttering the 'Erkumptthpimi' Prayer. He is hold- ing the ' Erkumptthkud,' and one of the ' Tudr ' Leaves in his hand can be distinctly seen 279 39. Stroking the back of the Calf with the 'Toashtitudr.' Punatvan is beginning the third Movement, and one of the Branches of Leaves can be seen on the Ground behind the Calf . . . 280 40. Punatvan and Pichievan cutting up the Calf In the Back- ground Kodrner is sharpening up the ' Ko ' 281 41. Roasting the pieces of the Calf 283 42. The ' Irndrtkars' at Kars. In the Background is the ' Wursuli ' 299 43. Gap in the Wall at Nodrs through which the Calf is driven at the 'Irnortiti' Ceremony 301 44. The ' Nersatiti ' Salutation 304 45. The ' Puzhars ' at Molkush 314 46. Tersveli sitting at the Door of the ' Puzhars ' at Karia with her face turned from the Sun 325 47. Sintagars drinking at the ' Marthk maj atpimi ' Ceremony. The boy, Pongudr, is sitting behind her 328 48. Funeral Hut roimd which women are lamenting. Several pairs are pressing their foreheads together. The Hut is not within a stone circle, showing that the Funeral is not being held at an old Funeral Place 339 49. The 'Puzhutpimi' Ceremony. In the Centre is the Corpse. The foremost man on the Left is kneeling down preparatory to throwing Earth 346 50. The 'Puzhutpimi' Ceremony. Throwing Earth backwards on the Corpse 347 51. The Wooden 'Teiks' at Inikitj 35° 52. Leading the Buffalo to be Killed 353 53. The Corpse by the head of the dying Buffalo 355 54. Saluting the dead Buffalo 357 55. The Mourners round the Body 358 56. Kotas playing Music at a Toda Funeral 364 57. Keinba and Perpakh ; the former is holding in his hand the imitation Bow and Arrow and has his Cloak over his Head . 393 58. Bough of the 'Tudr' Tree. (From Marshall.) 434 59. The Memorial of Keirevan 440 60. Kuriolv and Pilimurg 55^ 61. Showing Methods of wearing the Toda Garments and of doing the Hair 573 62. Tilipa (12) wearing his Hair long on account of a vow made at a Hindu Temple 575 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS FIG. I'AGE 63 and 64. To show Method of Shaving the Head of a Child . . . 577 65. Karol (64), the 'Wursol' of Taradr, making Fire 582 66. To show a Stage in the construction of a Hut 584 67. (From Breeks). — The first Man on the Left is holding a Bow and Arrow ; the second a Club (probably the ' Nanmakud ') in his Right Hand, and the ' Tadri ' in his Left ; the third Man is carrying a Club, and the fourth Man is playing the ' Buguri' 587 68. (From Breeks). — The five Tribes of the Nilgiri Hills 629 69. A Badaga greeting a Toda 631 70. A view of Nodrs. The Stone in the Foreground on the Left is the ' Nerovkars' ; that on the Right is the ' Uteiks.' In the Background in the Centre is an old ' Tu.' The lower part of the Conical Dairy can be seen between the Boy and the 'Uteiks' • 646 71. The Stones at Pishkwosht called ' Teuar ' 657 72. The Village of Umgas, showing the ' Nadrkkars' in the Centre. Behind the Stones is the 'Poh' of this Village, and on its Right are the Dwelling-Huts 673 73. Plan of 'Etudmad' 689 74. Plan of Ancient Toda Villages 690 75. (From Breeks). — A Cairn on the Nilgiri Hills 711 76. Various objects found in the Nilgiri Cairns, taken from Breeks. 713 PHONETIC SYSTEM Tllli following is the phonetic system which has been used in this book. The use of man)' of the signs is more fully described in Chapter XXV. Voivels. a, the a of father. a, the u of hut. (I, the a of hat. c, the ei of their, fc', the e of met. /, the ee of meet. /, the i of hit. 0, the o of post. 0, the o of pot. 0, the o of word. b, as in English. c/i, the ch of church. tt used in the text for the English sound and also for the lingual consonant (i} f, as in English. g, the g of sing. gg, the g of finger. gh, the ch of ich. 0, the aw of law. ih the oo of moon. I/, the u of full. /I, the German vowel. ai. the i of bite. ail, the ou of house. ei, the a of date. en, the French diphthong, oi, the oy of boy. Consonants. //, used for a sound of doubtful nature (see p. 6i i). /, as in English. /■, as in English. kh, the ch of auch. /. used in the text for the English sound and for the lingual consonant /. ' One uf llic mubl frequenl consunanLal sounds in ihe Toda language is dr wliich in the text always stands for a//i and was usually pronounced /a//////, but I have adopted the spelling of the text for the sake of simplicity. - According to some Todas, /cart was a shortened form of karilhl, milking or milked. 40 THE TODAS chap. probably owing to the general custom of enjploying youths or young men to fill the office of dairyman, the term palikartmokli is in far more general use, and is often employed even when the dairyman is an elderly man. At many of the chief Teivali villages, there are two dairies ; a large dairy, called ctndpali, and a smaller, called kidpali. Each of these dairies should have its own palikartmokh, and this is still the case when both dairies are used, but at most villages at the present time one of the two dairies has been disused and there is in consequence only one dairyman. Both ordinary and sacred buffaloes are the property, not of the whole clan, but of families or individuals, and the buffaloes tended at the dairy of a village are, in general, the property of the family living at that village. A large clan with many villages, such as that of Kuudr, has many dairies in working order and a corresponding number of dairymen. Among the Tartharol the organisation is far more compli- cated. Most Tarthar clans have more than one kind of sacred buffalo in addition to the ordinary buffaloes ox pntiir. In every clan there is one kind of sacred herd which may be said to cor- respond to the pastJiir of the Teivaliol. The milk of these buffaloes is churned in a dairy called pali by a dairyman called palikartniokJi or palikartpol. There are, however, two grades of dairy corresponding to these buffaloes. The lower grade is called the tarpali, or more commonly tarvali, and is served by a tarvalikartniokli. The higher grade is called kiidrpali, tended by a kudrpalikartmokh. There is no distinction of buffaloes corresponding to this distinction of dairies, the same buffaloes being tended sometimes at a kiidrpali and sometimes at a tarvali. The distinguishing feature of a kiidrpali is the possession of a viani, or sacred bell, and the greater elaboration and stringency of its ritual is due to the presence of this sacred object. In addition to the buffaloes tended at the tarvali or kudrpali, most Tarthar clans possess other sacred buffaloes called wursulir. These buffaloes are tended by a dairyman called ivursol and their milk is churned in a dairy called tvursnli or ivursulipali. One point which marks off this branch of the dairy organisation from the preceding is that Ill DAIRIES AND BUFFALOES 41 the dairyman, or ivursol, must belong either to the TcivaHol or to the Melgars clan of the Tartharol. Both tarpalikartuiokJi and kiidrpalikartmokJi are chosen from the Tartharol, either of the same or of a different clan from that of the dairy, but the wnrsol must be taken either from the members of the other chief division of the Todas or from one special clan of the Tartharol, a clan which has many other peculiar privileges and occupies a position in some ways intermediate between Tartharol and Teivaliol, The ritual of the ivursuli is distinctly more elaborate than than that of either tarvali or kiidrpali, and the iviirsol is a more sacred personage, so far as one can judge from his rules of conduct and the elaboration of his ordination ceremonies. Two Tarthar clans have dairies of especial importance and sanctity, in both of which there are distinctive features of ritual. The people of Taradr possess a herd of buffaloes called kugvalir which take their name from the dairy, the kngvali or kugpali, meaning the chief or great dairy. The kugvalir are tended by a higvalikartmokh, who must belong to the Taradrol. The six chief families of this clan take charge of the buffaloes for periods of three years in rotation, and the head of the family in charge selects the kugvalikartniokJi. The other Tarthar dairy which occupies an exceptional position is that of Kanbdrs, which is called a poh, and is tended by a dairyman called poJikartpol. The ritual both of this dairy and of the kngvali of Taradr resembles in some respects that of the most sacred Toda dairies, the dairies of the institution called the ti. The number and nature of the dairies are different in the different Tarthar clans and in different villages of the same clan. The Melgars clan has only one kind of dairy, the tarvali. The Nodrs clan now has a tarvali and a ivursuh\ and at most Kars villages there are both kudrpali diwd ivursuli, but formerly both at Nodrs and Kars there were three kinds of dairy, tarvali, kudrpali, and ivursuli. Some Pan villages have tarvali and ivursuli, others kudrpali and zvursuli. At Taradr there are both tarvali and ivursuli in addition to the special institution of that clan, the kngvali. 42 THE TODAS chap. AH these various kinds of dairy are situated at the villages where the people live. In addition, five Tarthar clans possess dairies where are kept herds of great sanctity, the herds of the ti or the tiir. These buffaloes are kept at special dairies far from any village where people live. A place where such a dairy is situated is called a // mad, or ti village, and each sacred herd moves about from one ti mad to another at different seasons of the year, and the group of places, together with the herds connected with it, is known collectively as a ti} The // is thus the name of a special institution comprising buffaloes, dairies,"grazing grounds, and the various buildings and objects connected with the dairies. The ti\s presided over by a dairyman-priest called /«/(?/, who is assisted by a boy or youth called kaltmokh or, more rarely, kavelol. Formerly it was the custom in most cases that a ti should have two palol, each of whom had his own herd of buffaloes and his own dairy, so that each ti mad had two dairies. This custom now persists in full at one // only, though in other cases there are still two dairies, of which one is not used, or is only used on special occasions. Though the // is, in every case, regarded as the property of a Tarthar clan, the palol must be chosen from the Teivaliol, and in some cases the choice is restricted to certain Teivali clans. The kaltmokh must belong either to the Teivaliol or to the Melgars clan of the Tartharol. The dairy of a ti is always called di po/i. The ritual of the ti reaches a far higher degree of com- plexity than is attained in any village dairy. The palol is a far more sacred personage than the wiirsol or the palikart- inokh ; his life is far more strictly regulated, and the cere- monies attendant on his entrance into office are far more elaborate. The ceremonies connected with dairy or buffaloes are more numerous, and when they correspond to ceremonies performed at the lower grades of dairy, they are much more elaborate and prolonged. 1 In previous accounts of the Todas, the place where these sacred herds are kept has always been called a tirieri. This is not properly a Toda term, but is that used by the Badagas. Ill DAIRIES AND BUFFALOES 43 The Dairy There are two forms of Toda dairy. One resembles very closely the ordinary hut, and, but for its situation and the higher wall which surrounds it, it might often be supposed to be one of the huts. The vast majority of dairies are now of this form. The other kind of dairy is circular with a conical roof There are now only three or four of these buildings in existence, though others have only fallen into ruins in recent times. Breeks, who wrote in 1873, says ^ that at that time there were four, and a fifth in ruins. The best known of these dairies is that at Nodrs (the Manboa of Breeks), shown in Fig. 13. It has received the name of " the Toda Cathedral," and is one of the show places of the Nilgiris. Another (shown in Fig. 25) is at Kanodrs (the Mutterzhva of Breeks). Both are village dairies of especial sanctity ; the Nodrs building is in full working order, while that of Kanodrs is only occupied occasionally. A third dairy of the conical form is at the ti place of Anto near Sholur (the Kiurzh of Breeks) and should be regularly visited once a year, though the year in which I was on the Nilgiris was an excep- tion. The fourth dairy of the kind (called by Breeks Tarzhva) is at Tarsodr on the Kundahs. It is also a ti dairy, but is now falling into ruins, having been disused for about twenty years. The ruined dairy mentioned by Breeks (Katedva) is said to be still in the same condition. It was used as a // dairy, and is near Makurti Peak. There is no doubt that conical dairies were at one time more numerous. There was one at the ti place of Enodr, not far from Ootacamund. There was another at the village of Kars, and the circular wall which once surrounded the dairy still remains, and has been converted into a buffalo pen. The various names given to the Toda dairies are at first sight very confusing. We hav-e already seen that each kind of dairy is named according to the kind of buffalo connected with it — according to its position in the dairy-series connecting tarvali with ti. Each dairy has also its own special or indi- * An Account of the Primitive Tribes and Monuments of the Nilagiris, 1873, p. 14. 44 Cii. Ill DAIRIES AND BUFFALOES 45 vidual name ; thus ihekiidrpali of Kars is called Tarziolv, and the tvursuli of the same village, Karziolv. In addition to these two sets of names, there is another distinction of a more general kind. There are two general names, Z^;// and pali, and every dairy is one or other of these. The former name is given to every ti dairy, to every dairy of the conical form,^ and to certain other dairies at the older and more important villages. Some of the latter are ordinarily called pali, but the wwwq poh lingers in the name employed for the dairies in prayer (see Chapter X), or in the individual names of the dairies ; thus the dairy at the ancient village of Nasmiodr is ordinarily called a pali, but its individual name is TilipoJi. I think it probable that originally poh and pali were the names of the two forms of dairy, the conical kind being called poJi and the ordinary kind/^//. At the present time every existing conical dairy is a poh, and every dairy which is said to have been in the past of the conical form is called poll. It seems probable that in many cases a dairy, originally of the conical form, has been rebuilt in the same form as the dwelling-hut, owing to the difficulty and extra labour of reconstruction in the older shape ; and that in some of these cases the dairy of the new form has retained the name of the old and is still called poJi, at any rate on certain occasions. All the dairies to which the name/^?// is ever given are either ti dairies or are situated in villages of especial antiquity and sanctity. There is now no definite rule as to the grade of dairymen who shall serve at a dairy called poJi. The poh of a // is, of course, occupied by ^ palol and kaltinokh. The conical poJi of Nodrs, the old conical poh of Kars, and several old dairies which are still called poh in the prayers are, or were, tended by dairymen of the rank of zunrsol, while several poh of the ordinary shape belonging to the Teivaliol are occupied by dairymen called palikartmokh. The only place at which the dairyman takes his name from \\\q poJi is Kanodrs, where the conical dairy is occupied by ^. poJikartpol. 1 This word, in the forms hoa, hoalh, &c., lias by previous writers lieen limited to dairies of the conical shape. There is no doiilit that it lias at present afar wider application. 46 THE TODAS CHAP. There is a considerable degree of uniformity in the orienta- tation of dairies of all grades. The doors usually face in an easterly direction, and in the majority of those I observed FIG. 14.— THE LOWER I'ART OF THE CONICAL DAIRY OF NODRS, WHICH IS HIDDEN BY THE WALL IN FIG. I3. THE 'WURSOL' IS SHOWN EATING ' AL ' FROM A LEAF-I'LATE. the door faced north of east, the most frequent direction being some point between east and north-east. In one case, that of the ti poh at Modr, the door of the dairy faces south- east ; but in front of the door there is a screen, and on leaving HI DAIRIES AND BUFFALOES 47 his dairy the palol always turns to the left, so that he faces north-east as he goes towards his buffaloes. In a {q\\ dairies the door faces directly west, and, according to Breeks, this is the case at the conical dairy of Anto. The Tod a Buffalo The Toda buffalo is a variety of the Indian water-buffalo, but the life on the hills seems to have produced a much finer animal than that of the plains. Although thoroughly under the control of the Todas, the buffaloes are semi-wild and often attack people of a different race from their owners, and Euro- peans have frequently been severely injured by the onslaught of these animals. The Toda name for the male buffalo is er, and for the female /r, but either term may be used when the people speak of buffaloes collectively. Calves have different designations at different ages. A young calf is kar, one from one to two years of age is pbl, and a three-year-old calf is nakh. Defective buffaloes, and especially those v/ith only one horn, are called kivadrir, and those whose horns bend downwards are kugliir. Barren buffaloes are called maiir. There are considerable differences of colour among the buffaloes. Those much lighter than the rest are called nerir or pHshtir, and there is a legend about the origin of these buffaloes, which, however, I failed to obtain. The only obvious way in which the animals differ from one another in marking is that some have a black stripe running down either side of the neck very much in the position which would be occupied by the chain suspending a bell. There do not seem to be any physical differences between the buffaloes of different classes, and, as we shall see shortly, the nature of the breeding of the Toda buffaloes is such as would have entirely destroyed any distinctions of the kind if they had ever existed. Every adult female buffalo has an individual name, which is usually given when her first calf is born. The number of buffalo names is limited, so that man)' buffaloes bear the same name. THE TODAS chap. The following are among the buffalo names of which I have records : — Kudzi or Kursi, Kasimi, Pan or Pern, Kiud or Kiudz, Enmon, Koisi, Keien, Ilsh or Idrsh, Karsthum, Periiv or Perov, Keban, Enmars, Persud, Neruv, Kozi, Perith, Pulkoth, Persuth, Tothi, Kerani, Keirev, Piithiov, Peires, Ner- sadr, Talg, LJf, Koji, Persv, Arvatz, Kojiu, Pundrs, Purkisi, and Orsum. Both Tartharol and Teivaliol have the same names for their buffaloes, and it seemed that a buffalo of any village herd might have the same name as one belonging to the ti. It is possible, however, that certain names may be restricted to the // herds. I collected some names which occurred only in these herds, but I cannot say positively that they might not also be used for less sacred buffaloes. Male buffaloes are unnamed and appear to have little or no sanctity even when born of cows of the most sacred herds. The greater number of male calves are either killed at erkiunpthtiti ceremonies (Chap. XIII) or given away to the Kotas. A few are kept for breeding purposes, usually in the proportion of two to every hundred females. There is a singular absence of care about the breeding of the buffaloes. The Todas have many herds of which every female has som.e degree of sacredness, and it might have been expected that the bulls of a sacred herd would have been carefully chosen from the male calves of that herd. So far as 1 could ascertain after repeated inquiries, there was no restriction of any kind in the mating of the sacred animals ; a bull of the ordinary buffaloes {piitiir) of a village might even mate with the highly sacred animals of a //dairy. No importance seemed to be attached to the question of paternity among the buffaloes, and so far as I could ascertain the people were quite indifferent whether the male was related or unrelated to the female, whether of the same or of another herd. I did not hear of the existence of any ceremonies con- nected with the chosen male buffaloes. Marshall states^ that a bull new from one of the sacred // herds undergoes a process of sanctification before he is permanently installed, ' .-/ Phrciioh\i:;isl ainoiii:; thi Todas, 1S73. \-> 132. Ill DAIRIES AND BUFFALOES 49 by being isolated for a da)' and night in a small pen in the sacred woods of the //, during which time he is deprived of food, though allowed access to water. Marshall also states that it is permissible to introduce a bull from an ordinary- drove " after due sanctification." Though I failed to obtain definite confirmation of Marshall's statement, it is possible tliat something of the kind ma}' at one time have taken place or may even still take place. At the present time the buffaloes are tended entirely by males, and males only are allowed to take any part either in the work of the dairy or in those dairy operations which arc performed in the house. There is a tradition that at one time women attended to the buffaloes at the time of calving, and one incident is recorded in which women per- formed C?Esarian section on a dying buffalo (p. 78), but this custom has now long ceased to be followed. The first buffaloes were created by one of the chief Toda gods. On, and his wife. The buffaloes created by the male deity were the progenitors of the sacred buffaloes, while the ordinary buffaloes or pittiir are descended from those created by the wife. Certain other buffaloes are descended from ancestors created by other gods, but the account of their various creations may be deferred till the chapter containing the legends of the gods. I was told by some that the sacred buffaloes were descended from a sambhar deer, but it was later found that this was only believed to be true of one special group of buffaloes belonging to one clan. Dairy Procedure The general plan of the dairy procedure is the same in all dairies, the difference between different dairies lying chiefly in certain formalities accompanying certain stages of the procedure. The day's operations begin with the churning of the milk drawn on the previous evening. The milk is poured from the milking-vessels into earthenware pots, and during the night it will have coagulated. The coagulated mass is first broken up by the churn ; water and butter already made are added, E 5° THE TODAS CH. in and then the churning is continued till the milk separates into a solid part, which I shall speak of as ' butter,' and a liquid, which I shall call 'buttermilk.' It must be remembered, however, that these do not correspond to the butter and buttermilk of a European dairy. The milk coao"ulates before the cream has risen in any quantity, and there is no skimming. The * butter ' consists of both the fat and casein of the milk, while the * buttermilk ' ought perhaps rather to be called ' whey.' In order to avoid this ambiguity in the use of the words ' butter ' and ' buttermilk,' it might have seemed desirable to use the Toda terms for these products ; but I have not done so, partly in order to avoid the too frequent use of Toda words, partly because the names are not constant among the Todas themselves, different terms being used in different dairies. When the churning is finished, the butter and buttermilk are put into their appropriate vessels, and the dairyman goes out to milk the buffaloes, using for this purpose a bamboo milking-vessel, into which he has put some buttermilk from the previous churning. The newly drawn milk is poured into the earthenware vessels, in which it stands till the afternoon. By this time the milk will have become solid, and is churned as in the morning. The ' butter ' is used chiefly in the form of ghi, or clarified butter, for which the Toda name is nei. The butter is clarified by keeping it over the fire after the addition of grain or rice. The latter sinks to the bottom of the vessel, while the nei consists of the liquefied fat of the milk. The nei or ghi is partly used by the Todas, but is largely sold at the bazaar. The deposit of grain or rice is called al, and is one of the chief Toda foods. It is, no doubt, mixed with part of the proteid constituents of the milk precipitated during the pro- cess of clarification. The milking-vessel is of bamboo, and several of the small vessels used in the dairy procedure are also made from bamboo of various sizes. The vessels into which the milk is poured and in which it is churned are of earthenware, and the vessels in which the butter and buttermilk are kept are also k •K^.. 15.— 6l) (26) CHURNING, 51 §2 THE TODAS chap. of this kind. The earthenware vessels used in the ordinary dairy-work are made by the Kotas. The names of the different dairy vessels vary according to the dairy in which they are used, and these, together with a complete list of the dairy vessels and implements, will be reserved till later. The method of churning is shown in Fig. 15. The churning is always done within the hut or dairy, but in order to obtain a photograph of the process a staff was put in the ground outside a hut, so that the figure shows exactly the method used within the hut or dairy. The upright staff is called palnian, or ' milk-tree ' ; the two rings by means of which the churning-stick is fastened to the paliiidti are called palkati, or ' milk-ties.' The cord by which the churning-stick, or viadth is revolved is called kudinan ox palv. The general plan of the dairy operations appears to be much the same as that practised elsewhere in India. There are, however, two special features of the Toda procedure which, so far as I know, are not in general use elsewhere. One of these is the addition of buttermilk from a previous churning. This addition probably hastens the process of coagulation, and has a material use, but in the hands of the Todas it has become of great ceremonial importance, and forms the basis of some of the most interesting features of the dairy ritual. The other special feature which does not seem to be gener- ally found in India is the addition of grain or rice when clarifying the butter. Unlike the addition of buttermilk, this has no ceremonial value, and is chiefly important in providing the Todas with one of their favourite foods. The Care of the Ordinary Buffaloes The ordinary buffaloes, or piitiir, of a village are looked after and milked by the males of the village ; by those who in Toda terminology are pcro/, or ordinary men, as compared with those who have been ordained to one of the sacred dairy offices. When the people rise in the morning, the buffaloes are Ill DAIRIES x\ND BUFFALOES 53 released from the pen, or///, in which they have been enclosed for the night, and the animals make their way at once to the {)lace where they are accustomed to be milked, the irkannus. At the same time, or a little later, the calves are released from their enclosure, the kadr, and each calf runs to its mother. The milk of the previous night is churned in the interior of the dwelling-hut, usually by one of the }-ouths of the family. FIG. 16 — THE MORNlNi; MILKliNG AT THK VII.I.AGIC OK MOI.KUSH. IN THE BACKGROUND IS A MODERN ' TU ' MADE OF WOODEN PALINGS. In the dairy one man has to carry out all the dairy operations, and here the churning is always finished before the milking begins ; but in the case of the ordinary buffaloes, where many take part in the work, the two operations may go on simul- taneousl)-, and while one man or boy is churning, others will be milking the buffaloes and carrying the milk into the hut. Usually it seemed that each of the males of the family was taking his part in the proceedings. Whenever I watched the milking operations, I saw one 54 THE TODAS CHAP. man, the head of the family, walking about and superintending the operations, while several other men and youths were milking the buffaloes or churning the milk within the hut. It seemed as if in general each buffalo gave very little milk, and a man soon left one buffalo to go to another, and as the bamboo milking-vcssels are small and have soon to be emptied, there was a constant moving about from one buffalo to another in;. 17. and from the milking-place to the hut. A typical milking scene is .shown in Fig. 16. Each man carries a stick, with which he keeps off troublesome calves who may come to suck while the milking is going on (see Fig. 17). If a buffalo and its calf are troublesome, milk is sometimes smeared on the back of the calf, and the buffalo occupies herself with licking the calf, a process which keeps both quiet. At other times, a man may pour milk into his hollowed hand which he gives to one of the buffaloes to drink. DAIRIES AND BUFFALOES When the milking is over, the buffaloes are driven to their grazing-ground, where they remain till the afternoon, when they return, often spontaneously, to the milking-place, and the operations of the morning are repeated. While at the pasturage, one or two small boys are often in attendance to keep the buffaloes from straying beyond the proper grazing-ground. CHAPTER IV THE VILLAGE DAIRY This chapter will be devoted to a description of the various kinds of dairy which are found at the Toda villages. An account will be given of the daily course of tlie dairy opera- tions and of the ritual accompanying it. The description of special ceremonies which occur in connexion with the dairy will be reserved till future chapters, in which ceremonies of the same nature occurring in all grades of dairy can be considered together. A village dairy is often situated at some little distance from the huts in which the people live, though sometimes it is in their immediate neighbourhood. When of the same form as the hut, it may not at once be distinguished from the latter, but it is usually enclosed by a higher wall which surrounds the building more closely, so that there is very little room between the two. The door seemed to me to be usually smaller than that of most of the huts, and it is always capable of being closed by a shutter on the inner side. The dairy is usually divided into compartments completely separated from one another by a partition extending to the roof, one room being entered from another by a small door of the same kind as that by which the dairy itself is entered. The majority of dairies have two rooms, an inner room called ulkhirsJi and an outer room called pormiuikursh. Many dairies, especially among the kind called wursuli^ have only one room. At five Tarthar villages, viz., Nodrs, Taradrkirsi, Keradr, Akirsikodri, and Tim, there are dairies which have cii. IV THE VILLAGE DAIRY 57 three rooms, the inner and outer rooms being separated by a third, called the nedrkiirsJi. Each of the five villages at which these dairies are found is the funeral-place for males of the clan to which the village belongs, and the body of a dead man is placed in the outer room of the dairy at each place during the funeral ceremonies. At Nodrs and Tedshteiri (villages of the Nodrs clan) it is said that there were at one time dairies each of which had seven rooms. The ruins of these, which were of the grade called kudrpali, are still to be seen. Sometimes the same building serves for two dairies, especially at the less important villages of a clan. In these cases the building resembles that kind of hut which is called inerkalars, one compartment of the hut opening at the side. At the villages at which I found dairies of this kind, the front part of the hut was a kudrpali and the part with the door at the side was a icursnli. In these cases each dairy has only one room. In every dairy which has more than one room, the dairy vessels are kept in the inner room and the actual dairy opera- tions are performed by the dairyman in this room. He only is allowed to go into the inner room, while other men may go into the outer room and, in those cases in which there are three rooms, into the middle room. When a village dairy has two or more rooms, the outer room first entered from the outside is often used as a sleeping- place and in this case usually has two of the couches called ///■//, one on each side with a fireplace between them. That on the right-hand side as one enters is called the ineitiin {ineilti'ni), or high (superior) bed, and that on the left-hand side is the kitJln, or low (inferior) bed. In the outer room is kept the kepiui or kaipuii (hand vessel) used to hold the water with which the dairyman washes his hands. The masth, or axe used for cutting firewood, and the tek or tekh, a basket used to bring rice or grain into the dairy, are also kept in this room. The fireplace between the two sleeping-places is usually made of four stones and is called kudrvars. At the ivursuli it is made of three stones and is called waskal. 58 THE TODAS CH. iv The room of the dairy which contains the dairy vessels is divided into three parts : the patatniar, the ertatniar, and the kalkani. The. patatinar takes its name from the patat, an earthenware vessel into which the milk is poured from the milking- vessel and in which it is churned. The vessels kept in this part of the inner room, which are known collectively as patatpiir, are those which are actually used in the milking and churning. The crtatniar takes its name from the ertat, a bamboo vessel used to carry buttermilk or butter out of the dairy. The ei'tat and the vessels kept with it, known collectively as the ertatpur, are those which receive the products of the churning or are used to convey these products out of the dairy. The lamp and the fire-sticks used for making fire by friction are also kept in this part of the dairy. In the third part of the room, called the kalkani, are kept leaves, firewood, knives, and various sticks or wands. Accord- ing to some accounts, the vessel called penpariv is also kept here. When the dairy vessels are taken into a new dairy (see Chap. VI.), they are placed on ferns. I do not know whether they always rest on a bed of ferns or whether the ferns are only used when the vessels are first placed in the dairy. The following is a list of t\\Q patatpiir, the vessels and other objects which are kept in the part of the dairy called patatntar : Patat or tat. Earthenware vessels into which the freshly drawn milk is poured and in which it is churned (Fig. i8, F). There are several of these vessels, one of which may be used to hold water. Irkartpun or patatpun. The bamboo milking-vessel (Fig. 1 8, I). Parskadrvetimu or parskadrpenimi, i.e., milk churn butter mu (Fig. 1 8, II). This is also sometimes called kazhmu, and is a small earthenware vessel in which is kept the butter {pen) which is added while churning. Except when the churning is in progress, it is used as a cover for \\\q patat. Adimu. An earthenware vessel (Fig. i8, k) into which FIG. l8. — THE CHIEF DAIRY VESSELS. A. The pal»iaii. B. Thepalka/i. C. The III ad/ h. D. A /Cihhk. E. The ertatpiin. F. The /«/«/. G. The polinachok. H. The parskadrvcniim. I. The irkaiiptin. K. The adiiiiu. 59 6o THE TODAS CHAP. some of the coagulated milk may be poured while churning. It may also be used to fetch water from the dairy stream. Madth ox parskartniadth. Churning-stick (Fig. i8, c). Palkati. Bamboo rings for holding the churning-stick while churning. Parskurs or idarivurtJikurs. Stick or wand used chiefly for driving off calves while milking. Tatkich. The cut-up ends of a churning-stick, used for cleaning the />alat. Tedshk. Rings made of rattan (Fig. i8, d), used in carry- ing the dairy vessels. The garment of the dairyman, called tiiiii, is also kept here, and when there is a mani (bell), it is kept on the patatmar. The churning-stick is kept on a stand called agar. The following are the objects kept on the ertatmar: Majpariv. Vessel in which buttermilk is kept. Penpariv. Vessel in which butter is kept. (According to some, this vessel is kept in the part called kalkani^ Ertatpuii. Vessel used to take buttermilk or butter out of the dairy (Fig. i8, e). Majertkudriki. A small earthenware pot used like a ladle to take buttermilk out of the majpariv. It is also called asJikiok. PblmacJiok. A bamboo vessel (Fig. i8, g) used to hold the buttermilk which is distributed to the people of the village, Nirsi. The fire-sticks for making fire by friction. Pelk. The lamp. TbrattJiadi. Cooking vessel which may be used for anything except barley. Put, a stirring-stick. When there is only one room, the i/iasth, axe for cutting firewood, may be kept on the ertatmar ; otherwise it is kept in the outer room. The vessels and other objects of the patatmar are those which come directly into contact with the milk of the buffaloes or which may at any time come into contact with the buffaloes themselves. The vessels and objects of the ertatmar, on the other hand, are those which contain the dairy products which are going IV THE VILLAGE DAIRY 6i out to ordinary people {perol), or which come into contact with food or other materials obtained from ordinary people. The things of the patatniar are always kept apart from those of the ertatuiar. When the buffaloes migrate from one grazing-place to another, the things of the patatmar are carried by one man and those of the crtatmar by another. In connexion with many dairies there is a house in which calves are kej^t, the kiuolars, and a place for very young calves, called kiish or kiids/i,w\\\c\\ is sometimes partly formed by the spreading roots of a tree. I am in some doubt as to whether the buffaloes belonging to a village dairy ever have a special tii. in which they are enclosed for the night. In general, however, there is no doubt that the sacred buffaloes of the dairy occupy the same pen as the ordinary buffaloes. Similarly I am not clear whether the dair)^ always has its own irkaniius, or milking- place, or whether ordinary and sacred buffaloes are not often milked at the same spot, the dairyman recognising the buffa- loes committed to his charge and milking them only. Every dairy has its own place from which water is drawn the/^// iiipa. This may be a different stream from that used for hou.sehold purposes, but is, perhaps, most commonly part of the same stream, the higher part being used for dairy purposes. When a village has more than one dairy, each dairy has its own place for drawing water, usually different parts of the same stream. The foregoing account holds good of all kinds of village dairy. The different grades of village dairy present differ- ences in the daily procedure, in the qualifications and rules of conduct of the dairyman, and in other respects. I will begin with the tarvali of the Tartharol. The Tarvali This is the name applied to the lowest grade of Tar thar dairy and may mean " the ordinary dairy," the first syllable being probably the same as in the word " Tarthar." The tarvali is always of the ordinary form and is never called poll. The dairyman, or iarvalikariuiokh, is often a 62 THE TODAS CH. IV youth or man of the village to which the dairy belongs, but he may be taken from any other village of the clan or from other Tarthar villages, the choice in some cases being restricted to certain clans. The only Tarthar clan which is strictly limited to its own members in the choice of tarvalikartmokli is that of Melgars. In all cases this grade of dairyman must be one of the Tartharol ; he is never taken from the other division of the Toda people. When the dairyman is taken from another clan, he may receive certain wages, viz., two cloaks {putkult) in the year and six rupees, together with the loan of a milking buffalo for the use of his family. I have no definite information whether anything is given to dairymen who are members of the clan or family to which the dairy belongs. The dairyman is regarded by the Todas as a servant, espe- cially when taken from another clan. I was often told that a man was working for another and was his servant, and always found that the so-called servant w3iS palikai'tinokJi at the dairy of the village at which the master lived. Correspondingly, there seemed to be no doubt that the dairyman was treated with very scant respect, except on ceremonial occasions and when actually performing the ritual of his office. The tarvalikartmokh wears nothing but the kuvn^ or perineal band, when he is in the dairy, and wears a loincloth called irkartJitadfp when milking. When away from his work or when looking after his buffaloes on the grazing-ground, he wears the ordinary cloak, ox putkidi. He usually sleeps in the outer room of the dairy, but is allowed to sleep at any time in the dwelling-hut. When he goes there he may only touch the sleeping-place (?V/r///7) and the floor (,^///^r). If he touches any other part of the hut, he at once loses his office and becomes an ordinary person. There are no restrictions on the intercourse of the tarvalikartmokh with women. When the tarvalikartmokh rises in the morning, he leaves the dairy, raising one or both hands to his face as in Fig. lO and saying Sami or Swami. He often also says this word when getting up from the sleeping-place. He first lets the buffaloes out of the pen {tii) in which they had been put for the night and then goes into the dairy to churn. He does not light the 1 l'-.. 10, -1 UK 'WURSOL' of n6I)K- ' Ml:,l\<, l 1 1 I. ' A I 'I M r ' AM i ' I'A 1 A'l IT \ ' K) FETCH WATER. 63 64 THE TODAS chap. lamp in the morning unless it is dark, nor does he pray. The milk poured into the patat overnight will have coagulated, so that it forms a solid mass called adrpars. The dairyman puts the churning-stick into the patat and churns for a little time till he has broken up the adrpars} Then he pours off most of the semi-fluid milk into another vessel (also a/^/^^Z), leaving about one kiidi'^ in the churning-vessel. He adds to this some butter from a previous churning, which he takes from the parskadrvcnmu, adds also some water, and churns the. mixture till butter is formed. He pours o'ut the buttermilk into the viajpariv, keeping the butter in the patat, adds more coagulated milk and water, and churns again, transferring the buttermilk to its vessel when butter is formed. He continues in this way till all the milk has been churned, and he then transfers the butter which has been formed to the vessel called penpariv, also putting a small portion in the parskadrvcnmu. The palikartviokJi then goes out to milk, with the irkartJi- pun and the wand c^Wed parskitrs or ulanvurthkitrs. He puts into the milking-vessel some buttermilk, the buttermilk used for this purpose being called pep, and he also smears some butter on the edge of the vessel to put on the teats of the buffaloes. When he goes out, he salutes b}- raising the irkartJipuii ?^.wdi parskurs to his forehead in the same manner as is shown in Fig. 27. When he has filled the milking- vessel, he goes into the dairy and empties the milk into the patat and returns to the buffaloes. This is repeated till all the buffaloes have been milked, after which the dairyman takes food and buttermilk, but with no prescribed ritual as in the case of more sacred dairies. He also gives out butter- milk to the people of the village. After the work of the morning is over, the palikartmokh may go out to look after the buffaloes, or may collect firewood, leaves, or other things necessary for his work. During the later hours of the morning the palikartmokh may often be seen l}'ing down taking a rest before he begins the work of the afternoon, which is more ceremonial than that of the morning. ' This is literally ' cooked milk.' It probabl)- receives this name because the coagulation is often hastened by heatiny. - .About four pints. IV THE VILLAGE DAIRY 65 About three o'clock in the afternoon he goes to the dairy, bows down and touches the threshold with his forehead {pavnersatiti, Fig. 20), enters and touches a vessel on the patat side, and then a vessel on the ertat side. He then lights the fire and inspects the milk drawn in the morning. If it has not become solid, he puts it on the fire for a few minutes to hasten the coagulation. He lights the lamp and prays, FIG. 20. — THE TALIKARTMOKH SALUTING THE THRESHOLD OF THE DAIRY AT KIUDR ' PAVNERSATITI.' using the prayer of the dairy (see Chap. X), and then churns as in the morning. When he has finished churning, he clears the churning-stick of the butter clinging to it, and after hold- ing it to his forehead and uttering the sacred word "6^/7," he puts it in the stand called agar. He then goes out to milk as in the morning, taking buttermilk in the milking-vessel. When the milking is over, he shuts up the buffaloes in the pen for the night, and as he does so, he repeats the prayer of the dairy, the prayer being exactly the same as that used when lighting the lamp. He then takes food and F 66 THE TODAS. chap. goes to sleep, often saying Szvanii as he lies down for the night. The tarvali of the Melgars people is in some ways regarded as superior to the other tarvali of the Tartharol. The Melgars tarvalikartinokh may not go to the tarvali of another Tarthar clan, though the tarvalikartmokh of another clan may go to a Melgars tarvali. This was said to be due to the higher degree of sanctity of the Melgars dairy and office, but there do not appear to be any differences of ritual corresponding to* this different degree of sanctity. The Kudrpali The special feature of the kudrpali is that it contains one or more of the bells called inani. This inv^olves several additions to the ceremonial of the dairy, and these are accompanied by more stringent rules of conduct for the dairyman. Whenever engaged in his work, the kudrpalikartmokh must be naked except for the kuvn. In the cold Nilgiri mornings it must often be a very unpleasant task to have to milk the buffaloes with no covering, and I was told that at some places, and especially at Nodrs, the people gave up the maintenance of a kudrpali on account of the difficulty experienced in obtaining men to undertake the office of dairyman. When the kudrpalikartmokh is taking his meals, he must hold his food in his hands till he has finished. He is not allowed to put it down on the ground, as may be done by the dairyman of the tarvali. Soon after beginning to churn, the kudjpalikartmokh takes up some of the broken-up curd {adrpars) and puts it on the bell {inani) three times, saying " Oh " each time, and milk from the vessel first brought into the dairy is also put on the bell in the same manner. At the kudrpali of Kars, the dairyman puts the curd and milk on a board called pato. The bells of this dairy have been lost, and the dairyman puts the milk on the board on which the bells used to hang. The process of putting milk on the bells is properly called terzantirikiti, but the Todas IV THE VILLAGE DAIRY 67 often speak of the process as " feeding the bell." At the kudrpali of Kuzhu, belonging to the Kars clan, milk is put in the same way on a gold bracelet. When making butter, it will be remembered that the dairy- man of the tarva/i makes a certain amount, and then pours away the buttermilk, and repeats this till all the adrpars has been converted into butter and buttermilk. Whenever the kudrpalikartiiiokh pours away buttermilk, he takes a piece of FIG. 21. — THE 'kudrpali' OF KARS, WITH THE ' KUDRPALIKAR IM' iRlI ' STANDING ON THE WALL. IN THE FOREGROUND IS THE MOUND CALLED 'IMUDRIKARS' IN THE BACKGROUND ON THE RIGHT IS THE CALF-HOUSE. the bark of the sacred tudrXxee {^Meliosnia pungens and WigJitii) and beats three times on the patat^ saying ''On" each time. This ceremony is called pepeirthti, and is the exclusive privilege of the kudrpalikartiiiokh. If this ceremony should be omitted, the buttermilk may not be drunk by any one. The kudrpalikartiiiokh is allowed to sleep in the ordinary hut, but only on special days — viz., Sunday, W^ednesda}', and Saturday — and on these days he must, like the tarvalikartinokh, F 2 68 THE TODAS chap. avoid touching anything in the hut except the sleeping-place and the floor on pain of losing his office. He is allowed intercourse with any Tarthar woman, but must have nothing to do with the women of his own division, the Teivaliol. While in office, the kudrpalikartniokli is not allowed to visit the bazaar,^ and if he does so he becomes an ordinary person at once. One afternoon when I was working with Parkurs (8), one of the elders of the Kars clan, Sakari (7), who had been kndrpalikartnwkh at Kuzhu, came to announce that he had visited the bazaar at Ootacamund. He was therefore no longer palikartinokJi, and he came to tell Parkurs that a successor must be appointed. It seemed to me in this case that Sakari had visited the bazaar because he was tired of office and wished to become free. I had a suspicion also that he wished to become acquainted with my proceedings, for he came straight to me from the bazaar and was one of my most regular attendants for some time after his deprivation. The kudrpalikartnwkh is prohibited from entering a tarvali, though the tarvalikartmokJi may enter a kiidrpali. The milk of buffaloes connected with a kudrpali is more sacred than that of buffiiloes milked at a tarvali. Any one may drink milk from a tarvali^ but the milk of the kudrpali may only be drunk by the palikartinokh. If any one else drink the milk of the kudipali it is believed that he will die. I could learn of no case in which a man had taken this milk, but Kodrner (7) had seen a cat die on the day it had drunk milk of the inartir, the buffaloes of the kudrpali of Kars. Kodrner was somewhat of a sceptic in connexion with many of the beliefs of his people, but he was very much in earnest on this occasion, and when my interpreter said he should like to drink some of the milk, Kodrner offered to give him one hundred rupees if he drank the milk of inartir for four days and remained alive. The buffaloes tended at the tarvali and kudrpali are of several named kinds. According to tradition, each clan at the original distribution of buffaloes by Teikirzi (see p. 186) was given a certain kind. To Kars were given the buffiiloes ' I am nol sure wlicllicr this rcstriclion does not also apply to the /aii) Parkurs(8) 8 , Isharadr Pidrvan (9) ,, 6 , Pakhalkudr Kuinervan (14) ,, 6 , Peletkwur Potheners (10) ,, 6 , Keshker Nudriki (8) 3 >' , Kuzhu Mongeilhi (15) ,, 3 )) , ,, IV THE VILLAGE DAIRY 71 Kutadri, and Palpa had married a Kars woman, who was not, however, closely related to Potheners, to whom he was acting as dairyman. Kosners and Tidjkudr were given to me as examples of a practice in which a man of one clan works for one of another,^ and they received the same wages as in the case of the tarvalikartmokh (see p. 62). These facts show clearly that the kndrpalir ■axq not regarded as the property of the whole clan, but belong to different families, and the same is true of the buffaloes milked at the tarvali. Each family possesses its own sacred buffaloes as well as its ordinary buffaloes ox putiir, and in some cases the buffaloes of each family have their own dairyman, even when the milk of two herds is churned in the same dairy. The Wursuli Most of the Tarthar clans possess herds of buffaloes called collectively ivursiilir, each herd being tended by a diaryman called zvursol at a dairy called zuiirsuli or ivursuli pali. The buffaloes of different clans have special names. At Nodrs, they are called mersgursir \ at Kars and TdiVdidr, pildrsh tip ir : at Pan, kiideipir ; at Keradr, miniapir ; and at Nidrsi and Kwodrdoni, keitankiirsir. The people of Pam, Kanodrs, and Melgars have no zvursiilir ; Pam and Kanodrs both had buffaloes of this kind at one time, but they have been allowed to die out. Melgars, on the other hand, never had zvnrsulir, the tradition being that none of these buffaloes were assigned to the clan at the original partition by Teikirzi. The wursidir are said to have been given to most clans at the original partition of buffaloes, but no reason could be given for the creation of this special kind of buffalo. The Keradr clan are believed to have received their iviirsiUir from Korateu (see Chap. IX), the buffaloes being descended from a sambhar calf given by this god. A special feature of the zvursuli is that the dairyman or wiirsol of this Tarthar dairy has to be taken either from the Teivaliol or from the Melgars clan of the Tartharol. The 1 See Chapter XXIII. 72 THE TODAS Melgars people could hold the office of zuursol, but had no tvuvsulir themselves. At the present time the majority of men who hold this office are drawn from the Teivaliol, only two belonging to Melgars, and it seemed that it was only when the supply ran short among the Teivaliol that the Tarthar people had recourse to members of their own division. The Melgarsol do not share fully the privileges of the Teivaliol in respect of this office, for though they may perform the ordinary work of the dairy, there are certain duties of the ivursol, such as those at the funeral ceremonies, which may only be performed by a Teivali occupant of the office. The zuursol has to go through more complicated ordination ceremonies than ihQ palikartinokh, and has a distinctly higher degree of sanctity so far as one can judge from the rules for his conduct. He may not be touched by any ordinary person, and in general the rules regulating his conduct are more stringent than those for the ordinary dairyman. The tviirsol has two dresses ; one, the grey garment called tuni, which is worn at his dairy work and kept in the dairy ; the other, the ordinary putkiili, which he wears when not engaged at his special work. The zuursol does not sleep in his own dairy, but in one of a different kind, a village which has a zuursuli always having at least one other dairy. At Kars he sleeps in the kudrpalt, and at Nodrs in the tarvali. He is allowed to sleep in the hut of a Tarthar village on two nights in the week — viz., Sunday and Wednesday — and on these occasions he may have intercourse with any Tarthar woman. Except on these occasions he loses his office even if touched by a woman. He is not allowed to have intercourse with any Teivali woman, even with his wife if he is married, on pain of becoming an ordinary person. He may go to any Tarthar village, but to no Teivali village — i.e., if one of the Teivaliol, he is allowed to visit none of his own people. When he goes to the dwelling-hut, care is taken to remove from the hut the objects shown in Fig. ii — viz., the mum or sieve, the zuask or pounder, and the kip or broom. It seems IV - . THE VILLAGE DAIRY 7^ as if these three objects are removed because they are used by women. The emblems of womanhood are not allowed to contaminate the house while the luursol is present, al- though, at the same time, he is not restricted from intercourse with the women themselves. On the mornings after he has slept in the hut he bathes from head to foot before going to the dair}', and prostrates himself at the threshold before he enters. If the cloak of the iviirsol requires cleaning or mending, it may only be taken to the hut for these purposes on the same days as those on which the zvitrsol may sleep there — viz., Sunday or Wednesday. The food of the zvursol is prepared for him by the palikart- inokli of the dairy in which he sleeps. The tvursol never prepares food either for himself or others, except on the occasion of the festival called irpalvustki {sqq Chap. VIII). Most loursuli have only one room, the exception being the poh at Nodrs, and the tviirsiili of Nasmiodr and Ddr. It is noteworthy that these, however, are three of the most ancient and important dairies of the Todas. The reason why the other zvursuli have one room is probably the fact that the xviirsol is not allowed to sleep in the dairy, and consequently there is no necessity for an outer room. When these dairies have been rebuilt, or new dairies have been made, the Todas have probably not thought it worth while to keep two rooms except at the especially important and sacred places. I was also told, however, that each of the three places which have two rooms had been at one time a // dairy, and, as we shall see later, dairies of this, the highest, grade always have two rooms. Another indication of the special sanctity of the.se three dairies is that at them, and also at the ivursiili at Kozhtudi, the zvursol must never turn his back on the contents of the dairy — i.e, he must do all his work and go in and out of the dairy facing the place where the mani is kept. The Todas call this proceeding in which the back is never turned on the contents of the dairy " kabkaditi." The vessels of the wursuli are divided, like those of the ordinary dairy, into those of the patatniar and those of the 74 THE TODAS CHAP, ei'tatmar. The following sketch of the arrang-ement was made by Kodrner, but I do not feel confident of its accuracy. C I E— o A. Palafniar. A o- B — D B. Erlaiiiia)'. C. The inani or bell. D. The tclk or lamp. -= E. IVaskal or fireplace. F. The door. F Fig. 22. The lamp is of iron, bought in the bazaar : it is called tiidrkpelk or tagarspclk, according as it is hung by a hook or on a chain. This distinction probably holds for other village dairies. The Datly Life of the Wursol The dairy work of the zuursol is carried out on the same general lines as that of the palikartniokh, but the order and method of the various operations are more strictly regulated. Before the wiirsol goes into the dairy in the morning he washes his hands with water from the vessel called kepwi} bows down at the threshold and enters the dairy ; salutes the viani {kaimuk/iii), goes to the er tat mar and touches the inajpariv ; then to \.\\q patatnmr and touches \.\\q patat. Then, after lighting the fire, he takes the m2i off the /<^/rt/, and, if the milk has coagulated, he begins to churn. After churning for a little while he puts some of the coagulated milk on the inani. After the churning is over, he milks, putting some of the first milk on the bell. After the milking is finished, buttermilk is distributed to the women, and a mixture of milk and buttermilk is given to the men, who come to drink it standing outside the dairy. The ivursol then drinks buttermilk and eats. When taking ^ I'robably a corruption of kaiptitt^ hand vessel. THE VILLAGE DAIRY 75 buttermilk he pours it from the vessel called ertatpnn into the leaf ^ from which he drinks. When he goes to attend to the buffaloes, he leaves the tuni in the dairy and puts on his putkuli in a special way which is only adopted by the xvursol and only by him when engaged in looking after the buffaloes. Placing one end of the cloak over the left shoulder, he brings the other end under the right arm, and, taking this end in his right hand, throws it round the back of his neck so that it Fic. 23. ■THE 'WURSOL' of KARS, KERNPISI (56), STANDING BY THE) SIDE OF HIS DAIRY. rests on the left shoulder. The result of this adjustment is that the front part of his body is uncovered as shown in Fig. 23. I could not ascertain why the zvursol should wear his cloak in this special way, nor why this method of wearing the garment should be peculiar to his office.^ ' This is clone by folding a leaf in such a way that it forms a cup. - The method of wearing the cloak adopted by the wiirsol is not unlike that shown in a picture at the Guimet Museum in Paris, which represents a Brahmau engaged in prayer. ^V'< 76 THE TODAS chap. In the afternoon the wursol again washes his hands, bows down to the threshold and enters the dairy, sakites the jnant, touches the niajpariv and patat as in the morning, and Hghts the fire. He then lights the lamp, and prays, using the prayer of the village. Then he churns and " feeds the bell," but his procedure differs from that of the morning in that he dis- tributes the buttermilk at this stage of the proceedings. When he milks he puts some of the first milk on the bell, and when he shuts up the buffaloes in their enclosure (/?/) for the night, he recites the same prayer as when lighting the lamp. He then takes his food, eating it outside the dairy, puts his tuni on the patatmar, and goes to rest. The procedure thus differs from that of the tarvali and kudvpali in that the dairy vessels are touched ceremonially at the beginning of both morning and evening operations. The ivursiili resembles the other dairies, however, in that prayer is offered in the evening only. The differences are less pro- nounced in ritual than in the rules of conduct. The Kugvali of Taradr The people of Taradr have a special institution which is in many ways intermediate between the dairies of the village and the institution to be described in the next chapter — the ti. The buffaloes connected with this institution are known as the kugvali)'. They are said to belong to the whole of the Tartharol, but this only seems to mean that they are so important that every Toda looks up to them and feels that they are in some measure his. It does not mean that every Toda has a voice in their management or share in their produce. The people of Taradr are divided into six families {pbliii), and each fiimily has charge of the kugvali r in turn for periods of three }'ears, the head of the family having the chief direction. At the present time they are in charge of Siriar (20), having only recently passed to his family. The head of the family in charge appoints the dairyman, who is called kugvalikartnwkh. This dairyman must be a IV THE VILLAGE DAIRY n member of the Taradr clan, but need not necessarily be a member of the family in charge. Each of the chief Taradr villages has a special dairy for the kugimlir. It is called the kugvali {kiigpali) or chief dairy {kug=c.tHd—QS\\Q.{), and it was said to be the chief of all the dairies. All these dairies have one room only, except that at Taradr itself, where there are two rooms. These dairies do not at {Dresent differ in form or general appearance from FIG. 24. — THE 'kugvali OF TARADR. OX ITS LEFT IS THE ' KWOTARS,' AND ON THE EXTREME RIGHT, UNDER THE TREE, IS THE ' KUSH.' THE FLAT STONE TO THE RIGHT OF THE ' KUGVALI ' IS THE 'PUDRSHTIKARS ' (see p. 654). dairies of other kinds. The kugvali at Taradr is shown in Fig. 24, and it is the dairy on the right-hand side of Fig. 5. The kugvalir have one feature peculiar to themselves. They are never recruited from any other herd. Even the buffaloes of the ti often have additions to their number, especially through the ceremony of irndrtiti (Chap. XIII), but in no circumstances are any additions from outside made to the kugvalir. There is a legend that the original buffaloes of this herd 78 THE TODAS chap. were sent from Amnodr^ by the god On to the people of Taradr. A long time after they came to Taradr the herd was on the point of dying out, only one cow buffalo remaining, which was so old that it had lost its teeth. This sole survivor was pregnant, and when about to calve the delivery was much delayed, and it seemed that the buffalo would die before the calf was born. Only women were present and they cut open the belly of the buffalo and took out the calf, which was tended very carefully and lived, and the existing kiigvalir are descended from this calf This story preserves a tradition of the practice of women attending to the buffaloes at the time of calving, which is said to have been at one time the regular practice. The kugvalikartmokh sleeps in the kivotars or calf-house, except at Taradr, at which place he sleeps in the outer room of his dairy. He is allowed to sleep in the ordinary hut on certain nights in the week, and may only have intercourse with Tarthar women. He wears the grey garment, or tioii, which he ties round his waist when churning and wears over his shoulders when milking. The work of the dairy is carried out on the same general lines as that already described, but with certain distinguishing features. All the work is done kabkaditi \ the dairyman never turns his back to the contents of the dairy. In those villages in which he sleeps in the calf-house he goes naked (except for the kuvri) to the ktigvali, washes his hands, prostrates himself at the threshold, enters, and puts on his tiini which is kept on the patatniar. He salutes the niani^ which he feeds with curd and milk as in other dairies. He also knocks on the patat three times, saying " On " each time. As in the other village dairies, he only prays and lights the lamp in the evening. When he gives out buttermilk, he must use the vessel called polmachok. He drinks buttermilk {peputi) in a distinctly more ceremonial manner than in the ordinary dairy, sitting on the seat ikivottini) outside the dairy, and pouring from the crtatpiDi into a leaf-cup made of two ^ The world of the dead. IV ■ THE VILLAGE DAIRY 79 leaves of the kind called kakiiders. He drinks three times only, raising the leaves to his forehead and saying " On " each time. In this more definite ceremonial when drinking buttermilk, we have a transition to the ritual of the //', and this re- semblance to the procedure of the ti is still more marked in the following features. In addition to the kugvalir, the kiigvalikartniokJi has certain ordinary buffaloes, putiir, to provide milk for his personal use, and these buffaloes are milked in a special vessel called kuvun {kupuii). This vessel is also used to transfer butter and buttermilk from the patatuiar to the ertatmar, i.e., buttermilk is not poured directly from \hQ patatpiiii into the majpai'iv, but poured from the former into the kuvun and from this into the niajpariv, and similarly the butter is transferred from patatpun to penpariv by means of the same vessel. The Dairy of Kanodrs Another dairy-temple which occupies an exceptional posi- tion is the poh at Kanodrs. This is a dairy of the conical form, shown in Fig. 25, which differs from that of Nodrs in being surrounded by two walls {katu), both of which are shown in the photograph. According to one account the people of Kanodrs borrowed martir from Kars to be milked at this dairy, but at the present time, when the dairy is occupied, the cattle milked are those called nasJipertJiir. The dairyman at \\\\s poJi is c^XXo.^ pohkartpol and must be a Kanodrs man. During my visit, the dairy was not occupied and the office of poJikartpol was vacant. At the present time a dairyman is appointed about once a year and holds office for thirty or forty days only. So far as I could ascertain, the failure to occupy the dairy constantly is due to the very con- siderable hardships and restrictions which have to be endured by the holder of the office of dairyman, and the time is probabl}' not far distant when this dairy, one of the most sacred among the Todas, will cease altogether to be used. 8o THE TODAS CHAP. When a poJikartpol is in office he is allowed to have one companion, who is a perol, or ordinary person, i.e., he undergoes no special ordination ceremony. With the exception of the two men, no one is allowed to go near the building for any purpose. When I visited the place, my guide stayed a considerable distance away from and out of sight of the dairy while I went with my interpreter to inspect the building and its surroundings. The poJikartpol and his companion FIG. 25. — THE ' rOH "ok KANODKS. THK TWO WALLS ARE SHOWN. sleep in the kivotars, or calf-house, in which there is a bed {ti'ui) for each. This building has no door and is a very flimsy structure, so that sleeping in it can differ very little from sleep- ing in the open air. There is a fireplace between the two beds, but its warmth can hardly be sufficient for any degree of comfort. Further, the pohkartpol may only wear the tnni, a very scanty garment as compared with the piitkiili. The poJikartpol must be celibate while in office, and his companion, IV THE VILLAGE DAIRY 8i must also be celibate while at the dairy. The poJikartpol must take his food sitting on the outer wall which surrounds the dairy. He must not put his hand to his mouth, but must throw his food in ; nor must he put the leaf used as a cup to his lips, but must pour into his mouth from above. Several of these rules and restrictions are even more severe than those for the palol, to be considered in the next chapter. The reason given for the strictness of ritual is that the god Kwoto or Meilitars " had done so many wonderful things on that side" (see Chapter IX). One feature peculiar to the Kanodrs dairy is that milk receives the special name persiii. This is the name of the churning-vessel of the //, but is not used for milk in any other dairy. Otherwise the names used at Kanodrs are the same as at other village dairies. The Teivali Dairy Among the Teivaliol, the various grades of dairy and dairy- men so far considered have no existence. Many Teivali villages have two dairies, but each is served by 2i palikartmokh of the same rank. The general procedure of the Teivali dairy does not appear to differ in any very marked respect from that of the Tarthar tarvali. The most marked difference which I could discover is in the clothing of the dairyman. When engaged in the dairy : operations, the Teivali palikartmokJi wears, at any rate \ in some cases, the tuni, or garment of dark grey cloth of the j same kind as that worn by the ivursol. \ The sacred buffaloes of the Teivaliol are known ^s pasthir, land there are no differences corresponding to the different I grades of the Tartharol. Similarly with one exception, Ithe Teivali pastJiir of each clan have no special names ■ like the viartir, nashperthir, &c., of the Tartharol. The .exception is that the buffaloes of the Piedr clan are called hideipir or kudipir, apparently the same name as that of the \wursulir of Pan. I The village of Kiudr, belonging to the Kuudrol, possesses a jdairy of special sanctity (see Fig. 31). It is served by a G 82 THE TODAS CH. iv palikartmokh, and it does not appear to have any special com- plexities of ritual except in connexion with certain bells which this dairy contains. There are six of these bells, two kept on the patatmar, caUed pataimaf2i,a.nd four kept on the ei'tatmar, called ertatmani. During the dairy ceremonial these bells are * fed ' by the palikartviok/i, the patatmani receiving milk and the ertatmani buttermilk. I only became aware of the exist- ence of these bells incidentally, and had not the opportunity of ascertaining their history or meaning. It is clear, how- ever, that they differ from the mani of the Tartharol and from those of the Piedr clan among the Teivaliol in that they are never used at a funeral (see p. 352). CHAPTER V THE TI DAIRY The ti is the name of an institution which comprises a herd of buffaloes with a number of dairies and grazing districts tended by a dairyman-priest or priests called palol with an assistant called kaltmokh. Each dairy with its accompanying buildings and pasturage is called a ti mad, or // village. In most cases there are two kinds of buffaloes at each ti, and each kind should properly be tended by its own paiol and kaltuiokJi. There is, however, only one ti which possesses \.\\'o palol 2X the present time, and they share a kaltmokh be- tween them, though a second is appointed on certain cere- monial occasions. In other cases one palol tends both kinds of buffalo, and in others, again, the dairies are unoccupied for the greater part of the year and the office of palol is only filled for certain limited periods. Each ti is regarded as the property of a Tarthar clan, but the /^^/ has to be taken from the Teivaliol, the choice being in some cases restricted to one or two Teivali clans ; thus, the palol of the Nodrs ti must belong either to Piedr or Kusharf 'Y\\Q. palol \s chosen by the Tarthar owners, but the latter do not seem to gain any material advantage from their posses- sion. In fact, it involves them in some expense owing to the necessity of giving certain feasts, and this expense was put forward as one reason why a ti is often unoccupied. Never- G 2 84 THE TODAS CHAP. theless the Tartharol are very proud of the fact that the institution of the //belongs to their division, and whenever I asked a Tarthar man why he considered his people superior to the Teivaliol, the answer always ran that they had the ti and that the Teivaliol who tended the // were their servants. The buffaloes belonging to a ti are of two kinds, dis- tinguished diS persiuir d.nd pmiir. The former are the sacred buffaloes, and the elaborate ceremonial of the //dairy is con- cerned with their milk. The punir correspond in some respects to the //////r of the ordinary village dairy, and their milk and its products are largely for the personal use and profit of the palol and are not treated with any special ceremony. The /^;'j-/«/r are usually of various kinds, but the nature of their classification is different at each // and its consideration may be postponed till later. I obtained most of my information from people connected with the Nodrs //. During the whole of my visit the herds of this //were at Modr, which is only about a mile from the Paikara bungalow. Owing to the restrictions on intercourse with so sacred a personage as di palol, it was not practicable to obtain all my information from those actually in office, and I found it best to work with men who had formerly held the post and had retired. I worked chiefly with Kaners (63), an old man who had been palol at the Nodrs //, and with Koboners (58), who had been at the Kars //. For some time I worked with one or other of these two men every day, paying occasional visits to Modr to observe as much of the ceremonial as I was allowed to see. On these occasions I was also able to consult Karkicvan, the ch.\Q^ palol, on points about which the ex-officials were doubtful. Both Kaners and Koboners were trustworthy witnesses, but Kaners was old and had given up his office some time before, and in consequence often committed faults of omission. Koboners was an admirable informant, and the fulness of the account of the // ceremonial is largely due to him. It must be remembered that I was only able to see for myself a few superficial features of the ceremonial, and that my account is based on the descriptions given by these and other men, but THE TI DAIRY 85 nevertheless I have a considerable degree of confidence in its essential accuracy. The dairy of a ti is always called poll, whatever its shape may be, and at those places where there is, or should be, more than oxxQ palol, each has his own dairy. In these cases the work of one dairy goes on quite independently of the other, each palol being only allowed to enter and work in his own building. In addition to the dairy, or dairies, there is at each ti mad a hut in which the palol and kaltniokli sleep and in which the latter takes his food. When there are \.\no palol, both sleep in the same hut. There is a house for the calves called karenpoh, corresponding to the kiuotars of the village dairy. The milking-place of a ti mad is called pepkarmus instead of irkarmus, as at the ordinary dairy, and is usually enclosed so that the buffaloes are screened from the eyes of ordinary people. There is always one buffalo-pen, or tu} for ordinary use, and at some places two others, called pon tu, or festival pens, used on the ceremonial occasions of migration from one place to another and of salt-giving. The surroundings of the dairy are called piil, and there is a special part of the pill to which alone the ordinary Toda is allowed to go, and he may only go there by a special path. Each // dairy which I visited was by the side of a wood and the place for ordinary Todas was in the wood. At a little distance from the dairy there is the source from which the water for sacred purpose is drawn. This source is called kwoinir, and at Modr, where there was a kivoinir for each palol, it was a spring built in with stones, and not a stream as at most villages. In addition to the kzvoinir there is also a stream from which water is taken by the kaltmokh, who is not allowed to go to the sacred spring. There are various stones and other objects of ceremonial importance at most ti places, but the description of these may be given with that of the ceremonies in which they play a part. ^ The proper name for the pen at the // was titiikadr, and for the calf-pen, tiilk' kadr, but my informants always used the ordinary words (ti and l'ad?\ 86 THE TODAS chap. At Modr, the diary place I know best, all the buildings and objects of the ti mad are shut off from the outer world either by walls or by the natural configuration of the ground or forest. Within this screen, partly natural and partly artificial, there is the large milking-ground which may be entered by the buffaloes from two directions, and on one side of this are the three pens, the two dairies, and other buildings. The more important of the two dairies has situated close to it the sleeping-hut and two huts for the calves, and this small group of buildings, shown in Fig. 27, is surrounded by a wall like that round the ordinary village dairy, leaving little space between the wall and buildings. These buildings, being within the outer boundaries of the // mad, are already well screened from the world, and in consequence the surrounding wall is low. The other dairy is situated on the boundary, so that it can be seen by anyone outside the // mad, and the wall around it is therefore high, so that a person standing outside can see nothing of the proceedings of the dairyman. At Modr the water springs are at some distance from the dairies and there is a special path by which the palol goes from the dairy to fetch water. At another dairy, that of Anto, there is one path by which \.\\Q palol goes to fetch water and another by which he returns, but I do not know if this is so at all dairies. Although I visited Modr on many occasions, I never had an opportunity to investigate the buildings closely, 1 was never allowed to go within the walls enclosing the dairies, much less to go inside these buildings. If the annual programme of the //had been carried out, the buffaloes would have left this place before the end of my visit, and I intended to make a thorough inspection after they had gone; but owing to various causes I mention elsewhere (see Chap. VI) the herds stayed at Modr till after my departure, and I had no opportunity of ascertaining the exact plan of the dairies and their surroundings. The dairy of a ti always has two rooms, an inner room, the iilkkiirsh, and an outer room, the phrmunkiirsh. These are divided from one another by a screen, ox patun, which stretches THE TI DAIRY 87 about two-thirds of the way across the breadth of the build- ing and is about three feet high. The palol stands in the outer room and performs the dairy operations proper to the inner room leaning over the top of the screen. The object of the screen is to keep the sacred objects of the dairy from the gaze of anyone who may look in, and especially from that of the kaltinokh ; but in the only dairy of the kind into which I had the chance of looking, the screen was made of vertical sticks with wide intervals between them, so that I could easily see through. This dairy was, however, unoccupied, and if dairy vessels had been there, it is possible that they would A A. Mcini. B r ^^ B, C, D. The Vax^a persiii. E F E. The idrkwoi. F. The lamp. [ G G. The pelkkatitthwaskal. H. The tbratthwaskal. I. The palun. [ H J, K. The pohvelkars. L. The screen in front of the dairy T o>< FIG. 26. — SHOWING THE GENERAL PLAN OF THE TI DAIRY. have been screened from view in some way. In this dairy the screen extended from the right-hand wall as one looked in, but at Modr I was told that the screen was attached to the left-hand wall, and there were certain facts which make it almost certain that this statement is correct, though I had not the opportunity of confirming it by actual observation. I did not discover whether there were any differences between the internal arrangements of the conical dairies and those of the dairies of the ordinary form. Breeks has given a description of the conical dairy at Anto, and from this it would seem that the dairy is divided into two rooms by a THE TODAS CHAP. partition extending to the roof, the two rooms communicating by a door. There are two possibilities as to procedure. It is possible that only one room of this dairy is used for the ceremonial and that it is again divided by an incomplete screen into inner and outer rooms, or it may be that the dairyman churns in the inner room. I have no information on this point, but the general nature of the churning procedure at the ti dairy makes it highly probable that the former supposition is correct and that the inner room is divided into two parts. In the plan on p. 87, I have adopted the arrangement in which the paUin, or screen, is attached to the left-hand side of the building, but this is certainly not the case in all diaries. In some dairies also the fireplaces are on the other side. [a) In the inner room. The Contents of the poh ( One niani. Three pcrsiti. Two torziim. Two kbghlag. One persiukmirihi. One pohvet or poh pet. One kzvoi. One kwoinbrtpet. ^ Several icdshk. Pe/k, or lamp. •wot. ( Pe/k (b) Between inner and outer rooms. { ^ , , i. Jdrk (., 2 1 gallons. The freshly churned milk is poured into and churned in three of these vessels. T\\.q persin corresponds to \hQ patat of the village dairy. Tbrziun. This is an earthenware vessel containing two or three kudi. Two of these vessels are kept in the inner room, one, called the karitbrzujii, to hold water, and the other to hold the butter added while churning. The latter is called the peptbrsum because it is also used to give butter- milk to the buffaloes on certain occasions. When not in use the two tbrzum are placed on and act as covers for two of the persin. The tbrzum corresponds to the vin of the ordinary dairy. KbgJdag. This is the churning-stick which corresponds to the inadtJi. Both kbghlag and niadtJi are alike in having the peculiar shape shown in Fig. i8 (see also p. iii). The thong by means of which the stick is turned, ordinarily called palv^ is here called poinitrs,?ind consists of a strip of the skin of a male calf. The kbghlag is made by the palol from bamboo growing on the Nilgiris. In addition to two used and kept in the inner room, five or six new churning-sticks are kept in the outer room. Persinkiidriki. This is a small piece of bamboo with a handle called tuttJi, used to knock against the persin when praying. PoJivet {pohpet). A wand used when praying. Kwoi. A bamboo vessel containing about three kudi. It is the vessel taken out by \he. palol to milk the buffaloes. It corresponds to the irkartpun of the village dairy and is made by the /^/c*/ from bamboo obtained by the kaltniokh. go THE TODAS CHAP. Kwoindrtpet. A wand carried by the palol with the kivoi and used to keep away the calves when milking. Tedshk. Rattan rings used when carrying the dairy vessels. Idrkwoi. A bamboo vessel containing about one kiidi. It is used to transfer butter and buttermilk from the vessels of the inner room to the vessels of the outer room, and is kept midway between the two rooms. There is nothing corre- sponding to it in the village dairy, except at the kugvali, where the kiivun is used in the same way. Alug. Earthenware vessels used as receptacles for butter- milk and butter in the outer room. There are at least two of these vessels, usually more. This vessel corresponds to the pariv of the village dairy. Uppnn. A bamboo vessel which is used to hold the butter- milk which the palol drinks. Mbrkudriki. A vessel used like a ladle to transfer butter- milk from the ahig to the itppuu or the mbrpiin. It corre- sponds to the niajertkndriki or asJikiok of the ordinary dairy. Karpun. A bamboo vessel used to milk the piinir, or ordinary buffaloes of the // herds. Tiiravali. The cooking-pot of which the ordinary name is tbratthadi. Guduboi. An earthenware pot to hold nei or ghi. Its ordinary name \s pat/ns. The mbrpun, kept in the sleeping-hut, is a bamboo vessel used by the kaltmokh to hold buttermilk both for himself and for certain privileged visitors called vibrol. The earthenware vessels of the inner room are not obtained from the Kotas, like the ordinary vessels, but are made by Hindus, and are procured through the Badagas. The/., that of his own family) by no less than twenty-five buffaloes. In one recent case, a man has resigned the post of palol to the Pan // because he found the income was too small. According to my informant, Kaners, a man used always to accept the office of palol unwillingly. When the offer came to him, he would say, " I cannot leave my buffaloes ; I cannot leave my wife and my children." Then the people would say, " You are born for the ti\ it is your birthright ; you must not refuse " ; and the man would reluctantly consent. Now the Todas are in more need of money than they used to be, and there is no difficulty in obtaining candidates for those dairies at which the pecuniary advantages are sufficiently great, so that people will now beg to be appointed as palol to certain dairies, and it is even whispered that bribes have been offered in order to obtain office. There is no doubt whatever that the pecimiary reward is the chief inducement to people to under- take the charge. The Nodrs ti has the largest herd of buffaloes, and I was told that this ti is very much coveted, while others which have few buffaloes are unable to obtain a /^/(?/ at all. My Teivali friends invariably talked about the // in exactly the same kind of way that an Englishman talks about a benefice. At the present time there are several instances in which the office of palol is vacant, and there seems to be a growing difficulty in filling many of these places. There is little doubt that the chief reason for this is that the herds have become very small, so that the resulting profit does not offer sufficient inducement ; but there is also no doubt that the exclusion from the home and the limitation of intercourse I THE TI DAIRY with the world in general act as deterrents to those who are thinking of becoming candidates for the vacant places. Another point about which several writers have erred is in supposing that \.\\q palol is important in the general govern- ment of the Todas and in stating that the Todas go to him for counsel and advice. I inquired into this very carefully, and there seemed to be no doubt whatever that \\\q. palol has ji absolutely no functions outside the management of his dairy and of ceremonies connected with it. He has no place on the naiui, or council, and only appears before it as defendant or witness in matters connected with the //'. I could not ascertain that any one ever consults \.\\q palol o\\ any business except that of the //, and outside his office he has nothing whatever to do, and is little thought of by the Todas. The sanctity attaching to the/i^/c?/ and the reverence paid to him are attached and paid wholly to the holder of the office and not at all to the man. The ordinary Toda may only approach the palol on two days of the week, Monday and Thursday. On other days, if he wishes to communicate, he must stand a considerable distance from the ti — it was said as much as a quarter of a mile — -and carry on his conversation from this distance. I had, however, the opportunity of observing that the distance was diminished on some occasions. On no account may s. palol qwqv be touched by an ordinary person. A palol becomes himself an ordinary person, or: perol, if either he or his dairy should be touched by any uncon- secrated person. Recently Nodrners {6y) lost the office of palol to the warsir at the Nodrs ti, because a Tamil man went to his dairy while he was out looking after his buffaloes ; he was soon reappointed, but to another //. The Toda who approaches \.\\q palol must go kevenarut, i.e., with his right arm out of the cloak, and there is a definite form of salutation which is different forTartharol and Teivaliol. When one of the former approaches, the palol says " Ban," and the Tarthar man replies " Ir kaudd" literally " Buffalo, calf, have you?" To one of the Kuudrol, the chief Teivali clan, the palol says the I'zuarzam, or sacred name of Kuudr, followed by the word idil/i, i.e., he utters the words IvikaiunokJi I02 THE TODAS chap. kiitmeil ten iditJi. When any other TeivaH man approaches, the palol says ^'Pekein" but all the Teivaliol reply with the same formula as the Tartharol. If a Tarthar man and a Teivali man approach the palol together, the former will be greeted first. The palol greets the man to whose division the buffaloes belong before the man of his own clan or division. If a Toda is in the condition called ichc/iil, i.e., has been defiled in connexion with funeral or other ceremonies, it was said that he might not approach \.\\q: palol. I had an interest- ing example, however, of the way in which a regulation of this kind is observed. While Teitnir (52) had ichchil, owing to the fact that the funeral ceremonies of a relative had not been completed, he went with me to the Modr // one day and approached within a few yards of the palol. He had taken off the semi-European clothing he often wore, and had his right arm bare, but no greeting of any kind took place between him and the palol ; the latter did not recognise his presence in any way and behaved as if Teitnir were not there. On this occasion Teitnir was icJichilon account of the death of a more or less dis- tant relative. Later his wife died, and then there seemed to be no doubt that he would not under any circumstances have approached the // or the palol. There are several regulations concerning the food of the palol. Any grain he eats must be that provided by the Badagas. At the present time more rice is eaten than was formerly the case. This is not grown by the Badagas, but nevertheless the rice for the palol must be obtained through them. The palol may drink milk, but only that from the buffaloes called punir. He must take his food sitting on the seat, or pohvelkars, outside the dairy, and, as we have seen, he uses for this purpose the seat which is not on the same side as the Diani. He usually prepares the food himself and cooks it on the fireplace called tbrattJnvaskal in the outer room of dairy ; but there is also a fireplace outside the dairy which is used sometimes, especially when food has to be prepared for many people, and then the palol may be assisted by the kaltniokh. If food is prepared by the kaltniokk, the fireplace outside the dairy must be used. V " THE TI DAIRY 103 The only food which the palol is altogether forbidden is chillies. The /rt/f/ wears garments of the kind called tuni, of a dark grey material made at Nulturs in the Coimbatore district. They are brought to the palol by the Badaga called iikelfniav} Each palol has two of these garments. One is worn as a loincloth and is called pbdrsJituni. It is only worn when definitely engaged in dairy- work and on certain ceremonial occasions, and at other times is kept in the outer room of the dairy. The other garment is called kubmituni, and is worn like the ordinary cloak, but always with the right arm out {kevenariif). It is worn when not engaged on sacred busi- ness, and on a izw occasions is worn together with the pbdrsJituni. The small perineal cloth ordinarily called kiivn is made of the same material as the tii7ii and is called kagiirs at the //, while the string which passes round the waist and holds the kagurs in place is called kivainur or kwoinur. 1 was told that the palol should never cut his hair or his nails while he is in office. If 3. palol has held office for eighteen years without a break, he performs a special ceremony. The essential feature of this ceremony is that the palol has intercourse in the day- time with a girl or young woman who must belong to the Tartharol. The woman is chosen by the /^/t?/ and the matter is arranged by the clan to which the // belongs. On the appointed day the woman is brought to a village near the dairy at which the palol is living ; if he is at Modr, for instance, the woman will come to the adjacent village of Perththo. She must bathe carefully and be adorned with all possible ornaments and fine clothing. After the work of the morning is over, the /^/o/ gives rice and milk to the kaltniokh and tells him to have food ready for him when he returns at night. He then goes covered with his kubuntuni to a wood near the village, where the woman will be awaiting him. Later the woman returns to the village and the palol remains in the ' According to Brceks (p. 14) ihesc garments are made by the ]5adagas of Jakaiieri. This may be correct, but it is much more probable that they are pro- cured through the Badagas living in this village. I04 THE TOD AS chap. wood completely naked till sunset, when he dresses and returns to the neighbourhood of his dairy, but remains in an adjoining wood till midnight. He then bathes in a stream and going to the dairy calls " Kaltiiwkhia ! " twice. The kaltmokh comes out of the sleeping hut and brings a stone resembling the pohvelkars, on which the palol sits, and the kaltmokJi pours buttermilk ikaizJivatiti) for the palol according to the customary ritual. Then the kaltmokh brings the papuii, and the /'(^/t'/ washes his hands and goes to rest. There was some difference of opinion among the Todas as to whether t\\Q palol would continue to hold office after this ceremony. He un- doubtedly returns to his work, but it seemed probable that he would retire after a short time and his place be taken by another. In this ceremony the celibate priest after eighteen years of office has intercourse with a woman belonging to the division not his own. This takes place in the day-time, the palol ihws committing an act which is ordinarily regarded by the Todas as immoral.^ The last occasion on which this ceremony was performed was when it was done by Kodrizbon, who lived before the time of the grandfather of Kaners, who is himself an old man. Karkievan has now been palol of the Nodrs ti for sixteen years, and there was already at the time of my visit much talk among the Todas about the ceremony which he might be expected to perform two years later. A man who has given up the office of palol is known as patol. It was quite clear that, on resigning office, he entirely lost his sanctity, and it did not seem that he derived any great social importance from having held the sacred office. I could find no instance of a man who had been palol having any special influence or power either in his clan or among the Todas generally. Only in one way are i\\Q patol important, and that is as repositories of the knowledge of the dairy ritual, and any man about to enter on the office of palol will learn the details of the ritual from those who have held office before him. I could learn of one privilege only pertaining to a patol. ^ It is possible lliat Finiciowas told of this custom, and that his statement about the relations of the /a/iS'/ to women only refer to (his ceremony. V • THE TI DAIRY 105 He is allowed to go to the // mad on the day called upkarvnol, after the pomip ceremony (see Chap. VIII), and on that occasion he receives food from \he palol. The Kaltmokh The kaltmokh is usually a boy, but he may occasionally continue to hold office till he is about twenty years of age. He must belong either to the Teivaliol or to the Melgarsol. He is a general assistant to the palol, and has also certain definitely assigned duties, such as giving buttermilk to the palol and blowing the horns at night. He also takes part in several important ceremonies. When away from the dairy and its immediate surroundings he wears an ordinary cloak, but always with his right arm outside. When engaged in his work at the dairy or in the pal of the ti, he must be naked except for the kuvn. When he has been away from the ti he may not return by the path used by the palol, but must use a special path, carrying the cloak folded and hung over his shoulder. At the Modr dairy, however, I noticed that the kaltmokh sometimes kept his cloak in a tree just outside the ti mad, and then went in and out by the same path as \.\\q palol. The kaltmokh sleeps in the same hut as the palol, from whom he receives his food. When there are two palol and only one kaltmokh, the two dairymen divide the duty of feeding the boy between them. The kaltmokh never goes into the dairy, but he may put his hand into the outer room to take out those vessels which he is allowed to touch. He may never touch the vessels of the inner room. There are two grades in the office of kaltmokh, a lower called /tv'/7/r.i-^/ and a higher called tuuitiisthkaltmokh or inW kaltmokh. The latter wears a piece of tnni called /tV//^/ on the left side of the string {Iccrk) supporting the perineal cloth. The pcrkursol is allowed to go to certain places and do certain things which are not allowed to the full kaltmokh. Whenever it is necessary that the kaltmokh should do any of Jo6 THE TODAS chap. the forbidden things, or even if he is Hkely to be in such a position that he may have to do these things, he becomes perkiirsol. This he does by throwing off the pctiini and dipping one leg either into the pool of water called tariipiin- kiidi (see p. 177) or into the dairy stream {pali nipa) of an ordinary dairy (if he dipped his leg into the ars nipa, or part of a stream used for ordinary household purposes, he would at once lose his office entirely and become an ordinary person). As soon as he has dipped his foot, he becomes perkursol and may do the following things summed up in the general expression tarskivardrki'idthodi. He may pass a village where there is a woman in the seclusion-hut {pitzJiars), or where the relics of the dead are being kept between the two funeral ceremonies ; he may go to a place where the people have been in communication with a village in which either of these conditions exist ; he may pass a river by a bridge, and he may go to the ivursuli of a Tarthar village. If the full kaltmokli does any of these things, even unwittingly, he would at once become an ordinary person {perol). The kaltmokh degrades himself to the rank o'i perkursol even when there is merely the danger that he may infringe any of the restrictions ; thus, one day when there was a woman at Karia who was in seclusion after childbirth, the kaltmokh at Modr, Katsog (55), was going to the hut of the forest guard near Paikara. He would not have to pass Karia, but there was a chance that the forest guard might have been in com- munication with the people of Karia, and therefore Katsog became perkursol. A perkursol is regarded as of the same rank as a wursol, and the people spoke of perkursol as a ti word for tvursol — z> , a zvursol at the ti was called perkursol, just as a madtJi (churn) at the // was called kbgJdag. In order to regain his rank as full kaltmokh, the perkursol has to perform the same ceremony as that which takes place at the end of the ordination to this office (see Chap. VII). While the kaltmokh is degraded to the rank of perkursol he may not touch any dairy vessels ; he may not pour butter- milk for \.\\Q palol, nor may he blow the horns — i.e., he may do none of the more important and sacred duties of his office. THE TI DAIRY 107 The Morol I have said that no ordinary Toda is allowed to approach the /, while the ivars palol hdid \\\\\Q persinir and about fifteen///;//;'. The dairy of the tiir is often called the // /y Lewis Rice, Bangalore, 1878, vol. iii., p. no.) V ■ THE TI DAIRY 115 followed the buffaloes, the Kuiidr people should no longer have the privilege of becoming /<^/(^/ of the Nodrs //, and that in future the palol of this ti should be taken either from Piedr or Kusharf At the present time ^ the palol of the tiir is Karkievan of Piedr, who has now been continuously in office for sixteen years, having also had a previous period of office as palol. T\vQ palol oi the ivarsir is Nerponers of Kusharf {66), who had been in office for about a year at the time of my visit. The kaltinokh is Katsog of Kuudr (55). Although now one palol belongs to Piedr and the other to Kusharf, it is not necessary that this should be so and it has happened frequently that both palol have belonged to the Piedrol. The inani of the tiir, which is said to be made of iron, is that called Persin, of whose miraculous birth an account has been given. The viani of the warsirxs called Keu, and is said to be made partly of gold, partly of silver, and partly of iron. Milk is put on the former bell by the palol at every churning and milking, but Keu is not ' fed.' In addition there are four inaiii of the kind called kiidrs, which are tied to the piinir and kept outside the door of the dairy. Three of these belong to \.\\e pinii)' of the ii palol, and are called Arvatz, Kiudz, and Kerani, and should be tied to buffaloes named Piithiov, Peires, and Nersadr respectively. The fourth bell belongs to the punir of the ivars palol, and is called Kerani. It should be tied to a buffalo named Talg. The lamp of the ivars poll is one of those made of iron, and is said to have come from Amnodr. It is called Onavpelk, the lamp of the seven holes. The ti poh had a similar lamp at one time, but it has been lost. Three horns are kept in the sleeping-hut of the Nodrs //. Two belong to the tiir, and are called Kiudrkudr and Pudothkiidr. The third belongs to the tvarsir, and is called Teigun. (For the origin of these horns see the story of Korateu or Kuzkarv in Chap. IX.) One feature of the ti poJi at Modr, which is certainly not ' In 1902. I 2 ii6 THE TODAS chap. general, is the presence of a screen in front of the door. The effect of this screen is to protect the palol from the gaze of the ordinary Todas when they are standing in their appointed place. When I visited Modr I was allowed to go into the enclosure where the buffaloes are milked, but this privilege was not accorded to my Toda guides, and in consequence I was often able to observe the doings of the palol when they were hidden from my guides by the screen. The %vars poJi, on the other hand, has no such screen, but the wall surrounding this dairy is much higher than at the ti poll and effectually screens the palol from the public gaze. The door of the wars poJi faces between north and north-east, and that of the ti poJi south-east, but owing to the presence of the screen the /^/^Z has on coming out to turn to the left, and therefore faces north-east when salutinsr. The Kars Ti The following story gives the traditional origin of the ti mad at Makars, one of the chief places of the Kars //, but I could not ascertain definitely whether it was supposed to givei the origin of the // as a whole or only of the ti mad at Makars. The story runs that Anto created buffaloes, one of which came; to Makars, where a tiidr tree was standing. The buffalo: rubbed against the tree and part of the bark came off, and thatj is why the place became a ti. When the buffalo found thatj there was no palol at Makars and no kaltinok/i, it was very! angry and raged about furiously. While it was doing this, it] jumped some stones and fell into the river called Kitheri, andj it also jumped a stream called Warwar. In spite of its falling] into the river, however, it did not die, but got out and pushed stones together with its horns so as to make a tii. Later] a dairy was built near the tudr tree. Whether this was the] origin of the ti or only of the ti mad of Makars, it seemed] quite clear that the Kars // is believed to be one of the very early institutions of the Todas. Its two ancient places were Enodr and Makars. At each there were tu'o dairies, and one THE TI DAIRY 117 at least of those at Enodr was of the conical variety and had the special name of Medrpoh. Enodr has now fallen into disuse. It was a few miles to the north-east of Ootacamund, and it was no longer visited because the buffaloes would have had to pass through Ootacamund in going from Makars to Enodr and would have been defiled. Makars, which is near the Nanjanad valley, is now the chief place of the //, and the buffaloes were there at the time of my visit. Another important and ancient place of the Kars // is Kon (Lingmand) in the Kundahs. In the story of Kwoto (see p. 204) the buffaloes were going to Enodr from Kon when the boy showed his miraculous knowledge of the buffalo kivarzam. Two other places are Neradr and Pars. Both Kon and Neradr are still used, but Pars, which is not far from Ootacamund, is no longer used, having been given up because Badagas went to live near it. As at the Nodrs //, there are two kinds o( persinir in addition to the puiiir. The two kinds are called piirsir and parsir, the former being also sometimes called cnodrir. Although there are two kinds of sacred buffalo with their corresponding dairies, there has never been more than owe palol. When di palol is appointed to this //, he is ordained to the office oi palol to the parsir, and, for the first month, he attends to these buffaloes only and enters their dairy, the parspoh, only. At the end of the month, he becomes palol to the piirsir, with certain ceremonies, to be described later, and from that time to the end of his period of office he works in t\\(i piirspoh only and never enters i\\& parspoh, although he continues to attend to the parsir as well as to the piirsir. The milk of iho. parsir is mixed with that of t\\Q piirsir in the vessels of the dairy belonging to the latter kind of buffalo. This dairy, which is usually cdiWed piirspoh after the buffaloes, has also the special name of Kakanmudri. There is one bell belonging to the piirsir which has three names, Perner, Uner, and Persagan, but it is also often called Ner. Koboners told me that this bell is usually quite black, but that he had once rubbed off the thick layer of soot and dust with which it is covered and had found that it was made of gold. It seems to have been of a light colour and Ii8 THE TODAS chap. may have been made of bronze. There is also a bell belong- ing to the parsir called Talg. Formerly the palol of the Kars ti was chosen from the Melgarsol, but this clan lost the privilege owing to the mis- behaviour of one of their number when holding the sacred office. The buffaloes were standing at Enodr, and the Melgars palol was milking a buffalo, when he saw a honey-bee. He got up, left the buffalo, and went after the bee, leaving his mil king- vessel behind. He followed the bee, found the nest, took the comb, ate some of the honey, gave the remainder to the kaltmokJi to put in the hut, and then went back and con- tinued to milk the buffalo, whose name was Kan. When he had finished milking, he was taking the milk into the dairy when a plank fell on his head and he was killed. Then it was decided that Melgars people should no longer ho, palol ^ and that the office in future should be filled from the Teivaliol. Whenever the Todas wish to refer to the fact that the Melgars people have lost the right of being palol, they say, " Kan karvuk kHiztheniz upivHchi" or, "Kan milking, bee he followed after." T\\Q palol is now taken from Piedr, Kusharf or Kuudr, and the present holder of the office is Nodrners {6y) of Kusharf The dairies of this // are always near those of the Pan //, and the two palol share one kaltmokh between them, the present holder of this office being Teitun (64) of Piedr. The Pan Ti The legend of the origin of this // will be given in full in the story of Kwoten (Chap. IX). When this hero was reproved by his wife because the Pan people had no ti, he obtained buffaloes from the Nodrs ti, so that the Pan //appears to have been later in origin than those of Nodrs and Kars, and to have been derived from the former. Certain of the buffaloes are reputed to be descended from an ancestor made by Teikhars or Kulinkars (see the story of this god in Chap. IX). The most important dairy of this ti appears to have been situated at Tarsodr or Tazodr in the Kundahs, which is the THE TI DAIRY 119 place to which the buffalo created by Teikhars found its \v£iy. Tarsodr is about two miles from Kon, and there is still a dairy of the conical kind at this place which is probably one of those mentioned by Breeks under the name of Tarzhva. Its special name was Pohujpoh or Puverizjjoh, and it belonged to the group of buffaloes of the ti called tarsir. It is now falling into ruins, having been disused for about twenty years. The \d.st palol who went there was Pethovan (70) of the Kwaradr division of the Keadrol. He died at Tarsodr soon after going there in perfect health from Kudodr. His son, Kiudners, later became palol to the tarsir, but was afraid to go to Tarsodr because his father had died there. Like his father, Kiudners died in office at Kudodr, and the death of both father and son while holding the office o^ palol so alarmed the Todas that no one has been to the dairy of Tarsodr since. I was told that the dairy had been given up because the gods of Tarsodr were so severe, i.e., it was assumed that both father and son had been killed by the gods for some infringement of dairy regulations. New dairies have since been built near Kon, the seat of the Kars ti in the Kundahs. The place at which the buffaloes were standing at the time of my visit was Kudodr, near Makars, and this is the ti mad which is occupied during the greater part of the year. Another dairy is at Neradr, again near the ti mad of the same name belonging to the Kars ti. A fourth place, Uteradr, is now rarely visited, since the buffaloes may only go there when there are two palol. There seems to be a very close association between the ti institutions of Kars and Pan. The buffaloes of the two always move about together, and the dairies are so close to one another that, at present, they are able to share the same kaltmokJi. The Pan // has two kinds of buffalo in addition to the pitnir, viz., the tarsir and the ivarsir. At one time the warsir belonged to one division of the Pan clan, called the Panol, and the tarsir belonged to the other division, the Kuirsiol. At Kon there are two dairies, one for each kind of buffalo, and each kind should also have its own palol. At the present time there is only one palol, who looks after the tarsir. THE TODAS chap. The dairy of the ivarsir, or the wai'sfoh, is closed and may not be entered by the palol, and he is not allowed to milk the -cvarsir, though he may milk the punir belonging to the ivai'spoh. Formerly the palol of the tarsir was chosen from the Kwaradr division of the Keadrol and \\\q. palol of the warsir from the other division of this clan, this arrangement being said to have been ordained by Kwoten. The Kwaradr division is now extinct and the remainder of the Keadrol are not very numerous, and the present palol of the tarsir is Peilet (64) of Piedr. A few years ago both dairies were occupied, the palol of the tarsir being Naburs (64) of Piedr, and the/'c?/c/of the zvarsir, Pichievan (69) of Keadr. The latter is said to have thrown up his office because the income was not large enough. If there should be a death among the Panol, the second funeral ceremonies (the inarvainolkedr, or so-called ' dry funeral ') could not take place unless both dairies were occupied. Since Pichievan resigned, no Pan man has died, but when this happens a second palol would have to be appointed before the inarvainolkedr could be held. The tarsir have two bells, called Kosi and Pongg. The former is tied on a buffalo called Kosi, and Pongg on one called Enmars. Milk is only put on the bell called Kosi. At the dairy of these buffaloes there is an iron lamp of the ancient kind with seven cavities and seven wicks, and the horn is called Kwatadr. The ivarsir have one bell, called Keituzan, which is put round the neck of a buffalo called Kojiu. The old iron lamp belonging to these buffaloes has been lost and an earthenware or bark lamp is used in its stead. The horn is called Persagan, but as these buffaloes have no palol ^ this horn is not now blown. The people of Pan are inbrol at this //. The Kwodrdoni Ti There was some difference of opinion as to the origin of this //, which is often called the Arsaiir ti by the Todas. According to one account, given to me by Kwodrdoni people, THE TI DAIRY the buffaloes called arsaiir came from the sea and were the mothers of all the tiir. Another account, which seemed to be more generally accepted, was that the Kwodrdoni ti was instituted by On, like those of Nodrs and Kars, but that one day, when the palol was milking, the mani, called Pushodipongg, came from the sea and sat on the side of the milking-vessel. The chief place of this // is Pursas, situated between Kwodrdoni and Kotagiri. The other dairies in the past were at Kakwai, Karkiiln, Pobkars, and Kadrin, but only the first of these, which is close to Kwodrdoni, is now used. At the time of my visit there was no palol, and the buffaloes, only about eight in number, were standing at Kakwai, but were not being milked. A palol is appointed every year shortly before the ceremony in honour of the god Kamataraya, which is celebrated by the Kotas in Januar}\ When the Kotas announce that they are about to hold this ceremony, a palol and kaltmokJi are appointed who go to Pursas. The buffaloes are milked and the ghi which is obtained from the milk is given to the Kotas. The palol remains in office for about twenty days, and his appointment is made altogether on behalf of the Kotas, who would be very angry if it were not done. It seemed that the success of the Kota ceremony would be seriously impaired if there were no palol dX the Kwodrdoni //. A palol would also be appointed if it were wished to hold the second funeral ceremonies, or marvaiiiolked}^ of a Kwodrdoni person. The Kwodrdoni ti has never had more than one kind of buffalo, and never more than one palol or kaltmokJi. The buffaloes, or arsaiir, are those which disobeyed the commands of On (see Chap. IX), and are said to be responsible for the dangers suffered by buffaloes from tigers. The people of Nodrs and Kars have the privilege of taking buttermilk and food at the ti, and are known as mbrol, but they may not sleep at the ti mad, nor do they take any part in the buffalo migration. According to one account, the people of Pan are also mbrol, and may even sleep at the ti. THE TODAS CH. v The Nidrsi Ti This is an offshoot of the Kvvodrcloni //. One evening, after the buffaloes and calves of the Kwodrdoni // had been shut up for the night, the women of an adjoining village were pounding the grain called ragi. When the calves heard the noise of the pounding, they ran out of their pen and made their way to Pursas. One of the wooden tastJi which bar the entrance of the pen became entangled in the neck of one of the calves, and when the calf reached a place near Edrpali village, the tastJi dropped and became a wood, and the place is now called Tasthnodrpem. From here the calf went on to Pursas. The Kwodrdoni people went to Pursas to fetch back the calf, but when they got to the place they changed their minds and said that the calf should stop at Pursas, and that the Nidrsi people should make a // there and appoint a palol; and this was the origin of the Nidrsi ti, which is called kar ti because it was derived from a calf, while the ti of Kwodrdoni is called ir ti. The two institutions have different dairies, but both are at Pursas. I could obtain little satisfactory information about the customs of the Nidrsi ti. There is only one ti mad, viz., that at Pursas near the dairy of the Kwodrdoni ti. Any of the Teivaliol may hold the office of palol, but at the time of my visit there was no palol, and the six buffaloes, which are all that remain of the herd, are being looked after, though not milked, by a Tarthar man, Todrigars (41), at one of the ordinary villages. A palol would have to be appointed before the second funeral ceremonies of one of the Nidrsiol could be performed, but apparently he would only hold office for a short time. CHAPTER VI BUFFALO MIGRATIONS At certain seasons of the year it is customary that the buffaloes both of the village and the // should migrate from one place to another. Sometimes the village buffaloes are accompanied by all the inhabitants of the village ; some- times the buffaloes are only accompanied by their dairyman and one or more male assistants. There are two chief reasons ^ for these movements of the buffaloes, of which the most urgent is the necessity for new grazing-places. During the dry season, lasting from about December to March, the pasturage around the villages where the Todas usually live becomes very scanty, and the buffaloes are taken to places where it is more abundant. Many of these places are in or near the Kundahs, where the rainfall is greater than over the rest of the hills, and others are scattered here and there about the hills in spots where, owing to favourable conditions, the ground is less parched than elsewhere. At other seasons of the year it may happen that the grazing in the neighbourhood of a village becomes exhausted, and it becomes necessary to take the buffaloes to another place. The other chief reason for the migrations is that certain villages and dairies, formerly important and still sacred, are visited for ceremonial purposes, or out of respect to ancient custom. Some of these places, such as the villages of Piedr ^ The buffaloes may also move from one village to another if sickness should break out among them, but I do not know whether this would become the same ceremonial occasion as in the other kinds of migration. 124 THE TODAS ch. vi and Kusharf, are in outlying parts of the hills, and are entirely unoccupied except on the occasion of these ceremonial visits. Another example is the ancient and sacred village of Nas- miodr, of which there now only remains a dairy, situated in a grove in the middle of a valley cultivated by Badagas. It is visited once a year by the wursiilir of Kars for about a month, and, as there is only scanty pasturage available, there is little doubt that the visit to this dairy has no utilitarian motive. At the // the same reasons hold good. Several of the // herds have dairies in or near the Kundahs, to which they go during the dry months of the year, while other dairies of special sanctity are visited only for a short time in each year. The dairy of Anto is a good example of the latter case ; it is in an outlying part of the hills, and should be visited for one month every year, because it is the most sacred dairy of the //. The migrations of the ti buffaloes are more strictly regu- lated than are those of the village herds, and there are definitely prescribed rules for the order in which the dairies of the ti shall be visited, and for the duration of the stay at each, though, as we shall see later, these rules are not always followed. As a general rule, the more ancient and sacred the dairy to which the buffaloes are going, the more elaborate are the ceremonies on reaching the new destination. The day of migration is called irskidithbiitiiol ox irnodrthnol. Migrations of the Village Buffaloes My account of the ceremonial accompanying the migration from one village to another is unfortunately very incomplete. The following accounts were given by Teivali men, and I cannot guarantee that they hold good for both divisions and for all clans. When it is decided to move to a fresh village certain men are chosen to help in the removal, and are told to come on the appointed day, which must not be one of the sacred days of the village (see Chap. XVII). On the morning of this day 125 126 THE TODAS Ch. VI the palikartmokli abstains from food. He does the ordinary- work of his dairy, and gives out buttermilk and butter to the women as usual. He then calls to the chosen men who have come to the village, and they stand outside the door of the dairy. The palikartmokli comes out, holding in his right hand the milking-vessel iirkartpiui) and churning-stick iinadtJi). He stands facing the sun, and salutes holding the vessel and churn to his forehead, and says " ekirzam meidjam" the kivai'sam of Teikirzi and Tirshti. Then all present pray, using the prayer of the dairy. The palikartuiokJi puts the milking-vessel and the churning-stick at the back of the dairy (the palinierkal), and then brings the other dairy things, carrying out those o( the patat;nar first and then those of the ertatmar. Two stout sticks are prepared, each called piitusht, and the various objects of the patatviar are fastened on one stick and those of the ertatjnar on the other, in the way shown in Figs. 29 and 30.^ When the things have been fastened on the sticks, all go to the front of the huts of the village and take food, after which the procession starts. It is headed by the buffaloes, followed by the dairyman and the men carrying the dairy vessels. Each of the latter carries the staff on his left shoulder and has the right arm out of the mantle. The man carrying the things of the patatmar walks in front of the man carrying those of the ertatinar, as shown in the figures. After the buffaloes, the dairyman, and the dairy vessels, there follow any men who are accompanying the procession, and if all the inhabitants of the village are migrating, the women and children follow the men. On leaving the village the women and girls may have to go for a certain distance by a different path from that taken by the buffaloes, but during the greater part of the journey there does not seem to be any regulation to prevent the women following in the wake of the sacred animals. On reaching the new village, the palikartmokh purifies ^ The vessels used for the purposes of these photographs were not the real vessels of the dairy, but those of the house. The method of fastening the earthen- ware vessels does not correspond to that described for the ii dairy, and I am doubtful whether the method of fastening for real dairy vessels would not have corresponded to the procedure of the ti rather than to that shown in the figures. 127 128 THE TODAS chap. the dairy by throwing into it water mixed with tiidr bark.^ The dairy things are taken off the sticks at an appointed spot. T\\& pa/ikartmokh sahites the sun with irkaj'thpun and madtJi as in the morning, and then all pray. After the prayer, the palikartnwkJi takes some ferns itaf) and puts them on the place within the dairy where the things of the pafatfnar are to stand, and these are put in their places on the ferns. The things of the ertatinar are then arranged in the same way. The palikartniokJi makes fire by friction, lights the lamp, and then goes to milk the buffaloes. If he has brought milk with him, he will churn it. Meanwhile a ceremony called nbtiteiti will have been performed by a little girl about six or seven years of age in those cases in which all the inhabitants of the village are migrating. Before leaving the village from which the people are coming this girl will have been given food in the dairy. On reaching the new place, the girl plucks three blades of the slender grass called kakar and goes to the front of the dairy and sweeps the threshold with the grass. She does this with her right arm outside her cloak, and when she has swept she bows down with her forehead to the threshold three times. If there is more than one dairy, she sweeps the threshold of each. T\\q palikartmokh then gives her a small handful of butter and the girl goes to the huts. Up to this time the women will have been waiting near the village, but when they see that the girl has performed her ceremony, they go to the huts and prepare the food called asJikkartpiniil^ When the palikartniokh has finished milking, he also prepares food, and when it is ready he throws some into the fire, tbrtiitrserst/ii, " food into the fire he throws," and then gives out the food to the people, and they eat both this and that prepared by the women. At some places the ceremonial is more complicated than at others, the degree of elaboration depending on the sacredness of the dairy to which the buffaloes are going. When they migrate to the especially sacred village of Kiudr the extra ^ This is probaljly only true of Teivali dairies. '^ This is a special food used on important ceremonial occasions, the mode of preparation of which is given in Chapter XXIV. VI BUFFALO MIGRATIONS 129 complexity seems to depend on the presence of the bells of the dairy of that village. When the palikartniokh reaches Kiudr, he puts the dairy things he has brought with him at the back of the dairy. Another palikartnwkJi goes into the inner room and brings out the bells called patatmaiii and lays them by stones called neur.^iilnkars at one side of the dairy (see Fig. 31). He enters again and brings out four ertattnaiii, which he lays by the side of another group of stones called iicnraiiliikars (see Fig. 32). The second palikartnwkJi then I-IG. 31. — THE DAIRY OF KIUDR WITH THE ' PAI.IKARTMOKH ' ETAMUDRI (5S) ; ON THE RIGHT OF THE DAIRY ABOVE AND TO THE LEFT OF THE HEAD OF ETAMUDRI IS THE STONE CALLED ' NEURZULNKARS,' BY WHICH THE 'PATATMANl' IS LAID. purifies the dairy with tudr bark and puts the vessels which have been brought to Kiudr in their places on a bed of ferns in the wa)' which has been described. After all the vessels : are in their places, he takes \.\\g patatinajii to the dair}' stream, •; while the ^v'~,t palikartniokh brings tudr bark. The tudr bark I is pounded and the juice squeezed over the bells. The two I patatmani, having thus been purified, are then put on a forked I stick and carried to their usual place in the dairy. The same i K I30 THE TODAS CHAP. procedure is repeated with the ertatmani, which are strung on a piece of bamboo and hung on another piece of bamboo which projects from the wall on the ertat side of the dairy. Then milk is put on the patatniani and buttermilk on the ertatmani as usual. 1-"ig. 32. — the ' neurzulnkars' of kiudr, by the side of which the 'ertatmani' are laid. Migration of the Ti Buffaloes I obtained a very full account of the migration of the buffaloes of the Nodrs // and will first give an account of the proceedings for this herd. The Toda year begins during October with the ceremony oi tentntiisthchi (see Chap. XIII) and at this time the buffaloes .should be standing at Modr, near Paikara. Soon after this ceremony, the herd goes to Anto, the most important and sacred of the ti places. They stay here for a month and then go to Majodr, not far from Makurti Peak, where they VI BUFFALO MIGRATIONS 131 stay during the dry season, stopping about three months or longer, according to the nature of the weather. It is often not until May is reached that the buffaloes return to Modr and stay there till August, when they cross the Paikara river to the two dairies, Odrtho and Kudreiil, on the opposite bank. The tiir stay at Odrtho and the zvarsir at Kudreiil for a month and then both return to Modr. In 1902 this plan was very much disturbed. In order to go from Modr to Odrtho and Kudreiil the herds and their attendants have to cross the river, and under no circumstances is the paid allowed to cross by the bridge. He usually watches his opportunity till the river is low enough at a certain ford to allow him to cross, but the summer of 1902 was unusually wet and the river was never sufficiently low to allow the passage, and in consequence Odrtho and Kudreiil were not visited in that year. Later it was arranged that the migration to Anto should take place on November 2nd. I was told that I might accompany the procession for part of the way, and was looking forward greatly to the occasion, as it was evident that it was my only chance of seeing and photographing the contents of the dairy. As the day approached, the migration was postponed because Teitnir, who was celebrating the funeral ceremonies of his wife and was therefore ichcJiil, had crossed the way by which the procession would have to pass. The ceremony was next arranged for November 23rd, but was then further postponed till the 30th. This was the last Sunday before the day on which I intended to leave the hills, and again I made arrangements to see the proceedings. No sooner had I done so than I was told that the procession- was postponed for a week and was to take place on the day after I had left Ootacamund. I at once altered my plans and arranged to see the procession i on December 7th. A new obstacle at once intervened, I and I was told that the journey to Anto was deferred 1 indefinitely, and, as I learnt afterwards from Samuel, the i buffaloes did not go to Anto at all that year, but went j direct from Modr to Majodr on Wednesday, January 7th. I All this occurred after the misfortunes had happened to K 2 132 THE TODAS chap. which I have aheady referred — misfortunes which were beheved to be the direct consequence of my investigations — and it seemed quite clear that the various postponements and final abandonment of the journey to Anto were due to the fear that some misfortune might befall the sacred herd if I saw the procession. It will be noticed that the herd of the Nodrs // may pass the greater part of the year at Modr, which is not one of the three most ancient dairies of the //. It has become the most frequented because it is the most convenient, occupying a more central situation than most of the other dairies. Majodr is also not one of the most ancient dairies, but is visited purely on account of grazing necessities. Anto and Odrtho, the two out of the three places given originally by Teikirzi according to the legend, are visited not from necessity, but on account of their sanctity, and, as we have seen, it may happen under exceptional circumstances that neither place may be visited and the whole year passed at Modr and Majodr. It is only when going to Anto and Odrtho that some of the most remarkable features of the buffalo migration ceremonies are carried out, and if these dairies should fall into disuse, as would seem not improbable, these features of the migration ceremonies would certainly vanish. As we have seen, the migration to the relatively un- important dairy of Majodr may take place on a Wednesday, but when going to the more important places a Sunday must be chosen. The orthodox day is the first Sunday after the new moon, but so far as I could gather from the various days appointed for the migration during my visit there is no very strict adherence to the rule. A week before the migration a second kaltuiokJi is appointed who goes through the customary ordination ceremony. It is also arranged that a Melgars man {inbrol) shall come to carry some of the contents of the dairy. When the buffaloes are going either to Anto or Odrtho it is absolutely necessary that a morol shall be present, who goes in front of both palol and kaltmokJi and has certain well defined duties. The procession may also be accompanied by an}' Toda who has no ichcJiil and these people ma}' hcl[) in driving the buffaloes and in carrying the VI- BUFFALO MIGRATIONS 133 less important things from the dairy. Badagas may also accompany the procession. The day of the migration is called irnddrthuol, and on the morning of this day the churning is done as usual, and sufficient milk is drawn to provide as much as can be safely carried in one of the persin without spilling it. All who take part in the procession must go without food on the morning of this day, and the palol does not take buttermilk as usual. The various objects which are to be taken with the buffaloes are brought out of the dairy and laid by a stone called the ptpkiisihkars, which in some places, and possibly everywhere, is in or near the wall of the tit. The dairy vessels are carried according to well-defined rules. The things of the inner room and the intermediate objects, the lamp and the idrkzvoi, are carried by the palol. The mbrol carries some of the things of the outer room and one of the horns. The two kaltniokh carry the other things of the outer room, the other horns and their own possessions. The dairy vessels, &c., are carried by each man on a staff cut from the mors tree, the staff being called pepkati (the piltusht of the village migration). Each of the persin and aliig is fixed on the staff by placing it on a roll of kakhudri, called a tcdshk, round which six pieces of the string called tzvadrinar are tied. The six strings are passed round the vessel and fastened to the staff The palol fastens on the three persin in such a way that when the staff is on his shoulder two of the vessels will be in front of him and the other behind his back, one of the vessels in front containing milk. The tbrsiun are placed on the top of i\\e persin as when they are in the dairy, and the /^;'i'/«/^//<^;7/C'/ is carried in \hQ peptbrznni. T\\& kivoi is fastened on in front, and the kbghlag and wands are placed along the staff The lamp is put inside the idrkivoi and the latter tied to the end of the stick, so that it is behind the back of the palol when being carried. Care is taken that an interval is left between the idrkivoi and the other things ; even when being carried from one dairy to another the objects inter- mediate between those of the inner and those of the outer room are kept separate from and not allowed to touch the more sacred vessels of the inner room. The staff with its 134 THE TODAS chap. burdens is carried by the palol on his left shoulder in the same way as is shown in Fig. 29, illustrating the method of carrying the things of the village dairy. The viani is carried by the palol on his right side. A staff of kiaz wood is cut, about five cubits {jiwgoi) in length, which must be perfectly straight with a fork at one end. The bell is covered completely with kiaz leaves tied with rattan fasten- ings, and put on the fork of the staff by its ring. The staff is carried upright in the right hand of the palol \ if he becomes tired he may rest it on his shoulder, but this must be done in such a way that the forked end of the stick carrying the bell comes in front of his body, otherwise the /c?/t?/ would be presenting his back to the sacred object. At the Nodrs ti there is an exception to the ordinary rule in the case of the inani of the tiir. It will be remembered that this bell is reputed to have been born in a persin during the migration from Amnodr, and the bell is therefore carried in one of the persin during the migration from one dairy to another. In its place ihe palol o{ the tiir carries in his right hand the churning stick with its churning end upwards. The mani is the only object of the inner room which is covered with leaves, so that it may not be exposed to the vulgar gaze. The lamp is also hidden from view within the idrkzuoi, but I do not know whether this is for the same reason or merely because it is a convenient way of carrying it. The iiibrol carries the large earthenware vessels of the outer room {alug'),\\\\\z\\ are at least four in number. They are tied on a staff by means of tedsJik in the same manner as are the persin. This is done by the kaltniokh, who puts the staff and its burden on the left shoulder of the inbrol, taking particular care that the vessels do not touch the man. The mbrol carries one of the horns in his right hand. Before the procession starts each nmni is hung on the neck of a calf, left on for a minute or so, taken off and put on its staff. The inani of the tiir called Persin is put on the neck of a two-year-old calf of the nnir, and that of the warsir, Keu, is put on the neck of one oi \\\q perithir. If any dairy vessels or implements are not taken with the buffaloes, they are not left in the dairy, but hidden in a wood. VI ■ BUFFALO MIGRATIONS 135 The procession then starts with the mbrol at its head. In some cases a halt is made when passing certain places, and prayer is offered by the. palol. In going from Modr to Anto the procession stops first at Porstib near Tedshteiri village (belonging to the Nodrsol), where the wars palol puts the staff carrying the tnani on a stone and prays while touching the staff with his hands. The next halt is made at Ponvtut, where the buffaloes separate from the palol and follow a slightly different route, and here the zvars palol again prays. The procession halts for a third time at a place called Teirpiil, near Anto, but this time it is the ti palol who prays after having placed the churning stick and bell on a stone. On its way to Anto the procession passes near the village of Kiudr. When the buffaloes are seen to be coming, the women leave the house and go to the outskirts of the village, taking with them the pounder, sieve and broom, and wait there while the procession is going by. All the people of Kiudr fast on this day till after the buffaloes have passed. It was said that on this day t\\Q palikartjfiokh of Kiudr used to rub clarified butter on the stones called neurziilnkars, but there was some doubt about this, and if the custom ever existed it seems to have fallen into disuse. According to some accounts, certain clauses especially referring to the migration of the ti buffaloes are used in the prayer of the Kiudr dairy (see Chap. X). On reaching the outskirts of the new place, the Todas who have accompanied the procession go away. The staff carried by the viorol is taken off by the kaltuiokh, who is again very careful that the vessels do not touch their bearer. Although the mbrol is allowed to carry some of the less sacred vessels, care is taken throughout that the vessels shall not be con- taminated by touching his body or his clothing. All the dairy vessels are taken off and laid by a stone called the perskars, and then follows the ceremony of pepiiti. Kach palol has carried with him some milk in one of the persin. Some of this is poured into \k\e.peptbrziun ^ and given to certain buffaloes, one of each kind belonging to the ti ; thus, at the Nodrs //, the milk is given to five buffaloes, to three by onepalol ' The vessel derives its name from this ceremony. 136 THE TODAS chap. and to two by the other. The milk maybe given to buffaloes directly from the toyzuin, or it may be poured into the hands of the /(-z/f/ from which the appointed buffaloes drink. The next business is the purification of the dairy, called nbdrkorsi arspishpimi — />., we wash with nbdrkorsi. The palol goes to the dairy spring or kwoinir with the karitbrziim, carrying the kwoinortpet under his left arm. He throws tudr bark into the spring, fills the karitorziun and returns. He puts tudr bark into the karitorziun and also into the idrkwoi and then pours the water from the karitbrzum into the idrkzvoi, which he takes to the dairy and throws the water with his hands first over the dairy vessels and then well into the dairy itself so that it penetrates to the inner room. He throws the water first on the floor, then to the roof and to the sides, three times to each. Next he takes three sprigs of the plant ordinarily called kabiidri {Euphorbia Rothiaiia), but at the // called nbdrkorsi and ties it over the door of the dairy. The dairy vessels, which have been untied and placed on the ground near the pcrskars, are then purified and put in their places. The palol first takes up the peptbrzuin with the persinkudriki within it, the kbghlag, the kivoi and kzvoin'brtpct, all in the right hand, and carries them to the front of the dairy, where he repeats certain kivarzaui of the prayer, then turns to the east and says the whole prayer of the dairy, salutes the dairy holding the four things to his forehead, enters, puts the things except the kwoinortpet in their places, comes out with the kzuoinbrtpet under his left arm and without turn- ing his back to the interior of the dairy, and shuts the door of the building. He then takes in the other vessels of the inner room, carrying the kzuoinbrtpet under his left arm and without repeating the prayer. One pcrsin is taken in first, then the others, the karitbrzum and the tedshk. Then the niani is taken, being carried in the right hand and laid temporarily on the floor near the persin ; when taking in tlie bell certain kzvarzani are said. The wand called pohvet is next taken in and laid in its place, and then the things intermediate between the inner and outer room — viz., the lamp, which is hung in its place, and BUFFALO MIGRATIONS 137 the idrkivoi, which is put exactly at the line of junction of the two rooms. After this the things of the outer room are put in their places. Fire is made by friction, and the tbrattlnvaskal h"ghted, light transferred from this to \.\\q pclkkatitt/m'askal, and with the fire so made the palol lights the lamp. In most cases the buffaloes are then milked, but at Anto and Odrtho, before milking, the /(^^^Z begins an extraordinary ceremony, in which the kaltmokJt is concerned, which is continued till the following day. For this ceremony food is especially prepared by the palol. He mixes husked grain {patc/icrski), brought by the Badagas who accompany the procession, with buttermilk and jaggery,^ spreads butter on the mixture, and, putting it on a kakud leaf, takes it out to one of the two kaltuiokJi who is sitting in a given place about ten yards from the dairy. The kaltuiokJi must now stay on this spot till the evening. After the /iani, he salutes it {kaimukhti) with hand to forehead. He next bows down to the patatniar and to the crtatmar, and finally touches a vessel of the ertatuiar, usually the uiajpariv, and a vessel of the paiati/iar, the patat, and by doing this becomes a full palikartinokh. He proceeds to light the fire and the lamp and goes to milk the buffaloes. ORDINATION CEREMONIES 147 There are a few small points in which the ordination of a Teivali dairyman differs from that of the Tartharol. The Tcivaliol use three pieces of the grass called kakar, with which the candidate sweeps the threshold of the dairy before bowing down and entering, the grass being left on the threshold. Among the Teivaliol also the place of the pctmii ma}- be taken by the special kind of cloth called tivadriiiar, which is manufactured by the Todas, and in the case in which I saw the ceremony, the candidate wore this instead oi pctitiu. The Tartharol must use petjuii. In the only case in which I saw this ceremony the ordina^ tion was to a Teivali dairy and the candidate was completely naked except for the kuvn. The Tarthar tarpalikartvwkJi wears part of an ordinary mantle as a loincloth during his ordination. The ceremony is the same for the kudrpalikart- DiokJi as for the tarvalikarUnokJi, except that the former is quite unclothed except for the kuvn and that he alone has a iiiani to salute. THE WURSOL The ceremony begins either on Tuesday or Friday and lasts two days. On the first day the candidate goes early in the morning to the ordinary dairy of the village at which he is to be wursol ; at Kars he goes to the kudrpali. He receives food from tlie palikartinokh and eats it sitting on the seat {kivottibi) outside the dairy. He stays near the dairy till the afternoon. When the palikartmokJi has finished his afternoon work and has distributed butter and buttermilk, one of the men of the village comes to the candidate and says, " iV/m/ ! " The candidate throws off his cloak and is given either a full tiini or a piece of this garment called petuni. The palikartmokh then stands in front of the door of his dairy, and the candidate stands opposite to him and asks three times " TiDiivatkina?" — "Shall I put on X\\etuui? " ThQpalikartiiiokh replies each time " Vat! " — " Put on ! " Then the candidate raises the garment to his forehead and if he has been given a complete tjiiii he puts it on ; if only a petiuii he puts it in the string of his kuvn. This string is L 2 THE TODAS chap. ordinarily called pennar, but is now called kerk, and this part of the ceremony is called kerkatiti. The fact that this name is given seems to indicate that properly the complete gar- ment should not be given till a later stage of the proceedings. The candidate then finds seven leaves called imiUers and seven shoots or nan of the same plant and goes through exactly the same ceremony at the stream as in the ordina- tion o{ palikartnwkh, putting the shoots in his back hair at the end. This part of the ceremony is called nuilinirbditi, and its object is to make the candidate a palikartinokli as a step towards becoming wnrsol. He is taken through the lower degree on his way to the higher. After innliniroditi the candidate goes to the wall of the dair}' and stands outside it. The palikartnwkh brings a firebrand from the dairy and lights with it a fire of w?/// wood, at which the candidate warms himself The firebrand must be one of the three following kinds — kid, pasor or kiaf:. After warming himself, the candidate goes to fetch bark of the indr tree, which must not be cut, but knocked off with a stone. He also brings seven perfect tndr leaves, and goes again to the dairy stream. He pounds the bark on a stone and dips it in water, squeezes the water into one of the tudr leaves, drinks, throws over his head and puts the bark on one side exactly in the same way as before, but using tndr bark and leaves instead of the shoots and leaves of vmli. After doing this seven times he dips the pounded bark in water, sprinkles his head and face three times, puts the bark in his hair, and, going a little way off, shakes his head. The candidate then goes again to find bark and leaves of tudr% and repeats the whole ceremony and continues to repeat it till he has done it seven times — i.e., he drinks out of the tudr leaves seven times seven. After this he goes to the wood near the stream (at Kars, called Tarskars) and the palikart- mokJi comes to him there with the ertatpun filled with butter- milk, and with four leaves of the kind called kakndcrs. Two leaves are given to the candidate and two ke])t by the dairy- man, and each folds the leave? in the usual way to make a cup (ersteiti). The dair)-man then puts the ertatpun between his VII- ORDINATION CEREMONIES 149 thighs and, holding it there, depresses it so that he can pour buttermilk into his leaf-cup ; from this he pours into the leaf- cup of the candidate who then drinks, and this is repeated till the latter is satisfied. The palikartniokh brings food and fire from the dairy and both stay in the wood for the night, being allowed to have companions. The place where they sleep is called tavarpali. In the morning the candidate again goes for tudr bark and leaves, and carries out the whole ceremony seven times as on the previous evening. He then goes to the tavarpali and waits there till the palikartmokh has finished his morning work, when the candidate again receives buttermilk and food. Then both go out together to look after the buffaloes. When they return in the afternoon the candidate goes to the dairy stream and bathes from head to foot. This bathing is called tudraspipiiii {tudr I have washed), its object being to wash off the tudr bark previously used. After this he takes a piece of the cloth called twadrinar and, using it as a girdle in addition to that he already wears, he goes to the wall of the dairy while the palikartinokli digs up a vessel called niu which is buried in the buffalo pen. (At Kars the viu which is used is that of the tarvali.) The palikartniokh then puts the niu on the ground and stands by it. The candidate asks three times, '' Muvatkina?" "Shall I touch the mu?'' and \.\\e. palikartniokh replies each time '' Aluvat .'" The candidate then touches the inu, and by doing so becomes a full ivursol. The vm is reburied by tho. palikartniokh. All the ceremonies so far have taken place at or near the ordinary dairy, either tarvali or kudrpali, or at the stream belonging to one or other of these dairies. The candidate now for the first time goes to the dairy in which he is to be ivursol (the luursuli) and prostrates himself at the threshold. He next enters and prostrates himself to the patatmar and then to the ertatniar. He takes up and puts in its place one of the vessels of the ertatniar and then one of the vessels of the patatmar. He salutes the mani {kainiukhti), lights the fire and the lamp and prays, using the pra}'er of the village. He then cleans the vessels and goes to milk, doing niaui terzantirikiti with the first milk as usual. I50 THE TODAS chap. I was especially told that if the candidate for the office of ivursol wishes to scratch his head during his ordination ceremonies he must do so with a stick, but this is probably a feature of all ordination rites. In the case of the zvursol, it seemed that there is a difference in the ceremonial according to whether the dairy is occupied or not when the new dairyman enters upon office. The foregoing account applies to the case in which the dairy is already occupied and the new dairyman replaces another, so that there is no break in the continuity of the dairy proceedings. If the dairy should be unoccupied, I was told that the candidate would have to sleep for two nights in the wood, and there would almost certainl)^ be additional purifications, but I did not learn the exact nature of the proceedings in this case. Though I was only told of this difference of procedure in the case of the iviirsol, it is not unlikely that there is a corresponding difference of procedure in the case of other dairies when the dairy has been unoccupied. There will certainly be a ceremony of purification of the dairy, such as takes place when the buffaloes migrate to a new village, and probably the dairy vessels will also have to be purified. The KuG\^\Ln<:ARTMOKH of Taradr and the POHKARTPOL OF KaNODRS The ordination ceremonies of these two dairymen appear to be almost identical. So far as I could ascertain, the feature which the kngvalikartniokJi of Taradr and the poJikartpol of Kanodrs have in common is that they serve institutions to which a high degree of sanctity is attached. The ritual of both dairies bears some resemblance to that of the // and, as we have already seen, the regulations for the conduct of the poJikartpol are, in some respects, even more stringent than those of the palol. The kugvalikartuiokh is ordained either on Wednesday or Sunday, i\\c pohkartpol on Tuesday. On the night preceding the ordination the candidate sleeps in the wood. Seven vir ORDINATION CEREMONIES 151 leaves are used of the following kinds : pclkkodstJinml} puthiinul, iiiunnl, takj/inl, kadakmttl, tbrimul, and pathanuiiil. One leaf of each kind is taken and the leaves pounded together and used in the same way as the shoots of mnli or the bark of the tudr tree, water being dropped from them into leaves oi pnthiiniil. The pounded leaves are then placed in the back hair as usual. This is followed by the ceremony of drinking water three times out of a leaf containing water and some buffalo-dung. The bark of the tiulr tree is then rubbed all over the body, though no tiidr leaves are used for drinking. The candidate attains his full office by touching a inn, pros- trates himself at his dairy, enters and begins his work as in the dairies of a lower erade. The Kaltmokii The ordination of the kaltuiokh begins either on Sunday, Wednesday or Thursday. In the case of a kaltuiokh of the Nodrs ti, the first part of the ceremony takes place at the village of Nodrs, while in some cases it seems that the candidate may go to the same village of Odr which is visited by the palol during his ordination. I have no information about the place of ordination in the case of the other // dairies. A boy who is to become kaltuiokh of the Nodrs ti goes to Nodrs either on Sunday, Wednesday, or Thursday, and, going to the ordinary dairy of that place {tarvali), he is given water by the palikartinokJi in the vessel called pbliiiacJiok. The boy washes his hands with this water and puts on a tuni which the palikartinokh gives him, after saying the same formula as in the ordination of ivnrsol. He then does iiiulinirbditi and so reaches the grade of palikartinokh. This and the following ceremony are done at a special stream at Nodrs called nirbdigiidr. The purification ceremony is then performed with tudr bark and leaves till the candidate has drunk seven times seven. Food and buttermilk are given by the palikartinokh, and then the boy together with the ^ This is the ordinary initli u.sc-d in ihc ordination of \\\& palikartinokh. 152 THE TODAS palikartmok/i ?ind\hQ 7viii'sol oi^bdrs pass the night in the wood near that place. The next morning the candidate goes to the ordination stream and washes himself from head to foot. This is called tudraspipini, its object being the same as in the ordination of the ivuvsol. The boy next goes to the front of the tarvali, where the palikartmokh gives him a special string made of tzvadrinar, which he puts round his waist as kerk^ and then warms himself at a fire of vutli wood. The palikartmokh brings a mil, which the candidate touches with the same formalities as in the ordination of luursol, and by so doing reaches the grade called perkursol, which is of the same rank as that of ivursol. The perkursol then takes the inn into the tarvali, prostrating himself at the threshold before enter- ing. He prostrates himself to the patatuiar and to the ertatmar, puts the inu on the patatinar and comes out. He then goes to the poh, or conical dairy of Nodrs, prostrates himself at the threshold, enters, and prostrates himself before patatinar, ertatmar and, finally, before the mani. Up to the point of saluting the bell in this way he keeps on the timi but at this stage he throws it down and comes out of the dairy naked (except for the kiivii), puts on the ordinary cloak and goes to the dairy at which the // buffaloes are standing. When he reaches the ti mad, the candidate goes to the palol, whom he salutes with the words " ir kar fidd," this salu- tation being called pirivadrikpini. He goes to the sleeping hut, prostrates himself before the horns which are kept in this building, and then goes to the front of the dairy. He is now perkursol, and in order that he shall become full kaltmokJi or tunitustJikaltmokh, the palol gives him a piece of tuiii {pettmi). The boy asks three times, '^ Tunitusthvaskifia ?" — "Shall I go to wash the tuni?''' — to which the palol answers each time " TustJiva r — " Wash, go ! " The boy takes ihepetuni to the stream for ordinary use (not the kiuoinir) and bathes from head to foot. He puts to himself three times the question, " iunitoikina ? " and laying the piece of ///;// on a stone, he pours water on it three times and returns with the petuni in his hand to the palol, who will be sitting on his ORDINATION CEREMONIES poJtvclkars in front of the dairy. The palol asks three times, " TjDiitiistJipacha ? " — ■" Have }'0U returned from wasliing the tiDii ?" — and each time the boy repHes, '' tunitusthpuspini" — " I have come from washing the ttinU' Then ho\\\ palol 7s.x\<\ boy go to the front of the kadr in which the calves are kept and the/^?A'/ puts into the gate three bars {tasth), which shut the opening of the enclosure. The boy asks three times, " TastJi- vatkiiia?" — "Shall I touch the tasth ?" — and each time the palol replies " Tasthvat ! " The boy, who hitherto has been perkiirsol, now touches the tast/i, and by so doing attains the full rank of kaltuiokh, and at once goes and pours buttermilk {kaizhvatiti) for ihQ palol. The latter parts of the ordination ceremonies of the kaltniokk, from the point at which he receives pctimi from the palol to the touching of the tasth, arc always performed whenever the kaltniokk returns to the ti after a journey in which it has been necessary to degrade himself to the rank of perkiirsol (see p. io6). The initial stages of becoming a kaltniokk are known in general as nirbdibudnudr. The Ordination of the Palol In accordance with the fact that the palol belongs to the highest and most sacred grade of the dairy-priesthood, we find that the ceremonies preceding his entrance upon office are far more elaborate and prolonged than for the minor grades. In order that a Teivali man may become a candidate for the office of palol he must first have gone through a pre- liminary qualifying ceremony called tesJicrst. When the office of palol becomes vacant, the people of the clan to which the // belongs are restricted in their choice to those men who have been through this ceremony. When one of these qualified men has been selected, he then goes through the proper ordination ceremonies, known as nirbditi. In the case of a palol of the Nodrs //, the nirbditi cere- monies are performed partly at Nodrs, partly at Odr, one of the most sacred villages of the Nodrs clan, and finally at the ti mad where he is to hold office. 154 THE TODAS The Tesiierst Ceremony This qualifying ceremony for- the office oi palol is always performed by a number of men at the same time. The number taking part must be three, five, seven or nine. There seemed to be no doubt that it was not permissible for four, six or eight men to perform the ceremony together. One or two Todas told me that an even number of men might do the ceremony, but all the more trustworthy witnesses were agreed that there must be an uneven number, and on all the occasions of which I could obtain records of actual cere- monies, an uneven number of men had done tesherst together. The ceremony may not be performed while the funeral ceremonies of any Teivali person are uncompleted. At the time of my visit there were only nine or ten men who had been through the tesherst ceremony, including those who were holding or had held the office of palol. It was proposed that a number of the younger men should perform the ceremony about this time, but it had to be delayed till the second funeral ceremonies of two Teivali women had been held. The tesherst ceremony always begins on a Monday after the new moon. It takes place at certain villages v/herc people are living, and in all the cases of which I obtained records it had been done at Kudrnakhum, belonging to the Nodrsol, or at Pushtar, belonging to the Taradrol. People must be living at the village at the time the ceremony is performed. The candidates go to the village on Monday evening, ac- companied by two or three Nodrs men. All go to a stream by a wood and the ceremony begins after sunset, when all the candidates throvv^ off their cloaks and stand in a row. A man of the Nodrs clan has a ///;// in his hand and each candidate asks three times, " Tnnivatkina ? " — " Shall I touch the tti}ii .' " — and each time the Nodrs man replies, " Tn)iivat I " The first man in the row touches the //////' and then the others in order. The Nodrs man then gives the tuni to the first man who touched it, and he tears it into as many pieces ORDINATION CEREMONIES as there are candidates, giving a piece to each man, who puts it in the string of his kuvn. All then go in search of the leaves of iiiuli and each plucks seven leaves and seven shoots. The)' go to the stream, one by one, and each drinks and rubs himself with the shoots seven times, as in the ordination ceremony, and puts the shoots in his back hair. While they arc doing this, the Nodrs man will have made fire by friction, using the wood of mitli, and the men warm themselves at the fire. Each man then goes in search of seven tudr leaves and tiidr bark and carries out the usual purification ceremony once only, drinking out of each of the seven leaves, after which the men take food prepared by another of the Nodrs men, and all pass the night in the wood. Next morning the men fetch tudr bark and leaves and repeat the drinking and rubbing ceremony of the previous evening, but on this occasion each man says " TesJi- nirbdiiiem" as he throws the leaf over his head after drinking. All then bathe completely in the stream. While they are doing this, the Nodrs men have been cook- ing a large amount of food, more than the candidates can readily eat, and an old woman of the Tartharol who is to take part in the ceremony has bathed and dressed in her best clothes and put on all the ornaments she can procure : gold earrings, necklace, bracelets, and rings. When the men have bathed, they wait till the message comes that the food is ready, and then each man takes off his piece of tuni and his pcniiar and his kuvn^ so that he is completely naked. The Nodrs man portions out the food and puts it on Uidr leaves, the portion for each man being more than he can possibly eat at one sitting, and the portions of food are given to the old woman, who sits down with her back to the men. Each man goes up behind the back of the old woman, and she gives him his portion of food by putting her hand behind her back so that she does not look at him, and in doing so she says three times " Teshthrtudenk ? " — " Tes/i food have I not given ? " The men take the food, go into the thickest part of the wood and eat it. None of the food prepared on this occasion may be eaten by the Nodrs men or by the old woman, but though the amount is excessive, the whole of it must be eaten by the 156 THE TOD AS chap. candidates during the day. After each man has eaten to the full he may put on his cloak. The Nodrs men and the old woman go back to their villages and they must hold no communication of any kind with the candidates after the food has been given. The men remain in the wood all day, and when it is getting dark they go to the nearest village at which any of them live, taking care that no one sees them on the way. One of the most remarkable features of this ceremony is the part taken by the old woman. She must be one of the Tartharol ; she must be past the age of child-bearing, and she must never have had intercourse with one of her own clan. In the last particular the word of the woman is trusted, for it v/as said that she would never deceive in such a matter. Every woman believed that if she did not speak the truth she would die, and all those concerned in the ceremony would either die or have serious illness. I was told that it was by no means easy to find a woman who fulfilled this requirement, and in each of the cases of which I have records the same woman officiated — viz. Naspilthi of Taradr (21). Other remarkable features of this ceremony are that the men should be given more food than they are readily able to eat, as in the ceremony connected with the kaltjiiokh after the migration (p. 139), and that they receive this food in a condition of complete nudity, a condition which only occurs in one other dairy ceremonial. The tesherst ceremony is one in which candidates for the office of palol go through certain of the rites which ordinarily form part of the process of ordination, with the addition of special ceremonies, in which a superabundant portion of food is given by a woman who fulfils certain peculiar con- ditions. When the office of palol becomes vacant, the clan to which the ti belongs chooses from among those who have been through the tesherst ceremony, and the chosen man has then to undergo the ordination ceremonies proper, or nirbditi. ORDINATION CEREMONIES 157 The Niroditi Ceremony The ceremony begins on a Saturday evening, after the new moon, when the chosen candidate goes to a village of the clan to which his future // belongs and sleeps there in the ordinary hut. On the following morning he goes before daybreak to the front of the dairy of the village, naked except for his kiivn, and a man of the village stands at the door of the dairy holding a ////// in his hand, and says three times, " Tunivatkia l'' — "Touch the tuiii !" The candidate answers, " Tiiuivatkiii," and takes the tiiiii. If the garment is a complete one, he puts it on ; if only a piece, he puts it in his peuiiar, and taking seven tiidr leaves and tudr bark he goes to the stream of the dairy and performs the usual drinking and rubbing ceremony, and after putting the iudr bark in his hair, goes a little way off and shakes his head so that the bark falls out. He repeats the ceremony twice, so that it is performed three times altogether — i.e., he drinks from the ttidr leaves three times seven. This ceremony is called tesJinir., and is done in view of the inhabitants of the village. The candidate stays for the rest of the day at the village. If there is a wnrsol there, the food of the candidate is prepared by this dairy- man ^ ; if no zviirsol is present, it is prepared by the /c?//- kartmok/i. The food is grain boiled in milk, and is only eaten in the evening. The candidate sleeps that night in a wood near the village, but not the same wood as that by the stream where tesliiiir had been done. Either the wursol or the palikartmokh must pass the night in the wood with the candidate, and other men of the village may also be their companions. Until the candidate lies down to sleep he must remain naked (except for the kuvii), but when sleeping he may cover himself with his ordinary cloak. Next morning (Monday) the candidate gets up at sunrise, 1 This is inconsistent with the statement made on p. 73 that tlie wursol never prepares food except at the irpahnislhi ceremony. It is possilile tlial I lie food is only given to the candidate by the wursol and is not prepared by him. 158 THE TODAS chap. lays aside his cloak, and goes to bathe completely in the stream, saying three times, " Tiidraspineml' ^ — ■" Tiidr I have washed," thus washing off the tiidr of the previous day. He then returns to the place where he had slept, puts on his ordinary cloak with the right arm out, and goes to the front of the dairy. He is given food by the wiirsol, or, in his absence, by the palikartnwkh, and eats it outside the dairy, after which he washes. He then goes to the ordinary stream of the village {ars nipa) and takes up water with his hand, and by so doing he becomes perol — ?>., he loses any sanctity he has acquired by the ceremony of the previous day. The candidate then goes direct to the village of Odr and stays near that village till the evening, when he makes his way to the front of the dairy of that place. He stands about ten yards from the dairy and throws off his cloak. A man of the clan to which his future ti belongs now gives him a complete tuni of the kind worn in the village dairy (a mad tuni, not a ti tuni), saying three times, " Tiuiivatkia" to which is replied " Tunivatkiti." The man wlio gives the tiuii now remains as assistant and companion till the candidate reaches his future dairy. The candidate puts the tuni round his loins, goes to the stream of the dair}', and performs the drinking and rubbing ceremony with niitli leaves and shoots as in the ordination of palikartmokh. The assistant makes fire by friction and lights a fire of /;/;/// wood, at which the candidate warms himself. The drinking ceremony with tudr is then carried out in the same way as at teshiiir, and then the ivnrsol of Odr brings buttermilk in an ertatpun and gives it in cups of kakiid leaves to both the candidate and his assistant. They also receive food from the iviirsol, while any other men present go to the ordinary hut for their meal. That night is passed at a special spot under a tree not far from the dairy at Odr, the wnrsol and assistant being the companions of the candidate. On that night the candidate may not ' This has not llie same form as the word uttered by the zuiirsol and kaltniokh in the correspontHng ceremony. In some cases different verbal forms are used at tiie //, and this may be an instance. VII ORDINATION CEREMONIES 159 touch his ordinary cloak and has to be content with the scanty covering of the tnni} On the next day (Tuesday), the ceremony with tiidr leaves and bark is repeated three times as on the previous days, and after the w/^rj-c/ has finished his dairy work he gives butter- milk and food to both the candidate and his assistant. On the afternoon of this day the tudr ceremony is performed again, but on this occasion seven times, so that the candidate drinks from the tudr leaves seven times seven. In the evening buttermilk and food are again given by the ivursol and the three men pass the night in the wood. On the next day (Wednesday) the candidate fetches bark of the tree from which the material called twadrinar is made and makes for his temporary use a rough kuvn. When it is ready, he bathes in the dairy stream, takes off the old pennar and kiivn and puts on the newly made garment, together with the Uini, and goes with the iviirsol to the dairy where the buffaloes of his ti are standing. When they approach the // mad the ivursol goes away and leaves the candidate to go to the dairy alone, where he sits on the outskirts (//V/) of the ti mad. When the kaltmokh sees the candidate approaching, he collects the buffaloes at the milking place {pepkarm?is) ?\.nd catches hold of the tails of certain buffaloes which are to be taken in charge by the n^w palol, saying to himself three times for each buffalo, " Tovcr vatkiiia ?" — " Tail shall I hold ?" — and replying to himself each time, " Vai /" At the Nodrs fi if the candidate is to he pa/o/ of the tiir, the kaltmokh holds the tails of three buffaloes, one of each kind ; if he is to be palol Q){ the tvarsiv^ two buffaloes only take part (see p. 112). After this the kaltmokh prepares food in the pi'il of the dairy and gives it to the palol designate. While the kaltmokh is attending to the new palol he must become a pei'knrsol — i.e., he degrades himself to this rank before undertaking these duties. During the night the candidate together with the kaltmokh and the other palol already in office ^ It has l)een stated by ITarkness, Marshall and others that when the palol is entering on his office he has to sleep in the wood completely naked. This is not strictly correct, though the covering afit'orded by the tJini is so meagre that the statement is almost justified. i6o THE TODAS (if there are two, as at the Nodrs ti) sleep fn the hut of the // mad. The next day (Thursday) the n^w palol goes to the stream and performs the tudr ceremony three times in the morning and nine times in the afternoon ; i.e., he drinks from the tiidr leaves three and nine times seven. On this day the kaltmokJi milks the piinir, takes the milk to the piil, churns there and gives buttermilk, butter and other food to the new palol. On that night all sleep in the karcnpoh or calf-house. The proceedings of Friday, Saturday, and Sunday are the same as those of Thursday, except that the new/(?/c?/may now drink the milk of the punir like the full palol. On Monday morning the new palol enters on his office. In the morning he bathes and then takes off the temporary peniiar and kuvn he has been wearing and replaces them by others made in the same wa}'. A Badaga (the ///'^^wrtz') then brings one of the two cloaks of the palol, that called podrshtnni, and lays it down at the outskirts of the dairy. It is taken up by the kaltmokJi and given to the new palol, who spreads it out on the place where the buffaloes are milked. He then takes pounded tudr bark, says the kwarzam of the gods, of the // and of the buffaloes (see Chap. X) and throws the pounded bark on the garment. He turns the garment over so as to expose the other surface and purifies this in the same way. He then asks himself, " Pbdrshtiini tntkina?'' — "Shall I tie i\\e pbdrslitiiiiiV — and throwing off the mad tiini he has been wearing hitherto, he puts on the podrshtiini. The kaltmokh returns the mad tuni to the Nodrs people, who come on this day and stand on the outskirts of the place. The new palol then purifies his dairy by sprinkling it with water and tudr bark in the same way as is done when going to a new dairy (see p. 136). He next takes the ?///«;/, puts into it water and tudt bark, and turning towards the Nodrs people with the vessel to his forehead, says three times to them, " Pohpfikhkina ? "— " Shall I enter the dairy ? " All the Nodrs people cry '' PfikhT' and the new / which is called Enmars and the zuars palol idJ^QS the buffalo oi the perithir called Orsum, this act of sending a special buffalo first being called irpai'satiti. After this all the buffaloes are taken to drink in groups of five or six. When the hole has been emptied, it is refilled with salt and water, but this time no buttermilk is added. When all the buffaloes have drunk, each palol pulls some of the grass called kargh and throws it into the hole three times and returns to his dairy to take buttermilk from the kaltniokh as usual. At the ordinary village the salt-giving ceremony is per- formed about a week after it has been done at the ti. Any day may be chosen except the niadnol, paliuol, or arpatznol} Thus at Kuudr the ceremony may be performed on any day ^ When there is only one palol for both kintls of buffiilocs, as at the Pan ti, he only digs one hole. 2 See Chapter XVII. J VIII SPECIAL DAIRY CEREMONIES 177 except Tuesday and Friday ; at Kars, on any day except Tuesday, Thursday, and Friday. On the three occasions with special names, kbnip, inarup, and paniiip, guests come from other villages, but at the arsup this does not happen. As in the case of the irpalvustJii ceremony, a man from Kuudr must be present at the salt-giving cere- mony of Odr and a man from Odr must be present at Kuudr. The ceremony is performed by the palikartuwkh after the people of the village have made the hole or upunkudi} The palikartinokh takes from the dairy the vessel corresponding to the aliig of the //, viz., the tat, but does not take buttermilk. Tudr bark is used in the same way as at the ti. At a Teivali village, the past/iir drink first. At a Tarthar village at which there is a wiirsol, the wnrsiilir drink first, the act of sending certain buffaloes first being called irparsatiti as at the ti. After the buffaloes have drunk, kargh grass is thrown into the hole, first by the dairyman and then by- all the others present, but it is only thrown once by each person, who says "6^//" as he throws. The object of this ceremony is said to be that the buffaloes shall give a plentiful supply of milk. The Ponup Ceremony At the // dairy salt, is given to the buffaloes on certain other occasions and with a far more elaborate ritual. The ceremony is then called ponup, or ' festival salt,' and takes place soon after the migration from one dairy to another. At the Nodrs ti the salt is given on the Wednesday following the Sunday on which the migration has occurred, and at the Kars ti and the Pan ti, on Sunday, a week later than the procession. On the night before the ceremony the palol shuts up the buffaloes in the special pen called the/c/^ tii. On the morning of the appointed day, when the churning is finished, but before the buffaloes have been milked, each palol brings six sprigs of the shrub called piitJiiinul, each sprig having on it five or six leaves. Three of these sprigs ^ This hole at an ordinary village is sometimes known as a tariipiuikudi. N 178 THE TODAS chap. are put on one side, and the other three are used as follows : — Rice has been previously prepared and placed either on the leaf called kakiiders or on that called katers. ThQpalol makes a hole in this food in which he puts butter, and, taking the first sprig oi piitliiiniil, he plucks from it one leaf and, using it as a spoon, takes up some of the food and puts it on the fire in the fireplace called tbratthwaskal, saying the name of the chief ten or god of the ti. He then takes some of the butter, and holds it over the fire till it drops, when he utters the name of the same god. He repeats this with a second leaf of the puthimtil, saying the name of the second most im- portant god of the ti, and so on with the other leaves. I ob- tained the fullest account of pomip from Koboners, who had heQn palol oi the Kars ti, and here food and butter were put on the fire six times, saying the names of Anto, Notirzi, Kuzkarv, Kulinkars, Onkomn, and Karmanteu. The kaltmokJi then brings water taken from the ordinary stream in the vessel called mbrkudriki, and gives it to the palolf-'who sits in the outer room facing towards the inner room, and throws some of the rice in front of him once, some behind him once, and the rest outside the dairy. He puts some salt on the fire, and taking the water brought by the kaltmokh, he sprinkles it before and behind him as he had done with the food. Then follows kaizhvatiti, i.e., the kaltmokh pours out buttermilk for the paloL This is the only occasion on which this act takes place before the buffaloes have been milked, the ceremony of drinking buttermilk on every other occasion taking place when the morning's work is over. The palol gives food to the kaltmokh, and here, again, there is a feature peculiar to this day, for the kaltmokJi eats his food sitting in the place in the hut where the palol usually sits. The buffaloes are then milked, after which \.\\q palol fetches three sticks of the kind ordinarily called kivadrikiirs, but at the //, kakul. Each is used for a special purpose and has a corresponding name, one being called irpastJikakul, the second kwarkiil, and the third parkiil. The palol takes buffalo-dung in both hands and the irpastJikahd in the right hand, and separates certain buffaloes VIII SPECIAL DAIRY CEREMONIES 179 from the rest by knocking their backs three times with the dung and stick. At the Kars // two buffaloes are separated in this way ; at the Nodrs ti five buffaloes are set apart, one of each kind, three by the ti paloly and two by the ivars palol. These buffaloes are known as ponir. The dairy is then purified with the dung and water. The irpastlikakul is laid on one side, and the /rt:/^/ puts salt in the basket caWed pofunuken, and takes it with the water- vessel called karpnn to the place where salt is to be given, taking also the remaining sprigs of puthimul and a bundle of fern. At the place for the ceremony there is a stone called ponkars (when there are iwo palol there will be two stones), and at the stone the palol makes a vessel of clay and water so as to resemble a milking-vessel. This clay vessel is called teukivoi (Jeu, god, and kzvoi, milking-vessel). The palol then takes two perfect tudr leaves, and fastens them together with the petioles of other leaves, so that they form a cup which is called piivup. Salt is placed in this leaf vessel, which is laid down by the side of the teukivoi. One such vessel is made for each buffalo, two at the Kars ti and five at the Nodrs ti. The palol then takes the stick called kwarkiil^ and with it makes a hole in the middle of each teukivoi, saying (at the Kars ti) '' antok teukivoi urij, pain!" ("To Anto in teukivoi make hole, O palol ! "). He then makes other holes round the sides of the clay vessel, saying the names of the other gods in the same manner. (At the Kars ti those which have already been given. At the Nodrs // the names of five gods are mentioned — Anto, Kulinkars, Notirzi, Kuladrvan, and Kuz- karv.) Two pieces of tudr bark and a sprig of puthimul are then placed in each hole, saying for the first, "Autok teukwoi et, pain!" ("To Anto in teukivoi ^\xi, O palol ! "), and this is repeated with the name of a different god for each hole. Next the palol takes the stick called parkul, which has a sharpened end, and makes small holes called upunkudi as in the inbrup ceremony. At the Kars // only two upunkudi are made ; at the Nodrs ti one palol makes three and the other two holes. Tudr bark is thrown three times into the holes and into the water of the spring. Water is taken from the N 2 i8o THE TODAS chap. spring in the kai'piin, salt is put into the water three times and the salt and water are poured into the holes, and the buffaloes previously set apart are led to the holes and drink three times, one buffalo from each hole. The leaf vessels previously made {p?iv?ip) are then given to the buffaloes, and are eaten by them. Care is taken to give the leaf vessels in such a way that the end of the leaf corresponding to the petiole enters the mouth of the buffalo first. The palol takes Anto's leaf from the tenkzvoi and puts it in the karpiiii with water, then faces towards the place where Anto lives (Anto's hill) and pours in that direction, saying " Antok," "to Anto." This is repeated with the other leaves, the. palol \n each case turning and pouring towards the place where the god lives. Then follows the ceremony called tafkeirpiidrti, i.e., " fern pool he strokes." The palol takes the bundle of fern which he has brought with him and goes to the stream, which is blocked up, so that the water accumulates and forms a pool. He waits till the pool is so deep that the water would come half- way up his thighs, when he steps in with the bundle of fern in his right hand and strokes the bundle over the water, say- ing the kwai'sam, or prayer names of certain gods and buffa- loes (at the Nodrs ti the palol says, ''Anto Idit/i, Kulinkdrs idith, Nbtirzi idith, Kulddrvan idith, Kiizkdrv idith, Mliv idith, Mors idith. Pan idith, K{idreij tidj idith " : see Chapter X). The palol then buries the fern at the bottom of the pool, so that there is no chance that it may come up again, and throws the grass called kargJi into each iipiinkudi once only. The palol \h.e\\ goes to the buffaloes and knocks one of the ordinary kind called punir to one side with a bush called ptrskivadriktfir and pours a little water on its back. This is called pnnir fivk nir atiti, i.e., " he pours water on the back of the puiiir." Finally \.he palol goes to a stream near the npunkiidi and washes there from the hands to the elbows. This final washing is called peiaspiti. Pei is the Tamil word for ' demon,' and the word suggested that there was an idea of warding off the influence of some kind of evil spirit, but it viil SPECIAL DAIRY CEREMONIES i8i seemed that peiaspiti was merely the ti form of kaiaspiti, " he washes the hands." The following day is called {ipkdrvnol. On this day small Badaga children go to the ti mad and the palol gives them clarified butter on a leaf On this day also any one who has been a palol {patol) may go to the ti mad and receive food unless the funeral ceremonies for one of his clan should still be uncompleted. The ceremonies of ponup were said to be designed to invite the gods to be present by means of the clay vessels. The tiidr bark and leaves were said to be used in order to purify these vessels after their defilement by human hands in the process of making. CHAPTER IX THE TODA GODS The ceremonies which hav^e been described in the last five chapters make up a large part of the ritual of the Toda religion, but there is one important feature of this ritual which has so far been left on one side, or only cursorily mentioned, because its full consideration only becomes possible after an account has been given of the Toda gods. In describing the ritual of the dairy and the various ceremonies connected with the buffaloes, it has been mentioned that at certain times the prayer of the dairy or the prayer of the village is used. In these prayers there are references to various incidents in the lives of the gods, and many of the clauses would be unintelligible without a knowledge of these lives. It therefore becomes necessary to consider this branch of Toda mythology before dealing with the prayers in detail. The typical Toda god is a being who is distinctly anthropomorphic and is called a ten. In the legends he lives much the same kind of life as the mortal Toda, having his dairies and his buffaloes. The sacred dairies and the sacred buffaloes of the Todas are still regarded as being in some measure the property of the gods, and the dairymen are looked upon as their priests. The gods hold councils and consult with one another just as do the Todas, and they are believed to be swayed by the same motives and to think in the same way as the Todas themselves. At the present time most of the gods are believed to CH. IX THE TODA GODS 183 inhabit the summits of the hills, but they are not seen by mortals. Before the Todas were created, the gods lived on the Nilgiri Hills alone, and then it is believed that there followed a period during which gods and men inhabited the hills together. The gods ruled the men, ordained how they should live and originated the various customs of the people. The Todas can now give no definite account of their beliefs about the transition from this state of things to that which now exists. Each clan of the Todas has a deity especially connected with it. This deity is called the nbdrodcJii of the clan, and is believed to have been the ruler of the clan when gods and men lived together. I am doubtful whether there is at the present time any belief that the nodrodchi exerts an influence over the clan with which he is connected. There was no department of Toda lore which gave me greater difficulty than the study of the beliefs about the gods. There was no doubt that two gods stood out pre-eminent among the rest. One was a male deity whose name was On, and the other a female deity, Teikirzi. A simple question which I had the greatest difficulty in settling was the relation of these deities to one another. According to one account they were brother and sister ; according to another, father and daughter. It seemed quite certain they were not husband and wife, and most probable that they were brother and sister. Others of the gods were believed to be related to one another, but on such points as this I found it almost impossible to obtain trustworthy information. It may have been reticence which made the difficulty, but I do not think so, and am inclined to think that the Todas have now only vague ideas about the histories of their more ancient gods, and have nothing like the definite traditions which they possess about deities of obviously more recent origin. Sometimes there were discrepancies between different accounts which I could not clear up, and in such cases I give the account which seems to me to be the most trust- worthy. i84 THE TODAS chap. PlTHI This god is the earhest of whom any tradition is preserved. His name is Pithi or Piithi, and he is often called Pithioteu. He was born near the sacred dairy of Anto in a cave which had the same shape as the ordinary Toda hut. According to one account, Pithi created Todas and buffaloes, but there seemed to be little doubt that this is not the correct tradition, which assigns the act of creation to his son On. There is a suggestive resemblance between the name of this god and the Sanscrit word for earth, Prithivi, which is in common use in Southern India. On On was the son of Pithi. He created the buffaloes and the Todas and became the ruler of Amnodr, the world of the dead, where he now lives. One day On went with his wife Pinarkurs to Medrpem (the top of the Kundahs). There he put up an iron bar which stretched from one end of the />€m to the other. On stood at one end of the bar and brought forth buffaloes from the earth, 1, 600 in number. Then Pinarkurs tried to produce buffaloes and she stood at the other end of the bar and produced 1,800 buffaloes. Behind On's buffaloes there came out of the earth a man, holding the tail of the last buffalo, and this was the first Toda. On took one of the man's ribs i^parikatelv or magalelv) from the right side of his body and made a woman, who was the first Toda woman. The Todas then increased in number very rapidly so that at the end of the first week there were about a hundred.^ The descendants of the buffaloes created by On became sacred buffaloes, while the descendants of those created by his wife are the ordinary buffaloes. 1 This account of the creation of men ami Iniffaloes was obtained from Arsolv (27) of Kanoclrs, one of the oldest living Todas. It agrees very closely with the story as related to Mr. Bracks. IX THE TODA GODS 185 On had a son called Piiv. One day when Piiv was acting 2A palikartmokJi at Kuudr, he was churning in the dairy with a ring on the little finger of his right hand. When the dairy- man goes to fetch water he should always take the churning stick out oi "Cao. patat or vessel in which the milk is churned. On this occasion Piiv left it in \k\Q patat and went out to fetch water. As he was going a black bird called karpuls tried to check him, saying " tts, tis, tts^' meaning " Don't go to the water," but Piiv paid no attention and went on. When he was taking the water the ring dropped from his little finger into the spring. Piiv saw the ring in the water, but could not reach it, and so he got into the spring. The water was not deep, and yet as soon as he stepped into the spring it completely covered him and he was drowned. When On found that his son was lost he cried very bitterly and covered himself with his cloak {tuni). (On is said to have been a palol at this time.) When On covered himself he looked downwards and saw, as through a veil, his son in Amnodr playing with the ring, putting it on and off his finger.^ When On saw that his son was in Amnodr he did not like to leave him there alone and decided to go away to the same place. So he called together all the people and the buffaloes and the trees to come and bid him farewell. All the people came except a man of Kwodrdoni named Arsankutan. He and his family did not come. All the buffaloes came except the arsaiir, the buffaloes of the Kwodrdoni ti. Some trees also failed to come. On blessed all the people, buffaloes and trees present, but said that because Arsankutan had not come he and his people should die by sorcery at the hands of the Kurumbas, and that because the arsaiir had not come they should be killed by tigers, and that the trees which had not come should bear bitter fruit. Since that time the Todas have feared the Kurumbas, and buffaloes have been killed by tigers. All the Todas and all the buffaloes appear to have suffered for the evil deeds of Arsankutan and the arsaiir. Then On went away to Amnodr, taking the buffaloes ^ According to another account, Piiv died from trying to catch the image of a ''^ white calf in the water. At that time, it was the custom to kill and bury any calf of a white colour, and one had been buried close to the spring. i86 THE TODAS chap. and the palol of the Nodrs // with him, and since that time On has ruled over Amnodr, which is sometimes called Onnodr after him. Teikirzi This goddess is perhaps the most important of the Toda deities. She is said to have been the sister, and probably the elder sister, of On. I could learn very little about the story of her life, but nearly all the customs of the Todas were referred to her, and it seemed clear that when On left this world Teikirzi became the ruler or iwdrodchi of the Todas. Whenever I tried to obtain from the Todas an explanation of any ceremony or custom I nearly always received the reply, which was regarded as final, that it had been so ordained by Teikirzi. It seems doubtful whether Teikirzi dwells in any special hill like other Toda deities, though there is a hill near Nodrs especially connected with her. I was told that she lives everywhere in this world, and in answer to a question it was said even that her influence extends to London, where she dwells as she dwells everywhere else. She is regarded as the ruler or nbdrodcJii of all the Todas, and this world is often spoken of as Eikirzinodr. At the same time Teikirzi is especially connected with Nodrs, and she is the special nodrodchi of this clan. Five customs, or sets of customs, are ascribed especially to Teikirzi. These are : — (i) Madol pakJit kivadrt vai, " Who divided and gave inadol (clans)." Teikirzi is also said to have divided the Todas into their two chief divisions. (ii) I y pdkht kivadrt vai, "Who divided and gave buffaloes." Below Nodrs, near a swamp called Keikudr, there is a small stream which at the present time Todas will not cross at a certain spot, and Teikirzi stood in this stream. According to one account she beat the water with a wand, saying " Ir padri ma" ("May buffaloes spring"), and buffaloes sprang out of the stream ; but it seemed to be more generally accepted that she only divided the buffaloes on this spot by touching each animal on the back with a wand and saying THE TODA GODS 187 the name of the clan to which it was to belong. The first portion went to Nodrs, the second to Kuudr, the third to Kars, and the fourth to Taradr. Up to this point she used a wand of kid wood {kidknrs). For the next clan, that of Keadr, the kidkurs was put away and she used a wand of tavat wood, and several other kinds of wand were used. Teikirzi was also said to have ordained at the same time that ivuysulir should be milked by Teivaliol and to have settled the general regulations concerning the different kinds of buffalo. (iii) Piiliol pdkht kwadi't vai, " Who divided and gave piiliol." Teikirzi is said to have ordained that certain people should be the piiliol o^ a man, and \\\^X piiliol should not marry one another (see Chap. XXI). (iv) Ir patz id vai, " Buffalo catch who said." Teikirzi ordained that buffaloes should be caught at the funeral ceremonies (see Chap. XV). (v) KzvtiKzam pep ostht ad vai, " Who told the kzvarzam and gdiWQ pep." Teikirzi gave to each village its kivarzain, or sacred name, and settled the method of making nQ\w pep. The name of Teikirzi occurs frequently in other legends. One story not mentioned elsewhere is the following : — When Teikirzi was living at Nodrs the people of Mysore came to fight her, but as they approached, the woods made a great noise. When the Mysore people heard the noise they stopped, and then Teikirzi cursed them and said, " Let them become stones," and they were turned into stones, which are still to be seen below Nodrs. TEirAKH, OR TiRSHTI I know very little about the life-history of this deity, but he is very widely mentioned in the prayers and incantations of the Todas, and is one of their most important gods. He was the brother of Teikirzi, and differs from most other Toda deities in being a river god, Teipakh being the Toda name of the Paikara river. Teipakh is the nbdrodchi of the Piedr and Kusharf clans. Although there was considerable agreement that Teipakh THE TODAS chap. and Tirshti were one and the same god, there was some doubt about it, and, according to one account, Tirshti was only another name for Teikirzi. Anto. I am very doubtful about the name and identity of this god. There seemed to be little doubt that he had the same name as the chief dairy of the Nodrs ti and was the chief deity connected with this dairy. According to one account he was the son of On, but it is possible that the two deities were identical, Anto being Onteu, His name was sometimes pronounced Anteu or perhaps more correctly Anto or Anteu. I have only a few incidents from the life of Anto. He once rolled a huge stone with the hair of his head from Nelkodr in the Wainad to the top of a hill called Katthvai near the dairy of Anto. The god now lives near this dairy, resting his head on a spot called Kodrs, and stretching his legs on a spot called Tudrs. These places are about two furlongs apart so that Anto is evidently a god of a large size. Anto is said to have made buffaloes, and the buffalo which founded the ti mad of Makars (see p. ii6) was one of his creation. The fact that Anto created buffaloes increases the probability of his identity with On, but this is far from conclusive for there were undoubtedly several independent creations of these animals, KULINKARS This deity is the nbdrodchi of the Kars clan. His original name appears to have been Kulin, and this was clianged to Kulinkars. He is also called Teikhars. He inhabits a hill near Makurti Peak, which is so steep and rocky that " no man has ever climbed it." The following story is told of Kulinkars or Teikhars : — He once knocked on the ground and so made two buffaloes. He then told the monsoon {kzuadr) to drive the buffaloes to the place to which they were to go, saying, " you must push them on." As the buffaloes were being driven on by the monsoon. IX STHE TOUA GODS 189 a tiger went after them. When they reached a certain hill, the hill divided into two and the buffaloes went between the two parts, but still the tiger followed them. Then the buffaloes came to Kwaradr and went into the pen, and the tiger also went into the pen. When the buffaloes saw that the tiger had come into the pen, they kicked it and it died. Then one of the buffaloes said to the other, " You stay here in the pen ; I am going to Tarsodr." Then the monsoon drove on this buffalo to Tarsodr, which is one of the dairies of the Pan //. The descendants of the buffalo which stayed in the pen are the pasthir of Kwaradr and the descendants of the other are among the buffaloes of the Pan ti. Kulinkars was connected with the erkiimpttJipivii ceremony (see Chap. XIII) and was the viokJitJwdvaiol or paramour of Notirzi. His relation to Notirzi is said to have been the origin of the mokJithoditi custom (see Chap. XXII), but I was not able to obtain any detailed account of this part of the history of the god. Kulinkars has a son called Teikhidap, who lives on Makurti Peak, and the proper Toda name for this hill is Teikhidap. Notirzi I have no details of the history of this female deity. She is the nbdrodchi of the two important clans of Melgars and Kuudr, and lives on the hill now known as Snowdon, the Toda name of the hill being the same as that of the goddess. This hill is especially sacred, and any Toda who visits it has to salute with hand to forehead {kaiinnkhti) in all directions. Like her mokhthodvaiol, Kulinkars, Notirzi is connected with the erkiiniptthpiiui ceremony. She is said to have had a son called Tikuteithi or Teukuteithi. It is possible that this is the same as Teikuteidi, who appears in the story of Kwoten (see p. 193), but they are more probably two different deities. A stone which is said to have been thrown by this goddess from her hill is shown close to the village of Poln, under the tree known to English visitors to the Nilgiris as the ' umbrella tree.' IQO THE TODAS CHAP, KORATEU OR KUZKARV Korateu was the son of Teikirzi. One day when Teikirzi was going from one village to another she went into a cave called Teivelkursh, by the side of a stream called Kathipa, near Kakhudri, and there gave birth to a son, who was called Azo-mazo. The afterbirth dropped into the stream and was carried down to Teipakh (the Paikara river). It travelled down the river as far as a place called Marsnavai, where there were growing two plants called tib a.ndp2irs in which it became en- tangled. The afterbirth then slowly arose and became a boy, and the boy was Korateu. When Azo-mazo became a man he went to live at Per- nodr in the Kundahs, but Korateu lived in the river till he was eight years old. The river Teipakh was the brother of Teikirzi. As he sat in the lap of his uncle Korateu used often to play at making the buffalo horns called tebkuter (Fig. 35).^ When he was eight years old he founded a ti and created a male and a female buffalo, making both out of earth. He also built a dairy and a buffalo pen and made the garment called tiini. As soon as the buffaloes had a calf, he went to fetch a churning-stick from Kaiers, beyond Makurti Peak, and took it to Nerva, near Modr, where his buffaloes were standing. He then went to Kurkodr, a bamboo grove near Meipadi in the Wainad, and made a kivoi or milking vessel. He next made the persiii and the FIG. 35. —IMITATION BUFFALO HORNS. ^ Usually called pctkiiler. THE TODA GODS 191 mani and all the other things of a ti and became palol of the buffaloes at Odrtho. There was a buffalo here of the kind called kughir, with the horns growing downwards. Korateu cut off these horns and gave them to the kaltmokli at bdrtho and they are now the horns of the Nodrs //. Korateu then made a law that the people of Piedr should fill the office of palol and that the kaltmokh should be taken from the Melgarsol. He appointed a palol and a kaltmokh from these clans, handed over the charge of the ti to them, and went away to the hill Korateu, where he lived in an iron cave which he called a poJi. He used to bathe in a pool near the hill. At this time Korateu was not recognised as a ten, and when the gods held council he was not summoned as a member. This made him very angry. Near Korateu there was a wood in which there stood a tree of the kind called mors {Michelia nilagirica) which was about 80 feet high. Korateu ordered that honey bees {peshtein) should come to the tree, and after a time there were about 300 nests, which made the tree bend down with their weight. One day about twenty men came to collect honey, Todas, Irulas, and Kurumbas. The Todas made a fire under the tree, while the Irulas and Kurumbas climbed and collected honey from the nests. When they had collected the honey from all except three or four nests, the tree became so light that it sprang back and killed the Irulas and Kurumbas, and the Todas went home. At this time Korateu was unmarried and he carried a stick of iron. One day a Kurumba woman came to the mors tree in search of honey. Korateu knocked her on the head with the iron stick and at once she became pregnant. That even- ing she gave birth to a daughter, who was very beautiful, and Korateu decided to marry the child and sent away the mother that night. (According to another version, the child was so beautiful that the mother was frightened and went away to her own village, and Korateu fed the child with milk and fruit and honey, and when she grew up he married her.) Soon after the death of the Irulas and Kurumbas a sambhar calf came to Korateu, who caught it, tamed it, and 192 THE TODAS chap. kept it for a month. Then certain Todas went to Korateu and asked him for a place. Korateu gave them a place and said that it should be called Keradr. The people of Keradr then asked for buffaloes. So Korateu gave them the sambhar calf and said that it should become buffaloes for them, and he ordered that the buffaloes should be called miniapir, and that the calves should be called indvelkar — i.e.^ calf from a sambhar. This was the origin of Keradr and of its zuursulir, which are still called viiniapir, and they are the only buffaloes of the Todas which were made from sambhar. After these things had happened the gods recognised that Korateu was a ten, and calling him asked him who he was. He answered that he was the son of Teikirzi, and the manmokh or sister's son of Teipakh. He was then admitted as one of the gods and now lives on the hill Korateu, but still some- times sits in the lap of Teipakh. He is the nbdrodchi of the Keradr and Keadr clans, and the chief villages of these clans are near his hill. He is called Kuzkarv when mentioned in prayer. ■ Another god, called Etepi, is said to be the same god as Korateu. It ajDpeared, however, that Korateu lived on one hill and Etepi on another, and I could not ascertain the true relation of the deities to one another. Azo-mazo is mentioned in the prayer of the Kars // as two deities, Azo and Mazo. PUZI AND KURINDO I am very doubtful as to the identity of Puzi. According to some accounts Puzi or Purzi was merely another name for Teikirzi ; according to other accounts Puzi was a male deity and the husband of Teikirzi. In the following story Puzi is a female deity, inhabiting a hill near Nodrs. She gave birth to a son called Kurindo. As soon as Kurindo was born he became fire. Puzi did not approve of this, as it seemed to show that the boy was too powerful, so she took a leaf of the kind called kivagal, pounded it and mixed it with water and sprinkled it on the fire. The fire then turned back again into a boy who was bent to one side. IX THE TODA GODS 193 Puzi said, " I will put yon on a hill opposite to me." So she put him on the hill called Mopuvthut, near the villageof Naters, and in order to make the hill hii^her she put three baskets of earth on the top, so that her son mit^ht be seen by every- body. When Kurindo was on his hill he thought to himself, " My mother has treated me badly ; she sprinkled me with water and quenched my power, and she has made me bent to one side ; I do not like to be opposite to her." So he went away to a hill near Kanodrs. This was before the time of Kwoten and before the Kamasodrolam had run away (see p. 195). While Kurindo was living on this hill a strange tribe came to the hills, so Kurindo again moved and went away to the hill of Arsnur on the Mysore side, where he still lives. There is a hill called Puthi on which a fire is lighted at certain times (see p. 291) and the god inhabiting this hill was, according to one account, the husband of Teikirzi. It is possible that Puthi and Puzi are the same, but I think it more probable that they are two separate gods, each having his own hill, Puthi being the husbanci of Teikirzi, and Puzi being the deity of this legend. The following legends differ from the preceding in that they appear almost certainly to record the lives of deified men. The first legend deals with three men of different clans^ but the sons of three sisters. The second deals with the life of Kwoto, and professes to be the history of a being of miraculous birth who came to be accepted by the gods, not only as one of their number, but as superior to themselves. These two legends were known far more thoroughly and univer- sally than any of the preceding. It seems most probable that they are records of men who really lived, and that the life of each has become a nucleus round which have grown various miraculous and portentous incidents. Kwoten, Teikuteidi, and Elnakhum There were once three men, the children of three sisters. The eldest was Kwoten, who belonged to Pan, the second was Teikuteidi, who belonged to Taradr, and the youngest o 194 THE TODAS chap. was Elnakhum of Nodrs, (According to one account the father of Kwoten was Purten, and his mother was Tikoni of Keradr. They lived at Pan and Kiursi, and Kwoten was born at Pan. Purten died when Kwoten was thirty }'ears old and Tikoni died six years later.) Kwoten had a wife called Kwoterpani. She did not like her husband, but preferred a man of Kanodrs called Parden. One day Kwoten took his wife to a place called Timukhtar (near the spot where Sandy Nullah toll-bar now stands). He gave her only the loin-cloth called tadrp to wear, hoping that she would be cold and uncomfortable and would sleep with him, but she refused. Kwoten then took her to Kudridjpiil near Mulors, where there was a large wood. In this wood there was a tree of the kind called kiilmdn, into which Kwoten climbed and made a bed. Below him, about three feet above the ground, he made a small bed for his wife, and under the tree, close to his wife's bed, he tied a big male buffalo. He did this because he thought a tiger might come to take the buffalo during the night when his wife would be frightened and would climb up the tree to his bed. During the night a tiger came and took away the buffalo, but even this did not induce the woman to go to her husband. Next morning Kwoten took his wife to Poladri, which belonged to the Panol. This village was near Miuni, and there Kwoten became a palikartiiiokh. One day Kwoten was in the dairy and his wife in the hut when Parden came from Kanodrs. Kwoten's wife knew that her husband was in the dairy, and endeavoured to prevent Parden from going into the hut by giving him buttermilk. Kwoten found that Parden had come, and sharpened a big knife to kill him, and when he came out of the dairy, Parden ran away towards Kanodrs and Kwoten followed with the knife. Kwoten's sister had married a Kars man and was living with him at Nasmiodr, and at this time Kwoten's mother was staying at this place. As Parden ran away, pursued by Kwoten, they had to pass Nasmiodr, and Kwoten's mother saw them, and said, " How is it that my son does not catch Parden?" Then she cursed Parden, saying "(9« sati ndair- nudr, Kdrkadith vnil iiditli pdtmd " — viz., " If I have reverence •IX THE TODA GODS 195 to the village, may he be checked by the tree with thorns in the Kark wood." When Parden reached a stone now called Pardenkars, Kwoten caught him up and tried to kill him, but the knife struck the stone instead and split it into two pieces. Then Parden ran on to the wood called Kark, where he was caught by a tree with thorns (brambles) so that Kwoten was able to kill him. When the news of the death of Parden reached Kanodrs all the people were very much afraid, and all ran away except one old man and his wife. As the people were going, they sent a message to the Kotas at Tizgudr. Two Kotas took a grain pounder {wask) and went to Poladri. When Kwoten was told that the Kotas were coming he went and hid him- self. The Kotas came and stood near the village and were told that Kwoten had gone away. Then they told Kwoten's wife, who at this time was pregnant by Parden, to come out of the hut. She came out and went to the Kotas, who asked her where Kwoten was. She said she did not know, where- upon the Kotas were vexed, and pierced her belly with the pounder, so that she died. Her funeral took place atTadendari, and that of Parden at Aradr. The people of Kanodrs ran away to a place called Penasmalpet, near Malmathapenpet, and are known as the Kamasodrolam. They have never been seen since, but the Todas have heard from various wandering tribes that they still exist and that they live on a hill from which they can see Kanodrs, and that when the Kamasodrolam see a fire at Kanodrs they shave their heads and make a special kind of food called asJikkarthpimi. When the Kanodrs people ran away there remained behind one old man called Muturojen and his wife Muturach,^ who were living in a village near Kanodrs called Mitaharzi. When the people left, the old man went to the Kanodrs dairy to churn the milk left there by those who had run away, and he stayed there, sleeping in the kwotars or calves' hut, as the dairyman should do at Kanodrs. His wife used to come every day as far as a place called ^ Tliese are quite unlike Toda names, nor is the name of liie village, Mitaharzti, like a Toda name. O 2 196 THE TODAS Chap. Pitipem, where she rubbed a place with buffalo-dung and sat down. While sitting there one day an eagle {kasJik) sat on her head, and she became pregnant, and went back to the village and gave birth to a son. When Kwoten heard of this he wished to kill the child and set out to do so. The old woman's daughter, who had married a Kars man, sent her husband to warn her parents that Kwoten was coming to kill them. The Kars man met Kwoten and ran away from him towards Kanodrs, followed by Kwoten's dog. When he came to a hill above the village he called out that Kwoten was coming. When the old man heard him, he cursed Kwoten and those with him ; the latter became stones and Kwoten himself (according to the story as told by the Kanodrs people) was stung by honey bees and died. The people of Kanodrs are descended from the son born to the old woman. If this old woman was not a Toda, as her name and that of her village suggest, this would seem to point to a tradition that the people of Kanodrs are descended from an ancestor of a different race from the other Todas (see p. 640). Owing to the behaviour of Kwoten to the Kanodrs people there has ever since been karaivichi (trouble) between the people of Pan and Kanodrs. They do not intermarry and no Kanodrs man may go to one of the chief villages {eUidmad) of the Pan people nor may a Pan man go to an etudniad of Kanodrs. According to the above account Kwoten died after being cursed by the old man, but this is only a feature of the story as told by the Kanodrs people, and in the account given by others Kwoten had many other adventures and finished his life in this world in a very different manner. He married a second wife, who, like the first, objected to her husband and preferred a man of Keradr, whose name was Keradrkutan. Kwoten lived with this wife at Kazhuradr, near Isharadr. At that time women wore the garment called //;/, which is dark grey like the tiDii of the palol, and is now only used as a funeral trarment. IX THE TODA GODS 197 Keradrkutan used frequently to come to Kazhuradr, and this vexed Kwoten, who told his wife to have nothing to do with the man. She encouraged Keradrkutan, however, and this vexed Kwoten so much that he took off her d)i and brought a thorny bush called pesJiteinmnl and beat her all over with the bush, so that she became covered with blood. Kwoten at this time wore the garment called ///;//, which he then took off, dipped it in water, and rubbed it all over his wife so that she became the colour of //////, and tiien he gave her back her an and went to his dairy. While he was in the dairy Keradrkutan came stealthily to the village. When the woman saw Keradrkutan she cried very bitterly and said, " Kwoten has beaten me very severely so that I shall die ; come and see me." When Keradrkutan went into the hut, the woman died. Before this time, when Kwoten was one day beating his wife, she abused him, saying, " Talrs ti oditha vai, Kblrs kuv oditha vai ; en pnspad''' — "You have no ti, you have no Kotas : why do you beat me ? " This was to reproach Kwoten because the Pan people had no ti buffaloes and had no Kotas to make things for them. So Kwoten went and complained to his brother Teikuteidi. Teikuteidi was very sorry, and in order to remove the reproach he persuaded Elnakhum of Nodrs to give certain buffaloes of the kind called iinir from the Nodrs //. Elnakhum gave a two-year-old calf (^pol) and a one-year-old calf {kar), and also two bells ijiiani) to put on their necks. The two bells were called Tarskingg and Takhingg. The calves were then standing at Kuladrtho and were taken by Kwoten to the tars poh of Pan. He tied the two bells to one of the calves called Kazhi. These bells ought properly to have been tied to the buffalo called Enmars which remained behind at Kuladrtho. Then Enmars went to Anto and complained as follows : — " ki incdr, I; I kevi, iiinknllh poranV^ " inferior neck, inferior car, to your council I will not come" i.e., " I will not come to your presence with naked neck ancl ^ }\Pbdr(UU or pudraiii. THE TODAS chap. ear." Anto told him not to grieve because he had lost the inani, and that instead lilelgarsol ieirpiilk vmdd ind tii pud Melgars man piil of Anto to in front go may you coine Antosh pep /hi at Anto ptp drink i.e., " When you go to Anto, a Melgars man shall go in front of you to the//// of Anto ; when you come to Anto you shall drink Z^/." To this day, when the buffaloes of the Nodrs fi go in procession to Anto a Melgars man goes in front and the buffalo called Enmars drinks />e/> at Anto. At the same time Anto prophesied to Enmars that a misfortune would befall Teikuteidi, saying " wnrddr iiols Teiktiteidi tan enndth piriedk/ii, at vokh ! " "whole day himself without numbering I will divide, go away ! " year When Teikuteidi heard of this prophecy he was much grieved, and was very careful to do all the following ceremonies : — erkmnptthiti, upatiti, pimkiidrtiti, tatutadtJikiidrtiti, petkiidrtiti miikudrtiti, adiktidrtiti, parivkitdrtiti, tatotiti, inttbiiti, poiikastiti and irpalviistJii — viz., sacrifice of calf, salt-giving, purification oi pun, tat and viadtJi, pet, viii, adtand pafiv, etc.,^ He performed all these ceremonies to escape the prophesied evil, for if he had succeeded in doing them all for the whole twelve months the prophecy would not have been fulfilled. On the very last day he forgot the prophecy and did not perform the ceremonies, but went to a place called Kirspem, where he sat under the shade of a piilinaii. There is a flower which blossoms on this tree in the rainy season only, and then the bees come. When Teikuteidi was sitting under the tree it was not the rainy reason and he was very much surprised to hear the humming of honey bees in the tree. The noise was being made by a kaztin ^ which had taken the form of a ' I do not know exactly to which ceremonies talolili and iniiotiti refer. The words mean "he takes the tat''' and "he takes the inn,'' and evidently refer to some dairy ceremonial. Ponkastiti probably means that he kept pon throughout the year- i.e., gave or sold nothing from his dairy during the year. '"' A spirit which brings death (see p. 403). THE TODA GODS 199 bee. He looked up to see if there were any flowers to attract the bees and could not see them, neither could he see any bees. Then he thought for a little while and remembered Anto's prophecy, so he did not remain under the tree, but went away to Kirsgors to attend the funeral of a ivursol of Nodrs (see p. 439). When the funeral was over Teikuteidi set out with companions to go to Kerkars (a place near Paikara). On the way they passed Kwongudrpem (near Kuudi). There he stopped and began to count his companions ; he counted them, but forgot to include himself, saying that there were twenty when they started and now only nineteen, and he thought for a long time who the lost person could be. When he was looking in the direction of the funeral-place for the lost companion, he saw a lame man named Keikarskutan, who had 3. purs and ab (bow and arrow). Keikarskutan lay down and shot the arrow ^ and it came towards Teikuteidi with a sound like a bird's voice. Teikuteidi was looking to see what sort of bird it was when the arrow pierced both his eyes '^- and he died. When his companions found that he was dead, they held the funeral at Keras, and at the place where he died they made a mark with four stones like a cross, one for his head, one for his legs and one for each hand. Kwoten was responsible for various features of the organisa- tion of the Pan people. He divided them into two parts, the Panol and Kuirsiol, and also divided the // into two parts, the ivars //", which was to belong to the Panol, and the tars ti to the Kuirsiol. He settled that the palol of the // should be chosen from the people of Keadr. When there is a funeral in any clan a palol belonging to that clan must give up his office ; hence, in order that his //should never be without ?i palol, Kwoten separated the people of Keadr into two divisions, the Keadrol and the Kwaradrol, so that a member of one division might be palol if a member of the other division died. ^ Wlion Keikarskutan shot the bow and arrow he lay clown. According to my informants, Keikarskutan lay down to shoot the bow and arrow because he was lame, but shot it in the ordinary way and did not use his legs in doing so. Breeks, who gives a brief version of this legend, was told that the arrow was shot by means of the legs and refers to this method as the ancient Indian custom. - 1 give this as it was told. THE TODAS This was the origin of the division of the Keadr people into the Keadrol and the Kwaradrol. One day Kwoten went to the ivars ti of Pan and took buttermilk and slept there, and he did the same at the arsaiir ti of Kwodrdoni, and since that day the people of Pan have had the privilege of taking buttermilk and sleeping at the places of each ti. Kwoten also made two tciks (stones or wooden posts at which buffaloes are killed at the funerals), the parsteiks for the Panol and the kirshteiks for the Kuirsiol. It is owing to the example of Kwoten that the Todas now take meals in Kurumba villages. Before his time they had never done so, but Kwoten one day went to a Kurumba village and took food, and since that time all Todas have done so. Kwoten was also the first Toda to go to a Kota village. He wanted one day to go to Mitur in the Wainad, and as it was getting dark and he was still on his way, he went to the Kota village of Kulgadi (Gudalur). He sat on their tiin, or bed, got new pots and food from them, and, taking both to the stream called Marspa or Marsva, he cooked and ate the food there, and then, returning to the village, slept on a Kota tiln. Since that time Todas have gone to that village, and have done as Kwoten did, but they will not go to any other Kota village. One day Kwoten went with Erten of Keadr, who was spoken of as his servant, to Poni, in the direction of Polkat (Calicut). At Poni there is a stream called Palpa, the com- mencement of which may be seen on the Kundahs. Kwoten and Erten went to drink water out of the stream at a place where a goddess (jeii) named Terkosh had been bathing. When Kwoten was about to drink from his hands, he found in the water a long golden hair ; he measured the length of the hair and found it was greater than his height ; he had a long stick in his hand called pirs, and found that the hair was longer than this stick. Then he asked Erten about it. Erten knew it was the hair of a ten, but thought it best not to tell Kwoten, and tried to persuade him that it was of no importance, and proposed that they should return home. IX THE TODA GODS Kwoten, however, insisted on finding out from whom the hair came, so they went along the stream. Kwoten went first and Erten had to follow him. As they went they met the bird called karpiils going from the right side to the left,^ uttering its cry. Kwoten asked Erten why they met the bird, why it went from right to left, and why it made a cry. Erten replied as follows : — '"'■ Nod r lido i kwudrpcdrshai ; Naraian saiiii kaipedrshai." " Country (God) if there is you will die ; Naraian will kill you.'' In spite of this warning, Kwoten persisted in going on, and finally they came to Terkosh, who said to Kwoten, " Do not come near me, I am a tc7i" Kwoten paid no heed to this, but said, " You are a beautiful woman," and went and lay with her. Then Terkosh went away to her hill at Poni, where she is now, and to this day the Kurumbas go there once a year and offer plantains to her and light lamps in her honour, Kwoten and Erten returned home. Kwoten went to Kepurs, a village now in ruins, close to Nanjanad, and Erten went to a village called Kapthori belonging to the Keadrol. Kwoten had about five hundred buffaloes grazing at Pazhmokh, near Kepurs. That night Kwoten slept on the idrtiil over which he had spread a sambhar skin. He had on his finger a thick silver ring, which may still be seen at Naters and is used in the funeral ceremonies of men of the Pan clan. When the people awoke next morning they found that Kwoten had disappeared and that there only remained, lying on the sambhar skin, the silver ring and sovacpugr Kwoten had been carried away by Terkosh and it was found that his five hundred buffaloes had also disappeared. When Erten got up next morning he went to Kepurs and called out to the luursol of that place, " IVnrsolia, tar turrj- hodthrska " -^ — " O w//rso/, is the man up yet ? " The ivursol ^ To meet this bird going from right to left is a bad omen ; if going from left to right, it is a good omen. '^ I could not find out the exact meaning of this word, but it ajipeared to be a name for th^ blood-stained froth which may come from the mouth of a dying man. In a sentence which occurs later the word appears xi pogh (blood), l)ut my inform- ants were certain that pug itself is not blood. ^ See p. 6 1 6. 202 THE TODAS chap. replied, '' Pillmdv tars pogJi iidisvichi " — " On the sambhar skin blood is lying." Erten replied, " Arot/i pun pars Pdlmiin kwark piitvai, nadrtivadr" — "Take sixty vessels of milk to the wood of Palman and pour out." So the wiirsol took sixty pun of milk and poured it out in the wood as Erten had ordered him. Then since Kwoten had gone away, Erten did not want to live any more ; he took a large creeper called inelkndri, and tied it round his neck and tried to strangle himself, but when he pulled the creeper it broke into several pieces. He was much disappointed, but took another kind of creeper called kakkndri, but this broke in the same way. He then tried teinkndri, which also broke. Finally he took kakhudri} and with this he succeeded in strangling himself Then the wursol and all those who had helped in pouring out the milk also strangled themselves with kakhudri. Since this time it has been a custom among the Todas to commit suicide by strangling. Kwoten and Terkosh are now living on two hills near Poni, which face one another, and Erten has also become a ten and lives on a smaller hill near those of Kwoten and Terkosh. Whenever a Toda sees Kwoten's hill for the first time, he lies down on his right side and sings twice the following words : " Seizar son, Kzvoten dr son, Seizdr son, Terkosh dr Sony I could not discover the meaning of these words, and fancy that the Todas themselves do not know exactly what they mean. It is possible that dr is the word meaning six. The history and fate of Teikuteidi, the second brother of Kwoten, has been given in the story of Kwoten. He belonged to Taradr, and according to one account the kugvalir of that place were sent to him. Very little is related about the third brother, Elnakhum. He had i,8oo buffaloes, but though he had so many, he was always going to other Todas and saying " I have nothing to milk ; lend me a buffalo to milk," and all his life he used to beg. It is owing to his example that the Todas have begged ever since, and arc not ashamed to do so even when they are rich. ' This is a creeper used in tlie funeral ceremonies. ix TPIE TODA GODS 203 Elnakhum is said to have built the long wall which still exists at the village of Nodrs. The story of Kwoten reads very much like that of a man who really lived and was deified after his death. The minute detail with which several of the natural incidents of his life are known might be held to point in this direction, but perhaps more important is the fact that his ring can still be seen, and that his spear was, according to Breeks, in existence not long ago. It looks as if Kwoten was a man who raised Pan from a comparatively insignificant position among the Todas to be one of their chief clans, and was the means of introducing several innovations in Toda custom. It is probable that he was deified after his death, and that some of the incidents of his life have acquired miraculous characters. KWOTO OR Meilitars There was once a man belonging to Melgars who married a woman of Kanodrs and took her to Melgars. When she became pregnant, the woman was taken by her husband to Kanodrs, On the way back to Melgars they passed Ushadr, the place where the funeral ceremonies of Melgars men took place. They were standing in front of the funeral hut at that place when the man found a good tivadri tree,^ and, cutting three or four sticks from it, brought them to his wife, who stripped the bark from the sticks. While she was doing this, the pains of labour came on, and soon after she gave birth to a gourd {keni). Both husband and wife were very much ashamed, and they decided to say that a child had been born and had died, and the man went round to all the villages to say that this had happened and that the funeral would be held at Ushadr. Accordingly they had the ctvai- nolkedr (first funeral ceremony) at Ushadr, the gourd b^ng covered with tv piitkuli (cloak), so that it was taken to be the body of a child. First the buffaloes were caught and killed, and then the supposed corpse was taken to the burning-place, where a fire 1 Probably the tree or bush from which ihc material called Iwadrinar is manu- factured by thcTodas, 204 THE TODAS chap. was made and the gourd in its mantle was put on the fire. The fire first burnt the cloak, and when it reached the gourd, this broke into two pieces. One piece became a little baby, a boy, which took a piece of the burnt cloak and went away in the air to Neikhars, where there is a big tree, under which it alighted. The other piece of the gourd was split into many fragments by the heat of the fire, and some of the fragments were driven with such force that they killed a kite which had come to the funeral. (To this day the kite does not eat the buffaloes at funerals at Ushadr, though it does so at other places.) The father and mother followed the child to Neikhars, where they found it sitting on the tree.^ The father and mother said to the child " Ena, itva " — " My son, come here," and the boy came down and went to them, and was taken away by his parents to Melgars, As the parents and child were on their way to Melgars they met the buffaloes of the Kars fi going from Kon to Enodr. At that time the buffaloes of Melgars and Kars used to go with the // buffaloes as far as a place called Irgudrval, on the way between Kars and Enodr. A Kars man went with the buffaloes, and he wore on his right wrist a gold bracelet (which is still kept at Kuzhu). At Irgudrval there is a stone called Pidutkars, and it was the duty of the man with the bracelet to sit on this stone and to make the Melgars buffaloes pass on the right side, the Kars buffaloes on the left side, and the // buffaloes in the middle. When he had done this, the pa/o/ prayed at the stone, and then the buffaloes of Melgars and Kars turned back and the ti buffaloes went on to Enodr. When the man and his wife saw the buffaloes coming, they waited near Pidutkars, and while they were waiting the baby laughed. The father asked the boy, " Why do you laugh ? " The boy answered, " I know the kivarzani - ' My informants could not say whether the boy went away in the air as a child or as a kite. The boy often assumed the form of a kite later, and it is tempting to suppose that the assumption of this form by the child was connected with the death of the kite, i.e., that it was a case of transmigration. The fact that the child went away in the air and was found silting on a tree makes it highly probable that it flew in the form of a kite, Init my informants could not say that this was definitely part of the legend. " The kivarzaiit is the name used in prayer (see Chap. X). ■IX THE TODA GODS 205 of the //' buffaloes, perncr pcrsagiin ; I know the kwarsam of the Melgars buffaloes, narsiiln natilln nakh ; also I know the kwarsani of the Kars buffaloes, indtvidsliti inatvan ; that is why I laughed." After the buffaloes had gone on to Enodr, the parents and child went on their way to Melgars. After they had been at Melgars fifteen days, they noticed that the child grew so rapidly that they could see him getting bigger from day to day, and he was soon grown up. He was called Kwoto. One day Kwoto went into the buffalo pen and played there with the buffalo-dung, so that he was covered with the dust of the dung. His father rebuked him and was blowing on him to get rid of the dust when the boy changed into a kite and flew away. The next day he resumed human form, but from that time he only stayed in the village at times, and at other times stayed in the woods. This went on for about eight days, and then he refused to take food from the village and became a companion of the gods. At this time the gods used to hold councils on the slopes below a hill called Tikalmudri. The place where they sat was called Polkab. When the gods were holding council at Polkab, Kwoto went and sat on the top of the hill Tikalmudri. Then the gods said to one another, " How is it that he sits on the top of the hill while we sit below ? It is not at all good." They consulted together and decided to kill him. So three or four of the gods went to Kwoto and said in a cunning way, " We will show you your country " {i.e., the place which should belong to him ; each of the gods had his appointed place). So they took him to a steep precipice called Teipaper, and having deceived him that they would show him his country, they threw him down. Kwoto, however, was not killed, but took the form of a kite and flew back to Tikalmudri. Then all the gods were surprised that he was not dead, but decided to try and kill him again, and they took him to the hill Kodrtho, near Nidrsi, and threw him down. (The hill Kodrtho was inhabited by the god Kodrtho.) Kwoto was not killed, but pulled up a bamboo tree with its roots, and flew back and struck Kodrtho on the head, and Kodrtho's head split into three pieces. One of these pieces is now the well-known 2o6 THE TODAS CHAP. hill, the Drug, seen from Coonoor, while the other two pieces are eminences on the ridge running out to the Drug. Kwoto then returned to Tikalmudri. The gods said, " We cannot kill him ; he has some power ; let us try his power." So they gave him the following task : '■'■ Peivoi tirikva, pMar ptrichval^'' Low turn high fill ? i.e., " Can he turn the low stream and fill the high stream ? " (According to another account the words in which the task was given were, " Alvoi tiriki, Kalvoi ptrsvoka" i.e., " Can he turn the stream Alvoi and fill the stream Kalvoi ? ") Kwoto then took a huge stone, which may still be seen near Kanodrs, and put it in the stream so that it flowed upwards. Then the stream begged Kwoto, " We are going upwards according to your order, but it is very difficult for us ; we wish to be allowed to go our ordinary way." So Kwoto took away the stone and the stream resumed its natural course. The gods saw what Kwoto had done and decided to try his power in another way, so they said : " /u1nd7- at, kutei kitrs iilial" Sun tie, stone chain can he do ? i.e., " Can he tie the sun with a stone chain ? " Kwoto then took a stone chain and tied it to the sun and brought the sun down to Nern, near Kanodrs, and tied it to a tree. When the sun wanted to drink, Kwoto took it to the stream Kalvoi, from which the sun drank, and there is now to be seen a hole in this stream at the place where the sun drank.^ Then Kwoto took the sun to a pool surrounded by trees called Nerpoiker, also near Kanodrs. While the sun was tied in this way, it was dark both in this world and in Amnodr. Then the people of Amnodr came to the gods and asked why they allowed Kwoto to do these things, and said that they were now living in thick darkness, and they begged that Kwoto should be allowed to put the sun back in its right place. Then the gods went to Kwoto and asked him to put the sun ' This ])lacc is close to the spot at which the path from Pishkwosht (Bikkapatli- niand) to Kodanad crosses a stream soon after leaving the former village. •IX THE TODA GODS 207 back, and they acknowledged that he was a god and the most powerful of the gods. They said that he should no longer be called Kvvoto, but that his name should be Mcilitars, because he was superior to all the gods ; also that he should go " parmir nbdr, piitnur nodr" "to 1,600 places, 1,800 places," i.e., he should not belong to one place only, like the other gods, but should go everywhere. Then Meilitars put back the sun in its proper place. (x*\ccording to another version, the task of t}'ing the sun was given in the words : " A'(?;/cV at, ptrsagim patfoka'i''' Male buffalo tie, sun can he catch ? The sun was said to have been at this time sitting on the back of a male buffalo, and Kwoto was told to tie the buffalo and catch the sun. According to this account Kwoto first used an iron chain, kabantagars, which was melted by the heat of the sun. Next he tried a bronze (?) chain called kncJitagars, which also melted. Then he used a stone chain, or karstagars, which did not melt, and he succeeded in t}-ing the sun with this. This version of the story corresponds with that given by Breeks.) Kwoto or Meilitars was closely connected with two clans, those of Melgars and Kanodrs. It is said to be owing to the fact that Kwoto was a Melgars man that Melgars people have the special privileges and duties which are peculiar to that clan. At any rate, this is the view held by the people of Melgars. At Kanodrs, the name of Kwoto occupies a prominent place in the prayer of the dairy, and several of the special features of the ritual of the Kanodrs dairy are said to exist in consequence of the many wonderful things \vhich Kwoto had done in its neighbourhood. When new butter- milk has to be made for Kanodrs, it is made at a place called Kautarmad, far awa)', because Kwoto made new buttermilk there, and in the ceremony at this place earth is taken from certain places from which Kwoto took it. Kwoto or Meilitars is the hero of several stories, in none of which does he play a very creditable iv/e. At one time the Todas used to go to and fro between this 2o8 THE TODAS chap. world and Amnodr. Those who were dead stayed perman- ently in Amnodr, but living people could go to visit them and return. One day Punatvan of Kars went with Meilitars to Amnodr. They stayed there two days and two nights, and then Meilitars came away without Punatvan's knowledge. At that time the people of Kars were living at Nasmiodr, so Meilitars went to Nasmiodr and said that Punatvan intended to stop in Amnodr, and wished the Kars people to perform the funeral ceremonies for him, killing thirty buffaloes. So the Kars people caught thirty buffaloes, the chief one being called Enmon. Round the neck of Enmon were hung the two bells {zvursiili mani) called Karsod and Koni. They cut a piece of stick and put it in a piitkuli to represent the dead body and then killed the thirty buffaloes. As the buffaloes were on their way to Amnodr, they met Punatvan on his way back. Punatvan asked the chief buffalo, Enmon, " Why do you come here? " Then Enmon told him what Meilitars had done. The man and buffalo put their heads together and cried, and their tears became a pool of water.^ Then Punatvan took the two bells from the neck of Enmon and sent them back to Nasmiodr, where they are kept to this day, but he returned to Amnodr with the buffaloes. Then On, the ruler of Amnodr, ordered that in future no one should return to the world of the living from Amnodr, and since that day the Todas have not been able to go to and fro between the two worlds as they used to do. At the present time the people of Keradr have no //. Once they had a ti which they lost through the action of Kwoto, who went one day to their dairy at Tikirs, near Modr, and, hiding the kaltmokJi in the wood, took his place. When the palol milks, it is the duty of the kaltniokJi to let out the calves and send them to \.\\e palol. Kwoto did not do this properly, but sent more calves than were required, so the palol became j^ngry and took his stick {kivoinortpet) to beat the supposed kaltmokh, but the stroke missed and fell on the palol him- self. Another day the palol told Kwoto to pour out the re- 1 This pool has been converted into the Mailiinand reservoir, the source of the water-supply of Ootacamund. IX THE TO DA GODS 209 maindcr of the buttermilk at the appointed place. Instead of doing this Kwoto poured it into the stream, and the butter- milk so poured became a god called Moraman, who sends small- pox.^ Then i\\e palol became very angry and said he would no longer he palol, if he had to keep such a kaltmokJi. Then Kwoto revealed to the palol and to the real kaltmokJi that he was a god, and gave them a medicine called mfivbinad, which has the property that anyone who takes it will never grow old. After giving viuvbniad to the palol and kaltniokh, Kwoto sent them into the air, together with the dairy and the buffaloes and everything belonging to the //, and they all went in the air to Kupars, near Pan ; they stayed there for some time and then disappeared, and now nothing can be seen of them, but if people go near Kupars, they hear the voices of the palol and kaltmokh when they are talking to one another. Since that time the people of Keradr have been without a //. Another story in which Kwoto played a prominent part is connected with the custom of eating flesh. I received several versions of this story and was unable to satisfy iTlyself which was correct. According to one account Kwoto once went to Mitur in the Wainad, where Kurumbas live. Kwoto played with these people, and one day caught and killed a wild buffalo. He said to the Kurumbas, " I have killed this buffalo ; let us eat its flesh " ; and he gave to each a portion. The Kurumbas ate their portions, but Kwoto only pretended to cat ; he held out his pictkuli in front of him and instead of eating dropped his portions inside the cloak. When the Kurumbas had finished, Kwoto got up and all saw on the place where he had been sitting the flesh which he had pretended to eat. Then the Kurumbas were angry and went to beat Kwoto with sticks, asking why he had not eaten the flesh, and they insisted that Kwoto should eat some of it. Kwoto ran away, and when the Kurumbas pursued him he ' The Hindu god who sends smallpox is Mmi or Mnriaman. The Toda name for buUermilk is vibr. THE TODAS chap. pretended that he was lame and consented to eat some of the flesh of the buffalo. He also told them that he was a god and said that he would dance before them, and did so like a lame man. He told the Kurumbas that whenever he came in the future, he would dance to the Kurumbas first and then to the Todas ; and now the Kwoto teiiol, or diviner (see Chap. XH), when he dances, does so first to the Kurumbas, and when he dances before them he does so as if he were lame. After this Kwoto disappeared and since that time has not been seen. He is said to live in a temple at Mitur, but " wherever there is a god, there also is Kwoto, or Meilitars." According to another account, this story was told of the people called Panins (Panyas), but in this version Kurumbas were also said to be present, though it was the Panins who were made to eat the flesh. According to a third account, obtained, however, from an untrustworthy informant, Kwoto practised this deception on the gods themselves, and made them eat the flesh of a calf while only pretending to eat himself This was said to have been the starting-point of the erkuinpttJipii)ii ceremony, and Kwoto was said to have killed the calf with the same formalities as are now used in this ceremony. All other Todas strenuously denied that Kwoto made the gods eat flesh. There was, however, so much reticence about the crknviptth- pivii ceremony and its history, that I am not confident that Kwoto was not in some way connected with its origin, and that the version of my untrustworthy informant may in this case have been correct. Other Gods There are very many other deities. Of the following I can give little more than the names. Atiato is the nbdrodcJii of the Kwodrdoni clan and also of Pedrkars. He lives near the chief villages of these clans, and has a temple of which the priest is said to be an Irula, and Todas sometimes it nodr horn (of fitj-) blow country. Then follow the kwarsam already given. These kivarzam are of a different form frotn those used in the general form of prayer, and the various persons or objects mentioned are referred to either by their usual names or by slight modifications of them, as in eupalol or envalol and eutuni. There seemed to be no doubt that these words were abbreviations of taipalol and tcutiini, the omission of an initial t being not uncommon in the Toda language. Thus in this prayer the dair)'man is called " god palol^' and his garment " god timi." 222 THE TODAS CHAP. Prayer of Kwirg Kwirg is one of the villages of the Kuudrol and is the place to which their buffaloes go when it is necessary to make new/^/ for the whole clan. Kwirg village. Kwirg village. the dairy. the pen. the kadr (calf enclosure). the dairy stream. a hill. a hill. Kwatakivirg knlptidshol palikcithiolv tuinadshil kadrkeiri nirtii'idsh pinptimlv pilkiirs atthpep kdnpep Diutchudpep keishkvet J- see Kuudr prayer. tarskivan pet at pat i peth Jit i> ' pOthion Jidkk tarzar iiiaj ■* It will be seen that many of the clauses are common to this prayer and that of Kuudr. The three kivarzani of pep were said to be used in every dairy of the Kuudrol, but it did not appear that they were used at Kiudr. The third, inntcJiudpcp, is not included in the Kuudr prayer, but imitchudkars appears in its place. Two hills are mentioned in the Kwirg prayer, but there are none of the references to special events connected with the village such as exist in the prayer of Kuudr. The Prayer of the Kanodrs Dairy When I was staying at Pishkwosht and visited the conical dairy at Kanodrs with Neratkutan, he told me that the prayer of this dairy had forty kiuarrjaiti referring to the gods, as well as many of other kinds, but on going into detail I could only obtain the following : — Par 7iih- ten the 1600 gods. put nih- ten the 1 800 gods. Kwoto Kwoto or Meilitars (sec p. 203). X PRAYER Atioto Atioto (see p. 2io). Kuriudei teit Kurindo (see p. 192). Koiiteii Konteu or Konto (see p. 211). Anteu Anlo (see p. 188). Pbrzo Porzo Kbdrtho Kdrso Kodrtho Vsee p. 211. Karzo Teikhunten Teikhun, indnpoh Kanodrs village. muttrshpoh ditto. iimertil the pen. kaner the sun ? (see p. 206). kuteikitrs the stone chain used l)y Kwoto (see p. 207). aners Kuzhu village. tAtashki Pishkwosht village. 22- This prayer is quite unlike those of the other village dairies and was much more like that of a // dairy. As we have seen, \.\\q. poJi of Kanodrs resembles a // dairy both in the elaborateness of its ritual and in the high degree of sanctity of its dairyman, and this resemblance is now seen to extend to the prayer used in the dairy ritual. Other dairies of the Tartharol which have an especial degree of sanctity are the kugvali of Taradr and the conical dairy of Nodrs. I made great endeavours to obtain the prayers used in these places, but without success. The ti Prayer The prayers offered at the ti dairies are as a general rule longer and more complex than those of the ordinary village dairy. The latter portion of the prayer, or the prayer proper, does not seem to differ from that of the ordinary dairy, the differences being in the kwarzam recited at the beginning. The different dairies of the same ti may have different prayers ; thus, at the Nodrs ti there is a special prayer for the dairy at Anto which is longer and more complicated than that used at Modr, but it is probable that this is exceptional and is owing to the great antiquity and sanctity of Anto. The other dairies of this ti probably use much the same prayer as at Modr, though there may be certain slight modifications at each. 224 THE TODAS CHAP. The Anto Prayer This prayer is characterised by a very large number of kivarzain referring to the dairy, its contents and surroundings. On ordinary days a shortened form of the prayer is used which consists wholly of kzvarzam of this kind. On special days, such as the occasions o{ ponup and ir)iddrtJiiti, other kzvarzam are said, including those of gods and buffaloes. The following kwarzatn are those in daily use, each being followed by the word idith as in the village prayer : — Ktvarzain of Auto the ti. eithipoh ditto. medrpoh the ti poh. pShtirzh the wars poh. iiv the milking place [fepkaniius). pero the special pen used on the night before ihe ponup ceremony. keirv the pen used on the night before the migration of the buffaloes. Miii the ordinary pen. Teirz a hill near the dairy on which Anto lives. tilkav the back of the dairy {pohpalikef). trbiir the way by which the kaltniokh goes to and from the dairy. Pit hi poh the cave where Pithi was born (see p. 1S4). iiersiiviil sacred path to the dairy by which the iiiaiii, pep, &c. , are taken. karkadr path by which ordinary people approach the dair)'. iadipiil ditto. eijipiil path by which \.\\e pa lol goes to draw water, panpiil path by which \\\e. palol returns from drawing water. Kiilln a hill near the dairy. Keini another hill. iitktn stream at which the palol bathes and washes his garments. titor stone by this stream marking the spot by which the palol bathes, &c. teirpiil spot at which the palol halts and prays for the third time dur- ing the procession to Anto (see p. 135). teiipoh ditto. nu'kfdi place at which palol and kaltinokh defrecate. Ii'atthvai hill near Anto (see p. 188). Ktihtil ditto. A'odrs place near Anto (see p. 188). Titdrs ditto. teibithikars stone rolled by Anto. teihilhival lower part of the hill Kattln'ai (see alnne). 1 PRAYER 225 On ordinary days these kivarzaui are followed by the prayer tiDieiima taruiama, &c. On special occasions the following kivarzam are inserted between those already given and the prayer proper : — Ekirzaiii meidjam KMreij tulj Kuhuirtho Perithi li viiners K'uti pagvoh Putin linul Kiilinkars Notirzivan Kuzkilrv unir unkeu Persin kudrs maiii taJsth tCtpar dter tetter Ktirz pilti per^v Keirv Kit hi kiidi)vors tadrpors tarikipiil kidkadr ponpoli kidpiVi bdrtlio Kitdreiil munarten Kivarzatti of Teikirzi, Tirshli. Kudreiil dairy. ditto. Kuladilho dairy. // dairy at I'erithi in the Wainad. One of the hills at which fire is lighted hy the palo! ■a.\. the t eutiit list held Citxitmowy {<,>^ti p. 291). ditto. another hill at which fire is lighted. ditto. Kulinkars (see p. 1 88). Nolirzi (see p. 1 89). Korateu (see p. 1 90). one group of tiir (see p. 112). mani of wars dairy. mani of ti dairy. bells oi puiiir. axe which came from Amnodr with the buftaloes. an iron bar. the second group of tiir (see p. 1 12). the third group of tiir. the buffalo which has the iiiaiii called Keu put on its neck. buffaloes {unir). ditto. buffalo which drinks /^/ on day of migration (see p. 1 35). buffalo which wears the kudrs mani. the path at Modr by which ordinary people approacii the dairy. place near Modr at which the pa/ol and kaltiiiokk defi\;cate. place near Modr where the erkiiniptthpiii/i ceremony is per- formed. calves' hut (kareiipoh) at Modr. // dairy at Modr. wars dairy at Modr. ti dairy at Odrtho. wajs dairy at Kudreiil. a ti dairy. The following is all I was able to obtain of the prayer used at Modr: — '^ Ekirzani Dieidjam idit/i, Anlo eithipoh idith, Kfdinkdrs idith, Notirzivan iditli, KuMdrvan iditli, Teukute- ithi idith, Kt'idreiJ tidj idith, Kuzkdrv idith, Alvoi Kalvoi 226 THE TOD AS CHAP. idith, tancnnia tannama^' &c. Two of these kii'arzai)i, '' TeukutcitJii idit/i" and " A/voi Kalvoi idith^' are not mentioned in the Anto prayer. I have no doubt that the list of kwarzam is very incomplete. The Prayer of Makars The following is the prayer used at Makars, the chief dairy of the Kars ti. The kwarzam of the dairy are here compara- tively few in number, but the prayer is especially rich in the kzuarzani of gods and buffaloes, and it furnishes a very good example of the relation of the prayer formuL-e to the Toda legends. The kivarzani of the prayer run as follow : — Anto Nhttrzivan Kiilinkars A'lizkdrv Onkonm Ekirzam meidjam Azo \ Mazo] Katadi-vanpoh Peigwa Karmiinieu Kolzgdrth Kondilteu Mnndiltcti Oiu'ilvpoh Kiiiddrazeiileu kalian adi arlen ten kaban kiil citen ten mors ver arteii ten kilghir kAdr kwa- ten ten tebkfiter at, tan inun madrik tiii mdvid karilan ten piilncrkurz tetnirkan pirsk iiiuneki po- tilth ir The god Anto. Notirzi. Kulinkars or Teikhars. Korateu. Onkonm who lives on a hill in the Kundahs. Teikirzi and Tirshti. Azo and Mazo. place near Kfdinkars. god living on hill near Makurti Peak. Karmunteu. the Paikara river (Teipakh). Kondilteu, a god opposite the hill uf Koti. a god on a hill near the last. jalace near Majodr. god on a hill near Kuladrtho. "iron door shut god." " iron stick held god." " uibrs tree under event god." " crooked horned buffalo horn cut god." "imitation buffalo horns took, his mnllicr's brother's lap god." " sambhar from calved god." (The last six kivarzuiii refer to the story of Kuzkarv (sec p. 1 90). buffaloes of // called p/irsir. ditto. " sun to facinir that came l)uffalo." PRAYER 227 nerk iituneki po- tilth ir puliidr inim ke- kitth It- Kit her i kutk cth- kitth ir pdtthh kattith 11 Waywark ethkitth tr khuheravi kitj erditth eraiti Pinter liner persagun talg narvtiils poikar pth-s7j6h tinmidri kakunnudri nirkar tiilintr piinpoh kdtn piiiinir Eiibdr medrpoli peiltii titlinir Pars dtiirnitdri nericners Neradr piilvoh aners tednids puvArsnir I\'dn " bell lo facing thai came Imffalo." " t/h/r \tiic back (face?) rubljed Ijuffalo." " Kitheri stream to jumped liuffalo." " desolate pen from made Iniffalo." " Warsvar (stream) to jumped buffalo." "seven heaps Iniffalo-dung fire set buffaloes. bell (mani) or piirs dairy. ditto. mani of pars dairy. ditto. lamp. piirs dairy. pars dairy. pen. ditto. dairy spring. ditto. dairy at Enodr. pen at Enodr. spring at Enodr. Enodr ti mad. dairy at Pars. pen at Pars. spring at Pars. Pars // mad. dairy at Neradr. pen at Neradr. Neradr // mad daily at Kon. ditto. pen at Kon. spring at Kon. Kon // mad. Then follow " tanenma tannama" &c. The kwarzaui of the prayer given above are arranged in a definite order. First come the kwarzani of sixteen gods or of hills or places closely connected with gods, then follow six kivarzavi referring to various incidents in the life of the god Korateu. These are followed by two kivarzaiii of buffaloes, and then follow six referring to various features of the founding of Makars, of which an account has been given on o 2 228 THE TODAS CHAP. p. ii6. Then follows a kzvarzam relating to an incident which is probably recent. The pnlol of this // used to make seven heaps of the dung of the buffaloes. There is a law that the dung should not be sold, which the palol dis- obeyed, and soon after a fire broke out suddenly from the seven heaps, and this event is commemorated in the prayer by means of the kzvarsam meaning " seven heaps of buffalo-dung, fire set buffaloes," and is included among the kzvarr:am relating to buffaloes, probably because there was a belief that the anger of the buffaloes was the cause of the fire. The buffalo kzvarzaui are followed by eleven referring to the bells of the // and to the dairy, pen and spring of Makars, and these are followed by kzvarzam referring to the other places of the ti — viz., Enodr, Pars, Neradr, and Kon. In each case there are said the kzvarzain of the dairy, pen, spring, and place except in the case of Neradr, where for some reason the kzvarzam of the spring is omitted. The feature of the Makars prayer which is especially interesting is the reference to legend in the kzvarzam. This reference occurs in the Kuudr prayer and in those of Kanodrs and Anto, but the references are far more elaborate in the Makars prayer. These references were very useful in pro- viding incidental confirmation of the details of legends previously obtained, while in other cases they put me on the track of stories which I might otherwise have failed to obtain. One point of interest connected with them is that, in the absence of the legends, they might easily be supposed to be meaningless sentences. We have seen that there is reason to believe that the Todas are forgetting much of their mythology, and if the legends referred to in the Makars prayer should be forgotten, these kzvarzam would become meaningless formulae. This appears to have happened already in some cases ; there were certain kzvarzam of which I could obtain no translation ; thus, all the kzvarzam of the clans and villages were of this nature and could not be explained, though they almost certainly had a definite origin. A good instance oi ?i kzvarzam which is on its way towards a similar fate is that at the end of the Kuudr prayer. The meaning of only one word was clear — vi/. , ndk/i — while w^'was probabl}' the word for cloud, and • X PRAYER 229 the kwarzam appears to refer to some incident of legend in which a three-year-old calf and a cloud were concerned, but I could obtain no record of the incident, nor of the legend of which the incident was a feature. I have treated these formulae of the dairy as prayers, and I think there can be very little doubt that they are of the nature of supplications, and are believed to invoke the aid of the gods in protecting the sacred buffaloes. It must be confessed, however, that there is no actual evidence in the formuhe of direct invocation of the gods. The name of no god is mentioned in the vocative form. In some prayers there is barely mention of a god at all, if the term 'god' be limited to the anthropomorphic beings of the hill-tops. The exact relation between the formula and the gods largely depends on the exact meaning of the word iditJi, which is not quite clear. But, whatever the meaning of this word, it is evident that it is used in exactly the same way in the case of a god as in the case of a buffalo, a place, a dairy vessel, or other even meaner object. Perhaps the nearest approach to an appeal to gods in the prayer is in the words at the end, in which the names of certain gods are mentioned, followed by the words dt/unn idith emk tdnenvid, " for their sake may it be well for us." There is little doubt that the Todas offer prayers to their gods in their ordinary daily life, altogether apart from the dairy ritual. I was told by one man that when anyone leaves an etudniad he should pray that he may return safely, and in this case my informant said that he prayed to Teikirzi. Unfortunately I did not ask the exact form of the prayer, and do not know whether the goddess was invoked by name or whether kivarzani were uttered of the same form as in the prayer of the dairy. We may, however, be confident that the idea of supplication to the gods is not foreign to the Toda mind. We shall see later that in the formulae used in Toda sorcery, the names of gods are mentioned, followed by the same word idith which is used in the dairy formulae. In the magical formulae the evidence of appeal to deittes is somewhat stronger than in the case of the dairy formulae, 230 THE TODAS CH. x which are certainly of a reh'gious character. It seems most likely that the word iditli was at one time used especially in connexion with the names of gods, and carried with it some idea of supplication. Gradually other sacred objects were included in the prayer, the same form being used for them as for the gods, this inclusion being prompted by the belief that the mention of any sacred object might help to promote the efficacy of the prayer. Later, when any mys- terious and seemingly miraculous incident occurred at a village, it seems to have become the custom to commemorate it in the prayer. It is quite clear that at the present time the earlier portion of the prayer, consisting of the kicarrjajn, is regarded as more important than the latter portion, which reads like the actual prayer. I suspect even that in practice the prayer proper is often omitted, or that only the first two words, tanenma, tarmaiiia, are said. There certainly seemed to be no very rigorous laws as to the exact number or order of the clauses of this part of the prayer. The earlier portion, on the other hand, is very strictly regulated, and the order in which the kwarzam are to be uttered is definitely prescribed. Cer- tainly there is far more reticence in connexion with the kivarsam, and this may safely be taken to indicate that a higher degree of sanctity attaches to them than to the words of the prayer proper. It is probable that the alteration in the relative importance attached to the two parts of the prayer would have to go little further in order to produce a state of things in which the Toda dairyman would use the first parts of the formulae only, and an anthropologist visiting the Todas at this stage would find them using formulae which would not be recognis- able as prayer. If, at the same time, the process of forgetting their mythology should also have advanced, the Todas would then provide an excellent example of a people using in their religious ritual meaningless forms of words, and the Toda kwarzam seem to furnish one wa)- in which people ma\' come to use such meaningless forms. CHAPTER XI THE DAIRY RITUAL In the preceding chapters I have given an account of an elaborate ritual wholly connected with the buffalo and with the dairy. This ritual is certainly of a religious character, and, though there is much in the nature of the dairy formulae which is uncertain, there can be little doubt that they are intercessory and that they bring the dairy operations into definite relations with the Toda deities. It seems most probable that the general idea underlying the dairy ritual is that the dairyman is dealing with a sacred substance, the milk of the buffaloes. This sacred substance is to be converted into other substances, butter and butter- milk, which are to be used by the profane. At the present time much of the butter goes to those who are not even Todas and are regarded by the Todas as inferior beings. It seems most probable that the elaborate ritual has grown up as a means of counteracting the dangers likely to be incurred by this profanation of the sacred substance, or, in other words, as a means of removing a taboo which prohibits the general use of the substance. Similarly the migration ceremonies have the general under- lying idea of counteracting any possible evil influence which may accompany the passage of the buffaloes through the pro- fane world from one sacred place to another. During the migration, objects may be seen by the multitude which under ordinary circumstances are strictly screened from the general gaze, and objects may be touched, or be in danger of being touched, by people who ordinarily may not even see them. 232 THE TODAS CHAP. Again, the ceremonies connected with entrance upon any dairy office are intended to purify the candidate and make him fit to see and touch and use the sacred objects. The purpose of some of the other ceremonies is less obvious. The irpalvustJii ceremony seems to be of the nature of a thanksgiving, one of its most important features being a feast, but in this feast people may partake of the milk of sacred buffaloes, which is not ordinarily used by them, and there is a suggestive resemblance to those religious cere- monies in which communion is held with the divine by eating or drinking the divine. The salt-giving ceremonies seem to point to a time when salt was difficult to procure. According to the Todas the object of these ceremonies is to ensure a plentiful supply of milk. There is a belief that salt is beneficial to the buffaloes, and the occasions on which the salt is given have become religious ceremonies which at the ponup of the // have reached a high degree of elaboration with very special relations to the chief gods of the dairy. The ceremonies of making new pep are especially mysterious, and I will reserve some speculations as to the general idea underlying them till later (see p. 242). Comparison of the Procedure of Different Dairies One of the most striking features of the ritual in all its branches is its increasing elaboration and complexity from the low^est to the highest grade of dairy. One of the details of the ritual which runs through the whole series of dairies is the separation between the vessels and objects which come into contact with the buffaloes or their milk, and those which come into contact with the outside world, or with the products of the churning which may go to the outside world. In the proceedings with the milk of the ordinary buffaloes in the huts where the people live, there is, so far as I know, no distinction of this kind. In the lowest grade of dairy we already meet with the xi THE DAIRY RITUAL 233 separation. All the vessels are kept in the same roonn, but in different parts of the room, the patatuiar and the ertatinar, and this distinction between the two sets of objects is kept up in the migration ceremonies where they are carried by different men. There are no striking differences in this respect between the k)wer grades of dairy, whether tarvali^ kiidrpali, or zuiirsnli) in all, the two sets of vessels are separated, but no strict measures are taken to prevent a vessel of the patatuiar from coming into contact with a vessel of the ertatmar during the dairy operations. It is only on reaching the kugvali of Taradr that we find an intermediate vessel, the kuvun^ used to transfer substances from a vessel of the more sacred to one of the less sacred kind, and to prevent possible contamination of the former by the latter. It is in the //' dairy that these precautions reach their highest degree of development. Here the two sets of vessels are kept in different rooms, separated by a screen, and the dairy products are never transferred directly from a vessel of one kind to a vessel of the other, but always by means of an intermediate vessel. The butter and buttermilk produced by the churning operations in the inner room are transferred to the vessels of the outer room by means of the idrkwoi, which is kept on the dividing line between the two compartments. Similarly the vessels into which the butter and buttermilk are received are never allowed to come into direct contact with objects from the outside world, but their contents are trans- ferred to vessels used outside the dairy by means of inter- mediate vessels, the iippun or the uibipnii. In the migrations of the ti buffaloes this strict separa- tion between the two kinds of vessel is still kept up. The things of the inner room are carried by the palol himself, while the things of the outer room are carried by others. The idrkwoi, though carried by the palol on the same staff as the things of the inner room, is kept apart from the rest, and is not allowed to touch them. The fires of the //dairy furnish another interesting example of the principle by which sacred objects are prevented from coming directly into relation with objects which may have :34 THE TODAS been contaminated by contact with the outside world. The lamp is not lighted directly from the tbrattJiivaskal, which is probably sometimes touched by the kaltiiiokJi, but fire is transferred from this fireplace to the pclkkatittJnvaskal, from which the lamp is lighted. Here, again, the use of an inter- mediary object is limited to the ti dairy. The principle of management by which the palol prevents the contamination of the sacred by the profane in the dairy is adopted by him in other ways. Whenever I paid any money to i\\Q palol at Modr, I placed it on a stone from which it was taken by the kaltniokh and handed to the palol. A similar procedure is generally adopted whenever anything is brought to, or taken from, a ti dairy. The kaltniokh in the above instance acts as the intermediate link between \\\q. palol and the unclean. In the ordinary procedure of the village dairy, except at the kugvali of Taradr, no example occurs of this use of inter- mediate links, but there is such an example during the ordina- tion of the wursol. When the palikartniokJi gives the candi- date milk from the ertatpiin (p. 149), he does not pour it directly into the leaf-cup from which the candidate drinks, but first pours it into another leaf-cup and then from that into the cup used by the candidate. Other features of the ritual in which there are differences in different grades of dairy are in the ceremonial touching of dairy vessels, in the avoidance of turning the back towards the contents of the dairy, in lamp-lighting, in the ritual connected with the bell, and in the frequency with which the prayer of the dairy is recited. At the tarvali and kudrpali, the dairyman touches ceremonially the viajpariv and the patat at the beginning of the afternoon churning, while at the iviirs2ili this is done both morning and afternoon. At the ti, however, this ceremonial touching does not occur, or, at any rate, I failed to obtain any account of its performance. The method of carrying out the dairy procedure kabkaditi, in whicli the back is never turned on the sacred vessels of the dairy, is not followed in the tarvali, except at the irpalvustJii ceremony. I have no record of it in the kndipali, except o\\ XI THE DAIRY RITUAL 235 the same occasion, and it is only followed regularly in certain dairies of the iviirsuli grade, viz., Nodrs, Nasmiodr, Odr, and Kozhtudi. The first has a conical dairy, and Nasmiodr and Odr are especially ancient and sacred places. At the kugvali and the ti dairy, on the other hand, the dairy ceremonial is always performed kabkaditi. At one ceremony, that of irpalvusthi, the work of the dairy is performed kabkaditi in every dairy of whatever grade. The lamp-lighting is another feature which becomes more frequent and more ceremonial in the higher grades of dairy. In all the village dairies, including the kugvali of Taradr,^ the lamp is on])' lighted ceremonially at the afternoon churning, the lighting being made the occasion of prayer. . If the morn- ing is dark, the lamp may be lighted, but it is clear that this is not done ceremonially, and the lighting is not accompanied by prayer. At the // we have already seen that the lamp is lighted in a more ceremonial manner and in the morning as well as in the afternoon. Some of the details of the ritual are definitely associated with the inani, and since the presence of a niani implies a higher grade of dairy, this leads to an increase in the elaboration of the ritual. The mani is treated in much the same way in all the grades of dairy which possess this sacred object. Another feature in which the increasing sanctity of the dairy is shown is the frequency with which prayer is offered. At all the village dairies the dairyman only prays at the after- noon ceremonial when lighting the lamp, and when shutting up the buffaloes in their pen for the night. As already mentioned, there is a definite association between prayer and the ceremonial lamp-lighting. In the // dairy, prayer is offered both morning and evening ; at the morning ceremonial twice and in the afternoon three times. On both occasions the first prayer begins when the lamp is being lighted and is continued while the palol knocks on one of the persiii with the persinhidriki. The second prayer in each case is offered at the conclusion of the milking, and the third prayer of the afternoon corresponds to ' I am doubtful about this point at the poll of Kanodrs. 236 THE TODAS CHAP. the second prayer of the village dairy, being offered when shutting up the buffaloes for the night. The increasing sanctity of the different grades of dairy is shown very clearly by the increasing stringency in the rules of conduct of the dairyman. The tarvalikartviokli may sleep in the living hut on any night in the week, and there are no restrictions on his intercourse with women. The kudrpalikart- niokh may only sleep in the hut on Sundays, Wednesdays and Saturdays, and is prohibited from intercourse with Teivali women. The iviirsol is limited to two nights, Sunday and Wednesday, and, though himself a Teivali man, is prohibited from intercourse with Teivali women. The kugvalikartmoklL has similar restrictions, but the pohkartpol of Kanodrs must avoid women altogether, and this is almost certainly the case with the palol also. The tarvalikartviokli takes his buttermilk and food without any ceremony. The kudrpalikartmokli must hold his food in his hands throughout his meal and must not put it on the ground. In the case of the zvursol we meet first with the ceremonial drinking of buttermilk, which must in this case be poured into the leaf-cup from the vessel called ertatpun. The kugvalikart- viokJi drinks buttermilk sitting on the seat outside his dairy and pours from the ertatpini, drinking three times only and saying " Ofi " each time. T\\Q pohkartpol of Kanodrs has to take his food with very special precautions. He sits on the wall of his dairy and his hand must not touch his mouth nor the leaf-cup his lips. At the // the drinking of buttermilk has become a definite ceremony in which the kaltniokJi pours out drink for the palol with prescribed formulae, but, strangely enough, the /c?/^/ does not suffer from the same restrictions against touching his mouth as \hQ pohkartpol of Kanodrs, though the latter holds an office which in most ways is distinctly less sacred than that of the palol. The clothing of each grade is also regulated. Perhaps the most important feature here is the use of the garments called tiini. These are made of dark grey cloth of a quite different kind from that of the ordinary clothes worn by the Todas. XI THE DAIRY RITUAL 237 The garments are procured from the Badagas, and cloth of the same kind, called an, is used to enwrap the corpse in the funeral ceremonies. It is mentioned as the ordinary clothing of a woman in the legend of Kwoten, and is almost certainly the ancient clothing of the Todas still persisting in ceremonial in connexion with the dead and in the dairy ritual. The ///;// is only worn by the higher grades of the dairyman- priesthood and by the palikartuwkJi of the Teivaliol. The palol wears tuni only, both his loin-cloth and his mantle being of this material. The kaltmokJi has no need for a tuni, for when he is engaged in his work at the // he has to be naked, and when away from the // and in the sleeping hut he wears a small piece of tuni, the petnni, in his girdle, the piece of cloth marking the difference between the full kaltniokh and \\\Q. pcrkiirsol. The wiivsol, the kugvalikartmokh, and the Teivali palikart- mokh only wear the tuni when actually engaged in the dairy work and leave it inside the dairy at other times. I am doubtful whether the pohkartpol of Kanodrs resembles the palol or the lower grades in this respect. Although the palikartuiokh of the tarvali and the kndrpali never wear the ///;//, a small piece of this cloth is put in the girdle during the ordination ceremonies, and this may be a relic of a time when every dairyman wore the tuni} In the secret language (see Chap. XXV) the word petuni is used in one place as the ecjuivalent of ' uniform,' and this seems to indicate that the petuni is regarded as the badge of a dairyman. The use of the leaves and bark of the sacred tudr tree is another feature which distinguishes different dairies. In the tarvali it is, so far as I know, not used at all. In the kudrpali it is only used in \\\q. pcpeirthti ceremon}'. The w?/rj^/ uses tiidr in his ordination ceremonies, but not in the ordinary ritual of his dairy, nor is it used in the daily ritual of the ti dairy, though largely used in the purification of the dairy and of the dairy vessels, and in the ordination ceremonies of the palol. ' II is in favour of this supposition that in the legend Kwoten wore the tiitii when acting ^'s, palikarlmokh aUhough he was one of the Tartliarol. 238 THE TODAS chap. The use of tudr in the ordination ceremonies is only allowed to the members of the Teivali division and of the Melgars clan of the Tartharol. Special kinds of dairy or special dairies may have features peculiar to themselves ; thus \.\\g pepeirt/iti ceremony, in which the dairyman beats on \.\\q patat with a piece of tudr bark, is only performed at the kiidtpali ; the prescription of nakedness when milking is confined to the kiidrpalikartviokJi ; the special method of wearing the piitkuli open in front when going to the buffaloes is only practised by the wiirsol, and the method of taking food sitting on the wall of the dairy and throwing the food into the mouth is peculiar to the poJikartpol of Kanodrs. One feature of interest in the dairy organisation is the existence of different names at different dairies for the dairy products, and for the various objects used at the dairy or in connexion with the dairy ceremonies. The chief differences are found on comparing the village dairy with the ti, nearly every object having a different name in the two places, though occasionally a peculiarity of nomenclature may be confined to one dairy, as at Kanodrs, where milk is called persin, the name of the churning vessel of the ti. As a general rule it seems that the name used in the village dairy is the same as that in ordinary use ; thus, the dairy vessels used in the house for the milk of the ordinary buffaloes are known by the same names as those of the village dairy. The use of special names in the more sacred dairies is probably connected with their high degree of sanctity. The names of the dairy vessels of the village are in common use, and it would doubtless seem sacrilegious that the names of the vessels of the // should be thus in everyone's mouth. Consequently nearly every object used in the ceremonial of the // dairy has a special name, and in the ordinary life of the Todas these words are probably never uttered. One striking feature of the dairy ritual is the use of the syllable Ofi. With one exception (p. 177) this word is always uttered thrice, and it seems to be especially connected with the act of putting curds or milk on the bells. It has a suggestive resemblance to the mystical syllable Oni of the Hindus. It is XI THE DAIRY RITUAL 239 also possible that it may be a form of the name of the god On, or, again, it may be a corruption of the word viani, of which the initial letter has been dropped, a process qf which other examples have been given. It is doubtful how much significance is attached to the right and left sides in the dairy ritual. There is no doubt that in the most sacred acts of the ritual, such as saluting the buffaloes and the sun, or feeding the bell, it is the right hand which is used. This preference of the right hand is emphasised by the action of the palol in washing out his mouth, when he takes the water into his mouth from the left hand, because it is his right hand which has most to do with the sacred objects. In the migration ceremonies the dairy vessels are carried on the left shoulder, but at the // the choice of this shoulder by \\\q. palol is obviously due to the fact that either the viani or churning-stick is carried in the right hand, and in other cases it is probable that the choice of the left shoulder is due to the necessity of leaving the right hand free. When the candidate drinks in the ordination ceremonies he holds the cup in the right hand, and this hand certainly has the preference throughout the dairy ritual. On the other hand, the petniii is worn on the left side of the waist-string, both by the kaltmokh, as a sign of his full rank, and by the palikartinokh during his ordination ceremonies. In the ordinary dairy the side which is on the right hand in entering seems to be the more sacred, and the platform on this side is the ineitiin or superior bed. In the // dairy, on the other hand, there was some doubt as to the more sacred side. At Modr it seemed that the mani is on the left hand side of the palol as he is performing his duties, but it is doubtful whether this is so at other places, and it may be that my account of the Modr dairy is wrong in this respect. The Sanctity of Milk The different degrees of sanctity attaching to the different dairies are associated with differences in the rules regulating the use of milk, and these rules .seem to show clearly that 240 THE TODAS CHAP. the milk of buffaloes belonging to the more sacred dairies has a higher degree of sanctity than that churned in the lower grades. The milk of ordinary buffaloes may be drunk by anyone, man, woman, or child. The Todas do not ordinaril}^ sell milk, but if they do so, they ma}^ only use the milk of ordinary buffaloes for this purpose. I have a note that any- one may also drink the milk of buffaloes belonging to the tarvali, but I suspect that this only applies to men who must drink it at the dairy. The milk of the kudrpali may only be drunk by the kudrpalikartniokli himself. It is believed that any other person or animal who should drink milk from this dairy would die. At the zvnrsrdi milk may be given to men at the dair}% but it must be mixed with buttermilk. At the kiigvali of Taradr the milk of the kugvalir themselves is not drunk by anyone, the dairyman having certain ordinary buffaloes for his own use, and this is also the case at the ti. I believe that not even the palol wovXd. drink the milk of the persinir, the sacred buffaloes of the //. There is one exception to the rule that ordinary people may not use the milk of the sacred buffaloes of the village dairies (except in the form of butter and buttermilk). At the irpalviisthi ceremony at all the village dairies, including the kiigvali, food is prepared with the milk of one of the sacred animals and this food is given to the people of the clan to which the dairy belongs and also to members of other clans. In the case of the ivursuli, I was especially told that this is the only occasion on which the milk of wursulir is used by people in general. At the kugvali, people of other clans are only given this food on the second day of the proceedings, and the distribution of the food is preceded by a ceremony in which some of the food is thrown into the fire. The milk used on this occasion is the milk of the buffalo which has recently calved, the ceremony being in celebration of this event. At the ^vursuli it is noteworthy that the food is cooked hy the wursol liimself, the ceremony of irpeilvnstJn being the XI THE DAIRY RITUAL 241 only occasion on which a dairyman of this grade prepares food. Thus, when the milk of the wursiilir is used ceremoni- ally as a food by ordinary people, the food is prepared by the dairyman-priest. One feature of the irpalvusthi ceremony is that the work is performed kabkaditi in every dairy, and it is possible that this sign of increased respect is intended to counteract the desecration which is about to take place in the use of the milk by the profane. As I have already pointed out, the irpalvustJii ceremony has a strong resemblance to a sacrificial feast, in which people partake of the sacred animal, but in this case it is the milk of the animal and not the animal itself which is taken. A further indication of the sanctity of milk is given in the prohibition against the drinking of milk by a widower or widow during a period which, as we shall see later, may extend to many months. The restrictions on the use of the milk of the sacred animals have the general characters associated with taboos, and the whole daily ritual of the dairy would seem to be designed to remove the taboo. It is possible that at one time the milk of the sacred buffaloes was not used at all, and that these animals only suckled their calves. If then the Todas had begun to milk the sacred buffaloes, it is natural that the milking and churning should have been accompanied by ritual designed to counteract the evils to be expected from the profanation of the sacred substance and the breaking of the taboo. In certain cir- cumstances even now the Todas do not milk their sacred buffaloes, but allow them to suckle their calves only. If a // dairy, or even one of a lower grade, has no dairyman, the buffaloes are not milked, though they are still tended by some unsanctified person and are kept ready to take their part in the dairy ritual if a dairyman should again be appointed. Special Dairy Customs The general method of treating the milk in the dairy procedure seems to be the same as that generally followed in India and other hot countries. The milk is allowed to K 242 THE TODAS chap. coagulate and the curd is churned. The butter so obtained differs from that of European countries in containing the proteid as well as the fat constituents of milk. This butter is then clarified, but in this respect there is an important difference between the ordinary Hindu procedure and that of the Todas. The usual Hindu method is to heat slowly over a fire without the addition of any other substance. The Todas add grain or rice to the butter before clarification, and this sinks to the bottom of the vessel and forms a substance called by the Todas al, which is one of their chief foods. This deposit of grain or rice will carry clown with it some, possibly all, of the proteid constituents, and the al will, there- fore, be a nourishing food. The only other detail in which the Toda procedure is peculiar^ is in the addition of buttermilk from a previous churning to the newly-drawn milk, the buttermilk ox pep being put into the vessel before milking. This addition probabl)' hastens the process of coagulation, but its chief interest is derived from the fact that it has become the nucleus of some of the most interesting features of the dairy ceremonial. This addition of buttermilk seems to be regarded as forming a thread of continuit}- in the dairy ritual, and the ceremony of pepkaric/ia, or making new pep, is held whenever this con- tinuity is broken. The pep is connected with a dairy vessel of the kind called niu, which is buried in the buffalo pen, and if any evil befalls the )iiii, it is held to be a cause for making new pep- — -i.e., the usual course of the dairy procedure will be interrupted, in some cases for months. The buried dairy vessel seems to be linked in some mysterious way with the fortunes of the dair}', and especially w ith the buttermilk which forms the element of continuity in the dairy procedure. The buried dairy vessel, or ;////, is not one which is now generall}' used to hold buttermilk. There are two kinds of ;//// in the dair}% one which contains the butter added during the churning, while the other is used, ' It is an Indian practice to add sour buttermilk to the milk to promote coagulation, but this is usually done after heating the milk. It is possible that in some parts of India it may be added to the milk l)efore or iinnicdialely after it is drawn. •XI THE DAIRY RITUAL 243 partly as a receptacle for the milk which is about to be churned, and partly to fetch water from the stream. It is highly probable that there was at one time a third inn in the dairy, which was a receptacle for the buttermilk added before milking. At the especially sacred dairy of Kanodrs, where ancient procedure is likely to have lingered, the buried mn is still used as a receptacle for buttermilk. When this dairy is unoccupied, a certain amount of buttermilk is kept in the buried inn, and when the dairy is again occu[)ied, this buttermilk is used to add to the milk. In this case the continuity of the dairy procedure is directly kept up by means of the buried vessel, and this procedure of the Kanodrs dairy is strongly in favour of the view that the buried vessel was formerly a receptacle for \\\Q. pep. There are other indications that the inn is the most sacred of the dairy vessels. It is this vessel which is touched by the zunrsol the kngvalikartniokh of Taradr and the polikaripol of Kanodrs, as the final act which gives them their full status at the ordination ceremonies, and we shall see later that in the funeral ceremonies at Taradr a temporary building is made to represent a dairy by placing in its inner room a ;////. In this last case, it would seem that the nin is regarded as the emblem of the dairy, and that placing a nin in the inner room of the temporary building makes it a dairy. The representative of the nin at the //dairy is ihcpcptbrziini, but it does not seem that this vessel is specially distinguished from the rest, and it does not appear to have the sanctity and importance which attaches to this kind of vessel at the village dairy. There seem to be two chief possibilities in explaining the existence of the buried ;//;/. It may be that it was at one time the custom to bury the pep while the village was unoccupied, and that this custom now only persists at Kanodrs, the nin at other places being no longer used for this purpose, though it has continued to be of ceremonial importance. The other possibility is that, as the pep acquired increased importance in the dairy ritual, the sanctity of the buttermilk was transferred to the vessel which contained it, and the R 2 244 THE TODAS chap. sanctity of the vessel became so great that it was not thought right to leave it exposed to the dangers it might incur in the dairy, especially in the various migrations, and it was there- fore buried in the buffalo pen of the chief village of the clan. It is probable that the custom arose in the way suggested by the procedure of the Kanodrs dairy, but that the full develop- ment of the custom has been largely due to the belief in its special sanctity. The obscure observance of having a ball of food larger than can be eaten at one sitting occurs twice in the various dairy ceremonials. It is a feature of the ceremonies which the kaltniokJi has to undergo on the day after the migration of the Nodrs ti\.o Anto,and the superabundant portion of food has also to be eaten by the candidate for the office oi pnlol in the preliminary ceremony called tesherst. In each case the food is of the ceremonial kind called asJikkartpinii. I can offer no suggestions as to the meaning of the observance, nor do I know of any parallel for it. Purity and Imturity The idea of ceremonial purity is one running through the whole of the dairy rites. Many of the details of the ritual, the purification of new vessels and of dairies revisited after a period of disuse, the ordination ceremonies of the dair}'- man, the elaborate ceremonies accompanying the making of new pep^ all show a very deeply engrained idea that men and things have in themselves some degree of impurity, and that in order to be made fit for the service of the gods, they must be purified and sanctified by appropriate ceremonies. As regards man two grades of impurity are recognised : (i.) the impurity of the ordinary man, which is perhaps an absence of ceremonial purity rather than actual impurity ; and (ii.) the special impurity which is the result of certain events and especially of those accompanying birth and death. The impurity of the ordinary man does not prevent him from visiting the dairies of the lower grade, but it prohibits him from taking any part whatever in the actual dairy opera- tions. With certain exceptions, he is rigorously excluded THE DAIRY RITUAL 245 from actual contact either with dairies or dairymen of the higher grades. He is perhaps regarded as unsanctified rather than impure. The definite impurity which is the condition of those who have attended funeral ceremonies or have been in relation with a woman in the period of seclusion after child- birth is something very different. Such a man is not merely unsanctified, he is unfit to hold any sacred office ; even the prolonged ceremonies of ordination would not fit him to hold office in the dairy or to perform any part in the tendance of the sacred buffaloes, and he is not allowed even to approach the members of the higher grades of the dairyman-[jriest- hood. Women and the Dairy Women take no part in the dairy ritual, nor in the milking and churning operations which are carried on in the hut. It is said that at one time the women took charge of the buffaloes at the time of calving, but this is not the case at the present time. Women go to the dairy to fetch buttermilk, using an appointed path and standing at an appointed spot to re- ceive it. Females enter dairies under two conditions only. They may enter the outermost rooms of those dairies which are used as funeral huts while the bodies of men are lying in them. Here they may sit only on one side of the room, and only when the dairy operations are not in progress. Women also enter the temporary funeral huts of men which are called pali, or dairies. The other condition under which a female enters a dairy is at the migration ceremony of the village, in which a girl, seven or eight years of age, is given food in the dairy of the village which the buffaloes are leaving, and sweeps the front of the dairy of the village to which they are going. This ceremony is one in which a girl seems to take a definite part in dairy ceremonial, but the girl chosen for this office must be below the age of puberty. The relations of women with the different grades of dairy- men have already been considered ; a point which may again 246 THE TODAS chap. be mentioned is that the emblems of womanhood, the pounder, sieve, and broom, may be removed from, the hut while the dairyman is present, though the women themselves remain. During certain dairy ceremonials, women must leave the village altogether, and during the passage of the buffaloes of the Nodrs ti near the village of Kiudr, the women leave the village, taking with them the pounder, sieve, and broom. Although women are thus excluded from all participation in the dairy ceremonial, we shall see later (Chapter XIV) that an artificial dairy plays a part in some of the ceremonies connected with pregnancy and childbirth. History of the Dairy The Todas can give very little information which throws any light on the development of this complex organisation of the dairy with its elaborate ritual. According to tradition, the most sacred dairies, and especially that of the Nodrs ti, date back to the time when the gods were active on earth and were themselves dairymen. Beyond the belief that buffaloes of different kinds were assigned to the different clans by Teikirzi, I could obtain no account of beliefs about the origin or growth of the other grades of dairy. One fact as to the past which seemed clear was that ti dairies were at one time more numerous than at present, and several places now possessing village dairies of the ordinary kind are said to have been at one time the seats of // dairies. Thus it is believed that Kiudr was formerly a ti place, and the old weatherworn stones shown in Figs. 31 and 32, which are still called neursiilnkars, seem to provide evidence that tradition is here correct. The village of Teidr is said to have been at one time a ti, and here again two stones called neursiilnkars are to be seen about a quarter of a mile from the village. There is another feature of the Kiudr dairy which suggests that it may at one time have been a // dairy. It contains six bells c'aWc(\ niani, which clearly differ in nature from the nKnii of the other village dairies, especially in the fact that they THE DAIRY RITUAL 247 are not used at funerals. They are also distinguished as patatnuini and ertatiiiani, a distinction not met with in any other village dairy. It seems probable that they are the representatives of the two kinds of bells of a //, the iiiani proper and the kudrsmani. The crlatj/iaiii of Kiudr are ' fed ' with buttermilk, a procedure not followed, so far as I know, in any other dairy, but it may be that this is a feature of the procedure of the ti dairy which escaped me. Certainly the most likely explanation of the existence of these bells at Kiudr is that they are survivals of its former position as a ti dair)'. The villages of Kiudr and Teidr both belong to the Teiva- liol, and this raises the c]uestion whether this division of the Todas may not have possessed ti herds and ti dairies of their own at one time, and may not always have had to be content with providing dairymen for institutions belonging to the Tartharol. No information could be given on this point, but it seems unlikely that dairies and places belonging to a Tarthar clan should have been handed over to the Teivaliol when they were no longer used as ti dairies and ti places. Certain Tarthar villages are also said to have had at one time // dairies, especially the sacred places of Xodrs and Odr. This probably means that there is a tradition that the buffaloes of the Nodrs ti were at one time kept at these places which, as we have seen, are still visited by the palol during his ordination ceremonies. The process of extinction of // institutions can be seen in progress at the present time. The Nidrsi // is not now in working order ; there has been no palol for some years and its dairies are unoccupied. It is said that 2i palol would have to be appointed temporarily if it was desired to perform the second funeral ceremonies of a Nidrsi man, but in the present condition of the Nidrsiol, it seems to me not at all unlikely, either that the rule will be disregarded, or that the second funeral ceremonies will not be performed, and that the Nidrsi // will become absolutely extinct, possibly dragging down another institution into extinction with it. The Kwodrdoni ti is now only active for a short time once every year in order to satisfy a ceremonial requirement of the 248 THE TODAS CH. xi Kotas, and this institution may possibly soon become little more than a name. If it were not for the Kotas, it would undoubtedly be as near extinction as the ti of Nidrsi. One palol of the Pan ti has recently ceased to be appointed, and the same difficulty which has led to his disappearance will probably sooner or later vacate the other office, and Pan will follow in the footsteps of the other clans. Many of the dairies belonging even to the more prosperous ti institutions are now disused, and some have completely vanished. The legend of Kwoto preserves a tradition of ceremonial accompanying the migration of the buffaloes of the Kars // which has now entirely disappeared, and nothing is known of the special features of ritual which were practised at many // dairies which have become extinct. Of dairies of other grades, the poh of Kanodrs is now only occupied for a short time once a year, and its ceremonial may soon also become extinct. The conical poh of Kars and the seven-roomed kiuh'palioi Nodrs are dairies which have ceased to exist, and with the extinction of the latter have gone com- pletely all traces of the ritual which was practised in this kind of dairy, and nothing is known as to the meaning of the seven rooms. Some of these changes are recent, and due to the altered conditions produced by the general invasion of the Nilgiris, but others date back to a time before Europeans came to the hills, and were due to intrinsic conditions, chiefly the hard- ships connected with the ritual practised in certain of the dairies. The altered surroundings of the Todas are undoubt- edly hastening the process of decay, and institutions which would probably have lasted for centuries will now almost certainly disappear in a few decades. CHAPTER XII DIVINATION AND MAGIC Tins chapter will furnish a very good example of specialisation of religious and magical functions among the Todas. We shall find that certain Todas have the power of divination, others are sorcerers, and others again have the power of curing disease by means of spells and rites, while all three functions are quite separate from those of the priest or dairyman. The Todas have advanced some way towards specialisation of function in this respect, and have as separate members of the community their prophets, their magicians and their medicine-men in addition to their priests. Divination Certain men among the Todas are reputed to have special powers as diviners, and are known as teubdipol, " god-gesticu- lating men," or more commonly as teuol. Samuel, my inter- preter, always spoke of their performances as devil-dancing and evidently regarded the teiiol as like those whom he called the devil-dancers of his own people. In several cases these men are said to have inherited their powers from some near relative, often a grandfather, but it seems that anyone who showed evidence of the necessary powers might become a teuol. All but one of the present diviners are Teivaliol, but the divining power is not limited to this division. There is no relation between the various offices of the dairy and the power of divination, and, in 250 THE TODAS chap. fact, a diviner necessarily gives up his divining if he becomes a paloiy Each of the teuol is beHeved to be possessed by a special god when he falls into the divining frenzy, and when in this state it is said that the diviner does not, as a rule, speak in his own language, but in some other, most commonly in Malayalam or one of its dialects. The following are those who are at present credited with the power of divination : — Midjkudr (63) of Piedr, who is inspired by the gods Kulinkars and Petkon. He speaks in Malayalam, and he does not appear to have succeeded anyone else as tcuol. He is the most successful of those who are at present practising the art, and played the chief part in all the divining which took place during my visit. Tadrners (60) of Kuudr, inspired by Ethrol and Arivili, succeeded his mother's father, Kasorivan (66) of Kusharf He is said to speak the language of people whom the Todas call Mondardsetipol living in the Wainad, a language which appears to be a dialect of Malayalam. Pangudr [66) of Kusharf, also succeeded Kasorivan, his grandfather, and is inspired by Petkon and Meilitars. There was some doubt as to the language used by him. Ethgudr (52) of Kuudr is inspired by Arivili, and, like Tadrners, speaks the language of the Mondardsetipol. Terkudr (63) of Piedr, inspired by Teipakh, the river god, succeeded his grandfather Keitolv. When inspired, his speech is like the babbling of a running river, " like the river's voice," and cannot be understood. Kangudr (62) of Piedr, who lives at Kavidi in the Wainad, is inspired by Meilitars and speaks Malayalam. He succeeded Tarsvan (62), his father, and Tarsvan had succeeded his father Keithiolv. Kobuv (61) of Kuudr, is inspired by Meilitars and Kuderol and speaks Malayalam. Poteners (54) of Kuudr, is inspired by Petkon and speaks the language of the Mondardsetipol. ' From the account of Finicio (Ai)pcna/c>/ of the Nodrs //, was formerly a /t'//o/, but gave up divining when he became /^a/o/. All the above belong to the Teivaliol, and the only Tarthar diviner at the present time is Mongudrvan (13) of Kars. He is said to be inspired by the god of Miuni village, and to speak the Toda language. Hie village of Miuni belongs to the Teivaliol, so that the only Tarthar diviner is inspired by a god connected with the division to which the majority of the diviners belong. Two other Tarthar men, Kerveidi (5) and Tevo (3), both of Nodrs, are said to have been teuo/ at one time, but they have ceased to divine. They succeeded another man of their clan. Kangudr, who is inspired by Meilitars, has to ' dance ' or divine before the Kurumbas, and when he does so he dances as a lame man. This custom is reputed to have come down from the time of Meilitars (see p. 210), who danced as a lame man before the Kurumbas, and promised that whenever he came in the future he would dance to the Kurumbas first and then to the Todas. It will be noticed that many of the deities by whom the diviners are inspired are not true Toda gods. Petkon, who inspires Midjkudr, Pangudr, and Poteners, is said to be a hunting god. According to some he was a son of Teikirzi, but is almost certainly not a true Toda deity. Arivili inspires Tadrners and Ethgudr, who are both reputed to speak the language of the Mondardsetipol, and he is probably a god of these people, a tribe of the Wainad. Ethrol, who also inspires Tadrners, is probably another deity of the same people. I do not know anything about Kuderol, by whom Kobuv is believed to be inspired. It is noteworthy that the only existing Tarthar tc/eo/ speaks the Toda language when divining, and is believed to be inspired by a local Toda god ; while the diviners belonging to the Teivaliol seem to speak dialects of Malayalam, and many are believed to be inspired by gods who are almost certainly not true Toda deities. The teiiol 'Axe consulted whenever an\' misfortune befalls a Toda. The following are various instances in which I have records of resort to divination : sickness or death of a Toda 252 THE TODAS chap. or of any of his family ; sickness or death of a buffalo ; failure of milk in a buffalo and persistent kicking of its calf; failure to make a buffalo go to the spot at which it is to be killed during a funeral ceremony ; failure of milk to coagulate; burning down of a dairy ; disappearance of the bells of a dairy; loss of a tukitthkars or lifting stone. In this last instance the stone at the village of Nidrsi was carried away some years ago by a party of English people who came to picnic near the village while the people were away. They carried the stone for some miles and then threw it down. The Nidrsi people could not find it, and consulted Midjkudr and Mongudrvan, who were able to reveal where the stone was to be found, and it was restored to the village, where it can now be seen. The diviners usually work in pairs, though occasionally it would seem that one only may be consulted. If they are asked for an explanation of some misfortune which has befallen a man, the teuol usually find either that the sufferer has committed an offence against the dairy or that he is the subject of spells cast on him by a sorcerer. In the former case, they prescribe the ceremony which must be performed in order to expiate the offence. In the latter case, they name the sorcerer so that the sufferer may know with whom to make his peace. I have already said that towards the close of my visit a number of misfortunes befell the Todas ; one man fell ill, the wife of another died, and the dairy of a third was burnt down, and these events kept the diviners busy, but probably because I was implicated I was not allowed the chance of observing the diviners at work. The only occasion on which I saw the process of divining was at a funeral. The buffalo which was to be killed had been caught at some distance from the place appointed for its slaughter. The animal was unusually refractory and at length lay down and all the natural efforts of the Todas failed to make it move. Midjkudr and Mongudrvan were then called upon to discover the cause of the obstinacy of the buffalo. Mongudrvan first began to dance slowly to and fro, away from and towards the buffalo. He had XII DIVINATION AND MAGIC 553 taken off his cloak and was only wearing the tadrp. As I already knew the man, I was able to observe that his general appearance was unaltered and that he did not appear to be in an\' abnormal mental condition. He was soon joined by Midjkudr, who danced up and down much more wildly (Fig. 36). His general appearance was very different to that usually presented by a Toda man. His hair seemed to stand out from his head, although it shook with each of FIG. 36.— MinjKUDK AND MOXUUORVAN DIVINING AT A FUNERAL. his violent movements ; his eyes were abnormally bright and his face gave every appearance of great mental excitement. I had not previously known the man, but when he came to see me a few days later I could hardl)- believe that the quiet, self-possessed man whom I saw before me was the same individual whom I had seen dancing at the funeral. It was obvious that he had been in a distinctly abnormal condition of frenzy during the divining process. After dancing for a time Midjkudr began to utter broken sentences in a loud and almost chanting voice, while Mon- >54 THE TODAS chap. gudrvan remained silent throughout. After Midjkudr had in these sentences given the reason for the obstinacy of the buffalo, and had prescribed what was to be done, he took a red cloth and dancing more violently than ever waved the cloth before the buffalo and pushed against the body of the animal. Then after the people had dragged the buffalo a little way, it rose and went quietly to the place where it was to be killed. I had much difficulty in finding out exactly what Midjkudr had said. When he came to see me a few days later he stated that he did not know at the time what he was saying, and that his only knowledge was derived from those who had heard him, and I am inclined to believe that he was speaking the truth. His appearance during the divining was remark- ably different from that of ordinary days, and strongly suggested a semi-hypnotic state, during which he might well have had no knowledge, or only a very vague knowledge, of anything he said.^ In his ordinary condition he professed to be ignorant of Malayalam, the language which he was said to use in his frenzied condition. My ignorance of Malayalam, and the obvious difficulties of the investigation, make me hesitate before expressing any decided opinion as to the real nature of Midjkudr's condition when divining, but I have a very strong leaning towards the idea that the man was in a genuinely abnormal condition, allied to the hypnotic state, and I am disposed to accept the statement of the Todas that he was speaking in a language of which he had only a very vague knowledge when in a normal condition. It is, of course, quite possible that the abnormal appearance of Midjkudr was merely due to the exercise of dancing and to mental excitement, and that he knew per- fectly well what he was doing and saying. I can but record my impression that there was something more, and I only commit mwsclf to this extent in regard to the special occasion on which I saw Midjkudr divining ; even if I saw a genuine hypnotic or semi-hypnotic phenomenon, it does not follow that all Midjkudr's performances are wholly, or even partly, ' For an account of what MidjUmlr seems to have said and the consequent proceedintjs, see ]). 392. XII l)I\"lNATION AND MAGIC 255 of this nature, and still less docs it follow that the per- formances of all the tetiol are of this kind. Nothing struck me more than the contrast between the frenzied condition of Midjkudr and the calm, ordinary demeanour of Mongudrvan, his fellow diviner. In the case I have described the necessity for the interven- tion of the diviner arose out of the funeral proceedings, but it appears to be not uncommon for divination to be practised during funerals. Both Mr. Walhouse and Mr. Thurston have seen the process of divining going on at funerals. In Mr. Thurston's case he notes that the diviners talked in Malayalam, and offered an explanation of a gigantic figure which had suddenly appearetl and as suddenl}' disappeared some time previousl}-. Sorcery I met with greater difficulties in discovering the methods of sorcery than in an)' other branch of my work. It was quite certain that there were men called piliutpol (sorcery praying people), or pilikbren, who had the reputation of possessing magical powers, comprised together under the "ix^Xo. pilnttviclii or piliiititi. I was able to obtain the names of these people from several sources, but when I approached any one of them on the subject he professed total ignorance and usually suggested that 1 should apply to some other man, who, he said, was a real piliutpol. Occasionally someone would give me a fragment of information, but would impress on me carefully that he had heard it from somebody else and did not know whether it was true or false. One or two men, who were certainly not sorcerers, told me that they hoped that I should succeed in finding out the methods and would tell them, for they said that the Todas who had no magical powers were always tr)'ing to find out the methods of the sorcerers and were never successful. I was told by two men that they believed that a sorcerer, by merely thinking of the effect he wished to produce, could produce the effect, and that it was not necessary for him to use any magical formula or practise any special rites. 2s6 THE TODAS CHAP. It was not until my last week on the Nilgiris that I was told of some of the magical rites by Teitnir, who had previously denied all knowledge, though he was said by others to be a sorcerer, and he knew that I was aware of his reputation. He was not a trustworthy informant, but his account was consistent in itself and was in agreement with fragments which I had picked up elsewhere, and I believe it is correct, though I cannot guarantee its accuracy with the same degree of confidence which I feel in regard to most of my information. The following men were said by various people to be pilikbren : — Kancrs, Kudrievan, and Teikudr (6^)), Ishkievan (60), Keinkursi (54), Puthion (64), and Teitnir (52), among the Teivaliol ; Keitan (6), Mudrigeidi (i), Kiunervan and Usheidi (14), and Karseidi (8), among the Tartharol. Pushteidi, the elder brother of Keitan, was a noted sorcerer who paid for the belief in his magical powers with his life. It will be noted that magical powers appear to be fairly evenly distributed between the two divisions and do not greatly predominate in one as in the case of divination. The power of sorcery was said to belong to certain families, and I was told that it was inherited. It seemed probable that a sorcerer only communicated his methods to his sons, and usually only to one of his sons, or if he communicated his knowledge to all, it was often one of them only who obtained the credit for magical powers. We have already seen that when a man sustains a mis- fortune of any kind, he consults the diviners, and they find whether the misfortune is due to a fault committed by the sufferer or whether it is the result of sorcery. In the latter case, they say by whose magic the misfortune has been produced, and the sorcerer is then propitiated and removes the spell, the nature and details of the process varying according to the method of sorcery used and the offence which had led the sorcerer to exert his powers. Thus when Pirsners (9) fell ill, he consulted Midjkudr, who said that Kudrievan had bewitched him. Pirsners went to Kudrievan and gave him food, and asked him to remove the spell, and Pirsners became well soon after. xn DIVINATION AND MAGIC 257 There are two chief reasons which induce a sorcerer to work his magic on another. One is when a request by the sorcerer for assistance has been met by deception. If the sorcerer asks a rich man for a buffalo, or for money, and the rich man refuses point-blank, it does not appear that the sorcerer pro- ceeds farther ; but if the rich man promises a gift and does not give it, or if he delays giving a positive answer and puts off a decision from day to day, it is a clear case for the application of occult measures. The other chief motive for sorcery is a quarrel with a sorcerer. The methods are different in the two cases. In the first case the sorcerer procures some human hair — it may be the hair of any one, even his own hair. It is not the hair of the man he wishes to injure because it would be impossible to get it. Five small stones are taken and tied together by means of the hair, and both hair and stones are tied up in a piece of cloth. Then, holding the stones and hair in his hand, the sorcerer utters the following incantation : — Pithioteu On idith, Teikirzim Tirshtim idith ; d ten sati udasnudr ; those gods power if there l^e ; an nbdr nbdr nddsm'idr ; an kar warkhi peii ind ; an ir tergi pilti his country country if there be ; his calf sleep go may ; his buffaloes wings grow pAr i)id ; ath on nir ud pitk dthni nir iin ind ; on nikh as puk fly may ; he I water drink as he also water drink may ; I thirsty am as dthin nikhai ind ; on eirt puk dthni eirth md ; en niokkin he also thirsty be may ; I hungry as he also hunger may ; my cliildren bdrth puk an tnokh/n odr nid : en tazmokh ki'it/n pi'it puk an cry as his children cry may ; my wife ragged cloth wear as his taziiiokluii k{ltm pDv md. wife ragged cloth wear may. This incantation was freely rendered by Teitnir as follows : For the sake of Pithioteu, On, Teikirzi, and Tirshti ; by the power of the gods if there be power ; by the gods' country if there be a country ; ^ may his calves perish ; as birds fly away may his buffaloes go when the calves come to suck ; as I drink water, may he have nothing but water to drink ; as I am thirsty, may he also be 1 I am very doubtful whether the meaning of this and the preceding clause is correctly given in these words. S 258 THE TODAS chap. thirsty ; as I am hungry, may he also be hungry ; as my children cry, so may his children cry ; as my wife wears only a ragged cloth, so may his wife wear only a ragged cloth. When he has uttered the incantation, the sorcerer takes the hair and stones in their cloth to the village of the man upon whom he wishes these misfortunes to fall, and hides them secretly in the thatch of the roof of the man's hut. It seemed that this method of sorcery is only justified when the sorcerer is a poor man, and the references in the incanta- tion to the poverty of the sorcerer confirm this. When a man who has prevaricated with the request of a sorcerer suffers any evil fortune, he consults the diviners, and they may tell him not only who has produced the misfortune, but why the sorcerer has brought the misfortune upon him and they may advise the sufferer to become reconciled with his enemy and to give him what he has asked. The man goes to the sorcerer, who is usually only too ready to take the credit of the affair, and it is arranged that he shall come to the village of the sufferer. Whenever he comes a third person must be present, who is called the nedrvol, or inter- mediate man.^ The nedrvol brings about the reconciliation, and arranges the terms, and then the sufferer bows down before the sorcerer and performs the kalniclpiidithti saluta- tion. The sorcerer then utters the following formula while his foot is restinsf on the head of the man : — d Those ten jiddsHudr, gods if there be, an nod)' nddsniidr ; tancd pen his country if there be ; cold go md ; term may ; mercy ai become pen md ; in r, go may ; this 17- kark elm iiltdmd : en buffalo calf to all be well ; my mans elm mind all iiilsznshpini, tan mansm tiili md. cleared from guilt have I, his mind also clear may. Teitnir rendered this freely as follows : — By those gods if there be gods, and by their country if there be a country ; as water is cold, so goes my anger ; as mercy comes, may my anger go ; may his buffaloes and ' The middle room of a tiiree-roomcd dairy is the ticdrkursh. Xii DIVINATION AND MAGIC 259 calves be well ; I have now nothing evil in my mind, you must also have no evil in your mind. Food is then given to the sorcerer, who also obtains the object for which he had originally asked. Later the sorcerer goes secretly to the hut of the man and takes out the stones and hair which he had hidden in the thatch. In removing the spell the sorcerer does not mention the names of the four gods, but speaks of them as " those gods." The object of this is that the names of the four gods whom the sorcerer invokes shall not become generally known. If any one quarrels with a sorcerer, the method adopted by the latter is different. He obtains a bone of a man, buffalo, or some other animal, or if unable to obtain a bone, he may use a lime. He sits, holding the bone or lime in his right hand, and utters the following incantation : — Pithioteu On idi'th, Teikirzi)ii Tirshtiin idith ; a ten sati itddsnudr, an nodr tiddsnudr ; ank pudra pirsk pat ma ; ank tid ultdkhdtk to him will destroy disease come may ; to hiin one incurable pun pa md ; an kal tmiri nmd ; an kai nii'tri I'lmd ; sore come may ; his leg broken may be ; his hand broken may be ; an /can piidri ihnd ; an drs ttlrsh an kudupd nvodink his eye destroyed may be ; his house into his family to all sakbtam pa md ; dth enk sakbtam kasvai agi ankm trouble come may ; he to me troubles did who accordingly to him also sakbtam b md ; an nbdr Jidi ed arikeji d troubles occur may ; his country there is that we shall know those ten tidi ed kanken ; i elv nets alaui gods there is that we shall see ; this bone into the ground what happens, ai btkm aid md. that man to also happen may. The only clause of this incantation of which the meaning is not clear is the penultimate, and the free rendering of this was said to be " as there are undoubtedly gods, we shall see all this happen " ; it seems that ariken, which means literally " we shall know," is often used in the sense " without doubt." If he is using a lime, the sorcerer substitutes trsiuiitch for elv in the last clause. The bone or lime is then buried in a wood near the village of the man who is to suffer the misfortune. S 2 26o THE TODAS chap. When the misfortune comes, and the diviners have dis- covered its cause, the matter is arranged by a nedrvol as in the other kind of sorcery, and it is usually settled that the sufferer shall give a one- or a two-year-old calf to the sorcerer. When the matter is arranged, the sorcerer visits the village of the bewitched man, who does kaliiielpndithti to the sorcerer, and the spell is removed with the following words : — ten udasnudr, an nodr itdasnildr ; taned pen ?nci ; term ai pen ma ' ; mohh son tiiadrik an kudilpel ehnk ; in mel e/i mans elm tiilsvinem cHildren to his family all to ; this after my mind all cleared from guilt in nli agi ama ; nuv put, nudri put pen ma. (as I) this well be may; disease leave, troubles leave go may. The sorcerer is then given food and goes away with his calf, and later he goes secretly and takes the bone or lime out of the ground. I have already mentioned that these methods of casting and removing spells were obtained with great difficulty and only from one man. This man, Teitnir, was one of the most intelligent of the Todas, but v/as not a very trustworthy guide. In this case, however, the account he gave was so consistent in itself and with the general character of Toda customs and beliefs that I have no doubt that his methods are those actually in use. It is more than probable, however, that other sorcerers may use other methods, and even that Teitnir's account is not a wholly accurate description of the methods of any one sorcerer. The other Todas had told me that Teitnir was himself a sorcerer, but even after he had given me the above account, he denied that he had himself magical powers, but said that he had learnt the methods from Ishkievan. I had been told of one instance in which Teitnir had practised sorcery on Teikudr {^''x), but Teitnir gave a different account of this event. Teitnir and Teikudr had quarrelled and in consequence Teitnir had been angry with Teikudr, a con- dition which the Todas call murtJividii. Teitnir belonged to the chief family of the Kuudrol, which is known as the viaiii kudupel ; " it is a bad thing for one of so im- ^ For the meaning of this see above. xil DIVINATION AND MAGIC 261 portaiit a family to have inurt/nnc/ii'' and any one who has been the cause of such a state of things is Hable to suffer misfortunes. When therefore some of Teikudr's buffaloes died and Teikudr consulted the tciiol, these diviners gave as the reasons for the misfortunes the inurt/ivic/ii, not the piliutvicJii, of Teitnir. According to Teitnir, Teikudr was himself a sorcerer and there were reports that the recent death of Teitnir's wife was due to the piliutvicJii of Teikudr, and just before I left the hills, I was told that the tcuol had arrived at the conclusion that Teikudr had had a hand in her death. The Toda sorcerers are not only feared by their fellow Todas but also by the Badagas, and it is probably largely owing to fear of Toda sorcery that the Badagas continue to pay their tribute of grain. The Badagas may also consult the Toda diviners. In one recent case a Badaga consulted Mongudrvan, who found that the misfortune from which the man was seeking relief was due to the sorcery of Kaners. Kaners was, no doubt, propitiated b}^ the Badagas, and it is probable that the belief of the Badagas in the magical powers of the Todas is turned to good account by the latter. In some cases Todas have been killed by the Badagas owing to this belief About ten years ago Pushteidi of Nodrs (6), the elder brother of Keitan, was a very notable sorcerer, much dreaded by both Todas and Badagas. He visited the Badaga village of Nanjanad on the occasion of a feast, and soon after a Badaga child died and its death was at once ascribed to the sorcery of Pushteidi. Not long after, Pushteidi's dead body was found near his village, and there seemed to be no reason to doubt that the Badagas had killed him, but owing to the fact that the Todas held the funeral and burnt the body before they made a report to the police, the crime could not be thoroughly investigated nor the murderers brought to account. One of the events which the Todas ascribe to sorcery is failure of the milk to coagulate. If there is much trouble in getting the milk to form adrpars, the teiiol are consulted, and they sometimes find that it is due to sorcery and sometimes 262 THE TODAS chap. that some offence against the dairy has been committed. I have no information, however, as to the method which the sorcerer uses to prevent the coagulation of the milk of any one who has offended him. The only other indication of Toda methods of sorcery came to me from a Badaga source. A Badaga maistri said that he had been given an account by a Toda. According to this account, the sorcerer takes three leaves of each of the plants which the Badagas call jakalmul, peninml, and tupunml (evidently varieties of the muli of the Todas), puts the nine leaves in a new earthenware pot and buries the pot in a wood after saying certain formulae in which he wishes evil to a given man whom he mentions by name. When the man falls ill and the diviners say by whom his illness has been pro- duced, a reconciliation is effected and the sorcerer digs up the pot of leaves when the sufferer again becomes well. This information came from a Badaga source and I could not obtain confirmation of it from the Todas but it is possibly an approximation to the method employed in one form of Toda sorcery. The Todas dread the sorcery of the Kurumbas more than that of their own pilikbrcn. The latter can be remedied, but the sorcery of the Kurumbas, called kunibudrcJiiti i^Kiirnb = Kurumba), is much more dangerous and cannot be remedied. If it is found that a Kurumba has made a man ill, the only thing to be done is to kill the Kurumba (see p. 641). When Kutadri became ill while he was with me in the Kundahs, the first suggestion was that the Kurumbas were re- sponsible. Soon after this I went to Kotagiri, and Kodrner, Kutadri's brother, who was to accompany me, said that as the Kurumbas were very numerous in that part he did not like to go alone with me and made a stipulation that while I was on that side of the hills I was to provide him with a companion. Mr. Thurston^ describes a similar experience in which his guide was afraid to walk from Ootacamund to Kotagiri lest he should come to grief at the hands of the Kurumbas. In this case it seemed that the man was using his fears as an excuse, and in my case the fear may have been 1 Bulletin, i. p. 182. XII DIVINATION AND MAGIC 263 used as a lever to provide occupation for a friend, but that there was a very real fear of Ku rumba sorcery I have no doubt. It is easy to see how this belief in the magical powers of the Kurumbas may have arisen, or, more probably, how its existence may have been maintained. The slopes of the hills on which the Kurumbas live are extremely malarious, and it must often have happened that a visit to a Kurumba village was followed by an attack of fever of a severe kind. We probably have here a good example of a vicious circle. Whenever two tribes of different degrees of culture live near one another, the members of the lower usually acquire the reputation of being sorcerers. For this and other reasons they are driven to a less healthy district, and the unhealthiness of the district helps to maintain and reinforce their reputation for magical powers. The Evil Eve Various misfortunes may befall a man if any one says that he is looking very well or is very well dressed. It is also unlucky that anyone should look at a man when he is eating. Similarly it is unlucky for anyone to say that a buffalo is giving much milk ; she will probably kick her calf or will suffer in some other way soon after. This kind of misfortune is usually called kaiiarvasnudr, which was translated, " if looking anxiously." It is also often known now by the Tamil name kondiiti or kontiisJiti or evil eye. One of the commonest effects of kanarvaznudr is indi- gestion. When anyone is suffering from evil effects of this kind, he calls in one of certain people called utkbren, or " praying people," or, probably more correctly, " saying incan- tations people." Piutolvan (10), Keitazvan (15), and a woman, Sinpurs (7), are utkbyeji of repute. Any one of the male utkbren may be spoken of as an ntpol, but I was doubtful whether this name would also be used for a woman. The 7itpol rubs the belly of the sick person, holds one corner of his cloak in his left hand, and, putting some salt on the cloak, strokes the salt with a thorn of the plant called 264 THE TODAS chap. patJianmnl} The thorn and some of the salt are then put into the fire, and the utpol utters the following incantation : — Pithioteu On idith, Teikirziin Tirshtini idith, tan dv lean piidrs /can his mother eye perish eye piidri {Imd ; tan in kan picdrs kan pudri i\ind ; be destroyed may ; father and this formula is repeated, substituting for av or /;/ the names of the following relatives : — an, akkan, nbdrved, iniin, viiini, plan, piav?" Then follows the same formula repeated, in which the names of various tribes are substituted for those of the relatives, as " niav kan pndrs kan pndri uma " — Badaga eye perish, may his eye be destroyed." The people mentioned are viav (Badaga), pedr (Tamil), snti ( ? chetties), kuriib (Kurumbas), ^r/ (Irulas), /^;?/>? (Panyas).-"^ The last clause is nioditi kan pndrs kan pndri nnia, extending the imprecation to the women of all the people already mentioned. When the incantation is finished, the remainder of the salt is eaten by the sick man. The Toda titkbren may practise 'absent treatment.' If a man wishes to treat a sufferer from the evil eye, and is unable to visit his patient, he puts the salt on the ground and strokes it with the thorn of pat/ianunil, repeating the above incanta- tion as he strokes. He then sends the salt to the sick man, by whom it is eaten. The treatment in any case is repeated till it has been done three times. If it is a buffalo which is suffering from the evil effects of kanarvar;nudi% the nikbren use the same method, and the salt is eaten by the buffalo. In the special case in which the evil is produced by saying that a man is looking well or is well dressed, the utkbren have a different method. They take a piece of the root called kabudri,^ and a plant called kiuagal, and squeeze the juice of ^ The leaves of this plant, Solanuin indiaiin, are used in the ordination of the ktigvalikartmokh . '^ For the meaning of these kinship-terms, see Chap. XXI. •* It is noteworthy that the Kotas are not included. ■* This is the plant, Euphorbia Kotliiana, used at the purification of the ti dairy (p. 136). XII DIVINATION AND MAGIC 265 both into a vessel. An incantation is said, the same as, or similar to, that already given, while the utkbrcn strokes the sick man with the corner of his cloak. After the incantation the sufferer drinks the juice. Various Magical Remedies The utkbreti also practise various other methods of treat- ment. Headache. This is called niadersnndr, " if head aches." For this the ntpol places his hand on the head of the sufferer, and says the following incantation in a low voice, so that the patient may not distinguish what is being said.^ After the names of the four gods, as in previous formulae, it runs : — ndkherov mad tat hi kan tath ma ; ker mad tat hi cobra head broken into pieces not break may ; a snake &c. kan tath nta ; and the same formula is repeated, substituting first the names of other kinds of snake and then of other animals. The following are the animals mentioned : kfirupatz, a black poisonous snake ; piitpob, a variegated snake, which is called the foolish snake, because it will not get out of the way ; tavenini^ a green snake ; pdlipob, another green snake ; mtch, a kind of lizard reputed to suck blood ; anili^ a squirrel ; kapan, a frog ; tiigu/i, a crayfish (?) ; kadrmad, a water animal of some kind ; iniii, a fish ; fgal, an earthworm ; nelnpilf, an insect found under stones ; dptpilf, an insect found in buffalo dung. After all these animals have been mentioned with the same formula, the names of Pithioteu and On are again uttered, followed by the words tatJikJima. The iitpol flicks the corner of his cloak first against the ground, and then against the forehead of the sufferer, and then, if the man is sitting, he sa,ys, '' ateuk h'," "sit there off!" and the man moves a little way from the place where he had been sitting. If the man is unable to sit, and is lying down, the words will be " ateuk padr" " lie there off! " or " lie a little way off! " ' I think it is probable that all the incantations are said in this manner, but I only had it specifically mentioned in this case. 266 THE TODAS chap. I could not obtain a satisfactory account of the exact meaning of the incantation ; it was said to mean " may the snake's head be broken in pieces, and so may your head be broken " — i.e., so may the pain go ; another rendering was " may the pain go to the snake's head," the latter being by far the more probable meaning. Three divisions of the incanta- tion are recognised : in the first, snakes only are mentioned ; in the second, things which live in the water ; and in the third, things which live in the earth. The treatment is repeated on one or two days, if necessary, but it is never done more than three times, " because the ailment is always cured in that time." Another condition treated by the utkbren is stomach-ache, which is called piifkzvatiiudr, " if worms bite." The ntpol places his hand on the belly of the sufferer, and after reciting the names of the four gods, he continues : — kers piiv kadkaum kdl ind ; kers tree flower fallen as fall down may ; and this formula is repeated, substituting the names of various trees and other plants for the name of the kers tree. The trees and plants mentioned ?ccq. pirzkJi and /("w/rrj-, trees having edible fruit ; ////, kil, kwadriki, kid, trees from which bees get honey ; kab, sugarcane ; ieg, coco-nut ; patm, samai ; 7ie7's, rice ; eri, ragi ; kttj, potato ; perigi, chillies ; melkh, pepper ; kwatimeli, Coriandum sativum ; kadrk/i, mustard ; and kiri or kirsi, red amaranth. Thus the last clause would run : kiri pi'cv kddkanni kdl via, and this would be followed by the names of Pithioteu and On. Then the Jitpol flicks his cloak three times, first against the ground and then against the belly of the sufferer, and says, " ateuk ir," or " atejik padr" according as the man is sitting or lying down, and the sufferer moves a little from his place. The names of flowers are used because the Todas believe that worms come from eating honey, and the honey has come from flowers. The flowers mentioned belong to four groups ;^ (i) those of trees which bear edible fruits ; (ii) those from which bees get honey ; (iii) those of trees or plants part of ^ This distinction was pointed out to me by my informant. XII DIVINATION AND MAGIC 267 which are eaten ; (iv) those of trees which give pungent substances Hke chillies and pepper. There were various other complaints for which the ntkbrcii are consulted, such as : — elpt/iksniidr, depression in the chest of a child when it breathes {elp or elv = bone) ; tcklipkadatlivi'idiiTldr, pain in the side ; kankpuditJiniidr, if anything gets into the eye ; enUntJitinudr, if cut or wounded in any way ; pohersnildr, if snake bites. Each of these has its appropriate treatment, but the only method of which I obtained an account was the last. Cer- tain men have a special reputation for the treatment of snake-bite. A cord is made of woman's hair and this is bound tightly round the bitten limb in three places. The doctor takes a piece of pathanniul and strikes the bitten limb while he utters the appropriate incantation.^ The ligature is kept on the limb for two or three days and the incantation is repeated three times a day during that period. Anyone whom a snake has bitten must not cross a stream. If it is absolutely necessary that he should cross, he must be carried over it. If wild animals attack the buffaloes, a procedure which closely resembles those already described is carried out by the uikbren. The procedure is called kadrkatiHaniudr — i.e., " wild beast tie mouth if." It is also carried out if a buffalo is lost, and in this case the charm will keep the animal from injury by wild beasts. The utpol takes three stones secretly and goes at night to the front either of the dairy or hut and utters the following incantation : — Pithiotcii Oil idith, Teikirziin Tirshtiiii idith ; pef pirzi kt'it terz nil big tiger teeth fastened stand viA ; kakh kerinaii iiiun terz nil ind ; padr kenai aimin terz may ; l)lack bear face crowd red dog other side nil ind ; pob teuv terz nil ind ; pef per terz nil ma ; pef po snake erect head big hill big river pd terz nil ind ; pef podi iiiiil'^ terz nil iiid. stream big porcupine quills ' I did not obtain this formula. - Mill, which means bramble and thorn, is here used for the porcupine's quills. 268 THE TODAS chap. Then come the names of Pithioteu and On, followed by ath irc'odiii kati vaimnA. these all before tie keep may. The litpol then takes a piece of ragged cloth in which he ties the three stones and hides them in the thatch of the hut. If a buffalo has been lost it will come back the next day, and even if it remains in the wood no tiger would touch it while the stones are in the thatch. When the buffalo returns the stones are taken out and thrown away. All the remedies so far described resemble one another in that they are applied by one of the people called iitkbren. TheTollowing remedy is applied by the sufferer himself If a man is frightened in any way, as by a sudden noise when he is passing along a road, he will go home and put the hoe {kudali) and a stone called iieilikal into the fire till the hoe is red hot. He puts the hoe and stones into a brass vessel called tcrg and pours on water. He then covers himself entirely v/ith his cloak and remains covered till the water in the vessel ceases to bubble, when he opens his cloak, drinks water from the vessel three times, and throws the rest away. There was some difference of opinion as to the use of the stone called tteilikal at ordinary times. It was said first to have been used for making fire before matches were intro- duced, and there seems to be no doubt that fire was sometimes made in this way. Others said that the iieilikal was used for sharpening iron tools. The only iieilikal I saw was at Nidrsi and this was a large piece of quartz, and there seemed to be no doubt that this had at one time been used for making fire. In one of the methods of sorcery which have been described it will be remembered that human hair is used. The Todas take the same kind of precautions about hair and nail-parings which are so widely spread throughout the world, but the reasons for the precautions differed from those usually given. I was told that the Todas do not ordinarily cut their hair, but the heads of children are shaved and adults also shave their heads on special occasions. The hair removed XII DIVINATION AND MAGIC 269 at these times is hidden in bushes or hollows in the rocks, and the reason given is that it may not be taken by crows. Nail-parings are buried in the ground, and this is done in order that they may not be eaten by the buffaloes, for " nails are poisonous to buffaloes," who will die or become ill if they find them when grazing. There was some difference of opinion as to what was done with the hair cut off at the ceremony called tersamptpi)}ii (see p. 333). It was clear, however, that care was taken that it should not be eaten by crows, for if crows obtained any of the hair first cut from a child's head the child would suffer from shaking of some kind. Both at the first head-shaving and at the teisainptpimi ceremony special bangles are put round the wrist of the child, and these are certainly of the nature of charms, for it is believed that the child would fall ill if they were not used. The Todas believe in certain injurious influences which they class together under the name of pudrtiniti} but I was able to obtain very little information about them, and I suspect that belief in these influences is largely of recent growth and due to contact with Hinduism. One variety of pudrtviiti is the evil influence of Keirt {Keirtpitdrtviiti) at the ceremonies after childbirth (see p. 326). Another variety is kbdipudrtviiti [kbdi, demon ? ). The Todas now adopt as a preventative of this evil influence a round mark made with ashes above the nose. If a Toda should suffer from the effects of kbdipudrtviiti, two remedies are adopted. One is called kavkal wart atpiini — i.e., " kavkal (a stone) grind, pour we." I did not obtain an account of the remedy, but it is possibly the same as that already described which is used by a man when frightened. The other remedy is kwagal atpiini. Kzvagal {Polygonum rude or P. Chineiise) is the same plant which is used in one of the remedies for the evil eye (see p. 264) and it is possible again that this remedy is the same as that already described. Kivagal is also the plant used by the goddess Puzi to quench the fire of her son, Kurindo. It will have been noticed that the formuL-e recorded in this ' Pildrt is probably the Toda form of the word bhnt. 270 THE TODAS chap. chapter have the same general form as the prayers of the dairy ritual. They consist of sentences ending in via, which seem to be of the nature of supplications that certain things may come to pass, preceded by the names of certain deities followed by the word idith, occasionally with other sentences allied in meaning to these. The two parts of the prayer are represented, but the first part, consisting of the kzvarzani, does not appear to have acquired the same degree of importance as in the prayer. Thus the magical formulae of the Todas have precisely the same general form as those used in their religious ritual. In the case of the prayer, I have pointed out that the actual words leave one in doubt as to whether there is anything of the nature of a direct appeal to the gods. In the magical formulae, on the other hand, the case for an appeal to the gods is stronger. In all the formulae, whether used by sorcerers to bring evils en their enemies or by medicine-men to remove sufferings of various kinds, the names of the same four deities are mentioned, and these four deities, Pithioteu, On, Teikirzi, and Tirshti, are undoubtedly four of the most ancient and sacred of the Toda gods. It is noteworthy that the sorcerer does not say the names of these gods when he is removing his spells, but simply refers to them as " those gods," and it is clear that he does this because he does not wish his victim to learn the names of the gods by whose power his misfortunes have been brought about and are now to be removed. This procedure leaves little room for doubt that it is through the active intervention of the gods that the sorcerer is believed to work. There still remains the question whether the words of the magical formula imply anything of the nature of supplication, or whether the sorcerer is not rather using forms of words which will compel the gods to exert their powers in the way the sorcerer wishes. I have no definite information as to the belief of the Toda sorcerer on the point, but the almost contemptuous tone of the two clauses which follow the names of the four gods might perhaps be held to point to the latter conclusion, and to indicate that the sorcerer can use the gods as his instruments of wrath much as seems to have been the case with the mag-icians of our mediaeval times. I Xii DIVINATION AND MAGIC 271 On the other hand, it is not unHkely that the words, "« ten sati nddsnudr, an nbdr nodr uddsiifidr," may have originally had a meaning very different from that which the bare translation seems to give to them. A similar formula occurs in the story of Kwoten (p. 194) in the curse uttered by Kwoten's mother, which has the proviso, " on sati udairnfidr^' which was translated, " if I have reverence to the village." This makes it possible that the translation of the words of the magical incantation should rather be, " if I have proper reverence to the gods and to the gods' country." The inter- pretation on page 257 is that which was given to me by Teitnir, but it is not at all improbable that it is wrong, and that a translation on the lines of that given for the curse of Kwoten's mother would be more correct. The nature of the words used makes it clear that the remedies employed by the Toda ntkbren, or medicine-men, are of a magical kind. The words are essentially the same as those used by the pilikbren, or sorcerers, to remove the evils they have brought about by their previous magical incantations. The same formulae are used to remove ills sup- posed to be due to natural causes as are used to remove those due to the workings of magic. It seems clear that the Todas have advanced beyond the stage of human culture in which all misfortunes are produced by magic. They recog- nise that some ills are not due to human intervention, but yet they employ the same kind of means to remove these ills as are employed to remove those brought about by human agency. The advance of the Todas is shown most clearly by the differentiation of function between pilikbren and ntkbren, between sorcerers and medicine-men, and we seem to have here a clear indication of the differentiation between magic and medicine. The two callings are followed by different men, who are entirely distinct from one another, but both use the same kind of formula to bring about the effect they desire to produce. It seems that the powers of the ntkbren are less definitely passed on from father to son than in the case of the pilikbren. There is no doubt that these powers depend largely on a knowledge of the words to be used, and espe- cially on a knowledge of the names of the four gods, but it 272 THE TODAS chap. is probable that this knowledge is transmitted from one old person to any other who may be likely to inspire confidence. It will be noted that a woman can practise the magical remedies of the iitkoj^en, but I do not know whether this is a recent innovation. It seems clear that a woman could never become one of ihe. pilikbren or sorcerers. When discussing the formulae of the dairy ritual, it was mentioned that one difficulty in the way of regarding these formulae as prayers is that the names of deities are not uttered in the vocative form, and that this might be held to negative the idea that they involve supplication to higher powers. In the magical formulae there seems to be a clearer case for the presence of a distinct address to deities, though it is doubtful whether this address is of a supplicative or com- pelling character. If there is a distinct address in the case of the magical formulae, which every Toda would acknowledge to be used for an evil end, it is very probable that the words of the dairy formulae also involve the idea of an address to deities. These formulae are always directed to avert evils from and to call down blessings on the buffaloes, and it seems almost certain that for this good end the words imply not only an address to the powers of the gods, but also one of a supplicative rather than of a compelling character. One distinction between the formulae of the dairy and those of the sorcerer may be pointed out. In the latter the names of the gods are those used in ordinary conversation, i.e., Teikirzi, Tirshti, and are not the kwar,':ani, i.e., Ekirzam vieidjam. One of the most interesting features of this chapter has been the clear evidence given in the formulae of the close relation existing between magic and religion among the Todas. The formulas of magic and of the dairy ritual are of the same nature, though the differentiation between the sorcerer and the priest who use them is even clearer than that between the sorcerer and the medicine-man. It is probable that the names of the gods with the characteristic formulae of the prayer are later additions to the magical incantation ; that at some time the sorcerer has added the names of the most important of his deities to the spells and charms which at one XII DIVINATION AND MAGIC 273 time were thought to be sufficient for his purpose. It is also possible, however, that the similarity of prayer and spell points to a time when the functions of priest and sorcerer were combined in one person ; that as the restrictions which hedge round the life of the dairyman-priest increased, it became impracticable for him to exert his magical functions, and that there has therefore come about a differentiation of function, though the means used continue to show a close resemblance. It may perhaps be said that the clear evidence of the supposed influence of the gods takes the facts which have been described in this chapter out of the realm of magic and puts them in that of religion. The Toda's methods of procur- ing ill to his neighbours are clearly in their essential nature of a magical kind, but their close blend with religious ideas is the reason why I have considered them in their present place. Omens The Todas do not pay much attention to omens, but meet- ing certain animals is regarded as lucky or unlucky. The most definite instance of an omen-animal is a black bird called karpiils, which is said to be the Indian cuckoo. If a Toda is going on an errand and sees this bird on the left side, he takes it as a bad omen and turns back ; if on the right side, it is a good omen. This bird appears twice in Toda legend. It warned Piiv, the son of On, and in the last scene of the life of Kwoten, it appeared going from left to right. It is noteworthy that when Erten is interpreting the omen in this legend, he brings in Naraian (Narayan), who is certainly not a Toda deity, and this suggests that the whole incident of the omen-bird may be an accretion to the legends, and that the belief in omens has been borrowed from the Badagas or other Hindus. CHAPTER XIII SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS In this chapter various ceremonies will be described which may all be regarded as examples of propitiation of the higher powers by sacrifices or offerings. We shall see later that in the funeral ceremonies buffaloes are killed, but it is clear that there is no idea of propitiation or atonement connected with this slaughter, the animals being killed so that they may go to the next world for the service of the dead. The Erkumpttiipimi Ceremony ' In this ceremony a young male calf is killed and eaten. The ordinary name is erkuuipttJipinii (" male buffalo we kill ") or erkumptthiti, but at the ti the ceremony is called ernudrtipinii, \ met with great obstacles in obtaining a satisfactory account, the men who had told me all the details of the dairy ceremonial denying at first all knowledge of any ceremony among the Todas in which a calf was killed or eaten. As soon as they found that I knew positively of the existence of the ceremony, they acknowledged that they killed a calf, but said they could not tell me anything about it. I succeeded at last in obtain- ing a record of the ceremony from Teitnir, and when I was endeavouring to identify the various parts into which the sacrificial animal is divided, we met with such difficulties ^ that Teitnir agreed to allow me to see the ceremony on the con- dition that I would provide the cost of the calf. 1 Our final difficulty, the laughter over which seemed to overcome Teitnir's scruples, was in the identification of the spleen, which was described as "a little tongue." en. XIII SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 275 Ovvine to the crcneral reluctance to talk about this ceremony, I was not able to obtain such independent accounts from other people as I should have liked, but the details of the sacrifice as given me by Teitnir agreed with those of the ceremony I witnessed, and I have no doubt as to its essential accuracy. I had hoped to have obtained independent evidence on some doubtful features at the end of my visit, but these hopes were entirely frustrated by the death of Teitnir's wife a few days after the ceremony which had been performed for my benefit, her death being generally ascribed to the anger of the gods because the secrets of erkmnptthpiuii had been revealed. After I had left the hills, however, Samuel succeeded in obtaining information on several doubtful points, and was given an independent account which entirely confirmed the accuracy of the proceedings which he had witnessed at the same time as myself. The ceremony is performed both at the ordinary village and at the ti dairy. At the // there is no doubt that it is performed three times a year, but there was much discrepancy in the accounts of its frequency at the village. According to some, the sacrifice only takes place once a year at each village in October, soon after the ceremony of tentutiistJicJii, to be described later in this chapter. According to others, the ceremony is performed whenever the people have a suitable male calf to sacrifice. During the ten years that my inter- preter, Samuel, had been living among the Todas, he had come to the conclusion that the ceremony is performed fairly often, his opinion being based on chance remarks made by the children. I think there is very little doubt that a calf is now killed in each village more often than once a year, and the ceremony at which I was present was almost certainly one of the occasional performances, though the time of year at which it took place makes it possible that it was the chief annual occasion of that village. There was also some doubt whether there is an annual ceremony in every village for the people living in that village, or whether the annual ceremony is only performed in the etudmad, or chief village of each clan, for all the people of the clan. The true state of affairs at the present time is probably T 2 276 THE TODAS CHAP. that the ceremony is performed at the Nodrs ti in October. Fifteen days later it is performed at the other ti mad and at the chief village of each clan. In addition to these annual celebrations the sacrifice is performed on two other occasions at the //, while at a village it may be performed whenever the people of the village have a suitable animal. The place at which the sacrifice is performed is called the ernkar, and at Karia, where I witnessed the ceremony, the ernkar is in a wood nearly half a mile from the village at a spot where it is very unlikely that the proceedings would be disturbed by chance visitors. It seems that there is not only a special ernkar for each // and for each clan, but that each village has also its appointed place. The ceremony is performed on appointed days, different for each // and clan. In the case of the Kuudrol, these are Sunday, Wednesday, and Thursday, and the ceremony which I witnessed at Karia, a village of this clan, took place on a Sunday. The chief officiator at the sacrifice at an ordinary village is the palikartmokJi of the village, who must, however, for this occasion be of the same clan as those who are celebrating the sacrifice. On the day arranged for the ceremony at Karia the pali- kartviokh was ill, and as none of the other inhabitants of Karia was able to undertake the office, an elderly man, Punatvan (53), had to be fetched from another village. On his arrival he had first to go through the ordination ceremonies for the office of palikartmokh, a lucky chance which gave me the only opportunity I had during my visit of observing these proceedings. At the ernkar wood for the fire is collected, and over small firewood the people place several logs about three feet in length, so that the fire is of an oblong form. The firewood must be of one or both of the kinds called main and kiill. While some of those present are making the fire, others will be fashioning sharply pointed stakes of wood on which the parts of the calf are to be impaled. These sticks are called ko^ and must be made of one of the following four kinds of wood : avelashki, karkekoi, kiuadiki, or poJivet. It was said that exactly fifty of these ko must be provided. XIII SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 277 The first stage of the ceremonial is to make fire by friction, which should be clone by the palikartmokh. The only occa- sion on which I saw fire made by friction during an actual ceremony was when I witnessed the sacrifice at Karia, and on this occasion both Punatvan and his chief assistant, Pichievan (69) of Keadr, twirled the firesticks alternately, but though they soon produced some smoke, they failed to light the rag FIG. 37. — PUNATVAN AND PICHIEVAN ATTEMPTING TO MAKE FIRE AT THE ' ERKUMPTTHPIMl' CEREMONY. ^ used as tinder. My constant attendant, Kodrner, was called in, and with his more powerful manipulations was almost immediately successful, and the lighted rag was carried by Punatvan to the heap of firewood, which was soon in a good blaze. As soon as the fire is alight the calf is brought to the ^ This and the succeeding photographs were taken in a badly lighted wood, and represent the actual ceremony. 278 THE TODAS chap. ernkar, and the palikartuiokh goes to cut a log of tudr wood and three small branches of tudr leaves. The calf should be fifteen days old and must be without blemish. Its ears must not be split, its tail must not be cut, and its eyes must be clear. The log of tudr wood is for the killing of the calf and is about four feet in length and about three inches in thickness. Such a log is usually called iiidrkud, but on this occasion is named crkiinipttJikud. The three branches of tudr must consist of perfect leaves. Such branches are usually called tudrkwunak, but on the occasion of this ceremony they receive the name toashtitudr. The palikartuiokh then stands in front of the calf, holding the log and leaves in his right hand. He raises the log and leaves to his forehead as a salutation, and then recites the appointed prayer. This pra)'er is different for each clan and consists of clauses in each of which the kwarzaui of one of the villages of the clan is followed by " k per ind." Thus the first clause of the Kuudr prayer is attlikdrk per via ; attJikdr is the kivarsani of Kuudr, k is the suffix, meaning " to," and per ind is " may increase " or " may there be in- crease." All the clauses of the prayer are of this form except the last two, which are karserani parseraui ; Nbtirak cr iisJit md ; the first of which is a kzvar::a?u of Kulinkars, craui probably meaning buffaloes, while the .second means, " may the buffalo appear to Notirzi," The calf is supposed to appear to Notirzi and then to go from the hill of this goddess to the hill of Kulinkars, The complete prayers of Kuudr and Kars are given on pp. 288, 289. The palikartuiokh touches the head of the calf with the erkumptthkud (Fig. 38) as he utters each kwarzaui till he comes to the penultimate clause of the prayer, at which point he begins the following series of actions. He draws the three branches of tudr leaves along the back of the calf from head to tail and then drops one of the three toashtitudr on the ground behind the calf. The two remaining branches are drawn along the back of the calf from tail to head in the reverse direction to the first, and on reaching the head one of the two branches is dropped on the ground at the head of the animal. XIII SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 279 The remaining branch is drawn from head to tail and dropped on the ground by the side of the first (see Fig. 39). The animal is then killed by striking it on the head with the erkutnptthkiid. T\\q. palikartniokh then takes up the three toas/ititndr, and, taking them in his right hand with the log, passes them round the calf three times. In doing this, the FIG. 38. — PUNATVAN UTTERING THE ' ERKUMPTTHPIMI ' PRAYER. HE IS HOLDING THE ' ERKUMPTTHKUD,' AND ONE OF THE 'TUDR' LEAVES IN HIS HAND CAN BE DISTINCTLY SEEN. body of the calf rests on its side, while the log and leaves are passed between the two fore-legs, then between the two hind-legs, round the hind-quarters, and forward over the back and head, so that they make a complete circuit of the animal, and this circuit is twice repeated, so that the log and leaves are passed completely round the calf three times. T\v& palikartviokh then proceeds to cut up the calf (Fig. 40), 2 8o THE TODAS CHAP. beginning with a complete incision round the neck. The knife used is of the ordinary kind called tiwi, but on this occasion it is called ab, or " arrow." On the occasion on which I saw the ceremony, the calf seemed to have only been stunned by the blow on the head and began to kick as soon as this incision was made. The animal was, in con- FIG. 39. — STROKING THE BACK OF THE CALF WITH THE ' TOASHTITUDR.' PUNATVAN IS BEGINNING THE THIRD MOVEMENT, AND ONE OF THE BRANCHES OF LEAVES CAN BE SEEN ON THE GROUND BEHIND THE CALK. sequence, vigorously belaboured over the testicles with the log of tudr wood, and this was repeated till the movements of the animal ceased. The next incision is down the mid-ventral line ; in- cisions are made through the skin above each hoof, and the palikartinokh then removes the skin of the whole animal except the head and feet, beginning at the right fore-limb. XIII SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 281 When the skin {tars) is removed, it is laid on the ground with its outer surface downwards a few yards from the spot at which the animal is being cut up, and the palikartnwkh proceeds to cut the animal into the following parts: — Kwelthkh, hoof and attached skin and bones. Mogdl, lower segment of fore-limb (metacarpus). KIG. 40. — PUNATVAN AND PICHIEVAN CUTTING UP THE CALF. IN THE BACKGROUND KODKNER IS SHARPENING UP THE ' KO.' Kemal, or kemalth, upper segment of fore-limb correspond- ing to fore- arm. Kanbdri, shoulder. Medrkivelv, trachea and larynx. Tbdrthars, lower segment of hind-limb (metatarsus). Pevutth, upper segment of hind-limb (leg). lyriif, liver. Putth, gall-bladder. Pushk, kidneys. 282 THE TODAS chap. Kitnir, small intestine. Tiitkivur, large intestine. Miilikiidri, urinary bladder. Agelv, pelvis, including thigh bones. Mudri, sternum and part of ribs attached. Niidz, heart. Pilt/i, lungs. Kivotmeriif {kwotin/in'if?), spleen. Pdlvir, stomach full of milk, called pdlvetdr when emptied of milk. Mittelf, lower part of backbone with parts of lower ribs attached. Nodi, upper half of backbone with parts of upper ribs attached. Mad, head. The parts of the calf are removed approximately in the order in which they are given above. The palikartniokJi first cuts off the four feet of the animal, beginning with that of the right fore-limb and the four kiveltJikh are placed under the skin, one at each corner. The next part to be removed is the right viogdl, and then the three other corresponding parts. Up to this point, every- thing must be done by the palikartniokJi himself, but after the niogdl have been removed any one may help, and on the occasion when I witnessed the ceremony, several operations were going on simultaneously after this point of the pro- ceedings, and it became difficult to ascertain exactly what was being done and the exact order in which the parts were being removed. The cutting up of the calf was performed chiefly by Pichievan, while t\-\Q palikartinokh, Punatvan, occu- pied himself with other operations. After the removal of the inogdl, the remaining parts of the two fore-limbs are removed and placed on the skin. The larynx and windpipe are taken out together, and in doing this the large vessels of the neck are divided. The body of the animal is then taken up and held over the skin, so that the blood runs out over the parts placed on the skin, and these parts are then moved about, so that they become smeared with blood, and are then placed on the stakes {ko\ XIII SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 283 and each ko with its part of the animal is stuck in the ground on one side of the skin. Some of the other parts when removed are rubbed in the blood on the skin. When the different parts have been impaled in this manner, the palikartiiiokh cuts from each part a small piece of flesh called niiis and puts the pieces on a stake. From the ribs and sternum, he cuts a part called the tiituiiis, much larger FIG. 41. — ROASTING THE PIECES OF THE CALF. than the other fragments, and puts this on a stake. I could not ascertain exactly of what the tutniiis consisted, but it seemed to be the lower end of the sternum with some of the diaphragm attached to it.^ After cutting off the niiis, the palikartiiiokh begins to put the parts round the fire (Fig. 41), beginning with the i/iogdl, ' The importance of the omentum in Indian animal sacrifices suggests that the tiilmiis might have been the omentum, or have inckided part of the omentum. At this stage of the proceedings, so many operations were going on simultaneously that exact observation became very difficult. 284 THE TODAS chap. which are placed, one on each side, about the middle of the fire, but rather nearer that end at which the head is to be placed later. The mogdl must be put in this position by the palikartmokh himself, but the other parts may be arranged in any order. While the palikartniokh is manipulating the parts first cut off and placing them round the fire, his assistants will be continuing the division of the animal. When the liver is taken out, the gall-bladder is cut from it and thrown on one side. The intestines are removed and put on stakes by transfixing every few inches of their length. The small intestine is placed on more than one ko, while, so far as I could see, the large intestine is put on one stake. The urinary bladder is thrown on one side. The ribs are cut through nearer the back than the front, and the sternum and anterior parts of the ribs form one part, the inudri. It was from this part that the tiitmiis was taken. The spleen is put on one side in order that it may be given to a cat, and its name is derived from this fact. The stomach when taken out of the body is filled with milk and in this state is called pdlvir. Its contents are poured out and it then receives the name pdh'etdr. As soon as the cutting up is completed and all the other parts have been placed round the fire, the head is put on a ko, and this is stuck in the ground at one end of the fire and about half a yard from it, and the four kiueltJikJi are placed on the ground round the head. Some of the parts placed round the fire may by this time have charred, and they are turned round so as to expose the opposite side to the flames. The next step is to take up the head on its ko and place it in the middle of the fire for about a minute, after which it is replaced. The object of this is to singe the ears, which the palikartmokh then pulls off. He also takes certain fragments {miis) from some of the other parts and throws them, together with the ears, into the fire, standing at one end, the opposite end to that at which the head is placed. He then takes three charred pieces of wood from the fire, and throws them over the fire and over the head, so that they fall beyond the latter, saying as he throws each time, " Nbtij-zk per ma, man ! " the Xill SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 285 last exclamation being the sound which is ordinarily uttered when calling a calf. When the flesh is sufficiently roasted the palikartuiokJi eats the tiitjniis, while the others present may eat any portion. When enough has been eaten, the remainder of the cooked flesh is carried to the village. The inogdl, agelv, mad, and kiucltJikJi are carried to the dairy by the palikartniokh and kept there. The flesh of these parts is eaten by the dairy- man or by other men, but may on no account be eaten by a woman. The other parts are taken to the hut and given into the keeping of the women, and the flesh of these parts can be eaten by any one — man, woman, or child. Butter is often put on the flesh before it is eaten. The Sacrifice at the Ti The sacrifice at the ti is called eniudrtipimi, and is per- formed at every // three times in the year. The first occasion is about fifteen days after the ceremony of tcutiitusthchi in October. The second occasion is about January, w^hen the buffaloes of the // migrate to the Kundahs or elsewhere for the dry season. The third occasion is after the ceremony of giving salt, which is known as kbrnp (see p. 175)- The ceremony may take place at any ti mad except Anto. The appointed days are Sunday and Wednesday. On the day before the ceremony wood is taken by the palol and kaltmokh to the sacrificial spot, called ernkaras at the village. At Modr the wood in which the sacrifice takes place is called Turikipiil. The sacrifice may be performed either in the morning or evening, and takes place, in either case, before kaizJivatiti, the ceremonial pouring of buttermilk. This means that the sacrifice takes place during and not after the dairy ceremonial, and thus forms part of the dairy ritual. Each palol wears the pbdrshtimi, while the kaltmokh is naked throughout except for the kHV}i. The kaltmokh arranges the firewood and the chief palol (at the Nodrs //, the // palol) lights the wood with fire brought from his dairy. The calf is then killed and cut up with exactly the same ritual as in the village ceremony. 286 THE TODAS chap. After the flesh has been placed round the fire both the palol return to their dairies, leaving the kaltmokJi at the crnkar to look after the roasting flesh. Each palol prays as usual and takes buttermilk without the aid of the kaltinokh, and then returns to the ernkar, the chief palol taking butter with him. At the place of the sacrifice the palol eats the tutiiiiis only, first putting it, together with butter, on leaves of kakitd, from which he eats. The kaltinokh eats part of the liver at the erukar, and is not allowed to touch any other part of the animal unless given to him by the palol. The inogdl, agelv, mad, and kwelthkh are then carried by the palol to the dairy where they are kept. They are eaten only by the palol and kaltmokh. Some parts are carried by the kaltniokJi to the sleeping-hut, and are eaten by the kaltmokh and mbrol \ other parts are taken to the outskirts of the ti mad and giv^en to any Todas who may visit the dairy. In connexion with the ei'kumpttJipimi ceremony, I was told of a device employed to induce the mother of the sacrificed calf to continue suckling after her offspring has been killed. Several days before the sacrifice the calf to be sacrificed and a female calf of about the same age are shut up together in the kiish, or small structure in which young calves arc kept. On the floor of the kush are spread some of the grass called nark ^ and some leaves of the kiars - tree. When these have been broken up and mixed with earth by the trampling of the calves, a handful of the mixture, together with milk, is rubbed on the backs of both calves, and this is repeated for three or four days. The object is that the mother shall not know which is her own calf, and shall suckle both, and continue to suckle the female calf when her own has been taken away. During the days on which the calves are shut up together the dairyman should keep pon, i.e., he should not sell or give away any of the produce of the dairy. If this device is not employed or is unsuccessful the skin of the sacrificed calf is placed on the back of a female calf, and in this way the mother may be induced to suckle the latter. ' Andropogoi Scha/ianthns, a strongly-scented grass. - ? Kiaz. XIII SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 287 When Teitnir performed the erkiunptthpiini ceremony for my benefit, he did not succeed in getting the mother to suckle another calf and demanded 60 rupees ^ as compensation for the loss of milk which he would suffer till the buffalo had another calf. When he found that I had no intention of pay- ing this sum, he adopted the second device just described, and this expedient was successful. T\\c erkiuiiptt/ipiuii ccYcvaony \w7is first mentioned by Hark- ness (p. 139), who witnessed the sacrifice. The details of the ceremony which he gives agree in general with those observed by myself. He calls the sacrifice '■'yerr-gouiptsr A still more complete account which agrees closely with my own was given by Muzzy in 1844. Breeks mentions the ceremony, as is usual with him, under its Badaga name of /co;ia sliastra, and his account contains several features which disagree with those of Harkness, Muzzy, and myself, I could obtain no satisfactory account of the origin of the sacrifice. Teitnir gave me a circumstantial story of the way in which Kwoto or Meilitars induced the gods to eat the flesh of a male calf. Teitnir stated that when Kwoto was visiting the gods in the form of a kite, and before he had tied down the sun (see p. 206), he killed a male calf with exactly the same ceremonial as that practised since, and taking some of the flesh threw it into the midst of the gods, saying, " I have brought the flesh ; it is sacred flesh ; I have partaken of it, and if your counsel is to be right, you must partake of it." At this the gods were very angry and blamed Kwoto, where- upon he said, " I am not blameworthy ; if you blame a man who should not be blamed, why do you not eat flesh which should not be eaten .-• " Kwoto was then given the task of tying down the sun, and when he succeeded in doing this and had been acknowledged by the gods as their superior, the gods agreed to eat the flesh, and since that time the Todas have sacrificed a male calf, just as Kwoto did, and have eaten the flesh of the calf. The truth of this account, given by Teitnir, was denied by every other Toda whom I questioned, and I have not there- fore included it in the story of Kwoto given in Chap. IX, but ^ This estimate included the value of the calf four years hence 1 288 THE TODAS CHAP. I think it is possible that Teitnir was right, and that the denial of the other Todas was due to their reluctance that I should know the real belief about this ceremony. Even if not correct, Teitnir's account is valuable as a record of an ingenious example of Toda reasoning. At the ceremony I witnessed there was one feature of some interest. When it was found that the calf had not been killed by the blow with the log of tiidr wood, the animal was belaboured over the testicles. This procedure had not been included in the account given to me before the ceremony, and I could' not discover how far it is an established custom to kill the animal in this way if it is not killed by the blow. The interest arises from the fact that in the ancient Vedic sacrifices, the animal was killed by stopping its mouth and beating it severely ten or twelve times on the testicles till it was suffocated.^ I have not been able to discover whether this method of killing an animal is still practised in India. If so, it has probably been borrowed by the Todas ; but if not, this ancient Indian method may have been preserved by the Todas. I did not observe that the mouth of the calf was stopped at the sacrifice which I witnessed, but this was probably done. The Erkumptthpimi Prayer of Kuudr This consists of clauses of the form Atthkark per ma in which the following kwarzani of villages are mentioned : Atthkar and Oners (Kuudr), Kidndrs and Toarsodri (Ars), Moskar and Manethi (Odr), Keikbdr and Kaisiilh (Melkodr), Kwoteiners and Kwelpushol (Kiudr), Tashtakhkusli (Pirsush), Kivotirkivir-g (Kwirg), Toarskdria (Karia), Pdrners and Tiindeuk (Miuni). These are followed by the final two clauses, karseram parsirani, Nbtirzk er iisJit via. The chief features of this prayer are that the chief villages of the Kuudrol have each two kwarzain and that two kwarzani of Odr, a Nodrs village, are included (see p. 647). ^ llTiwg^s Aitareya Bnihinanat/i, Bombay, 1863, vol. ii., p. 85, note il. XIII SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS The Kars Prayer This consists of the kzvarzmn of the villages of the Karsol followed by -k per via, as in Mutashkitik per via, but in this case only one kwarsam is mentioned for each village. The following are the kxvarzani with the corresponding villages in brackets: Mutaslikiti {Y^'SiXS), Karadniers (Kuzhu), /iT/w^- ners (Keshker), Kiilnkars (Taradrkirsi), Nersnii (Nasmiodr), Edstars (Tashtars), Keiikdrs (Kerkars), Kiizhdrm'tidri (Isha- radr), Pbdshners (Podzkwar), Peleiners (Peletkwur), Tarskidi, Tuli, Sing, Keitan. In the last four cases the kivarsam and ordinary name of each village are the same. These kzuarzam are followed by ekirzani incidjani, Notirsk cr us Jit via. The place of karscraui parscrani in the Kuudr prayer is taken by ekirzaui imidjaui, the kivarzain of Teikirzi, but I do not know how far this is a special feature of the Kars prayer. It may be that the Tartharol have the latter formula. It is remark- able that the Karsol should omit karscrani parseravi, for it is the kivarsam of their nodrodchi, Kulinkars. Several of the X'zf^r^rt/;/! of this pra}'er are those of villages which no longer exist. The prayer thus preserves a record of Toda institutions which have entirely disappeared. These prayers are also interesting as records of a number of village kivarzavi. It will be noticed that in many cases there is a considerable degree of resemblance between the ordinary name and the kivarzavi ; in other cases the words are wholly different. In villages on the west side of the Paikara River the palikartviokJi says, " TeikJidrsk cr us Jit via," may the buffalo appear to Teikhars, instead of Nbtirzk cr usJit via as the last clause. Teikhars is merely another name for Kulinkars. The reason for the modification is probably connected with the fact that the calf would have to cross the sacred Paikara River in order to go to Notirzi (Snowdon) on its way to Kulinkars. I was unable, as usual, to obtain any information from the Todas on the significance of the erkumpttJipivii ceremony, but the prayer offered before the calf is killed seems to make U 290 THE TODAS it clear that the idea underlying the ceremony is that of promoting the general welfare of the buffaloes. The actual words of the prayer are directed to bring about an increase to the various villages of the clan, but there is, I think, no doubt that in this prayer, all have the buffaloes especially in mind and that the meaning of the prayer is, " may the buffaloes of . . . increase!" The sacrifice of the calf would seem to be of that kind in which one is killed that the rest may prosper. There is one feature of the sacrifice which might be held to be out of harmony with this suggestion — viz., that the sacrificed calf is a young male, and hence a comparatively worthless animal. The name of the ceremony means strictly " we kill a male buffalo," ^ and it is possible that at one time an adult male was sacrificed, but even then the sacrifice would be of an animal comparatively little valued by the Todas. As we shall see, the animals killed at funerals are always female, but there is an obvious reason for this, as the buffaloes are to be of use to the dead person in the other world. Formerly large numbers of buffaloes were killed at funerals, and it is possible that it was found impracticable to use female buffaloes also for the erkumpttJipinii sacrifice. There is another possible reason for the use of male buffaloes. The flesh of the sacrificed animal is eaten, and it is possible that the Todas may have preferred to use for this purpose the less sacred male buffaloes, and not to risk any possible evil effects which might follow the consumption of the flesh of the females. It is probable that utilitarian motives have played the chief part in the choice of a male, but other more religious motives may have had some influence. The Teututusthchi Ceremony This is an annual ceremony in which a fire is lighted at the foot of a hill by the palol and kaltinokli. The name teiitutiisthclii or teiitiltusthtiti means " god fire he lights." It ' I have some reason to think, however, that er may be used as a term for ' buffalo' in general, whether male or female. XIII SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 291 is performed in the month which theTodas call Tai, beginning with the new moon in October. The two palol and the kaltmokh of the Nodrs // perform the ceremony on the first or second Sunday after the new moon, and make the fire in alternate years at the hills called Koti and Puthi. The two palol of the Kars and Pan ti set fire together at the hill Konto on the following Tuesday. This ceremony is not performed by the palol of either the Kwodrdoni or the Nidrsi //. In 1902 the Nodrs palol went to the hill Koti on the second Sunday after the new moon (October 12th). The hills of Koti, Puthi, and Konto are said to be chosen because they are very high, and have the highest tc7i, who are spoken of as elder brothers. The palol and kaltmokh set out when they have taken buttermilk after the morning work, abstaining from other food till the ceremony is over. They take with them the nirsi or fire-sticks, some leaves of kakiid, a piece of tJiiii, and some dried grass from the thatch of the dairy. Each palol wears both \.\\q. pbdrsJituni and the kiibiiiitiini. When they reach the foot of the hill they make a heap of firewood. They then spread the kakud leaves on a stone and powder the thatch of the dairy on the leaves, and each palol makes fire with the fire-sticks and lights the powdered thatch. Then the kaltinokJi says, " Teutiitnsthtkina P" — " Shall I light the god (or sacred) fire.?" — and both/r7/^/answer '•' TeutiitustJit T Then the kaltmokh takes the lighted thatch and applies it to the heap of firewood. As soon as the fire burns well, each palol isX^QS off his /v7/(^;/;//;/;// and, standing some little distance from the fire, the two dairymen pray, using the usual prayer of the ti with the following additions : AVv pirj via; tcin pi'iv nia ; pom Young grass flower may ; honey flourish may ; fruit piirzh ma. ripen may. After the prayer the dairymen and their attendant return to their dairies so as to be in time for the afternoon work. The object of the ceremony is to make the grass and honey U 2 292 THE TODAS chap. plentiful, as the additions to the prayer indicate. The Todas told me that in ancient times they lived largely on wild fruits, nuts, and honey, and that then the ceremony was of great importance. At the present time the Todas in general^seem to take but little interest in the occasion, but its former importance is still shown by the fact that the Sunday and Tuesday on which the ceremony is performed are among the chief Toda feast days, when the people of every village eat the special kind of food which they call asJikkartpinii. Offerings The ceremonies which have been described are sacrifices or offerings which occur at regulated intervals. Teiitiitusthc/n'xs certainly an annual ceremony, and it is probable that ei'kinuptthpimi was also originally an annual ceremony, though now it may be performed several times in the year. Even now, however, there seems to be little doubt that on one occasion in the year this ceremony is regarded as of special importance. The ceremonies which remain to be described are of a different nature. They are mostly occasions on which offerings are made to avert or remove misfortune. Some are distinctly of the nature of sin offerings, but are only made when an offence which has been committed has brought some misfortune on the offender. In these cases the object of the offering seems to be propitiatory and to bring about the removal of the misfortune. In other cases the offering may be made with the object of removing a misfortune which is not due to any fault on the part of the sufferer. The simplest kind of offering is usually spoken of as kzvadr kwadrtJipiuii — i.e., we give kivadr. The word /.'Z£'<^^r probably means gift, but seems now to be often used in the sense of ' fine.' The kzvadr takes the form of a buffalo. When a man gives a buffalo in this way it means that he undertakes not to give or sell the buffalo to anyone and not to kill it at a funeral. The buffalo is to be allowed to die a natural death, but so long as it is alive the owner has the full use of the milk xiH SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 293 given by the animal. The idea of this offering is that the buffalo is given to the gods, according to some, or to the Amatol or people of Amnodr, according to others. I also heard it spoken of as if the buffalo were given to the man's father or grandfather {pia) — i.e., as if it was not given to the Amatol in general, but only to the spirit of the giver's father or grandfather. It is possible that I have confused together two or more separate things, but so far as I could learn these cases resembled one another in that the owner was not allowed to kill or part with the buffalo. When the man devotes a buffalo in this way he mentions the buffalo by name, saying that he gives it to the gods or to his fathers, and as a sign that he has done so he bows down before an elder and performs the salutation of kaluiclpudithti. This offering was made at the funeral of a child at which I was present, when the diviners found that a buffalo about to be killed was of the wrong kind, and said that Kuriolv, the father of the child, should give a buffalo. In this case the diviners said that a special buffalo called Perov was to be given. Kuriolv made a vow to give this buffalo and per- formed the kabnelpudithti salutation to Perner, the grand- father of the dead child. Another example of this offering will be mentioned at the end of this chapter. IRNORTITI TO THE Tl Another kind of offering is to give a buffalo to one of the ti dairies. This is called irnortiti, but must be distinguished from another kind of iriidrtiti to be presently described. A man gives a buffalo to a // when he has committed any offence against the ti. In one case in which I have a record of this kind of offering, the cause was the refusal of a man to become palol after he had promised to undertake the office. One of the results of my visit to the Todas was a wholesale sentence from the tcuol that the people were to do ti irnortiti (see p, 310). The Tartharol may sometimes give buffaloes to the herds of a ti when they have not committed any offence against the dairy. This is done when the buffaloes of the ti have become 294 THE TODAS chap. very few in number, and this offering is also known as iriwrtiti, and is given with the same ceremonial as when an offence has been committed. The gift of a buffalo to the ti dairy must take place on a Thursday or Sunday. On the morning of the day the man making the offering, who is called the irrwrtpol, abstains from food and goes to the ti mad with a female calf between one and two years of age. He may be accompanied by other men, usually those closely related to him. The men go to the out- skirts of the dairy and wait there till the morning business of the dairy is concluded, each man carrying a green stick, either a kwadrikiirs or avelashkikiirs. When the palol has finished his work he goes towards the men on the outskirts of the dairy, also carrying a stick of the same kind, and as he approaches, the other men drive the calf towards him, and when it reaches the palol, he drives it so that it joins the buffaloes of his herd. The palol then gives food to the iniortpol and his companions, who eat it on the spot, where they remain till after sunset, when they return home. If the calf given belongs to the /;/////', it becomes one of the //////r of the //, but if it is of one of the sacred kinds, pasthir, ivursulir, &c., it joins one of the sacred herds of the ti. Irnortiti, Tuninortiti and Pilinortiti We now come to three kinds of offering, with their atten- dant ceremonial, which are of a much more complex nature. These are iiniortiti, tuninortiti and pilitidrtiti, in which the offerings are a buffalo calf, a piece of the cloth called tnni, and a silver ring respectively. The first two offerings are made only when one of a certain number of recognised offences has been committed, and in order to bring about the removal of some misfortune which has befallen the offender. Pilinortiti, on the other hand, is usually performed to bring about the cessation of some ill-fortune which is not due to any fault on the part of the sufferer, but it may also be done in expiation of an offence. One essential feature common to all three offerings is that XHI SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 295 the primary divisions of the clan called kiid)^ (see p. 542) here become of importance. Nearly every Toda clan is divided into two kiidr, and the offerings in the three ceremonies always pass from one kiidr to the other. The offering which is given by a man of one kudr becomes the property of the members of the other kiidr. At the present time the kudr is of no importance except in connexion with these ceremonies, and, so far as I could learn, it never had any other significance. There are a few clans of recent origin which have no kiidy, and members of these clans cannot make the offerings. In other clans, one kudr has become extinct, and so long as no occasion for these ceremonies should arise, nothing is done to supply the deficiency. As a general rule, it is only when some trouble arises which may require one or other of these ceremonies that a redistribution of the members of the clan is made, and it is decided that one or more of the /<)//// or smaller sub-divisions of the clan shall be constituted a new kudr. The following are the chief offences for which the iriwrtiti or tuuinortiti ceremonies have to be performed :■ — (i) Stealing milk, butter, buttermilk, or ghi from the dairy. (ii) Going to the dairy after having had intercourse with a woman in the day-time. (iii) Quarrelling between people of the same clan on a feast day. (iv) Quarrelling in the dairy. (v) Going to the dairy after visiting the seclusion-hut for women (see Chap. XIV). (vi) Going to the dairy after taking food with a man who has been to the seclusion-hut, (vii) Going to the dairy after throwing earth at a funeral (see Chap. XV). (viii) Going to the dairy after chewing tobacco. (ix) Buying or selling buffaloes on the madiiol or sacred day of the village or on the pixlinol, the sacred day of the dairy (see Chap. XVII). (x) Driving buffaloes from one place to another on thesq days. 296 THE TODAS chap. Going to the buffaloes or touching the buffaloes is an offence of the same rank as going to the dairy. The general name for all these offences is palkvdrtvicJii ; they are all regarded as offences against the dairy. For the first three of the offences it is customary that the irndrtiti ceremony shall be performed. For the last seven tunindrtiti is more usual. For the fourth offence the punish- ment varies according to the status of the offender. If he is 2l palikartmokh, he usually has to give the tuiii onl\', but if an ordinary man he may be ordered to give a buffalo. It is a far smaller punishment to give a piece of cloth worth about one rupee four annas than to give a buffalo calf, and it would seem therefore that the first three offences are regarded as more serious than the last seven. It would seem also that if a dairyman quarrels in his dairy it is regarded as a less serious offence than in the case of an ordinary man. The decision as to which ceremony shall be performed rests with the tcuol or diviner, but although a diviner usually follows the rules I have given, it seems that he may order otherwise, and if he does so I was told that his decision would be followed. I have a very strong impression, however, that if a diviner ordered a man to do irndrtiti for one of the more trivial offences, the offender would take further advice and consult another teiiol before obeying. There were several other offences for which it was said by some that a man might have to perform irndrtiti or tuni- ndrtiti ; thus, if a dairyman gave up his office on any but one of the appropriate days of the week he might be ordered to do irndrtiti, and the same penalty might be incurred if a man assumed office on a wrong day. Similarly a dairyman might have to perform one of these ceremonies if he spoke to a woman in the day-time, and probably if he broke any other of the laws regulating his conduct or made any serious mis- takes in carrying out the ritual of his office. One occasion for irndrtiti was said to arise if anyone crossed the Paikara or Avalanche rivers on a Tuesday, Friday, or Saturday, but this is certainly a dead letter at the present time (see p. 418). There was some difference of opinion about the penalty for buying, selling, or driving buffaloes on the arpat^^nol, or day XlII SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 297 on which the father of a man had died. Accordinj^ to one account, the proper penalty for this is that the offender should give a buffalo to his ancestors — i.e., that he should name a buffalo which he would neither kill at a funeral nor sell to others. In one definite case, however, it appeared that driving buffaloes from one village to another on the arpatrjuol had been one of the offences for which a man had been ordered to do irnortiti. In this case, however, other faults had been committed, and it is possible that if driving buffaloes on the arpatznol had been the only offence a slighter penalty would have been inflicted. The ceremony of irnortiti was performed thirty years ago after the disappearance of the sacred bells of the Kars kudr- pali. In this case the diviners were consulted, and they found that the bells had gone away and would not return. It was thought, however, that the palikartniokh, Kakarsiolv, might have committed some offence against the dairy, or have made some mistake in the performance of his duties, and it was thought best that he should perform the irnortiti ceremony, though, so far as I could learn, it was not directly prescribed by the diviners. As we shall see, the irnortiti and pi/inlirtiti ceremonies may have to be performed as expiation for revealing the secret lore of Toda institutions, but this is an innovation in custom for which I am afraid I was indirectly responsible. It does not seem that the penalties with their attendant ceremonies are inflicted merely because it is known that a man has committed any of the recognised offences. It is only when some misfortune befalls a man which obliges him to have recourse to the diviners that the ceremonies are performed. The usual course of events is that a man, his wife, children, or his buffaloes fall ill, or tlie buffaloes will not give milk or kick their calves, or the milk in the dairy will not coagulate properly. Whenever any of these ills happen the man concludes that for some reason the gods are angry with him and he goes to the diviners to ascertain the cause of their displeasure. 298 THE TODAS CH. xiii The diviners may find that the man's misfortunes are due to the action of a sorcerer, or that he has committed some offence against the dairy, possibly some offence which it is well known he is in the habit of committing. The diviners not only announce the cause or causes of the misfortune, but also give information as to the course to be pursued to remove it. If the diviners decide that an offence has been committed and that one of the ceremonies should be performed, the offender goes on the following Sunday to the dairy or dairies of his village and makes a vow that he will perform the cere- mony which has been ordered. The following is probably a typical instance. Ten years ago Kodrner fell ill and one of his buffaloes died. He and his brother consulted the teiiol, who said that they had bought things {i.e., given money from the village) on Mondays and Thursdays, the ntadnol ox sacred days of Kars and Kuzhu. They had also driven their buffaloes from Kars to Isharadr on their arpatznol\ there had been sickness among the buffaloes and they had driven them to Isharadr without thinking that it was the arpatznol. The teiiol said they must do irnortiti.^ and on the following Sunday Kodrner went first to the kiidrpali of Kars (Tarziolv) and then to the w//rj-//// (Karziolv) and made the following vow at each : — /;' kar tiUaind, ptrsk iiltakh en, iniortkiii Buffalo calf may it be well, illness from be well I, buffiilo will I give, or " May the buffaloes and calves become well, may I recover from my illness, I will give a buffalo." ^ From this account it seems clear that the ceremony of iriwrliti is not a mere punishment for offences committed. If a man commits any of the recognised offences habitually and with the knowledge of the whole community, it does not appear that anything is done. Only when some severe misfortune befalls the offender does he appeal to the diviners to learn how he has offended and how he can atone for his fault. He gives the buffalo with the definite idea of recover- ing from the illness or removing any other ills which his ^ From the nature of this formula it might be expected that the ceremony would only be performed if the man's wishes are fulfilled, but, in practice, I think it is clear that the performance is not conditional on the recovery of himself or his buffaloes. >. &■ \ n '.^ -V ^'uSnMI' ft^T^^HEui, 299 THE TODAS ch. xiii offences have brought upon him. Giving the buffalo is clearly of the nature of a ' sin offering,' but the offering is only made when the sin has already had evil consequences and it is made in order to remove these consequences. Its object is atonement for an offence com- mitted. It seemed that a man only had resort to the advice of the diviners in the case of exceptionally severe misfortunes. The act of giving the buffalo is attended by ceremonial which involves considerable expense to himself and great incon- venience to all the members of his clan. The expenses and inconvenience are so great that the ceremonies of iiiiortiti and tuninortiti are rarely performed, and in some clans it is many years since they have occurred. There is one case in which the irnortiti ceremony may be performed for a reason quite different from any of those given above. Owing to a quarrel which took place many generations ago, the people of Pedrkars (and probably also those of Kulhem) may not hold the office o{ palol. They may become eligible, however, if they perform the iniortiti ceremony at Kuudr or Kiudr. It would seem as if they can only hold the office by expiating the offence committed in the remote past by their ancestors. The Irnortiti Ceremony This ceremony takes place at certain prescribed villages, usually at the chief village of the clan, though when a clan has several important dairies the ceremony may be performed at any of them. Thus, members of the Kuudrol may give the buffalo at Kuudr, Kiudr or Miuni. At nearly every village there is an appointed spot, usually marked by a stone or a group of stones, called inioiikajs, at which the ceremony is to be performed. At Kars there is a row of stones, shown in Fig. 42. At Nodrs the appointed spot is a pool of water (Fig. 43) by the side of a gap in the long wall of that village. On the day before the new moon following the vow to give the buffalo, all the women leave the village at which the 30I THE TODAS chap. ceremony is to take place, and all the men of the same kudr as the man who is giving the buffalo must also leave the village if they should be living there. Their place is taken by men of the kudr which is to receive the buffalo. If men of both kudr are living at the village, those of the giving kudr go and those of the receiving kudr remain ; thus, when Kodrner, who lives at Kars, made his offering, he and his brother left and went to live at another village of the clan, while Parkurs and his brothers, who belong to the other kudr, remained behind. If there is a ivursuli at the village, the tvursol remains at his post. If \\\cpalikartinokh is of the same kudr as the offender, he leaves and a new dairj'man from the other kudr is appointed. All the men who remain at the village sleep in the outer room of the dairy — at Kars, in the outer room of the kudrpali. T\\e pa/ikartinokh does his dairy work in the inner room as usual and sleeps in the outer room with the rest. The people live thus at the village for a month, no women, no men of the offending kudr and no people of other clans being allowed to visit them. The actual ceremony takes place at the end of this month, on the Sunday following the new moon. On the Saturday the man, called the irnortpol, who is to make the offering brings a female calf between one and two years of age to a wood near the village and makes a rough temporary calf enclosure {kadr), tying the calf to a tree. If the calf is troublesome, the man and his companions may sleep in the wood by the side of the calf, but generally they leave it in the wood and go to sleep in the village where they have been living. The calf must have no blemish, its eyes must be clear, and no part of its ears or tail may be cut,^ On the following morning a boy between ten and fifteen years of age is chosen, who is called ponkai'tvainiokh, the boy who observes the festival It is his duty to drive the calf. All those who are to be present take in their hands green sticks of the kind called kivadrikurs. All have their right ^ The special mention of uncut ears and tail in this and the crkiiiiiptthpiiin ceremony suggests that the widely spread practice of cutting the ears of animals may occur among the Todas, but I have no other notes on the subject. XIII SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 303 arms outside their cloaks {kcvcnai-ut), and must have bathed in the morning and abstained from food. When the time for the ceremony comes, the poiikartvaiiNok/i, who is followed by the imortpol and other men of his division, drives the calf towards the village. The people in the village then call out " //v/cVr/ .' // ivj- .' "^ ' Give the buffalo! Come here ! " and they go to the appointed place and stand on the dairy side of the inwrtkars, or other spot appointed for the ceremony, while the calf is driven up towards the stones or other mark from the side away from the dairy. The palikartmokh^ naked except for the kuini, and the zviirsol, with the titiii round his loins, stand with the people of the receiving kiidr. When the ponkartvaimokh has driven the calf up to the place, he asks three times, '^ Inwrtkina ?'' — "Shall I give the buffalo.?" — and \k\& palikartniokh replies each time, " Inwrt ! " The boy then drives the calf across the stones or other mark to the place where the buffaloes of the receiving kudr are standing. According to one account, the calf is driven direct into the /;/, but it seems almost certain that this is wrong, though it may be that it is the practice of some clans. The calf then becomes the property of the kudr whose representatives have been living at the village. At Nodrs the calf is driven through the gap in the wall and across the pool of water in the direction of the conical dairy. All those present, both the man who has given the calf and his companions and those who have received the calf, bow down to the ground, resting their foreheads on the ends of their cloaks (as in Fig. 44), and utter a formula different for each clan. At Kars it runs : — Sivdmi, Teikirzi, Tdrziolv, Kdrziolv, Kdrzu ultdmd ; fr kark ultdmd ; h-mrtvuspimi} ultdmd. Then all present go to the dairy or dairies and bow down at the threshold. At Kars they go to Tarziolv (the kudrpali), to Karziolv (the ivursuli)^ and to Karzu (the buffalo pen) and ^ Or irnbrtpiispinii, " buftalo giving have we come." The whole formula runs, " Swami, Teikirzi, \hQ kitdrpali, ihe wursicli, the buffalo pen, may it be well; may it be well with the buffaloes and calves ; buffalo giving have we come, may it be well." 304 THE TODAS CHAP. bow down at the threshold of each, and then all partake of a feast. The food has been prepared by the dairy- man, and includes the special kind called ashkkartpimi, which is eaten outside the dairy. Only the men of the clan who have taken part in the ceremony may be present at this feast. After the feast all the men belonging to the kudr of the irnortpol must again leave the village, but the only one of FIG. 44. — THE 'NERSATITl' SALUTATION. their number who is subject to any special restrictions is the boy who has acted as ponkartvahnokJi, who must avoid women and must sleep in the dairy of some village until the end of the whole business. He is spoken of as being in the condition called poii and derives his name from this. The wiirsol and the palikartviokJi of the village at which the ceremony has taken place must stay there for another month, but the men of the kudr which has received the calf may stay there or not as they please. No women and no xni SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 305 people other than men of the same hidr may visit the village during this time. At the end of the month the people who have been occup)'ing the village rub the dairy or dairies thoroughly with buffalo-dung {palikaratiti, dairy he purifies). All the people of the village then return and another feast takes place, in which the food is rice boiled in milk. Then the usual inhabitants of the village return to their houses, and if any men of the receiving kiidr have come from another village, they return and life resumes its normal course. The ceremony of inwrtiti may thus involve the removal of the usual inhabitants from a village for about two months, and the giving of two feasts, while the man who has offended also loses a calf. The Todas probably think little of the inconvenience of removal, though probably they are more troubled by it now than in former times, especially when they have to leave a village like Kars, which is, under normal circumstances, always inhabited at the present time. It seems that the inconvenience, together with the expense of the feasts, is sufficient to render the ceremony a very unusual incident in the lives of the Todas. TuninOrtiti The smaller importance of this ceremony as compared with irnortiti is shown in several ways. The ceremony may be performed at any village at which there is a dairy, and it is not necessary for the people of the receiving kudr to stay at the village for a month before the ceremony is performed. The prescribed day is Sunday, and on the previous day all the people of the same kudr as the giver of the ////// leave the village, and the men of the other division come and sleep in the dairy as before the irnortiti ceremony. The man who gives the tiini is called the tuninbrtpol, and he procures the garment from a Badaga, paying for it about i rupee 4 annas. On the Sunday morning the tuninortpol comes with some companions, all having abstained from food. The. palikartniokh, who must be of the same kudr as the other men at the village, goes to the front of the dairy and one of the men calls out, X 3o6 THE TODAS CHAP. " Tuninortpol bon T' — "Cloth giving man, come!" The Uuiinortpol, who is standing at an appointed spot not far off, goes to the dairy, lays the tuni at its threshold, and bows down, touching the cloth with his forehead. While he is doing this the. p(ilika?'t7nok/i prays in the inner room of the dairy and the men staying at the village pray in the outer room. Then the tiinindrtpol enters the dairy and is given buttermilk and food by \.\\e palikartmokh, after which he stays in a wood near the dairy all day and returns to the village where he is living after night-fall. The people of the receiving kudr stay at the village for a month, at the end of which they have a feast and then all return to their own villages. PiLINORTITI In this ceremony a man gives a silver ring. The offering is differentiated from those already described in that it may be given to bring about the removal of misfortunes which are not due to any offence committed by the man. In some cases, however, the ceremony may be undertaken as an atonement for an offence. Kodrner, my guide, had to give a ring to the dairy at Kiudr in the general distribution of penalties which followed my visit. The custom of pilinortiti is limited to certain villages or clans. According to some accounts it is only followed at the villages of Kiudr and Kanodrs, noted for the special sanctity of their dairies. According to others the ceremony is performed by the Karsol at the dairy of Kuzhu, and at Nidrsi I was shown a small stone, almost completely buried in the ground, which was called the piliiidrtkars, and this indicates that the ceremony was also at one time performed at this village. The ceremony is certainly of especial importance at Kiudr, and the following description is of the procedure at this place. If a man has no children, or if he becomes ill, or if his buffaloes give no milk, he may make a vow to do pilinortiti- If he is a member of the Kuudrol, the people of the kiidr to which he does not belong go to the dairy. The offerer of the ring sleeps the night before in the dairy of his village and goes XIII SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 307 in the morning with one companion to Kiudr, taking care that no one sees him by the way. Both must go without food. On reaching Kiudr the two men go to the stream called Keikudr ^ which flows between the dairy and the dwelling-huts, and after washing hands and face in the stream they wait there. The people of the other I'udr who are in the dairy light a lamp and place it between the two rooms, and then one goes to the door of the dairy and calls out three times " Pilinortpol bon ! " The men at the stream are not within sight, but they hear the summons and come to the front of the dairy. The men in the dairy lay the t!i;ii of the dairyman at the threshold and the pilinortpol places the ring on the cloth and bows down, touching the cloth with his forehead, and prays as follows : — Ta hiei!»i(i, / drill (hi I (1 ; atch kar td md. atch May it be well, may it be well : ; little calf give may, little ntokh ; td iiid ; /car kiildth, kar kiilcili td son give may ; calf not refuse milk, calf take milk give 111(1, kar iiesdth. neseiti td in a ; opath iltm may, calf not kick away, stand give may ; once m'eal at hi fiinerd kwar arki iiiadl ; ml drk . md; it is twelve years vow will; may there be no di sease ; niidri drk md ; kazjtii drk md P' er may there be no trouble ; may there be no kazun may th ere be (irk md. no T amil. The free rendering of this prayer was said to be as follows : — " May it be well ; may my buffaloes have calves ; may I have children ; may my calves have milk, and may they not be kicked away by their mothers ; as surely as I am shortly to take food, do I make my vow for ever and ever; may I and my buffaloes be free from disease; may no evil befall me ; may there be no kazun (see p. 403) to kill me ; may no Tamil or other outsiders come to disturb me." The last clause was said by Samuel to be interpreted : ^ This is mentioned in the prayer of the Kiudr dairy (see p. 220). X 2 3o8 THE TODAS chap. " Let me not get into trouble with the government," but it is probably much older than this interpretation would indicate, and refers to the former dislike of the Todas to any inter- course with people other than the Badagas and Kotas. "Twelve years" is a common expression for an indefinitely long time, and may be translated " for ever." The practice of combining positive and negative sentences as in this prayer is one which seems to be not uncommon in the Toda language. It will be noticed that several of the clauses are identical with those of the prayer ordinarily used in the dairy. When the piliiwrtpol has finished his prayer he rises, and the paliknrtinokli takes up the tuni and the ring and puts them in the dairy. Then the pilin'drtpol and his companions go into the outer room of the dairy and take food prepared by the dairyman, after which they go to a wood near Kiudr and stay there till after nightfall, when they make their way home, taking care not to be seen by anyone. If the ring is given by one of the Kuudrol it becomes the property of the men of the other kudr, but as its value is very small, only from four annas to two rupees, it is not divided, but is usually taken by the man of the kudr who takes the chief part in the ceremony. The ceremony as described above resembles those of iniortiti and timinortiti, in that the offering is given by a man of one division of the clan to the members of the other division. Pilhwrtiti may also be undertaken by a man as an atone- ment for wrong-doing, and in the only case of the kind of which I know, the wrong-doer, although he belonged to the Kars clan of the Tartharol, had to make the offering to Kiudr. In this case there was no question of the ring passing from one kudr to another, and it probably became the property of the man connected with Kiudr who took the chief part in conducting the ceremony. Various unfortunate events which occurred during my visit to the Todas illustrate very well the working of the regula- tions which have been described in this chapter. One of these misfortunes befell Kutadri, who went with me to visit the Kundahs, the headquarters of the Pan clan. Mr. XIII SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 309 Mackenzie, with whom I was staying, had shot a sambhar, and Kutadri joined others in making a hearty meal on the flesh of the animal. The next day he felt far from well, and searching in his mind for the cause of his sufferings, his suspicions did not fall on the sambhar, but wavered between sorcery of the Kurumbas and the anger of the gods of the locality, because he had shown me certain sacred features of the land. He was unable to continue to act as my guide, rendering my visit to the Kundahs largely fruitless, and on his return home he frightened himself into serious illness. Teitnir, who had told me many things, but, above all, had dared to show me the erkuinpttJipimi sacrifice, lost his wife a {(i.\^ days after this ceremony. She had given birth to a dead child, and in spite of obviously serious fever, she had gone through a trying ceremony connected with removal to the seclusion-hut, and had walked a long way to this hut. Two days later she died. Kaners, who had been my chief informant on the procedure of the ti dairy, awoke one morning to find the dairy of his village burnt. No human agency seemed possible, and no doubt was entertained that it was another manifestation of the displeasure of the gods. Numerous councils were held, and the diviners were con- sulted, on this occasion Midjkudr and Tadrners. They found that Kutadri's misfortunes were due to his having revealed to me secrets about Pan, although, as a matter of fact, his illness had prevented his telling me anything of importance. It was decided that he was to give a buffalo to the Pan ti. The death of Teitnir's wife was found to have two causes.^ The first was that Teitnir had shown me the erkiimptthpimi ceremony ; the second was that he had gone with his wife to Lake View, the house of the Zenana mission, and had stayed there for several months, Teitnir having done this in order to avoid losing his wife according to the tercrstJii custom (see Chap. XXII). F'or the first offence Teitnir was to do irnoriiti to his clan, the Kuudrol, and for the second offence he was to give a buffalo to the Amatol, ^ According to a later finding of the teiiol, the death of Tersveli was due to sorcery (see p. 261). THE TODAS chap. his pia, or grandfather, being especially singled out among them. The latter penalty was paid before I left the hills. Teitnir devoted a sacred buffalo {pasthir) to his grandfather, and as a sign that he had done so, he did kabnelpnditJiti to Ivievan (52), one of the chief men of his family. The giving of the buffalo was followed by a feast. The teiiol were also consulted on account of the burning of the dairy belonging to the village of Kaners. They decided that the loss of the dairy was due to spontaneous combustion, "had burnt of itself," because Kaners had revealed to me the secrets of the ti, and, as he had told me chiefly the procedure of the Nodrs //, he was sentenced to do irnortiti to this institution. Kodrner, who had been my general assistant, was directed to perform pilindrtiti to Kiudr, and the teiiol also said that all the Todas were to do irnortiti to the ti dairies because the elders had not intervened and put an end to the revelations which the people had been making to me. Unfortunately these decisions of the teuol were only given out very shortly before I left the hills. Indeed, the divination appeared to be still going on when I left, probably in order to obtain further light on the troubles. I had therefore no opportunity of witnessing the various ceremonies which were to result from my -visit. I hoped that Samuel might have been able to see some of them, but the only proceedings of which he was able to give me any account took place on January 5th, nearly a month after my departure, when all the Todas assembled at the ti mad of Modr, where the buffaloes of the Nodrs ti were standing, and prayed to the // to pardon them for the sins they had committed in revealing its secrets. After praying, they took food in the //// of the dairy, and did not return home till the evening. I was not told of the existence of any such ceremony of atonement by prayer only, and I strongly suspect it was an innovation adopted in order to avoid the expense of the general irnortiti to the // which the diviners had prescribed. Several of the offerings which were thus ordered by the teiwl seem clearly to have been of the nature of punishment. Kodrner was to do pilinortiti because he had helped me, and XIII SACRIFICE AND OFFERINGS 311 the Todas in general were to give buffaloes to the // dairies. When I was first told about these offerings, I was inclined to regard them in general as punishments and to treat them as if they were social regulations. With further knowledge it seemed clear that they were distinctly of a religious nature, and were really sin offerings designed to propitiate the gods and bring about the removal of misfortunes which had come upon the offenders. I have therefore described these offerings in the same chapter as the ceremony which is clearly a sacrifice. The variety of the irnortiti ceremony in which a buffalo is given to the ti dairy is that which approaches most nearly to a sacrifice ; the offered animal is not killed, but in going to the sacred herd of the //, it may clearly be regarded as devoted to the service of the gods. The ceremony of pilinortiti to the sacred dairy of Kiudr is again an example of an offering to a higher power in those cases in which the ring is given by a man of another clan so that the mechanism of the kndr does not come into play. These clear examples of offerings to gods or sacred places are, however, very closely related to the other cases in which offerings simply pass from one division of the clan to another. It seems that we have in these offerings a good example of something which is midway between a social regulation of the nature of punishment and a definitely religious rite of pro- pitiation of higher powers. There are two chief possibilities. The idea of offering to a higher power may be primary, and the ceremonies of irnortiti, &c., in which the property merely passes from one division of the clan to the other may be secondary modifications to keep property within the clan. On the other hand, the mechanism of the ktidr may be primary, and irnortiti to the // dairy and pilinortiti to Kiudr may be religious developments of what was originally a social regulation. I have no information which enables me to say that one of the two possibilities is more probable than the other. The solution probabl}' depends on the much larger question, whether the Todas are people whose religious system has developed out of the state of many primitive people where THE TODAS cii. xiii social regulations exist without anything which can clearly be called a religious sanction, or whether they are a people whose religious system has degenerated from one higher than that they now possess. If the former supposition is correct, it is probable that the religious sanction has been added to the system of social punishment, which seems to be all which clearly exists in the offerings when these are kept within the clan. If the latter supposition is correct, it seems more likely that the whole mechanism of the kudr \s a device by which offerings which should be made to a higher power may remain the property of the clan. The fact that the giving of the buffalo or other offering is accompanied by prayer and the various restrictions of a more or less religious nature which accompany the ceremonial show that at the present time the ceremony has in all cases a very definitely religious character, but it is quite possible to regard these features in two ways, either as accretions to a system of social punishment or as vestiges of what was once a purely religious sacrifice in which the offerings were given to the gods. CHAPTER XIV BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD CEREMONIES The ceremonies connected with childbirth begin before the birth of the child. These ceremonies are only performed for the first child or when the woman obtains a new husband, so that they may, from one point of view, be regarded as marriage ceremonies. Nevertheless, I prefer to consider them here, and to leave the ceremonies more strictly connected with marriage till a later chapter. These latter ceremonies are far less elaborate than those to be described in this chapter, and may be more fitly considered in connexion with the social regulation of marriage. At or about the fifth month of pregnancy, a ceremony is performed which is called tir patitth kaitiitittJipiini, " village left, hand we burnt," or more shortly, I'li'vatpimi, "village we leave," or kaitiitittJipiini. The ceremony is named from its two essential features ; the woman leaves the village and lives secluded in a hut and her wrists are burnt. When it is known that the ceremony is to take place, a special hut, called puzhars (Fig. 45), is built in a prescribed place at some little distance from the village, or if this building already exists, it is put into good order. The word puzhars means " mud-house " or " earth-house," which would seem to point to a time when a temporary hut of mud was used, but at the present time it is built of wood, though it is of much simpler and rougher construction than the ordinary house. The distance of the puzhars from the huts in which the people live depends on the degree of sacredness of the village. According to Breeks, the distance is greatest in those villages 3'4 THE TODAS CHAP. which have a dairy of the conical kind, but it seems that there is no real difference between these villages and any other etudniad. In some cases when the dairy has a high degree of sanctity, the pushars may be at an adjacent village ; thus, a pregnant woman of Kiudr goes into seclusion at Molkush, FIG. 45. — THE ' PUZHARS AT MOLKUSH. about a quarter of a mile away, and at this village the seclusion-hut (Fig. 45) is about a hundred yards from the house in which the people live. I may mention here that the objection to the presence of a pregnant woman in one of the more sacred villages may ex- tend to a time when she is not in the seclusion-hut. When I XIV BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD CEREMONIES 315 visited Kiudr for the purpose of testing the people of the village for colour-blindness, Sintagars, who was pregnant and was living at Molkush, was not allowed to come to the hut to be tested like the rest, but sat on the mound shown in the foreground of Fig. 7, about thirty yards away. The features of the hand-burning ceremony as performed by the Tartharol differ considerably from those for a Teivali woman, and I will begin with a description of the former. On the day of the new moon, the woman goes to the puzliars. The husband (or in his absence his brother or other near male relative) cuts six sticks of the kind called kwadrikiirs and sets them up so as to represent a dairy with two rooms, which is called piilpali. He then cuts four bamboo- reeds called zc^(/r, about eighteen inches long, which represent dairy vessels ; two of them are cdW^d patatpic7t, and the other two ertatpiin. He fills these with water taken neither from the pali nipa nor from the ars nipa, for if he touched the water of either of the streams, they would be defiled and their water could not be used. He therefore fetches the water from a stream at some distance from the village. The husband brings the reeds half filled with water and places those called patatpun in the inner room of the piilpali. He takes the other two — the ertatpitn — to a two-year-old female calf {pbl), and pours out the water from one reed on the left side of the middle of the back {Hv) of the calf, and catches the water in the other. He then gives two leaves {kakuders) to the woman, who makes a leaf vessel, into which he pours three times from the ertatpiin the water which has flowed from the back of the calf. The woman raises the leaf vessel to her forehead and then drinks, and the man puts the two ertatpuu into the outer room of the piilpali} The woman then bows down with her forehead to the threshold of the piilpali, and the man takes up the sticks forming the imitation dairy and the four reeds and throws all away. ^ It will be noticed that the patatpun are placed in the inner room and the ertatpiin in the outer room. In the ordinary dairy both would be placed in the inner room, though in different places. The procedure of this ceremony seems, therefore, to resemble that of the ti rather than of the ordinary dairy. It suggests that we have here a relic of a time when every dairy had at least two rooms, one for the things of the patat/nar and another for the things of the erta,tinar. 3i6 THE TODAS chap. The woman has brought with her a new earthenware pot called vidtkndrik, into which she puts food (rice or grain) and water, and places it on a small oven made on the spot with stones. When the food is cooked, the woman takes two leaves called pelkkodstJnmdiers ^ i.e., leaves used in the ordination of the palikartuiokh, and portions out the food on the leaves. She then brings two pieces of wood called pai^skiiti (Eleagnus latifolia), puts them in the ground and covers them with a blanket. The two leaf-plates with the food are now placed on the two pieces of wood, one on each, and the woman asks Pirn podia, Pird podia ? {podia = have you come ?) My informants could tell me nothing about Pirn or Piri, except that the former was supposed to be male and the latter female. The woman throws the parskiiti into the bushes, this procedure being called tapi kilrs vutpimi, " bushes stick throw we," and then makes a little roll of threads which is called pasJiti, puts it in the fire and burns herself with the roll in four places, two on each hand, once on the prominence formed by the carpo-metacarpal joint of the thumb, and once on the prominence formed by the styloid process of the radius. The burning is sometimes done for her by the woman who is to stay in the puzhars with her ^ during her period of seclusion. When the ceremony is over, the woman goes into the hut with her companion and stays there for nearly a month, till three or four days before the next new moon. While in the seclusion- hut, the woman is visited by relatives and friends, who do not, however, come near the hut, but stand some way off and say kaitiitudpatia ? (" Have you had hand-burning ? ") They leave a present of rice for the woman and go to the people of the village, by whom they are entertained. When the woman comes out of the piizJiars at the end of the month, there is a ceremony called martJik maj atpiini, " To the village buttermilk we pour." Early in the morning of the appointed day a man of the Melgars clan comes to the village and milks one of the ordinary buffaloes (putiir) into the vessel called kabanacJiok. The buffalo must not have ' I was told at first that it might be done by her husband, but this appeared to be a mistake. XIV BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD CEREMONIES 317 been milked by any one else since the time it last calved. The Melgars man places the milk in front of the hut where the woman usually lives, and then goes away, and the milk is taken by the people of the village. In the evening, after the day's work is over and the buffaloes are shut up for the night, a woman is chosen who has had no contact with the secluded woman, and she takes the milk drawn by the Melgars man to the puzhars, together with the leaves of the kind called parsers. She pours out the milk three times into these leaves and gives to the pregnant woman to drink. The latter has previously bathed and put on a new mantle, and after drinking she returns to the ordinary hut and may resume her household work. The milking is done by a Melgars man for all the Tarthar clans except that of Kwodrdoni, where the buffalo is milked by a man of that clan. I do not know why this clan forms an exception to the general rule, but Kwodrdoni is one of the most remote Toda villages, and it is possible ^ that the difficulty of getting a Melgars man to come to them has led the people to do this part of the ceremony themselves. For fifteen days after leaving the seclusion-hut, the woman must drink buttermilk procured from a Melgars dairy, and must take food called peritbr'^ viz., grain or rice which has been cooked in Melgars buttermilk. At the end of the fifteen days she gives up taking the peritbr, but continues to drink Melgars buttermilk for another fifteen days. For a woman of the Teivaliol, the ceremony of tirvatpimi is much more simple. No piilpali is made, and the husband fetches two pieces of reed only, which are called ertatpun. They are half filled with water, which is poured from one over the back of a calf into the other as in the Tarthar ceremony, and the woman drinks in the same way, but this is immediately followed by the hand-burning, and the rite with the two sticks and the invocation of Pirn and Piri is entirely omitted. 1 The fact that the people of Melgars and Kwodrdoni are not allowed to intermarry suggests, however, that there is some relation between these clans which is the cause of the exception. '^ This may possibly be a corruption ol perithtor. 3i8 THE TODAS CHAP. The Teivali ceremony on coming out of the pu.zhars takes place in the early morning. A man (not the husband) fetches water from the ars nipa in a brass vessel called achok. He takes the vessel to a pregnant buffalo and tries to milk the buffalo over the vessel of water. Although no milk comes, the attempt is supposed to convert the water in the vessel into milk. The woman then leaves the seclusion-hut and is given two leaves {parsers), of which she makes a leaf cup, and the man pours the water which is supposed to be milk into the cup three times, and the woman drinks each time after raising the cup to her forehead. The woman and her compan- ion then go to another special hut, called altars, and stay there for a week, or if there is in the village a house of the kind called vierkalars (see p. 29), the woman may go to the hinder part of this house instead of to the aliars, but in this case all the household things have to be removed from the nierkalars. At the end of the week in the aliars or nierkalars, there follows the ceremony called viarthk maj atpiini. Early in the morning the palikartuiokJi brings penmaj {i.e., butter and buttermilk) in an earthenware pot and two firebrands {tiitkuli) to the front of the hut, puts the brands on the ground, lays the pot on them for a time, and then puts the pot on the raised platform in front of the hut. He then goes away, and a woman brings a brass vessel {terg) and transfers the butter and buttermilk to the terg, and gives it to the woman, who drinks and goes to the ordinary hut. While the woman is in the aliars or nierkalars, she is not confined to the dwelling as when in the puzhars, but may go about. She must not, however, do any household work, nor go to any other village, nor to the ordinary huts of her own village. If in the hinder part of the vierkalars, she must not go to the fore part of the house. Thus the ritual of the Tartharol differs greatly from that of the Teivaliol in these ceremonies. The rite of making an artificial dairy is entirely omitted by the Teivaliol, and, as we shall see later, it is also omitted in a similar ceremony performed after childbirth, though the pieces of reed used to pour water over the calf are named after dairy vessels in both cases. I could obtain no explanation of the difference of XIV BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD CEREMONIES 319 procedure, nor of the omission of the invocation of Pirn and Firi by the Teivali division. It is possible that this latter ceremony has been borrowed, but if so, there is no obvious reason why it should have been borrowed by one division, and not by the other. In the ceremonies accompaning the return to ordinary life, it is perhaps natural that the Melgars man should only take part in the proceedings of his own division. The other chief difference in the procedure of the two divisions is that the return takes place in two stages among the Teivaliol, while the Tarthar woman goes directly from the piizhars to the ordinary hut. I was told that the difference was connected with the fact that the Tarthar women drank milk, whilst the Teivali women did not, but I could not discover why this should lead to a difference of procedure. The PuRSiJTPiiMi Ceremony About the seventh month of pregnancy a ceremony Is performed, which is called pursiitpiini, " bow (and arrow) we touch." This ceremony begins on the evening before the day of the new moon. The pregnant woman goes into a wood about a furlong from the village at which she is living- She is accompanied by her husband, or if she has several, by the husband who is to give the bow and arrow. The husband cuts a triangular niche in a tree,^ of which the Toda name is kers. The niche is large enough to contain a lamp, and is made a few feet above the ground, so that it is about on a level with the eyes of the woman when she is sitting on the ground. Ghi is then put in an earthenware lamp, which is lighted and placed in the niche. Some sort of arrange- ment is made on the tree to provide a covering under which the woman is later to sit, but I could not satisfy myself exactly how this is done. Husband and wife then go to find the wood called p24v^ and the grass called nark? A bow {purs) is made from the wood by stripping off a piece of bark and stretching it across the bent stick so as to ' Eugenia Arnottiana. - Sopliom glaiica. ^ Andropogon schananthits. THE TODAS chap. form the string of the bow.^ The grass is put in the little artificial bow so as to resemble an arrow. The husband and wife return to the tree with the bow and arrow, and the relatives of the pair come to the spot. The father of the woman promises a young female calf, the off- spring of a given buffalo, which he names, saying after the the name/^/ todein, or " calf I have given " ; thus, Kemars phi todeiii would mean, " I have given a calf, the daughter of Kemars." - Then husband and wife salute certain people by bowing before them and raising their feet to the forehead (Jcalnielpiidlthti). The wife salutes in this way all her male relatives and those of her husband older than herself — i.e., she salutes those whom she would salute in this way under normal circumstances (see Chap. XXI). The husband salutes all the male^ relatives of his wife, irrespective of their being older or younger than himself. The wife then sits down beneath the tree in front of the lamp, and the husband gives her the imitation bow and arrow. In doing so he says the kzvarzain of his village followed by the words " Teikirsi Tirsk, pursvat .'" — i.e., " To Teikirzi and Tirshti, hold the bow and arrow ! " The wife replies, "purs iveni ? " — " What is the name of the bow and arrow ? " — and the husband then gives the name of the bow and arrow, which is different for each clan. The question and answer are each time repeated so that they are said three times. The formulae repeated on this occasion differ for each clan in the kzvarzam of the village and in the name of the bow. For the Kuudrol the latter was piirsgdniv, so that a Kuudr man would first say, "■ Atthkar Teikirzi Tirsk pursvat," and in answer to his wife's question he would answer, " Pursganror The only clan which does not say the kzvarzain of the village is that of Nodrs, where only the names of the gods are mentioned. I only obtained the special names of the bow from three clans — ^those of Kuudr, Kars and Taradr. That of ' See the bow in the hand of the boy in Fig. 57. This bow is the same as that used in the pursiltpimi ceremony. - The buffalo given in this way is called pitlkwadr, or bow and arrow gift. 3 My notes do not make it absolutely clear as to whether he may not also salute the female relatives of his wife, but I do not think that he does so. XIV lUR'lH AND CHILDHOOD CEREMONIES 321 Kuudr has already been given ; the name of the Kars bow is pulkiukhni and that of Taradr pursudsk. When the husband gives the bow and arrow to liis wife, she raises it to her forehead and then, liolding it in her right hand, turns to gaze at the lamp in the tree. She looks for an hour or until the lamp goes out, and then all present ^ go to the village for food, except the husband and wife. The man makes a fireplace, lights a fire and cooks jaggery and rice in a new pot, using only ghi, and not butter, to mix the rice, and while he is doing this his wife ties up certain kinds of food in a cloth and puts the bundle under the tree. This food includes rice, ragi, barley, wheat, the grain (?) called kijsi (see p. 266), some jaggery and salt. Some pieces of honeycomb are also placed on leaves, which are then thrown away. When the food cooked by the man is ready both husband and wife eat together. Later the relatives return from the village and all pass the night in the wood, the relatives keeping at some distance from the married pair. At daybreak on the following day, the day of the new moon, all return to the village and feast, food being given to all visitors. Several of those who have described this ceremony have included in the description an account of " tying the talir ^ So far as I could ascertain nothing of the kind is done. I inquired into the point many times and all agreed that it formed no part of the Toda ceremony and that its equivalent was the giving of the bow and arrow. More than one man spoke of the piLvsutpivii ceremony as " tying the tali^' but the latter expression is merely the equivalent of " marriage ceremony," and the very man who used this expression denied vehemently that tying the tali or anything else round ' According to a recent account given to me by Mr. Thurston, the people leave the spot about six o'clock in the evening. The time is determined by the opening of the flowers of .-Enothera tetraptera, which is called by the Todas dr mani pilv, or six o'clock flower. This flower is a garden escape, so that this special practice must be recent, but it suggests that the general practice of telling the time of day by means of flowers may be an old Toda custom. - Mr. Natesa Sastri (Madras Mail, August 28th, 1894) states that the bow and arrow are tied round the neck of the woman, so that they definitely take the place of the (a/L THE TODAS chap. the neck of the woman formed any part of the Toda ceremony. It seemed, however, that after pursiitpimi the woman is allowed to resume her ornaments, which she has been prohibited from wearing up to this time, and it is possible that this resumption of her ornaments may have been mistaken for " tying the tali!' It seemed clear, however, that the ornaments were not put on by the husband, nor did the resumption of the ornaments partake in any way of a ceremonial character. As I hoped to have a chance of witnessing this ceremony during my visit, I did not thresh out the details oi pursiitpimi as thoroughly as those of most other ceremonies and my account is not as complete as I could wish. The ceremony oi pursiitpimi is of the greatest importance from the social point of view and, as we shall see later, the fatherhood of the child depends entirely upon it. The man who gives the bow and arrow is the father of the child for all social purposes, and is regarded as such even if he has had nothing to do with the woman before the ceremony. The ceremony must always be performed during the first pregnancy of a woman and it takes place in any succeeding pregnancy only when it is desired for any reason to alter the fatherhood of the children. One of the most serious scandals in Toda society is the birth of a child when the mother has not been through this ceremony. Both the pregnancy ceremonies are performed at the first funeral of an unmarried or barren woman. In the case of an unmarried girl the bow and arrow are given at \.\\& pursiitpimi ceremony by a matdmni of the deceased — i.e., by a relative whom the deceased girl might herself have married. The hand-burning of the urvatpimi ceremony is usually performed by a woman of the same clan as the deceased. Since the ceremonies are only performed at the first pregnancy, or when it is desired to change the fatherhood of a child, it seems clear that they closely resemble marriage ceremonies. They would seem to be either marriage cere- monies which have been postponed till shortly before the XIV BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD CEREMONIES 323 birth of the first child/ or, what is more probable, pregnancy ceremonies resembling those customary in India, which have acquired social significance and have come to resemble marriage ceremonies. But the numerous ceremonies which are performed during pregnancy by the Hindus take place during every pregnancy and are, therefore, sharply differen- tiated from the Toda rites. Childbirth \\"hen the woman returns from the seclusion-hut after the urvatpimi ceremony she lives in her usual home with the rest of the family and does her usual work, and she is delivered there. It seemed that any one might be present, and that there was no special ceremony connected with deliv-ery. During delivery, the woman kneels with her head resting on the breast of a man, usually her husband, who clasps his hands behind her neck. She is tended by a woman, usually by one noted for skill in these matters. If there is much delay, all men and women present lay their hands on the head of the woman and say : " Swdmi viaz v/innd ; swdmi pildikan termd." If this is not efficacious a man brings water in a vessel and prays, stirring the water with a piece of grass of the kind called kakar. When the prayer is finished, the man sprinkles the water over the woman. The cord (pekf{) is cut with a knife, being held down with a stick while it is being cut. The afterbirth is called naj ox peMkMri. If there is delay in its delivery, a medicine called najinad is given which is procured from the Badagas. The afterbirth is buried on the day on which the woman goes to the seclusion-hut, a few days ' This seems to have occurred in a similar ceremony practised by the Badagas, among whom it is said that a woman is not fully considered a wife till about the seventh month of the first pregnancy, when a cord is put round her neck by the husband and the legal marriage becomes complete. (See Thurston, Bull. IV., p. 167.) V 2 524 THE TO DAS chap. after delivery. If the child is still-born its body is buried at the same time. A caul is named kzvadri (umbrella), but no importance is attached to it. nor is it kept. Seclusion after Childbirth Two or three days after childbirth the mother and child go to the seclusion-hut, or pnzhars, the same structure being used as after the hand-burning ceremony. Various rites are per- formed, both when going to and leaving the seclusion-hut, and these have many points in common with those which take place before and after the hand-burning. As in that case, the procedure for the Tartharol differs considerably from that of the Teivaliol. The general name for the ceremony of going to the pns/iars is polk potha nir utpiini — "to the calf back (or hind quarters) water we pour," from one of the chief features of the proceed- ings. The ceremony takes place either in the early morning or in the evening. The woman who is to be secluded, whether she be Tarthar or Teivali, rubs ashes on her head and face (pMhi adipimi, ashes we rub), and comes out of the ordinary hut in which she has been living since the delivery. She holds over her head a branch of the ' Nilgiri holly,' ^ which has spreading leaves so that it resembles an umbrella ; this leafy umbrella is called tbrikwadr, and the act is called tbrikivadr patipimi, " we hold the umbrella." The head is also covered with \.\\Qputkuli. From the moment she leaves the hut the woman is very careful to keep her face turned away from the sun, not on account of its noxious influence, but in order to avoid the star or other body called Keirt, which is supposed to be near the sun. The child is carried in front of the mother by another woman, who also holds a tbrikivadr to shelter the infant from the evil influence of Keirt. Among the Tartharol a small artificial dairy is made, exactly as in the urvatphni ceremony, and four reeds are cut to represent dairy vessels. ^ Called by the Todas A';-/ or /();7'w/// (AVr/'dVvV ;/fy^(?/<7/.f/.v) ; its leaves are used in the ordination of the knsrvalikarlDiokh. XIV BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD CEREMONIES As the woman walks towards the place where the pulpali has been erected, another woman lays on the ground before her a leaf of kakud on which she puts some threads taken from a inadtuni — i.e., the garment worn by the zviirsol. These threads are called tiinikar} and they are taken up by the mother and put in the string round her waist on the right side.'- Water KIG. 46. — TERSVELI SITTING AT THE DOOR OF THE ' PUZHARS ' AT KARIA WITH HER FACE TURNED FROM THE SUN. is then poured by the husband from the imitation patatpua over the hind quarters {pot/ia) of a calf, so that it falls into the ertatpun just as in the un'atpinii ceremony. Before the woman drinks this water, three drops of it are put into the mouth of the child and a four-anna piece {panni) into its hand. The mother then drinks three times ' Possibly this means '' calf of ///;//. '" - It will be noticed that the woman puts llie fragments uf tiiiii in licr waist- string on tlio ric;ht side, while the various dairymen who wnar fr/u/ii pu! it on the left side. 326 THE TOUAS chap. and bows down at the threshold of the imitation dairy, after which she goes into the seclusion-hut. During the whole of the proceedings she is careful not to turn her face towards the sun. Among the Teivaliol there is no imitation dairy and, as in the urvatpinii ceremony, only two reeds are used as ertatpmi. A fire is made on an improvised fireplace of three stones, and lighted by means of thatch brought from the hut,^ and food is put on a fragment of an earthenware vessel and placed over the fire. After the woman has drunk of the water which has been poured over the back of the calf, she breaks the earthenware fragment over the fire, saying, Nauiavku, " to Namav," this rite being called Nainavtiir kwiidrtpinii, " to Namav we give." The woman then goes to the seclusion-hut, being assisted by her husband, who now acquires the impurity which is called icJichil, and any one else who touches the woman after this ceremony also becomes icJicJiil. I saw the ceremony of going to the purjJiars on two occasions, the woman each time belonging to the Teivaliol. The most striking feature of each occasion was the obvious and intense dread of Keirt. In one case, soon after leaving the hut, the woman, Sintagars, called out for another umbrella as she feared that the tbrikivadr was not sufficient to shelter her from Keirt, and during the rest of the proceedings she held over herself both the leafy umbrella and one of the ordinary kind. I was told that all the chief incidents of the ceremony — the rubbing on of ashes, the holding of the leaf umbrella, the pouring of water over the calf and the giving to Namav — were all designed to avert the evil influence of Keirt, which they call Keirtpiidrtvuti (see p. 269). After the woman has gone to the seclusion-hut she is visited b}' rclati\es and friends, who stand at a distance, just as they did after the hand-burning ceremony. The}- bring rice with them as a present and call out Marsviit '^ivii mikh inokli, {o\ kugli] itdpatia • Confined life icmaining son (or dauglitcr) had you ? I am dnutitfvd wliellu-f Uii> i>; essential. XIV IWKTH AND CHILDHOOD CEREMONIES 327 " Have you had a son (or daughter) and are yet alive ? " The visitors then go to the huts of the village and are enter- tained. The woinan and child stay in the seclusion-hut, accompanied by the husband and by a woman who is usually the assistant at the birth. If the child is not the first, the mother remains in seclusion till a few days before the next new moon, this kind of seclusion being called ndtersper. If the child is the first-born, the stay in the seclusion-hut is longer and is called kadrthersper. In this case the woman stays in the hut till a month has elapsed after the new moon following the birth. Thus Sintagars went into seclusion on Sunday, October 19th, and came out on Thursday, November 27th, 1902, exactly four weeks after the new moon of October 31st. The proceedings on leaving the seclusion-hut are like those which take place after the seclusion following the iirvatpimi ceremony, but with a few additional rites. Among the Tartharol there is only one ceremony, called martJik viaj atphni, in which a buffalo is milked on the morning of the day by a Melgars man. Before the woman drinks the milk in the evening, another woman lays threads of tuni on leaves of kakiid, and puts them on the ground before the mother, who puts them in the right side of her waist-string as when going to the seclusion hut. After returning to the hut the woman drinks Melgars buttermilk and eats food cooked in Melgars buttermilk in exactly the same way as after the hand-burning ceremony. Among the Teivaliol the return to ordinary life takes place in two stages, as after the hand-burning ceremony. The woman first goes to the aliars^ or to the hinder part of the nierkalars, after drinking water, which has been supposed to be turned into milk by pretended milking from a pregnant buffalo. I saw this ceremony on one occasion (Fig. 47) when the pretended milking was done by a small boy, Pongudr (52), and the supposed milk was poured into the leaves and given to the mother by a woman who had not been present in the seclusion-hut with her. The person who pretends to milk the pregnant buffalo becomes icJichil by doing so, and the reason 328 THE TODAS CHAP. why a young boy was chosen for this office was that the adult members of the family might escape the disabihties attendant on this condition. On this occasion especial care was taken that the mother should sit facing the sun during the ceremony. She at first sat down with her face turned away from the sun, and she was made to turn round, so that I'lG. 47.— SINTAGARS DRINKING AT THE ' MARTHK MAJ ATPIMI ' CEREMONY. THE BOY, PONGUDR, IS SITTING BEHIND HER. she directly faced it. This was the exact opposite of the procedure followed when going to the seclusion-hut. After being in the altars or merkalars for a week there follows the ceremony of marthk inaj atpiiiii, which is the same as that after the urvatpinii cercmon>', with the addition that a representation of a hut is made with five or six sticks of XIV BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD CEREMONIES 329 the kind called kwadrikurs. A boy goes within the imita- tion hut with a brass vessel {achok), and coming out gives this to the woman, who bows down {tiersatiti) with her child at the threshold of the imitation hut. She then takes butter and buttermilk which have been placed by the palikartniokh on fire-brands (see p. 318). After taking the mixture the woman goes to the dwelling-hut and resumes her ordinary duties. It is the custom for everyone present on this occasion to give the child a four-anna piece (pajtin), and near relatives may often give more. A small loincloth {tadrp) provided with a pocket called terigs is put round the child, and into this pocket the money is put, this action receiving the name of terigs katpinii, or " we tie the terigs" I did not hear of this pocket in any other ceremonies, and, so far as I know, it is only made in the tixdrp used on this occasion, or if a constant feature of the tadrp, it has no other ceremonial use. So far as I am aware, the representation of a house is only used by the Teivaliol, while the imitation dairy made on going to the seclusion-hut after hand-burning and childbirth is only made by the Tartharol. It is tempting to suppose that the water poured in these ceremonies from an imitation dairy vessel over the back of a calf is regarded as milk, and if this is so, the drinking of milk, real or fictitious, would be the essential feature of all these ceremonies. Further, the conjecture is natural that the drinking is designed to promote the formation and flow of milk in the woman. It is perhaps in favour of this that in the ceremony after childbirth, when this motive would be especially im- portant, the water is poured over the hind-quarters of the calf and not over the middle of its back, as in the earlier ceremony. But if the promotion of lactation is the leading motive of the ceremonies, it is difficult to see why a buffalo in full milk should not have been chosen instead of a two- }'ear-old calf It is possible that there is some reason why an adult buffalo should not be used on such an occasion, and that a calf is used as a substitute, and, on the whole, the view that some features of the ceremonies had their origin in the motive 330 THE TODAS _ chap. suggested is the most probable one ; but this can only be con- jecture, for it is, I think, quite clear that the ceremonies have now become purely ritual, and are performed with no other reason than that they are prescribed by custom. The use of an artificial dairy among the Tartharol, however, has almost certainly a deeper meaning. It is a striking fact that a pregnant woman and one soon after childbirth should have relations with a dairy, even if only artificial, when in ordinary life they have nothing to do with it or its ceremonial. Still more remarkable is the fact that a Tarthar woman after childbirth puts round her waist threads from the garment worn only by dairymen, a garment which has a distinctly sacred character. If this were done only in the case of a male child, it might be supposed that the idea is one of initiation into the life connected with the dairy, but the artificial dairy after the hand-burning ceremony is made when the sex of the child is unknown, and, so far as my information goes, the use of the dairy and the threads from the ttmi occurs after the birth of either a boy or girl. It is possible that the ceremonial observances are relics of a time when women had more to do with the dairy and its ritual than they have at present ; or it may be that contact with the sacred objects, real or fictitious, is held to neutralise in some way the dangerous nature of pregnant and parturient women. There is some reason to believe that the material of which the /;//// is made is the same as that of the ancient clothing of the Todas, the cloth called tin. As we shall see later, the an is still used in the funeral ceremonies, and it is possible that the threads of tuni are used in these cere- monies as relics of the ancient clothing of the Todas, and that they are obtained from the madtuni because it is the most convenient way of obtaining the ancient material. If this had been the motive, however, I think the word iin would almost certainly have been used, as it still is in the funeral ceremonies. Nevertheless, this remains as a possible alternative explanation of the use of a sacred dairy garment b}- a woman after childbirth. A further mysterious feature of these ceremonies is that BIRTH AiND CHILDHOOD CEREMONIES the two rites which seem to bring women into special relation with the dairy are limited to the Tartharol. If these rites be regarded as relics of a time when women had more to do with dairy operations than at present, the possibility follows that this former function of women was limited to one division of the Todas. I could obtain no explanation of the meaning of the word •pitlpali, used for the imitation dairy made in the Tarthar ceremonies. Piili means tamarind, and in a ceremony of the Nairs of Malabar called pulikati, performed in the ninth month of pregnancy, the woman drinks tamarind juice.^ It is possible that the two ceremonies have a common origin, the only indication of which in the Toda ceremony lingers in the name of ' tamarind dairy.' It is, however, possible that the dairy is so called because it is made on the out- skirts of the village, though I do not know definitely that the word piil would be used for outskirts in this special sense. Uncovering the Child's Face While in the seclusion-hut with its mother and for some time after, the child has its face covered, and no one except the mother is allowed to see it. At the end of the third month - the face of the child is uncovered, and this ceremony is called inokh niiUdr terithti, " child outside he opens," or, more shortly, iinttar tcrthpimi. If the child is a bo}^ he is taken by his father early in the morning to the front of the dairy, and both father and child bow down at the threshold of the dairy {pavnersatiti), the child being put down by his father so that his forehead touches the threshold. The child is then taken to the place where the buffaloes are standing, and there the face is uncovered, the child being- held so that he looks towards the sun when the covering is removed. If the child is a girl, she is taken by her mother to the Diajvatvaiidni, the place where the women go to receive ' Fawcett, Bull. Mcuiras Museum, vul. iii. p 242. - Accorrling to diic acrount I he ceremnny takes place on the fortietli day after birth. 332 THE TODAS chap. buttermilk from the dairyman, and there the mother uncovers the child's face. I was not told that the covering of the face is designed to protect the child from the influence of the evil eye, but this is the probable motive. The object of the ceremony is probably to minimise the danger incurred when the covering is removed by putting the child, if a boy, into relation with the three sacred objects, the dairy, the herd of buffaloes, and the' sun. If a girl, the child is taken to the spot nearest to the dairy where women are allowed to go. Naming the Child The child is named after its face has been uncovered. The ceremony is called/^;- vasthpinii, " name we give,'" and it may take place immediately after the ceremony of uncovering the face, or a few days later. In the former case, the child, if a boy, is taken by his father from the place where the buffaloes are standing to the front of the house, and there the father shaves the middle part of the head of the child. Then the boy's maternal uncle {inun) gives the name, and promises a calf, saying, pbl iid todein, " calf one I have given," followed by the name of the child,^ and raises each foot to the head of the boy and touches his forehead, the salutation on this occasion being called kalkartiti Three grains of barley are put into the mouth of the boy and three into his back-hair, and then the grains are thrown away. There was some doubt as to the relative by whom a girl is named. It seemed clear that the name is given by a woman, and I was told definitely by some that it is given by the father's sister {inumi) of the child. The wife of the vmii would also be the mnini of the child, and it is possible that this relative may give the name. No calf is given to a girl, this being only done when boys are named. After the naming, the parents of the child may give a feast if they are rich, but this .seems to be now exceptional. After receiving its name, the child is given food for the first time, having been suckled up to this day, but my notes do not ' For the iialuix' uf ilic name sec Cliapter .X.W'I. XIV VARVU AND CHILDHOOD CEREMONIES 333 make it clear whether the child is weaned at this time or con- tinues to be suckled. When the child is shaved, a bone of a bird called tnatpiiL and a stone procured from the bazaar called kansntimaiii are put round its wrist. The bone is cut into small pieces and strung alternately with pieces of the stone so as to form a kind of bangle. It was said that the child would become ill if this charm were not used, and the name of the stone (/7?« = eye) shows that it is intended to avert the evil eye. The Tersamptplmi Ceremony This is a ceremony closely connected with the naming of a child, but only performed after the second funeral {inarvaiiwlked.}-) of a Tarthar man. It seemed probable that at one time the name was actually given during the tersauipt- pimi ceremony, but as the marvainolkedr of Tartharol now occur only at considerable intervals, it has become the custom to bestow the name in connexion with the ceremony of uncovering the face. The ceremony of tersainptpimi is performed on the day after the funeral, this day being called karvnol, and as in the ceremony of naming, the chief part is taken by the child's maternal uncle. The uncle comes to the village where the child is living, bringing a stake of wood of the wild rose ^ called kadakuidn. He splits the piece of wood into two pieces, each of which is called ketkark, and putting the hair of the child between the two ketkark, he cuts off a lock. If the child is of the Tarthar division, the hair is cut with a piece of sharpened iron called kanab'^ while the hair of a Teivali child is cut with an ordinary knife {turi), but both kaiiab and turi on this occasion receive the special name of tersampki. After cutting the lock of hair, the uncle puts it on one side together with the ketkark and the tersampki, and if the boy has not already been named, the name is now given by the uncle and a calf promised. Before this ceremony, the bangle of bone and stone, put ' Rosa Lesiheiiaultiaiia, - Lit. 'eye arrow.' 534 THE TODAS chap. round the wrist of the child when it was shav^ed, is taken off and replaced by a piece of creeper called peival} After the ceremony "CclQ peival \s removed. There was some doubt as to what was done with the lock of hair. Mr. Natesa Sastri states - that the hair is carefully preserved, but my informants did not confirm this, and it seemed as if they did not even adopt the precaution of hiding the hair, which is generally practised (see p. 268). The Ear-piercing Ceremony The ceremony of piercing the ears is called kevi Mtiti, and may be done at any time from infancy up to even twenty years of age. The ceremony is often delayed until it can be performed for several members of a family at the same time in order to avoid the considerable expense connected with it. The ceremony must be done on a Sunday or Wednesday, and there must be no kedr in the clan, i.e., it must not be performed if the funeral ceremonies of a member of the clan are still unfinished. On the day appointed for the ceremony many guests assemble at the village, and the boys whose ears are to be pierced are dressed in their best clothing. The piercing is performed by two men, one for each ear. One is the mother's brother {niun) of the boy, while the other is a man of the division to which the boy does not belong — a Teivali man if the boy is one of the Tartharol and vice versa. The piercing is done with a piece of a small ring, so fine that it is like a needle. The ring used in this way may be of silver or gold, the latter only being used by the richer members of the community. Each boy then salutes {kalmelpudithti) all those present older than himself, both male and female. Each man as he raises his foot to the head of the boy saj-s : — Tdtienmd, l6rmdmd, pathk md, peda rnd, May it be well, may it be well, may he prosper, may he prosper, (r atiHr bl md, dr mokh pai md. buffaloes 100 may he rule, six sons may he have. ' Probably here /c/ = ilemon (sec p. iSo). - Loc. cit. MV BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD CEREMONIES 335 Each man also gives four annas to the boy and each chief Toda may give one rupee. The salutation of their elders seems to be conditional on this gift of money. One of the most recent cases in which the ceremon\- has been performed was when the ears of six of the sons of Tikievan of Kuudr and his brothers (56) were pierced. On this occasion Tikievan refused to take any money from those present, and the boys only saluted those men who had celebrated the occasion by giving buffaloes to their father. As the kahnelpiiditliti salutation was omitted, the words given above as usually said by each person were on this occasion said collectively by all present while the six boys bowed down their heads to the ground. The ears of these boys were pierced by Teikudr {(^1), the first cousin of Sulnir, the mother of the boys, but regarded according to the Toda system as elder brother of the mother. The representative of the Tartharol who pierced the other ear was Pidrvan (9), probably chosen because he was one of the oldest and most influential of the Todas who lived at Pakhalkudr, not far from Peivors, the home of the boys. After the ceremony all those present receive two balls of the food called asJikkartpimi, even a young child receiving his two balls of food. Each person then makes a hole in his food, into which ghi is poured, and all eat, washing their hands afterwards in water brought from the ars nipa. Only the ears of boys are pierced, and a boy may not enter upon the more sacred offices of the dairy till this ceremony has been performed. Among the Teivaliol, he cannot h&- comQ palol, zuursol, or kaltuiokJi, but he may ho. palikartiiiok/i. Among the Tartharol, a boy cannot hQcon\Q. palikartmokh at any kind of dairy till the ear-piercing ceremony has taken place. In the case of the ceremony for the sons of Tikievan I inquired into the actual expenses of the day. These were as follows : — grain 17 rupees jaggery 10 ,, rice 7 ,, io| kudi of ghi . . 21 ,, tobacco and salt . . 2 ,, amounting to 57 rupees. 336 THE TODAS CH. xiv On the other hand, six buffaloes were given to Tikievan ; two by the Badaga Monegar of Tuneri ; one each from Perner and Tebner (68), whose daughter Sinmokh had married PiHagar, one of the bo}'s. The other two buffaloes were given by Teikudr, the uncle of the boys who had taken part in the ear-piercing. Several of these buffaloes were either given in return for buffaloes which Tikievan had previously given, or Tikievan would be expected to give buffaloes in return when any suit- able occasion arose in the families of the donors. CHAPTER XV FUNERAL CEREMONIES The funeral ceremonies of a Toda may be prolonged over many months. Soon after death the body is burnt and the general name for the ceremony on this occasion is etvai- iio/kedr, the first day funeral (literally, " first which day funeral "). After an interval which ma}' vary greatly in length, a second ceremony is performed connected with certain relics of the deceased which have been preserved from the first occasion. The rites on this occasion are more elaborate than at the etvainolkedr. The Toda name for this second funeral ceremon}' is marvainolkedr, the second day funeral, or " again which day funeral." The final scene, in which the relics are burnt and the ashes buried, takes place before daybreak on the morning following the marvainolkedr, and this part of the ceremony is known as azaranikedr, the name being derived from the asaram, or circle of stones within which the final cremation takes place. The funeral ceremonies are open to all and visitors are often invited by the Todas. In consequence, the funeral rites are better known, and have been more frequently described than any other features of Toda ceremonial. Like nearly every institution of the Todas, however, they have become known to Europeans under their Badaga names. The first funeral is called by the Badagas hase kedu, the fresh or green funeral, and the term ' green funeral ' has not only become the generally recognised name among the European inhabitants of the Nilgiri Hills, but has been widely Z 338 THE TO DAS chap. adopted in anthropological literature. The .second funeral is called by the Badagas bara kedii, the ' dr\' funeral,' and thi.s term also has been generally adopted. I never heard these terms used by the Todas themselves, who always spoke of the etvaiiiolkcdr and the inarvainolkedr, though it seemed that the first funeral might sometimes be called karchokedr, which probabl}' means fresh or green funeral. The funeral ceremonies have undergone some modifica- tion in recent times owing to the intervention of the Govern- ment. Formerly it was the custom to slaughter many buffaloes at every funeral. This impoverished the people and was prohibited by the Government about forty years ago, and since that time the number of buffaloes killed at each cere- mony has been limited to two for each person. This has had most influence on the second funeral ceremonies, which, largely owing to this prohibition, are now much less elaborate and prolonged than in former times. The funeral ceremonies are held at certain appointed places called kertiibdr, different for each clan. Sometimes these places are at, or close to, villages where the people are now living ; sometimes they are at places which were formerly inhabited ; while in other cases, again, there is no evidence that the funeral places have ever been inhabited. In every case, whether inhabited or not, the place where a funeral is held is called a mad, the same name as is used for a village. Each clan has at least two funeral places, one for males and the other for females, and in several cases a clan has more than one funeral place for each sex. Some clans have different places for the two funeral ceremonies, and the Piedrol, who have one outlying branch of their clan at Kavidi in the Wainad, have special funeral places for the first funeral of members of this branch, the second funeral, or niarvamolkedr, being held at the chief funeral place of the clan. Others, again, have a special place for boys who have not passed through the ear-piercing ceremony. In general, a funeral hut (see Fig. 48) is specially built for the reception of the dead body, this hut being usually erected within a stone circle found at the funeral place. At the funeral of a male, this hut is called kertnhdrpali or neilpali. It is XV FUNERAL CEREMONIES 339 left standing; after the funeral and nia)- be used on a second occasion if it has not fallen into too great disorder. Fi\-e clans of the Tartharol possess special dairies, each with three rooms which are used as funeral huts. These buildings are habitually or occasionally used as dairies; but when a man of the clan dies his body is laid in the outermost of the three rooms, either on the dav of the funeral or for two or 4S.— FUNERAL HUT ROUND WHICH WOMEN ARE LAMENTING. SEVERAL I'AIRS ARE PRESSLNG THEIR FOREHEADS TOGETHER. THE HUT IS NOT WITHIN A STONE CIRCLE, SHOWING THAT THE FUNERAL IS NOT BEING HELD AT AN OLD FUNERAL PLACE. three days before it. While a dead body is \ying in the dairj-, women are allowed to enter the outermost room just as the}' may go into any other funeral hut, but they may not pass beyond. Men are allowed to enter the middle room, but the innermost room is only entered by the dair}-man, who carries on his dairy work as usual. Z 2 340 THE TOD AS CHAP. The five villages at which these three-roomed dairies now exist are Nodrs, Taradrkirsi ( Karsj, Keradr, Tim (Pan), and Akirsikodri (Nidrsi;. At Taradr a temporary funeral hut with three rooms is constructed within a circle of stones near the vil- lage. In the outermost room of this hut the corpse is placed, and women may only enter this room, while men may enter both outer and middle rooms as in the three-roomed dairies. In the innermost room \\\q. palikartmokh of the village places a vessel of the kind called ;////, and he onl}- is allowed to enter this room. This temporary building is almost certainly the representa- tive of a three-roomed dair\' which at one time existed at this village; and it is probable that at other male Tarthar funeral places the funeral hut should be made with three rooms, though at present this is not done. In every case the funeral hut which receives the body of a man is called pali, or dairy, and it is probable that at one time among the Tartharol it was the universal custom to place the body of a man in a dairy before the last rites. It is possible that the stone circle within which the funeral hut is built is the representative of the wall surrounding a dairy which formerly existed on the spot. Among the Teivaliol the funeral hut is also called pali^ but there is no instance among them of an actual dairy being used to receive the dead. At the funeral place of women a hut is specially built for the reception of the body, but it is always burnt down after each funeral. This hut is called ars, or house, and has a different name for each ceremony, being called nersars for the first funeral, and knrsars for the second. Each kind of hut is constructed within a circle of stones, and the name seems to indicate that at one time the body of a woman was placed in the house of the village. Here again the stone circle may possibly be the representative of an actual house which once existed at the funeral place. If, for any reason, the funeral of a person is not being held at the proper place, the funeral hut is not constructed within the circle of stones ; thus at the funeral of a girl, Sinerani (see p. 392), the hut was placed by the side of the stone circle XV FUNERAL CEREMONIES 341 because her funeral was being held at the kertnbdf of her father and not at that of her husband. At every funeral place there should be a second circle of stones forming a tu, or buffalo-pen. These pens are now rarely, if ever, used, and are a relic of the time when the ceremonies of the niarvainolkedr were prolonged over two days, the buffaloes being caught and penned on the first day, and killed on the second. A third ring of stones is the arjaram, at the opening of whicli the ashes are buried at the final scene of the funeral rites. There are specially appointed days for the funeral ceremonies. These days differ to some extent for different clans and for the two sexes. Sunday, Tuesday, and Thursday are the most general days for the funerals of males, only two clans having Saturday as a funeral day for men. For females Thursday and Saturday are most frequently chosen, two clans only holding the funerals of women on Tuesdays. In no case could I find that funerals are performed on Monda)', \Vednesda\', or Frida}-. These days are, on the other hand, the most usual days set apart as madnol or palinol} and villages which ha\c their madnol or pali)iol on Sunday or Tuesday do not appear to have their funerals on these days. The general rule is that a funeral must not take place on a madnol or palinol. In several cases I was told that if the maiii, or sacred bell, were used, the funeral must be on one da}^ of the week ; thus for the Karsol, it must take place on Sunday ; for the Kwodrdoni people, on Tuesdaj-. These obligatory days of the funeral ceremonies often involve the necessity of keeping the corpse for several days. I did not make special inquiries into ceremonies of the deathbed, but Marshall states (p. 171) that a man who is not expected to recover is dressed in the ornaments and jewellery of his house, which he will wear till he dies or recovers ; and Marshall mentions an instance of a man who had revived from what was thought to be his deathbed who paraded about, wearing the finer}- with which he had ' The madnol and the palinol arc sacred days on whicli certain activities are prohibited (see Chap. XVII). 342 THE TODAS chap. been bedecked. In this case, it was said that he would be permitted to carry the ornaments till his death. Marshall also states that the relatives give the dying man milk to drink when on the point of death. After death the body should be wrapped in a dark cloth called till, which is of the same material as the ////// worn by the palol and other dairymen, and, like the //////, is procured from the Badagas of Jakaneri. It is doubtful, however, whether this custom of enwrapping the body in the an is now kept up with any regularity. Outside the (in should be an ornamented mantle {pnknnipntkuli) and then a mantle of the ordinary kind. The body of a woman is kept in the hut in which she has died till the day of the funeral, and, with special excep- tions, this is also done with the bodies of men. When a man dies at the village of Nodrs, his body is taken into the three roomed tarvali and placed on the right-hand bed {jneitihi) of the outermost room. While the body is l}-ing here, the building is still used as a dairy, but women are allowed to enter the outermost room except when the palikartmckli is actually engaged in the business of the dair)'. It is only when it is being used as a funeral hut that women are ever allowed to enter a dair}-, and then they may only sit on the left-hand bed — the kitihi. On the day appointed for the etvaiiiolkcdr, the body is carried to the funeral place. In some cases certain ceremonies are performed at the village at which the death has taken place ; thus, at Kars, the body of a man is first laid in front of the kudrpali and then on one of the two eminences called imiidrikars (see Fig. 21), which stand near the dairy, and from this it is taken to the other imudrikars, and after lying here for a while it is borne to the special funeral \'illage of Taradrkirsi. At Kuzhu, another village of the Karsol, the body is taken from the hut and laid by the side of the stone called men kars ; then it is taken to a stone called iinndrikars in front of the kudrpali, and laid with the head at the stone and the feet towards the dair}'. A buffalo of the ordinarj' kind (pntiir) is then milked ; the milk is put into a vessel and from this poured into a leaf cup of kakud lca\es, and FUNERAL CEREMONIES 343 from this cup milk is poured three times into the mouth of the dead man. In other villages at which there is no imtidrikars, the body is laid in front of the dairy and fed with milk in the same way. The body is borne from the village to the funeral place on a wooden bier, called indnpedrkudr (\\ood bier). It is taken by a specially appointed route, and in some cases certain ceremonies are performed by the way. Thus, when the body of a man is taken from Kars to Taradrkirsi, earth is thrown at two places. We shall see shortly that one of the most important features of the funeral of a man is that earth is dug at the entrance of a buffalo pen at the funeral place and thrown on the corpse and into the pen. On the way to Taradrkirsi this is also done at two places, which are probably the situations of the old buffalo pens of villages which have now disappeared. I did not hear of any similar practices for any other clan, but Kars is probably not exceptional in this respect. Before the body arrives at the funeral place the people will have begun to assemble, and when the funeral procession reaches its destination all those present go one by one to the corpse, bow down by the side of the bier, and touch the body with their foreheads. Those older than the deceased and those related in certain ways (see Chap. XXI) bow down at the head of the corpse. Those younger and those related in certain other ways bow down at the foot. When all those present have saluted, the body is placed in the funeral hut, or in the dairy if the funeral is being held at one of the places where funeral dairies still e.vist, and late-comers enter the hut or dairy to perform their salutations. As soon as the body is placed in the hut or dairy, the female relatives and friends of the dead person collect round the hut and lament together in the characteristic Torla manner, arranging them- selves in pairs and pressing their foreheads together while they wail and weep (Fig. 48). While this is going on the men are busied in making preparations for the cremation. A place is cleared in a wood near the funeral place— the inethkndi — and here a pyre is 344 THE TOD AS chap. built of wood, some of which has been brought by the funeral party, while the rest is found near the burning ground. The wood used on this occasion must be of the kind called kers^ and the pyre is built of an oblong shape, rising about three feet above the ground. The first of the funeral ceremonies is different for the two sexes. At the funeral of a male the ceremony o{ pitzJmtpimi^ " earth we throw, " or kedrpuzhutpivii, " funeral earth we throw," is performed, while the corresponding ceremony for a woman is to place certain leaves in the armlet on the right arm of the corpse. The PuzHUTPiiMi Ceremony In the puzlmtpivii ceremony a man digs up a little earth in front of the entrance to the buffalo pen. The digger must belong to the Tartharol, if the dead man is one of the Teiva- liol, and vice versa \ thus, at the funeral of Pursevan (53)"^ of Kuudr, the earth was dug by Kedjeri (6) of Nodrs. In this case the Tartharol were told to send someone to dig, and they selected Kedjeri. At the funeral of a Tarthar man the earth is first thrown by the ivursol, who must be, on this occasion, one of the Teivaliol. A Melgars ii'iirsol may not perform this office. After the ivursol has thrown earth, it is thrown by certain relatives of the deceased who are present. At a Teivali funeral only the relatives perform this ceremon\-, no one corresponding to the luursol taking part. Before the people begin to throw earth, one of the dead man's division asks " PuzJiutkina ?'' — " Shall I throw earth? '' and a man of the other division replies, " /*?/.37/«^ .^ " — "Throw earth ! " At the funeral of Pursevan a Teivali man asked the Tartharol in this wa}-, and the Tartharol responded. At this funeral earth -was thrown by the following : Punat\-an ^53), a \-ounger brother of the dead man ; Kuriolv and Piliar (52), P()teners (54) ; Targners, Pungusivan and Tevo, the sons of the ' Eugenia Aynottiana. This is the tree in which the hole is cut at the pitrsiitpimi ceremony. - This was a marvaiiiolkedr, l)iit the rules fur the earth-throwing are the same at the first funeral. xy FUNERAL CEREMONIES 345 dead man, and Pol, the son of Punatvan. In this case all who threw earth were not only Kuudrol — i.e., of the same clan as the dead man — but were also of the same family, so that their relation to one another can be traced in the L;enealogies. Kuriolv, Piliar and Poteners would all have called Pursevan ^^ aia" or father, and were first cousins once removed according to our system of kinship. I do not know whether the earth throwing is usually limited to the nearer rela- tives in the same clan. The family to which Pursevan belonged was unusually numerous, and it is probable that in most cases other families of the clan are called upon to take a part. At a funeral seen by Mr. Walhouse ^ the earth was thrown into a circle made of rough stones laid upon the grass with an opening on one side, and Mr. Thurston - records a similar case in which the earth was thrown into a circle of stones about a yard and a half in diameter, which had been con- structed for the occasion. This is probably done when the funeral is held at a place where there is no tii, and it is possible that these funerals were not being held at regular funeral places of the clan, and that the circles of stones were intended to represent buffalo pens. At the funeral seen by Mr. Walhouse the ' priest ' handed a bag to the nearest relatives, who tied it to the stick with which they turned up the earth. Each man, as he throws, kneels down, facing the opening of the pen, and then bows down so that he touches the earth with his forehead, many saying " Swaini " as they do this. Three handfuLs of earth are thrown into the pen, and then three handfuls are thrown backwards on the corpse, the man stand- ing up as soon as he has done this. Each man covers his head with his cloak before he throws, as shown in Figs. 49 and 50/^ ' /lid. Ailliq., 1S74, vol. iii. , |i. 274. - Bull., 1 90 1, iv.. p. 12. •' These photographs were oljlnined from .Messrs. Wide and Klein, and I do n\\I\( ON THE CORl'SE. i:aki)i i;\ik\vari)s woman, but if it is a child who is dead the leaves are plucked by the mother-in-law or potential mother-in-law. If a dead woman has no daughter-in-law, it was said that her daughter might pluck the leaves, but at the funeral of Kiuneimi (3), a childless woman, the leaves were sought and plucked by Naburveli, the wife of Mushkers (28), who would have called the husband of Kiuneimi " brother," being of the same family and generation, although only his second cousin according to ' Atylosia CanJollei. 348 THE TODAS our system of kinship. In this case, therefore, the leaves were plucked by a sister-in-law, or, more strictly, by the wife of the 'brother' of the dead woman's husband. In this case both Kiuneimi and Naburveli were daughters of Nodrs men, but this was probably only a coincidence. At the funeral of Kiuneimi, Naburveli was accompanied by a man and by another woman, but it was quite clear that they would on no account be allowed to touch the leaves, which must be plucked by the daughter-in-law or other relative who is performing the ceremony. When found, the tiveri leaves are put by the woman in the armlet on the right arm of the dead woman. Then the men present say to the woman : — '■'■ Parthnl iitchka, tiveri iur parc/i piidthka T'' In the armlet is it put, tiveri leaves plucking have you come ? and the woman replies : — " Tiveri ti'ir parch pttdthpinii, partliul utchpiini, Tiveri leaves plucking we have come, in the armlet we have put, h- paiz ! " the buffalo catch ! The woman thus announces that this ceremony has been completed, and that they may proceed to the next event of the funeral rites, that of catching the buffalo. The tiveri tin- ceremony of a woman's funeral was said to correspond to the earth-throwing ceremony of a man's funeral, but this correspondence may only mean that each is the first of the actual funeral ceremonies. Since, howe\er, a woman belongs to the clan of her husband, the leaves are always put into the armlet by a woman of the same clan as the deceased. In this respect the ceremony resembles that of earth-throwing, but my informants laid stress on the fact that the ceremon}' should be performed by a ntotvilth or other rclative-in- law, and no reference was made to the fact that the}- would be of the same clan. This makes it probable that there is no real correspondence between the two cere- monies. X.V FTXERAL C?:REM0XIES 349 THK SLAl'dHTKR ol- TIIK Bl'FFALOES. The next stage in tlie proceedings is the catching" and kilUng of the buffalo or buffaloes. At the present time the Todas are only permitted by the Government to kill two of these animals, and if the family of the dead person is poor only one m.ay be killed. At the funeral of a man it is customary that one of the animals killed shall be an ordinary buffalo ( piitiir) and the other a sacred buffalo ; one of the pastJiir in the case of the Teivaliol, and usually one of the wursulir in the case of the Tartharol. At least one sacred buffalo must be killed at one or other funeral ceremony for every man, but this may be done either at the etvainol- or the marvamolkedr. Sacred buffaloes are only killed at the funerals of men, never at those of women. When it was the custom to slaughter more than two buffaloes, there was often a rule that these should be of certain kinds ; thus, at Nodrs, it was once the custom to kill seven buffaloes at a man's funeral — viz., two wursulir, two putiir, and one each of the following kinds : nashperthir, pi)ieipir, and persasir. If the family possess no sacred buffalo, they must procure one b}' e.Kchange, and it is customary to give two ordinary buffaloes for one of the sacred kind. There is a definite spot appointed for the slaughter of each kind of buffalo. The ordinary buffalo is usually killed near the funeral hut, and sometimes there is a stone marking the spot at which the animal is to die. The ivursulir are killed at a place usuall}' marked b)^ a stone called teiks. In cases where there is no stone the spot is marked by a wooden post (see Fig. 51), which has the same name, and I was told that it should be made of teak.^ In some cases there are other appointed stones or un- marked spots where buffaloes of other kinds are slaughtered ; thus, at Nodrs there are seven stones, at each of which a ' If the word teiks is the same as that of teak wood it would make it probable that the buffalo was formerly killed by the side of a wooden post and that the use of a stone is secondary. THE TODAS buffalo used to be killed, and the people of Pan have two stones called teiks, one for each division of the clan. The catching of the buffalo is one of the most exciting incidents of a Toda funeral. When only one or two buffaloes are to be killed it is usual to take about four buffaloes from the village of the dead person to the neighbourhood of the funeral place. When the preliminary ceremonies are over, all those who are attending the funeral move towards the place 1 U,. 51. IHh UuuIjLN -lElKs' Ai IXIKITJ. at which the buffaloes are standing, while several of their number are chosen to catch the appointed animal or animals. At the same time, the buffaloes, which are usually standing in some hollow so that they cannot be seen from the funeral place, are driven towards the people. As soon as they appear the ap- pointed men drop their cloaks and race to meet the buffaloes. The buffaloes are driven on from behind in a more vigorous manner tha'n that to which they are accustomed, are more or less infuriated, and often rush wildly about in their efforts to \v FUxNERAL CEREMONIES 351 avoid the racing Todas, one of whom succeeds in catching the appointed animal, seizing it by the horns, and then hangs round its neck with one hand and seizes the cartilage of the nose with the other, -\nother of the men seizes a horn and also hangs round the neck of the animal, and both men put their whole weight on the neck of the buffalo and bear it to the ground. Often they are carried many \ards before they succeed in getting the infuriated animal under control, and when catching the horns they are some- times severely gored, though this rarely happens now, and I could hear of no case in which there had been fatal con- sequences. The men who are appointed to catch the buffalo belong to the Tartharol at a Teivali funeral and to the Teivaliol at a Tarthar funeral. They are usually chosen from among the }-ounger and more agile of the community, but at an important funeral the older and more experienced men may undertake the duty. The catching of the buffalo is critically watched, and some men have acquired great reputations for the adroitness with which they perform the feat. I have some reason to think that it is the custom to catch the buffaloes at different places at the funerals of males and females (see p. 393), but my information on this point is not satisfactory. The captured buffalo has next to be led to the spot appointed for its slaughter. The people of both divisions drive the animal, beating it with sticks, while the course taken by the animal is directed by the two men hanging on its horns and round its neck. The buffalo is beaten much more vigorously than ever happens on ordinary occasions, and it has seemed to many who have watched a Toda funeral that this vigorous beating must have some significance, and the idea of vicarious punishment is naturally suggested. I could obtain no information from the people on this point, and I am doubtful whether the beating means more than that, under the exceptional conditions, the animal requires much more vigorous driving than usual. Ordinarily the buffalo follows out its daily routine with little interference ; it goes to its usual pasture, and, as I have seen myself, it THE TODAS CH. xV may return to the dair}' of its own accord at the proper time. At one funeral at which I was present the buffalo was so alarmed or so infuriated by the proceedings that it lay down and absolutely refused to move, and the efforts of all present were insufficient to drag the animal to the slaughtering place. This incident will be described more fully later, but I mention it here to show that it may often be difficult to driv'C the buffalo, and that the unaccustomed vigour with which the animal is beaten may have a natural and not a ceremonial reason. Before the buffalo is killed two things have still to be done. A bell or its substitute has to be hung on the neck of the buffalo, and butter rubbed on its back, head and horns. If one of the zvursulir is to be killed there is hung on its neck the sacred bell called inani, while the ordinary buffalo or putiir is given only the kzvuugg or household bell. A iiiani may also be used for the varieties of sacred buffalo called nasJiperthir, persasir, &c. Probably at one time there was a jnatii for each kind, but some of the sacred bells have been lost, and it is only in some clans that a bell can now be used. Those clans which have no mani do not use an ordinary bell, but they tie the sacred buffalo to the teiks by means of a piece of the creeper called kakhudri, about two yards in length. This is the case with all the Teivaliol except the people of Piedr and with the Melgarsol among the Tartharol. The kakJnidri is said to be used in place of the mani. The details as to the use of the mani differ somewhat in different clans. The Nodrs people have two mani, called Kodj and Kagur, which are now kept at Odr. When a Nodrs man dies these bells are fetched from Odr by the ivursol and one is hung on the neck of one of the niersgursir and the other on the neck of one of the nasliperthir} After the etvainolkedr these bells are kept outside the conical dairy at Nodrs in a special hole in a stone called karsalb. The people of Kars similarly take their mani to Taradrkirsi for the ' Owing to the fact that the Nodrs people do not kill both of these kinds of buffalo at one funeral at the present time, they now only bring one of the two bells from Odr. 353 A A 354 THE TODAS chap. first funeral and keep it there till the funeral ceremonies are completed. Among the Teivaliol the Piedrol are the only clan to possess a inani, which is called Kerani. It is kept in a wood or shola near the funeral place and lies in an earthen- ware pot buried in the ground. At the funeral of a Piedr man the bell is hung on the neck of a buffalo belonging to the kudeipii'- (the special name for the pasthir of this clan). It is dug up by the Teivali palikartpol and given by him to a Nodrs man, who ties it on the neck of the buffalo. The Nodrs man chosen for this office must bathe on the morning of this day and must go without food till after the funeral. Just before the buffalo is killed butter is smeared on the back of the animal, on the horns and on the part of the head between the horns. This should be done by a man of the same clan as the dead person. The killing of the buffalo is called irkipti. It is done by striking the animal on the head with the back of an axe {jnastli). The animal is usually killed by one blow, though in some cases more are necessary. The wiirsulir are killed by the wursol and the ordinary buffaloes by men of the same division as the deceased, but of a different clan. Certain clans appear to have a prescriptive right to kill the buffalo ; thus, among the Teivaliol, a Kuudr man kills at the funerals of members of all other clans, while at the funeral of a Kuudr man a member of one of the other clans performs this function. Among the Tartharol, the members of the Nodrs and Kars clans appear to occupy the most privileged position, but the relations are more complicated than among the Teivaliol. At a Kars funeral the ordinary buffalo is killed by a man of Nodrs, Taradr or Pan. At a funeral of a member of any of these three clans, a Kars man kills. At funerals in other clans, the buffalo is usually killed by men either of Kars or Nodrs, but in the case of a Kwodrdoni funeral, it seemed that the killing might also be done by a man of Pam or Nidrsi. Each buffalo is killed at the appointed stone or post, and the teiks at which the wursiilir are killed is at some distance from the funeral hut, and a woman is not allowed to approach the spot lest she should see the sacred bell. ' XV FUNERAL CEREMONIES 355 Though there is no definite landmark for the kilh'ng of the piitiir, each buffalo is killed at an appointed spot ; thus, at the funeral of Sinerani (see p. 392), the buffalo at tlie etvainolkedr was killed on the left-hand side of the funeral hut. As soon as the buffalo is felled, the corpse is brought up and placed by the head of the dying animal (Fig. 53). At the funeral of a man, the covering of the body is unfolded and the right hand of the dead man is made to clasp one of the horns. At the funeral of a woman, the body is laid with its feet by the FIG, 53. — THE CORPSE BY THE HEAD OF THE DYING BUFFALO. mouth of the buffalo.^ At the funeral of a Pan man, Kwoten's ring is placed on the finger of the deceased before his hand is made to clasp the horn. Then the men present come to the buffalo and salute it by bowing down and placing their foreheads on the horns and on the head between the horns. The people then group themselves round the buffalo and corpse and cry together by placing forehead to forehead so that their tears and cries mingle. In the case of the sacred ' Some observers have stated that the feet of the corpse are placed within the mouth of the buffalo, but I could not confirm this. A A 2 !56 THE TODAS buffalo, wearing the inani, this circle is composed of men only. The lament ^ usually consists in calling first the name of the buffalo and then speaking of the dead person, not by his name, but by the term expressing the bond of kinship between the lamenter and the dead. Thus at a funeral at which the buffalo killed was called Pundrs, one man would cry : " Pimdrsia, en patch aia ivaneisia, en potch aia O Pundrs, O my father. I could not ascertain the meaning of ivanersia, except that its latter part is the word for buffalo with the vocative termination ' ia.' For a son, a man would cry after the name of the buffalo, " en viokh ilpa " ; for an elder brother, " en potcJi anna " ; and similarly for other relatives. For a wife a man would cry " iza kughia,^' and for a husband a woman cries " iza mokhia " {iza is merely exclamatory). It might appear from the form of lamentation that the buffalo itself was regarded as the father, son, &c., of the lamenter, and I could not satisfy myself as to what the people really had in their minds when they were lamenting in this way. It has been supposed that the lamentation is for the slaughtered buffalo, and I am unable positively to say that this is not the case. It is probable that the people grieve for the departure of one of their much-loved buffaloes, but I do not think that there is any decisive evidence that they are lamenting for the buffalo rather than for the dead person. Within the group of mourners there is much going hither and thither. After two people have mourned together for a while they separate, and each seeks a new partner with whom to lament. When separating, the salutation of kalnielpndithti often takes place, and, as in general, it is the younger of each pair who bows down his head and raises each foot of the other so that it touches his forehead. It seemed to be the duty of everyone to salute certain of the older men in this way ; and round these men there would be a continual coming and going, each person saluting by placing his head beneath the feet of the elder. At times the band of mourners would ' Mure elaborate laments are given on pp. 385-8. 357 53S THE TODAS CHAP. form a confused mass of struggling people, some crying forehead to forehead, others saluting head to foot, while others would be struggling through the mass to seek partners with whom to mourn (Fig. 55). The Cloth-giving Ceremony During or after the lamentation a ceremony is performed which is known as kac/iiitthti^ {kach, cloth, i'lttJiti or iititi, he FIG. 55 — THE MOUR.NERb ROUND THE BODY. puts). The essential feature of this ceremony is that a cloth is given by a near relative of the dead person to those who have married into his family, and the cloth is placed on the dead body by the wives of those to whom it is given. This ceremony takes place at the funerals of both sexes and for members of all clans. It is an inconspicuous ceremony, and with one exception - has escaped the observation of all those who have previously witnessed and recorded the procedure of ^ This ceremony is also called kachputchpimi. - Natesa Sastri, Madras Mail, Aug. aSth, 1S94. xy FUNERAL CEREMONIES 359 Toda funerals. It takes place in the middle of a crowd, who gather round the corpse possibly while the lamentation is still going on or while other ceremonies are in progress. In the first funeral I witnessed the ceremony took place while dancing was going on, and I missed it entirely, though I was told afterwards that it had taken place as usual, and was able to obtain the names of the chief actors. In the ceremony oi kacJiiittJiti, a man belonging to the clan of the deceased gives a cloth to one of his paiol, or brothers- in-law. The latter gives the cloth to his wife or wife's sister, or to some woman whom he would be allowed to marry, and the woman places the cloth on the corpse. The man who originally gave the cloth then takes it from the body and gives it to another /c?/^/, and the ceremony is repeated till the cloth has been given to all \.\\q paiol present. The man who gives the cloth should belong to the same clan as the dead person. At the funeral of a male, the proper person is the father of the deceased, if he is alive, or some other elder of the clan. At the funeral of a woman, a man of the clan of the woman's husband is chosen. Thus, at the funeral of Kiuneimi (3 and 28), a widow of Kanodrs, the cloth was given by Neratkutan (28), who was of the same family as the husbands of the dead woman and the eldest representative of their generation. At the funeral of Sinerani (52), the cloth was given by Tebkudr (68), who was the younger brother of the father of Keinba, the husband of the dead child. The men called paiol, to whom the cloth is given, seem to include all those who have married women of the same clan as the giver of the cloth. Thus, at the funeral of Kiuneimi the cloth was given to Pepob (44) of Melgars, and to Nelkush and Tevo (3) of Nodrs, who had all married women of Kanodrs. At the funeral of Sinerani, the cloth was given to Kuriolv (52), who was the father of the dead child, not, however, for this reason, but because he was the husband of Sintharap, Tebkudr's sister. At this funeral the only other man to whom the cloth was given was Piliag (52), who received it in the place of his brother, Piliar (52), who was not present. The latter, like Kuriolv, was the brother-in-law of Tebkudr (68). 26o THE TODAS chap. If there is no/rt/Tiinkara ! chief, conqueror oh ! Kavanadi pali Kavanadi dairy atdth not born before put carried pert it hi k, you were born, ter buffalo fine kisethik, you made, 7ibdik to the neck piia ? ltd one lid one kiitni council oik man to maiir barren l)uffaloes peithik you went. ^ A play on Pidrvan's name. C C 2 THE TODAS chap. pudr odichi peithik, pan ertevithtk, chosen number beat you went, chosen number you ran before, kal ot odithik peiveli pikidik ninth nd kalvi leg dance you danced ? ? your one new things kisethik, ninth ud kek kisethfk, id kan you made, your one invention you made, to-day eye w//J« dvini, Kars kazun ^dstha ? parsners face I saw, Kars kazun has u come? kzvarzam of kazun podstha? niethkudis inai kooisivini azaratrs kargh has it come ? burning-place at ashes heaped, azarain at grass patevini.^ grew up. The first part of this lament begins with the kzvarzam of the maiir, or barren buffalo, slaughtered at the funeral. It is not quite clear which of the clauses at the beginning refer to the buffalo and which to the man. I do not know the meaning of the second clause. The free rendering of the third and fourth was said to be, " Your horns crept so well ; your horns crept well to the front." The general sense of the other clauses was said to be as follows : " O, your leg like trousers, your horns like a car, your foot is like that of an elephant, you walk with a step like a European soldier, your appearance is like that of a sambhar. I saw you were the most beautiful buffalo of all." It seems probable that the lament so far refers altogether to the buffalo. Then follows, " They said that you would be the parent of the dead, but now you are dead yourself" ; or, " When old people are yet alive, why are young ones taken ? " Then follows the kivarsam of the Kars clan, and the rest obviously refers to Pidrvan himself: " O chief of many villages, conqueror, peace-loving and yet strong man. You were like Kavanadi, who carried the posts of the buffalo-pen.^ O man of wonderful birth, renowned you were born ; you held councils ; you fined some by money and some by buffaloes ; you settled who should marry the women. In ' As both these funeral laments were obtained from Samuel, I cannot guarantee that the method of spelling adopted is the same as that used elsewhere in the book ; this is especially the case with the sign ' th,' which, in agreement with the practice customary in South India, was used by Samuel for the lingual ' t,' and sometimes for a sound for which I have used the letter d. ^ For the story to which this refers, see Chapter XXVIII. XVI FUNERAL CEREMONIES 389 the midst of barren buffaloes you went ; you caught the throats of the buffaloes ; you ran first and caught the buffaloes before the chosen men ; well you danced and shouted finely ; you invented new things. To-day for the last time I saw your face. Has the angel of death come to you? I see nothing but ashes in your burning-place. In your azarani place I see nothing but grass growing." Purification Ceremonies Certain further ceremonies are performed about the time of the first new moon after the iiiarvainolkedr. At one or both of the funerals of a Tarthar man a sacred buffalo will have been killed by the zuursol and the sacred bell {i)iaiii) will have been used. By his acts at the funeral the xvursol loses his office, and by its use on the same occasion the niani is defiled. On the day before the new moon following the funeral all the things in the dairy of the ivnrsol are thrown away. Either a new dairyman is appointed and goes through the usual rites, or the old ivnrsol is re-appointed and has to repeat his ordination ceremonies. This is done on the Sunday after the new moon, which is the proper day for the ordina- tion of a ec7cn-f/, exactly the same ceremonies being performed as those described in Chapter VII. The old ivnrsol puts the niani in the dairy stream {^pali nipa), and if he is not re-appointed, his duties then cease. The new ivnrsol, or the old ivnrsol who has undergone new ordination ceremonies, takes the mani from the stream and purifies it by rubbing it all over with pounded tudr bark and water. He then takes the bell to the dairy, which is now empty, finds a new stick on which to hang it, and puts both stick and bell in their proper place on i\\Qpatatniar. Then the new dairy vessels are purified and put in their places in the usual manner. This purification of the dairy is not done by the Teivaliol, and seems to be only necessary when the mani and the dairy- man who looks after it have been defiled by the funeral ceremonies. In the case of the Nodrsol, the mani between the two funeral ceremonies is kept at Nodrs, and is taken back to Odr on the Sunday after the new moon following the 390 THE TODAS chap. second funeral, and it is at Odr that the purification takes place. Similarly the Kars uiaiii is returned from Taradrkirsi to Kars on this day. I was told that the pepkaricJia ceremony of making new pep is performed after the funeral of a man among the Tartharol, and it seems as if this new appointment of a dairyman and this use and purification of new dairy vessels are regarded as a form of the pepkaricha ceremony. Another ceremony which takes place after the marvainolkedr is designed to purify the places used during the funeral rites and especially the azaram. This ceremony is called kertnodrkarcJipimi, " funeral place we purify," or mutnolnodr- vust/ipiini, " new moon day place (or ceremony) we keep." On the day of the new moon following the second funeral two men of the same clan as the deceased take a buffalo in the early morning from the pen to a spot about half a mile from the village. They wait there till about eleven o'clock, and then kill the buffalo by striking it on the head with a stone. They draw blood from one side of the animal and mix the blood with earth in a basket. The Teivaliol and Melgarsol add tudr bark to the earth and blood. The mixture is then taken to the funeral places and scattered over the spots where the buffalo was caught and killed, where the dead body or the narskedr had lain at the two funerals, at the methkiidi and the azaram. If the places for the ctvainol- and marvainol-kedr are different and far distant from one another, the spots used at the former may be omitted, but the most important place which must always be purified in this way is the azaram. In any case this place is the last to be purified, and the men then throw away the basket and go straight back to their village, where they bathe and take food, having fasted till this time. This ceremony is only performed after the funerals of males. The buffalo killed is called the nodrvitsthpir. The Teivaliol and Melgarsol use a male buffalo calf for the purpose ; the Tartharol, other than the Melgarsol, use an adult female buffalo. No use is made of the flesh of the animal ; the body is left where it falls and is not given to the Kotas. XVI. FUNERAL CEREMONIES 391 After a funeral, the members of the Tarthar clans, except the Melgarsol, shave their heads, but this is not done either by the Melgarsol or Teivalioi. I did not inquire fully into this matter, and do not know what regulations there are in connexion with the practice, or whether it is regarded as purificatory. The Funerals of Children The body of a still-born child is buried at the same time as, and together with, the afterbirth, without any ceremonial. In one case which occurred during my visit, this was done by the woman who assisted at the delivery. The body was buried in the early morning on the day on which the mother under- went the ceremonies attending removal to the seclusion-hut. If a child less than two years of age dies, both funerals are held on one day. The etvai)io/kcdr \.?i\iarvainolkcdr of a Tarthar man (see P- 333)- The ceremony consists in cutting a lock of hair from a young child. One obvious explanation would be ' In Teitnir's lament for Pidrvan (see p. 387) he speaks of a Kars /caztiit, which suggests that each clan has its own kaziin. D D 2 404 THE TODAS CH. xvi furnished if we supposed that the spirits of the dead are malignant and that the ceremony was postponed till after the spirit had set out on his journey to Amnodr, but there are two objections to this explanation. If the Todas had had this in their minds, they would have said that the ceremony might not be performed while there was kedr among the Tartharol, i.e., while the funeral ceremonies of a Tarthar man were still incomplete. For the tcrsaniptpinii ceremony, however, it seems that a child has to wait till after a marvainolkcdr even if there has been no recent death among the Tartharol. Further, if the proposed explanation had been correct, there is no reason why the karvnol, or day immediately after the funeral, should have been appointed for the ceremony. The fact that this day is prescribed points rather to some beneficial influence which it is hoped may emanate from tlie dead. CHAPTER XVII SACRED DAYS AND NUMBERS We have seen that nearly every Toda ceremony has its appointed day or days, and that the choice of these is often dependent on another Toda institution, the sacred day, either of the village or of the dairy. Every clan has certain days of the week on which people are restricted from following many of their ordinary occupations, although they are not the occasions of any special ceremonies. These sacred days are the madnol or village day, and the palinol or dairy day. Another occasion to which the same kinds of restriction apply is the arpatznol, the day of the week corresponding to that on which the father of a man has died. The Madnol and Palinol The madnol is literally the village day. Each village has its madnol, and in some cases it would seem that different villages of a clan might have different madnol, but in general the madnol is the same for the whole clan. Certain things may not be done on the madnol: — (i) ponkistJibgadi, a feast may not be given (lit. feast may not divide, i.e., food must not be shared out). (ii) kedrvilbgadi, funeral ceremonies may not be per- formed. (iii) kzvadrtbgadi, nothing may be given (from the village). Since buying implies the departure of money from the village, a secondary consequence is that nothing may be bought on the madnol, but if anything is given to an inhabitant of the village, he may bring it into the village on this day. 4o6 THE TODAS CHAP. (iv) Women may not leave the village, nor may women from other places come to the village. (v) The people may not bathe nor cut their nails on the madnol, and the men may not shave. Clothes may not be washed, nor may the usual cleansing of the house with buffalo-dung be done. The ordinary meals may be pre- pared, but the people must not cook rice with milk. (vi) The stone called tiikittJikars may not be touched. (vii) The dairyman may not leave the village, and the ordination ceremonies of a dairyman may not take place on this day. (viii) The people may not migrate from one village to another, nor may the buffaloes be taken from one place to another. Among the Teivaliol the madnol is the only sacred day of the week, but among the Tartharol there is also a dairy day or palinol, and if there is more than one dairy there may be one such holy day for each kind of dairy, each named after the dairy, the wursulinol, the kudrpalinol, or the tarvalinol. Similarly, Taradr has a kiigvalinol and Kanodrs a pohnol. On these days milk and ghi may not be given out from the dairy, nor may they be sold. Butter and buttermilk may be distributed, but only to the people of the village. Buffaloes may not be driven on these days. Women may not leave the village, though women of other villages are allowed to come. Cleansing with buffalo-dung must not be done. There was some difference of opinion as to whether money might leave the village on these days. Some said not, but it seemed clear that at Kars money might be taken from the village on the palinol. The rules were said to be the same for the holy days of all kinds of dairy. There are various recognised methods of evading the rules for the holy days, and of avoiding the inconvenience which the regulations might entail on a village. Money may be taken out of the village on the day before the madnol and buried or left in some spot where it can be found on the following day, so that if there is an urgent reason why a purchase should be completed on the holy day this can be done. XVII SACRED DAYS AND NUMBERS 407 Similarly, women who wish to leave the village on a holy day do so before daybreak. They wait outside the village till the sun is up, then return to the village, have their meals and do any necessary work, and may then leave. Having left the village before daybreak, a woman is apparently regarded as ceremonially absent during her return to the village, and by making this false start she is held to be keeping the law. If there is an urgent reason why a woman from another village should come on a niadnol, she must arrive after sunset. If any of these rules are broken, the culprit may have to perform the ceremony of irnortiti or one of the other allied rites. It seemed quite clear, however, that this only happened if some misfortune should befall the offender, his family, or his buffaloes. It would seem that a man might habitually and notoriously desecrate the inadnol, but no steps would be taken by himself or the community so long as things went well with the man. If he should become ill or if his buffaloes should suffer in any way, he would consult the diviners and they would then certainly find that his misfortunes were due to his infringement of the laws connected with the sacred days. As a matter of fact, it does not happen, so far as I could find, that anyone habitually infringes the laws, and breaking the viadnol or palinol rarely forms an occasion for the irnortiti ceremony. The arpatznol. Another sacred day is the arpatznol or arpasnol. This is the day of the week on which the father of a man has died. The father of Kutadri and Kodrner died on a Friday, and every Friday is the arpatznol of these men. I could not learn definitely what are the restrictions for this day, but they seem to be of the same kind as those for the inadnol, though I am doubtful whether they are very strictly kept. Kutadri and Kodrner once drove their buffaloes from Kars to Isharadr on a Friday ; the buffaloes were sick, and they moved them without thinking that it was their arpatznol. THE TODAS chap. Soon after Kodrner fell ill and one of the buffaloes died, and the teuol found that the desecration of the arpatznol\Nd.^ one of the causes, though they had also bought things on a Monday, the Diadnol of Kars. There is much variety in the days appointed as the viadnol or palinol of different villages and clans. My records are very incomplete, but they show the most frequent days to be Wednesday and Friday, which are sacred in six clans. Sunday is sacred in five clans, Monday and Tuesday in three, and Thursday in two, while in no clan, so far as my records go, is Saturday a holy day. It will have been noticed that funeral ceremonies may not be held on a niadiiol, and it seems to be exceptional that funeral ceremonies should take place on one of the dairy days. There is very little doubt that it is the prohibition of funerals on village and dairy days which chiefly determines the choice of funeral days. Thus, at Nidrsi, Wednesday is the madnol, Monday is the wiirsiiltjwl, Friday is the tarvaliiiol, while the funeral of a male is held on Saturday or Sunday and. that of a female on Tuesday or Thursday. Similarly, the village and dairy days of Melgars are Monday and Friday, while the funeral days for males are Sunday and Tuesday, for females Thursday and Saturday. At Kwodrdoni, the village and dairy days are Wednesday, Friday, and Sunday, the funeral days Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday. In a few cases, it would seem that funerals may be held on dairy days ; thus, at Kars Monday is the madnol, Tuesday the zviirsulinol, and Thursday the kiidrpalinol, while the funeral days for males are Sundays and Tuesdays, for females Thursdays and Saturda3's. If a iiiani is used, however, a male funeral must be held on Sunday, and I suspect that the holding of a male funeral on Tuesday is an innovation, and probably the same holds good for the choice of Thursday as a funeral day for females. The funeral rites are not the only ceremonies which have their appointed days. Nearly every ceremonial occasion among the Todas has its prescribed day, and of these cere- monial days Sunday seems to occupy an especially favoured position. As many ceremonies are appointed for this day as xv.ii SACRED DAYS AND NUMBERS 409 for nearly all the other days of the week put together. It is also the most frequent day for the funerals of males, and it seemed to me that whenever it was possible this day was chosen. Several clans, however, have Sunday as the viadnol, and if the laws of this day are observ^ed ceremonies of which feasts form a part could not be performed on this day in these clans ; thus, though I have no definite information on the point, I have no doubt that the irpalvnstJii ceremony could not be performed. It so happens that the clans which have Sunday as their niadnol or palinol are Pan, Kanodrs, Pam, Kwodrdoni, and Pedrkars, all clans seated in outlying parts of the hills about which my information is less complete than in other cases. None of the larger and more important central clans about whose customs I obtained the fullest information had either viadiwl or palinol on a Sunday, and I have very little doubt that in those clans which have Sunday as a viadnol, ceremonies, at any rate of a festive nature, would not be performed on this day. There is little doubt that the great prominence of Sunday as a feast day would have come out less strongly if my information about the outlying clans had been more complete. I must leave this point uncertain, but I have little doubt that with fuller information about the customs of different clans we should find that the choice of days for ceremonies is chiefly, if not entirely, determined by the necessity of holding these on some clay other than the niadnol or palinol. At the same time, there can be no doubt that Sunday is one of the days appointed for a festival or ceremony very fre- quently, and this is especially the case at the //, the procedure of which is to a large extent uninfluenced by considerations concerned with the niadnol dind palinol. Even here, however, these days are not altogether without influence, for certain ceremonial days at the ti are feast days for the clan to which the // belongs, and this would make it necessary that the ceremonies should not be held on the niadnol of the clan. Certain days were said to be feast-days throughout the whole Toda community, but I have no knowledge as to how these 4IO THE TODAS CHAP. days would be kept by those clans on whose madnol they might fall. Several previous writers, when recording the choice of certain days for the funeral ceremonies, have ascribed to the Todas a belief in lucky and unlucky days, in days of good or evil omen. One man, when telling me that Sunday, Wednesday, and Saturday were days on which the irpalvusthi ceremony might be performed at the tarvali, referred to them as lucky days. I think it is extremely doubtful whether the Toda in general has any such belief, and if he has, it is probable that the idea is a recent importation borrowed from the Hindus, among whom the belief in lucky or unlucky days is of course very prevalent. The distinction among the Todas is rather into feast and fast days, using the latter term in a wide sense. It is possible that the institutions of madnol and palinol have grown out of the belief in unlucky days ; that certain things were not done on these days because they were unlucky days, and that so there came into existence a code of rules prescribing what might and what might not be done. The chief difficulty in the way of this view is the fact that the different clans of the Todas have different sacred days. One would expect lucky and unlucky days to be the same for the whole community. The sacred days place very definite restrictions on the intercourse between different clans, and this inconvenience must be increased by the fact that the different clans have different madnol, and there is no obvious reason why this difference in the choice of sacred days should have come about. The distinction between madnol and /<7//;/ as I have endeavoured to show in the last chapter, I think it probable that the sanctity of the bell has arisen by a gradual ' I had no Toda with me when I visited the phice. so cannot speak with. absoUile certainty on the point. 448 THE TODAS chap. process of transference of sanctity from the buffalo to the object worn by it, and I think it not unlikely that this trans- ference may have reached its full development in compara- tively recent times. If my view be accepted, it would still leave open the religious status of the buffalo, and especially of the bell- buffalo, and here, scanty as the evidence is, it seems to me probable that the buffalo was never regarded as a god in the same sense in which this word is used for the anthropo- morphic beings of the hill-tops. In the oldest legends, in which the buffaloes spoke like men, it is clear that they were in subjection to the gods, and were in no way regarded as themselves divine. Some writers on the Todas have supposed that i\\Q paiol is regarded as a god, but at the present time it is certain that he is in no way divine. He is treated with respect, but nothing of the nature of worship or adoration is paid to him. His position among the Todas is exactly that of a priest upon whom it is incumbent to maintain a very high degree of ceremonial purity. That his isolation is not a sign of divinity is, I think, shown by the results of infringement of his isola- tion. If the palol is touched by an ordinary man he loses his office and at once ceases to be a sacred personage, but the person who touches incurs no penalty. The sacrilege, according to Toda ideas, would attach not to him, but to the palol who, in spite of being touched, should persist in per- forming the duties of his office. Whether i\\Q palol may ever have been more sacred in the past I cannot say. An indication that he may at one time have been regarded as divine is to be found in the special clauses of the Kiudr prayer which are uttered on the occasion of the migration of the buffaloes of the Nodrs //. Here the kivaraain of the palol is eupalol, which stands for teiipalol, or " god palol," but in the next kivarsam the same prefix is given to his garment, the tuni, and I have little doubt that these kwarza^n simply refer to the sanctity which attaches to the/«/cj/and his garment as part of the sacred institution of the ti. There is no doubt, however, that, according to tradi- tion, the gods held the office oi palol and that \.\\q palol o( the XIX THE TODA RELIGION 449 N6drs // is the direct successor of the god On, but to what- ever extent On may have passed on his divine character to his immediate successors, there is little doubt that at present the palol has lost any divinity which may at one time have been ascribed to him. It is very difficult to ascertain how far at the present time, according to Toda belief, the gods intervene in human affairs. Each clan is believed to have its iwdrodclii, or ruling deity, but I could not learn what he is supposed to do. In general the nodrodchi of a clan is a god dwelling on a hill near the chief village of the clan, and two clans living near one another may have the same ruler. Thus Teipakh is connected with both Piedr and Kusharf, Atioto with both Kwodrdoni and Pedrkars, while Etepi, who is the nodrodchi of Keradr, and Kuzkarv, the nodrodchi of Keadr, are almost certainly one and the same deity. In the two latter cases a Tarthar clan has the same god as a clan of the Teivaliol. Little can be said about the nature of these connexions between gods and clans, but it is possible that when a clan or a member of a clan is said to incur the anger of the gods it is the nodrodchi who is chiefly offended and inflicts punish- ment in the form of death or disease to man or buffalo. The Todas certainly believe that misfortunes are due to the anger of the gods. It is clear that the various offerings described in Chapter XIII are piacular and propitiatory. They are designed to atone for wrong done and to avert any future evil consequences of the offence which has been committed. The power of the gods is believed to show itself in various ways. In several cases dairies have been disused because the dairymen have died in office, and this was said to have happened because the gods of those places were severe. It was apparently believed that they had visited infringements of the laws regulating dairy ritual with death. The various misfortunes which befell different members of the community as the result of my visit were all ascribed to the anger of the gods. Again, the untoward incidents of the funeral of Sinerani (see p. 391) were ascribed to the anger of the gods because there had been an infringement of funeral custom. These and other cases show clearly that G G 450 THE TODAS chap. the gods are held to be the source of punishment for sins committed by the Todas, and that they may be appeased by offerings. Each of the // dairies has connected with it many deities whose names are especially mentioned in the prayers, and it is probable that for infringements of their ritual these gods are the avenging deities. The attitude towards the gods shown by the formulae used in the dairy ceremonial has already been considered. Though there is no direct evidence in these formulae that there is actual supplication to the deities, it is almost certain that this suppli- cation is implied. The formulae used in other Toda ceremonies have the same general form as those used in the dairy ritual ; and here, again, though there is no direct appeal to deities in the words of the formula, such appeal is almost certainly implied. The formulae of the various ceremonies of the Todas are almost certainly of the nature of prayers in which the gods are asked to give blessings and avert evils. Apart from the formulae of the definite ritual, there seems to be no doubt that the Todas offer supplications to their gods for help and protection. In the formulae used in Toda sorcery appeal to the gods is even more definite than in the prayers of the dairy ritual. In them the names of four most important gods are mentioned, and it seems quite clear that the sorcerer believes that he is effecting his purpose through the power of the gods. Another definite way in which the gods of the Todas are believed to intervene in human affairs is in divination. During the frenzy into which the tenol or diviners fall they are believed to be inspired by the gods. The diviners are chiefly consulted in the case of misfortune, and they are believed to reveal the reasons for the divine displeasure which has been the cause of the misfortune, and to communicate the ways in which the gods may be appeased. The diviners are believed to be directly inspired by the gods, and their name, tcuol^ or "god men," shows how definitely this belief is present in the Toda mind. In this case each diviner is believed to be inspired by a special deity, though sometimes more than one deity may reveal himself by the same man. XIX THE TODA RELIGION 451 In the process of divination men are possessed by gods ; and another example of possession by the gods may be mentioned here, as I have not found a suitable place for it elsewhere. If any of the gods should sit on the back of a buffalo, the animal will go to the hill called Kuratvan, near Neduvattam, and this is said to have happened to two buffaloes in recent times. A buffalo which goes to this hill is allowed to find its own way back, and, provided the buffalo goes only to ettidniad, its course will not be interfered with. One of the two buffaloes above-mentioned travelled back by way of Taradr, a place called Panmtu, Nodrs, Miuni, and then went to its own village. In the chapter on divination I have pointed out that many of the deities who inspire the diviners are not true Toda gods, and this suggests that the practice of divination may have been borrowed from surrounding peoples, in which case caution would be needed in drawing conclusions from the beliefs associated with the practice. I believe, however, that the information given to me on this point is based on recent utterances of the teiiol themselves when in a state of frenzy. Each teiiol was asked by whom he was inspired, and I think it not unlikely that the answers were influenced by the recent associations of the Todas. At the present time none of the gods are ever seen by mortals. As we have already found, the hills where they are supposed to dwell are, in some cases, regarded with reverence ; but I obtained no evidence that the Todas avoid the summits even of those hills where the most important deities are supposed to be, though unfortunately I omitted to put this to the test by asking any of the more scrupulous Todas to accom- pany me to these places. The god-inhabited hills, however, are, in most cases, the sites of cairns and barrows, and the whole experience of those who have excavated these sites seems to show that the Todas exhibit no special reluctance to visit these dwelling-places of the gods. I think that there can be little doubt that most of the indi- vidual gods of the Todas are becoming very unreal beings to those who talk of them. The stories of the earlier gods are now being forgotten, and the ideas of the Todas about them are G G 2 452 THE TODAS chap. very vague. On the other hand, certain gods of obviously more recent origin seem to be replacing, to some extent, the older gods. The lives of Kwoten and Meilitars can be related by many in great detail, but though they seem to inspire more interest among theTodas I cannot say that I observed anything to show that they receive any special worship or reverence. Meilitars is especially mentioned in the Kanodrs prayer, but this would only put him on a level with many objects of no great amount of sanctity. The attitude of the Todas towards these two beings seemed to me to be rather that of people towards heroes than towards gods, though the mythology has raised them to the level of the gods. Nevertheless, the idea of " god " is highly developed among the Todas and I am inclined to believe that the most satisfac- tory explanation of the Toda deities is that the people came to the Nilgiri Hills with a body of highly developed gods ; that round these gods have clustered various legends con- nected with the Toda institutions ; that these old gods have gradually through long ages lost their reality ; that certain heroes have been raised to the ranks of the gods and that the lives of these heroes, founded to some extent on actual fact, have more interest to the Todas and are remembered and passed on while the legends of the older gods are gradually becoming vaguer in the progress towards complete obliviscence ; that the gods as a whole, however, are still re- garded as the authors of punishment and that there is a tendency to make an abstraction of the power of the gods. The Todas, then, show us a stage of religious belief in which gods once believed to be real, living among men and intervening actively in their affairs, have become shadowy beings, apparently less real, invisible and intervening in the affairs of men in a mysterious manner and chiefly in the case of infraction of the laws which they are still believed to have given. The present state of the Toda religion seems to be one in which ritual has persisted while the beliefs at the bottom of the ritual have largely disapjjeared. The Todas are an example of a people whose lives are altogether dominated XIX THE TODA RELIGION 453 by custom and tradition, and on the religious side this domination has taken a form in which ritual has become all-important, while the religious ideas which underlie the ritual have become blurred and unreal or have disappeared altogether. It seems to me that the Todas have had a religion of a comparatively high order for people living in such simple circumstances. During a long period of isolation there has come about an over-development of the ritual aspect of this religion. Year after year, and century after centur}-, the priests have handed on the details of the ceremonial from one to another. The performance of the prescribed rites in their due order has become the all-essential of the religion and the ideas connected with it have suffered. This is shown most clearly in the prayers, in which we have seen that the prayer proper has gradually come to take a relatively subordinate position, and is even in danger of dis- appearing altogether, while the importance of the kwai'zain by which the sacred objects of the dairy are mentioned has been magnified. The dairy utterances, which were probably at one time definite prayers calling on the gods for help and protection, are now on their way to become barren and meaningless formulae. Just as the prayer of the Todas seems to have almost degener- ated into the utterance of barren formulae, so is there reason to believe that the attitude of worship which is undoubtedly present in the Toda mind is becoming transferred from the gods themselves to the material objects used in the service of the gods. I acknowledge that I am here on less sure ground than in the case of the dairy formulae, but the general impres- sion left on my mind by the study of the beliefs and sacred institutions of the Todas is that the religious attitude of worship is being transferred from the gods themselves to the objects round which centres the ritual of the dairy. If I am right in these surmises, we find the Todas to possess a religion in process of degeneration. I do not suppose that this degeneration has been in progress only during the short time that the Todas have been exposed to the injurious contact of the outer world. The study of the Toda religion makes it seem to me most probable that the Todas came 454 THE TODAS chap. to the Nilgiri Hills with a religion of a higher order than they possess at present, with a developed system of gods who were believed to direct and govern the affairs of men, and that by a long and slow process these gods have become unreal, the supplications of the people for their guidance and assistance have become mechanical, and worship has been transferred from gods, not to stocks and stones, but to bells and dairy vessels. At the present time it would seem that even the ritual of the Toda religion is often carried out less carefully than of old. Among the former occupants of dairy offices of whom I made inquiries, I found some who gave accounts so full of inaccuracies and omissions that it seemed unlikely that they could have performed the duties of their offices in a satisfactory manner, and when I had the opportunity of observing parts of the dairy ritual it seemed to me that the ceremonial acts were performed by some of the dairymen in a very perfunctory and slovenly fashion. We have already seen that some of the features of Toda ritual have entirely disappeared, and it seems not unlikely that the same fate may overtake the whole at no great distance of time. In the case of both custom and ritual, the Todas are now often content if they keep the letter of the law, and several examples of the evasion of ceremonial laws have been recorded. We have seen that several of the laws concerning the uiadnol are certainly not kept in the spirit, and only by a stretch of imagination, in the letter. A woman evades the law that she may not leave the village on the viadnol by leaving it before daybreak and returning after daybreak till her work is done. A man takes money out on the day before the madnol and, burying it elsewhere, is able to carry out business which the spirit of the law forbids. In ceremonies, ritual duties which involve discomfort or restraint are assigned to young boys, to whom the restraint is no restraint. A man goes near the palol whom properly he should not approach, but since he does not speak nor is spoken to, he is regarded as ceremonially absent. Objects of value which should be burnt for the use of the dead are sent to the next world ceremonially by swinging XIX THE TODA RELIGION 455 them over the fire, and are then removed. The emblems of womanhood are taken out of the hut when the zviirsol goes there to sleep, but the women themselves remain. Probabl)' the behaviour of the kaltmokh in the sleeping hut during the ceremony after migration (p. 142) is a sign that he should not be there, and is evading an uncomfortable and perhaps dangerous custom. The Todas seem to show us how the over- development of the ritual aspect of religion may lead to atrophy of those ideas and beliefs through which the religion has been built up and then how, in its turn, the ritual may suffer and acts which arc performed mechanically, with no living ideas behind them, may come to be performed carelessly and incompletely, while religious observances which involve trouble or discomfort may be evaded or completely neglected. The Todas, in fact, show us, in little, the general traits characteristic of the degeneration of religion. To people living in the simple surroundings and with the simple life of the Todas we might well look for material to help us to understand the evolution of religion, but, if I am right, we must look for this in vain. If the religion of the Todas is a product of degeneration, it is hopeless to seek among the customs of this people for evidence of the mode of growth of religious ideas and practices. Thus, it is natural that we find among the Todas no clear trace of totemism, or of those ideas connected wdth animals which are probably allied to totemism. There are several reasons why the Todas should not furnish any clear evidence of this frequent starting- point of religion. In the first place, they are people to whom one animal has become so predominantly sacred that it might be expected that any other relations with animals of a sacred character would have disappeared ; the cult of animals in general would have been swamped in the cult of the buffalo. Secondly, if I am right in the supposition I have advanced in this chapter, it is probable that the Todas came to the Nilgiri Hills with the cult of the buffalo or other milk-giving animal already to some extent developed, and if at this time they had customs and beliefs connected with other animals, these would naturally soon disappear if these animals were 456 THE TODAS chap. absent in the new country. At the same time, it is perhaps not without significance that the Todas are allowed to eat the flesh of the sambhar. In their former home, in the low country, it is almost certain that this animal would not have been a totem, and therefore it would be natural that on their reach- ing the Nilgiris they might be permitted to eat it.^ It is doubtful how far the Todas have an idea of a supreme god. At the present time they speak of and constantly appeal to Swami, and they will say that Swami is above all the gods, but I have very little doubt that this is a recent idea. Swami was chiefly spoken of and reverenced by the younger men, and it is quite clear that the name should not properly occur in the formulae of any Toda ritual. Nevertheless, the possibility cannot be excluded that the idea is old. It is probable that at one time there existed direct appeal to gods in the Toda prayer, and this direct appeal may have been to some supreme being who was addressed as Swami. Apart from this question of the meaning of Swami, two deities stand out from the remainder of the Toda gods. One of these is Meilitars, whose cunning was able to deceive the gods, and who was able to perform miracles which were regarded as beyond the powers of the other gods. His story seems to show one way in which a god might rise above his fellows, and might become a supreme god, but this has certainly not happened in his case. There is not the slightest evidence to show that Meilitars is in any way worshipped as a supreme god. There is a much stronger case for the supremacy of the goddess Teikirzi. Teikirzi is said to be the foundress of many of the Toda institutions ; the final explanation of all things in the Toda mind is that " it is the will of Teikirzi." She is said to be all-pervading, and ^ I do not wish to lay any stress on this argument, for, as I have already indi- cated, it is possible that the eating of sambhar is a recent innovation, which has arisen since the advent of Europeans to the Nilgiris. Also I do not wish to indicate by the above that I commit myself to a belief in the universality of totemism as a stage in religious development, I only wish to point out that if this has been so, the Todas furnish a good case in which we might expect all traces of this descent to have disappeared or to have become so blurred and scanty as to be of little value. XIX THE TODA RELIGION 457 is regarded as the ruler of this world ; she is mentioned in many of the sacred formulas, and of the occasional kivarzaDi uttered by the Todas on various occasions by far the most frequent are those of Teikirzi Tirshti. Teikirzi is undoubtedly the most important Toda deity, and yet she is not so pre-eminent that she can be said to be in any way a supreme god. Though she is the ruler of this world, it is On who rules the world of the dead. Influence of other Religious Systems The Todas show undoubted signs of the influence of Hinduism on their religion. It would be quite easy for a visitor to the Todas to talk to some of the younger and more sophisticated men and to go away believing that the Todas differed little from the surrounding tribes in their religious beliefs. In my first conversation with the Todas on religious matters I was told that they worshipped the following six gods : — Nanjandisparan, whose temple is at Nanjankudi in Mysore ; Petkon or Betakarasami, whose temple is at Gudalur; Punilibagewan, whose temple is called Punilikudi and is near Cheirambadi ; Mari, a female deity, with a temple called Marikudi near Pokapparam ; MagoH, another female deity, with a temple near Kodanad on the Nilgiris, and Karmudrangan,^ whose temple is near MettapoUayam. Four or five of these gods are probably Hindu deities, while Magoli may be a deity of the Kurumbas or Irulas. At the present time there is no doubt that their temples are visited by the Todas and offerings made to them. The most frequent motive for these offerings appears to be the desire for children. The Todas now pray to these gods, most commonly for this purpose to Nanjandisparan, Magoli or Karmudrangan, and if a child is born it is taken when one year old to the temple, its head is shaved, and an offering, usually in the form of an image of the child, given to the priest. Rice is also given, sufficient, it is said, to feed loi men, and the proceedings are said to cost the Todas ' These were the names given to me by the To 26 18 36—40 „ 26 27 31—35 >. 40 25 1 26—30 ,, 40 33 21—25 >. 38 28 16 — 20 ,, 32 31 11-15 „ 41 20 6 — 10 ,, 54 33 5 and under 44 45 Total 419 317 The ages upon which this table is based could only be obtained very roughly, and the figures must be taken merely as rough approximations to the truth. The irregularities of the table may be due partly to this defect, but it is very improbable that there are about the same number of children of five and under as of children between six and ten, and we may be fairly confident that but for omissions the numbers of the youngest group, especially of boys, would have been larger. I have reason to believe, further, that I have not omitted any appreciable number of adults or children over five years of age. I tested 320 males and 183 females for colour- 470 THE TODAS chap. blindness, and as I was anxious to test every member of the community who was old enough, I obtained towards the end of my visit the names of all those who had not been tested. I only attempted to test children when over five years of age, and I have therefore an independent record of the living Todas above this age, so that it is fairly certain that the greater part of the deficiency in the genealogical record is of children about or below the age of five, though it is possible that I may also have missed a certain number of women. This deficiency does not in the slightest degree affect the value of the pedigrees as a record of marriages or of the working of social regulations, but it does impair the value of the statistics concerning the average size of a family and other matters of biological interest, though only for the last generation. On looking through my genealogical tables, it will be seen that different clans and families differ very greatly in the fulness of their record. In some cases I have pedigrees going back to the great-grandfathers of men now in middle life ; in other cases I have only the names of the fathers of such men. The briefness of the record is especially marked in the case of the outlying clans, such as Kvvodrdoni, Pedrkars, and Pam, which I only visited for short periods. During these visits there was so much to be done that something had to suffer and the genealogies were usually the victims. If I had had more time, I have little doubt that I could have obtained much fuller records in many cases. Buffalo Pedigrees Marshall has stated that the Todas preserve the pedigrees of their buffaloes in the female line, and when I had found how carefully the Todas preserved their own pedigrees my next step was to endeavour to ascertain if the pedigrees of their buffaloes were preserved with the same amount of care and completeness. I returned to this subject again and again, but with very imperfect success. The Todas always treated my inquiries on this subject as if they were trifling and ridiculous. It is possible that this was one of the points on XX- GENEALOGIES AND POPULATION 471 which they were reticent, but I am inclined to think that I was told all there was to tell. To a certain extent it is correct to say that the pedigrees of the buffaloes are preserved, and in the female line only. If any given buffalo were taken as the starting-point, the owner could usually tell me the names of the mother of the buffalo and of the mother's mother, and occasionally I obtained the names of the immediate ancestors in the female line for four generations. Thus, Nertiners of Taradr (24) had a buffalo named Karstum who w^as the daughter of Idrsh. Idrsh was the daughter of Persud, who was the daughter of Neruv, who was the daughter of Kiud. Another of his buffaloes, Keien, was descended from Koisi, Neruv, and Kasimi in the order named. I could not ascertain that the Todas kept any record of the collateral lines of descent, nor was there, so far as I could find, any idea of kinship between buffaloes descended from the same recent ancestor. Two buffaloes born of the same mother would be known, of course, to be sisters, but no importance seemed to be attached to the relationship. An obvious reason for the limitation of the pedigrees of the buffaloes to the female line is the fact that only female buffaloes are named, so that there are no means of recording male parentage. We shall see later that among themselves the Todas attach little importance to paternity, and the same indifference is found in their attitude towards their buffaloes. The essential reason for the nature of the record of buffalo- descent is the complete absence of desire to maintain the purity of the breed, even of the most sacred herds, and the complete lack of attention to ties of consanguinity between buffaloes mated together. The Toda Population The chapters on kinship and marriage will furnish object- lessons on the method of application of the knowledge derived from the genealogies to the study of social regulations. In the remainder of this chapter I propose to consider various problems connected with population, of biological as well as 472 THE TOD AS chap. of sociological interest. The data derived from the genealogies are here of distinct service, though, for reasons already con- sidered, their value is not so great as in the investigation of social regulations. Records of the numbers of the Todas have been taken at various times, beginning with what must have been a very- rough estimate made by Keys ^ in 1812, in which the number of the Todas or Thothavurs was placed at 179. In 1821, Ward- estimated the numbers of men and women at 140 and 82 respectively, of whom the great majority lived in the Todanad district of the hills. Hough -^ in 1825 found the population to consist of 145 men, 100 women, 45 boys, and 36 girls, altogether 326. In 1838, Birch ^ gives the population as consisting of 294 men and 184 women, amounting to 478, but elsewhere in his paper he says that the number of the Todas was computed at about 800. In 1847, Ouchterlony^ found the number of the Todas to be 337, made up of 86 adult males, 87 male children, 70 adult females, and 94 female children. The proportion of males to females is only 173 to 164, showing a very much smaller pre- ponderance of males than in any other estimate before or since. In 1856, Grigg'^ gives 185 males and 131 females, altogether 316. In 1866, Grigg gives the population as 704. If the estimates of this year and that of 1856 were correct, it would show that the population had more than doubled in ten years. It is evident that the census of 1866 is the first which gives any- thing approaching an accurate record of the Toda population. Even in this year there is one obvious source of error, for it would seem that those living at the foot of the hills, near Gudalur were not included, and probably twenty or thirty, if not more, would have to be added on this account. ^ QiiQ^'^'i Manual of the Nilagiri District, 1880, Appendix No. 17, p. xlviii. - Ibid. App. No. 20, p. Ix. ^ Letters on the Neilgherries, London, 1829, p. 75. ■* Madras Jonrn. of Lit. and Science, 1836, vol. viii, p. 86. ® Ibid., 1848, vol. XV, p. I. ^ Manual, p. 27. XX. GENEALOGIES AND POPULATION 473 For the census of 1871 the records are conflicting. On p. 29 of the Manual, Grigg gives the numbers as 693, 405 males and 288 females. On p. 187 he gives instead of these numbers 376 males and 263 females, making a total of 639. Breeks gives the latter numbers and also a revised result which brings out the total population as 683. This figure, or the earlier of Grigg's figures, evidently approximates to the correct population, which shows a slight falling off as compared with five years earlier. In the census of 1881, the numbers would appear to have continued to diminish, the population being put at only 675 ; 382 males and 293 females. In 1891, the number had risen to 736; 424 males and 312 females. In the census of 1901, which was taken with especial care to record all the Todas, there were found to be 45 i males and 354 females, making together 805. The population as recorded in my genealogical tables com- piled in 1902 was only 736 ; 419 males and 317 females. My numbers fall far short of those of the census taken a year previously. As I have already pointed out, my genealogies are untrustworthy as a record of the young children of the community now living, and it is possible also that I have omitted a certain number of women. The excess of men over women is distinctly greater in my figures than in the census of 1901, and this may be due to the fact that I failed to hear of a certain number of widows or unmarried women or girls. If so, it is probable that these defects are in the genealogies of the Teivaliol, and it is in them that the excess of men is greatest. The earlier records of the population are certainly far below the mark. Captain Harkness, writing in 1832, estimates the attendance at a funeral at 300 men, nearly half that number of women, and about as many boys and girls. Those seen by Harkness may not have been all Todas, since Badagas and Kotas undoubtedly attend Toda funerals, but we may safely call this a total attendance of 500, which would show that the records of Hough in 1825 and of Birch in 1838 are far below the mark, and that Birch's rough estimate of 800 is 474 THE TODAS CHAP. probably far more nearly correct, and may even have been too small. The records have probably been fairly complete since 1 866, and if so, they show a falling off in population from this date till the 1881 census. It is, however, possible that the gradual increase in numbers during recent censuses has been due to the greater care taken at each succeeding census. Unsatisfactory as the records are, they seem to point to a diminution of population about the middle of the last century, which ceased between 1880 and 1890, since which time the population has probably increased. Mr. R. C. Punnett^ has analysed the data furnished by my genealogical records to ascertain the average size of the Toda family. He divided the families recorded in the genealogies into four groups : (A) those where the eldest child would in 1903 be over 90 years of age ; (B) those where he would be between 60 and 90 ; (C) and (D) those where he would be between 30 and 60 and between o and 30 respectively. He has recorded the results for Tartharol and Teivaliol separately in the following table. Group. Tartharol. Teivaliol. ' 1 No. pf families. Average size of family. 6 s per IOC 9 s. No. of families. Average size of family. ., to the husbands of all those who are of the same clan and generation as the mother. Elder brothers of the father (either own brothers or clan-brothers) arc often addressed as pentdaia, while }'ounger brothers arc called kariidaia, and in speaking of such men the expressions "^// i)i pcrud'^ and ^" cu i)i kariid" would be used. When a man speaks of one of his more remote fathers, and it may be doubtful of whom he is speaking, he may add the name of the man ; thus Siriar (20) would speak of Paniolv (26), the husband of his mother's sister, as " Pant in!' Av. A mother is spoken of as rn av or tan av, and ad- dressed as ava. These names are also applied to the wife of a father other than the actual mother, to the sisters of the mother, to the wives of the father's brothers, and to the sisters of the wife's father. Every woman of the same clan and generation as the mother is an a7'. In general the wife of an /// is an (TV. As in the case of the /;/, a distinction is made between the elder and younger sisters ot the mother, the former being addressed as perudava and the latter karudava. Similarl}' the wife of an elder brother of the father \9< pcnidava and of a younger knnidava. Such relatives ma)' be spoken of as "cdki(g/i. A Nounger sister is spoken of by this name, which is also gi\cn to all the female members of the same clan and generation, but j'ounger than the speaker. Such a relative is addressed b)' the same term as is applied to a younger brother, viz., eiida. Two sisters of the same age are egiil and ega/a to one another. These terms for " brother " and " sister " are also applied to one another b)- the children of two sisters. Thus a man would call the son of his mother's sister an, and address him as ninia if the latter were older than himself, and would be spoken of b\' the latter as en nbdrved and addressed as cnda. If of the same age they would be cgal or egala to one another. Similarl)- a man addresses the daughter of his mother's sister as akka or cnda according to age. I am doubtful how widely the terms for brotherhood and sisterhood are applied in this case. I do not know whether the children of two women of the same generation in a large clan like that of Kars would call one another brother and sister. Thus the children of two brothers are brothers and sisters, and the children of two sisters are also brothers and sisters, while, as we shall see shortly, the children of brother and sister receive another name. The children of two sisters belong to different clans except in those cases in which the sisters have married men of the same clan. Thus a man may have brothers and sisters in several different clans. Mun. This is the name of the mother's brother, of the father's sister's husband, and of the wife's father. The last is also spoken of as paiol together with other relatives of the wife. In the case of the orthodox Toda marriage, in which a man marries the daughter of his mother's brother, or of his father's sister, the mun is at the same time both wife's father and either mother's brother or father's sister's husband, but the wife's father is still called mun ev^en when a man marries a woman to whom he is unrelated. The term mun is not onl)^ applied b)- a man t(j the own brothers of his mother, but also to her clan-brothers. When a man has many mun, he may show to which he is THE TODAS chap. referring by mentioning his name; thus Siriar (20) would say " Karsiiln mn7i " if he referred to this relative, the husband of his father's sister, and he might speak in the same way of a clan-brother of his mother. A distinction is often made between older and younger 7/iun ; thus, if a man's mother had two brothers, the elder would be called en viiui peritd dind the younger ^« ;;/;/;/ kantd. A inuii is addressed as nunna. Mmni. This is the name of the father's sister, of the wife of a mother's brother, and of the wife's mother, the terms brother and sister being again used in a wide sense. In general, the wife of a inun is a nmnii. - A mmni is addressed as inimia. Manniokh. A person would apply the term inanniokh to his sister's son and his wife's, brother's son. It is a term reciprocal to mun in so far as this term is one for mother's brother and father's sister's husband. I am not quite certain whether it would be used for a son-in-law who was not also a sister's son, but I am almost certain that this would be done The term is also applied to the sons of clan-sisters, and when used in this more distant way a distinction is sometimes made. En manmokJi would mean " my (own) sister's son," Em manmokh, literally " our sister's son," would be used for children of a more distant sister. Mankugh is used in exactly the same way as manmokh for sister's daughter, &c. MatcJinni. This is the term applied to one another by the children, both male and female, of brother and sister. While the children of two brothers are brothers or sisters {an, egal, akka or nodrved) and the children of two sisters are also brothers and sisters, the children of a brother and sister are niatcliuid. In other words, the children of an individual's mother's brother or of his father's sister are the matcJiuni of the individual. When a man addresses his male matcJinni\\QQ.2\\'s,\\\m. anna, egalaox enda, according to their relative ages. Similarly when a woman addresses her female matc/iuni, she calls her akka, egala or enda, according to age. XXI KINSHIP 489 When a man addresses his female inatcliniii, he calls her either taamok/iia or kughia (see below). He gives her the former name because he is allowed to marry her ; she is a woman who might normally be his wife and he therefore addresses her as wife. Similarl}' a woman addresses her male niatcJiuni as olia ; she calls him husband because he may become her husband. As in the case of other relationships, a man may define more exactly of whom he is speaking when he refers to a inatc/iiiiii, and ma}' say instead eu nninlaigJi, the daughter 01 my fuun. Two kinship terms are thus used which resemble one another closel}-, but have very different meanings : — en niunkugli, my uncle's daughter, and en niankugJi, m)' sister's daughter. Oly husband. A woman speaks (^{ her husband as en 01 and addresses him as alia. Kotvai and ta.-:niok/i, wife. A man speaks of his wife as en kotvai, and addresses her as tarjuiokhia. Paiol. This is a general term for the male relatives of the wife. It is applied especially to the wife's father, the wife's brothers, and the brothers of the wife's father. It seemed that this term should onl)' properly be applied to the near relatives of the wife. Those whom the wife would address as aia, aiuia, or enda, because members of licr clan, need not be called paiol by the husband. Paiol is a reciprocal term, and it is therefore applied by a man to the daughter's husband, the sister's husband, and to the husband of th.e brother's daughter. A paiol is addressed as anna, egala, or e/nla, according to age. Motviltli. This term is the equivalent of daughter-in-law and is applied by a man to his son's wife. A woman is also the inotvilth of the brothers of her husband's father. A )iiot- vilth is addressed as ena. There did not seem to be any brief term for the sister of a wife, and a man would speak of her as en kotvai akkan if older, or as en kotvai nbdrved if younger than the wife. Sometimes the Todas add to some of the kinship names 490 THE TODAS CHAP. the word potcJi, which is said to have the meanings " beget- ting " or "begotten." I met with this especially in the lamentations used at funerals. A man would sa}% ">// potcJi aia " — " O my father which begot me " ; " en potcJi anna " — " O my elder brother begotten with me." For a younger brother, however, this word would not be used ; a man would not say, "^.7 potcJi nodrved ial' because ved has the same significance as potdi, nbdrved meaning also " born with " or " begotten with." Every male of a man's own clan is either his plan ; his in ; his an, egal, or nbdrved ; his nwkJi, or his nwkli pedvai nwkJi. In most cases a clan consists of several families, and these families may be unrelated to one another so far as the evidence from the genealogical record goes. Nevertheless, every Toda knows exactly the proper kinship terms to apply to all the members of his clan. I inquired in detail into the basis of this knowledge in the case of the Taradrol, consisting nf six/^V;// or divisions. All the members of each/^/w trace their descent from a man whose name is known, and the pedigrees of the six//'/;;/ are given in the genealogical tables 20 to 25. It was known that three of these //V;;; were closely related to one another, and that the other three were also closely related. The following table expresses the relationship in the first case : — 1 1 TKITIII 1 NASIDZ 1 I'ERATUTIII 1 (See 20) (See 22) (.See 21) It was not perfectly certain whether Teithi and the two men whose names were not remembered were own brothers, but it was known that they were closely related and of the same generation. They were certainly clan-brothers and possibly own brothers. The kinship names applied by members of the three pbbn to one anc^ther were all in ac- cordance with this scheme ; thus, there was no one living in these three pbbn whom Siriar (20) called aia ; he would have given this name to Nasidz or Peratuthi if they had been XXI KINSHIP 491 alive. lie calls Arthothi and Parkeidi diniii \ tlicy arc the sons of Peratuthi, who was of the same i^eneration as Siriar's father. The following are called iiiokh or cna : — Piildenir, Keinodz, Idrshkwodr (21), Polgar, Pundu, Keinmuv, and Piishtikiidr (22), although at least one of these men is older than Siriar, and several others are approximately of the same age. Similarl}', Muners (21) is the Diokh pcdvai i/iok//, or grandson of Siriar. The other three pbliii of the Taradr clan are known to be related in a similar wa}- : Kiusthvan (23), Pachievan (24), and Pungut (25) being either own brothers or men closely related and of the same generation. I was thus able to ascertain definitely how each member of the first three pblni knew the appropriate name to be given to members of these families, and similarly how members of the other three //^/w knew the exact terms of kinship to apply to one another. Each member of the first three pblj/i. also knew, however, the proper kinship terms to apply to members of the other three / Since, owing to the viokhthodvaiol connexion, a Tarthar woman may have a Teivali mun and vice versa, the kalniel- pudithti salutation takes place between people of the two divisions, and I have often seen a woman of one division placing her head beneath the foot of a man of the other division. When a person meets one of his kin, he uses a form of greeting which depends on the nature of the relationship. Most of these greetings consist of some form of the word /// or itvi, which was said to mean " blessing " or " bless," together with the kinship term. A man would greet an elder brother or anyone whom he would call anna by the word " tioil',' cut very short so as to sound like a single syllable. This is a corruption of iti an)ia. A person greets a younger brother or one whom he would call enda by uttering his name followed by the word ers, as in " Sakari ers," " PakJnvar ers." A father is greeted as itiai, a mother as itiava. An elder sister as itiakka ; a younger sister as itvena, and this latter form is used for any female relative younger than the speaker. It is the duty of younger female relatives to perform the kalmelpudithti salutation, and as soon as a man says itvena, the woman at once bows down and places her head beneath the raised foot of the man, helping him to raise it at the same time. A mother's brother or father- in law {ntun) is greeted by itinion and a ninmi is greeted by itimiinia, but so slurred as to be hardly recognisable. The grandfather and grand- mother are greeted in the words itin pia and itin piava. Whenever a new Toda came to join people who were with me, there would be a chorus ot greetings, and the newcomer would look round carefully to see who was present, giving to each his proper salutation and obviously taking the greatest care that no one was overlooked. Since the relationship of brother is the most frequent, the greetings heard most often on these occasions were " tion " and " . .. . ■. ers." The regulation of salutation by kinship applies also to K K 498 THE TODAS CHAl'. the salutation of the dead. When the body first reaches the funeral place it is saluted by all present, and in the case of kin, the mode of salutation varies with the bond of kinship. Those related to the deceased as ///, av,pian, piav, inuH, iniuni, an, or akkaii, bow down at the head of the corpse and touch the body with their foreheads, while all those whom the deceased would have called eiida or ena bow down at the feet. The place saluted by those who are not kin is determined by age, but in the case of kin, the bond of kinship is more important than the age, so that the former condition determines the mode of salutation. Thus at the funeral of Kiuneimi (3), Kodrner (7) saluted at the head of the dead woman. He was the younger, but was her i/iiin owing to the fact that Kiuneimi's step-mother Kureimi, was a Kars woman whom Kodrner called sister. The DuTn=;s of Kin The funeral ceremonies provide the greatest number of examples of kinship duties, the parts taken by many of the mourners being determined largely by their bonds of kinship to the deceased. The place of chief mourner is taken by the brother or son of a dead man, by the husband of a dead woman, and by the father of a dead child, though, at the funeral of a girl, the husband plaws the most important role. Various duties fall to relatives of the same clan or of the same family of the clan. The earth-throwing at the funeral of a male, the smearing of butter on the buffalo, lighting the pyre at the first funeral and the two fires at the azarauikedr, and ringing the bell at the final scene, are all performed by near relatives of the same clan and family as the deceased. Cutting off a lock of hair and mixing food are acts per- formed by the chief mourner, who is of the same clan as the deceased, whether brother, son, husband, or father. The }}ia)nnokh, or sister's son (who may be also son-in-law), has certain definite duties. Formerly, when many buffaloes were killed, one was alwa\'s given b\- the sister's son, and he still gives a thread cord, called peiniar. Alany other relatives give these cords, but that given b)' the uia)iuiokk is especiall)- XXI KINSHIP '499 honoured in that it is put round the body of the dead man inside his cloak, and not merely laid on the covering of the body as are the others. The miin does not appear to have any duties at a funeral, though in old days he contributed a buffalo, and, at the present time, one of the two buffaloes slaughtered may be given by the iniin or other representative of the mother's family. The matchuni (child of a maternal uncle or of a paternal aunt) has several duties, of which the most important are those at the irsankati ceremony of the azarainkedr. The other duties are the secondary result of the marriage regulation \\hich makes the matchuni the natural bridegroom or bride, and, in consequence, it is the niatchuni who performs the pursiitpimi ceremony at the funeral of an unmarried girl. Similarly, the niatchuni may take the place of a paiol at the cloth-giving ceremony. The duties which have, however, the greatest social interest are those performed by the relatives by marriage. At the funeral of a woman certain ceremonies, such as that in which leaves of the tiveri plant are put in the dead woman's armlet, the nrvatpinii ceremony for an unmarried girl, rubbing the relics, lighting the fire at the af^arainkedr, and burning the funeral hut, should be performed by the daughter-in-law of a woman or the mother-in-law of a girl. These relatives are, however, of the same clan as the deceased, owing to the fact that a woman becomes a member of the same clan as her husband ; and I am therefore doubtful how far these relatives perform the duties in question as members of the same clan, and how far as relatives by marriage. Some of the duties, such as lighting the funeral fires, are done by men of the same clan at the funeral of men ; and I am therefore inclined to believe that they are performed by a woman for this reason and not because she is mother-in-law or daughter-in-law, but this point is one which must remain indefinite with our present information. Similarly the duty of covering the head is a little difficult to understand. The head of a widower is co\cred (sec p. 365) by one of his paiol — his father-in-law or his brother-in-law— and in this case it is clearlx- a dut\' which falls to a relative by K K 2 joo TME TODAS chap. marriage, but the head of a widow is covered by her own father or by someone of his clan who takes his place. The plausible explanation appears to be that the covering is performed by the father of the woman, not as father of the widow, but as father-in-law of the dead man. Those who have married into the family of the deceased, the paiol, have to make certain contributions towards the outlay for the funeral, and it is in connexion with one of these contributions that the interesting ceremony of cloth-giving occurs. The essential feature of the ceremony seems to be that a cloth passes between a relative or representative of the dead person and those who have married into the family of the dead person, and the ceremony involves a money payment to the family of the dead person from those who have married into the family. The ceremony is one which links the funeral ceremonies to those of marriage. In other ceremonies of the Todas the parts playeci by different kin are far less conspicuous. The intin or mother's brother has, however, several important functions. To him falls the duty of naming a child, on which occasion he has also to give a calf. He takes the chief part in the tersauipt- piiiii ceremony, in which he cuts the hair of the child with a special ritual. In the ear-piercing ceremony the maternal uncle pierces one ear, and in the special case of which I have a record, he gave two buffaloes towards the expenses attendant on the ceremony. It is probable that a girl is named by her ;////////, or father's sister, but this is a point on which I am not quite sure. Under certain conditions iiiatcJiinii, when associated together, have to perform certain ceremonial acts. When two male matcJuDii eat rice and milk together, they must first ask each other, ''pa toy tiiikiiia?" "Milk food shall I eat ? " and if they eat honey together, they must say " teiii tinkina ? " Two female inatchuui eating together must also use these formula:, but they are not said when a man is eating in company with his female inatchuui, though possibly the two would never actually eat at the same time, Male inatcluini have also to go through a ceremony when XXI ■ KINSHIP 501 they pas-s in company over either of the two sacred rivers of the Todas, the Paikara (Teipakh) and the Avalanche (Pakhwar). As the two men approach the river, they pluck and chew some grass, and each man says to the other "//> tudrikina, pa kudrikina ? " — " Shall I throw the river (water), shall I cross the river?" or, instead of the second sentence, the}' ma}' say '' po pukJikina ?'' — "Shall I enter the river?" They then go to the side of the river and each man dips his hand in the water and throws a handful away from him three times and then the}' cross the river, eacji with the right arm outside the cloak as is usual when crossing these sacred streams. If the uiatcliuni cross on a Tuesday, Friday or Saturda}'^ they do not throw water, but are content with chewing the grass, and if the funeral ceremonies of a person belonging to the clan of either are not complete the water will not be thrown. This ccremon}' perfoimed b}- iiiatcliiDii when crossing a sacred river was said to be connected with the legend given on p. 592, in which two matcJiniii 7\xq concerned. • I'lMperly tlic ii\er shmild not he crossed at all on itiese days (see p. 41S). CHAPTER XXII .MAKKTACK The custom of infant marriage is well established among the Todas, and a child is often married when only two or three }'ears of age. When a man wishes to arrange a marriage for his son, he chooses a suitable girl, who should be, and very often is, the matchnui of the boy, the daughter of his mother's brother or of his father's sister. The father visits the parents of the girl, and if the marriage is satisfactoril}- arranged he returns home after staying for the night at the village. A few days later the father takes the boy to the home of his intended wife. They take with them the loin-cloth called tadrp as a wedding gift and the bo)- performs the kalinelpiidif/iti salutation to the father and mother of the girl, and also to her brothers, both older and younger than himself, and then gives the tadrp to the girl. Father and son sta}' for one night at the girl's village and return home on the following morning. Sometimes the girl returns with them to the village of her future husband, but, much more commonl}% she remains at her own home till she is fifteen or sixteen years of age. If a man has not been married in childhood he ma)- undertake the arrangement of his marriage himself, and visit the parents of the girl unaccompanied by his father ; and in this case the girl ma)- at once join her husband if she is old enough. From the time of the child-marriage the bo\' lias to give a tadrp twice a year until the girl is ten years old, when its place is taken by ^ putkuli. The tadrp which is given at first is very small, worth perhaps only four annas, but as the girl cu. XXII MARRIACE 503 becomes older it is expected that the t^armcnt shall become larger and more valuable. If any member of the girl's famil\- should die it is expected that the boy's family shall on each occasion give a sum of eight annas or a rupee. This gift is called tiukanik panvi utpiuii, or " we give a piece of money to the purse." Formerl)' the bo\-'s famil\- had also to contribute one of the buffaloes killed at the funeral, but this custom is now obsolete. The contribution of buffaloes and money from the boy to his parents-in-law is called /c'V/r/. The boy has to take part in a ceremony at the funeral in which a cloth is laid on the dead body, and with this ceremony there is associated a further gift of one rupee, paid to the relatives of the dead person by the family of the bo}- who has married into the family of the deceased fsee p. 358}. Certain ceremonies are performed shortly before the girl reaches the age of pubert\\ One is called/////'//// tdzdr iititi, or " mantle over he puts," in which a man belonging to the Tartharol if the girl is Teivali, and to the Teivaliol if she is Tarthar, comes in the da}--time to the village of the girl and lying down beside her puts his mantle over her so that it covers both and remains there for a {qw minutes. Fourteen or fifteen days later a man of strong physique, who may belong to either division and to an}- clan, except that of the girl, comes and stays in the village for one night and has intercourse with the girl. This must take place before jjuberty, and it seemed that there were few^ things regarded as more disgraceful than that this ceremony should be delayed till after this period. It might be a subject of reproach and abuse for the remainder of the woman's life, and it was even said that men might refuse to marry her if this ceremony had iTot been performed at the proper time. It is usually some years later, when the girl is about fifteen or sixteen, that she joins her husband and goes to live with him at his village. The parents of the husband announce that they will fetch the girl on a certain da}', which must be one of two or three days of the week,^ different for each clan. The husband, accompanied by his father and a male ' The probable rule is that the day must not be a madnol w palinol. 504 THE TODAS CHAP. relative of the same clan, goes to the village of the girl, and the three are feasted with rice and jaggery. The husband puts five rupees into the pocket of the girl's mantle and then takes her home. There is no ceremony of any kind, not even the salutation such as was performed at the original cercmon}'. If the youth does not wish to live with the girl when the time arrives, he may annul the marriage by giving one buffalo as a fine {kivadr) to the girl's parents ; but, on the other hand, the parents of the girl have to return as many buffaloes as he may have given ^-s, podri at funeral ceremonies. If the girl refuses to join her husband the fine is heavier, and at the present time usually amounts to five or ten buffa- loes, the number being settled by a council according to the circumstances of the people. The girl's family must also return any buffaloes given as podri. According to Harkness the fines were in his day much heavier ; three buffaloes when the man annulled the marriage, and as many as fifty when this was done by the woman (see p. 538), and the Todas acknowled;4e that the fine for refusing to fulfil the marriage contract is now lighter than it used to be. When a girl goes to join her husband she may be given clothing or ornaments by her parents or brothers, and their gifts are known as adrpani or dowry, but I could not learn that there were an}' definite regulations prescribing what should be given. It seemed also that occasionally buffaloes might be given as adiparn. The Regul.\tion of Marriage The Todas have very definite restrictions on the freedom of individuals to marry. One of the most important of these is that which prevents intermarriage between the Tartharol and the Teivaliol. These groups are endogamous divisions of the Toda people. Although a Teivali man is strictly prohibited from marrying a Tarthar woman, he may take a woman of this division to live with him at his village, the man being known as the inokJttJiodvaiol of the woman. This connexion, which will be more fully considered at XXII MARRIAGE 505 the end of this chapter, may be regarded as a recognised form of marriage, but it differs from the orthodox form in that the children of the union belong to the division of the mother. They do not, however, belong to her clan, but to that of her legal husband. Similarly, the same kind of connexion may be formed between a Tarthar man and a Teivali woman, but in this case the woman is not allowed to live at the village of the viok/ithodvaiol, who may either \isit her occasionally or go to live at her village. It has already been mentioned that each of the two divisions of the Toda community is divided into a number of septs or clans, and these are definite exogamous groups. No man or woman may marry a member of his or her own clan, but must marry into another clan. This restriction applies even to the members of clans which are known to have separated from one another in recent times. Thus, among the Tartharol certain members of the Melgarsol separated from the main group, and their descendants have formed a separate group or groups known as the Kidmadol and Karshol (see p. 664), but although the separation took place many )-ears ago there still remains a definite prohibition against a marriage of members of these clans with the Melgars people. The clans of Pedrkars and Kulhem among the Teivaliol are offshoots of the Kuudrol, but here the separation seems to have occurred so long ago that the common origin is not regarded as a bar to marriage. In the whole of the genealogical record given in the tables at the end of the volume there is not a single case in which marriage has occurred between two members of the same. clan. Arhong man}- races at or below the stage of culture of the Todas prohibition of marriage within the clan is usually accompanied by prohibition of sexual intercourse, and such intercourse is regarded as incest and often as the greatest of crimes. It is doubtful whether there is any such strict pro- hibition among the Todas. In the qualifying ceremon}' for the office of pah/ known as tes/ierst, it is ordained that the woman who takes part in the ceremony shall be one who has never had intercourse with one of her own clan, and I was told that it was far from easv to find such a woman. The 5o6 THE TOD AS chai>. fact, however, that this restriction should exist in connexion with a ceremony suggests that even to the Todas there is something reprehensible in intercourse between man and woman of the same clan (see also p. 53o)- There are certain special prohibitions against marriage between members of certain clans. Among the Tartharol the Panol are not allowed to marry the Kanodrsol, a pro- hibition said to be due to the murder of Parden by Kwoten, and it is said that since that day no marriage has ever taken l^lacc between the clans of the two men. In the genealogical record there is no case in which these two clans have intermarried. I was also told that the people of Melgars and Kwodrdoni might not intermarr}-, but there are three examples of such marriages in the genealogies. I could not obtain an}^ reason for the restriction, and the information is- probably in- correct. The restrictions on marriage between the people of Melgars and those of Kidmad and Karsh have alread}- been considered. Among the Teivaliol there are also prohibitions against intermarriage between certain clans. The people of Piedr may not marry those of Kusharf Judging from the genealogical record, the prohibition is not strictl)- followed, for three such marriages have taken place in recent times. In one of these cases, however, in which a Piedr man married a Kusharf woman, the woman soon became seriously ill, and the marriage was annulled. I could obtain no reason for the prohibition of marriage between these two clans, Marriage was also prohibited between the Piedrol and the Pedrkarsol, this being due to a comparatively recent quarrel between members of the two clans, of which an account is gi\'cn in Chapter XXVIII. I have anal}'sed the genealogical records with the view of ascertaining whether certain clans intermarry with any special frequency. Among the Tartharol, I find that the people of Nodrs marry most frequently those of Kars and Taradr. The Karsol, the largest of the Tarthar clans, distribute their marriages widely over the whole Tarthar division, The Panol chiefly marry with Kars and Melgars. XXII marria(;e 507 The Taradrol have married most often with Nodrs, Kars and Melgars. Keradr, a very small clan, shows no special pre- dilection. The people of Kanodrs have intermarried most often with Kwodrdoni, Pam, Kars and Melgars. The jieoplc of Kwodrdoni marr}- most often people of Kanodrs, Kars and Nidrsi. The Pamol have married chiefly with Kanodrs, Kars and Meli^ars. Most of the Nidrsi marriages have been with Kars. The Melgarsol have married in fairl}- equal proportions people of Nodrs, Kars, Taradr and Pam. The.se facts are interesting in that they show that there is a tendency for the three clans of Nodrs, Kars and Taradr to intermarr}-. These are not only the most important Tarthar clans, but they occupy the same district of the hills, in the centre and towards the north and north-west. Similarly, the clans of Kanodrs, Kwodrdoni and Pam, situated towards the north-east and east, show a distinct tendency to intermarr}'. Further, the Melgarsol, who form a special group standing somewhat apart from the rest, distribute their marriages fairK* equall)', but ha\-e often married with Pam, a clan seated near them geographically. The analysis of the genealogies shows that the geographical distribution of the Tartharol on the hills has had a definite influence on the intermarriage of the different clans. Among the Teivaliol, intermarriage has been greatly influ- enced by the enormous size of the Kuudrol as compared with the other clans of the di\ision. In order to marry outside their own clan, the people of Kuudr have married nearly all the available members of the other clans of the Teivaliol, leaving very few to intermarry with one another. Thus the genealogies record 161 marriages between Kuudrol and members of the other five Teivali clans, leaving only sixteen marriages between the members of those five clans. Owing to the enormous development of one clan, the Teivali division has almost come to be in the position of a community with a dual marrying organisation in which ever}' member of one group must marry a member of the other group, but there is no reason whatever to think that this is due to any other reason than the excessive development of one clan in numbers. :o8 • THE TODAS CHAP. On stud3'ing the marriages in detail, it is found that the Kuudrol have married members of the Piedr clan most frequently, but this is chiefly because the Piedrol stand second to the Kuudrol in point of numbers, although it is also furthered by the restriction in marriage between Piedr and Kusharf The marriages of the Kuudrol with other clans seem to be determined more by the numbers available than by any predilection for special clans. Both Pedrkars and Kulhem are said to be offshoots of the Kuudrol, but apparently the separation is so remote that the common origin is not regarded as a bar to marriage. It is possible that the necessity of providing spouses for the Kuudrol has tended to break down a restriction which [probably once existed. The Todas have never married people outside their own community, and a strong prejudice against such marriages still exists. This may be illustrated by two recent cases. A woman, married in the usual way, was divorced by her husband because she became ill. She returned to her own' home, where she was visited by a Tamil blacksmith. The latter was very anxious to marry the woman and on one occasion took her away to the plains, but she was followed by her relatives and brought back to her home. Later she married two Toda brothers and was taken b)' them to their village, but she was followed by the blacksmith, who brought her back to the village of her parents. The Todas seem to have no strong objection to her relations with the stranger so long as she remains among themselves. In the other case a woman about twelve years ago was visited by a rich Mohammedan who gave money to her husbands, and it was said also that he bribed the chief Toda people, i.e., the members of the council. The Mohammedan wished very much to marry the woman and for a sum of money the Todas consented. After the woman had lived for a few daj-s in the bazaar with her new husband, her relatives came and took her away, and I was told that the Mohammedan took the loss so much to heart that he died of grief, but my informants were doubtful whether his grief was due to the loss of his wife or whether it was because XXII MARRIAGE 509 he had impoverished himself by the bribes which he had given. Here again the people appear to have had no objection to the relations of the woman with the Moham- medan so long as she remained in the community. Kinship and Marriage The members of his own clan are not the only kin whom a man is not allowed to marry. The Todas have a general term, pilliol, for those relatives whose intermarriage is prohibited. The term is applied by a man not only to the women whom he may not marry, but also to the families in general into which he may not marry ; thus a man ma}' speak of other men as his piiliol, meaning by this that he may not marry their sisters. This, however, is only a loose way of using the word, and, putting on one side this sense in which the word may be used, the following are \X\q piiliol of a man : — (i.) The daughters of his father's brothers, whom he would call akka or cnda, according to age. (ii.) The daughters of his mother's sisters, also akka or enda. . (iii.) The sisters of his father and conversely the daughters of his sisters, i.e., his miuni and his iiiaiikugh. (iv.) The daughters of the sisters of his father's father, i.e., of the sisters of his plan. The relatives under the first head will be members of the same clan as the man, and the prohibition of marriage between piiliol under this head may be regarded as a restriction dependent on either clanship or kinship. There seemed to be no doubt, however, that in connexion with marriage, a man always thought of these relatives as piiliol, a term which denotes certain kin, to whatever clan they may belong. So far as I could ascertain, if a man thought of a given woman, he thought of her as one, or not one, of his piiliol, and it seemed to me in several cases as if it came almost as a new idea to some of the Todas that his piiliol included all the people of his own clan. If I am right in this, it means that it is the bond of blood- 5IO THE TODAS CHAP. kinship which a Toda has chiefly in his mind when he considers whether he may or may not marry a given woman. He has not two kinds of prohibited affinity, one depending on clan relations, and another on relations of blood-kinship, but he has only one kind of prohibited affinity, to which he gives the general term piiliol, including certain kin through the father and certain kin through the mother, and there is no evidence that he considers the bond of kinship in one case as different from the other as regards restriction on marriage. The fact that the Toda includes all those kin whom he may not marry under one general term, and that the kin in question include members both of his own and other clans, goes to show that the Todas recognise the blood-kinship as the restrictive agency rather than the bond produced by membership of the same clan. The analysis of the genealogical record has shown that these restrictions on marriage are enforced. I have already stated that the genealogies show no single case in which marriage has occurred between members of the same clan, i.e.^ between piiliol who come under the first head in the list given above. I have also failed to find a single case in which marriage has taken place between the children of two own sisters, or of marriage between the children of two women who would call each other " sister " whose names occur in the same genea- logical table. Thus I have found no case in which a marriage has taken place between the children of two women so closely related to one another as Punzucleimi and Nasturs, of Table 3, these women being first cousins according to our system of kinship. It would be a prolonged task to ascertain whether marriage ever takes place among the Tartharol between the children of two clan-sisters in the widest sense, and I do not know whether such marriage may not sometimes occur. Among the Teivaliol marriages between clan-sisters even in the widest sense must be \Qxy rare owing to the fact that ncarl}- all marriages take place between people of Kuudr on the one hand and members of the five other Teivali clans on the other. Since in most cases two women of any one xxii MAKRiA(;E 'SM of these five clans many men of Kuudr, marriage between their children would be restricted under the first prohibition, and similarly the children of two Kuudr women could only intermarry in those cases in which members of the other five clans have married one another. Among the Teivaliol, I do not believe that marriages take place between the children of sisters in the widest sense, and I have little doubt that they are very exceptional among the Tartharol. There is no case in the genealogies in which the third restriction has been broken, in which a man has married his father's sister or his sister's daughter, his nuiiiii or his Diankugh. There is at least one case in the genealogies in which there has been an infringement of the fourth restriction given on page 509, The marriage of Nargudr (62) with Tolveli (58) is an example of the marriage of a man with the daughter of his grandfather's sister. I believe that this restriction is part of a wider regulation. Using Toda terms of kinship the law would run : a person must not marry the child of his matcJiiini. The marriage of a man with the daughter of his grandfather's sister, such as that of Nargudr with Tolveli, would be an infringement of this law. I ha\e only found one other case in the genealogies in which this law would have been broken, i.e., in the marriage of Teitnir (52) and Tersveli (S>^:^. Tersveli's father, Teikudr, is the son of Kavani, the sister of Pareivan, Teitnir's father. Teikudr is therefore the matcJiuni of Teitnir, who has married his daughter. I was told that though a man might not marry the daughter of his sister, he might marrx' the children of this woman. I do not know of any such marriage and it is improbable that it would often come about, since it would involve the marriage of a woman with the brother of her grandfather. There is, however, at the present time an example of the marriage of a woman with her father's mother's brother, whom she would therefore call pia, or grandfather. This is the marriage of Kancrs and his brother Kudrievan (63) with Edjog (56), the daughter of Tuliners, the son of the sister of the two men. I was told, however, that this marriage met with a good deal of disapproval among the Todas, but I could not learn that there was any definite prohibition against it. 5.12 THE TOD AS chap. The Marriage oe Matchuni While marriage with the daughter of a father's brother and a mother's sister is prohibited, the daughter of a father's sister or a mother's brother is the natural wife of a man. The orthodox marriage is marriage between matchuni, the children of brother and sister. Thus it is obviously not nearness of blood-kinship in itself which acts as a restriction on marriage, but nearness of blood-kinship of a certain kind, I have analysed the genealogies to ascertain the frequency with which marriages between viatchnni occur. The genea- logical tables record about 550 marriages, of which ■^'j^ are Tarthar and 177 Teivali. Only a small proportion of these are marriages between children of own brother and sister. Among the Tartharol there are 40 and among the Tei- valiol 25 such marriages, making together 65 or i r8 per cent. Since, however, the uiatchuni of a man include a much wider circle of relatives than the children of his mother's own brother and father's own sister, the number of marriages between matcJiuni is very much larger than this. Nearly all the Teivali marriages are marriages between matcJiiini in this wider sense, while among the Tartharol there are also many other marriages of this kind. One of the reasons why the orthodox marriage custom is not still more commonly followed is the existence of the practice called tererstJii, to be considered later in this chapter. According to this practice wives are transferred from one man to another, and in this transference no attention appears to be paid to the kinship tie. The woman, or rather girl, originally married to a man may have been his iiiatcJiiini, but the woman who finally becomes his wife by the working of the terersthi custom may not be and probably in most cases is not his matcJiiDii. In many cases in the genealogies, the original infant marriage may have been forgotten, and the marriage recorded may be the result of the terersthi custom. If I had a complete record of all infant marriages, I have no doubt that the proportion of marriages between niatcJiuniwovXA have been larg^er. xxn MARRIAGE 513 In sonic families marrias^^es between viatcluiiii in the near sense occur much more frequent!}' tlian in others. Thus out of the forty matchiiiii marriages among the Tartharol, the husband or wife belonged to the Taradrol in fifteen cases, and in one large Taradr family, that of Parkeidi (21), six out of eight children married their matchnni in the near sense. It is per- haps significant in this connexion that the Taradrol have been comparatively little affected by outside influences. They are a clan which might be expected to keep up the orthodox Toda custom. Another e.xampie of a family in which the orthodox marriage custom has been frequently followed is that of Table 52, where there may be found eight cases of the marriage of iJiatchuiii in the near sense, and several others where the matchnni relationship is more distant. In some cases marriages have taken |jlace between the children of matchnni. Thus the marriage of Uvolthli (15) with Sinmundeivi (20) among the Tartharol, and of Pangudr (66) with Xelbur (54) and Kanokh (56) with Sanmidz (63) among the Teivaliol, are all cases in which marriages have taken place between the children of two men who called one another matcJinni. There may be other cases, but these examples are perhaps sufficient to show that these marriages may be held to take the place of the orthodox matcJinni union. While marriages between matchiini are the rule and mar- riages between the children of matchnni certainly not unlaw- ful, we have seen that marriage with the child of a matcJinni is prohibited. From our point of view, this means that while marriage with a first cousin is orthodo.x, marriage with a first cousin once removed is unlawful, while again it seems that marriage with a first cousin twice removed may be lawful. The more distant tie of kinship from our point of view is un- lawful, while the nearer is commanded. Marriage with a matcJinni may often involve considerable disproportion of age. In one case at the present time a boy of about two years of age is married to a woman of about twenty. The woman, Nulnir (10), was still unmarried when she reached this age, so she was married to her matcJinni, L L 514 THE TODAS chap. Kagerikutan (25), the son of her mother's brother. In this case the orthodox marriage was resorted to when the woman had failed to obtain a husband in any other way, although it involved marriage with a baby. In another case, the marriage of Keitkarg(38) and Potoveli (49), in which the woman is considerably older than her husband, the husband and wife are niatcliuni. There is one ceremonial marriage in which the husband always stands in the relation of niatchuni to the wife. This is in the performance of the pursiitpimi ceremony at the funeral of a girl unmarried at the time of her death. The boy who is chosen to give the bow and arrow and to act as the husband is always, so far as I could discover, the uiatcliuni of the dead girl. Similarly, if an unmarried boy dies, the girl who is chosen to act as his widow should be his matckuni. In one case of which I have a record, the son of Tiatners (58) died and Sotidz {66) was chosen to act as widow. None of the brothers of Puvizveli (65), the mother of the dead boy, had at that time a son, so the duty was undertaken by the daughter of Fangudr, of the same clan as Puvizveli, but belonging to a different family. In this case the matcJiuni was the daughter of a clan- brother because there was no nearer niatcJinni available. Keinba, who acted as husband at the funeral of Sinerani (see p. 394), was the niatchuni of the dead girl in two ways, as the son of her mother's brother and as the son of her father's half-sister. A uiatcIiHiii may be either the child of a mother's brother or of a father's sister, and I have examined the genealogies to see if a man marries the daughter of his mother's brother or of his father's sister the more frequently, and find that there is no great difference, though the former marriage is some- what the more frequent. There are among the Tartharol twenty cases in which a man has married the daughter of his mother's brother, two of marriage with the daughter of a step- mother's brother, and one with the daughter of a stepmother's half-brother, making twenty-three cases in all. On the other hand, a man married the daughter of his father's sister in fourteen cases, twice he married the daughter of his father's XXII MARRIAGE half-sister, and once the stepdaughter of his father's sister, making seventeen cases in all. Among the Teivaliol marriages with the daughter of a father's sister are the more frequent, there being fifteen of these as compared with ten cases of marriage with the daughter of a mother's brother. There is evidently no special preference for either kind of marriage. POLVANDKY The Todas have a completely organised and definite system of polyandry. When a woman marries a man, it is understood that she becomes the wife of his brothers at the same time. When a boy is married to a girl, not only are his brothers usually regarded as also the husbands of the girl, but any brother born later will similarly be regarded as sharing his older brothers' rights. In the vast majority of polyandrous marriages at the present time, the husbands are own brothers. A glance through the genealogies will show the great frequency of polyandry,^ and that in nearly every case the husbands are own brothers. In a few cases in which the husbands are not own brothers, they are clan-brothers, i.e., they belong to the same clan and are of the same generation. Instances of such marriages are those of Toridz (65) with Kulpakh (52) and Kiladrvan (60), and of Sintharap (68; with Kuriolv (52; and Onadj (57). There is only one instance recorded in the genealogies in which a woman had at the same time husbands belonging to different clans, viz., the marriage of Kwelvtars (60) with Nidshtevan of Piedr (64) and Tlitners of Kusharf (67), and in this case the men were half-brothers by the same mother, the fathers being of different clans. While I was on the hills, there was a project on foot that three unmarried youths belonging to three different clans should have a wife in common, but the project was frustrated and the marriage did not take place. ^ III cases of pulyandry ihe iiiiincs of Uie liusbands are eiiclused in square brackets. L L 2 ii6 THE TOD AS CHAP. It is possible that at one time the polyandry of the Todas was not so strictly ' fraternal ' as it is at present, and it is perhaps in favour of this possibility that in the instance of polyandry giv'en by Harkness ^ the husbands were obviously not own brothers. It must be remembered, how- ever, that this case came to the notice of Captain Hark- ness because the polyandry had led to disputes, and, as we shall see shortly, it is in those cases of polyandr)' in which the husbands are not own brothers that disputes arise. The arrangement of family life in the case of a polyandrous marriage differs according as the husbands are, or are not, own brothers. In the former case it seemed that there is never any diffi- culty, and that disputes never arise. The brothers liv^e together, and my informants seemed to regard it as a ridi- culous idea that there should ever be disputes or jealousies of the kind that might be expected in such a household. When the wife becomes pregnant, the eldest brother performs the ceremony of giving the bow and arrow, but the brothers are all equally regarded as the fathers of the child. If one of the brothers leaves the rest and sets up an establish- ment of his own, it appeared, however, that he might lose his right to be regarded as the father of the children. If a man is asked the name of his father, he usually gives the name of one man only, even when he is the offspring of a polyandrous marriage. I endeavoured to ascertain why the name of one father only should so often be given, and it seemed to me that there is no one reason for the preference. Often one of the fathers is more prominent and influential than the others, and it is natural in such cases that the son should speak of himself as the son of the more important member of the community. Again, if only one of the fathers of a man is alive, the man will alwa}-s speak of the living person as his father ; thus Siriar (20) always spoke of Ircheidi as his father, and even after Ircheidi is dead, it seems probable that he will so have fallen into the custom of speaking of the latter as his father that he will continue to do so, and it will only be when his attention is especial!)- directed ' Sec his accounl ;U llic liuI of this cliaptci. XXII MARRIAGE 5 '7 to the [joint that he will say that Madbeithi was also his father. In most of the genealogies, the descent is traced from some one man, but there can be no doubt whatever that this man was usually only one of several brothers, and the probable reason why one name only is remembered is that this name was that of an important member of the communit}', or of the last surviving of the brother-husbands. When the husbands arc not own brothers, the arrangements become more complicated. When the husbands live to- gether as if they were own brothers there is rarely any diffi- culty. If, on the other hand, the husbands live at different villages, the usual rule is that the wife shall live with each husband in turn, usually for a month at a time, but there is very considerable elasticity in the arrangement. It is in respect c>f the ' fatherhood ' ^ of the children in these cases of non-fraternal polyandry that we meet with the most interesting feature of Toda social regulations. Wlien the wife of two or more husbands (not own brothers) becomes pregnant, it is arranged that one of the husbands shall per- form the ceremony of giving the bow and arrow. The hus- band who carries out this ceremony is the father of the child for all social purposes ; the child belongs to the clan of this husband if the clans of the husbands differ and to the family of this husband if the families only differ. When the wife again becomes pregnant, another husband may perform the piirsiitpiuii ceremony, and if so, this husband becomes the father of the child ; but more commonly the pursiitpimicQXQ- mony is not performed at all during the second pregnancy, and in this case the second child belongs to the first husband, i.e., to the husband who has already given the bow and arrow. Usually it is arranged that the first two or three children shall belong to the first husband, and that at a succeeding pregnancy Tthird or fourth), another husband shall give the bow and arrow, and, in consequence, become the father not only of that child, but of all succeeding children till some one else gives the bow and arrow. ' I use the term ' fatherliood ' instead of ' paternity ' because the latter term seems to imply a meaning which does not belong to the Toda notion of ' fiither,' ;t!^ the TODAS chap. The fntherhood of a chilcPdepends entirely on \\\Yy>///// ceremony. In the other and more usual form the man visits the woman at the house of her husband. Owing to the restriction on the visits of Teivali women to Tarthar villages, there is a difference in the nature of the inoklithoditi union in the two divisions. A Teivali mokhthodvcxiol may take his wife to live with him at one of the Teivali villages, but in those cases in which Tarthar men live permanently with Teivali women, the mokhthodvaiol must live at the woman's village. There are two examples of this practice at the present time in which Tarthar men live altogether at Teivali villages. When a man wishes to have a given woman as his sedvait- azinokk he goes to the husband or husbands of the woman and asks for his or their consent. As a sample of the kind of negotiations which ensue, I will give a definite instance. A Tarthar man wished to become inokhthodvaiol to the wife of two Teivali brothers. He went to them and asked for their consent, which they gave, but said they should like to have the agreement confirmed by a third party {nedrvol), and they settled on a nedrvol to whom all went. The nedrvol asked each if he consented to the arrangement, and it was decided that the Tarthar man should give a putkuli worth three rupees annually to the woman's husbands, and the former became mokhthodvaiol to the woman on that day. thp: to das chap. A few days later the two husbands and the iiiokJitJiodvaiol went to the woman's father and brothers (called collectively paiol), and the mokhthodvaiol promised that he would i^ive the woman either a keivali (necklace) or a sin (gold earrings), each worth about thirty rupees. [A poorer man might only give a pulthi (bracelet), worth about twelve rupees]. He also promised that he would give a three -year-old buffalo to the son of the woman, this being called mokJi ir kwadrti, /.'•., "son buffalo he gives." After making these promises, the uiokhtJiodvaiol performed the salutation of kalmelpudithti t(j all the paiol, i.e., he bowed down before each, and placed his head beneath their feet. As we have seen earlier, not only are the relatives of the scdvaitazmokJi called paiol, the term in use for the relatives of a real wife, but the father of the woman is called ;////// and her mother mnmi, names which are also terms of blood- relationship. When a man or woman dies, the mokhthodvaiol of the woman and the scdvaitar.mokh of the man have definitely assigned duties at the funeral ceremonies. Each wears a ring on the ring finger of the left hand and has to put various things with the left hand into the pocket of the piitknli of the dead person.^ The mokhthoditi institution was first described by Ward in 1 82 1,- the man being called by Ward the coonibhal (the knmbliol, cloak or blanket man). This is the Badaga name, and it has usually been adopted by those who have since referred to the institution. The custom is said to ha\e originated with the god Kulinkars, who was the niokhtJiodvaiol of the goddess Notirzi, but I could obtain no details of the wa}' in which the custom is supposed to have arisen. The ceremonial connected with the process of becoming a mokhthodvaiol is very much like that of the real marriage. A garment is given or promised and the salutation of kalmelpudithti is paid to the woman's relatives. The chief difference is that the gifts are more numerous ^ For ;i full accoiinl sec [). 366. - Grigg's Nil^iri Manual, .\ppenclix, p. Ixxiv. XXII " MARRIAGE 529 and expensive for the inokhthodvaiol than for the husband. Further, in some cases the sedvaitazniokh of a Teivali man may Hve with him exactly in the same way as a wife. Except for the prohibition against TeivaH women Hving at Tarthar villages, and the important difference in the mode of descent of the children there seems to be little essential difference in some cases between the uiokJitJioditi union and marriage. In describing the institution, one of my informants laid great stress on the disability of a man of one division to perform the pnrsiitpimi ceremony for a woman of the other division and treated this as the essential point of difference. He seemed to regard this ceremonial disability as primary and the other differences as the secondary results, but I do not know how far this is the general Toda view. Sexual Morality From the foregoing account it appears that a woman may have one or more recognised lovers as well as several husbands. From the account given of the dairy ritual, it appears that she may also have sexual relations with dairy- men of various grades — that, for instance, the zviirsol, on the nights when he sleeps in the hut, may be the lover of any Tarthar girl. Further, there seems to be no doubt that there is little restriction of any kind on sexual intercourse. I was assured by several Todas not onl\^ that adultery was no motive for divorce, but that it was in no way regarded as wrong. It seemed clear that there is no word for adultery in the Toda language. My interpreter, Samuel, had translated the Commandments shortly before my visit, and only discovered while working with me that the e.xpression he had used in translating the seventh Commandment really bore a very different meaning. When a word for a concept is absent in any language it by no means follows that the concept has not been developed, but in this case I have little doubt that there is no definite idea in the mind of the Toda corresponding to that denoted by our word ' adultery.' Instead of adultery being regarded as M M 530 THE TODAS CHAP. immoral, I rather suspected/ though I could not satisfy my- self on the point, that, according to the Toda idea, immorality attaches rather to the man who grudges his wife to another. One group of those who experience difficulty in getting to the next world after death are the kashtvainol, or grudging people, and 1 believe this term includes those who would in a more civilised community be plaintiffs in the divorce court. In nearly ever}' known communit}', whether savage, barbarous or civilised, there is found to exist a deeply rooted antipathy to sexual intercourse between brother and sister. In savage communities where kinship is of the classificatory kind, this antipathy extends not only to the children of one A mother, but to all those who are regarded as brothers and sisters because they are members of the same clan or other social unit. In some communities, such as those of Torres Straits, this antipathy may extend to relatives as remote as those we call second and third cousins, so long as descent through the male line from a common ancestor and member- ship of the same clan lead people to regard one another as brother and sister. It is very doubtful whether this widespread, almost universal abhorrence is shared by the Todas. I was told that ■ members of the same clan might have intercourse with one ^ another, and in the preliminary ceremony for the office of palol, a special part was taken by a woman who possessed the qualification that she had never had intercourse with a man of her own clan, and it was said it was far from easy to find such m a woman. When I collected this information, it seemed clear ^ that this meant that a woman who, before marriage had belonged to a given clan, had never had intercourse with a man of that clan. But since a woman joins the clan of her husband, and since, marriage taking place at an early age, the woman belongs to her husband's clan from this early age, it has since occurred to me that an alternative explanation of the restriction is possible, though it does not seem to me to be likely. It is possible that what is meant is that the woman 1 The dc'finiie appearance of jealousy in the hisluiy of Kwoten nuisl, however, he noted ill this connexion. XXII MARRIAGE 53I should never have had intercourse with an}- of her husband's clan except those who are properly her husbands. If this ex- planation were the correct one, the prohibition would seem to be directed against practices resembling communal marriage, and would be interesting evidence in favour of the existence of this t}'pe of marriage, since there are no prohibitions against what does not exist nor has ever existed. As I have said, however, I think it very unlikely that the prohibition is to be interpreted in this way, but I regret very greatly that it did not occur to me to inquire carefully into this point on the spot. So far as I could tell, the laxity in sexual matters is equally great before and after marriage. If a girl who has been married in infancy, but has not yet joined her husband, should beconie pregnant, the husband would be called upon to give the bow and arrow at the pursiitpiini ceremony and would be the father of the child, even if he were still a young boy, or if it were known that he was not the father of the child. I only heard of one case in recent times in which an unmarried girl had become pregnant. In this case a man who wdiS d^matchnni of the woman was called in to give the bow and arrow, but he did not regard himself as married to the woman and did not live with her. That some stigma was attached to the occurrence may possibly be shown by the fact that this woman remained unmarried for some years, and then only married a man who was certainly below the general standard of the Todas in intelligence. The child, a daughter, of the woman died soon after birth, so that I had no chance of ascertaining whether the irregularity of her birth would have had any influence on her position in Toda society. If, however, a child is born without the piirsiitpinii ceremony having been performed, it is called padinokh and an indelible disgrace attaches to it throughout life. From any point of view, and certainly from the point of view of the savage, the sexual morality of the Todas among themselves is ver}- low. It is an interesting subject of speculation how far this laxit}' is the result of the practice of polyandry, for since low sexual morality brings in its train various factors which tend to sterility, we may have here, as M M 2 532 THE TODAS chap. Mr. Punnett has suggested elsewhere/ a reason why polyandry is so rare a form of marriage. The practice of polyandry must almost inevitably weaken the sentiment of possession on the part of the man which does so much to maintain the more ordinary forms of marriage. The low sexual morality of the Todas is not, however, limited in its scope to the relations within the Toda community. Conflicting views are held by those who know the Nilgiri Hills as to the relations of the Todas with the other inhabi- tants, and especially with the train of natives which the European immigration to the hills has brought in its wake. The general opinion on the hills is that in this respect the morality of the Todas is as low as it well could be, but it is a question whether this opinion is not too much based on the behaviour of the inhabitants of one or two villages near the European settlements, and I think it is probable that the larger part of the Todas remain more uncontaminated than is generally supposed. That the Todas are perhaps not so black as they are painted is suggested by two considerations. There is little evidence of the existence of many half-breeds. I examined in one way or another over 500 Todas and must have seen nearly the whole of the 800 people who form the Toda population. I saw few who suggested Tamil or Badaga intermixture and only one boy whose appearance suggested European parentage. A more careful examination than I gave might, however, have revealed other suspicious cases, and perhaps in a race which practices infanticide the absence or paucity of half-breeds may not carr)- much weight. The other consideration is of a different kind and tends to show not only that the Todas are not so black as they are painted, but that they are not so black as they paint them- selves. By means of the genealogical record I was able to work out the relationship to one another of forty-three individuals suffering from colour-blindness. Since this condition runs mainly in the female line, it does not afford ver)- cogent evidence of paternit\- ; but a full examination of my records 1 Loc. al. XXII MARRIAGE 533 seems Uj show that ccjlcjiu'-blincl men, or rather males of colour-blind families, had colour-blind descendants more often than perhaps might have been expected if the Todas are in practice quite as promiscuous as their social regulations allow them to be. The record of the affinity of the colour- blind suggests that in spite of the theoretical promiscuity, the husbands are, in practice, very often the fathers of their children. A few histories of individuals ma}- be given as examples of the various marriage customs which have been described in this chapter. One of the most married of Toda women is Puvizveli of Kusharf (65). She was married in infancy to Singudr (55), of the same clan as Sinkors, the mother of Puvizveli, and the two were probably the niatcJiiini of one another, though only in a distant way. Puvizveli was taken from Singudr by Madsu and Koboners (58), who gave for her three buffaloes. From them she was transferred to Kangudr of Piedr {(>2), it being arranged that he should pay eleven buffaloes. Soon after joining Kangudr, Puvizveli became ill, and since there is a prohibition of marriages between the clans of Piedr and Kusharf, it was agreed that the pair should separate, and the woman was taken b}- Tiitners and Etamudri (58). The eleven buffaloes had never been paid by Kangudr, so Tiitners and his brother gave their buffaloes directly to Madsu and Koboners, but only four instead of eleven. All these transactions took place while Puvizveli was still )-oung, but by her new husbands she had a son who died soon after birth. During her second pregnane)-, she was taken by Perpakh and Tebkudr i^'^), who gave six buffaloes. The transference took place before t\\Q pursiitpiini ceremony had been performed. Perpakh gave the bow and arrow, and the daughter since born is regarded as the child of Perpakh and Tebkudr. Puvizveli has also a Tarthar Dioklithodvaiol. Edjog of Kuudr (56) was married in infancy to Xargudr (62), the son of her mother's brothers, and therefore her viatcliiuii in the nearest sense. From him Kiudners (70) and his two brothers took her for five buffaloes, Kiudners died 534 THE TODAS CHAP. before the bufifaloes had been paid, and Edjog was taken by Mavodriners (65), who arranged to pay the five buffaloes to Nargudr. He did not do so, but after having a son by Edjog, he sent her back to the father, paying a kivadr of one buffalo. So far, Nargudr had not received his five buffaloes, but he now obtained them from Kaners and Kudrievan (63), who took the woman although she was the granddaughter of their sister Narskuti. The marriage met with disapproval among the Todas on this account, though there does not appear to be any definite regulation against such a marriage ; and at the time of my visit Edjog, a young woman of about twenty-seven, was still the wife of the two old men, aged about seventj' and sixty-seven respectiveh'. Kuriolv of Kuudr(52) first married Punaveli (65), by whom he had two children. He then took to live with him Pilimurg (7), a Tarthar woman, giving to Pepners (44), the husband of the woman, fifteen buffaloes. Though Pilimurg is only legalh' his sedvaitaz})wkli, Kuriolv treats her as a wife. She lives at one of the Kuudr villages, while Punaveli lives at another. Pilimurg has had one son, Meilitars, since she has been living with Kuriolv, and Kuriolv al\va}'s speaks of the boy as his son, though legally he is the son of Pepners, and his name will be found in the genealogies among the children of this man. Recently Kuriolv has also married Sintharap (68). sharing her with Onadj (57), of the same clan as Kuriolv, but belonging to a different family. Sintharap has had three children, for the first of whom Kuriolv performed the ///rjr//'///;;// ceremony, and since no one has performed this ceremony for the suc- ceeding children, they are also regarded as the children of Kuriolv. One of these children was Sinerani, whose funeral ceremonies have been described. Kuriolv's son, Kulpakh (52), married Toridz (65), sharing her with Kiladrvan (60), of the same clan as Kulpakh, but of a different family. At the first pregnancy Kulpakh gave the bow and arrow, and was regarded as the father of that child and of two succeeding children who were born while Kulpakh was alive. After the birth of the third child Kulpakh died. xxn MARRIAGE 535 and Toridz has since continued to live with Kiladrvan and has had two more children. Kuriolv, the father of the dead man, succeeded in preventintj Kiladrvan from performing the pnrsutpimi ceremony before the birth of either of these children, and consequently they are re^^arded as the children of the dead Kulj^akh and belong to Kuriolv's division {pblm) of the clan and not to that of Kiladrvan. Here, by virtue of the pnrsilipiuii ceremony, a dead man is the legal father of two children who are known to be really the sons of his fellow-husband. In the preceding cases the people belong to the Teivaliol. Among the Tartharol there are similar histories. Pupidz of Kwodrdoni (35) was married in infancy to two brothers, Kalgeners and Kinagudr, belonging to the same clan as the mother of Pupidz, so that she would probably have called them matcJiniii, though they were not nearly- related. From these boys Pupidz v/as taken by Patser (26;, who gave for her three buffaloes. From Patser she was taken by Siriar ('20) for five buffaloes. Some time later Pepob (44) wished to m^rry Pupidz, but both she and Siriar were unwill- ing to be separated. Pepob, however, persuaded the council to arrange that he should have the woman for three buffaloes, and soon after five or six men carried off the woman by force- entering Siriar's hut at night. Two of the men held Siriar while the others carried off his wife, who became pregnant by Pepob, but Siriar, who had been trying to get back his wife, succeeded when she was about at the sixth month. The hand-burning ceremon\' had already been performed, but Siriar gave the bow and arrow, and is therefore the legal father of the boy born afterwards, although Pepob is known to have been the real father. Siriar had to give Pepob eleven buffaloes, though he had 'only received three, and had given five to the previous husband. Xanbarvan of Kars (f) first married Pothenir (47), by whom he had one son. Nanbarvan went to England with a party of Todas, and Pothenir then married Kutadri, Xanbarvan's first cousin. On his return from England, Xanbarvan married Sindod (38), by whom he had a second son. Then he fell ill, and in consequence sent Sindod away^ 536 THE TODAS chap. and since that time he has had no wife, though he claims that Iraveh, his brother's wife, is also his. There seems to be no doubt, however, that he does not live with his brother in the same way as in most cases of polyandry, and is a wanderer with no regular home of his own, but I could not discover the cause of this. A dispute about a marriage was in progress while I was on the Hills, which I did not understand completely, but it appeared that Oselig (24), who had been first married to Teigudr (4), was then taken by Punog (14). Punog was said to have treated his wife badly, andj to have failed to perform his duties when there was a funeral in the family of Nertiners, the brother of Oselig. He had not given the proper podri, nor had he taken part in the cloth-giving ceremony, so Oselig ran away from him and took refuge with her brother. After a month Punog demanded back his wife and also twelve buffaloes which he had left with Nertiners for grazing pur- poses. Nertiners refused to send back his wife, and returned only eight of the buffaloes. He also proceeded to arrange that Oselig should marry Udrchovan (36), and Punog accused Nertiners of having got up the whole quarrel in order that Oselig should make this marriage. The matter was referred to the council, and it was decided that Oselig should become the wife of Udrchovan, but I did not hear for how many buffaloes, nor how the other disputes about buffaloes and podri were settled. At this time Udrchovan had another wife, Pandut (45). She had been the wife of Udrchovan and his brother Popners from infancy, and after having three children, who died young, she had been sent awa}- and Udrchovan married Kavener (3), while his brother married Silkot (10). Later Kavener was taken from Udrchovan by Kudrvas (11), and Udrchovan remarried Pandut, who in the meantime had had two other husbands. To the foregoing accounts, which I give as exceptional and not as typical examples of the uncertainty of Toda married life, I add one taken from the book published b)- Captain Harkness in 1832, p. 121. The notes are added by myself. W'll MARRIAGE ' 537 The History of Pinpurz Kutan " I was not seven years old, when m}- father, takini^ a child's garment, in value about a 'quarter of a rupee, and selecting one of the best of our herd, desired me to accompan}' him to the morrt^ of Kinori. This Kinori had, a month or two before, a daughter born to him. Soon after we had arrived at the morrt, it being understood that Kinori gladly consented to the propositions which had been made by my father, I was directed to bow myself down, and in the presence of the whole family to ask his foot. This I did ; and touching it with my forehead, the buffalo and the garment were presented him, and I was considered to be affianced to his daughter. We remained there for some days, during which period it was agreed upon, what number of kine I was to receive in dower, on my intended spouse coming of age, and we again set out to return to our own morrt. I had no brothers, or they also would have been affianced to my intended, as this was part of the agreement, in case of my father having any more sons born to him. In this case Kinori's daughter would have been wife to us in succession as we arrived at manhood, and we should have formed one united family — -the supreme authority, however, still resting with me. The next year, m)' father presented to my intended bride a garment, double in value to the first which he had presented, and in each succeeding year, one proportionately increasing in value. We also sacrificed a buffalo, and presented a kutch "' on ev-ery occasion of a death among any of the relations of m}- in- tended's family, and one also at their obsequies. In case of an}' accident of the kind in our family, we expected the same to be observed towards us, except the presenting of the kutch, from which my bride's father was exempted on account of the dower he had to give with her, which would greatl}' exceed in amount an}' expense which I could be ^ This is evidently the same word as ntarth, which occurs in Chapter Xl\' as a word for village. ■■^ This is the kach. Harkness states that it was generally a piece of dyed or printed cotton as at present, 538 THE TODAS chap. to my father. My father died, and when I had attained man's estate, I was not pleased with my betrothed ; and presenting her father with three kine, the contract was by mutual consent dissolved. Had the reverse been the case, and the bride or her father had declined to allow of con- summation, I could have claimed of the latter a fine equal to fifty kine, and till this fine was paid the former could not marr)' any other. Freed from my contract with my first bride, I sought to affiance myself in a manner more to my own inclinations, and wishing to be connected with the family of my present wife, Pilluvani, who was then only six years of age, I spoke to her father, and, obtaining his consent, pre- sented her with a garment in value, according to her age, of about a rupee and a half, and a milch buffalo. I continued to present her with a garment every succeeding year ; and on the occurrence of a death among any of the relations of her famil}', and at the obsequies, I always sacrificed a buffalo, and presented the kutch. Pilluvani was afterwards betrothed to two others, Khakhood and Tumbiit. When she had arrived at a certain age, and had for eight days been living with one of her female friends in a dwelling separate from those of the family,^ intimation was sent to me, and I went to her father's morrt, that is, Kerjwan's, her second father, the first one being dead. I was feasted and bedded ; and after a itw days, Kerjwan, laying on his hands, gave us his blessing, and I returned with my wife to my own morrt, receiving with her in dower four buffalo kine ; her father also presented to her on this occasion a pair of ear-rings, a pair of armlets, a necklace, a brazen salver, and five rupees. " Now, according to our customs, Pilluvani was to pass the first month with me, the second with Khakhood, and the third with Tumbut ; and the two latter, waiting in succession on the father-in-law, were to ask his blessing and claim their privilege in right. I was to give her raiment the first year, Khakhood the second, and Tumbut the third. I had the option of claiming the first three children, Khakhood the second three, and Tumbut the third three ; when the option again revolved to me. It was my place to go to her father ' This is a cuslnm of wliicli I failed to olitain any accounl. xxir MARRIAGE 539 two or three months prior to the birth of a cliild, and, deliver- ing to him a small piece of wood, which we call a billu,^ tf) claim the forthcoming infant, wiiether male or female, and acknowledge before him and his relations that I would protect and nourish it ; and that, whatever might happen, I allowed this to be in satisfaction of one of my claims. On this occasion, also, I was to present him either five or ten rupees, and in return he was to allow me to select, if I presented him five rupees, three ; if ten rupees, six of the best kine of his herd. If the child proved a boy he would have to present me with a heifer, and another one also on the birth of each son, but not on the birth of a daughter, as it is supposed that she will soon be betrothed, and that a fortune will accrue to her in that way. " After the third birth the same observance and privilege would have fallen to Khakhood and Tumbut successively, or if I chose to give up any of m)' rights the two latter would successively have had choice of adoption, &c., &c. We all three should have been equall}- bound to protect the whole of the children, to marry, and to give them in marriage ; but the superior authority would always have rested with me. " The case of Pilluvani and myself, however, was at variance with this custom. We were very fond of one another and determined not to separate. I offered to pay the usual fines, but the other part}' would not accept of them. I had been unfortunate. A murrain had attacked my herd ; the greater part of Korrorr,- and which belonged to my fathers, had been forsaken by the Marvs and Cuvs,^ from the oppression of some of their rulers, and from being a leading man among my own people I was now reduced, but principally by the oppressions of my wife's relations, to comparative poverty." ' This is evidently due to niisunderstandino; of {he piii-n'i/piiiii ceremoii}-. The Tamil word for ' how ' is vil. - Probably Keradr. ■' Badagas and Kotas, CHAPTER XXIII SOCIAL ORGANISATION In this chapter I propose to bring together a number of matters connected with the social organisation ; to consider the various sections into which the clan is divided for social or ceremonial purposes, the method of government, the laws concerning property and inheritance, and the position of women. We have already seen that the primary fact in the social organisation of the Todas is the existence of two divisions, the Tartharol and the TeivalioV and the last chapter has shown that these divisions form endogamous groups, each of which is divided into a number of exogamous septs or clans. In some respects the clan is a definite unit in the social organisation with a certain amount of power in regulat- ing its own affairs, owning property and having in many cases social or religious usages peculiar to itself THE CLAN The clan system is territorial, and I could discover no trace of its ever having been totemic. The clan owns a number of villages and takes its name from the chief of these, the etudniad. The connexion of the clan with the village is so generally recognised that in some cases in which the etudmad of the clan has disappeared, or is rarely visited, there is a tendency to name the clan after the chief village ' A full account of the two divisions and of their relation to one another will be given in Cha))ter XX I. \. CH. xxiii SOCIAL ORGANISATION 54« still in use. Thus the people nf Pirspurs have now become the Pamol and the Kusharfol are cjften named after Umgas, a village in more frequent use than Kusharf In general the villages belonging to a clan are situated in the same part of the hills, but a clan often possesses outlying villages at a considerable distance from the chief group. Sometimes these outlying villages are of comparatively recent origin, and in other cases they have been established on account of "■razing necessities ; thus several clans which have their chief seats near Ootacamund have villages in the Kundahs or in the district near Makurti Peak, which are visited in the dry season. The members of a clan have many common rights and privileges which bind them together, so that the clan-tie has a very real meaning. Property, however, as we shall see shortly, is largely centred in the family or the individual, and the Todas are in a state of social evolution in which the common bond constituted by membership of the clan has been largely replaced by the bond constituted by the family. They are in an intermediate condition between the state of society in which the clan is the social unit and that in which the family has taken this position. \early all who have previously written about the Todas have described them as divided into five clans — viz., the Peiki, Pekkan, Kenna, Todi, or Tothi, and Kuttan, These are the five divisions recognised b}- the Badagas, and a Badaga knows each Toda as belonging to one of them. The Todas are also perfectly accjuainted with these divisions, and they could always say, if asked, to which of them a given village or a given man belonged. If a Toda is asked by a European to which clan or division he belongs, he will probably give one of these names, but I do not believe that they are in use among themselves, being reserved for their intercourse with Badagas and other Indian castes and with Europeans. The Peiki of the Badaga classification are the Teivaliol ; the Pekkan correspond to the Melgarsol, the people of Kidmad and Karsh being also usually included in this group. Kenna is the Badaga name of the Karsol ; the Todi or Tothi include two clans, the Xodrsol and the Panol, while the Kuttan com- 542 THE TODAS chap. prise the remainder of the Tarthar clans — viz., those of Taradr, Keradr, Kanodrs, Kwodrdoni, Pam and Nidrsi, I could obtain no direct information from the Todas which would explain why the Badaga classification should differ from their own. It is possible that it is an old classification of the Todas, but this is unlikely, since it is probable that the intercourse with the Badagas is not very ancient. It seems to me possible that it may have arisen out of the constitution of the )iaini or council. This has four Toda representatives belong- ing to Kuudr (representing the Teivaliol), Kars, Nodrs and Taradr. This would correspond to four of the Badaga divisions, and the fifth, the Melgarsol or Pekkan, would certainly be well known to the Badagas through their privileges as mbrol. It is possible that the Nodrs representa- tive used also to represent Pan, and that the Taradr member represented the remaining clans, and, if so, it would point to there having been some old five-fold division of the kind believed in by the Badagas. It is cjuite clear that the five-fold division has no influence on the marriage regulations and Peiki, Todi and Kuttan all marry freely within their divisions. Except in connexion with the naiin^ I could learn of nothing which would show that the five-fold division has any social significance, and I know of no other way in which the Panol are associated with the Nodrsol nor of any other way in which the six clans included in the Kuttan are associated together. It is possible that the five-fold division is connected with some customs regulating the payment of the Badaga tribute to the Todas, but I could learn nothing of such customs. Each clan has divisions of two kinds called kiidr and pbbii. The kudr is a division of ceremonial, the polni of practical, importance. The Kudr Normally each clan has two kudr and two only, and, as we have seen in Chapter XIII, these divisions become of the greatest importance in connexion with the irnortiti ceremony, the whcjle regulation of which is dominated by the division into kudr. So far as I c(juld ascertain, the kudr has now no win SOCIAL ORC.ANlSATION 543 ulhcr siy,"nificancc, and I do nut know whether the division is one which formerly possessed a social significance which it has now lost, so that the kudr only persists in ceremony, or whether it is a mode of division of the clan which has arisen purely in connexion with the irnortiti and other allied ceremonies. In one or two cases there was some doubt as to whether a certain division of the people was a clan or a kudr. This was especially the case with the Kwaradrol, now extinct, who were said by some of my informants to have been a clan, but it seemed clear that they only formed a kudr of the Keadrol, and were not properly a distinct clan. This is one case in which a kudr has a distinctive name, and another example occurs in the Panol where the kudr have separate names, one the Panol or Pandar, the other the Kuirsiol or Peshteidimokh. In general, each kudr\s named after its leading man, thus the two kudr of the Nodrsol are spoken of as the kudr of Mudrigeidi (i) and Kerkadr (2). The man who gives his name to the kudr is probably responsible for the general management of the ceremonies in which the kudr is concerned. In a few cases a clan was said to have more than two kudr, but on cross-examination it turned out in each case that the statement was due to the fact that the clan contained a section which had no part, or only a subordinate part, in the inwrtiti ceremony and that this section might sometimes be spoken of as a kudr. Thus, in the Kuudr clan there are three sections, two which have reciprocal relations in the iruortiti ceremony, and a third consisting of the family of Tovoniners (61) which lost certain privileges owing to a dispute many generations ago (seep. 675). This family could perform the irnortiti ceremony, but in such a case the buffalo would go to the members of the two other divisions and Tovoniners would receive nothing if either of the other divisions performed the ceremony. Another example of a clan said to have three /7/<:i'r is that of Piedr, where the family • >f Nongarsivan (62) stands in the same relation to the other divisions as is the case with the family of Tovoniners in the Kiuidrol. In this case Nongarsivan's exceptional position is 544 THE TODAS chap. probably due to the fact that his family lives at Kavidi in the Wainad. When a kudr becomes extinct a new division of the remain- ing kudr may take place, but, as a rule, this is not done till an occasion for the irnortiti ceremony arises. There are several cases in which one ^7/<^rof aclan has now been extinct for several years, but though the re-division is often a subject for discussion, it is not probable that a new kudr will be instituted till the necessity arises. Occasionally, however, it would seem that a new X'Wrt^r may be decided on apart from an occasion for the irnortiti ceremony, for about the time of my visit the people of Keadr, who had lost one kudr by the dying out of the Kwaradrol, decided that the family of Karem (69), of which the sole living representatives are three boys, .should form a new kudr. I could not learn what had been the motives for the decision. Some unimportant clans which have arisen by fusion from other clans, such as those of Kidmad and Kulhem, have no kudr, and do not appear ever to have possessed these divisions. The Polm The word polm means ' portion,' and is the name of the section of the clan by means of which is regulated the sharing of any expenses which fall on the clan as a whole. Any expenses which the clan may incur as a whole are not equally divided among the individual members of the clan, but are equally divided among the polui. The chief occasion on which such expenses arise is in the repair or rebuilding of a dairy. When a clan owns a ti and a dairy of the // needs to be rebuilt or repaired, the expense also falls on the clan, and is equally divided among the polm, as in the case of the village dairy. The outlay is equally divided among the polui, however much they may vary in size. Thus in the Kars clan owq polm has sixteen adult male members, while another has only one, but this one man would contribute exactly the same amount as the other sixteen. xxiii SOCIAL OR(iANISATlUN 543 Occasional!)- a //'//// is so poor that it cannot pa\- its share, and in one such case at the present time the po/m, in this case consistini^ of two bo\'s onl\', has been incorporated into another. The number of /^V//^ in a clan varies greatly, from ten in the case of Kars to one only in the Pedrkars clan. There is no definite relation between the kiidr and the /o/f/i as regards numbers ; thus, one /ii/dr of a clan may consist of one po/^/i only, when the other Xv/^/r is divided into many po/fJL When there is a ijjreat degree of inequality in the sizes of different p'ohn, a redistribution may take place, and this is probably the more likely to happen the more influential are the members of the smaller pbbn. I believe that redistribution in the case of both pbhn and kudr is usually decided by the members of the clan itself, but in cases of doubt it is probable that the general council may have a voice in the matter. Each/^Vw has a headman and is spoken of as \.\\& palm of this man. He is responsible for collecting the amount due from it,'but as the poll n often consists of a number of brothers, who hold much of their property in common, the collection is not usuallx' a matter of difficult}-, and I never heard of any disputes arising from this source. The Todas recognise the e.xistence of the family {kiidupel ox kiidiibel)\\\\.\\\\\\.\\Q clan, meaning by this a group of people bound together by near blood kinship. As a general rule, the family corresponds with the pblni, but sometimes there may be more than one pbhn in the same family. It seemed to me that the term kiidupel had not the same clear meaning as the pblin. The family has no important function in the social organisation except in so far as it corresponds with the pbhn, but it is taken into account when \.\\e pblni and kudr are readjusted. The term was chiefl>- used when the Todas were speaking of certain families as being noted in certain ways or as having certain privileges. Thus, some families are noted for their powers as sorcerers, and these are called piUkiidiipcl ; others are known as manikudupel, or chief families, whose members are important in government and can hold the office of 546 THE TODAS CHAP. vioiicgar and serve on the iiaiin. Other families important in government whose members can serve on the naivi or council are called tiiikanipuntth kudiipel or tinkaiii knditpcl and pabitth kndupel. The members of certain other families have certain duties of a lower order in connexion with the naim. The}' take messages and act generally as servants at the meetings, and the families with these functions are called kavodipiitipol kudiipel, or servant families. They are also sometimes called annaiiol or palace people, because at one time the Rajah of Nelambur in the Wainad put his buffaloes into their charge. Laws of Descent Descent among the Todas is alwa}*s reckoned in the male line. A man is always of the same clan as his father, if by his " father" we understand the man who has gi\-en the bow and arrow to his mother at the pursiltpimi ceremonx'. In the case of the offspring of a moklitlioditi union, there is at first sight an appearance of female descent. "The child of a Teivali mother and a Tarthar father belongs to the Teivaliol and vice versa, but on further inquiry it is found that the child does not belong to his mother's clan, but to that of her legal husband. The child of a Teivali mother in such a case is not Teivali because his mother is of this division, but because a Teivali man only is allowed to perform the pursiitpiini ceremony with a Teix'ali woman and become the legal father of her child. If, in such a case, the piirsiitpimi ceremon}' had not been performed, the child would belong to the division and clan of neither father nor mother, but w(juld be a padiiiokli, of no division and of no clan.^ I did not definitely inquire into the point, but from my general knowledge of the position of such an individual, I have little doubt that he would not be allowed to perform \.\\q pursiitpiini ceremony, and could therefore never become the legal father of a child. In this as in all cases the clan to which a child belongs ' Another name for a man of no clan is /«:»//, but I do not know wliclher tliis is merely a synonym oi padiiiokh or whether a man can lose the riglit of belonging to a clan for any other reason tlian that describfd above. xxnr SOCIAL ORGANISATION 547 is determined entirely by the pnrsittphni ceremony. If in a polyandroLis marriage the husbands belong to different clans, a child belongs to the clan of the husband who has last performed this ceremon)', and, as we have already seen, in the case of the death of one of the husbands, the dead man may become the legal father of several children, if the surviv- ing husband does not perform the ceremony of giving a bow and arrow to the wife. Again, in the case of a woman becoming pregnant while still unmarried, the father of the child is the man who is called in to give the bow and arrow, although he may have had nothing to do with the woman before the ceremony. Further, if for any reason the husband of a woman should be prevented from performing the pursiitpinii ceremony, some other man is called upon to give the bow and arrow and he becomes the father of the child. Lastly, in the numerous cases of transference of wives from one man to another by the tcrerstlii custom, one man may be the real father of a child, but another will become the legal father if the trans- ference should take place in time for him to perform the essential ceremony. The Todas show few traces of mother-right. In some communities there is little reason to doubt that such acts as are performed by a Toda towards his sister's son are survivals of a condition of society in which the mother's brother was responsible, largely or altogether, for the welfare of the child. Among the Todas, however, the imiu stands in two relations to a child. He is the mother's brother, and he is also the prospective or actual father-in-law, and we have no means of telling in which of these two ivies he performs his duties. If the duties of a man towards his sister's son among the Todas be a relic of mother-right, there can be little doubt that this condition must have been \-ery remote. The Todas have a special name for the village of a man's mother — viz., kanivnbdr, or " honoured place," and when a mamnokh gives a buffalo or other contribution on the occasion of a funeral, he speaks of it as a gift to his kaniviiodr. When a man visits his kaniviiodr, he goes to the door c;f the dairy x\ N 2 548 THE TODAS CHAP. and bows down with his head to the ground at its threshold, and then goes to the huts, where he is greeted with the appropriate greeting, but this differs in no way from the pro- cedure of a visitor to any etudmad. Marshall in his book ^ on the Todas has suggested that the existence of female succession among the buffaloes of the Todas may be a relic of female descent among the people themselves. He suggests that at one time the scheme of descent and kinship was the same for the Todas and for their buffaloes, and that with the introduction of polyandry there came in inheritance through males among themselves, while they continued to reckon the descent of the buffaloes in the female line. \\ e have seen (see p. 471) that the method of reckoning- descent among the buffaloes is clue superficially to the absence of names for male buffaloes and more deeply to the lack of interest in paternity. Nevertheless, Marshall's suggestion, wild as it may seem, should not be utterly scouted. The Todas regard their buffaloes so much as fellow creatures that any of their ideas concerning the relations of their buffaloes to one another should not be without interest to the student of social regulations. If one may speak of social organisation among buffaloes — and in the case of the Toda herds we are justified in doing so — we have a state of society in some wa}'s analogous to that which many sociologists suppose to have existed at one time in the earl}- stages of human society. We have various groups of buffaloes, and each buffalo — certainly each female buffalo — belongs to the same group as its mother. There is complete promiscuity, and the buffalo belongs to its mother's group because paternit)- is unknown or disregarded. It is true that this condition is artificial, but it is this very artificiality which gives it its interest, for it shows that people like the Todas, whose whole lives are devoted to the buffalo, to whom the breeding of the buffalo should have the deepest interest, have allowed this state of things to come about. If the}' liad attached iinportance to paternit)- nothing would have been easier th.in to regulate breeding, t<» record paternit)', 1 v. 111. \-xin SOCIAL ORGAXISATIOX 549 anil c\en to haxc clc\clu})e(l a system of male descent amonj^f their buffaloes such as exists among their.sel\e>. The nature ul' w hat ma\- be called the social rei^ulations of the buffaloes shows that the Todas take little interest in the part played by the male in the process of mating, and, as we have seen, this lack of interest is almost as great among themselves. Side bv' side ^ith the strictest regulation of marriage as a social institution, such great laxity prevails in regard to sexual relations that the Todas may almost be said to li\e in a condition of promiscuity, though, as I ha\e endeavoured to show, the degree of promiscuity is in practice perhaps hardU' as great as their statements would lead one to expect. Adopt lox It is clear that the custom of adoption of children is not practised b\- the Todas. They denied its existence cmphaticali}-, and I met with no instance v/hich led me to suspect its presence in compiling the genealogies. If a child is left an orphan, it is looked after by the people of its clan, but it is always clearly recognised that the child retains the father's property and belongs to the iiiadol and polui of the father. There is, so far as I could ascertain, no religious custom which makes it necessary that a man should have children. The duties of a child at the funeral ceremonies can quite well be performed by some other member of the clan. There is a social reason which makes it inconvenient in some cases that a man should die without male issue. If a man is the only representative of his kudr, and has no children, the laidr will become extinct, and the clan will be put to the trouble of rearranging the families of which it is constituted. If such a man is childless he may take another u ife in the hope of having a son to carry on the kudi\ but the adoption of a child for the purpose is never thought of. A good case is that of the two brothers Mudrigeidi and Odrkurs in Table I. They are the last two representatives of one kndr of the Xodrsol. They have had two wives, one of u horn has had a daughter and a boy who died, and in the 550 THE TODAS chap. hope of having a son, one of the brothers had recently married a \oung girl, ObaHdz, as his third wife, the others being still alive, though one had been taken b}' another man, GOVERNIMF.NT The most important feature of Toda government is the iiaini, or noim} a council having a definite constitution. The naiin proper has to do with the affairs of the Todas in general, and, in addition, more informal councils,- consisting of the chief members of a clan, may be held to settle matters arising within the clan. It seems, however, that the supreme nniiii may sometimes be called upon to settle the internal affairs of a clan. The naiiu of the general bod\- of Todas should have five members, or, if more than five members, the}- should be drawn from five sources. Four of these sources are the Tarthar clans of Kars, Nodrs, and Taradr, and the Teivali clan of Kuudr. The fifth source is the Radaga village of Tuneri, from which a Badaga man ma}' be sent to take part in the iinini. He is only called upon to sit, however, on special occasions ; and in the man\' councils which I saw during \y\y visit a Badaga was rarel}' present. He probably only sits, as a rule, when questions arise \\hich involve the relations between the Todas and Badagas. The Toda representatives should be drawn from certain families of their respecti\-e clans. The Kuudr representative should belong to the famil)- known as the inaiiikndiipcl, and the representatives of Kars, Nodrs, and Taradr to the families known as tinkanikiidiipcl. A few years ago the Toda re- presentatives were Kuriolv of Kuudr (52), Parkurs (8) and Piutolvan (10) of Kars, Kudodrsvan (3) of Nodrs, and Ircheidi (20) of Taradr, though there was some question whether Ircheidi was on the uaiiu, or whether his place had not been tak'en by Piutolvan, the second Kars representative. All these men are at present living, but, with the exception of ^ A meeting of the council is often spoken of as kulkftdrili, " llie assembly assembles," or kuipuiuti, " the assembly makes." - It seemed clear that the term uaim is also applied to these clan councils. XXIII SOCIAL ORGANISATION KurioIv,thc\'arc too old or infirm to ser\-c. Kuriol\' is still on the iiaini, and his influence is entirely predominant, and it appears that he lias been instrumental in altering the constitution of the council \-ery largel)-. The number of representatives has been increased, and the following were the members in 1902 : — Kuriolv and Ivievan ("52) of Kuudr, Perner and Tebner ("68), of Keadr, Parkcidi '21 , Paners 23) and Siriar ('20 ) ofTaradr and Pidrvan (9) of Kars. Thus several members of the Kuudrol and Taradrol are serving, while there appears to be no representative f)f the Xodrsol ; and I was told by several Todas that Perner and Tebner are on the council because they are friends of Kuriolv, though, as members of the Keadr clan, they have no riglit whatever to the position. On the slopes below the hill called Mirson, near Paikara, there are the remains of ruined walls marking a place where the iiaiin used to meet. This place is called Idrgudipem, and seems to have been at one time the chief meeting-place. At the present time the iiann meets anywhere. I have seen the council sitting in the compound of the bungalow at Paikara and on one occasion, when I was working in a bunga- low at the Ooty Club, the Jiaiui sat in the grounds of the club. In general, they now meet at the places which happen to be most convenient for the chief members. The members usually sit in a semicircular row. If they are considering a dispute between two parties, representatives of the parties take part in the sitting, and in these cases the members of the naiin sit in the middle of the row while the representatives sit on either wing. During my visit the council was chiefly occupied with the various complicated transactions which are always arising out of the custom of transferring wives from one man to another. This custom is the chief source of disputes among the Todas, and at times the 7iaijii may sit for several days before one case is settled. I am doubtful whether the naim should have a definite head, but at the present time it certainly has such in the person of Kuriolv of Kuudr. He is the senior representative of the manikndupel of Kuudr, and is therefore the natural representative of this clan on the naim. He is highly intel- 352 THE TODAS li^ciU, ami L;avc mc the iinprcssioii that he iiiiL^bl liavc rist-ii to a hiL;"h place in any conimunitx'. He has the reputation among the Todas of being ver)' eloquent and of having great persuasive powers. When persuasion fails, there is very little doubt that he resorts to intimidation of some kind, though I could not discover what his means of intimidation are. I'K;. 6o. — KURIOI.V AND I'lUMURt; On one occasion the naim spent a whole day discussing a marriage case in the compound at i'aikara. On the following day they met in a distant part of the hills to continue the discussion of the case, and I was told that this was arranred by Kuriolv because he hoped to enforce his wishes in some secluded spot more effectively than in the publicity of Paikara where the evidences of the ' government ' probably lent moral support to his opponents. However Kurioh- effects his purpose, there is no doubt that XXIII SOCIAL ORGANISATION 553 he almost ciitiivl\- doniiiicilcd Uic Todii jjcuplc at the time of my \isit. We have already seen that he has succeeded in altering the constitution of the /lai'm, and several examples are given in this book of his interference in the normal course of Toda affairs ; interference usually in favour of his own famih' or friends. In at least one case (see Chap. XVI) during m\- \'isit he considered himself superior to ceremonial laws. He seemed to me to afford an excellent example of the [process by which one man ma)' bring about considerable changes in the laws and regulations of a community ; though I was told in several instances that the Todas would revert to their old customs as soon as Kuriolv died. I did not obtain a full account of the duties of the /idn// and of the affairs which come under its jurisdiction. There is no doubt, however, that it is largely concerned with the settlement of civil disputes arising between individuals, families, and clans. As I have already mentioned, it seemed to me that it was almost exclusively engaged during my visit in the regulation of the disputes arising out of the tererstJii custom. In one such case the question of funeral contributions was involved, and I ha\-e no doubt that the settlement of an}- dispute arising from this source would come within the province of the iiaim, and probabh' an)' doubtful point in the working of the social regulations would be submitted to it. In addition to its functions in disputes between individuals, the iia'utt has wide functions in connexion with Toda cere- monial. It decides when many ceremonies take place, and has the chief word in regulating the affairs of the // dairies. Thus it appeared that the various arrangements and alterations of arrangements in connexion with the migration of the buffaloes of the Nodrs // which were made during m)' visit were the work of the naim, or, at an)' rate, of its chief members. Crime I have no knowledge about the power of the naim in criminal as opposed to civil matters. I never heard of inquir)- by the naim into any criminal offence committed by one man against another or against the community. It is, however, 554 THE TODAS chap. doubtful whether crime can be said to exist amonp^ the Tod as. Acts such as infanticide are committed which would be regarded as crimes by others, but since these are the outcome of custom they are not crimes from the Toda point of view. Again, we have seen that the Todas have a code of offences against the dairy, but these must be regarded as sins rather than as crimes, for they are neither investigated nor punished by the ci\'il authorit}', the )iaiin, but are punished directly b\* the gods, and the various ceremonies described in Chapter XIII are expiatory and not punitive. The list of offences given on p. 295 includes quarrelling between people of the same clan at a festival and quarrelling in the dairy. In both cases the quarrelling is an offence against the dairy, and I have no information to show whether quarrels ever lead to acts of violence which might in other places become the subject of criminal investigation. So far as I could learn, any investigation b}' the iiaiui would only deal with the causes which had led to the quarrel ; it would deal only with the civil and not with the criminal aspect of the case. .Again, the custom o'i terevstlii, or transference of wives, w hich is the chief subject of the deliberations of the naiiii, some- times leads to acts of violence. A woman who has been transferred by the naivi from one man to another may be carried off by force from the home of the former, but, however such an act may be regarded from our standpoint, it is not a crime from the Toda point of view, but merely the carrying out of the decision of the judicial authorit}-. So many Todas are, however, discovering that such an act is regarded as a crime by Europeans that there will probably soon come about a state of public opinion which will regard such abduction as a crime, and possibly the same idea may become attached to the whole custom of transference of a woman from one man to another unwillingly. It seemed not unlikely at the time of my visit that this conversion of a custom into a crime might be assisted by the action of the Government. In the legend of Kwoten, this hero kills Parden, but so far xxin SOCIAL 0R(;AXIS.\TI0\ 555 as I know this is the only example of murder, either legendary or historical, among the Todas. The Todas may take part in the murder of a Kurumba who has been working magic, but this is of course no crime from the Toda point of view, but an obvious method of self-defence, for it is believed that the only way of stopping Kurumba sorcer}' is to kill the sorcerer. With the exception of the occurrences accompanj'ing the transference of wives, which I ha\'e already considered, I heard of no case of assault by one Toda on another. Similar!}', I heard of no offence against property except in connexion with the dair\\ So far as I know, ornaments or clothing are never stolen. In the list of offences against the dair}', stealing ghi is included, but it was clear that this is regarded as sacrilege, as an offence against the dair}' and not as an offence committed against the individual. Suicide In the legend of Kwoten there is a record of suicide b)- strangling, and since the suicide of Erten and his confederates this- is said to have been a recognised custom among the Todas. Several instances have occurred in recent times ; thus, about four generations ago, at a village called Podzkwar, near Taradrkirsi, a woman and her husband had a dispute and the woman strangled herself. About three generations ago a man strangled b.imself in the dairy at Melgars, and when a Toda is very angr)- he will threaten to commit suicide, saj'ing '■'on nicdr kati kcdraividikin' — "my neck t}'ing, I will die." Another way of committing suicide, said to have been borrowed from the Badagas, is that of taking opium. There has been a recent case of suicide, b}- this means, and when angr}', a Toda sometimes sa}-s, " viiid tid kedraividikin " — " Opium eating. I will die." The Monegar The Todas have a nioiicgar, or headman, who is responsible for the assessment which the Todas pay to Government for their grazing rights, &c. (see below). 556 THE TO DAS chap. The CcU'licst iiioiicgar wlu^m the Tis/rii/, hy H. 1!. C.ri.^L;, Madras, 1880. Sec al.so Thurston, Bull. i. 182. 558 THE TODAS chap. sum from the Government as compensation for land taken from them in Ootacamund and elsewhere. Although thcTodas have thus had much difticuity with the Government in relation to the ownership of land, it does not seem that they have trouble in this matter among themselves, and I heard of no disputes between members of different clans or different villages about grazing rights. In the account of the marriage dispute between Punog and Nertiners (see p, 536) the former had evidently put many of his buffaloes in the charge of his brother-in-law for grazing purposes, but it was quite clear that no question of grazing rights came into this dispute. The buffaloes only came into the quarrel because Nertiners happened to have them in his charge when the marriage dispute arose. I did not ascertain definitely how grazing rights between two clans or families are regulated, but I think it is quite clear that there is no individual ownership in land. Certain dairies, and probably all the chief villages {etiiduiad), are regarded more or less as the property of the whole clan. There probably never arises any real question of ownership, but as regards the dairies, it was clear that any expenses incurred in the repair or rebuilding of a dairy fall on the whole clan, Qd.c\\ pblm of the clan contributing an equal share.^ The buffalo herds of the //are also regarded as the property of the whole clan, but the rights of ownership are in these cases very shadowy. It does not appear that the owning clan derives any pecuniary benefit from its possession of the herd, while, on the other hand, the possession involves con- siderable expense, chiefly o\\ing to certain feasts which have to be provided, and these expenses are given as the reason why certain of the sacred dairies are unoccupied. The people of the owning clan have, it is true, the right of choosing the palol, but as the choice is limited, and there is, in most cases, little competition for the office, this is a very cm})ty honour. Houses. Each house belongs to a certain famil}'. The normal Toda family consists of a number of brothers with ' I am nol clear on whom llic expense of rebuilding and repairing a dairy wonid fall when the dairy is situated at a village occupied by one family only, and used e.xclusively for buffaloes which are the ])rivate pro])erty of that famil) . xxin SOCIAL ORGANISATION 559 one wife, and each house belongs to a family of this kind, and is handed on to the children of the brothers. If the brothers quarrel, the affair is settled by the uaiui, and it is usually decided that one brother or more than one of the brothers shall occupy the house for a certain period, usually a year, and that at the end of this period he (or they) shall move to another village, when another brother or brothers will occupy the house. Such disputes do not seem to be frequent, but one was in existence during my visit. The two younger of three brothers had taken a wife without the knowledge of the eldest. The latter did not approve of the choice, and wished his brothers to send the wife away, which they refused to do. As the dispute had not yet been settled, the eldest brother at the time of my visit was living in the house, while the other brothers were living at the village of their newly chosen wife. If a family dies out, it seems that the house is not, as a rule, taken on by another family. It falls into disuse, and in time disappears. As a village may sometimes consist of one house only, villages may disappear in this way, and the ruins of some villages were pointed out to me which had fallen into disuse owing to the dying out of the families which formerly occupied them. A really important village, i.e., one with an important dairy, would of course never disappear in this way, but it is possible that the reason why some villages, such as Nasmiodr and Kanodrs, now consist of a dairy only, is that the families which possessed the houses at these villages became extinct. I do not, however, know positively that a house at such an important village may not, in some cases, be taken over by another family. Breeks has stated that the Toda custom is that the house shall pass to the youngest son. It seems quite clear that this is wrong, and that this custom is absolutely unknown among the Todas. It is, however, a Badaga custom, and among them I was told that it is due to the fact that as the sons of a family grow up and marry, they leave the house of the parents and build houses elsewhere. It is the duty of the youngest son to dwell with his jjarents and support them as long as they 56o THE TODAS chap. live, and when they die he continues to live in the parental home, of which he becomes the owner. Buffaloes. These are to a very large extent individual propert}-. In practice, owing to the fact that brothers usually live together, a herd of buffaloes is treated as the property of a famil\- of brothers, but whenever the occasion arises there are definite rules for the division of the buffaloes among them. I have alread)' referred to the fact that certain herds of buffaloes, such as the // herds and the kugvalir of Taradr, are the common property of a clan, but the great majority of both sacred and ordinary buffaloes belong to families or individuals.^ When a man who owns a certain number of buffaloes dies, the buffaloes are not necessarily divided among his sons. If the sons are all living together, the buffaloes may be treated as if they were common propert)-. The milk of the ordinary buffaloes is churned in the dwelling-hut, and that of the sacred buffaloes in the dairy, and the produce in each case is regarded as the property of the whole famil}'. It is onh' when dissensions arise, or when some reason makes it desirable that the brothers should separate and live in different villages, that the laws regulating the partition of buffaloes come into force. When such an occasion arises the buffaloes are equally divided among the brothers, with the exception that the eldest son and the youngest son each receive one buffalo in excess of the rest. This custom is known as irvakhtiiudr tneilkudr, or "if divide buffaloes, superior portion." If there are only two sons, each will get nieilkiidr, and the buffaloes are equally divided ; but if there should be an unequal number of buffaloes, the odd buffalo is taken by the elder son. If there are more than two sons, the buffaloes are equalh' di\"ided with meilkudr to the eldest and youngest, and any odd buffaloes are in this case sold and the proceeds equally divided, or, more commonh', one of the brothers takes the odd buffaloes and gives the right proportion of their value to the other brothers. ' On p. 70 I liavi- yiwn an i-xaiiii)l(.' dI llie i>\\ nLisliip uf sucilcI hulTalncs in ilir K.irs clan. xxiir SOCIAL ORGANISATION 561 Tlui.'^, if sixteen buffaloes are to be divided amoiiLj four brothers, the eldest and youngest would each take four, the second and third brothers would each take three, and the remaining two buffaloes would either be sold and the purchase money equall\- divided, or taken by one of the brothers, who would divide three-quarters of the value of the buffaloes between the other three men. If there should be onl\' fourteen buffaloes, the eldest and youngest sons would each take four buffaloes and the others three. The i)icilkudr'\<, also operative if a man divides his buffaloes among his sons in his lifetime. In this case a man usually keeps some buffaloes for himself; thus I was told that a man who had sixteen buffaloes and three sons might give four buffaloes to the eldest, three to the next, and four to the youngest son, keeping five for himself. The Todas told me of one apparent exception to the law of mcUkudr. If, in a family of four brothers, the two elder brothers marr)- one wife and the two younger marry another and the two groups separate, the buffaloes would be equally divided, but this is because each would receive a nicilkudr. If, on the other hand, the eldest and youngest son married one wife, and the other two sons married another woman, the first group would receive two buffaloes in excess of the second. The former example is, of course, an obvious consequence of the law of nicilkudr. I only mention it because the Todas told me of it especiall)', and seemed to regard it as a case which might be thought to be a departure from custom. I gave the Todas a number of hypothetical problems of buffalo division, and all were solved in accordance with the law of iiieilkiidr. I have not been able to learn of any exact parallel in other parts of the world, and it seems possible that it is an independent invention of the Todas. The division is called kndr, or horn, and it seems to me quite possible that at some time it occurred to an ingenious Toda that the two extremities of the family should be regarded as the two horns of the famil\-, and that this fact should be recogniscfl in the division of property, or, it may be, that the custom of endowing the eldest of the famil\- above his fellows 562 THE TO DAS chap. existed among the Todas as among so many other races, till it was pointed out that this was like a buffalo with one horn, and the youngest son was therefore similarly endowed to restore the symmetry of the family. The buffalo influences the Toda mind so much that I do not think this is a far-fetched explanation of a custom which appears to be the unique possession of this people. The word kndr is also the name of one of the divisions of the clan, and it seemed clear in this case that the proper number of kndr in each clan is two. There is much transference of buffaloes from one man to another, or from one family to another. Many ceremonies involve gifts of buffaloes, and these are usually presented by a member of one clan to a member of another. Marriage is one of the chief occasions of such gifts. Refusal to fulfil the marriage contract and divorce involve the payment of buffaloes, and the terersthi custom is a great source of the passing of buffaloes from one clan to another. Similarly, buffaloes are given at the ceremonies of naming, ear-piercing, &c., and as I have already pointed out, these transferences have led to great confusion in the classification of the different kinds of sacred buffaloes, as a man may have in his possession animals belonging to several named groups. In the case of ordinary buffaloes, ox pntiir, it seemed that a distinction is made between buffaloes ^\■hich have been acquired by a man and those descended from animals which had been in the possession of his father and grandfather. My attention was drawn to this point by the occurrence at the funeral of Sinerani. The recalcitrant buffalo on this occasion was one of the latter kind, and I was told that it should not have been killed at the funeral of a girl because, being descended from a buffalo which belonged to Kuriolv's grand- father, Kuriolv's heirs had a right to it of which they were deprived by its slaughter for a girl. If the dead child had been a boy the slaughter of this buffalo would ha\-c been proper, for the dead child in this case would have been one of the heirs. Transferences of buffaloes also take place between Todas and Badagas, as we have seen in connexion with the ear- xxiii SOCIAL ORGAxXISATION 563 piercing ceremony described in Chapter XIV. In this case the gift appeared to be nothing more than a friendl)' com- pHment, but it is possible that transferences of buffaloes may in some cases be connected with the other complicated rela- tions between the two tribes. Household Goods. These are equally divided among the sons, though, as in the case of the buffaloes, they are used in common so long as tlie sons live together. If household goods have to be divided among the members of a family they are shared as equally as possible, and this is also the case with any ornaments. If the man had only one ring, it was said that this ring would either be broken up and shared eciualK', or its value would be dixided. Money is shared equally among the sons. If one of several brothers who has his own wife should die and leave children, the sons would take their father's share at any division of property. Thus, at the time of my visit, I'iutolvan and Piiljeidi (10), two ver)' old men, were thinking of di\'iding their buffaloes among their descendants. In this case IMenkars would receive the number which his father Tagners would have received if he had been alive. If Tagners had left two sons, the portion which their father would have receixed would be dixided between the two boys or tle\oted to their common use. Daughters inherit nothing. The)' only receive from their parents what they are given as dowry [adrpani). Any {property given to a woman as dowry goes w ith her if she changes husbands, but any ornaments or other property given to a wife by her husband arc kept by the husband if the wife is transferred to another man or group of men. Harkness records a case in which a dispute about jjroperty cU'ose. In this case a woman bore two children to three husbands. One of the husbands died and the other two husbands married other wives. The two children claimed one-third of the property of the mother and her first husband, and Harkness was told that this was generally recognised to be a just claim. I did not inquire into this special case but according to the laws of inheritance of property which 1 have given, it would seem that the children were entitled to u 2 564 THE TOD AS CHAP. one-third of the whole of the property of the three brothers. If the property had been divided among the three brothers, the man who died would have received one-third, and the children should have received his share. In all cases of distribution of property, inheritance depends on descent as determined by the pursi'itpiuii ceremony, and not on the real descent, even if this should be well known. Thus the boy Meilitars (44), who is really the son of Kuriolv, but is legally the son of Pepners, should not inherit any of Kuriolv's buffaloes, but will receive those of his legal father, Pepners, of whom at present he is the only son. If the whole of a family, such as is given in one of the genealogical tables, should die out, the inheritance of the buffaloes and other ])roperty is determined by the nearest links of descent, of which a tradition may be jjreserved, even if the actual relationship cannot be definitely traced. Several interesting features of Toda law are illustrated by a case out of which a lawsuit may one day arise. If the lamil)' of Kiugi (57) should become extinct, there would arise a dispute about the succession to the propert}-, which would turn largely on a case in which i\\Q pnrs/itpnni ceremony was performed several generations ago. When the eldest child of Tudrvan (52) was about to be born, Tudrvan was away from home, and had not performed the pursiltpimi ceremon}-. There was a danger that the delivery might take place before the ceremony could be performed, and Kors (57) was therefore called in to give the bow and arrow, and Teitchi, who was born soon afterwards, was, according to Toda custom, the child of Kors. When Teitchi grew up, however, he decided to regard himself as the son of his real father, Tudrvan, and being a powerful and influential person like his grandson Kuriolv, he appears to have had his way, and his descendants have been regarded as the descendants of Tudrvan. Tudrvan himself gave the bow and arrow in the succeeding pregnancy, and there is therefore no doubt about the legitimac}' of Pushciri and his younger brothers and sisters. Owing, however, to the part pla\'e(l In- Kors before the birth of his grandfather, Kurioh- has !atel\- directed that Kiugi, the son of Kors, should belong to the same pbhn as xxiii- SOCIAL ORGANISATION 56; himself ill order thai ho or his family ma}- succeed to the buffaloes of Kiugi's //'//// if this should die out. It is known, however, that Kiu^^i's poliu is closely related to that of Tuliners (56,1, so that should the p'olui of Kiugi become extinct, there would arise a lawsuit between Kurioh- and Tuliners or their representatives for the possession of Kiugi's buffaloes. The essential point of the situation is that Kurioh- is trj-ing to make use of his double position as the descendant of Tudr\-an b\- real paternit}^ and of Kors b}- virtue of the pursiitpimi ceremon\-. According to the latter he is of the same polui as Kiugi, but if equit}- prevails in the decision of the naiiii which may have to settle the dispute, Kurioh- or his representati\-e will have to decide whether he is descended from Tudrvan or Kors, and will not be allowed to take advan- tage of both lines of descent. As a matter of fact, I was assured by several Todas that though they have apparently fallen in with Kuriolv's wishes, the}' still regard Kiugi's /rVw as most closel}' allied to that of Tuliners, and if Kuriolv should die before the extinction of Kiugi's famil}-, I have little doubt that the naim would decide that the buffaloes of Kiugi should go to the family of Tuliners. This potential lawsuit is important as showing the role played b}' the genealogies in the social regulations of the Toda community. We see that an eventualit}' which ma}' never arise and probabl}' will not arise for many }"ears to come is alread}' the subject of consideration and discussion, that the crucial point upon which the lawsuit will turn is an event which occurred probabl}- about 120 years ago, and that the ties of kinship which will be involved in the dis- pute are carefull}' preserved in the memories of the people. The histor}' is also very interesting in showing that a century ago a man of force was able to set aside a funda- mental regulation of Toda society, and that his grandson, who has apparently inherited the powerful character of his ancestor, is following in his footsteps, and, as we have seen frequently during this volume, is able to \)\\\. on one side Toda customs or laws when the}- conflict with his interests or desires. 566 THE TODAS chap. Debt and Servitude It seems to be not uncommon for a Toda to die in debt, and it is the duty of the sons to pay off the debts of their father. If there are no children, the payment of the debt is regarded as the duty of the brothers of the dead man. When children have to pay the debts of their father, the}' may give their services to others, receiving in return mone)- and other recompense. The usual pa}- is six rupees a }-ear, two cloaks, and food. To this is often added the loan of a milking buffalo. This custom of working for another is called kulvatkcrtJicJii or kfdvatkerthiti. Several of the eight sons of Pushteidi and Keitan (6) are now working to pay their father's debts. Two of the sons are married to one woman and live at one of their own villages, where they look after the buffaloes of the famil}'. Another brother is unmarried, but lives with a Teivali woman. The other five sons are unmarried and work for various people. One is employed on a tea estate, and the others are working for different Todas, who reward them in the manner alread}' described. The milking buffaloes lent to them are handed over to the charge of the brothers who are married. It is very exceptional to find a famih- in which so many of the men are unmarried, and this was said to be due to the necessit)' of paying off their father's debt. In this case the two eldest brothers have remained unmarried, but this was said to have been due to their own choice. It seems that it is left to the family to decide which of them shall marry and whicli shall undertake the duty of paying the debt. As soon as the debt is paid off, all the sons are allowed to marr\'. The Position oe Women There is no doubt that \\-omcn have a subordinate position in the Toda communit\-. The ceremonial of the dair)' has a predominant place in the lives and thoughts of the people, and the exclusion of women from any share in this ceremonial must have influenced the attitude of the xxiir SOCIAL ORGANISATION 567 community towards the sex. The laws regulating the relations of the dairymen with women also can hardly have contributed to raise the esteem in which they are held. The special ceremonies in which women are concerned involv^e various disabilities due to the ideas of impurity connected with these ceremonies. The seclusion-hut of a woman has attached to it the same ideas of impurit)' which attach to a corpse or its relics. Xot onl\' are women excluded from an)- share in the work of the dairies connected with the sacred buffaloes, but they are also prohibited from any part in the milking of the ordinary buffaloes or in the churning of their milk, which is performed solely by males in a part of the hut with which women have nothing to do. It seems that at one time women had the one function of tending the buffaloes at the time of calving, but even this is no longer allowed them. In other household matters, the duties of women are very limited in scope. Their chief work is the pounding and sifting of grain, the cleaning of the hut, and the decoration of clothing. I am doubtful whether they are allowed to cook, at any rate to cook food in which milk forms one of the ingredients. With such occupations as divining and sorcery they have nothing to do, but one woman has the reputation of possessing the powers of healing which belong to the ntkoreu. I could not learn of an\- matters of social importance in which women are consulted. When collecting genealogies in Torres Straits, I found that women were often repositories of this important branch of knowledge, but I received no indication that this was the case with the Toda women, though I cannot say definitely that they may not have possessed some knowledge of this and cognate subjects. Though thus unimportant in ceremonial and of little influence in the regulation of social affairs, women have nevertheless much freedom. In general social intercourse the two sexes always seemed to be on the best of terms, and I never saw or heard anything to indicate that women are treated harshly or contemptuously. -6R THE TODAS chap. In my ps\-chol()gical tests it certainly seemed to me the general intelligence of the wonien was very much lower than that of the men. Some of the younger women \\ere as acute and intelligent as the men, but the older women seemed to me hopelessl)' stupid. The\' did not try to give their minds to the tasks I set them with an}'thing approaching the keenness and interest shown by the men, and again and again I failed to obtain results of any value in tests which men understood readih'. It seems probable that the intelligence of the two sexes is not appreciably different in )'outh, but that the social life of the women does nothing to develop this intelligence and ever\-thing to force its exercise into the narrowest channels. It might, I think, be expected that polyandr)' would be associated with a subordinate position of woman, and there can be no doubt that the Todas show the association of the two conditions. When a woman marries she becomes of the same clan as her husband, and this is a matter of some importance in connexion with religious and social ceremonial. Thus, in the funeral ceremonies of a woman, the choice of appropriate da}- and place, of the people who are to take part in the funeral rites and other features of the ceremonial are determined, not by the clan of the woman's father, but by that of her husband, and this even when the marriage itself forms part of the funeral ceremonies. While I was on the hills, the widow, Kiuneimi (3), who had been living with her father at Nodrs, died. Her husbands had belonged to Kanodrs, and as a member of this clan she should have been taken to its burning-ground. This was, hov/ever, so far from Nodrs that it was decided not to go there, but to hold the funeral ceremonies near the place where she had died. The proper funeral place for Nodrs women could not, however, be used, for she belonged to another clan, and the body was therefore taken to a village which was not a true funeral place, and so no laws were infringed. The funeral of Sinerani (p. 391) is an excellent example which shows how all the details of a funeral ceremony are XXHI SOCIAL ORGANISATION 569 clc[)cnclent on the transference of a younc^ girl \.o the chin of a bo\' who acts as husband to the corpse. B\' her marriage to Keinba.the dead girl became a member of the Keadrol, and lur funeral .should lia\e been lu'ld at the burin'ng-gruund of this clan. Many c^f the features of the ceremonies were in accordance with this change of clan, and .since all were not so, the x'arious mishaps which occurred at the funeral were ascribed by the Todas to the departure from prescribed custom. CHAPTER XXIV ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS The arts of life among the Todas are extremely simple. The fact that their agriculture is done for them by the Badagas and that all the objects they use in their daily life are made for them by the Kotas leaves them free to devote their uhole attention to the care of the buffalo and the dairy. This employment has acquired so ceremonial a character that, having dealt with the ceremonies of the Todas, we find little left to consider in connexion with the regulation of the affairs of daily life. The artistic side of life among the Todas is but little developed. Their interest is so much absorbed in ceremony that little is left for the development of art, even of a primitive kind. The decorative arts are of the simplest and are directed only to the adornment of the clothing or the person, and even here we shall find that the methods of wearing the clothes or the hair are quite as much influenced by ceremonial as by .-esthetic considerations. In their amusements again we shall find that the influence of ceremonial is so great, that many of the games are merel)- imitations of ceremonial occupations. I have included in this chapter an account of the ideas which are held about the heavenly bodies, the primitive astronomy of the people. To the Todas, though in a less degree than to many people of low culture, it is the sun, moon, and stars which are the chief objects of those observa- tions and speciilations which are the beginnings of science. CH. XXIV ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS 571 Clothinc. The clothing of the men consists of a large cloak called the putku/i, a loincloth called tadrp, and a small perineal cloth called kuv}i, kept in its place by a string round the waist called pen liar. ')^\\Q putkiili is made of a large piece of double cloth, which is usuall)- worn by placing one side over the left shoulder and then throwing the whole garment round the back and over the right shoulder and across to the left shoulder, so that it completely envelops the bod}-. This method of wearing the cloak, which is shown by the third man of Fig. 61, is called kai nlk lit nidvai, "hand into laid who stands," or "who stands with hand placed within the cloak." The double layer of cloth of which the cloak is made is sewn together at the edges except at the upper part of one side, leaving the opening of a large pocket which is bounded b}' lines where the two la}-ers of the cloak are again sewn together. This pocket is called kiidsh and is very capacious, so that a Toda may produce a surprising number of articles from it. As we have seen, man\' of the articles given to the dead are placed in this pocket. There are two methods of wearing the cloak adopted on special occasions. One of these is that called kevenanit (adopted by the second man in Fig. 61), with which we have already often met. The right arm is put out of the cloak, so that the arm and shoulder are bare whenever a Toda approaches certain sacred personages or objects. The cloak is worn kevenanit whenever the wearer is engaged in pra}'er or employed in any way at the dairy. It is also worn in this way when approaching s. paid, when performing the kaimiikJiti salutation, and when crossing either of the sacred streams. The other method is that shown by the fourth man in I'^ig. 61 and is called Diad ar mitcJi nidvai, "head on covered who stands." The cloak is worn in this fashion by a widower between the middle of the first funeral ceremony and the final scene of the azaranikedr. It is also worn in 572 THE TODAS CH. xxiv this way by those who throw earth in \\\q piizJnitpiuii ceremon\' of each funeral. The tadrp is a loincloth worn in the ordinary way, as shown by the first man in Fig. 6i. The tadrp of a \'oung child has a pocket called tcrigs, but I do not know whether this pocket also exists in the tadrp of an adult. I^oth piitkuli and tadrp are manufactured by Hindus, probabl}' in the Coimbatore district. Thirty years ago, according to Breeks, the cloth was procured from weavers who came from Serumuge in Coimbatore, but at the present time the garments are bought by the Todas at the bazaar. When obtained b}' the Todas they have certain red and blue lines, and sometimes the Todas supplement this decoration by embroidery called pukiini, which is the work of the women, and a cloak so decorated is called pukuruputkuli. The decoration is shown in Figs, i and 9. Some women are especially expert at this work, and one woman who has recently had to change her name is now called Pukuruveli on account of her special skill. The chief point of interest in connexion with the kuvn is the string by which it is supported. This string is called pennar, or " butter string," and forms a special contribution made by relatives, and especially the sister's son, at a funeral. Further, the string is of especial significance in the dairy ceremonial, where it is sometimes called kerk. Both putkuli and tadrp are also worn by women. The garments are of the same kind as those of the men and are worn in the same ways. The higher grades of dairymen wear garments called ///;//, made of a different material, a grey cloth, which has been said to be manufactured by the Badagas of Jakaneri, but is probably onh' procured by their help. A cloak of similar material called an is, or should be, used to enwrap the bodies of the dead ; and, as we have already seen, there is some reason to believe that garments of this material ma}- have been the original clothing of the Todas, for in the legend of Kwoten, the wife of this hero wore a cloak of this kind. The Todas themseh-es manufacture a special kind of 2/0 574 THE TODAS chap. material called tiuadriiiar from the bark of a plant, and this .is largely used in the ordination ceremonies. In the ordina- tion of a Teivali palikartmokJi, it may take the place of the pctuni ; at that of a zviirsol, tzvadrinar may be used as a girdle ; and on the fourth day of the ordination ceremonies of the palol, the candidate manufactures and wears a rough kuvii made of this material. Its use in ceremony appears to be limited to the Teivaliol, and it is possible that it also is a survival in ceremony of clothing once in general use by this (jr both divisions of the Toda people. Many of the older and more important Todas now wear the turban called }nadpdn\ but there is no doubt that this is an innovation. The Todas themselves sometimes speak of the Badagas as "they who wear the turban," and it seemed clear that the custom has been adopted in imitation of these people. Harkness and other of the earliest writers state that the Todas never wear any covering to the head, and there is little doubt that the practice has been adopted during the last cen tur)'. At the present time a man always removes his turban \\hen performing any act of reverence (see Fig. lo) and when crossing one of the sacred rivers. Mr. Thurston mentions that on his first visit, the man whom he chose as his guide adopted the turban in honour of his appointment, and my guide, Kodrner, although much younger than most of those who wore turbans, also adopted this custom when he was with me. Methods of Wearing the Hah< There are various methods of wearing the hair, each of which has its special significance. The ordinary method for men is to allow it to grow to a certain length, so that it forms a compact mass, as shown by the first man of Fig. 6i, or as in Fig. 15. When a member of a clan dies, all the men of the clan tie their hair in knots in front till the funeral ceremonies are com[)lcted. This is called mad tutvai, " head (or hair) who XXIV ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS 575 rolls," and the second man in Fig. 6i is wearing his hair in this fashion, a girl of his clan having died not long before, whose second funeral ceremonies had not yet taken place. Another method of wearing the hair is shown by the third man in Fig. 6i. This method is called mad iiadrk vai, " head (or hair) long to who." It is adopted by anyone who FIG. 62. — TILIIW (12) WEARING HIS HAIR LONG OX ACCOUNT Ol'' A VOW MADE AT A HINDU TEMPLE. has made a vow. In Fig. 62 another man is shown in the same condition, but his head has a different appearance owing to the fact that he has tied two locks behind in order to keep the long hair awa}- from his face. This tying back has no other significance. Women wear their hair as shown in Figs. 3 and 11, in long ringlets, and there do not appear to be any differences in 576 THE TODAS CH. xxiv the method of wearing the hair under different conditions corresponding to those of males. After a funeral the Tarthar division of the Todas except the Melgarsol shave their heads, and this may also happen in connexion with vows made at the Hindu temple at Nanjankudi or elsewhere. The hair of a child is shaved about the third month of life (see p. 332), so that the head has the appearance shown in Figs. 6^ and 64. The head is shaved on the top and sides, and in a strip from the top to the forehead, so that three locks are left, two in front, called the uiikuti (? mcikuti), and one behind, called the knt. In the case of a girl, there is some difference in the method of shaving according to the position of the child in the family. If a girl is the eldest of the family, she wears three locks like a boy, but younger girls and thxi eldest girl, if she should have an elder brother, wear onl\- the two front locks, the inikuti. SKIN->rARK.S The onl)- kind of skin-mark made on males takes the form of a cicatrix on the right shoulder and, less commonly, on the elbow. It is produced by means of a stick made hot by the drill method of producing fire, exactly as in the production of fire for ceremonial purposes. The operation is not, however, accompanied b\' an\' ceremonial and may be performed by anyone. The marks are made when a boy is about twelve years old, at which age he begins to milk the buffaloes. The object of the marking is to cure the pain arising from the fatigue of milking. If the operation has not the desired result and the boy still feels the fatiguing effect of milking, a second mark is made, and occasionalK- a third or fourth maj' be necessar}-. In one case, in which a man had three marks one on the shoulder and two on the elbow, the third mark was not made till lie was fifteen or sixteen )'ears of age, three or four )-ears after the first mark had be(Mi produced. This was done because, even after this lapse of time, he still sufftn'ed from achinu in his arm after milkini-" the buffaloes. Another 577 P P 578 THE TODAS chap. man had four scars on the shoulder, this being the largest number I observed. Occasionally I observed a man without any of these scars, and, in more than one of these cases, the reason given was that the man had been one of a large family and had not had to do much milking. The cicatrices are usually raised well above the surrounding skin and are often distinct lumps of scar tissue (keloid). This appears to be the result of special treatment of the burn. A leaf called kudiers is put on the wound with butter, and this keeps it open for a considerable time. If the wound remains open too long, another leaf, caWed poturers, is used to hasten the healing. Similar, but less raised, marks are occasionally seen on the wrist or elsewhere. In men these are always the result of treatment for pain or illness and are made in the same way by means of a hot stick. Sometimes a metal instrument called sunurkiidi is now used for this purpose. The ceremonial burns made on the wrists of women during the first pregnancy have already been fully considered. Tattooing is only practised by women. The patterns consist of rings and dots arranged in straight lines, and they are most commonly to be seen on the chest, shoulders, and upper parts of the arms.^ I believe that there is some kind of ceremonial connected with tattooing, but unfortunately I failed to obtain satisfactory information about it. When I began the subject one day, I received an intimation that it was not a matter to be discussed in public, and later the subject slipped my attention and was never properly investigated. The tattooing is performed by certain women, but it seemed that any woman who had learned how to tattoo might under- take the business. The following are at present recognised as experts : Achaveli (43), Sinpurs and Edjog (20), Sinpurs being probably the same woman who acts as one of the titkbren. The woman who tattoos is given eight or twelve annas and she also receives food. The tattooing must not take place before puberty, but it may be done either before or after childbirth. ^ Some patterns are given by Mr. Thurston, Bulletin, i. 1896, pi. xii. XXIV. ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS 579 Little use is made by the Todas of pigments. The juice of a fruit called ilpotn, which has a red colour, is sometimes used to adorn the forehead, and another reddish juice from a fruit called putliinmlpoin ^ is used for the same purpose. The yellowish juice of t\\Q pelknrthpom is rubbed on the face, but this was said to be done in frosty weather only, as a protection against the cold. Ashes are now occasionally rubbed on the face and head, especially by women at the ceremony of going to the seclusion-hut after childbirth. The last is certainly a recently borrowed custom, and I suspect the other adornments just mentioned to be modern imitations of the forehead marks of the Hindus. Ornaments The men usually wear silver rings on the fourth digit of one or other hand. Often earrings are worn by the men and these are not uncommonly of gold. Harkness says that men sometimes wore chains of silver round the neck, but it is doubtful whether these are ever worn now. Formerly it seems that men used to wear far more solid rings, and one such ring is preserved which is said to have belonged to the hero or god Kwoten, The ornaments of the women are more numerous and take the form of bracelets or bangles ; armlets, often adorned with bunches of cowries ; necklaces, sometimes made of silver coins ; earrings ; and a brass circlet worn round the waist. These ornaments are usually of brass or silver. At one time they seem to have been very massive, Breeks recording that a pair of brass armlets worn on one arm weighed six pounds. Formerly gold ornaments seem to have been commonly worn, and, so far as one can judge from older accounts and illustrations, it seems that Toda jewellery has greatly degenerated and is of a very paltry kind compared with that worn in the past. ^ This is the fruit of one of the plants {Rubiis lasiocarpiis) of which the leaves are used in the ordination ceremonies of the dairymen of Taradr and Kanodrs. P P 2 58o THE TODAS chap. Food The chief foods are milk, buttermilk, ghi, grain, rice, and sugar. The chief drink is buttermilk, and milk is used chiefly when boiled with rice or grain. In clarifying their butter the Todas add some grain or rice, and this forms a sediment on the bottom of the cooking vessel which is called al, which is the chief food of the dairymen, and it is probably also used largely as a food in ordinary life. A list of various herbs, fruits, &c., eaten by the Todas is given by Mr. Thurston.^ There is very little doubt that at one time these were used much more largely than at present, when the grain provided by the Badagas is supplemented by rice and grain bought in the bazaar. The Todas have a tradition of a time when they lived chiefly on roots, herbs, fruits and honey, and the importance of honey comes out in several of their legends. A much prized substance called patdieiski is made from samai grain {^Paniciun miliare)^ which is roasted and pounded so as to get rid of the husk. It is used in the preparation of a food which is eaten on all the chief ceremonial occa- sions. When they prepare it the Todas say " asJikkartpimi" and this verbal form is used as the name of the food. In making asJikkartpimi, patcherski is put into a basket {tbdri) which has been carefully cleansed by rubbing it all over with dried buffalo-dung. Buttermilk and jaggery are added and the whole mixed together and rolled into balls, each about as large as a cricket ball. When eating, a hole is made in the ball into which ghi and butter, sometimes honey, are poured, and then the hole is covered with rice.- A man will usually eat two of these balls at a feast, but a greedy man may manage three or four. The Todas do not like others to see them eating, and if this happens, the same consequences may ensue as are ^ Bulletin, vol. iv. , p. i6. - Ashk is one of the Toda words for rice, and the name of the food is therefore derived from this substance. XXIV ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS 581 produced by the evil eye. Their natural politeness also makes the Todas uncomfortable when they see others eating, and in the early part of my visit I sometimes dispersed a group surrounding me by taking sandwiches out of my pocket and beginning to eat. I did not ascertain definitely who cooks among the Todas. I had some reason to suppose that all the cooking is done by the men and that the women have nothing to do with this part of domestic economy, but I am not clear about this. It is possible that it is only food containing milk which must be cooked by the men. The Todas are an example of a people who have no native intoxicant, but they have now taken to alcoholic drinks, though I do not believe that they indulge in these habitually. The only occasions on which I saw Todas under the influence of alcohol were when they were returning from the bazaar on market days. I was only once asked by a Toda for alcohol and then by a woman. Tobacco is now largely used and opium is certainly also used, though I do not believe that it is taken in excess. It may be employed, however, as a means of committing suicide. Fire-making We have already seen that the fire used for several sacred purposes must be made by friction with the fire-sticks. The method employed is a variety of the drill method shown in Figs. 65 and 37. In the former the wiirsoloi Taradr is making fire in order to enable me to procure a photograph ; the latter is the result of a snapshot taken when the fire was being produced during a ceremony. In the horizontal stick, which is held firmly by the foot, a hole is made for the insertion of the vertical stick, and in this a little charcoal is placed. A small groove is cut on one side to assist the falling of the spark on the tinder beneath. The vertical stick is inserted into the hole and twirled between the two hands. In the only case in which I saw fire produced by friction in a ceremony (Fig. i"]^, the continued efforts of the two old men were unavailing, and a third younger man was called upon, 582 THE TOUAS CHAP. and with a few powerful manipulations he was rapidly successful. Several kinds of wood are used for the fire-sticks, the Toda names of these being kiaz or keadj, mors, parskiiti, and main. Only the first of these, however, may be used if fire is being MG. 65. — KAKOl, (04), HIE 'WLKSOL' OF TARAUK, MAKING FIRE. made for sacred purposes, and I was told that it was much easier to make fire with this than with any other. In some Toda villages a stone is kept called tfitmAkal, which was used at one time for making fire by striking it with a piece of iron. Probably this method was employed for non- sacred purposes in the period between giving up the fire-sticks for ordinary purposes and the introduction of matches. The Todas have two kinds of fireplace, the waskal, con- XXIV ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS 583 sisting of three stones, and the kudrvars, with four stones. The former is found in the dwelHng-hut, in the wursuli, and in the // dairy, and the latter in the tarvali and kudrpali ; but I did not discover why the more sacred dairies should have the same kind of fireplace as the house. According to one account waskal is the name used by the Teivaliol and kudrvars by the Tartharol, and it may be that this is the explanation of the apparent anomaly. The House Various parts of the house have definite names, and may only be used for certain purposes. As we have already seen, there are raised seats both outside and inside the house, the latter being used as beds. These are made of earth, the upper surface of which is made level, and the whole is usually well coated with a layer of dried buffalo-dung, sometimes nearly half an inch thick. The general name for these raised parts is ///;/, the seats outside the building on either side of the door being called kwottiui, while the bed on the right side of the interior is the nieitiin, and that on the left side the kitiln. The part of the hut where the bed or beds stand is called the idrtiil. The floor is called kuter, and this is divided into two parts by the hole in which the women pound the grain. The part near the door is called kikiiter, and it is in this part only that dairy operations may be carried on. The part behind the pounding hole is especially assigned to the women and is called nieilknter} The end wall, on which various objects, such as sticks, are kept is called tashten, and the fireplace, usually on one side, is called zvaskaL The part above the fireplace where firewood is kept is called ivaskalkfibi, and the place of the cooking vessels is called adikudi. The western side of the hut is sometimes called the ineilniakol, and the eastern side the ^ It might have been expected that the part of the floor near the door used for the dairy operations would be the meilkuter, but it is not so. Afeil also nfieans ' west ' and the explanation may be connected with this. 584 THE TODAS CHAP. kimakol, but I do not know if this implies any rule as to the orientation of the houses. The method of building is illustrated by Fig. 66, which shows a hut only partially built. Certain Todas have special reputations as architects, and the most famous of these at the present time is Kijievan (50), who superintended the building of the hut at Kiudr shown in Fig. 7, the most spacious and artistic of the strictly Toda dwellings which I saw on the FIG. 66. — TO SHOW A STAGE IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF A HUT. hills. Especial care is often taken with the arrangement of the rattan on the front of the hut, which is shown in Fig. 20. This is a picture of a dairy, but it shows the arrangement which is also found in the best of the houses. The hut used for the seclusion of women before and after childbirth is a rough structure of wood and thatch, but its name, puzhars, means " mud house," which suggests that huts made of earth may at one time have been used by the Todas, XXIV ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS 585 Implements and Utensils The most important objects in the economic life of the Todas are their dairy vessels, which have been already amply considered. Cooking vessels and implements used for cutting wood or for any other purpose are, like the vessels of the village dairy, procured chiefly from the Kotas, though at the present time the source of supply is probably supplemented by purchases in the bazaar. As the Todas practise few arts, their need of implements is very small. At one time they used thorns as needles, but now steel needles have taken their place. Thorns are also used for tattooing. Leaves are used as plates and cups, and the fingers take the place of forks. The only definite implements used are knives and axes, the latter being especially needed for procuring firewood. In some of their ceremonies, the Todas have preserved practices which may possibly be survivals of the use of stone implements. In the funeral ceremonies the buffaloes destined for the next world are killed with the back of an axe, but the buffaloes killed at the kobtiti ceremony and at the ceremony of purifying the funeral places must be killed with a stone. Further, the bark of the tiidr tree used in so many ceremonies must always be knocked off the tree by means of a stone. The latter of these practices must certainly be very ancient, and may well be a relic of an age in which implements were made of stone. The Pounder, Sieve, and Broom The interest of these articles lies in the fact that they are evidently regarded as the emblems of woman. When the wursol sleeps in the village hut, these articles are removed from the hut, and when the ti buffaloes pass the village of Kiudr, the women who leave this village take with them the pounder, sieve, and broom. In the case of the wursol, this sacred personage may associate with the women themselves if the three objects which seem to be emblematic of womanhood are removed. 586 THE TODAS chap. The pounder, sieve, and broom are burnt at the funerals of women, who use the pounder on their journey to the other world, A special kind of sieve called kudshmiirn is also burnt at the azaramkedr, but I believe that this is burnt at all funerals, both of males and females. The pounder, sieve, and broom are widely endowed with magical properties, and this is especially the case in India,^ but I do not know of any other instance in which they are especially regarded as the emblems of woman. Weapons At the present time it cannot be said that the Todas use any weapons, but they retain in their ceremonies weapons which were, no doubt, formerly in use. These are the club and the bow and arrow. The club only remains in the funeral ceremonies, in which it is called nanmakiid (see Fig. ^y'), and is burnt at the azaramkedr, and several other special sticks are also burnt, which may have been of the nature of clubs. The bow and "arrow have left more traces of their former importance. They are burnt at the azaramkedr of a man, and the weapons for this purpose are provided by the Kotas. The bow and arrow are also used in the kootiti ceremony of a Tarthar funeral. In the pursiltpimi ceremony the husband gives an imitation bow and arrow to his wife. The bow gives its name to the ceremony and its gift forms the essential incident of the ceremony. Further, the bow has a special name different for each clan. The use of an arrow lingers in name in other ceremonies. In the erkinnpttJipimi ceremony, the knife used for cutting up the sacrificed calf is called ab, or arrow. In the ceremony of tersamptpimi a lock of hair is cut from a young child with a piece of sharpened iron called kanab, or " eye arrow," but this name is only in use among the Tartharol. The use of these words seems to point to a time when iron-tipped arrows were used as cutting instruments, and it is even possible that this is a survival of a time when ^ See Crooke's Popular Religion and Folk- Lore of Northern India, 1896, vol. ii. pp. 187-191. XXIV ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS 587 the Todas were so much isolated that their only iron was that of the tips of their arrows. The bow and arrow are also mentioned in the legend of FIG. 67 (from BREEKS).— the FIRST MAN ON THE LEFT IS HOLDING A BOW AND ARROW; THE SECOND A CLUB (PROBABLY THE 'NANMAKUD') IN HIS RIGHT HAND, AND THE ' TADRI ' IN HIS LEFT; THE THIRD MAN IS CARRYING A CLUB, AND THE FOURTH MAN IS PLAYING THE ' BUGURI.' Kwoten. Teikuteidi was killed by an arrow shot by a lame man who lay down when he shot. It is possible that this legend points to an ancient custom of shooting the bow and arrow by means of the legs. THE TODAS CHAP. Measures and Numerals The Toda measure of length is the vwgai or viogoi, which corresponds to the cubit, being the length from the elbow to the tips of the fingers. The word is probably related to viogal, the term for fore-arm. The usual measure of capacity for liquids is the kiidi, said to be equal to about four pints. Another measure is the kbni^ two of which make one kudi. The kbni probably corresponds to the milking vessel, ox pun. For measuring out grain, the Todas use a special table of measures consisting of dk and kwa, eleven dk making one kzvd. When measuring out grain, modifications of the ordinary numerals are used. In the following lines I give these on the right-hand side of the page, those on the left being the ordinary numerals. Urdk is the equivalent o{ nd dk^ or one measure. ud erd inHd nonk udz dr or eu ot tmpoth poth pound ponerd ponimid potinonk or pdnk ponudz or podz pdr po or for pnt poiipoth evoth evoth ud evoth erd evoth m{td one two three four five six seven eight nine ten eleven twelve thirteen fourteen fifteen sixteen seventeen eighteen nineteen twenty twenty-one twenty-two twenty-three urdk irdk indk oponi oiak drdk cdk or ciidk btdk iinpdk pothdk vkwd ponerddk ponninddk poniionkdk poniidzdk pdrdk pbdk putdk poll pot hak evothdk evothuddk (doubtful) ikwd ikwd urdk XXIV ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS 589 mopolh thirty ikwci otak nio/-o:h viM thirly-three iiinkhwd n'l/o.'h forty iiiukhi.vd Inik iidpolh n vik forty-fuur mVchwci epoth fifty ndkhwd drdk epoth uiiz fifty-five aihvd droth sixty aihvd oidk droih dr sixty-six drwd ovotk seventy drwd opoiti ovo/h seventy-seven okwd otvoth eighty okiva indk otvolh ot eighty-eight olkivd iinvolh ninety ctkwd drdk jinvo/k iiupotli ninety-nine uiipawd anitr hundred impaivd ml Above a hundred the numbers of kwd are continued to potkivd, potiitdkivd, &c., up to twenty kzvd, which make one siligh, and then the people begin again at the beginning. This occurrence of the number eleven is probably a consequence of the transactions between Todas and Badagas. 590 THE TODAS CHAP. There was some reason to believe that the true Toda measure is the ak (probably a contraction of achok) and that the Badagas brought their grain to the Todas in vessels called kivd. The kivd contained eleven of the Toda dk, and hence came about the very unusual proportion between two measures. In giving ages or any other period of time, the word for year, kwbdr, is often abbreviated to wd ; thus ndpotJi kwbdr, forty years, becomes ndpothwd. In counting the Todas use their fingers largely and have a special method of indicating the numbers. To signify one, the thumb is placed against the tip of the little finger ; for two, against the tip of the ring finger ; for three, against the middle finger ; for four, against the forefinger ; for five, the tip of the index finger is placed over the nail of the thumb ; the same position is used for six, while that for seven is the same as for four, and so on, so that when ten is reached the thumb is resting again on the tip of the little finger. Money The Todas use the ordinary Indian currency. In their legends and ceremonies there is frequent reference to the panni, or four-anna piece. Among the coins used by the Todas at the funeral cere- monies there are many of considerable age with Arabic inscriptions, and the earlier visitors to the hills describe the Todas as possessing old Venetian gold pieces. In the legend telling how the kaltmokh of the Nodrs ti dispersed the in- vading Coorgs (p. 114), the boy made use of a small gold coin called pirpanm, which he had in his possession. The CalExNDar The Todas have twelve months, each of which begins with the new moon. The first month of the Toda year is Tai, which begins with the new moon in October, so that this month usually includes part of October and part of November. Some of the chief Toda ceremonies, such as that of teiitiit- XXIV ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS 591 itsthchi and the more important ceremonies of erktimpttJipimi, take place soon after the new moon marking the commence- ment of this month, and these ceremonies were sometimes, said to signalise the beginning of a new year. The following are the names of the Toda months, with the periods of our year to which they approximately correspond : — Tai October — November Emioti November — December KMrl December — January Aldni January — February Naldni February — March Ani March— April Atheri April — May Adi May — June Ovdni June — ^July Perit&thi July — August Tudeivi August — September Kirdivi September — October. Each month has thirty days. A record is kept of the number of days from one new moon to the full moon, and from that to the next new moon. The full moon is counted as being on the fifteenth day after the new moon, and the new moon as being on the sixteenth day after the full moon. The Week The names for the days of the week are as follows :— Asvo/n Sunday Ttivom Monday Otn Tuesday Pilthvom Wednesday Tarn Thursday Pilivoin Friday Thanivoin or Tanivoin Saturday. According to Schmid, who wrote in 1837, Otn is regarded as the first day of the week. Schmid also notes that the names for Wednesday, Friday, and Saturday agree in etymo- logy with Tamil, Wednesday being Buddha's day and Friday the day of Venus. He gives Etnat as an alternative name for Saturday. 592 THE TODAS chap. Astronomical Ideas We have already seen that the Todas reverence the sun, and that the period of the moon is of the greatest importance in the regulation of the times for their ceremonies. In this chapter we have to deal with their views as to the nature of these bodies and of the stars. The Sun The Todas believe that when the sun goes down in the west, it goes to Amnodr. The same sun illuminates both worlds, and this is shown very well in the story of Kwoto ; when this demi-god tied down the sun, there was darkness both in this world and in the other, and the people of Amnodr joined with those of this world in imploring that the sun should be restored to its proper place. When the Todas know that there is going to be an eclipse of the sun, they abstain from food, but they do not shout out during the eclipse as we shall see they do in the case of the moon. When the eclipse is over, they have a feast with ashkkartpinii. The Moon The new moon is called inut and the full moon nerv. We have already seen the enormous influence of the period of the moon in Toda ceremonial and I have given above the method of counting between the periods of new and full moon so as to know the correct day of the new moon if for any reason it should not be visible. The Todas see a figure in the moon which they call niilrs, the hare.^ The following story not only shows how the hare comes to be there, but also furnishes the explanation of eclipses of the moon and the origin of the Paikara river.^ Two men who were viatcJiuni (see p. 501) went out one day to fetch honey. After a time the}^ separated, and one ^ In India the marks on the moon are frequently supposed to represent a hare. ^ For another version of this story obtained by Mr. Thurston, see Bulletin, iv. p. I. XXIV ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS 593 found hone)-, while the other found none. I'hc man who found the honey put it into a dairy vessel called /////, which he hid in a tree, and when he met the other did not tell him of his good fortune. After a time the piui containing hone}' which had been put in the tree suddenly broke, and the vessel became a snake, while the honey became the Paikara river. The snake ran after the man who had hidden the honc)', and when the man saw the snake coming after him, he ran awa\-. As he w as being pursued, a hare came between the man and the snake. Then the man threw his cloak over the hare and hid himself, and the snake ran after the hare. The hare ran to the sky followed by the snake, and they came near the sun, which said, " Don't come near me because I am very hot. Go to the moon ! " So the hare went to the moon, and the moon said, " Do not be afraid ; I will protect you till the end of the world." The snake still goes sometimes to catch the hare in the moon, and when he goes the moon becomes dark and some people fire guns and send up rockets and the Todas shout. When it is known that there is going to be an eclipse the Todas abstain from food, and when the\- see the moon being eclipsed they shout out. I was told that there was another incident of the story connected with shooting stars, but I was unable to obtain an account of it. 1'1,A\ETS The Todas know \^cnus, which they call /*///, and they also speak of the " morning star." Constellations and Stars The Todas have names for several stars or constellations. The Pleiades are called Kadsht and the constellation is believed to be composed of six stars. Another heavenly body which I could not identify is called Keirt. Keh'thd^s already been mentioned in Chap. XIV., and it is the evil influence of this body which is chiefly feared after Q Q 594 THE TODAS chap. childbirth. It is said to be a star which is never present in the same part of the sky as Kadsht. The reason for this is that once Keirt and Kadsht fought together. Kadsht had six men and Keirt only one. Keirt broke the leg of one of the six men, so that now there are five stars close together in the Pleiades and one lags behind. On account of this quarrel Swami ruled that Kadsht and Keirt must never be together, but that when Kadsht is on one side of the sky, Keirt must always be on the other. When talking about Keirt in connexion with the ceremony of going to the seclusion-hut, it was said that Keirt was near the sun and that the sun was dangerous because Keirt was near it. It seemed that Keirt was always near the sun, which led me to suspect at first that it was Venus. It was quite clear, however, that this was not so. No one could show me Keirt, nor was anyone clear as to the part of the sky in which it was to be seen at any time in the night, and I think it most probable that this mysterious inhabitant of the sky is not a star at all, but a being allied to the Hindu Ketu. On the other hand, at a funeral attended by Samuel, the setting of Kadsht and the appearance of Keirt was taken as the sign that the proceedings of the azaraDikedr might begin, which looks as if Keirt was a real heavenly body. I think it is most probable that the whole idea of the injurious influence of Keirt is borrowed from the Badagas, and, if this is the case, the Toda word is probably merely an altered form of Ketii. I was told that Keirt was a Badaga word and that the Badagas feared its influence on women after childbirth. A group of stars called Pbdiniin^ or porcupine star, corre- sponds to the stars in th^ sword of Orion. They are regarded as a porcupine from which the three stars of the belt are trying to escape. A constellation of seven stars is called Katikdhnin. From the description it appeared to be the Great Bear. This constellation was not visible, but when I made a drawing of its seven chief stars, it was at once recognised as Katikalmin. A single star called Ishtkati is almost certainly Sirius. XXiV ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS 59: Thi.s star was not visible in the eveniiiu^s during ni)- visit, and at first Jupiter was pointed out to me as IsJitkati, but this was certainly wrong. Ishtkati appeared to correspond to the Badaga etukadicJii, which means " bull deceiving." The origin of the name is that one night a Badaga went out from his house and saw a very bright star, so bright that he thought it was the morning star. So he let his bulls out from the enclosure in which he had put them for the night. When a long time passed and it did not become day, the man said, " Let the star be called etukadicJii^ A pair of stars to which the Todas give the names of TiidrvaluiokJi and Tidiishti are near Aldebaran, forming part of the Hyades (probably 7 and e Tauri). The following story tells how these stars come to be in the sky. Once on the hills there was a bird with young. The mother went away to get food and a snake came to eat the young ones. When the young birds saw the snake climbing up the tree, they called out to Kudursami, who is above. He heard their cry and took them to the sky. The name of the bird was tftdrval, and so one star is called tudrvalmokJi. The tiidrval still sings " Kiidursmni trrrrrrr According to another version, the bird tiidrval had offended Swami, and as a punishment Swami took its young and they became the two stars. This story appears to be a well-known Indian folk-tale, and it has certainly been a recent acquisition of the Todas. It will be seen that there is much reason to believe that the greater part, if not all of the ideas of the Todas about the stars have been borrowed. In their own folk-lore there seems to be very little concerning the heavenly bodies except in the story of the man and the honey, and I even suspect this to be a borrowed legend which has been somewhat modified b}- Toda ideas. It is interesting, and I think important, that references to Swami occur in these stars-myths. In an earlier chapter I have given it as my opinion that the idea of Swami has only recently been acquired by the Todas, and I attach importance to the occurrence of the name in legends which have certainly been borrowed from another race. Q Q 2 596 THE TODAS chap. Games It is not altogether easy to draw the Hue between Toda games and Toda ceremonies. The sport which is practi.sed with the greatest zest is undoubtedly the catching of the buffaloes at the funeral ceremonies, and in the old days when the ))iarvainolkedr lasted two days, the first day, devoted to catching the buffaloes and putting them in the pen, must have been largely of a sportive character. Even now it is evident that the catching of the buffaloes is a spectacle which is much enjoyed by all in spite of the sad event which has led to its taking place. The Todas have, however, pure games, though it is doubt- ful whether some of them have not acquired in a certain degree a ceremonial character. In one of these games called narthpiiiii, a boy squeezes through a narrow tunnel formed by a flat slab of stone over, two upright slabs. Two boys start from different distances, and the object of the nearer boy is to squeeze through the tunnel before the other can touch his feet. I did not ha\'e an opportunit}' of seeing this game, and I onl}' saw the stones with which it is played at one village. This was at Nodrs, where the three stones are called nienkars and mark the spot at which one of the ordinary buffaloes is killed at the funeral ceremonies. The menkars is shown in Fig. 12 in front of and a little to the right of the entrance to the dairy. Another game resembling tip-cat is called eln, and at some villages there is a special stone where the game is played. A piece of wood pointed at both ends is propped against the stone and struck with a stick, and should be caught by some- one at a distance. The name for this game is probably! Badaga,^ and this suggests that the game has been borrowed] from this people. According to Breeks another game called kdrid/apinii,\ resembling ' puss in the corner,' is played by the Todas. Tht name suggests a true Toda game and I regret that I know^ nothing about it. ' The game is described by Breeks ami Tlnuston under llic name of ila/a, biitl this again is certainly not Toda. XXIV ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS 597 One day I observed a stone near the village of Pakhalkudr, and, asking whether it was for tip-cat, was told of a different game. If a man jumped high enough at the stone, he could see the top of a certain hill. On jumping at the stone I could not see the hill, but by going a little way back, I found that it became visible, and as far as I could judge, the jump necessary at the stone would be a possible though a good [performance. At man\' villages there is a large globular stone called tiikittlik(xrs (lifted stone) and in another of the Toda games this stone is lifted. A man should be able to lift it to the shoulder, but this can now rarely, if ever, be done, and some of the stones can only be lifted a little way from the ground. Mr. Thurston saw the stone at Nodrs lifted as high as the pit of the stomach. These stones seem to afford clear evidence of the degeneration of the Todas in physical strength. There is little doubt that they could be lifted much better by the Todas of a generation or two ago. Thus there is a stone at Nidrsi which was brought by the grand- father of Kudrmaskutan (43) in the pocket of his piitkuli from a place called Attibadi at a considerable distance fron^ Nidrsi. At the present time no Toda can do more than lift the stone a little way from the ground. The tukittthkars may not be lifted either on the niadnol or the palinol. Feasts are prohibited on these days, and it is probable that the stone was often lifted on festive occasions. There is evidence that, in some places at any rate, the stone has acquired in some degree a sacred character. Thus, at the village of Kiudr, one of the most sacred of Toda dairies, the tiikitthkars lies on a raised wall surrounding the dairy and in this situation would most certainly acquire some of the sanctity of its surroundings. The Todas are very interested in athletic feats performed by any of their number and sometimes put up memorials of such feats. Thus, at Pishkwosht there are two stones marking the distance once jumped by a Toda. Such an athletic feat may be made the subject of a bet. Thus, four generations ago, one of the ancestors of Kudrmaskutan (43) jumped a stream called Kavageir, winning eighteen nakJt (three-year-old 598 THE TODAS CHAP. buffaloes) from a l^adaga by doing so. Bets of this kind are probably only made with Badagas, and betting is almost certainly not properly a Toda custom. In addition to developed games, the Todas, and especially the children, often play with mimic representations of objects from practical life. Near the villages I have seen small artificial buffalo-pens and fireplaces made by the children in sport. On the hill of Mirson, where the chief council used to be held, I found a small pen, well built and with a gate, and was assured that it was made in sport by the children only a few years ago. This hill is one on which there are many cairns and such mimic representations may possibly mystify some future archreologist. The commonest toys with which the children play are little imitation buffalo horns made of wood (see Fig. 35). In the legend, the boy Kuzkarv played with such horns, and even little children in arms may be seen fondling these play- things. The horns are burnt with the body at the funeral ceremonies, but only at those of males, though this rule was infringed at the funeral of Sinerani. In the funeral lament for his wife Teitnir speaks of their playing with imitation horns and imitation bracelets, so that adults evidently amuse themselves in this way as well as children. Another imitation sport I have often seen is that of boys or youths hanging on the horns and round the necks o( < buffaloes exactly as is done when catching the animals at the funeral ceremonies. The skill shown at these ceremonies is probably the result of long practice in play of this kind. Nearly all thes mes are connected in some way with the buffalo or the dairy, in some cases only remotely, as when the menkars of Nodrs is used for the narthpimi game, while the tukitthkars may be kept by the dairy. Only one of the games so far described is wholly unconnected with the dairy, and this, the eln game, has a name which suggests that it has been borrowed. Though the Todas have, as we see, a fair number ofi games, they are not much given to playing them. I never saw one of the more developed games in progress, and this formed a great contrast to my previous ethnological experience XXIV ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS 599 in Torres Straits, where hardly a day would pass without seeing games being pla}'ed. The chief interest in the case of the Todas is the clear evidence they give of games arising owing to the sportive imitation by children of the more serious occupations of their elders. In some of these cases the games so arising are useful in providing the younger members of the community with practice in feats which they will in later life be called upon to perform. Riddles The Todas are very fond of riddles, which they call werat. The following are examples : — Mers illath karfhii, pot illath I'ldti? Md, tie /it. Udder without milks, mouth without drinks ? Rain, earth. I.e., What is it that gives milk without an udder, what is it that drinks without a mouth ? Rain, earth. Urk liters illath, kadak kal illath, athiiiti? Kfidi, In (or to) village udder without, in forest leg without, what is it ? lien, pob. snake. Kcn'td iiiokh pcriid aiii, pcri'id inokh kciiid aiii ? Ki'idr, Little son big hecomes, big son little becomes? Horn, kcvi. ear. . This riddle depends on a comparison of the horn and ear of the buffalo. The horn of the calf is very small, the ear is relatively large. Pitv pi'ivadi, kaini kaiiiiadi ? Tdf. P'lower does not blossom, berry does not ripen ? Fern. IViiyddr iioliii, inokh pachtaiii. pir dirhtaiii, ithithaiiithi Whole year days, son begetting, pregnant, this is custom ank ? Pishk '.iiiiiin. to it? * Pishkiiniiti is a tree which bears flowers or is giving fruit the whole year round. 6oo THE TODAS chap. Puzhardiiudr adetpolo(p]u? Ki'idi Mgili. Calls out if why that says no ? Cock crows. What is it that calls out and no one replies ? The cock. Neln tiri kai, poii tin' pi1v ? Eln. Earth goes round fruit, sky goes round flower ? The tip-cat game. Mudal pir vatvai, pin viarsvati ; pin pir First pregnant who becomes, later is delivered ; later pregnant VJ/vai, uutddl niarsvati? Taini, kodj. who becomes, first is delivered ? A grain, barley. Taini or samai {patju) is the grain from which patcherski, one of the chief Toda foods, is made. It shows above the ground later than barley, but is reaped earlier. I did not hear of any mechanical puzzles or tricks used by the Todas, and it was quite clear that they had no knowledge of cat's-cradle. PUETRV AND MUSIC I have given two samples of Toda poetry in the chapter on funeral ceremonies. These are the chief occasions on which songs are composed, but they are also made when a new dairy is being built, and may be composed and sung on any festive occasion. The general name for com- positions of this kind is kiiuedsti, and certain men hav^e special reputations as composers. The most noted of recent times was a man named Mervoin belonging to the family of Kiugi. Of those now living, Teitnir, whose two funeral songs I have given, is a noted composer, and I was told of six other men who were especially gifted in this way. Though I have called these compositions songs, they .should, perhaps, rather be called recitations. They are certainly not songs with any musical accompaniment. I understood, though I am not clear about this, that the clauses, or kxvarzam, of the funeral poems are said in a low voice "in the throat," so that they are not understood by the people who hear them. If this is correct, the funeral kzvar::am resemble in this respect those of which the prayers consist. The Toda poets also compose songs on any festive xxrv ARTS AND AMUSEMENTS 601 occasion, and Mr. Thurston ^ has recorded examples of several such compositions. Dancing takes place at the funeral ceremonies, and exhibitions of these or other dances are sometimes given by the Todas. The only dancing I saw was at a funeral and it was of the simplest possible description, the men who took part forming a circle and moving slowly round and round. The only musical instrument of the Todas is a simple flute, called the buguri. It is shown in Fig. 68, where it is being pla)ed by the man on the right. The instrument is not much used by the Todas and is not, so far as I know pla\'ed on any ceremonial occasion. The music at the funeral ceremonies is always performed by Kotas. ' lUill. iv. p. 7. CHAPTER XXV LANGUAGE My chief purpose in writing this chapter is to give informal tion which, I hope, may increase the value of the Hnguistic^ material which is scattered throughout this book, and es- pecially to describe some of the doubts and difficulties which I encountered in my attempts to reduce the Toda language to writing. At the end of the chapter I give some new facts relating to the sacred and secret languages of the Todas, and I will begin with a brief sketch of the views commonly held on the linguistic position of the Toda language. The Nilgiri Hills are situated at the point of junction ofi three of the chief linguistic districts of Southern India. Ini the country on the South and East, Tamil is spoken ; on the West, the language is Malayalam, and the people of MysoreJ to the North speak chiefly Canarese. The Todas live at this! meeting-place of three languages, but owing to their isolated] position their language is not a blend of these, but has very] definite and distinctive characters of its own, as might, indeed,! be expected from the character of the people. The Badagas with whom the Todas have much intercourse speak a corrupt] form of Canarese, and the Todas have undoubtedly borrowed j many words from their language. Previous writers have differed in their views on the special! affinities of the Toda language. No one has now, I think,] any doubt that the language is Dravidian. Bernhard Schmid,'^ who wrote in 1837, appears to me to have known more ofj ' Madras Jouni. Li/, and Sci., J 837, vol. v. p. 155. CH. XXV LANGUAGE 603 the true Toda language than anyone who has written since, and he ascribed two-thirds of the Toda vocabulary to Tamil and was unable to trace the remaining third to any other language. Caldwell ^ believed the language of the Todas to be most closely allied to Tamil. According to Pope- the language was originally old Canarese with the addition of a few Tamil forms, but he has included in his vocabulary words which have probably been borrowed from the Badagas. The linguistic material which I have collected is far more extensive than that which was available at the time Pope wrote his sketch, and though the material is in one way less satisfactory since it has been collected after thirty more years of Toda intercourse with the outside world, it is in another way more satisfactory than any previous material in that by far the larger part of it is derived from the formulae used in the religious ceremonies and in magic. It is, of course, well known that an ancient language may linger on in religious and magical formulae long after it has disappeared from ordinary speech, and when I discovered how many of these formulae were preserved by the Todas, I made a point of collecting as many as possible in the hope that they might preserve relics of the ancient speech of the Todas. In collecting this material I suffered under grave dis- advantages ; firstly in not being a phonologist, and secondly, in my ignorance of any Dravidian language. I had had, however, a fairly large experience in taking down unwritten languages phonetically, and, whatever the errors into which I have fallen, I hope that they are consistent throughout my record. As a matter of fact, I find my spelling to be fairly constant, words taken down from different individuals and on different occasions being written in the same way. From one point of view my ignorance of Dravidian languages is not an unmixed evil. When anyone hears a language which is allied to one he knows, it is almost impossible to avoid being influenced by this knowledge. This ' A Com para/ ivc Graimnar of the Dravidian Langiia'^LS, 2n(l cd., London, '!<75. P- 557- - Outlines of the Titda Grammar appended to Marsludl's P/neno/o^ist amoii^ the Todas. 6o4 THE TO DAS chap. influence has not been escaped by some of those who have previously recorded words from the Toda language. Thus in his Comparative Dictionary of non- Aryan Languages of India and Higher Asia} Hunter gives two vocabularies from different sources which he calls Toduva and Toda, and from the differences between these he thought they might be different dialects. According to Breeks these differences are due to the fact that the compiler of one vocabulary paid exclusive attention to the sounds he heard, while the compiler of the other was influenced by his knowledge of the deriva- tion of the words. I have very little doubt that many of those who have recorded Toda words have not written them down exactly as the Todas said them, but as they ought to have said them according to the usual rules of Dravidian pronunciation. We find, in consequence, very great diversity in the spelling, of Toda words, and when there is agreement, it is of very! little value, for many of those who have written on the Todas have evidently adopted the spellings of previous writers, even when they quite misrepresent the real sounds. Another difficulty which besets the investigation of the Toda language is the presence of dialectical differences even in the small community of only eight hundred people. Metz'^ noted such differences, and I found undoubted variations in the vocabularies of the two divisions of the Todas (see p. 687) and suspected variations in pronunciation. Still another difficulty is the large use of sounds, chiefly sh, ch, and th,^ euphonically inserted in words. Pope notes this as quite a Toda peculiarity, and it adds greatly to the formidable character of this language, though a word of the most appalling complexity may become quite simple when these euphonic (!) sounds are eliminated. Another of the sources of discrepancies in Toda vocabu- laries is the influence of the Badagas to which I have already referred. The Todas are a bilingual people speaking Badaga in their intercourse with other races and keeping Toda for 1 London, 1868. ■^ Madras founi. Lit. and ScL, 1857, N..S., vol. i., ji. 104. ^ These sounds liave usually been omiUcd in llie Toda words as wriUcn in ihis book. xx.v languA(;e 605 themselves. I liave already pointed out that the great majority of the names of Toda places and institutions which have been recorded by previous writers are the Badaga names and not the Toda names, and, as might have been expected, many Badaga words have found their way into [previously published Toda vocabularies. In my own work my procedure was to take down a sentence first through the interpreter, then to go through the words of the sentence one by one asking the Toda to say each word carefully, and often he had to repeat it many times before I could satisfy myself about the nature of the sounds. Often I would get a second or third Toda to say the word, and I have frequently spent many minutes over one word, and have perhaps then been baffled in my attempts to write the word satisfactorily. I noticed continually that the Toda words as pronounced by my interpreters were quite different in sound from those which came from the mouths of the Todas themselves. This was especially the case with the vowels, and in the addition of the initial j, so well known in the Tamil pronunciation of English. So far as I could detect, there was no trace of this initial j' in Toda, although it occurs occasionally in some of the previously recorded Toda vocabularies. These differences between the pronunciation of my inter- preter and that of the Todas may often be the source of incon- sistencies in my record, for on some occasions, owing to lack of time, I was unable to listen carefully to the Todas them- selves, and had to content myself with the words given to me by the interpreter. Phonetics In order to indicate the sounds of the Toda language, I have kept as closely as possible to the generally recognised system in use in India, but have been obliged to adopt man)- more signs than those usually employed. The vowel sounds which I distinguished were very numer- ous. The following vowels and diphthongs certainly occurred : 6o6 THE TODAS chap. tr, a, (i, (\ e, /, /, o, o, o', o, //, ?/, u, pandava becomes pateva, and the Teivaliol almost certainly derive their name from some form of the word deva. More frequently, however, d is used for the lingual con- sonant (/, which is one of the commonest sounds in Toda. Very often this letter is immediately followed by the letter r, and the combination dr (which in the text of the book I have written dr) is an extremely frequent sound. Often to my car it was quite indistinguishable from the simple r, and usually I had to refer to my interpreter to know whether a given sound was dr or r. Neither of my interpreters * ' ALid, or more usiuilly iitadth, is also ihc Toda word fnr clnini, and lliis word is probaljly derived indireclly from ihe Sanscrit inantha. R R 6io THE TODAS seemed ever to be in any doubt, and they were so consistent on this point that wherever this spelHng occurs it is probably correct. So far as I can tell the dr is the representative of (/ in other Dravidian languages ; thus, ndd of Canarese be- comes iibdr^ and the kcdu of Badaga becomes kedr. On reference to the list of Badaga and Toda names of villages given in Appendix III. it will be seen that the dr oi the Todas is usually the equivalent of the Badaga (/, Telkodu becoming Telkudr, and Kudimal becoming Kudrmas. The sound which I express by dr has been very variously spelt by previous writers ; thus, the Toda future world has been written Humanorr or Ouinorr by Harkness, Amiindd by Breeks, Ainnor by Marshall and Pope, and Amnor by Thurston, and the sacred plant tudr has been written ti\d, tude^ thirr, tiux and tih'. When the sound d occurs before letters other than r, I am afraid I may have often omitted it. Thus till nearly the end of my visit I wrote the word tedslik as tcshk, and the name of the village TedsJiteiri as Teshtciri, and I have little doubt that this letter, the presence of which I had so much difficulty in recognising, may have been omitted in other cases. There seems to be no doubt that dr and t might some- times be interchangeable. Thus the termination of personal names, kutan seemed to be the same word as kudr. A horn is ki%dr and imitation-horns are kutcr. An assembly is /•///, and the corresponding verb is kudriti (3rd person singular). Sometimes dr becomes rt ; thus the word kcdr becomes kcrt in the compound word kcrtiiodr, and the names of the clans Kuudr and Piedr often become Kuurt and Piert in the words Kuurtol and Piertol. I failed to distinguish between / and /, and it is probable that my / includes both letters. My interpreters used the sign th for/, as is common in the transliteration of missionaries and others in India, and I am afraid that in a few cases my th should stand for the lingual t. It is very unfortunate that th should be used for /, for the true th not only occurs among the Todas but is a very frequent consonant. It is frequently inserted euphonically in words which are at other times pro- XXV LANGUAGE 6ii nounccd without it, and this is especially the case in connexion with the letter /. The consonant /// also occurs frequently apart from any other consonant, in such words as pnlhi, patJuiiuiml, &c. I think it probable that under the sign th I have included two sounds, that of the English word 'though' and that of ' throw,' but I could not make up my mind whether the two sounds were definitely distinguished. The softer sound is undoubtedly the more common, and often it seemed to me to be even softer than this sound is ever heard in English. A", k%v, g, kh, g/i, h. Perhaps the commonest Toda con- sonant is /', which often becomes kio, and it seemed to me that the two were sometimes interchanged, kudr becoming kii'ih/r, &c. The consonant g is less frequently heard, but kiidr, especially as the termination of the names of men and places, is often pronounced gndt', and it seemed to me that this pronunciation is somewhat more common among the Teivaliol than among the Tartharol. The sound g occurs very definitely, sometimes at the ends of words as in the names of villages, as in Kwirg and Perg, and in the word kiig^ and in these cases there is no doubt that it is a true Toda consonant. The sounds which I have expressed by kh and gh are fairly common, though I do not feel quite confident that the two sounds are definitely distinguished from one another. I heard them very frequently in the words iiiokJi and kiigJi, and it certainly seemed to me that the final sound of the latter was always softer than that of the word iiiokli. When one or other of these sounds occurs at the end of a word, it is pro- bable that I have in some cases omitted to notice it. A man named Perpakh was called by me Perpa till nearly the end of my visit, and it is probable that I made similar errors which were not detected. Similarly kJi in the middle of a word may easily escape attention, and this has probably happened in some cases. I also had much trouble about a sound occurring at the end of a word for which I have used the sign Ji. Its chief R R 2 6i2 THE TODAS chap. occurrence is in the word poJi^ and the same or a closely similar sound sometimes occurs in the middle of the word pali. The \\ox6. poJi has usually been written boath, following Marshall, or boa (Breeks). The word certainly often sounded like a dissyllable, but I was doubtful whether this was anything more thin the prolongation of vowels to which I have already referred in the case of ei and /. There is some kind of consonantal sound at the end of the word, but it is certainly not the ordinary th nor is it kJi, and I have adopted Ji as the nearest equivalent though I recognise that it is not the right sign. R, I. I have already considered the letter ; in connexion with (/, but it also occurs frequently by itself At the end of a word it is sometimes distinctly rolled. When used after a short vowel, as in such a word ^.s persui, it was sometimes not easy for me to detect its presence, and occasionally it is possi- ble that I have omitted it from words in which it should occur. The letter / is of fairly frequent occurrence, but has certainly often been lost in Toda in words which contain it in other Dravidian languages ; thus the word ktl, lower, inferior, becomes ki in Toda, though the / has been retained in iiieil or niel^ meaning upper or superior. There are almost certainly two different / sounds in Toda which I failed to distinguish definitely. I have written the word for dairy /c?//, but the second consonant of the word is certainly a different sound from that of the / in ;/2^//, and is probably the representative of the / of Tamil. It is in con- nexion with this letter that the euphonic tJi is so often inserted, and I believe that the proper name for a Toda dairy is paltJil'i. When this / occurs at the end of a word, it is sometimes hardly audible, and to my ear bears a very close resemblance to the French i. The end of the word Kudreiil seemed to me to be pronounced almost exactly like the end of Auteuil. It appears that r and / may sometimes pass into one another ; thus, the name of the bow and arrow ceremony is pursiitphni, but the bufifalo given on this occasion is called pulkzvadr. M and n. The letters ni and ;/, indistinguishable to my XXV LANCUAGE 6r ear from the corresponding English letters, are of frequent occurrence. They are, however, often omitted in the Toda forms of Tamil or Canarese words ; thus, as we have already seen, the word niand, village, becomes the Toda mad \ the Tamil aiubii, arrow, becomes ab ; and the Toda form of Kurumba is Ki'irub. The n may also disappear from the Toda names of villages when it exists in their Badaga names ; thus Tarnard becomes Taradr and Korangu, Kwirg. The omission of the letter ;/ and other changes which words undergo in Toda are very well shown in the word padjpatcva, which is the Toda form of the Panchpandavas. Although my ear failed to separate the n of the Todas from the English ;/, it is probably different and represents the ;/ of Tamil. In addition to the ordinary )i the Todas have another con- sonant which is extremely like the final French n for which I have used the sign ;7. The sound only occurs in certain exclamations or greetings ; the Oh which occurs so fre- quently in the dairy ritual is pronounced in this way, and so is bail, which is uttered by the palol as a greeting to the Tartharol. The sound also occurs in the various kinship greetings. The commonest of these, tion, offered to an elder brother, is a corruption of itian, but I never heard the nasal pronunciation when the word an or anna was uttered in the ordinar}' way. In this case the sound I have expressed b}' // is undoubtedly the letter n of Tamil, this word being aiiiia in that language. 5, sJi, ,3-, .cr//, d::, j. The sound for which I have used the letter j- is a somewhat harsh sound, harsher, I think, than is heard in English, but much like the sound which I have heard in English words pronounced by Scottish Highlanders. Breeks wrote zJi for this sound, but I have used this sign for a different sound which was exactly like the si in the English word ' occasion.' It occurs not uncommonly in Toda in such words diS, push, earth, and in the verbal form kaiahvat. The sound s occurs frequently. I was often doubtful whether to write <^s- or .c, especially at the ends of personal names, and in other cases what was obviously the same termination was pronounced more like dp ; thus I wa s often 6i4 THE TODAS chap. doubtful whether to write the name Piliodz in this way or as PiHoz or Piliodj (the three English equivalents would be the sounds of Dods, Boz and Dodge). The sounds s and s/i are often inserted euphonically ; thus, the name Kuriolv is as often as not pronounced Kursiolv, and, more rarely, Kurshiolv. Sacred Language There are three varieties of sacred language in use among the Todas. There is the kivarzam, the word or clau.se used in prayer and other sacred formulae ; secondly, there are certain words and phrases peculiar to the // dairy, and thirdly, there are certain words called by the Todas, teJi language, which are only used in the legends of the gods. The kivarzain is used especially for the names of gods, persons or objects used in the first portions of the prayers. It is also used in the magical formulae and in the funeral laments, but it may be that the last use is only due to an extension of the strict meaning of the term. When I began to collect the prayers, I hoped that the kwarzam might turn out to belong to some ancient and otherwise forgotten lan- guage, but their general nature is evidently the same as that of other Toda words. The kzvai'aam arises either by a slight ' modification of a name in ordinary use or as a phrase record- ing some historical or mythical incident. I giv'e here a short list of kwarzam which, with a few exceptions, have not occurred elsewhere. The following are the kwarzam of the Tarthar clans : — The Nodrsol, Nbdrstliarkfittliars ; the Karsol, Kdrst/iar- kunnadrpcdr ; the Panol, P ajiddrpeshdtJivaimokh ; the Tara- drol, Pillkiidiitliarpeithar ; the Keradrol, KerddrtJiarkerddr- kutan ; the Kanodrsol, MnnantJtarpiiinaiitJio ; the Kwodr- doniol, AdiitJiaratliiars \ the Pamol, PdmutJiarkathar ; the] Melgarsol, NarztJiar. The kivarzaiu of the Kuudrol is] IvikamnokJikfitiiJcilicu (sec p. loi), but the other Teivali clansj have no such special names. The onl)- one of the above, of which the meaning is quite! XXV • LANGUAGE 615 clear, is that of Pan, in which case the kiuar::jaiii gives the names of the two kudr of the clan (see p. 652). The latter part of the kivarsani of the Kcradrol means a horn or son of Keradr, and is also the name of a man, and with further knowledge there is little doubt that the other kwnr.zain would be found to have some meaning. The following arc the kwarzani of the buffaloes of the different clans : — Nodrs, karudc/iirkiiiiakh ; Kars, indtvidsJiti indtvan ; ^ Pan and Taradr, Mutchothvanmodethokvan ; Keradr, viiniapir uidvelkar ; Kanodrs, TirztasJikkarzikiinp ; Kw6drdoni and Nidrsi, Keitankcikav ; Pam, Arzoinolhitclii \ Melgars, Nar- zubiuati'ilnndkJL ; Kuudr and Pedrkars, Kislivettarskvan ; J-'iedr, Kuzhcrikivclvpiirserthunin ; Kusharf, Nulkarsiruazhnv ; Keradr, Nclppdrsjykitdeipar ; Kulhem, Pelthrirkan. The kivarzani of the Keradr buffaloes refers to the tradition of their creation (see p. 192), and here again with further knowledge there is little doubt that most of the kivarzani would be found to have a definite meaning, probably derived from legends concerning the buffaloes or the villages to which they belong. The second kind of sacred language, in use at the ti dairies, has been already considered. Every kind of dairy vessel or other object used in the dairy ceremonial has a name at the ti different from that used in the house or village dairy. These different names have been given in describing the dairy ceremonial, but I have not hitherto referred to certain other differences of language, especially in verbal forms. Different words are used in the two kinds of dairy for the verb 'to drink'; thus, when a village dairyman orders another to drink buttermilk, he says " Maj {in !" while at the //' the palol says " Kaizhvat ! " This latter formula is inter- esting in that kaizh is not the usual ti word for buttermilk {inbr) and only occurs, as far as I can ascertain, in conjunction with the verb vat. A village dairyman uses the verb part^ pray, while at the //, the verb pohvetnort is used. Thus the question " have you prayed } " would be " partihtdrtcha ? " at the village 'and '' pdJivetnortikudricJia}'' at the ti. Similarl}' ' See story of Kwoto. 6i6 THE TODAS CHAP. different forms of the verb ' to milk ' are used. " We have milked " at the village would be " hkartkudrvispivii" often shortened into trkartspivii, while at the ti " karviikkudri- visphni'' would be said; "we have not milked" would be '' irkarami" at the village and '^ frkarpukhaini" at the //. There are certain verbs used at the fi dairy which may only be pronounced b)' ordinary people in the third per.son. A good example is the verb nort, and it will be noticed that the names of ceremonies in which this verb is used have always been given in the third person, irnortiti, and never in the first person plural as in the case of most other ceremonies. About the third kind of sacred language, I know very little. It will have been noticed that the words and sentences which are used in the legends of Chapter IX are unlike those which occur elsewhere, and I was especially told that certain words only occurred in the stories of the gods. A special instance given was that of the words " tar tnrzJiodtlir- ska" (see p. 201), where tar'^ was said to be the teu word for ' man.' The words kzimdrpedrshai and kaipedrshai in the same legend were given as other examples of ten language. Secret Language The Todas have a large number of expressions which they use in the presence of Badagas, Tamils and others when they wish to be understood only by themselves. Many of the Badagas and Tamils with whom the Todas associate no doubt pick up some knowledge of their language, and even if this were not the case, the Toda language is sufficiently like Tamil to enable a stranger to understand part of what is said. In consequence the Todas have adopted a secret code for use among themselves which they call kalikatpinii, literally " stolen we tic," while in distinction the ordinary language is called itJierkelv or " front fact." ^ The last syllable of the name Meilitars given to Kwolo is prnlialily this word so that the name means 'superior man,' xx.v LANGUAGE 617 The following" arc the chief instances of which I was told. Ordinary I,angiiage. Secret Language. PiUrshk iitr at kwadr '. Noiik uar pudvaink .Milk 1(1 water mix give. Fmir sides \vhicli came from /.{•., give milk mixed with water I kagir piirs at kwadi- ! old huffalo milk mix give ! i.e., give milk mixed with what comes from the four teats of an old hufi^ilo. Pars tidr JVoiik nar pud vi/idii tarsk milk cook Four sides come three on uji i.e., cook fnod in milk 1 ids lit ! put i.e., Put what comes from the four teats upon the three (stones of the oven). Tor tidsliia ? Kato north kershia ? Have you taken food? Teeth between did you throw? At vok/i ! At erd af! There (or away) go ! There (or awa}-) two (legs) get I Ire I! akaik iid ! kudr vakpoi tors iilar ki 1 The Iniflalo in the wood hide 1 Horn crooked wood into go ! h'an odihi? Kildreii pom odtliiiin Is he not blind ? Black fruit has he not ? When a man is thought to be dying, the Todas may ask " Is this man going from one place to another } " Whenever a Toda first sees a man, he looks at his feet, and, correspond ingl}', when a Toda asks another his opinion of a man, he says '' Kal pel ili'iditiu, " What sort of leg and nail has he } " In secret language the leg may be called metipol, " walk thing," also used for footprints or pih/ii filar pi pol, " thing that goes into the earth." Many other things and persons have secret names ; thus, a rupee, or money generally, is called atcJiertvai, that which is stamped ; butter is called pcltJipol or white thing ; clarified butter (/;£-/) is called kartpol or melted thing ; sugar and honey are called ticJiedpol or sweet thing ; rice is called pcitpudvai, that which comes from Peit, a place near Kavidi in the Wainad from which rice used to be procured ; arrack {saraitu) is called frt/ipol or piishetpol, each meaning "drink thing." The sun is called etitdol, " great man." 6i8 THE TODAS CH. xxv The various tribes on the hills have secret names ; thus, both Badagas and Tamils are called tutar katvai, he who wears or ties the turban ; a Kota is called kimas itJivai, he who is beneath ; a Kurumba is called drkdrthpol, the man who watches the way ; a European is called peltlipol, or white man. A forest guard is called/^/?/;// iltvai, petuni being here used as a term for uniform, so that if a forest guard has come, they will say, petuni i'ltvai podviichi. Several of the words used in the secret language do not appear to have any other meaning and are not ordinarily used. Thus the ordinary word for tooth is pars, but in secret lan- guage kdto or kdt{t is used. This word is the name of the wall of a buffalo-pen and it is possible that it may mean stones, but I could not ascertain whether this was the deriva- tion, and could only learn that it was another word for tooth. Similarly the car, of which the ordinary name is kevi, is called pertars, and the question " Did you wear gold earrings 1 " becomes pertarsk iltsJiia t " to car did you wear .'' " i CHAPTER XXVI TERSONAL NAMES The ceremonies of name-givinc^ liave already been con- sidered, the chief point of interest being that the name of a boy is given to him by his maternal uncle, while that of a girl is probabl)' given by her paternal aunt. In this chapter I wish to consider the general nature of the personal names of the Todas and some special customs connected with them. The genealogies provide a large store of material, for it is exceptional for two Todas to ha\'e the same name, and no Toda should bear a name which has been borne by another for four generations, and certainly not one which has been borne by one of his own famil}'. The great majority of Toda names have distinctive termi- nations which are different for men and women. The common terminations for males are -van, -k/idr, -kut or -kutaii, -o/v, -eidi, and -ners. The first was said to be the same word as pan or ///;/, the Toda name for the stone circles found on the summits of the liills. The names of deities often receive the same termination ; thus Notirzi is also called Notirzivan, and, in several cases, men received the names of gods or hills followed by the syllable -van. The same termination is also given to names which have other derivations. The terminations, -kudr or -gndr, -kfit or -kutan, are different forms of the word /v/c/r, which means primarily ' horn,' and when it occurs in a name seems to mean ' child.' The termination in -kfidr or -gudr seems to be much more 620 THE TODAS chap. frequently used by the Teivaliol than by the Tartharol, and in both divisions it is rare in older generations. I do not know the meaning of the terminations in -olv and -eidi: it is noteworthy, however, that -olv is also a frequent ending of the names of dairies. The termination -ner or -ners sometimes becomes -«/;-, and it may be the word for water, possibly with the idea of ' spring.' The usual terminations of female names are -veli, -veni or -vaiii, -eivii, and -idj or -idz. Of these, the first is by far the most frequent, being usually pronounced with a tJi sound, as in -veWili or -viltJili. It is possibly the same word as a frequent Indian name of Venus, which is also the Toda name for this planet. The word also means silver and in the form peltJiiti is used for ' white.' The termination -veni or -vani is probably derived homjyafii, which is said to be an ancient name for a Toda woman. Occasionally the latter form occurred, as in the name of Sinadapani (Oy), and one of the wives of Kwoten was named Kwaterpani. I know nothing of the derivation of the terminations -ewii and -ids. The names of Todas are often derived from villages, dairies or dairy vessels, hills and their deities, and objects of various kinds. There seems to be no objection to use the names of deities or of such sacred objects as the wr?;// as personal names, but only as those of men. Reccntl}' the Todas have begun to use words of Hindu or even English origin for the names of their children. It is the names of men which are chiefly derived from villages, and at least twenty examples occur in the genealogies. In some cases the name of the village is used without any suffix, as in Ushadr (48) and Madsu (58); in other cases one or other of the customary terminations is used, as in Keradrkutan ^ (26), Nongarsivan (62), Kuirsiners (18), and Karseidi (8). The special point of interest here is that the names of villages which have now disappeared may be preserved as personal names ; thus Harkness mentions the village of Kattaul as being near Ootacamund, and, though the ^ This name also occurs in the story of Kwoten. I XXVI PERSONAL NAMES 621 village has now disappeared, its memory is preserved in the name Katolvan (44), borne by one of the IMelgarsol, to whom the village belonged. Again, the village of Kepurs, an extinct village mentioned in the legend of Kwoten, is preserved in the name of Kepursvan (18), borne by one of Kwoten's clan, the Panol. In general, when a man receives a name derived from a village or other place, the village or place is one belonging to his own clan. Names may be derived from // places as well as from ordinary villages, of which Makars (10) and Pursas (42) are examples. The special feature of interest about these sources of nomenclature is that personal names ma)' thus preserve records of the past, and a full investigation of the genealogies from this point of view might bring to light the names of many other villages now extinct. Names are also derived from dairies, buffalo-pens, stones, and other objects of the village ; thus Tarziolv, the special name of the kiidipali of Kars, is borne by a member of the Karsol (15), and Tilipa (12) is probably a corruption of Tilipoh. A boy of Nidrsi is named Punatu (43) after the buffalo-pen of his village, and the men called Agar (7), Pepners (44), and Persinkudr (16), have received names con- nected with the operations of the dair)'. The names of stones occur in the examples Menkars (10) and Mutchud (45). Several men are named after the sacred bells, or w^?///, of which examples are Nalani (35),Kerani (35), Pongg (47), while Mudriners (57) is named after Mudrani, one of the patat)nani of Kiudr. The name of Eshkiaguln of Kars (^8) is very much like that of one of the bells of Nidrsi, Eshkiakudr, and in one case a man is called Maniners (62). The kivarrjam of the prayers form a frequent source of personal names. Thus the name of Puthion (64) occurs in the last clause of the Kuudr prayer, and no less than six men take their names, either directly or with some modifications, from the Kiudr prayer ; these are Kil, Erai, Etamudri, Kwelthipush from Kwelpushol, Kishkar from Arsvishkars, and Keikudr, who was also called Parvakudr, derived from 622 THE TODAS chap. another kzvarzaui of this prayer. In one of these cases the name is taken from the kivavzani with so much modification that I should not have guessed its derivation if I had not been told ; and if this extensive modification is frequent, there may be many more names derived from kivarzaui than appears to be the case at first sight. The names of deities are not uncommonly adopted as personal names ; the chief examples being Notirzi (47), Meilitars (44), Teipakh (20), Etepi (26), Karzo (12), Porzo (4), and Pakhwar (16). Two people are also called Tevo (3 and 53), which is a corruption of Teipakh, and a boy is called Kodrthokutan (43). In many cases men are named after hills, of which Drugevan (40), Kodrner (7), and Mopuvan ^ (16) are examples, and it is not improbable that these hills are also provided with deities. Two of the instances given above are the names of river-gods, and there is also a man, | Palpa(i6), named after the stream by which Kwoten met the goddess Terkosh. Punatvan (53) is named after one of the personages in the story of Kwoto. Among these names it is noteworthy that Notirzi, the name of a female deity, is borne by a man, and that there is no instance in which a man is named after one of the three ancient and important deities, Pithi, On, and Teikirzi. This use of the names of deities as personal names seems to point to the absence of any high degree of reverence for the divine beings. The Todas are by no means free from the ideas of danger and disrespect connected with the utter- ance of names ; and if their gods still received any great degree of veneration, I think it is improbable that their names would be allowed to be in everyone's mouth, as must be the case when used as personal names. It is possible that this use of the names of deities is recent ; it is certainly more frequent at the present time than in the older generations recorded in the genealogies, and I strongly suspect that the practice adds another indication to those already given of the decay of the religious sentiment of the Todas. It seems to be extremely rare for persons to have the same ^ Mopuvan is named after ihe hill Mopiivlhul, which is menlioned in the legend of Puzi (193). \xvi PERSONAL NAMES 623 names as bufYaloes. There is only one doubtful example in the genealogies, Kerani (35). This is also the name of a bell, and I am doubtful whether it is really a buffalo-name. It is probable that the absence of the names of buffaloes is merely utilitarian and has no deeper significance. Buffaloes are generally referred to by name, and it would obviously be inconvenient that they should have the same names as people. Many other names are derived from objects or from the language of everyday life. Examples of such are Nipa, stream ; Perol, unsanctified man ; Irsimitch, lime ; Sakari, sweet ; Kakar, a grass ; Mogai, cubit ; Kapur, camphor ; and Pol, a two-year-old calf Sometimes such words become names by the addition of the terminations -k/ldr or -veli, as in Panmkudr, the horn of a four-anna piece, and Nirveli and Kadakveli, derived from the words for water and for the wild rose. Probably with a wider knowledge of the Toda vocab- ulary, it would be found that a very large number of the names are formed in this way. In one case a girl was called Mudukugh (72). She was the third girl in the family, and the name was no doubt given to commemorate the fact. Often two or more children of a family are given names with a considerable degree of similarity to one another. In one case two brothers are called Mongeidrvan andTergeidrvan (53); in another, Piliar and Piliag (52); and in a third, Singudr and Sinar (55) ; three sisters are called Teinesveli, Ternersveli, and Kenerveli (51), and in such cases it seems probable that new names are invented. At the present time children are in many cases receiving Hindu names. Three young boys are called Arjun, Parvishki, and Sandisparan, and a young girl is called Natcham, which was said to represent Latchmi. Other Hindu names are Katcheri (Cutcherry), Sirkar, Kedjeri, and probably there are many others. In a few cases names of English origin have probably been given, as in the case of Pensil, and the name Birkidj was said to be derived from Breeks. The genealogical record shows clearly that this use of names derived from external sources is quite recent. There is a very 624 THE TODAS chap. striking difference in general character between the names of the present and those of older generations, and a foreign origin is especially frequent in the names of children less than ten or fifteen years of age. The evidence from names would seem to point to a rapid spread of outside influence during the last ten years. Shortened forms of names are often used. The termina- tion of a word may be dropped ; thus Nurmaners is often called Nurman, Ultzkudr becomes Ultz, and Paniolv, Pani. Sometimes the contraction is of a different kind ; thus the girls Astrap and Pumundeivi are usually called Asp and Pumidz, and the name of the boy Kulpakh often becomes Kulen. In addition to his proper name nearl}^ every Toda has a nickname, usually given to him by the Badagas. These names often refer to some personal peculiarity, and this is probably the reason why nicknames were usually given to me with great reluctance, there being a distinct reversal of the condition found in communities of lower culture, where the proper names are usually kept secret, while only nick- names are uttered. Arpurs (46) was nicknamed Suri (knife) on account of his sharp nose, and Nertolvan (16) is called Teinkan or ' Bee eye,' on account of the smallness of his eyes, like those of the honey bee. In other cases I do not know the origin of the Badaga names, but they have usually different forms from those of true Toda names, often terminat- ing in -oin or -illn. Sometimes the Badaga name is merely a modification of the Toda name, as when Tudrvan becomes Utudiki. In a few cases I heard the Badaga name of a man more often than his Toda name ; thus Tovoniners is usually called Aravoin, and a noted Toda of the last generation is always spoken of by his Badaga name, Mervoin. In a few cases, men long dead are remembered by their Badaga names, while their Toda names are forgotten. As I have already indicated, nicknames are often used by people of low culture as a means of evading taboos, and though, as we shall see shortly, such taboos exist among the Todas, I met with no instance in which a Toda, who was unable to utter a name, gave a nickname in its stead. XXVI PERSONAL NAMES 625 From the foregoing account it is evident that in the names of the Todas we have a storehouse of words the investigation of which might lead to many discoveries in connexion with tlicir half-forgotten folklore and past history. We have seen that the names of villages which have now entirely disap- peared may still be preserxed in the names of persons, and I have little doubt that a complete investigation of the names included in the genealogies would furnish a record of many more extinct villages and possibly provide clues to institu- tions which have now wholly disappeared. Change of Name There are three chief conditions which lead Todas to change their names. If two men have the same name, and one of the two should die, the other man would change his name, since the taboo on the name of the dead would prevent people from uttering the name of the living. The most recent example of this occurred about six years ago. There were two men named Matovan, one of Pan (19) and the other of Kwodrdoni (34). The Kwodrdoni man died and Matovan of Pan changed his name to Imokhvan, and it is this name which will be found in his pedigree. This change of name may also be effected even when there is only a similarity between two names. Thus when Pun- buthuxi, the wife of Parkurs (8), died, Sinbuthuvi of Kusharf (65) changed her name to Pukuruveli. Similarly when Oners of Kuudr (56) died, Einers of Piedr ^ (64) changed his name to Tokulvan. A person may also change his name merely because it is the same as, or very similar to, that of another, this being done simply to avoid inconvenience and misunderstanding. It sometimes happens that a child is given the same name as some other child, and then one or other is renamed. Thus a boy was named Oblodj, but it was found later that there was a girl at Kars called Obalidz (12), and so the name ' It will be noticed that, in these two cases, the old names are those which occur in the genealogies. My informant probably remembered these better than the new names, which had l^een assumed only late in life. S S 626 THE TODAS chap. of the boy was changed to Meilitars (44). A boy of Pam was called Kudeners, but it was found that there was another Kudeners at Taradr (25), so the name of the former was changed to Arparners, often shortened to Arpar (38). When Kainir (3) married, his wife's name was Kanir, but she changed it since it was so like that of her husband. It was said to have been changed to Singub, but she was always known as Udz at the time of my visit. Change of name of this kind is not obligatory, and there are several cases in which two people now living have the same name. When a change is made because two people have the same name or similar names, it is the younger of the two who changes. In most of the cases in Vv'hich two people bear the same name it will be found that one belongs to the Tartharol and the other to the Teivaliol, and I am doubtful whether in this case names are changed except as the result of death. A third reason for changing names is illness or other mis- fortune. When a man is ill, change of name is sometimes recommended by a diviner, but this is not often done. One of my guides, Kutadri (7), had changed his name twice. His original name had been Okeithi or Okvan, but as there was another Okvan of Keadr (68), he became Tagarsvan. Later he fell ill, and, on the recommendation of a diviner, Tagarsvan changed his name to Kutadri, and I never heard him spoken of or addressed by any but this name during my visit. Taboos on Names The only definite restrictions on the utterance of the names of living people are those connected with kinship which have already been considered in Chapter XXI. A man may not utter the names of his mother's brother, his grandfather and grandmother, his wife's mother, and of the man from whom he has received his wife, who is usually the wife's father. The names of the above are tabooed in life, while after death the restrictions are still wider, and it is forbidden to utter the name of any dead elder relative, while the names of the dead are in any case only said reluctantly. XXVI PERSONAL NAMES 627 It may seem strange that this rehictance should exist among a people who possess so full a genealogical record. The reluctance probably only extends to the public utterances of ordinary life and disappears when the people discuss affairs in which genealogical lore plays a part, or when they are transmitting this lore to others. In addition to the definite taboos, there is often much reluctance in uttering personal names. The Todas dislike uttering their own names, and a Toda, when asked for his name, would often request another man to give it. Some- times my guide was obviously reluctant to give me the names of the people who came to see me, and it seemed to me that this was especially so when the people were related to him by marriage, i.e., men who had married into his clan ; but I could not satisfy myself definitely that it made him more uncom- fortable to utter the names of such relatives than those of other people. In some parts of the world the taboo on the names of the dead involves also a taboo on the names of the objects which correspond to the names of the dead or to parts of these names. If such restrictions existed among the Todas, they would have on the death of Nirveli and Panmkudr to find other names for water and for a four-anna piece. It was quite clear, however, that there were no such restrictions, and that this frequent cause of change of vocabulary has not been at work in the case of the Toda language. s s 2 CHAPTER XXVII RELATIONS WITH OTHER TRIBES In this chapter I propose to put together the chief facts with which I am acquainted which throw Hght on the very difficult problem of the relations between the Todas and the other tribes of the Nilgiri Hills. The chapter could only be written with any degree of completeness by one who had studied the question from the point of view of each of the Nilgiri tribes separately. I have only been able to do so, and that incompletely, from the Toda point of view. My in- formation is derived almost wholly from the Todas themselves, and gives their way of regarding the relations between them- selves and the other tribes. The five tribes inhabiting the Nilgiri Hills are shown in Fig. 68 (taken from Breeks), the Todas in the centre with the Badagas on their right and the Kotas on their left. Next to the Badagas are the Irulas, and next to the Kotas are the Kurumbas. The tribes with which the Todas come into contact habitually are the Badagas and Kotas, while their points of contact with Kurumbas and Irulas are much less important. The Badagas are not only the agriculturists of the Todas, but are the constant intermediaries between the Todas and the extra- Nilgiri world. The two tribes regard each other more or less as social equals. The Kotas, on the other hand, who are the artisans of the Todas, are regarded by them as social inferiors. The relations with the former may be considered first. 629 630 THE TODAS CHAP. TODAS AND BADAGAS The Todas call a Badaga Mav} which seems to be a form of the Canarese word for father-in-law or maternal uncle. The origin of this term is said to have been that when the Todas first met a Badaga, they asked his name and he answered " MavT A Badaga who performs certain services for the palol is called tikelfinav. Certain elders of the Badagas are also called uiadtin. Whenever a Toda meets a Badaga inoncgar (headman) or an old Badaga with whom he is acquainted, a salutation passes between the two which is represented in Fig. 69. The Toda stands before the Badaga, inclines his head slightly, and says " Madtiii pudia ! " (" Madtin, }'ou ha\-e come.") The Badaga replies " ButJink / butlnik ! " (" Blessing, blessing ") and rests his hand on top of the Toda's head. This greeting only takes place between Todas and the more important of the Badaga communit}-. It would seem that ever}' Badaga head- man may be greeted in this wa}-, but a Toda will only greet other Badaga elders if he is already acquainted with them. The salutation is made to members of all the various castes of the Badagas except the Torayas. It has been held to imph- that the Todas regard the Badagas as their superiors, but it is doubtful how far this is the case. The Todas them- selv'es sa}' they follow the custom because the Badagas help to support them. It seems to be a mark of respect paid by the Todas to the elders of a tribe with which they have ver\' close relations, and it is perhaps significant that no similar sign of respect is shown to Toda elders b}' the Badagas. The Badagas perform definite services for the Todas and give what maybe regarded as a tribute of grain at the harvest. The tribute is called gudu. I did not myself investigate the nature of the gudu, and there is some difference of opinion among previous writers'- as to whether a definite amount of grain ' Mav is also the Toda word for samliliar. ~ According to Harkness, "each Ijurglier, hamlet, or villai^e "" gives about twn quarts (p. 108), or (p. 135) half a bushel to the //and half a bushel to the other Todas. According to Breaks (p. 9), \\\tt gudu is about one-tenth, one-eighth, or one-fifth of the gross produce. XXVII RELATIONS WITH OTHER TRIBES ''W or a given [jroportion of the crop is given. I have no informa- tion as to the way in which the giving of the tribute is regulated, and it is eminently one of those points on which evidence must be sought from both Todas and Badagas. In the case of the Kotas, we shall see that there is a definitely FIG. 69. — A BADAOA GREETING A TODA. organised system regulating the relations of certain Kota villages to certain Toda clans, and some such s}'stem probably exists to regulate the supply of Badaga grain to different clans, but I have no information on the point.^ ' It is possible that the elucidation of this point might also help towards the explanation of the Badaga account of the Toda clans. 632 THE TODAS chap. The contribution of grain from the Badagas has usually been regarded as given in return for the use of the land, the Todas being supposed to be the original owners of the soil. That this is not the whole explanation is shown by the fact that the Badagas also give a tribute of grain to two other Nilgiri tribes, the Kotas and Kurumbas. Harkness ^ was told b}' the Badagas that the portion given to the ti was in return for the prayers of the palol, and that they did not believe that "their crops or their cattle, themselves or their children, would prosper without his blessing." The Badagas also stated that they generally desisted from cultivating their fields when the // was left without a palol. They looked on the tribute of grain to the Todas as given of their own good will, while a similar tribute to the Kurumbas was dictated by fear of the consequences of sorcery which might be employed if the duty were neglected. It has been supposed that the fear of Toda sorcery is one reason for the maintenance of the tribute, and, since the Badagas undoubtedly fear the power of the Toda sorcerers, it is probable that this factor plays a part, though one less irnportant than in the case of the Kurumbas. 'Another view which has been taken is that the Todas maintain rights over old dairies in the middle of the Badaga fields, and that any recalcitrance on the part of the Badagas might be followed by the taking up of these old rights. It is possible that the Todas have at some time threatened to resume their rights over disused dairies, but, in the case of the more sacred dairies, the fear of defilement of the sacred buffaloes by approaching a Badaga village would prevent the Todas from putting such a threat into practice. The grain is probably given, partly because it is an immemorial custom, partly because the Badagas believe that they receive benefits and avoid evils in consequence of the custom. At the present time, the amount of grain supplied b}- the Badagas is not sufficient for the needs of the Todas, and both grain and rice are bought by the Todas in the bazaar. All the grain used by the palol must, however, be that supplied by XXVII RELATIONS WITH OTHER TRII5ES 633 the Badagas ; but if more grain is required than the Badagas supply, it is possible that other grain may be used, though it is always in this case procured through the Badagas. The rice used at a ti dairy must also be procured through the Badagas. The supply of grain is far from being the only duty of the liadagas to the // dairies. Each // has one or more special Jiadagas, each called tikelfinav, or " ti help Badaga," who acts as intermediary between the palol and the Hindus. The earthenware vessels used in the inner room, the various garments of X.\\c palol, and other objects are made by Hindus, from whom they are procured by the tikelfmav. I did not learn of any material recompense given to the l^adagas for these services, and the motive is probably some such belief as that described by Harkness. One of the most important parts played by the Badagas in the Toda community is in connexion with the naiin, or council, of which one member is a Badaga belonging to the village of Tuneri. He is only called upon to sit, however, in cases of difficulty, and probably one of his functions is to assist in the settlement of any dispute which may arise in connexion with the tribute of grain, or other transactions between members of the two communities. There is little evidence that the Badagas have had much influence on the more important customs and ceremonies of the Todas. Few traces of their influence are to be found in the dairy ceremonial, but it is possible that some of the rites accompanying birth and death may have been borrowed from this people. The practice of making cicatrices on the arm (p. 576) is common to both Badagas and Todas, and may have been borrowed by the latter from the former, but the practice is not in an}- way of a ceremonial character. The only part played by a Badaga at a Toda funeral is that the bell called tiikulir inani may be kept by a Badaga or a Kota, and, as I have suggested on p. 377, the whole ceremony with the calf in which this bell is used may have been borrowed from the Badagas. The idea of a thread bridge between this world and the next is said to be common to Todas and Badagas, but I have no evidence to show which has borrowed from the other. 634 THE TODAS chap. In the ordinary life of the people' there is more evidence of influence. At many Toda villages there may now be seen huts like those of the Badagas which usually result from the practice of allowing Badagas to occupy a Toda village when the proper occupants have gone elsewhere. The visitors build a hut of their own kind in which to live, and sometimes the Todas on their return inhabit this hut, though in general they only use it as an appanage to the hut of the proper kind. The fact that the Badagas will thus come to live at a Toda village seems to show that when the Todas move from one place to another the pasturage is not necessarily exhausted, for the Badagas would not bring their buffaloes in this case. It seems that the grazing-grounds for the Badaga buffaloes are not very extensive, and that the Badagas are always glad to use the more extensive pasturage of the Todas, even when the grass has been partly eaten off. Transactions in buffaloes between Todas and Badagas seem now to be fairly frequent. I often heard of a buffalo as having been received from the Badagas, but I have no very definite information as to the reasons for the transference. On the occasion of the ceremony of the ear-piercing of Tikievan's sons (p. 336), Tikievan received a present of two buffaloes from the Badaga nionegaroi Tuncri, and this present \\'as said to be in return for things which Tikievan had previously given to the monegar, but I did not learn the exact nature of this gift. In two departments there is very clear evidence of Badaga influence. The astronomical ideas of the Todas are almost certainly borrowed from their neighbours (see Chap. XXIV), and in the closely allied practical question of the calendar I think Badaga influence may be suspected. The other department is medicine. There is no special reason to suppose that the magical remedies of the 21'kbreii (Chap, XII) have been borrowed from the Badagas, but the more strictl)' medical remedies used by the Todas are largely borrowed, the actual leaves or other substances employed being obtained from the Badagas. The practice of suicide by opium, said to be very prevalent among the Badagas, has, in A XXVII RELATIONS WITH OTHER TRIBES 635 at least one recent case, been adopted by a Toda, and the threat of suicide by this means is said to be fairly common. There is no doubt that the Badagas believe in the powers of the Toda sorcerers. I was told of several definite instances in which misfortunes were believed to have been brought upon the Badagas in this wa}', and there is little doubt that, in one case, the supposed author of the death of a child was murdered b}' the Badagas. If a Badaga suspects magical influence of this kind he may consult one of the Toda diviners, showing that the Badagas believe in Toda divination as well as in Toda sorcery. It is probable that the relations between the Todas and Badagas have existed for very long. It is generally held that the Badagas are comparatively recent immigrants to the Nilgiri Hills. Breeks ^ states that the Badagas are said to have come to the hills about three centuries ago in consequence of the troubles that followed the fall of Vijayanagar, but it is certain that they have been on the hills much longer than this, for the account of Finicio in 1602 (see App. I) shov.s that the relations between Todas and Badagas were much the same then as they are now. The close connexion of Badagas with the // dairies, their intermediation between the palol and the Hindu, and the fact that the palol must eat Badaga grain, are all indications of very ancient relations between the two tribes. There is one fact which may be held to show that the relation between Todas and Badagas is recent as compared with that between the Todas and other Nilgiri tribes. This is the fact that the Badagas are not mentioned in one of the legends of the Toda gods, while Kotas, Kurumbas, and Irulas each play a part in one or more of these stories. Todas and Kotas The Toda name for a Kota is Ktiv. The relation between the two people is very different from that between Toda and ' 1". 4- 636 THE TODAS chap. Badaga. While a Toda regards a Badaga as his equal, or perhaps even as his superior, he looks down on the Kota as inferior, as hardly to be classed as a man with himself. In their secret language, a Toda speaks of a Kota as kimas il/ivai, " he that is beneath," and in the remedies for the evil eye (see p. 264) the Kotas are the only hill tribe which is not thought worthy of mention — they are not thought to be of sufficient importance to be able to cast the evil eye. When a Kota meets a Toda, he raises both hands to his face and salutes from a distance. The two people do not touch one another in general, though I do not know that contact is definitely prohibited. A Toda will not sleep or take food at a Kota village in general, but makes an exception in the case of Kulgadi in the Wainad (see p. 200). It is usually supposed that the contempt of the Toda for the Kota is due to the flesh-eating, or even carrion-eating, habits of the latter, and this is certainly one of the elements which influence the relations between the two peoples. The Kotas supply the Todas with the larger part of their pottery and ironware.^ All the earthenware vessels of the dairies, except those of the inner rooms of the //" dairies, are supplied by the Kotas, and the various knives and other metal objects of the Todas are chiefly obtained from these people. The Kotas supply most of the things burnt at Toda funerals and they supply the music on these occasions. Just as the Badagas do not supply grain to the Todas only, so the Kotas do artisan work for Badagas, Kurumbas, and Irulas. The Kotas are the artisans, not of the Todas only, but of the whole hill district. The relations between the Todas and Kotas are strictly regulated, each Kota village supplying certain Toda clans. There are seven Kota villages on the hills, of which the following are the Toda and Badaga names : — In the Todanad district : — Tizgudr, Tizgadr, or Tizgwadr (Badaga, Tirichigadi), between Ootacamund and Kancklrs, near the Toda \illage of Ushadr, ' According to Breeks, the Kotas who sup|)ly the Todas arc known as /1111//11 Kotas, XXVii RELATIONS WITH OTHER TRIBES 637 KurguH (B. Padagula or Kuruvoje), near the Badaga village of Sholur. In the Mekanad district : — Kalmal (B. Kolamala or Kollimalai), not far from Kateri. In the Peranganad district : — Meilkukal (B. Melkotagiri or Perangada) in Kotagiri, one of the three chief European stations on the hills. Kikukal (B. Kilkotagiri or Kinnada), north-east of Kotagiri. In the Kundanad district : — Medrkukal (B. Menada). The seventh is Kulgadi (B. Kalagasa) at Gudalur in the Wainad. The village of Tizgudr is connected with the Toda clans of Kars, Melgars, Kanodrs, and sometimes with the people of Kulhem. Kurguli supplies the clans of Nodrs, Taradr, Kuudr, Piedr, and Kusharf, and occasionally Kulhem. Kalmal supplies Keradr, Nidrsi, Pam, Kidmad, and Keadr. Meilkukal and Kikukal are both connected with Kwodrdoni and Pedr- kars, and Medrkukal is the Kota village of the Panol. Kulgadi is connected only with the village of Kavidi, near Gudalur, which belongs to the Piedrol. When there were several Toda villages in the Wainad, it probably served them all. The connexion between clans and villages seems to depend almost wholly on geographical distribution. The clans are supplied by the Kota villages which are nearest to their headquarters. An outlying village such as Kavidi has not the same Kota village as the rest of its clan. The Kidmadol, who are a branch of the Melgarsol, have not the same Kota village as the parent stock ; but, on the other hand, the Panol, who now live chiefly among other Todas near Governor Shola, are still connected with the Kundah Kotas. Each Kota village is responsible for the supply of the clan or clans with which it is connected. Its inhabitants make the various utensils used in the household and in the less sacred dairy work of the Todas. At the funeral of any member of a clan with which they are connected, they provide the music and the following objects : — At the etvainolkcdr, a cloak in which the corpse is wrapped, 638 THE TODAS chap. five to ten measures {kiua) of the grain called patni {samai), and one or two rupees. If the Kotas do not possess the grain, they may give another one or two rupees in its stead. At the marvainolkedr, they supply a cloak ; eight annas to pay for the embroidery of the cloak, which is done by the Toda women ; two to five rupees towards the funeral expenses ; a bow and three arrows ; a knife {kafkati) ; a sieve {kiidshniuni) and a basket (Jek). In return, the Kotas receive the carcases of the buffaloes killed at the funeral, and on the occasion of a Kota funeral, the Todas supply one male calf from three to five years of age and one measure {Jcudi) of clarified butter. The Kotas also receive the bodies of any Toda buffaloes which die a natural death. A Kota visiting a Toda village at any time is given clarified butter to take away with him. He is also given food consisting of jaggery and rice, which must be eaten on the outskirts of the village. A Kota is never given milk, buttermilk, or butter. Once a year there is a definite ceremony in which the Todas go to the Kota village with which they are connected, taking an offering of clarified butter and receiving in return an offering of grain from the Kotas. T only obtained an account of this ceremony as performed between the people of Kars and the Kota village of Tizgudr, and I do not know v/hether the details would be the same in other cases. In the Kars ceremony the Todas go on the appointed day to the Kota village, headed by a man carrying the clarified butter. Outside the village, they are met by two Kota priests whom the Todas called teupuli, who bring with them a dairy vessel of the kind the Todas call i/in, which is filled with patm grain. Other Kotas follow with music. All stand outside the village, and one of the Kotas puts ten measures {kiva) oi patiiL into the pocket of the cloak of the leading Toda, and the tcupuli give the vui filled with the same grain. The teupidi then go to their temple and return, each bringing a nin, and the clarified butter brought by the Todas is divided into two equal parts, and half is poured into each inn. The leading Toda then takes some of the butter and XXVII RELATIONS WTI'II OTHER TRIBES 639 rubs it on the heads of the two Kota priests, who jirostrate themselves, one at each foot of the Toda, and the Toda prays as follows : — Ullnnia ; Ki'iv cniin tanciiina : kadr peluiiiA ; May il be well ; Kotas two m ay il be well ; fields flourish may ; riid icii ma : ir /car nil ?, Jl/'/T' /l :./>■ ma. rain may ; buflalo milk m; ly disease go may. The Toda then gives the two niu containing the clarified butter to the Kota priests, and he and his companions return home. This ceremony is obviously one in which the Todas are believed to promote the i^rosperity of the Kotas, their crops, and their buffaloes.^ In another ceremonial relation between Todas and Kotas, the Kwodrdoni // is especially concerned. The chief annual ceremony of the Kotas is held about January in honour of the Kota god Kambataraya. This ceremony lasts about a fortnight, and, during part of the time, the proceedings are attended by Todas and other of tlie hill tribes. In order that this ceremony may take place, it is essential that there should be a/«/cVat the Kwodrdoni ti, and at the present time this // is only occupied every year shortly before and during the ceremony. The palol gives clarified butter to the Kotas, which should be made from the milk of the arsaiir, the buffaloes of the ti. Some Kotas of Kotagiri whom I inter- viewed claimed that these buffaloes belonged to them, and that something was done by i\\Q palol ixt the Kwodrdoni // in connexion with the Kambataraya ceremony, but they could not or would not tell me what it was. The relations between Todas and Kotas are probably of very old standing. The fact that the Kotas supply the bow and arrows burnt at a Toda funeral suggests that the con- nexion goes back to the time when the Todas used these weapons, while the special sieve supplied by the Kotas for a funeral is of a different pattern from that in use at the present ' The Kotas are agriculturists as well as mechanics, and, according to Breeks, they are quite as efficient as the Badagas in this occupation. They also keep bufialoes, th(ntgli chiefly or entirely for tlieir o\\ n use. 640 THE TODAS chap. time. The Kotas are mentioned in Toda legend. The people of Tizgudr play a prominent part in the story of Kwoten (p. 195), and this deity is said to have been the first Toda who stayed at a Kota village, viz., at the village of Kulgadi (or Gudalur). He sat and slept on the Kota tiin and since that time the Todas have stayed at this village, though they will not stay at any other. The relation between Kwoten and the Kotas seems to have been especially close. The old woman, Muturach, from whom the present people of Kanodrs are descended, according to the legend, may have been a Kota. The Kotas who give tribute to the Todas are known as their niuttit Kotas, and the first part of the old woman's name may have been this word. Our acquaintance with Kota mythology is too scanty to contribute much to our knowledge of the relations between the two peoples. Breeks states that Kurguli (Padagula) is the oldest of the Kota villages, and that the Badagas believe that the Kotas of this village were made by the Todas. At Kurguli there is a temple of the same form as the Toda dairy, and this is said to be the only temple of the kind at any Kota village. Breeks gives a legend which records the origin of the different foods of the Nilgiri tribes. Kambataraya, perspiring profusely, wiped from his forehead three drops of perspira- tion, and out of these formed the Todas, Kurumbas, and Kotas. The Todas were told to live principally upon milk, the Kurumbas were permitted to eat the flesh of buffalo calves, and the Kotas were allowed perfect liberty, being informed that they might eat carrion if they could get nothing better. My interpreter, Albert, was told a different version of this legend, according to which Kambataraya gave to each people a pot. In the Toda pot was calf-flesh, and so the Todas eat the flesh of calves (?>., at the cykuvipttJipimi ceremony) ; the Kurumba pot contained the flesh of a male buffalo, so this is eaten by the Kurumbas. The pot of the Kotas contained the flesh of a cow-buffalo, which ma}-, therefore, be eaten by this people. XXVII RELATIONS WITH OTHER TRIBES 641 Tod AS AND KU RUMBAS The Toda name for a Kurumba is Kunib, which often sounds Hke Ktirb. In the secret language, a Kurumba is called dr kdrthpol, " the man who watches the way." Mr. Thurston states that when a Kurumba meets a Toda, he bends forward and the Toda places his hand on the Kurumba's head. The Todas may visit Kurumba villages and take food in them. Two ceremonial objects are obtained by the Todas from the Kurumbas. One is the tall pole called tadrsi or tadri, which is used in the dance at the second funeral ceremonies and afterwards burnt. Poles of the proper length are said to grow only on the Malabar side of the Nilgiris and are probably most easily obtained from the Kurumbas. The other is the teiks, or funeral post at which the buffalo is killed, which is probably made of teak wood. The most striking feature of the relations between Todas and Kurumbas is the belief of the former in the magical powers of the latter, a belief which is shared by both Kotas and Badagas. The sorcery of the Toda is dangerous, but can be remedied, while for kiirubudrchiti,ox Kurumba sorcery, there is no remedy, and all that can be done is to kill the Kurumba, apparently to avoid further evil consequences to the community rather than from motives of revenge. The Kurumbas play no part in the social life of the Todas. With the one exception of providing the funeral pole, I could not learn that they had any functions at Toda ceremonies. It was said that the teuol, Pangudr, who was believed to be inspired by Kwoto, must dance, i.e,, divine, to the Kurumbas before he dances to the Todas, and when so doing, must dance like a lame man, this behaviour owing its origin to the god Kwoto (see p. 209). It is possible that this shows that the Kurumbas believe in Toda di\ination and consult the diviners. The Kurumbas are mentioned in several Toda legends. According to one account, it was this people whom Kwoto deceived, making them eat the flesh of a buffalo calf ; T T THE TODAS CH. xxvil according to another, it was the Panins or Panyas who were deceived by the god. Kwoten is said to have initiated the practice of allowing Todas to visit Kurumba villages, and he appears to have been closely connected, in some way, with the Kuruinbas, who still offer plantains to Terkosh and light lamps in her honour, Terkosh being the goddess who was connected with his disappearance and deification. In the story of Kuzkarv, the Kurumbas, together with the Irulas, collect honey for the Todas from nests in a tree,^ and this seems to point to a time when these tribes took an active part in the social life of the Todas. It seems possible that the Kurumbas and Irulas were the huntsmen of the Todas, and sought roots and honey for them, just as the Badagas were the agriculturists and the Kotas the mechanics. Todas and Irulas The Irulas live on the lower slopes of the Nilgiri Hills and have few relations with the Todas. They are called Erl hy the Todas, and, according to Mr. Thurston, they are saluted in the same way as the Kurumbas. The Irulas are among the people mentioned in the remedial formula used against the effects of the evil eye, and are evidently regarded as having some magical power, though they are not feared in the same measure as the Kurumbas. The name of the Irulas only occurs once in my collection of Toda legends, in the story of Kuzkarv, where they are associated with the Kurumbas. Atioto, who is the special deity of Kwodrdoni and Pedrkars, is said to have a temple of which the priest is an Irula. This is probably an Irula temple to which the Todas make offerings. ' It is perhaps notewoilhy that some of the Kurumbas of Malabar are still noted for their cleverness in collecting honey, and are known as Tfii or honey Kurumbas (Fawcett, Bull. Madras Muse it /ii, iii, p. 9). 1 CHAPTER XXVUI THE CLANS OF THE TODAS Ix this chapter I propose to give a short account of each of the Toda clans with any special features which characterise its ceremonial and social organisation. The chapter will consist largely of detail, much of which may be thought to have no great interest, but it seems desirable to put on record as full an account as possible of the condition of the people at the time of my visit. A certain amount of folklore will be included, those tales being given which are specially connected with the history of a clan. The Tartiiar Clans NOdks The people of Nodrs owe their special importance to their connexion with the goddess Teikirzi, who was the nbdrodcJii, or first ruler of the clan, and according to tradition bestowed certain special favours on her people. Chief among these is the possession of the Nodrs //. This is undoubtedly the most sacred and important of the five ti institutions, and its herds are much larger than those of any other. The fact that the Nodrs people own this ti and have the power of appointing to the office of palol gives them great distinction in the eyes of the Todas, and this is emphasised when the palol is undergoing his ordination ceremonies, for several of the.se take place in villages of the Nodrsol. The preliminary ceremony for those who wish to become palol, which is called tesherst, is also usually performed at a Nodrs village. T T 2 644 THE TODAS chap. Another title to fame is the possession of the/*?//, or conical dairy temple at Nodrs, which is known to the European inhabitants of the Nilgiri Hills as the " Toda Cathedral." It is certainly not the most sacred of 'I'oda dairies, but it is the most accessible of the few dairies of this kind now remaining. The Nodrsol are one of the clans represented in the naini. They now stand second among the Tarthar clans in point of numbers, having forty-three males and thirty females.^ It has two kudr, one of which, consisting of the family given in the first of the genealogical tables, has now only two male members ; as these have at present no son, it is possible that it may shortly become extinct. The other kudr has five pblni, of which the chief men are Kerkadr (2), Kudodrsvan (3), Teigudr (4), Mondothi (5), and Keitan (6). If any of the members of these five pblui should perform the imdrtiti ceremony, the buffalo would go to Mudrigeidi and Odrkurs, while, if either of these men had to give a buffalo, its value would be divided among the other hwQpblm. Kerkadr is regarded as the head of the second kiidr. The inadnol of the Nodrs people are Tuesday and Friday, and they hold the funerals of men on Sunday, and of women on Thursday. The special features of their funeral ceremonies are that the body of a man lies in the tarvali of Nodrs for some days before the etvainolkedr and that a special bell {mani) is used at male funerals which has to be brought from Odr. Male funerals are held at Nodrs, and female funerals at Ktilthpuli. The clan used also to have another funeral place close to the Paikara road, which is not now used. The Nodrsol have many villages, of which fourteen are still inhabited, and I obtained the names of five others now in ruins. The following are the chief villages. N'odrs (Muttanadmand). In addition to the conical poh, this village has the distinguishing feature of a long wall which passes between this dairy and the huts where the ' By tliis I mean that there are now living thirty females who were horn members of the Nodrsol, but since a woman becomes a member of her husband's clan, most of these are now members of other clans. I give the numbers of each clan in this form because it brings out several features of interest in relation to the relative fertility of different clans, the proportions of the sexes, iSic. , xxvin THE CLANS OF THE TODAS 645 people live. The wall then passes at the back of the />o/i and runs for some distance northward. The tarvali (in Fig. 12) is situated in an enclosure of the wall near the dwelling-huts, so that the women can go to it for buttermilk without crossing the wall and entering the enclosure in which the poll stands. In the south part of the wall is the gap through which the calf is driven at the iniortiti ceremony (see Fig. 43). The wall is reputed to have been built by Elnakhum. Close to the/6'/', between it and the tarvali, are the ruins of another dairy, the former kudrpali, which is said to have had se\'en rooms. It was disused on account of the difficult}- in obtaining the services of a kiidrpalikartniokh. It will be remembered that this grade of dairyman has to do his work- without any covering', and in the bleak exposed position of Xodrs, it .seems that this was so great a hardship that the office went begging. The Nodrs people are said to have ceased to use this dairy about four generations ago, and the condition of the ruins is about what might be expected if this statement were correct. There are a large number of important stones at Nodrs. I'^ormerl}' seven kinds of buffalo were killed at the funeral of a male, and each was killed at a different stone. Now only two buffaloes may be killed, but the stones remain to show what was formerly done. Two wursulirwQVQ killed, one at the stone called utciks and another at the stone uerovkars, both of which are shown in Fig. 70. One nashperthir was killed at the nasJipertJikars. The two sacred viani were hung on the necks of one of the umrsiilir and the nasJiperthir. One pineipir was killed at the stone called tukervbrskars. Owe persasir was killed at Xhe. persaska7-s, and two putn'r were killed, one at the teidrto/kars and the other at the nienkars. The teidriolkars, shown in Fig. 13, also marks the spot where the unfortunate zev/rWmilked his buffaloes (see p. 439). The nienkars, shown in Fig. 12, is the stone used in the game of nartlipimi, in which a boy creeps under a stone. It is on the village side of the wall, close to the entrance to the tarvali. All the other stones are on the same side of the wall as the poll. Odr (Aganadmand). This is second in importance among 646 THE TODAS CHAP. the villages of the Nodrsol, and it was a question whether the zvursiili dairy, though of the ordinary form, had not even a greater sanctity than the poh of Nodrs. More difficulty was made when I wished to go close to it than at any other place during the whole of my visit (except, of course, at the // dairy), but, unfortunately, the affair was complicated by the fact that on this day my usual attendant, Kodrner, was not with me, and the difficulty may have been partly due to this. When I was allowed to approach the building, only IIG. 70. — A VIEW OF NODKS. THE STONE IN THE FOREGROUND ON THE LEFT IS THE 'NEROVKARS'; THAT ON THE RIGHT IS THE ' UTEIKS.' IN THE BACKGROUND IN THE CENTRE IS AN OLD ' TU.' THE LOWER PART OF THE CONICAL DAIRY CAN BE SEEN BETWEEN THE BOY AND THE ' UTEIKS.' one man came with me and he would not go within several yards of the dairy, while allowing me to go on. The special sanctity of this dairy is due to the fact that the two viani of the Nodnsol are kept here. Both this dairy and a smaller tarvali are at a much greater distance from the village than usual, but with that exception there is nothing to distinguish them from the dairies of other villages. The wursuli is one of those which has two rooms. It is at the village of Odr that the palol passes one night during his xxviii THE CLANS OF THE TODAS 647 ordination ceremonies, and I was shown the spot under a tree where he has to sleep, the same spot being also used by the unirsol and kaltviokh when they undergo any part of their ordination ceremonies at Odr. Another feature of interest is the connexion of this village with Kuudr. An Odr man must be present at the irpalvusthi and salt-giving ceremonies of Kuudr, and a Kuudr man must attend when these ceremonies are performed at Odr. Further, the kwarzam of Odr are said in the prayer of the erkiimptth- pimi ceremony at Kuudr and the Kzvarsmn of Kuudr are said at Odr. The following legend records the origin of these customs : — Soon after Teikirzi had given the buffaloes to the different villages, the buffaloes of Kuudr and Odr were grazing together, and when evening came they could not be separated and both herds went together to the funeral place called Keikars. The wursol of Odr and the palikartinokJi of Kuudr brought their milking-vessels, each to milk his own buffaloes, and they also brought their churning-vessels {patai) and cooking-vessels. After they had milked, the iviirsol of Odr went to pour his milk into h.\s patat, and when doing so some of the milk splashed into the vessel of the palikartmokh. They then cooked some food with the milk, and as the food was boiling strongly, some of it went from one cooking-pot to the other. Then the people of the two villages met and decided that, as the two kinds of buffalo had been milked in one place and the two kinds of milk had been mixed with one another, each of the villages should mention the kzvarrjam of the other in its prayer, and people of one village should attend the ceremonies of the other. Tedshteiri (Talapattaraimand). This is another important Nodrs village. It was vacant at the time of my visit, but is still often occupied. It had at one time a dairy called Okurshapali with seven rooms, which was, like that of Nodrs, a kiidrpali. It fell into disuse at the same time as the Nodrs dairy, and its site is still quite distinct ; but though it seemed larger than usual, I could discover no indication of the number of rooms it had had. When I visited the village there were nine ovens standing in a row, which had been used to cook the 648 THE TODAS chap. food when Teigudr (4) took his wife Uwer from Nertolvan of Pan (16). On this occasion Nertolvan came to Tedshteiri to receive nine buffaloes from Teigudr, and the number of ovens corresponded with the number of the buffaloes. KudrnakJium (Kudinagamand). The chief point of interest about this village is that it is the place where the ceremony of teshcrst often takes place. It is an outlying village to the west which I was unable to visit. PcrthtJio (Perattitalmandj. This is a village which is shared by two clans. The part occupied by the Nodrsol is called Meil Perththo, or Upper Perththo. The other part of the village was said to be general property, but it is at present occupied by Melgars people. KozJitudi or Ko:;hteidi. The special feature of this village is that it has a iviirsuli in which everything has to be carried out kabkaditi, i.e., the dairyman is not allowed to turn his back to the contents of the dairy. This certainly points to the village having been at one time of importance. Kars This is at present the largest of the Tarthar clans, having sixty-seven male and fifty female members. It is represented in the naiin, and there was some reason to think that it occupies a more important position in this body than the other Tarthar clans. The family of Parkurs (8) is called tinkaiiikudupel, ranking next to a uianikudupel, and Parkurs was till lately a second or assistant inonegar. There seems to be no doubt that the Karsol have always been an important clan, and its members are often mentioned in the stories, though they do not appear to have had any legendary hero such as those of Melgars and Pan. Their nbdrodclii (ruler or presiding deity) is Kulinkars, now believed to live on a hill near Makurti Peak. The Kars people possess a // which in importance and wealth is second only to that of Nodrs. Kars resembles Nodrs in having two kudr differing greatly in size. Kutadri is the head of one, which comprises all the members of the family given in Table 7. It has two pblvi, headed by Kutadri and Peithol. The other kudr has eight XXVIII THE CLANS OF THE TODAS 649 pblni, of which the chief men are Parkurs (8), Pidrvan (9)^ Piutolvan (10), Kudrvas (11), Kutthurs (12), Mongudrvan (13), Kiunervan (14), and Keitazvan (15). Till recently there appear to have been only five pblni in the Kars clan, each of which has lately been divided into two. There is a very marked disproportion in the number of members of some of these divisions ; thus the pbbn of Parkurs has sixteen males in five more or less distinct families, while others have only three or four males. Nevertheless each of the latter would contribute the same amount towards joint expenses of the clan as the sixteen males o{ \\vq polm of Parkurs. The chief villages of the Karsol are in or near Ootacamund, and this clan formerly had several other villages on sites now occupied by modern buildings. The following are the chief places : — Kars (Kandalmand). This village is one of the best known of Toda villages, being just on the outskirts of Ootacamund. It is a very typical example of a Toda village: there is a small group of houses, with a large dairy, the kiidrpali (Fig. 21), called Tarziolv, close to them ; just above the houses on the rising ground is a smaller dairy, the xvitr- siili called Karziolv, shown in the background of Fig. 42 and partly shown in Figs. 23 and 44. Opposite the ktidrpali are two raised circular mounds with flat tops called the imiidrikars (seen in the foreground in F"ig. 21), on which the body of a dead man is laid before being taken to the funeral hut at Taradrkirsi. Above the kiidipali is the hut for calves. In the middle of the enclosure within which the village lies, is a row of stones (shown in Fig. 42) which are the irnortkars, and in the ceremony of irnortiti the calf is driven across these stones. Behind the houses there is a small circular enclosure which is now used as a tu and is called AltJiftu. The entrance to this enclosure is shown in Fig. 29 just in front of the boy carrying the dairy vessels. Formerly there was a dairy of the conical kind within this circle, of which the name was JshpoJi. About five generations ago, this dairy still existed ' Pidrvan died soon after niv vibil, 650 THE TODAS CHAP. and was tended by a wtirsol; but several dairymen died in succession, and this so alarmed the Todas that it became impossible to obtain anyone to fill the office, and when the dairy decayed its remains were removed and the circular enclosure within which it stood has since been used as a pen. In size and appearance the enclosure is quite unlike other pens, and resembles much more nearly the circular walls round the conical dairies of Nodrs and Kanodrs. Kiizhii (Kunditolmand). This, the second in importance of the villages of the Karsol, is a very picturesque place south of Ootacamund. There is a kudrpali called TndrpoJi, in front of which is a stone called iuiudrikai's. The gold bracelet mentioned in the story of Kwoto is kept in this dairy. In front of the dwelling-huts is another stone called metikars (see p. 342). The nienkars at Kuzhu and that at Nodrs are the only stones of this name, but they do not resemble one another, and the Kuzhu stone is not adapted for the nartJipinii game as is that of Nodrs. Keshker (Kakerimand). This is a large village near Ootaca- mund at which there is a kudrpali, but little else of interest. It is probably the Kishkeijar mentioned by Harkness. Nasmibdr (Aganadmand). This is a very old village which was probably at one time much more important than at present. It is situated about a quarter of a mile from the road leading from Ootacamund to Ebanad, not far from the Badaga village of Tuneri. There is now only a small dairy {ivursuli) situated in the middle of a wood. When I visited Nasmiodr, this dairy was unoccupied, and, as is usual in such cases, my Toda guide refused to go to the dairy with me, and remained outside the wood. Soon after I left the hills, it was to be occupied by the imirsol of Kars, who would take his buffaloes there for a month. This village is mentioned in two Toda legends, in both of which it seems to have been a village at which people were living. The dairy is called TilipoJi or PohtilipoJi^ and it still contains the two inani, Karzod and Koni, which were hung on the neck of Enmon (see p. 208). It is one of the few wiirsuli which have two rooms. PakJialkndr (Bagalkodumand). This village, not far from XXVIII THE CLANS OF THE TODAS 651 Paikara, is one of the most outl)^ing villages of the Karsol. There is a very small dairy here resembling the vierkalars which serves both as kudrpali and iviasiili, the former being in front, while the latter is behind, with the door on one side. The ivursuli is so small that there can scarcely be room for a fully grown man to do the churning. Isharadr and Peletkivtir. These are outlying villages of no special interest. The former was only built in the time of the grandfather of Parkurs (8), and has a dairy resembling that of Pakhalkudr. Tamdrkirsi (Kavaikkadmand). This is the funeral place for men of the Kars clan, and is also a kalolmad. There is a kudrpali with three rooms called Paliven keirsi, and a pen called Tuoks. There are two stones where the ivursulir and nashpertJiir are killed, and close to them there is a spot by the side of a wood where earth is thrown at a funeral. There is a slight break in the edge of the wood here, and this is probably the position of an old pen which has been completely overgrown. There is a long wall at this village passing near the dairy and the funeral stones, and then extending a long way towards the east. It resembles the Nodrs wall, and these seem to be the only two examples of walls of this kind at Toda villages. The wall at Taradrkirsi is said to have been built by Kwoten, but it seems unlikely, for this hero had no special connexion with the Karsol. Several villages which have now wholly disappeared are still mentioned in the prayer which the Kars people use at the erkumpttJipuni ceremony. One of these, Tashtars, stood where the Masonic Hall at Ootacamund now stands. The site of another, Turskidt, is occupied by a private house. Two, Tiili and Keitaz, were situated on Elk Hill, and two others. Sing and Kurkars, were near Nasmiodr. Pan The Pan clan ha\e their headquarters in the Kundahs and are often called the Medrol,or people of Medr, the Toda name for the Kundahs. The chief villages of this clan are in the 652 THE TODAS chap. Kundahs, but they are only visited during the dry season, and for the greater part of the year the Panol live at the com- paratively new village of Naters in the most thickly populated part of the hills. The legendary hero, Kwoten, belonged to Pan. The clan is small, having now about twenty-seven male and nine female members. It is not represented on the iiaiiu, and in the Badaga grouping of the Todas this clan is joined with that of Nodrs. The Panol have two kndr, and provide the only ex- ample among the Tartharol in which the kudr have special names. The formation of the kudr is said to have been due to Kwoten, who divided the people into Panol and Kuirsiol, named after the two chief villages of the clan. The two divisions are also called Pandar and Peshteidimokh. The Pandar or Panol have three polin, headed by Timur- van (i6), Todars (i6), and Nortiners (17). The Peshteidimokh or Kuirsiol have two pblin, headed by Timners (i8j and Imokhvan (19). Tlie iriidrtitl and tuiiinortiti ceremonies are performed in front of the luursnli at Pan or Kuirsi. The spots on which the ceremonies take place are not marked by any stones, and the ceremonies are spoken of as pa/iknortiti, i.e., " he gives to the dairy," though, as a matter of fact, the calf passes from the men of one kudr to the men of the other kudr as in other clans. The madnol of Pan are said to be Sunday and Wednesday, and the funerals of men take place on Sunday or Tuesday, and those of women on Thursday or Saturday. It is probable that Tuesday is the proper day for the funerals of men, but that they are now sometimes held on Sunday. The following are the chief villages of the Panol : — Pan (Onnamand) is commonly known to Europeans as " One mand." It is a large village in the south-west corner of the Kundahs, with two houses of the long variety, with a door at each end and a partition in the middle. There is a ivursuli called Keinulv, and a kudrpali called Nersolv, and outside the pen there is a stone called viutcJiudkars. Kuirsi (KolimandJ. This village is near Pan. It has a I xwiii THE CLANS OF THE TODAS 653 ivursiili and kudrpali, the former being called Marsolv and the latter Keinulv. Outside the pen, called Tu viatu, there is a large stone called keinkars, and inside it there are two stones called niutclnidkars and pudrtJikars. I could learn little of the history or functions of these stones, but they were said to have been " played with " by Kwoten and Terkosh. Perg (Yeragimand) is a small village near Avalanche Bungalow and is an example of a kalolniad. Naters (Natanerimand) is a large village near Governor Shola, where most of the Panol live for the greater part of the year. This village has a ivitrsuli and iarvali, but nothing else of interest. Near Avalanche Bungalow there is the site of a village called PatJnnars. Little remains of it, but the fireplace of a luit can still be seen. Kabiidri (Tebbekudumand). This is the male funeral village of the Panol, Here there are two stones called teiks where the wtirsulir are killed, and they are reputed to have been set up by Kwoten ; one, called parsteiks, is for the Panol, and the other, called kirsJiteiks, for the Kuirsiol. Another place given as the male funeral place of Pan was Tim, where there is a three-roomed dairy of the same kind as that at Taradrkirsi, in the outermost room of which the body is placed. It is probable that Tim and Kabudri are two names for the same place. Taradr All the villages of this clan are situated in the north-west corner of the hills and the clan appears to have no villages far removed from the etiidmad. The clan is a large one having now at least thirty-seven male and thirty-nine female members. The Taradrol appear to have in several ways a special position among the Tarthar clans. They possess the special institution of the kugvali, which, though resembling in some respects a //, is situated by the other dairies of the village and is tended by dairymen belonging to the clan. The Taradrol are also unique in having their future world (Amnodr) near Perithi, 654 THE TODAS - chap. The Taradrol are divided into two kiidr, each of which has three pbhn. The chief men of the pblni of one kiidr are Ircheidi (20), Parkeidi (21), and Polgar (22); of the second, Paners (23), Irkiolv (24), and Kudeners (25). About the time of my visit the place of Ircheidi, who was ill, was taken by his son, Siriar. The six /<)/;;/ of the clan take it in turn to look after the kiigvalir, each having charge of the dairies and herd for a period of three years. Shortly before my visit, the charge had been taken over by \.\\e palm of Ircheidi and Siriar. The following are the chief villages : — ■ Taradr (Tarnardmand). This is one of the most char- acteristic Toda villages, situated near the road leading to the Paikara falls. It is shown in Figs. 5 and 6, and has three dairies, situated at some distance from the dwelling-huts. The two dairies shown in Fig. 5 are the tarvali and kugvali, the former on the left-hand side and the latter on the right. The third dairy of the village is a zimrsuli, situated to the right of the kiigvali. Near the kngvali is a stone (shown in Fig. 24) at which the wiirsiilir is killed at a Taradr funeral. The stone is called pildrsJitikars after the name of the buffaloes {padrshtiph'). At a little distance from the three dairies are the remains of another pali, which was only used at the funeral of a male. Th.\s pali, like those at other funeral places had three rooms, and in the ruins at the time of my visit it was easy to make out the three divisions. When the occasion arises, the dairy is rebuilt on the day of the funeral, and the tarpalikartniokh takes the inn into the innermost room after purifying it with tiidr bark. The body of the dead man is then laid in the outermost room and kept there till it is taken out after the slaughter of the buffaloes. If this temporary building is the representative of a former dairy with three rooms, it would seem that the village of Taradr once had four dairies. Kudrnias (Kudimalmand). This is a kalolniad on the western side of the Paikara. The kiigvalir were here during the greater part of my visit. Telgudr (Telkodumand). This is another kalolmad. XXVIII THK CLANS OF THE TODAS 655 Piishtar (Pattaraimand). This village is one at which the tesJierst ceremon)' (see p. 154) is sometimes performed. Kiidhnad (Kulimand). This is a large village near Taradr at which many of the people live, but it is not an important village ceremonially, having only one dairy, a tarvali. Near Paikara there can still be seen the remains of a village called Pcvar which was deserted because the family which lived there became extinct. Keradr This is one of the smallest of the Tarthar clans, all its members being included in Table 26. There are at present sixteen male and nine female members. There is at present only one kudr, the other having become extinct about three generations ago. As there has been no occasion for irnortiti, no fresh division has been made. The kudr\\2,'~, two pblui, one headed by Paniolv, and the other b\- Teikner. The chief village, Keradr (Kannagimand), is situated in the south-west part of the hills near the Teivali village of Keadr. Keradr is also the male funeral place of the clan and was not occupied at the time of my visit. At this time most of the Keradrol were living at Tovalkan, near Paikara, a recent village at which there is a dairy of the ordinary kind {tarvali). Near the houses there is a raised mound shown in Fig. 59, erected to mark the spot on which Keirevan (26) was killed by falling from a tree into which he had climbed to cut wood. Kanodrs This is one of the outlying Toda clans, and its people were said to have been less influenced by the altered conditions on the hills than any other clan, but they seem nevertheless to have given up several of their institutions. The sacred poJi is only occasionally occupied, and I am doubtful whether they can be said to be in a more untouched condition than several other clans. The people are often called the Kererol, but I could not find that there was any village of Kerer from which this name is derived, and it is possibly the name of a district of 656 THE TODAS - chap. the hills. The clan is distinguished by its pos.session of the conical poJi at Kanodrs, and by the fact that many of the adventures of Kwoto or Meilitars took place in the region it inhabits. Although Kwoto was a Melgars man, he is regarded as having a close connexion with the Kanodrs people, and various features of the ritual of the Kanodrs t)oJi are said to be derived from him. The clan is at present a small one, with a distinct majority of females. In fact, it seems so usual for members of this clan to have no children or only female children that there is some likelihood that the Kanodrsol may become extinct. The present numbers are about thirteen males and twenty- three females. There was some doubt as to the number of kiidr. I was told that there are three, headed by Arsolv (27), Kineri (29), and Polkab (30) respectively, but at an irnortiti ceremony both Arsolv and Kineri would give to Polkab, while the latter would give to both, so that it seems probable that there are properly only two kudr, as in other clans. One of these has only one pblm, that of Polkab. The other has three polm, headed by Arsolv, Neratkutan (28), and Kineri. The following are the chief villages of the Kanodrsol : — Kanodrs (Devarmand). This village now consists of the poll only. There are still two Diani at this village, one of which is called Piiiikbghlag, a name closely resembling the name of the churning-stick at the ti. There are at present no dwelling-huts at the place, nor any remains of such huts, though it would appear from the legend of Kwoten that the village was inhabited at one time. PishkivosJit (Bikkapatimand). This is a large village where most of the Kanodrsol now live. The only dairy is in ruins. Close to the village there are a number of flat stones almost level with the ground (Fig. 71) which are called Teiidr, " the god way," and are said to mark the spot where the gods {tell) used to meet. Just above these is a large buffalo pen, which is reputed not to have been made by man. Whenever the gods went this way they used to deposit pieces of dried buffalo-dung on this spot and these became the stones of the ///. XXVIII THE CLANS OF THE TODAS 657 Near the village is a forest hut, and opposite this are two stones called pedrkars. The Todas once had a large gathering here, and a man jumped a long distance which was recorded by means of these stones. The other villages of the Kanodrsol, Taknin, Kur:Jiu or FIG. 71. — THE STONES AT PISHKWOSHT CALLED 'TEUAR.' KusJiii, &c., are in the same neighbourhood, but I was unable to visit them, and do not know whether they have any objects of interest. KWODRDONI This is the most outlying of Toda clans, but numerous tea estates have been established in its neighbourhood, and the people appear to have been a good deal influenced by the altered conditions. I was unable to visit any of the villages, and I know less about this clan than any other. Ps\\ the villages of the clan are situated in the district of the hills called by the Todas Purgodr, and the people of the clan are, therefore, often called the Purgodrol. U U 658 THE TODAS chap. At present there appear to be seventeen males and fourteen females, but it is probable that these numbers are not complete. There are two kudr, headed by Kiurvan (32) and Atcharap (34). The former has three polm, of which the chief men are Puner (31), Kiurvan (32), and Orudz (33), and the latter has two pblni, headed by Atcharap (34) and Kudar (35). This clan seems now to occupy only two villages. One is Kwodrdoni (Kodudonnemand), where there is only a tarvali, though there was formerly a wursidi, now ruined, in which was kept a inani called Kirsongg which has dis- appeared. The other village is Katikar (Kodanadmand). The male funeral place is ludi, and the female, Punviud. Pam This is a clan which formerly occupied the site of Coonoor and Wellington. Its numbers are small, probably only seventeen males and thirteen females. There are two kudr, headed by Udrchovan (36) and Pungievan (37). Udrchovan's kudr has only one pblm. Pungievan's kudr has three pblm, of which the chief men are Pungievan {zi)', Arparners (38) and Seili (39). The original etudniad of the clan was Pirspurs, the site of which was used for the Coonoor racecourse. Pain was then adopted as the chief village, but it has been allowed to fall into ruins, though still giving its name to the clan. The dairy at Pam was called Palikndrbeda and the buffalo-pen, Titg/ldron. Inikitj, where the people now live, is an un- interesting village at which there are the ruins of a tarvali. There is a building in which the four or five sacred buffaloes (jtashperthir) are kept, but they are not milked as there is no palikartmokh. The male funeral place of this clan was Puvi, and the female, KwatkasJi. These were situated where the Wellington barracks now stand, and the funerals are now held near Inikitj. Fig. 51 shows the wooden teiks at which the sacred buffalo would be killed at the funeral of a male. There are several stories about Karnisi (37), a member of this clan. He is said to have been an exceptionally strong XXVIII THE CLANS OF THE TODAS 659 man, and the Todas tell how on one occasion two English soldiers came to Pam and insulted the women and how Karnisi took the two men unaided to the barracks at Wellington. Karnisi also spent a fortune which had been stored in the dairy of Pam for many generations. A vessel {pun) full of rupees had been deposited in the dairy by an ancestor of Karnisi called Kiuten. It remained there till Karnisi spent it in buying buffaloes, ornaments for his many wives and household goods. He gave some of the rupees away and spent others in travelling to Coimbatore, and in a short time the money had disappeared. NiDRSI The headquarters of the Nidrsi clan are to the south of Coonoor. The people are closely surrounded by tea estates and have been much influenced. It is not now a large clan, having about sixteen male and twenty-five female members. There are two kudr, headed by Todrigars (41) and Kudrmaskutan (43) respectively, each kudr having two pbhn. The chief men of the pbhn of one kudr are Puveners (40) and Todrigars, and of the other kudr, Kadrkutan (42) and Kudrmaskutan. This clan affords a very good example of the degeneration which has in some cases befallen the dairy organisation. The people have only one wursulir left. The dairy {tvursuli) has fallen into ruins, and they have no wursol and, therefore, the one buffalo is not milked. At a funeral of a male they will have to procure a ivursol from another clan to kill this buffalo. There are two inani, called Eshkiakudr and Eikudr, each with an iron chain, but as they have no ivursuli these bells are kept under a stone at Akirsikodri, the male funeral village. The other sacred buffaloes, piiicipir, &c., are milked at a tarvali. There are now only four inhabited villages, and only one of these seems to be of any importance. Nidrsi. This is near the Badaga village of Hulikal. It u u 2 66o THE TODAS CHAP. consists chiefly of huts obviously of recent construction and not of the proper Toda form. There is a small dairy (Jarvalt) and the situation of the former zvursuli, almost completely oversfrovvn, can still be seen. There is a buffalo enclosure called Piuiatu. The znwrtkars is a stone of ordinary appearance with other smaller stones round it, and there is also a pilin'drtkars of which only a small piece now shows above the ground. There is a very large tiikittJikars at this village (see pp. 252 and 597). Another stone here is called imiidrikars or parsatthkars. Milk is put on it every morning and evening by the palikartinokJi, but it is not used in any way in connexion with a funeral. The Todas relate that an Englishman shot at and splintered this stone some years ago. Soon after he was bitten by his horse, and he asked the Todas, with whom he was on very good terms, what ought to be done. He was told that he should perform the irnortiti ceremony, and a few days later he brought a three-year-old calf to the irnortkars at Nidrsi and gave it to the people. It was taken by both kitdr and the Englishman was soon well again. The whole affair was regarded as a good joke, and is interesting as showing that the Todas do not object to making sport of one of their sacred ceremonies, especially when they gain an addition to their stock of buffaloes, Akirsikbdri. This is the male funeral village, at which there is a dairy with three rooms, in which the body of a dead man is placed on the day of the etvainolkedr. MELGARS The Tarthar clan which takes its name from the village of Melgars occupies a very special position in the Toda social organisation and in the dairy ceremonial. Although a Tarthar clan, the Melgarsol in many respects resemble the Teivaliol much more closely than they resemble the other clans of their own division. In former times the Melgarsol are said to have held the office of palol at the Kars ti and at the Pan //, and to have lost this privilege owing to misbehaviour of a palol, of which xxviii THE CLANS OF THE TODAS 66i an account has been already given. They are still capable of holding the offices of zai/rso/ and kaltnwkJi, for which otherwise only Teivaliol are eligible, and they have privileges and duties in connexion with various kinds of Toda ceremonial which are wholly unshared by other clans. Though they may still hold the offices of xvnrsol and kaltmokh, they are not allowed to carry out certain of the duties ; thus, a Melgars whj-soI may not kill the sacred buffalo at a funeral, nor may he perform any of the other duties which fall to the part of a wursol on this occasion. Although a Melgars man may no longer be palol, the Melgars people have a large number of privileges and duties connected with the ti. An account of these has already been given, but they may shortly be recapitulated here with the names given to them by the Todas. (i.) Mbr vatiti, tor tititi. " Buttermilk he drinks, food he takes." The Melgars men may take buttermilk and food at the dwelling-hut of any //, and they alone have this privilege at the dairies of the Nodrs //. (ii.) Teirpillk mad oiiti. " He goes at the head (of the pro- cession) to (the place called) tcirpiiir (iii.) Ti alugpjir piititi. " The alug things of the ti he carries." (iv.) Abig putz nitz itlUotJii. " Alug come, stand he must." The Melgars man must stand by a certain tree with the alug when he comes to the new place during the migration of the ti buffaloes. (v.) Erd piiiirs ithtotlii. " Two piinrs (four days) he must be." He sta}'s at Anto from the Sunday on which the buffaloes migrate till the following Wednesday. In addition to these privileges, it is also the duty of the Melgarsol to carry out rebuilding or repairing operations at a ti mad, and he has also to assist in carrying the body of a dead palol. The special duties of the Melgarsol are not limited to the ceremonial of the //, but in certain other ceremonies it is essential that a Melgars man shall be present or take part. He must milk a buffalo to provide milk for Tarthar women coming out of the seclusion-hut both after the hand-burning 663 THE TODAS chap. ceremony of pregnancy and after childbirth. He does this for women of his own clan and for those of all other Tarthar clans except that of Kwodrdoni. A Melgars man must be present on the second day of the irpalvusthi ceremony of the kitgvalir of Taradr, and the ceremony of this day, which is called irpatadjitJiti^ cannot take place if a Melgars man is not present. It was also said that a Melgars man must be present when- ever a feast is given at the end of a period called pon in any clan, but I am very doubtful as to the necessity of this. I think it is probable that no feast ever occurs at which a Melgars man fails to put in an appearance, and that my informants had come to regard his presence as necessary, but it seemed very doubtful whether his presence was an essential condition for the occurrence of this, as it certainly was in the case of certain other ceremonies. There was some difference of opinion as to the reasons why the Melgarsol enjoyed these exceptional privileges. The Melgars people themselves believed that their exceptional position was due to the connexion of Kwoto with their clan. They said that when Kwoto became superior to all the gods, and was called Meilitars, these privileges were given to the clan to which he belonged. According to another account, the position of a Melgars man at the head of the procession of the Nodrs // was settled by Anto in order to appease the buffalo Enmars when two of its bells were taken away and given to the Pan ti. Others, again, said that the privileges of the Melgarsol were given as a recompense when this clan was deprived of its privilege of becoming palol. There is little doubt that the real reason for the Melgars privileges has been lost and that different reasons have been sought in the Toda legends. The Melgars people have chosen a reason which gratifies their pride in claiming Kwoto as one of themselves, while other Todas have reasons which serve to add to the importance of the sacred institution of the //, of which they are so proud. There are other special features in which the Melgars people differ from the rest of the Tarthar clans. They have no ivursulir, though they can become zviirsol to other clans, so XXVIII THE CLANS OF THE TODAS 663 that, in this respect, they resemble the Teivaliol in being able to tend buffaloes which they do not themselves possess. Another difference is that the palikartmokh of the Melgarsol uses Hidr bark in his ordination ceremonies, and this gives him a higher rank than other tarpalikartmokJi. It is on this account that a Melgars palikartmokh may not visit the tarvali of another clan (see p. 66). The Melgarsol again resemble the Teivaliol in not shaving the head after a funeral, as is done by Tarthar clans other than that of Melgars, The Melgarsol resemble the Teivaliol in so many respects that it is tempting to suppose that this clan must at one time have formed part of the Teivali division and for some reason was transferred to the Tartharol. Every Toda whom I questioned on the point was, however, certain that the Melgars people had always been members of the Tartharol. There are two facts which show that there is some special relation between the people of Melgars and those of Kwodrdoni. One is that intermarriage is said to be prohibited between members of these two clans ; the other is that the milking by a Melgars man when a Tarthar woman is leaving the seclusion-hut does not take place in the case of a Kwodrdoni woman. These facts point to some relation between the two clans of which I was unable to obtain any account. The Melgarsol form a fairly large clan, having at the present time about thirty-one male and twenty female repre- sentatives. They have at present only one kudr^ the other having become extinct about eight years ago on the death of Tikon (49). A half-sister of this man is still living, but the kiidr has no male representative. During the last eight years, the Melgarsol have had no trouble [kaspcl) which has made it necessary to perform the irn'drtiti ceremony, but should the occasion arise, a naini would decide on a re- division of the other kiidr. I was told that the matter was continually the subject of discussion, and it seemed probable that the nature of the re-division was already more or less arranged, but would not be definitely settled till the occasion . arose. 664 'fHE TO DAS chap The one kudr has four pblm, of which the chief men are Kiunievan (44), Artholvan (45), Notirzi (46) and Ilgeivan (48). Tergudrvan (47) belonged to the same pblin as Artholvan. The families included in Table 49 are all extinct in the male line, and, with the exception of Tikon, I am doubtful to which kudr or pblin they belonged. Melgars, the chief village, is situated behind the gardens of Government House at Ootacamund. It has few features of interest, and there is little to be seen at the other villages of the clan. Niihi (Narigulimand) is situated in the Kundahs. Two Toda villages, Ki Perththo and Padegar, are said to be the general property of the Tartharol, but at the time of my visit both were inhabited by the Melgarsol. The village of Katol, which is now ruined, is mentioned by Harkness as one of the villages near Ootacamund. The chief funeral place is Ushadr, mentioned in the story of Kwoto. There is another funeral place called Mirzoti common to Melgars and Kidmad. KiDMAD AND KARSII These are two sub-divisions of the Melgarsol which separated from the main body, probably about seven or eight genera- tions ago. At first I heard only of Kidmad, and it was only when working over the Nidrsiol that I found there were people living with this clan who did not belong to it, but were an offshoot of the Melgars people and were called Karshol. According to one account, both Kidmadol and Karshol separated from the main body at the same time, but, according to another, the people who first separated belonged to Karsh and then split some generations later into the two groups. The separation was due to a quarrel between father and son. The Melgars people were holding a council and one of the chief men of the clan was late in coming. When he appeared in the distance, he was recognised by nobody but his own son, who, when asked who was coming, said ^^ paznli paduiokh poti dl/iain nottJired? Kntm it vers ! — i.e., XXVIII THE CLANS OF THE TODAS 665 " A wanderer and bastard comes, why do you look at him ? Let the council go forward ! " {Pazuli is a name applied to a man who belongs to no clan, and padviokli is the name of the child of a woman with whom no man has performed the pursiltpiini ceremony.) The niainnokh (sister's son) of the father was present at the council, and when his uncle arrived, Xhemmwiokh told him what had been said by his son in the council, and the father said, " I am no pazitli, it is you who are the pazuli : hence- forward you must not live at Melgars ; you will have nothing from me except what I give you to-day." The father gave the son a one-horned buffalo {kivadrkutir) and a portion of the Mirzoti funeral place. Since that day descendants of the son have been separate from Melgarsol and they have held their funerals at Mirzoti, but not on the same spot as the Melgars people. The Kidmadol and Karshol have lost certain privileges possessed by other Todas. The loss of these privileges is expressed by the Todas as follows : — (i.) Meitiin kitht bgadi. " He may not sit on the ineitiiny When a man of Kidmad or Karsh goes to any Tarthar dairy he is not allowed to sit on the raised bed on the right hand side of the door. (ii.) Nirsi nest bgadi. " He may not rub the fire-sticks." If fire has to be made at a male funeral, or on any other occasion, it must be done by a man of another clan. (iii.) Ertatpiin pitth bgadi. " He may not touch the ertat- pun" di dairy vessel which may be touched by any other Toda man. The result of this restriction is that a man of these clans can never hold a dairy office. Marriages are not allowed between Melgars people and those of either Kidmad or Karsh. The village of Karsh no longer exists ; it was near Akirzikodri, but in the time of Kilpan (51) the people were so poor that they went to live with the Nidrsiol and have remained with them since. Though living at Nidrsi, they are still regarded as a separate people, and marriages may take place between the two clans. They have only three or four ordinary buffaloes. If a male dies they have to kill 666 THE TODAS CHAP. 2i persasir, which they obtain from Melgars. The only males living are one man and his son, the father having also two sisters. The Kidmadol are more prosperous, and the men of the clan appear to be fairly prominent people among the Todas, in spite of their disadvantages. Kijievan (5) has the reputation of being one of the ablest people of the whole community. The clan numbers five males and three females. THE TEIVALI CLANS KUUDR This is the most important of the Teivali clans, at any rate from the social point of view. It has supplied the monegar since the institution of this office, and it is the only Teivali clan represented on the Toda naim or council. From the religious point of view the Kuudrol are less important and have no exclusive rights to any sacred office,^ though they are exceptional in being greeted by the/^/^/ with the kivarzain of their clan, IvikaHJUokhkntiueiltcu, ioWowedhy idith^s in the prayers. The origin of this custom is said to be that long ago strangers came to the hills and massacred all the people of the clan except one boy, who hid himself in the buffalo pen. The present people of Kuudr are descended from the boy and his escape is commemorated in the greeting of the palol. The Kuudrol also possess the very sacred dairy of Kiudr. The Kuudr clan is the largest of the Teivali clans and stands second in point of numbers among all the Toda clans. It has at least sixty-three male and thirty-five female representatives, I omitted to obtain the children of two families, and these would raise the numbers slightly. I had much difficulty in obtaining a correct account of the organisation of the Kuudrol, the difficulty proving to be due to certain anomalies in this clan. It has three chief divisions, headed by Kuriolv (52), Ishkievan (60) and Tovoniners (61), ' For the story how the Kuudr people came to lose the right of providing ihe palo/ for the Nodrs //, sec p. 114. XXVIII THE CLANS OF THE TODAS 667 and each of these divisions is sometimes called a kiidr. From the point of view, however, of the irnortiti cere- mony it is clear that the division of Tovoniners is not a definite kudr, for the men of this division do not receive buffaloes from any other division, although they may them- selves perform the irnoi-titi ceremony, in which case the buffalo goes to the men of the other two divisions. The family of Tovoniners differs also from other families of the clan in having no place at the village of Kuudr. This anomalous position of the family is due to the part played by the men of the family in the quarrel which led to the separation of the Pedrkars people from Kuudr (see p. 675). The family of Tovoniners is probably not a kjidr in the strict sense of the term, and if so, the Kuudr clan falls into line with other clans in being divided into two kudr only. There was also some confusion about the pblin of the Kuudr clan, one source of confusion being due to the trouble connected with the parentage of Teitchi (52), which has been already considered (see p. 564). It was quite clear that the kudr of Ishkievan has two /jo /m only, headed by Ishkievan and Tadrners (60). Kuriolv's division was said to have eight pd/?n, the head men being Kuriolv (52), Targners (53), Poteners (54), Keitas (55), Tiiliners and Tikievan (56), Mudriners (57), and Madsu (58). The men of the first four po/m are known to be closely connected with one another, and, as may be seen in the genealogies, the first three claim common descent from Tudrvan. Similarly i\\e. pohn of Tiiliners, Tikievan and Madsu are known to be closely connected. About the position of the pblm of Mudriners, as we have already seen, there is much doubt, the state of affairs being that it is really most closely connected with the pbltn of Tiiliners and Tikievan, but that Kuriolv claims it as closely allied to his own through the relation of Teitchi to Kors. Formerly the family of Arsners (59) formed a separate poltn, but owing to the fact that it now has only two young members, and is very poor, it has been joined to the pbhii of Madsu (58). Including the families of Tovoniners and Arsners, there 668 THE TODAS chap. would thus be twelve pblm. This is not consistent with the information given in connexion with the pepkaricJia ceremony (see p. 169), from which it appears that there are fifteen heads of families in the Kuudrol. It may be that iho. pblm and family do not correspond with one another, or there may be some other explanation of the discrepancy. The following are the chief villages of the Kuudrol : — Ktiudr (Kundakodumand). This is a large village with substantial huts in the Tamil style which have been built by Kuriolv. There is a large dairy, the tudrpali, and a smaller dairy, the kidpali, in front of it, with two buffalo enclosures [tii)^ one apparently for each dairy. In the large tn there are three stones called keinkars^ tasJitikars and mutc/nidkars, all of ceremonial importance (see p. 169). Growing in one side of the /// there is a tree called teikhuiuadiki, under which the inn is buried. As usual, water is taken from two sources, and at Kuudr that used for sacred purposes is drawn from a spring, called kisnir. The origin of this spring has been already given in connexion with the prayer of Kuudr, in which this and other events in the history of the village are commemorated. The special relations between Kuudr and Odr have been already considered in the account of the latter village. Kiudr (Kengodumand). This village has a somewhat anomalous position in that, though not the chief village of its clan from the social point of view, it is in many ways more sacred than Kuudr. It is a very picturesque village, shown in Fig. 7, in which there are two dwelling-huts. That shown in the figure is one of the largest and best constructed of existing Toda huts, having been rebuilt recently under the direction of Kijievan (50), who has a special reputation as an architect. It was at this village that a pregnant woman was not allowed to come to the hut, but had to remain at some little distance, and the sacredness of the hut is also shown by the fact that the prayer of this village provides the only instance in which the kwarzani of a hut occurs. The dairy is situated at some little distance from the huts, quite out of sight of people at the latter. On going from XXVIII THE CLANS OF THE TODAS 669 the huts to the dairy a shallow stream flowing over broad flat stones is crossed. This stream is called Keikudr, and is of some ceremonial importance (see p. 307). The dairy which is called Kilpoh is shown in Figs. 20 and 31, and is a large, well-built structure of the ordinary shape. It is situated within a high wall, which is much thicker than usual, and in front it must be several yards across, so that it is possible to walk about on the top of it. On this wall, on the right hand side, are two old stones (shown in Fig. 31), called imirzillnkars. Close to the dairy there are two ancient and weatherworn stones, shown in Fig. 32, to which the same name is given. There are six bells in the dairy. Two are kept on the patatniar and are called pataiinani, the individual names of the bells being Mudrani and Kerani. The other four are called ertatmani, and are kept on the ertatmar ; their indi- vidual names are Pongg, Nongg, Pundrt/is, and Pan. Kiudr is one of the villages which was said to have been at one time a ti mad. In favour of this is the fact that its dairy is called /rigR {Manual, p. 187) derives the word from tasaii, a servant. .S' or sh is sometimes inserted into the word Tartharol, but it is purely euplinnic, and I do not think that this derivation is at all probable. 68o THE TODAS chap. XXII) are frequent, and, indeed, it seems to be the rule for connexions of this kind to be formed between members of the two divisions. The only definite restriction on social intercourse is that a Teivali woman may not visit a Tarthar village, so that if a Tarthar man becomes the nwkJitJiodvaiol of a Teivali woman, he has to visit her at her home, or may go to live at her village altogether or for long periods. There is no similar restriction on the visits of Tarthar women to Teivali villages, and at the time of my visit at least one Tarthar woman was living altogether at the village of her Teivali consort. The prohibition of the visits of Teivali women to Tarthar villages is said to have had its origin in the misbehaviour of certain Teivali women who once visited the village of Nodrs, but I did not learn in what their offence consisted. The most obvious features which mark off the two divisions from one another occur in connexion with the dairy organisa- tion. The most important dairy institutions of the Todas belong to the Tartharol, but their dairymen are Teivaliol. This applies not only to the // dairies, but also to the zvursuli dairies of the Tarthar villages. The highest dairy office, that oi palol, can only be held by a Teivali man, while the lower offices of kaltniokJi and luursol must be held by them or by one of the Melgars clan of the Tartharol. According to tradition, the members of the Melgarsol were also at one time capable of holding the office o{ palol, but lost the right owing to the misbehaviour of one of their number. As I have already suggested, the Melgarsol may have been formerly a Teivali clan, but on repeated inquiry, it seemed clear that they had always been Tartharol, so that at one time in Toda history certain Tartharol were permitted to hold the highest dairy office as well as the lower grades for which they are still eligible. The position of the Melgars clan is, however, so much of a mystery in itself that it can contribute little to the understanding of our present difficulties. Although the Teivaliol hold the highest dairy offices, and while holding them have a very high degree of sanctity, it is quite clear that, apart from the holding of these offices, I XXIX TEIVALIOL AND TARTHAROL 68i they have no sanctity whatever. A Teivali man who, while holding office as palol, is so sacred that he may not be touched by nor touch anyone, and may be visited even by his nearest relatives on two days of the week only, becomes an ordinary person, with absolutely no restrictions on intercourse, the moment he ceases to hold office. Further, the fact that the Teivaliol hold these sacred offices does not lead to any respect being shown by Tartharol towards Teivaliol ; there is not the slightest trace of the belief that their right to exert the highest priestly functions gives the Teivaliol any superiority, nor, it seemed clear to me, did the right inspire the Teivaliol themselves with any feeling of superiority. Indeed, it was distinctly the other way. The Tartharol always boasted that they were the superior people and that the Teivaliol were their servants, and the Teivaliol always seemed to me to acquiesce, though unwillingly, in this opinion. Whenever I asked a Tarthar man why he regarded his division as superior, he always answered, " We have the ti and we appoint the Teivaliol to act as our servants." In the case of the Teivali dairyman acting as wursol at the Tarthar villages, I had definite evidence in more than one instance that the priest was regarded as a paid servant, to be treated with scant respect except in the special points pre- scribed by custom. The fact that the Teivali dairyman living at a Tarthar village may not touch any of the Tartharol puts him very much at the mercy of the latter, and the dairyman has, so far as I know, no redress for any wrong, real or fancied, which he may receive. The inferiority of the Teivaliol came out in one very strik- ing point to which I shall return later. I learnt from the Tartharol that there were certain differences in language between the two divisions ; that the Teivaliol used certain words as names of objects which were not used by the Tartharol. I obtained a list of these, and later approached a Teivali man on the matter. When I opened the subject he was very much taken aback, and then became very angry because I had been told of the difference, though its existence was not denied. His whole attitude was that of a man ashamed of his lowly origin. Far more indignation was 682 THE TODAS chap. shown by him and by other Teivaliol because I had been told of their pecuh'arities of language than was ever shown after the exposure of deeds distinctly immoral even from the Toda point of view. I shall return to this subject again shortly ; I mention it here because it seemed to me to afford the clearest evidence that the Teivaliol were conscious of their own inferiority in the social scale. In the story of Kwoten we find that the Tarthar hero is accompanied by Erten of Keadr, a Teivali man, and the latter was said to have been the servant of the former. This suggests the possibility that at one time the Teivaliol may have acted as servants to the Tartharol, even more definitely than at present. At the present time there are some features of the social organisation and social life which might be held to weigh strongly against the idea that the Teivaliol are the inferior division. The nionegar of the Todas is one of the Teivaliol, and the most influential member of the naijii, or council, at the present time is a Teivali man. I believe the monegarship, however, to be a recent institution, possibly dating only from the advent of Europeans to the hills. The chief duty of the inonegar is the collection of the assessment made by the Government, and it is quite consistent with Toda ideas that this troublesome, and from their point of view menial duty should be handed over to one of the Teivaliol. The great power of the Teivaliol in the naim is probably still more recent and due to the influence of one man. The Teivaliol should have only one representative on the naim, while the Tartharol should have three, and it is entirely owing to the powerful personality of Kuriolv that this balance has been disturbed, and that the influence of the Teivaliol is so predominant. It is possible that Kuriolv will do much to obliterate the social inequality of the two divisions, though I suspect from what the Todas told me that it is intended to revert to the old order as soon as he dies. There is one custom which shows very clearly that it is only as dairymen that the Teivaliol have any sanctity. If the sacred buffaloes {past/iir) of the Teivaliol go to a Tartharvillage, they may be milked either at a iviirsuli or a tarvali, and the 1 XXIX TEIVALIOL AND TARTHAROL 683 Tarthar people may use the milk. If Tarthar buffaloes, however, go to a Teivali village, the Teivaliol may neither milk them nor use their milk or its products. Thus buffaloes which are normally milked by a Teivali dairyman when at their own village may not be milked by Teivaliol at a Teivali village, while there is no restriction on the milking of Teivali buffaloes by the Tartharol. Although the Tartharol are in the habit of speaking of the Teivali dairymen as their servants, they have no means of enforcing service. The post of dairyman of any kind is one of profit, and, as we have seen, when the post, even of palol, ceases to bring a sufficient income, the Tartharol fail to obtain people to occupy it. In the ceremonial of the dairy, the relation between the two divisions is entirely one-sided. The Tartharol own the buffaloes and the dairies, and the Teivaliol do the work. In certain other ceremonies, there is more reciprocity in the relations of the two divisions to one another. The Tartharol have certain definite duties at a Teivali funeral and the Teivaliol at a Tarthar funeral, and in most cases the duties are thoroughly reciprocal and the two divisions appear to act on equal terms. Thus, in the earth- throwing ceremony, the earth is dug by a Teivali man at a Tarthar funeral, and the Tarthar men before they throw ask the Teivaliol whether they may do so. At a Teivali funeral these positions are reversed. Similarly, the buffaloes are caught by Tartharol for Teivaliol and vice versa. On the other hand, there are some ceremonies in which the Teivaliol have definite duties to perform at a Tarthar funeral which are not reciprocated. In the earth-throwing ceremony of the Tartharol, earth is first thrown by the Teivali ivnrsol, but he does this as dairyman and not as one of the Teivaliol. The kobtiti ceremony of the second funeral is, however, only performed at a Tarthar funeral, and in it a Teivali man plays an important part, wearing the cloak which has been covering the relics and adorning himself with women's ornaments. He hangs on the neck of the calf the bell called tnkulir mani and touches the relics with the bow and arrow after askin. '^ See p. 445. XXX THE ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF THE TODAS 715 distinctly higher order than that they now possess, and if I am right in supposing that the Todas came from Malabar, it might follow that they brought their highly developed religion with them, and that although certain features of the religion may have undergone great development, the general result of the long isolation has been to produce degeneration. The study of the religion suggests that we have in the Todas an example of a people who show us the remnants of a higher culture. If we could accept the view that the cairns, barrows, and cromlechs of the Nilgiri Hills were the work of the ancestors of the Todas, we should have at once abundant further evidence that the Todas have degenerated from a higher culture. We should have an example of a people who once used, even if they did not make, pottery, showing artistic aptitudes of a fairly high order which they have now entirely lost. The Toda now procures his pottery from another race, and, so long as this is of the kind prescribed by custom, he is wholly indifferent to its aesthetic aspect. I doubt if there exists anywhere in the world a people so devoid of aesthetic arts, and if the Nilgiri monuments are the work of their ancestors, the movement backwards in this department of life must have been very great. It is easy to see how the Todas may have lost such arts, supposing that they once possessed them. The Toda now regards nearly every kind of manual labour as beneath his dignity, and if a people showing artistic skill in the adorn- ment of the articles they use in everyday life should hand over the making of these articles to another race, it is fairly certain that the artistic side would suffer, and this is especially likely to happen when the artisans whose services are employed are such people as the Kotas.^ Assuming that such a transference took place, it is easy to understand the complete disappearance of art even higher than that which the contents of the monuments show. The use of the bow and arrow and the club in ceremonial ' The argument will hold equally well if the Todas in their previous home had heen accustomed to procure their pottery from others, but had when they reached the Nilgiris to rely solely on the Kotas for help in this direction. 7i6 THE TODAS chap. furnishes us with another example of material objects which have wholly disappeared from the active life of the Todas, and here again it is easy to see why the disappearance has taken place, for on the Nilgiris the Todas have had no enemies, either human or feral. This disuse of weapons has indeed so obvious an explanation that it cannot be treated as an instance of degeneration ; and while the origin of the cairns remains doubtful, the only evidence of degeneration of culture is shown by the religion ; and though it seems to me that the evidence here, especially that derived from the nature of the prayers, is conclusive, it may not be so regarded by all. In the preceding lines I have put forward for consideration the tentative hypothesis that the Todas may furnish us with an example of a people who once have possessed a higher culture of which some features have undergone degeneration. If we combine this hypothesis with that advanced earlier, that the Todas came from Malabar, we may suppose that the Todas brought the higher culture with them from this district, and if this were so, the original culture of the Todas may have been on much the same general level as that of the dominant castes of Malabar at the present day. On this hypothesis, it seems to me most likely that in their new home the religion] of the Todas underwent a very special development, its ritual] coming to centre more and more round the buffalo, because! in their very simple environment this was the most accessible] object of veneration. I think there is little doubt that the] extraordinary development of the ritual of the dairy must have taken place since the Todas have been on the Nilgiris ;] and, as I have already pointed out, it seems to me most prob-j able that the degeneration of the religion has been largely a] consequence of the extreme development of this ritual aspect of their religion. If we reject the view that the Todas are representatives of one or more of the castes of Malabar whose institutions have! in some ways degenerated during a long period of isolation,] the most likely alternative view is that the Todas are one of] the hill tribes of the Western Ghats who have developed a] higher culture than the rest in the very favourable environ- XXX THE ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF THE TODAS 717 meat provided by the Nilgiri plateau. I have already referred to the resemblance between certain Toda customs and those of one such tribe, the Hill Arrians, who live in the hills in Travancore and on the Travancore-Cochin boundary. These people are fair, about five feet six inches in height, and frequently have aquiline noses. They inherit in the male line, and have an early marriage ceremony, followed by another in which cloths are presented to the bridegroom. -After child- birth the woman lives in a shed for sixteen days. They bury their dead, the earth being dug with the ceremony to which I have already alluded,^ and though we are not told that a cloth is laid on the corpse at the funeral ceremonies, Fawcett- records the fact that a cloth is placed on the grave. There are thus several points of resemblance between their customs and those of the Todas, and this resemblance extends in some measure to the physical appearance and suggests, not only that they and the Todas have been influenced by the same culture, but even that they are people of the same race. We are here, however, plunged almost entirely in the region of conjecture, and we must wait for further information before we consider whether such tribes as the Hill Arrians are representatives of the same race as the Todas, both having been driven from the plains of Malabar into their mountain fastnesses, or whether the Todas and Arrians are two hill tribes of similar descent who have each been influenced by Malabar, of whom the Todas have advanced more in culture, owing to their exceptionally favourable environment on the Nilgiri plateau. The whole of this last chapter is, I am afraid, open to the charge of being highly conjectural. It has, however, seemed to me desirable to raise some of the problems suggested by the existence of the Todas. In the settlement of these problems much further research is necessary, and I have somewhat reluctantly dealt so largely with the conjectural topics of the chapter, because they seem to point clearly to two lines of research in which further work is necessary. One is the archaeology of the Nilgiris, which would, I believe, now well repay further investigation ; the other is a detailed ^ See p. 402. "^ Loc. at. 7i8 THE TODAS Ch. xxx inquiry into the more popular customs of Malabar and especially of its less known peoples, such as the Hill Arrians, of whom I have just written. It is in the hope that further interest may be awakened in these lines of inquiry that I have devoted so much space to the hypotheses and surm.ises of this final chapter. If further research should show that the Todas are derived from ancient races of Malabar, it is possible that the existence of this strange people may help to illuminate the many dark places which exist in our knowledge of the connexion between the Aryan and Dravidian cultures. It is even possible that the Todas may give us a glimpse of what the culture of Malabar may have been before the introduction of Brahmanism, a culture from which many features would have disappeared, while others would have undergone special development ; and, if this were the case, the complex dairy ritual of the Todas would be the most striking instance of the development, a development, however, carrying with it the germs of that degeneration from which the Toda religion now seems to be suffering. APPENDICES APPENDIX I I give here a translation of two extracts from Portuguese manuscripts preserved in the British Museum. The original spelling of the names of places and persons has been pre- served and I have added some notes. I am indebted for the translation to Miss A. de Alberti. The Mission of Todramala} — This new mission of Todramala belongs to the college of Vaipicotta, and it seems necessary to give your Rev. an account thereof that you may be informed of what has been discovered, as well as of what still remains to be done. Vague rumours had reached the Lord Bishop Dom Frco. Ros that in the interior of this Malabar, among some mountains, there dwelt a race of men descended from the ancient Christians of S. Thomas ; in order to discover and open the way to them he sent from our seminary a Cassanar^ and a Chamas, which means a priest and a deacon, who after traveUing for more than fifty miles reached the summit of the mountain of Todramala. Here they came upon a race which appeared, in accordance with the rumour, to be of those who were driven from the territory of S. Thome by the many wars in former times and scattered through these parts. They did not call it by that name, however, but pointing in the direction of S. Thomas, they said that certain men came thence, some of whom settled in those mountains, and others went further down, of whom they knew nothing. The Cassamar thereupon took occasion to ingratiate himself with them, saying that those who settled lower 1 Add. MS. 9853, pp. 464-5, MS. 25-26 vol. [Translation]. " Or Cattanar, a native priest of the Syrian Church. 720 APPENDICES down were his ancestors, and therefore they were all of one race, and they had come solely to visit them as their brethren and relations. This moved them to such love and pity that men, women, and children embraced and welcomed them with tears. They found no trace of Christianity in them ; they had neither crosses nor books, though they said they had some once, but they were lost as those who could read had died out. They have no pagoda worship nor pagan ceremonies. On being questioned concerning their god they spoke of a bird, a father, and a son, from which it may be presumed that they had some notion of the Blessed Trinity. They rejoiced to hear of the creation of Jhe world and other discourses which the Cassamar and the Chamas held with them ; and they were very eager that they should remain with them a long while, but they could not do so, as their guide was very pressing that they should return. They are a somewhat white-skinned race and tall of stature ; they grow long beards and wear their hair after the ancient Portuguese fashion, bushy on the head and falling on the shoulders behind. They have necessaries in abundance, namely, rice, some wheat, vegetables, and meat in great variety, both fowls and wild game ; quantities of cattle, and so much milk that they cannot use it all and give it to the very cattle to drink. Many other things were related of their customs which I leave until more is known of them. Upon this information the Father Vice-Provincial, at the instance of the Bishop, resolved to send thither a priest well acquainted with the Malabar tongue, and therefore he commissioned the father who was going to the residence of Calicut to inquire the easiest road and best season for this mission. He found that it was much nearer Calicut through the territory of the Samorim, and that the best time was the month, of January, when, by the help of God, a father will set out with several Cassamars, and of what occurs your Rev. will be informed next year. The Mission of Todatnala} — Last year your Rev. received a brief j account of a new mission destined for Todamala to a certain race] dwelling in the interior of this country of Malabar, among rugged mountains, at a distance of fifty leagues or thereabouts. These] were supposed to be descendants of the Christians of S. Thomas who] had somehow drifted to those parts. Though last year the Bishop of Angamale, Dom Frco. Ros, sent a priest belonging to the Christians 1 Add. MS. 9853, p. 479, MS. 40 vol. [Translation]. APPENDICES 721 of S. Thomas, accompanied by a deacon and a good guide, to explore the land and acquire information concerning this race, they did not bring back such full and certain intelligence as was desired. There- fore the Lord Bishop asked our Vice-Provincial to send one of our fathers, and the choice fell upon Father Yacomo Fenicio,^ who has known the people of Malabar for many years and is well acquainted with their language. The father set out from Calicut, where he resides, and whence the road is easiest, and with the assistance of good guides reached the desired destination, though at the cost of great labour and risk. Having acquired ample information, he returned to Calicut from Thodomala, and on his arrival wrote a letter to the Vice-Provincial, dated the ist of April, 1603, giving him an account of his discoveries, of which the following is a copy — Copy of a letter from Father Yacome Finicio to the Vice- Provincial OF Calicut, \st of April, 1603 Thanks be to God, I am returned from Todamala, though with great labour and little satisfaction, for I did not find there what we hoped and were led to expect. And as the prosecution or abandon- ment of this mission depends upon it, I think it necessary to give 5'ou here a detailed account of all I discovered and endured. The road by Charti being impracticable on account of the wars which had broken out among the people, I was obliged to go by Manarechatem, and this was providential for us, it being the road taken by the Cacenar whom the bishop sent last year. It is thirteen leagues from the shore of Tanor. So far the way was safe and easy, this being the territory of the Samorim, and in every village we met people who knew our Christian Errari,^ the nephew of the Samorim, who accompanied me. I was very glad of his company, because he offered it himself, and because he could speak Canara, the language of the Badegas, neighbours of the Todares. Before we reached Mararachate we had an interview with the chief ruler of the Samorim, who lives within two leagues. I gave him a palm-leaf from Carnor, chief ruler of the Samorim, in which he bade him give me the men and assistance necessary for my journey to Todamala, and to go with me himself if necessary. The ruler welcomed us with many ^ In the translation given by Whitehouse the name of this priest is given Ferreira. - A member of the Errari or cowherd caste. 3 A 722 APPENDICES compliments, but as regards the journey he made many difficulties, and not only he, but many others of that place said that the way was very long and full of wild and rugged mountains ; that there were elephants and tigers, that it was very cold up there, and finally that there was a risk that some of us would die. The ruler wished to send two Naires, who knew the way, with me, but they would not go for fear of falling sick, even though I would have paid them well. Finding that they made so many difficulties I pressed the Errari to return to Calicut with his people, as it was feared that they would fall sick upon the way, and I would go to Manaracathe and there provide myself with a guide and escort. This touched the Errari upon a point of honour, and he bade me not to speak of such a thing, for he was resolved to go, and his Naires had all bound themselves by an oath to go likewise. The Errari had with him a Varser,^ which is little less than a Brahmin, and he said to me, " Father, if I die on the road, bury me where you will ; it is of no consequence." I asked another young Naire if he wished to go, and he replied, " I will accompany your Reverence while I have breath." Upon this we took leave of the ruler and went to Manarecathe, where we found the very chatim who went with the Cacenar ; however, the Errari thought it best to take another more trustworthy, who had relatives in the country. Here we were told that it was six Canara leagues to Todamala, which is twelve Malabar leagues, and that it would take two days and a half to get there. Everyone provided himself with clothes against the cold of Todamala, and with provisions for the journey ; also with pots which the Naires carried on their heads, not for want of coolies, but because the Naires and Brahmins will not allow those of a different caste to touch the pots in which they cook their rice. The arms were left behind that the natives might not suppose that the people of Malabar had come to fight with them. Thus we set out cheerfully, and the first day, as we could not reach a village before night, we dined, and started between eight and nine in the morning, and marched quickly until evening that we might not be benighted in the thicket, for fear of the elephants, and yet our guide said we had only travelled two Canara leagues. That day we crossed a sandy mountain. The second day we wished to start at dawn, but we met fifteen or sixteen men of that village coming by the road we were to pursue, all armed, and they told us that there were three elephants in the ^ ? Vaishya. APPENDICES 723 way, so we waited until nine o'clock and in the meantime the elephants sought their pasture. This second day we supped at the foot of a very high mountain over which our road lay, and as there was no village and there were elephants about, after supper we climbed part of the mountain and slept there. After midnight we climbed nearly all the rest of the mountain by moonlight, with great labour and fatigue. On reaching the summit other great mountains appeared, and others beyond them, at which we were all astounded, for some of them were so steep that we were obliged to descend in a sitting posture. When the Errari found himself on these mountains, he said that God was punishing him for his sins, and that going up and down such mountains would shorten their lives by ten years. The chatim, our guide, looking down from a mountain, said that merely looking down dazzled his eyes, and so said the Naires on other occasions in similar circumstances: But I could not restrain my laughter, and began singing hymns in Malabar against pagodas, whereupon the others laughed too, and joined in the hymns. It was now noon, and we had still another mountain to climb before reach- ing the village of the Badagas, neighbours of the Thodares, but we were so tired that we could go no further. We wished to dine, and there was very good cold water flowing from a mountain, but we had no fire. The Errari offered to go up with the Brahmin and to send us down a light. I would not suffer him to take so much trouble, nor was it necessary, for the chatim, our guide, struck fire from two twigs, and thereupon everyone sat down to rest, cooking his rice meanwhile. When we had rested we climbed the mountain and reached the village of the Badegas. It is a village of 150 to 200 souls, called Meleuntao.^ The Cacenar is reported to have visited it. Here we found the chief of the Todeos and spoke with him. He promised to go and assemble the rest, that we might speak to them. In this village they have fowls, cows, goats, rice, lentils, mustard seed, garlick, and honey. They brought me some wheat in the husk, which was very difficult to remove, and therefore it seemed to me more like barley or some other grain than wheat. The Badagos are like the Malabars, and they say there are two other villages like this in these mountains, four, five, and six leagues distant from, each other. These trade with the Thodares and sell them rice, buying buffalo butter from them, which they carry to Manaracathe for sale. The next day I wished to discourse to these Badagas concerning our ^ Whitehouse suggests that this is Melur. 3 A 2 724 APPENDICES law. I showed them the pictures of Our Lady of St. Luke, telling them that the child was God, who became man to teach us his law and save us. I showed them a gilt Bible and told them that it was the book of our law, and as they all surrounded me, I went up into a high place and the Errari with me. I spoke in Malabar and the Errari interpreted in Canara, which is their language. A Badaga who understood Malabar could not contain himself, but came up to where I was and spoke to me in Topas.^ Then I taught him that the law given to us by the God made man was contained in ten com- mandments, &c., and they all rejoiced at the ten commandments and their explanation. Only at the sixth ^ commandment the Topas Badaga represented to me that the Malabars also had many wives. I told him that this law was not the law of the Malabars, but of God, and that they did wrong in having many wives, whereupon he was satisfied. Finally I told him that I had not come to teach the Thodares only, but them also if they would accept this law. They replied that the law was very good, but they did not dare adopt it, neither could I live in these barren mountains, &c. I make no doubt that if a priest were there they would all be converted. While I was in this village of Melentao the priest of the Thodares came thither, but he remained outside the village, for he may not touch a woman. I went to see him and found him seated on the ground with seven or eight others seated near him. He was a huge man, well proportioned, with a long beard and hair like a Nazarene falling on his shoulders, the front hair drawn back over his head, leaving his forehead uncovered. His dress was a shawl from the waist to the knees, and the rest of his body was naked ; he held a sickle in his hand. When I had come up to him and sat down, he asked me how I was ; I replied that I was well and all the better for meeting him, for it proved to me that God was my guide, since I had come from so far to see the Thodares and immediately met with their chief. He asked the purpose of my coming. I replied that I had come to see the Thodares, having heard that we were of the same race and laws, and that last year one of our people visited them and gave us a very good account of them. I asked him if they knew from whom they were descended. He said no, and thereupon would have taken leave of us. Then I said that it was not right to wish to leave us so soon, since we had come so far solely to visit them, and ^ I do not know the meaning of this. One caste of the Badagas is called Torya. ^ Seventh ? APPENDICES 725 upon this he remained. Then I inquired of those around who he was, and what was his office. They replied that he was called Pallem and was like the Belicha Paro among the Malabars. Belichaparo is he who takes care of the pagoda, and sometimes the devil enters into him, and he trembles and rolls upon the ground, and answers questions put to him in the name of the pagoda. I asked if the Thodares had pagodas ; they replied that they had a live buffalo cow for a pagoda, and they hung a bell round its neck, and the Pallem offered it milk every day, and then let it loose in the fields to graze with the rest. And every month or thereabouts, the Pallem seizes the buffalo by the horns and trembles, saying that the buffalo bids them change the pasture, and thereupon they change their place and pasture. By the milk and butter of this buffalo and that of its children and grandchildren, which already reach 120, this Pallem is maintained. On this mountain where I was there were 100 Thodares,^ and they had three pallems between them, each having his buffalo for a pagoda. When the buffalo dies the Thodares assemble, choose one of these hundred, tie the bell round its neck, and it becomes a pagoda. Besides the buffalo they have 300 pagodas to whom they also make offerings of milk. I asked him why he carried the sickle in his hand, and he replied that God commanded him to carry no other arm or stick but only that sickle. He used it to scratch his head, which was swarming with lice, and they could be seen crawling among his hair. I asked if he was married; he answered that he and his younger brother were married to the same woman, but as he might not touch a woman in the house she always lived with his brother, but he sent for her into the bush every weekr or so, when it was a fine day. And when he liked he sent for any of the wives of the Thodares whom he chose, and the husbands allowed it so long as he paid them. I asked if they had books and he said no ; none of them can read or write. He also told me that they had a father whom God took up to heaven, body and soul, and the buffaloes looked up to heaven after him, and that was why they made offerings to the buffaloes. At last I gave him one of the looking-glasses from Calicut, with which he was very pleased and said he would give it to his wife. Then I took leave of him, after show- ing him the pictures and Bible, at which he wondered. Besides this pallem they have another whom they call Ferral,^ who is present ^ By the context this should be 100 buffalo cows. " Evidently the wtirsol. 726 APPENDICES when they give the buffaloes salt water, and he trembles, bidding them give them drink, and they will give much milk, and grow fat, and give butter in plenty, &c. The next day we went to visit the villages of the Thodares. We climbed quite half a league above this village, and on reaching the summit nothing was visible on every side but mountains and valleys ; all was desert without a single fruit or forest tree, excepting in an occasional damp place where there were a few forest trees. There are no palm trees or jacks in all these mountains, nor any fruit trees, as I have said. As we traversed these mountains and valleys, every now and then we saw a herd of buffaloes in the distance with a Thodar or two guarding them. In this way we met four or five Thodares and sent them to fetch the rest. As no women were visible, I promised one a looking-glass if he would go and fetch them. He hastened away up a mountain and brought back four women, who remained at a distance through timidity and would not join the rest. I sent them word that they must approach if they wanted looking-glasses, and then they came up. After this we went on for another half a league or more and came upon two Thodar huts at the foot of a mountain. They were like a large barrel half buried in the ground, or like a covered bier. They were nine spans in length and the same in breadth ; and six spans in the highest part. The hoops of the barrel were of thick reeds like Indian cane, bent into a hoop with both ends fixed in the ground. Pieces of wood from the bush were laid across these reeds and covered with grass. The front was made of stakes set on end, like organ pipes, with no other filling whatever. The door was a span and four inches wide, and two spans and an inch high, so that the Errari and myself could scarcely enter, and inside we had to kneel. There were two beds with grass mattresses on each side, and a small pit in the middle of the hut which was the fireplace. There was a little window on one side, a finger's length high and a span wide. Beside these houses was a pen for buffaloes, and close by another little house where they make the butter. They said the other houses were half a league distant from each other. Thirty or forty Thodares assembled ; they are clothed in a large sheet with no other covering but a small loincloth four or five fingers wide. Their arms are long sticks smeared with butter ; when new they look like strips of white paper at a distance, but they cure them and they turn black. They wear long beards, and rather long hair, but not so APPENDICES 727 long as the Pallem. It was two months since I had shaved or cut my hair, so that I looked like one of them, and they did not wonder at me as they did at the Cacenar, who went there with no hair or beard. They never shave except when one of them dies. At a death they kill half of the dead man's buffaloes, and the other half goes to his heirs. If he has no buffaloes each person gives one, and half of them are killed and the rest are left. They burn the dead body, but it must be wrapped in a veil of pure silk, which they call a toda-pata, worth five or six fanams ; and if this is lacking they must wait for it, though it be for a year. In the meantime, in order to preserve the body they open it at the loins, take out the entrails, and cut off the occiput ; then they place it in an arbour and dry it in the smoke. Two brothers marry the same woman ; she lives with the eldest at night, and with the youngest by day. Others have two or three wives. They do not eat fowls, cow's flesh, nor goat, and so they breed none of these. They do not eat buffalo's flesh, but only wild boar and venison. They eat no salt. They have no crops of any kind, and no occupation but the breeding of buffaloes, on whose milk and butter they live. They have no vassals, as was reported ; on the contrary, they are subject and pay tribute to the Badega chiefs. When they eat they hold the rice in their left hand, take a lump of butter in the right, mix it with the rice, and so eat it ; when their meal is finished they rub their hands together and wipe them on their hair, and so they all smell of butter. In colour they resemble the Malabars, some whiter and some darker ; they are generally moderately tall. Their ears are pierced or bored, not long like those of the Malabars, and some wear a silver circle in them like a ring. They wear black threads round their necks, and some have a large silver bead like a pater-noster in front. I had a skein of black thread in my pocket and drew it out ; a Thodar seeing it begged it of me earnestly two or three times. I told him that I must give it to the women, and I divided it in four and gave it to the four women above mentioned, and I gave them a looking- glass each, with which they were very delighted. The women wear nothing but a long sheet like the men ; they wrap it round them, throwing the right end over the left shoulder, and so cover themselves. Their hair hangs loose, but their faces are uncovered. I said that the women lower down wore bracelets, chains, and jewels on their arms and necks, and in their ears, and thereupon one 728 APPENDICES of them uncovered her arm, on which she wore four large well-made copper bracelets. The sheet worn by both men and women is so filthy that it looks as if it would not burn if you put it on the fire, and if water were thrown on it, it would not penetrate. The men look after the house, cook the rice, do the milking, make the butter, and mind the buffaloes. The women do nothing but pound the rice, and sometimes mind the buffaloes in the absence of their husbands. In speaking with the Pallem I asked him whether he or his wife cooked the rice ; he replied that it was a great disgrace among them to allow the wife to cook the rice. The Thodares being thus assembled, I told them that, hearing that we were of the same race and law, I had come to visit them, and as I knew they had neither priest, book, nor law, I being a priest had come to teach them. I asked if they were glad to have me with them, and they replied that they rejoiced greatly at it. I asked if they would follow all my instructions, and they said they would. Then I asked if they would leave off adoring the buffalo and the 300 pagodas. They replied that they feared the buffaloes and pagodas would do them some harm. I said I would be answerable for it, and that I had more power than the pagodas. Then they said that if I would defend them they would willingly leave off adoring them. I asked if they would give up the custom of two brothers marrying one woman, and they said they would. I asked if they thought it right to give their wives to the Pallem ; an old man replied, " If it is the command of God, what can we do ? " After this they asked me of their own accord to show them the pictures and the book ; I did so, and they paid homage to them with great rejoicing. I also gave them a looking-glass each, and after discoursing and conversing with them for some time I asked them to give me two children to take away with me ; they excused themselves, saying that they could not do so just then. I asked from whence they were descended, and one replied that he had heard that they came from the East, and some remained there while some settled lower down. They were amazed at seeing white men, and asked me to uncover my arms for them to look at. They were delighted with the Errari's red tunic and gold buttons, and velvet cap with the gold braid. At last I took leave of them, promising to return at some time during the year and remain with them longer. It did not seem to me necessary to delay any longer, nor to lay any foundation of our APPENDICES 729 faith, as I do not think that the present is a suitable time for the Company to undertake such out-of-the-way enterprises, since it cannot attend to others of greater importance which are close at hand, for want of workers. The Thodares only number a thousand, and these are scattered about four mountains, two belonging to the Malabar, where there are 300. I went to one of these which belongs to the Samorim, another belonging to the Naique, where there are another 300, or a little over ; and another belonging to another king, near Charti, where there are another 300 or rather more ; the whole distance being eight Canara leagues, which are sixteen in Malabar. And they live scattered about — every month or thereabouts they move their village. The whole district is uninhabited desert. The winds and climate are very cold ; the water is excellent, but icy cold ; it flows down from the mountains ; it cannot be drunk at a draught because of the cold. One is obliged to pause, and after drinking one has to wait awhile for the gums and teeth to get warm. The journey there and back is very laborious and can only be undertaken in January and February. From Manarcate upwards it is impossible to travel in a litter. On the return journey I was very fatigued and asked if it were possible to find men to carry me. I was told that there were plenty of men, but that it was impossible to be carried over these mountains, where one person alone could only climb up and down with great difficulty.' Besides this, the Errari and all the rest were very pressing that I should return before any of us fell ill; the Errari said he was him- self indisposed, as well as some of the others. They could not tell me anything concerning the Blessed Trinity. I asked them why they wore their hair loose, and a Badaga replied that in the time of Charamparimatei they killed the father of the Thodares, and they asked, "Who killed our father? " and they answered that God killed him; whereupon they unbound their hair and said, "Never will we bind up our hair again until we have killed God, in revenge for our father [and] for the broken pots." On the return journey the Badegas showed us a shorter and less difficult road, which took us two days and a half, but saved going up and down the last steep mountains. However, there was no lack of mountains to climb, but they were not so difficult, though the first day we climbed down one which was very high and steep. We numbered fourteen with the guides. There was a Badega village at the foot of the mountain, and seeing us they took us for a hostile band and fled into the bush. Our 730 APPENDICES guides called to them not to fly, for we were men of peace who had been to visit the Thodares, whereupon they returned, and coming down we found them armed with their little lances, but we saw the women and children still hidden in the bush. A little further on we came upon four or five more houses ; these people also fled into the bush, the women carrying the children on their backs. The second day we slept in the bush two leagues from Manarecate. There were tigers and elephants about, but God preserved us and we all reached Calicut in safety, thanks be to Our Lord. Several afterwards fell sick, however, among whom was the Variel, who is still suffering. May God restore him, for he has promised me to become a Christian, and has already broken his own law as regards food, &c. i APPENDIX II BIBLIOGRAPHY 1812. Keys, William. A Topographical Description of the Neelaghery Mountains (a letter printed in Grigg's Manual of the Nilagiri District, Appendix, p. xlviii). 1819. "A Subscriber." Letter to the ALidras Courier, Feb. 23, 1819 (reprinted in Grigg's Manual, Appendix, p. Hi). 1820. Macpherson, Evans. A Letter reprinted in Grigg's Manual, Appendix, p. Iv. 1 82 1. Ward, B. S, Geographical and Statistical Memoir of a Survey of the Neelgherry Mountains (printed in Grigg's Manual, Appendix, p. Ix). 1829. Hough, James. Letters on the Climate, Inhabitants, Productions, etc., of the Neilgherries or Blue Mountains of Coimbatore, South India. London. (Letters previously published in the Bengal Hurkaru, 1826.) 1829. Young, D. S. An Account of the General and Medical Topography of the Neelgherries. Trans. Medical and Physical Soc. of Calcutta, vol. iv, p. 36. 1832. Harkness, Henry. A Description of a Singular Aboriginal Race in- habiting the Summit of the Neilgherry Hills. London. 1834. Jervis, H. Narrative of a Journey to the Falls of the Cavery ; with an historical and descriptive Account of the Neilgherry Hills. London. 1834. Mignon, Capt. Notes extracted from a Private Journal written during a Tour through Malabar and among the Neilgherries. Bombay, American Mission Press (I have not been able to see a copy of this book). 1837. Schmid, Bernhard. An Essay on the Relationship of Language and Nations. Madras Journ. Lit. and Sci., vol. v, p. 133: on p. 155 is a section "On the Dialect of the Todavers, the Aborigines of the Neelgherries." 1837. Barron, Richard. Views in India. London. (Coloured plates of Toda man and woman, and of the village of Kars. ) 1838. Birch, de Burgh. Topographical Report on the Neilgherries. Madras Journ. Lit. and Sci., vol. viii, p, 86, 733 APPENDICES 1838. Schmid, Bernhard. Ueber Spiache- und Volkerverwandschaft, Halle. On S. 27 is a section on the dialect of the Todas. 1842. Stevenson, Rev. Dr. A Collection of Words from the Language of the Todas, the Chief Tribe of the Nilgiri Hills. Journ. Bombay Branch of Roy. Asiatic Soc. , vol. i, p. 155. 1844. IMuzzy, C. F. Account of the Neilgherry Hill Tribes. Madras Christian Instructor and Missionary Record, Madras, vol. ii, p. 358. 1844. Anon, Madras Spectator, Aug. 31, 1844, p. 559 (an account of a Toda funeral). 1844-5. Congreve, H. The Descent of the Thautawars. Madras Spectator, 1844, pp. 361, 655, 694, 768 ; 1845, pp. 29, 37, 6s. 1847. Congreve, H. The Antiquities of the Neilgherry Hills, including an Inquiry into the Descent of the Thautawars or Todas. Madras Journ. Lit. and Sci., vol. xiv, p. 77. 1848. Ouchterlony. Geographical and Statistical I\Iemoir of a Survey of the Neilgherry Mountains. Madras Journ. Lit. and Sci., 1848, vol. xv, p. i. 1849. Schmid, B. Remarks on the Origin and Languages of the Aborigines of the Nilgiris, suggested by the papers of Captain Congreve and the Rev. W. Taylor on the supposed Celto-Scythic Antiquities in the South of India. Journ. Bombay Branch Roy. Asiatic Soc, vol. iii. Part I, p. 50- 1 85 1, Ford, Sir Francis. Neilgherry Letters. Bombay, 1851. 1851. Burton, R. F. Goa and the Blue Mountains. London, 1851 (pp. 316-344)- 1856. Caldwell, R. A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages. London ; p. 503, "Are the Nilgherry Tudas Dravidians?" (2nd edition, 1875. P- 555)- 1857. Metz, J. F. Die Volkst'amme der Nilagiri's. Basel. 1857-8. Metz, F. A Vocabulary of the Dialect spoken by the Todas of the Nilagiri Mountains. Madras Journ. Lit. and Sci., N.S., vol. i, pp. 103, 131, and vol. ii, p. i. 1864. Metz, F. The Tribe inhabiting the Neilgherry Hills : their Social Customs and Religious Rites ; from the rough notes of a German Missionary. Second enlarged edition, Mangalore. 1868. Shortt, J. An Account of the Tribes on the Neilgherries. Madras (republishes part of Ouchterlony's Memoir). 1869. Shortt, J. An Account of the Hill Tribes of the Neilgherries. Trans. Ethnol. Soc, N.S., vol. vii, p. 230. 1870. King, W. Ross. The Aboriginal Tribes of the Nilgiri Hills. London (republished from Journal of Anthropology). 1873. Marshall, William E. A Phrenologist among the Todas. London (includes "a Brief Outline of the Grammar of the Tuda Language," by the Rev. G. U. Pope). APPENDICES 733 1873. Brecks, James Wilkinson. An Account of the Primitive Trilies and Monuments of the Nilagiris. London. 1873. Burnell, A. C. Specimens of South Indian Dialects. Mangalore. 1873-5. de Qualiefages. Etude sur les Todas. Journal des Savants, Paris, 1873, P- 729 ; 1874, pp. 5 and 96 ; 1875, P- 3°- 1874. Walhouse, M. J. A Toda Dry Funeral. Indian Antiquary, vol. iii, p. 93. A Toda " Green Funeral." Ibid., p. 274. 1874. Kittel. On some Dravidian Words. Indian Antiquary, vol. iii, p. 205. 1877. Walhouse, M. J. Archaeological Notes. Indian Antiquarj-, vol. vi, p. 41. 1880. Grigg, H. B. A Manual of the Nilagiri District in the Madras Presidency. Madras. 1894. Natesa Sastri, S. M. A New Study of the Todas. Madras Mail, Aug. 28th, 1894. 1895. Thurston, Edgar. Tlie Todas of the Nilgiris. Bull. Madras Government Museum, vol. i, p. 141. 190X, Thurston, Edgar. Todas of the Nilgiris. Ibid., vol. iv, p. i. ? Ling, Catharine F. The Todas. Publication of the Church of England Zenana Missionary Society : London. 1904. Shams-ul-Ulma Jivanji Jamshedji Modi. A few notes on the Todas. Journ. Anthrop. Soc, Bombay, vol. vii, p. 68. APPENDIX III List of Toda Villages (not including // mad) Village. Clan. Badaga name. lie/narks. Akirsikodri Nidrsi Taranadmand male funeral place. Arpar Pam Ars Kuudr Anekkalmand Artol Taradr Aretahnand Atimad Taradr Karadikottumand EirgCidr Nodrs Nerkodumand Erparskodr Piedr Yeppakodumand Jdrtol Kuudr Edattalmand Inikitj Pam Bettumand Isharadr Kars Kadimand Iildi Kwodrdoni male funeral place. Ivigar Kuudr Kekidamand in ruins. Kabudri Pan Tebbekudumand male funeral place. Kakhudri Melgars Kaggodumand Kalmathi Kars Kalmattimand in ruins ten years. Kalmad Kars Kulamand in ruins. Kanodrs Kanodrs Devarmand ettidinad. Kapthori Keadr Kunnapemand in ruins. Karars Keradr Karia Kuudr Kariyamand Kars Kars Kandalmand efiidinad. Karsh Karsh Kashtkodr Kuudr Kattikadumand unoccupied. Katcrk Nodrs Kaitarkemand Katikar Kwodrdoni Kodanadmand Katol Melgars in ruins. Kavather Nidrsi Kabaitcraimand Kavidi Piedr in the Wainad. Keadr Keadr Karrikadumand etudiiiad. Kebar Nidrsi female funeral place. Kedar Nodrs Kangalarmand in ruins. Keirod Kuudr Keradamand [place. Keradr Keradr Kannagimand etiid/nad, also male funeral Kcrkars Taradr Karrakalmand Kcshkar Kanodrs APPENDICES 735 Village. Clan. Keshker Kars Kidiiiad Kidmad KirsAs IMelgars Kiudr Kuudr Kiush Piedr Kodrers Piedr Koers Keradr Kozhber Kuudr Kozhtudi Nodrs Kudimad Taradr Kudodrs Nodrs Kudradr Keadr Kiidrmas Taradr Kiidrnakhum Nodrs Kugwuln Kuudr Kuirsi Pan Kiilikal Kwodrdoni Kulkodri Nodrs Kiilmud Kars Kiilthpuli Nodrs Kiirkalmut Kuudr Kurvas Nodrs Kusharf Kusharf Kfiudi Piedr Kiuldr Kuudr Kuzhu Kars Kuzhd Kanodrs Kwaradr Keadr Kwatkash Piim Kwirg Kuudr Kwodrdoni Kwodrdoni Madoni Pedrkars Madsu Pam Madsu Kuudr Marsners Pam Melgars Melgars Melkodr Kuudr Melur Pedrkars Merkwadrvalth Kanodrs Meroln Piedr Mirzoti Melgars Miilni Kuudr Molkush Kuudr Momanothi Piedr Mulors N6drs Muthukor Kuudr Nasmiodr Kars Naters Pan Nedrdol Taradr Badaga name. Remarks Kakcrimand also called Minikimand. Kengoduniand %atimad. Karimuliinand Hadaniand Kokimalniand in ruins. Kasubiramand disused. Kuliniand Kombutukkiniand Kudukkaduniand Kudiniahnand kalolmad. Kudinagamand disused. Kolimand Kolikkalmand in ruins. Kolakkaduniand in ruins. Malaividumand female funeral place. female funeral place. female funeral place. Kurudamand etitdiuad. Anaikundukuliman id (? Koildi). Kundakodumand etudinad. Kunditolmand near Kanodrs : disused, Kugadodmand Marunallimand female funeral place. Korangumand Kodudonnemand eludmad. Manjathalmand disused. Manjakkalmand etiidmaa. Mekkodumand Madaliyurniand Marlimand Malkodmand (Aganadniand) Natanerimand Kilmand male funeral place, male funeral place. female funeral place, funeral place for boys, disused. 736 APPENDICES Village. Clan. Badaga name. Remarks. Nelkush Nodrs Neykadimand in ruins. Nerigudi Nodrs Nerguiimand Nerngodr Kuudr disused. Nersvem Kwodrdoni Nervenumand in ruins. Nersvem Nidrsi Nadumand in ruins. Neshkwodr Keadr Nedikoduniand Nidrsi Nidrsi Nidimand etiidinad. Nirkatji Kuudr Nirkachimand Nirsht Piedr Nirsk Pam female funeral place. Nodrmad Taradr Nadumand Nodrs Nodrs Muttanadmand ettidiiiad. Nongarsi Kars Kettarimand in ruins (? belonged to Piedr). Niiln Melgars Nerigulimand 6dr Nodrs Aganadmand 6rs Taradr Alaikudalniand Padegar Melgars Kottapolmand also called Kotapol, see p. 664. Pakhalkiidr Kars Bagalkodumand Paliners Kuudr Pam Pam in ruins. Pamarkol Piedr female funeral place. Pan Pan Onnamand etitdiiiad : often called mand." "One Panmuti Nidrsi Banatimand Parzkadi Nidrsi in ruins. I'athadr Nodrs Buddankodumand Path mars Pan Bettumand Pedrkais Pedrkars Bedakalmand etiidinad. Pegarsi Keradr Attumand in ruins. Peivors Kuudr Pekhodr Keadr Osamand " new mand." Peletkwur Kars Attakoraimand Perg Pan Yeragimand kalolmad. Perththo Nodrs Perittitalmand see p. 648. Peshkimad Pedrkars female funeral place. Pevar Taradr Pevarmand in ruins. Pidati Nidrsi Bendutimand Piedr Piedr Waraguduniand etiidmad. Piitth Kuudr male funeral place, near Kuudr. Pineiwars Nodrs Pinnapolamand in ruins. Pirshti Nodrs Baggulamand Pirsush Kuudr Billanjikadumand Pishkwosht Kanodrs Bikkapatimand Podzkwar Kars Narigulimand or Piizhkwar. Poln Kusharf Pagulimand Pdmad Pemand Kars in ruins twenty years ^ Peletkwur. : near Pongiidr Pedrkars P6sh Melgars Onnekudimand APPENDICES 737 Village. Chill. Badaga name. Kemarks. Poti Piedr Pattimand Potvaili Piedr disused. riilkwiulr Taradr Olakkodumand rullhkuln Keradr Bikkohnand Punmiul Kwodrdoni BanukucUiniand female funeral place. Punumikatuni Kuudr female funeral place. Purati Nodrs Porlimand Puretimokh JNIelgars female funeral place. Purskudiar Pan Porikodiyoramand Pushlar Taradr Pattaraimand Pulamad Kuudr disused. PCuol Nodrs Puttahnand Piivar.s Kars Ammakoraimand Puvi Pam Pudiyapalamand male funeral place. Sultar Pedrkars male funeral place. Sudvaili Piedr male funeral place in the Wainad. Taktut Pam place for small male funerals. Taknin Kanodrs near Kanodrs. Tamakh Kuudr Tamogamand Taradr Taradr Tarnardmand etitdi/iad, and male funeral place. Taradrkirsi Kars Kavaikkadumand male funeral place, also kalolinad. Tarkodr Kuudr Terkodmand Tavalkiidr Piedr Tavattakoraimand Tcbmars Taradr Urutharaimand Tcdshteiri Nodrs Talapatharaimand Teidr Kusharf Denadmand Te'igddr Taradr Telhodumand kalolmad. Tigoir Piedr Tukkaramand Tim Pan male funeral place : possibly another name of Kabudri. Tothikcir Nodrs Jegadevarmand in ruins. Tovalkan Keradr Tuvalkandimand Tudrkvvur Kusharf Todakaraimand Tiilchoven Pam male funeral place. Umgas Kusharf Yemmekahiiand Ushadr Melgars Kavaimand male and female funeral place. Wengudr Taradr Venakodumand in ruins. 3 B APPENDIX IV In the following list I give the botanical names of the plants or kinds of wood used by the Todas in their ordinary life or in their ^ I owe these names to the kindness of Mr. Thurston * ceremonial and Mr. K Ransfachari. A It mil I Avelashki Kabiidri Kadak or kadakimil Kdkdr Kdkhildri KAkhldri Kdki7d Kdrkekoi Karneizi Kers KMz Kid Kiri or Kirsi Kiuii Kiirers Kiirskat Kwadiki or kzvadriki Kwagal Kwatimali Main Melkddri Mors Ndrk Pdrs (wood) Pdrs (leaves) Parskuti Pdshr Palhain/iiil Patin Pelkko dsth in u I Pcshteinmul Rubus moluccanus, L. riedyotis stylosa, Br. Euphorbia Rothiana, Sprengl. Rosa Leschenaultiana, W and A. Eragrostica nigra, Nees. Dregea volubilis, Benth. Gardneria ovata, Wall. Mappia foetida, Miers. Rhamnus Wightii, W and A. Acronychia laurifolia, Bl. Eugenia Arnottiana, Wight. Litsaea Wightiana, Benth. and Hk. f. Probably Olea robusta. Amaranthus (speciosus ?). Hydrocotyle asiatica, L. Eugenia calophyllifolia, Wight. Strobilanthes, ? species. Myrsine capitellata, Wall. var. lanceolata. Polygonum rude, Meissn. and P. chinense, L. Coriandrum sativum, L. Cinnamomum Wightii, Meissn. Piper sp. Michelia nilagirica, Zenk. Andropogon schoenanthus, L. ? Sidero.xylon. Pentapanax Leschenaultii, Seem. Eleagnus latifolia, L. Dodonaea viscosa, L. Solanum indicum, L. Panicum miliare, Lamk. Rubus cllipticus, Sm. ? Phylloclilamys sp. APPENDICES 739 Pohvet Pavetta creniflora, DC. Potur Anaphalis oblonga, DC. Pai Ilex Wightiana, Wall. Purs Rhododendron arboreuin, Sm. and Elaeagnus latifolia. Puthimiil Rubus lasiocarpus, Sni. Pnv ox pfif Sophora glauca, Lesch. • Piivkal Strobilanthes, ? species. Takmiil Berberis aristata, DC. Tavat Rhodomyrtus tomentosus, Wight. Teinki'idri Senecio corymbosus, Wall. Tib Leucas zeylanica, Br., and L. aspera, Sprengl. Tirparikat Strobilanthes, ? species. Tiveri Atylosa candoUei, W and A. T6drsiiiilch Diospyros sp. Tori or toriiiitil Berberis nepalensis, Sprengl. Tildr Meliosma pungens, Wall, and M. Wightii, Planch. Twadri Girardinia heterophylla DC. WMr Ochlandra sp. 3 13 2 GLOSSARY Only the more important Toda words used in this book are included in the glossary. The words are arranged in alphabetical order, neglecting the quantity or other value of the first vowel. The numbers refer to the pages on which fuller descriptions of the terms are aiven. Adrpays, coagulated milk, curd, p. 64. agar, a stand in the dairy, p. 60. rt/, the deposit after the clarification of liuller used as food, pp. 50, 242. altig, a vessel of the ti dairy, p. 90. Amnbdr, the world of the dead, p. 397. an {anna), elder brother, p. 486. (■///, ancient clothing of the Todas, pp. 196, 342, 572. Anfo, a dairy, p. 112 ; also a god, p. 188. Arpatznol ox drpasnol, a sacred day, p. 407. (f/'j-, house, p. 583. drsaiir, buffaloes of the Kwodrdoni //, p. 121. drs/'ip, a salt-giving ceremony, p. 175. ashkkartpimi, a food used on ceremonial occasions, p. 580. Atir, buffaloes of the Nodrs //, p. 112. dv (dT<1), mother, p. 485. dzarain, the circle of stones in which tlie ashes are buried at a funeral, pp. 337, 379- dzdranikcdr, the last part of the second funeral ceremony, pp. 337, 378. EpotirikhtSrs, a double hut, p. 29. a-, a male buffalo, p. 47. erkuDiplthpinii or crkuinptthiti, the ceremony of sacrificing a calf, p. 274. crnkar, sacrificial place at the crkuniptthpiini ceremony, p. 276. £rs, leaf ,'rsfei/j, the act of making a leaf-cup, j)}). 75, 148. crtatpitn, a dairy vessel, p. 60. ertalindr, part of the dairy where the less sacred vessels stand, p. 58. erlatpiir, the less sacred objects of the dairy, p. 58 tii'idpali, chief dairy, p. 40. 742 GLOSSARY etiidmad, the chief village of a clan or other important village, pp. 24, 36, 419. etvainolkedr, the first funeral ceremony, p. 337. ichchil, a condition of impurity due to death or child-birth, pp. 102, 326, 368. idith, "for the sake of," p. 216. tdi'kwoi, a vessel used at a ti dairy, p. 90. idrlul, part of a hut containing the sleeping-places, p. 583. iiniidrikdys, stones at certain villages, p. 439. in, father, p. 484. {r, a female buffalo, p. 47. irkarnnis or irkar/iius, the milking-place, p. 53. irkartpiin {irkdrithtpitii), milking-vessel, p. 58. inwrliti, the offering of a buffalo calf to the //, p. 293 ; or to another division of the clan, p. 294. irnhdrthnol, the day of migration, p. 124. itpdlvHsthi, ceremony after the birth of a calf, p. 172. irsankdti, a funeral ceremony, p. 381. irskidithbutiiol, the day of migration, p. 124. Kabaii, iron. kabkaditi, procedure in which the back is not turned to the contents of the dairy, P- 73- kachiitthti, the cloth-giving ceremony at a funeral, p. 358. kadr, the calf-pen, p. 26. kdfkati, knife burnt at the dziiraiiikrdr, p. 381. kagilrs, the ti name of the k'dvii, p. 103. kainiflkhti, a salutation, p. 31. kaizhvatiti, the rite of pouring out buttermilk for the/rr/i?/, p. 97. kdkiiders, leaves of the /trt/CvJr/ plant, p. 79. kdki'il, stick used in ihe poni'ip ceremony, p. 178. kalkani, part of the dairy, p. 58. kaliiielpiidithti, a salutation, pp. 34, 496. kalolmad, villages where women may not live, p. 420 k<mokh, the attendant on a. pa/ol, pp. 42, 105. kalvol, a path, p. 26. Kaviasocirolam , legendary Todas, p. 195. katidj-vazniidr, the evil eye, p. 263. kaj; a young calf, p. 47. karenpoh, the calf-house of a ti, p. 85. kdrpun, a milking-vessel of the //, p. 90. kdrs, stone. karfid, younger, p. 485. kariivnbdr, the mother's village, p. 547. kdmiiol ox kdrivnol, the day after a ceremony, pp. 105, 333. kdtfi, the wall surrounding a house or dairy, p. 24. kavtilpfiv, a flower, id. hi. kcdr, funeral, relics, etc., p. 368. kcilatiktirsir, Ihe wt'trsiilir of Nidrsi and Kwodrdoni, p. 7l- kepitn (kaipiin), vessel to hold water, p. 57. GLOSSARY 743 kerk, the name of the waist-string during the ordination ceremony, pp. 148, 572. kertnbdr, a funeral place, p. 338. kevencirAt, mode of baring the right arm, pp. 31. 571. kip, the broom, p. 32. kiiiin, bed on left-hand side of dairy, p. 57. ko, stake used at the erkuDipttkpiini sacrifice, p. 276. koghlag, the name of the churning-stick at the //, p. 89, kon'tp, one of the salt-giving ceremonies, p. 175. kubiintuni, the cloak of ihe pa/o/, p. 103. kitdeipir, the wfirsidir o{ Pan, p. 71 ; also the sacred buffaloes of Piedr, p. 81. kiidi, a measure used for liquids corresponding to about four pints, p. 588, kudr, horn, a division of a clan, pp. 37, 295, 542. ktidrpali, a Tarthar dairy, pp. 40, 66. kudrpalikdrtinokh , the dairyman of the ktidrpali, p. 66. kiidrs mani, the bells of the piinir of the //", p. 9 1 . kiidrvar:,, fireplace made of four stones, pp. 57, 583. kiidupel or kitdubcl, family, p. 545. kiigh, daughter, p. 485. ki'ighir, a buffalo whose horns bend downwards, p. 47. kugvali, a sacred dairy of Taradr, pp. 41, 76. kitgvalir, the buffaloes of the kitgvali, pp. 41, 77. kiigvalikArlinokh, the dairyman of the kugvali, pp. 41, 76. kiilalir, buffaloes of the Nodrs //, p. 113. Ktilinkdrs, a god, p. 188. kiinedsti, funeral laments, etc., pp. 385, 600. Knrub, a Kurumba, p. 641. knntbltdirhili, Kuiumba sorcery, p. 262. kitsk (? kfidsh), structure for young calves, p. 26. knter, floor, pp. 62, 583. kiivn, the perineal band, p. 30. kuviin or kitpuit, a vessel used at the kiigz'ali of Taradr, p. 79. kwaintir {kwoindr), the ti name of the penndr, p. 103. kwarkiil, stick used at the pon^p ceremony, p. 1 78. kwarzam, name used in prayer, etc., pp. 216, 384, 614. kwoi, the milking-vessel of the ti dairy, p. 89. kwointr spring supplying water for a ti dairy, p. 85. kwoinbrtpet, a wand used by the /a/^/ when milking, p. 90. kwotdrs, the calf-house, p. 26. Kwoien, a teu or god, p. 193. Kwoto, a god, p. 203. kwottiin, seat, p. 29. kwimgg, the ordinary bell, p. 424. Kwiirg, Coorg, p. 114. Mad, village, pp. 24, 338 ; head, p. 282. madnol, sacred day of village, p. 405. viadol, village people or clan, p. 36. madth, the churning-stick, p. 60. 744 GLOSSARY maj, buttermilk. fnajpariT, a dairy vessel, p. 60. majvatitthkalvol, path reserved for women, p. 27. majvatvaiidrn, spot on which women receive buttermilk, p. 28. maiir, a barren buffalo, p. 47. mani, the sacred bell, pp. 40, 66, 424. mankilgh, er's daughter, 488. manvio/ch, sister's son, pp. 484, 488. ina7-tv% the sacred buffaloes of the Kars clan, p. 68. 7!u1n/f>, one of the salt-giving ceremonies, p. 175. marvaitiolkcdr, the second funeral ceremony, pp. 337, 372. masth, axe, pp. 57, 585. tnatchuni, children of brother and sister, pp. 488, 512. Mav, a Badaga, p. 630 ; also sambhar. meilkMr, extra share, 560. nieititn, bed on right-hand side of dairy, p. 57. merkaldrs, double hut, pp. 29, 318. mersgiirsir, the wursn/ir of 'Nbdrs, p. 71. mcthkiidi, place of cremation, p. 343. viiniapir, \\\& wursulir oi Keradr, pp. 71, 192. mogal, forearm, also segment of furelimb of calf corresponding to metacarpus, p. 281. tiiogoi, a cubit, p. 5S8. mokh, .son, child, p. 485. mokhthoditi (inokhthodvaiol), mode of union between the sexes, p. 526. iiiokhndrtvaiol, man who gives away a wife, p. 494. Monddrdsetipol, Toda name of a tribe living in the Wainad. tnbr, the name of buttermilk at the //, p. 107. tnbrkiidri'ki, a ladle of the // dairy, p. 90. fiioj-ol, privileged visitors to a //, p. 107. iiibrpun, a dairy vessel used to hold buttermilk at the //, p. 90. jiibriip, the ordinary salt-giving ceremony at the ti, p. 175. mil, a name given to several kinds of dairy vessels, pp. 58, 422. inuli o\ mill, a name for various plants, p. 145 ; also used for thorns, p. 194 ; and for the quills of a porcupine, p. 267. mulimrbditi, the ordination ceremony oi \he palikarfi/iokh, p. 148. mun, mother's brother and wife's father, pp. 487, 492. milrn, the sieve, p. 32. murthvichi, anger, p. 260. Nairn or noiin, the council, pp. 32, 550. ttdkh, a three-year-old calf, p. 47. nan, a young shoot, p. 145. nanmaktid, a club, pp. 381, 586. ndrlkpiini, a game, p. 596. nashperthir, sacred buffaloes originally given to Nodrs, p. 69. iicdrkursh, middle room of a three-roomed dairy, p. 57. nSdrvol, intermediary, pp. 258, 527. GLOSSARY 745 iici, clarified butter or ghi, p. 50. nersaliti, a salutation, p. 304. neurzutpol, name of the kdltinokh at the migration ceremony, p. 139. neiirzulnkars, stones of ceremonial importance, pp. 129, 140, 438. 7iipA, stream, p. 26. «?V, water, spring. iiirbdibudiiMr, the initial stages of the ordination of the kaliinokh, p. 153. niroditi, the ordination ceremony, pp. 144, 157. nirsi, the fire-stick, p. 60. nbdr, country, place; sometimes used for 'ceremony.' nbdrkiltchi, ancestors of buff;iloes, p. 112. nbdrodchi, a ruler, pp. 183, 186. tiodi-ved, younger brother, p. 486. Notirzi, a goddess, p. 189. 01 or hi, man, husband, p. 489. on, a sacred syllable uttered in the dairy ceremonial, p. 65. ihi, a god, p. 184. Paiol, male relations-in-law, pp. 489, 492. Pakhw&r, a river, 418; also a god. pali or palthli, the dairy, p. 26. palikdrtmokh {} pallikdrjthtinokli), the dairyman, p. 39. paliiiol, sacred day of dairy, p. 405. pdliiidn, staff used in churning, p. 52. palol, the dairyman of a ti, pp. 42, 98. paniiip, one of the salt-giving ceremonies, p. 175. pdpiin, a water-vessel at the ti, p. 92. pdrki'il, stick used at ihe ponup ceremony, p. 178. parsers, milk-leaves, p. 317. parstr, buffaloes of the Kars //, p. 1 17. pdrskadrvenmti, vessel to hold butter, p. 58. pasthtr, the sacred buffaloes of the Teivaliol, p. 39. pcjtat, vessel to hold milk, p. 58. pdlatmdr, part of the dairy where the more sacred vessels stand, p. 58. pAtatpur, the more sacred objects of the dairy, p. 58. patcherski, the husked grain ol patm (samai), p. ^%o. pdtol, one who has held the ofhce ol palol, p. 104. pdlun, screen separating the two rooms of a // dairy, p. 86. pdv, threshold. pdvnersatiti, saluting the threshold, p. 65. Pedr, a Tamil. pelk, the lamp, p. 60. pelkkodichiti, the ordination ceremony, p. 144. pelkkatilthwaskal, fireplace at a // dairy used in lighting the lamp, p. 92. pent, a plateau or a gradual slope of a hill. pen, butter, p. 58. penndr, the string supporting the knvn, pp. 30, 572. pep, buttermilk used ceremonially, pp. 64, 166. 746 GLOSSARY pepeirthti, a rite at the ki'tdrpali, p. 67. pepkaricM ox pepkarichti, the ceremony of making t\q\^ pep, p. 166. pepkarmus, the milking-place of a //, p. 85. peptorziini, a dairy vessel of the ti, p. 89. pepilti, the rite of drinking buttermilk at the ordinary dairy, p. 78 ; also the ceremonial drinking of buttermilk by buffaloes, p. 135. perithtr, buffaloes of the Nodrs ti, p. 113. perkilrsol, the lower stage in the office oi kaltjnokh, p. 105. perol, an ordinary person, not ordained to any dairy office, p. 39. pejsdsij; sacred buffaloes originally given to Melgars, p. 69. persin, the vessel in which milk is churned at the //, p. 89. persinir, the sacred buffaloes of a //", p. 84. perild, elder, p. 485. petuni, a piece of tiini, p. 105. plan, grandfather, p. 485. pMv, grandmother, p. 486. pilikbren, sorcerers, p. 255. pilindrtiti, offering of a ring, pp. 294, 306. piliutpol, a sorcerer, p. 255. piHiltvichi, sorcery, p. 255. pineipir^ sacred buffaloes originally given to Pan, p. 69. podri, contributions from relatives by marriage, p. 396. pbcfrsktuiii, the loin-cloth of the fahl, p. 103. p6h, the conical and other sacred dairies, p. 45. pShkdrtpol, the dairyman at Kanodrs, p. 79- pohvelkdrs, seat on which the palol sits, pp. 87, 96. pohvet {pohpet), a wand used by the palol when praying, pp. 89, 96. pbl, a calf of one to two years, p. 47. pbliii, a portion, a division of a clan pp. 37, 544. polniachok, a dairy vessel, p. 60. pon, festival, pp. 85, 161 ; up, p. 383 ; see also p. 496. ponkdrtvaimokk, boy who takes a leading part at the iniortiti ceremony, p. 302. ponnol, festival day. poni}p, a salt-giving ceremony at the //, p. 177. phnniinkiirsh, outer room of dairy, p. 56. piidrshtipir, the wiirstilir of Kars and Taradr, p. 71. pjIkHrilputkilli, the ornamented cloak, p. 572. piil, surroundings or outskirts, p. 85. piiliol, relatives with whom marriage is prohibited, p. 509. pttnelkalvol, path reserved for the dairyman, p. 27. piiiiir, the ordinary buffaloes of a //, p. 84. piinrs, a name for two days, p. 142. piirstr, buffaloes of the Kars //, p. 117. ptirsiilpiini, the ceremony of giving a bow and arrow during pregnancy, p. 319. ptit, a stirring-stick, p. 60. pflthpep, the buttermilk obtained in \\\q. pcpkarichd ceremony, p. 169. ptiliir, ordinary buffaloes, p. 39. GLOSSARY 747 piitkuU, the cloak, pp. 30, 571. puzhiirs, seclusion-hut, p. 313. piizJmtpiini, the ceremony of throwing earth at a funeral, p. 344. Saliniad, a village of especial sanctity, p. 421. sedvaitazinokh, name of the woman in the viokhthoditi union, p. 526. Tadri, pole used in funeral ceremonies, p. 376. tadrp, the loin-cloth, p. 30. A?/, fern. tagdrs, a chain. tars I r, buffaloes of the Pan //, p. 119. TilrtJidrol, one of the two divisions of the Toda people, p. 34. tarilpunkudi, hole used at the salt-giving ceremony at a Tarthar village, p. 177. tdrvali or iarpali, the lowest grade of Tarthar dairy, pp. 40, 61. tih-valikdrtiiiokh, the dairyman of the tcirvali, p. 461. tasth, the bars in the opening of a pen, p. 153. tazmokh, woman, wife, p. 489. tedshk, a ring used in carrying dairy vessels, p. 60. Teikirzi, a goddess, p. 186. teiks, stone or post at which a bufflilo is killed at a funeral, p. 349. Teipdkh, the Paikara river, p. 418 ; also a god, p. 187. teirtir, buffaloes of the Nodrs //, p. 112. Teivaliol, one of the chief divisions of the Toda people, p. 34. tek {tekhl), basket, p. 57. tererslhi, custom of transferring wives, p. 523 tersainptpimi, a ceremony of childhood, p. 333. terzaiitirikiti, the rite of putting curd or milk on the bell, p. 66. tesherst, a qualifying ceremony for the office oi palol, p. 154. teshnir, the first stage of the ordination ceremony of \he^ palol, p. 157. ten, god, p. 182. teiikwoi, clay vessel made at the ponAp ceremony, p. 179. teuol, diviner, p. 249. teutiitusthchi, ceremony of lighting a fire on a hill, p. 290. //, the most sacred dairy institution of the Todas, pp. 42, 83. tiir, the buffaloes of the //, p. 42 ; also used of a special group of these buffaloe-s at the Nodrs ti, p. 112. tikelfmdv, Badaga associated with a //, p. 98. ti mad, a village or place belonging to a //, p. 83. tbratthwaskal, fireplace at a // dairy used to cook food, p. 91. tbrztiDi, the ti name of the mil, p. 89. til, the buffalo-pen, p. 26. tMr, a sacred tree, pp. 67, 433. ttlkitthkdi's, stone lifted as a sport, p. 597. tiikidir inani, a bell used in the funeral ceremonies, pp. 376, 424. tun, a seat or bed, p. 30. tuni, the grey garment used by many dairymen, pp. 72, 572. ticniiiortiti, offering of a tiiiii, pp. 294, 305. tunittislhkdlttiiokh, the full kdltmokh, pp. 105, 152. 748 GLOSSARY iiirdvali, the cooking-pot of a ti dairy, p. 90. ttij-i, knife. ttvacirindr, material made by the Todas, p. 574, Uldrwurthkurs, a wand, p. 60. iilkktirsh, inner room of dairy, p. 56. tinfr, bufifaloes of the Nodrs //, p. 112. {Ippun, a vessel of the tt dairy, p. 90. Tlpunkiidi (? ilppjinkiidi), hole used at the salt-giving ceremonies, p. 176. /crvatpimi, ceremony during pregnancy, p. 313. iltkhren, people who apply certain magical or medical remedies, p. 263. iltpol, medicine man, p. 263. Wdk, vessels burnt at the dzaranikedr, p. 381. warsir, buffaloes of the Nodrs //", p. 112 ; and of the Pan //, p. 119. wash, grain-pounder, p. 32, waskal, fireplace of three stones, pp. 57, 582. wilrsol, the dairyman of the wiirsiili, pp. 40, 72, 74. ■ivfirsidi, a Tarthar dairy, pp. 40, 71. ivursitlir, the buffaloes of a tvfirsiili, p. 40, INDEX The numbers in Clarendon type refer to the most important places where the subject is considered. Abduction of women, 525, 535, 554 Adoption, 549 Adultery, 525, 529 /Esthetic appreciation, 26, 570, 715 Afterbirth, 190, 323 Age, teUing, 416, 469, 480 Alcohol, 476, 581 Ancestor-worship, 446 Ancestors, offerings to, 293, 297, 309 taboo on names of, 462 Anniversary ceremony for the dead, 373 Archeology of Nilgiris, 711, 717 Arrians, 402, 717 Arrow, 280, 333, 586. See also Bow Ashes, put on face, 269, 324, 326, 579 Astronomy, 592, 634 Atonement, 274, 298, 300, 306, 310, 449 Aunt, paternal, 332, 488, 500 B Badagas, 6, 15, 29, 90, 98, 102, 108, i33> I37> 160, 181, 237, 261, 323, 336, 342, 377, 541, 550, 559, 589, 594, 598, 604, 616, 624, 630, 694, 705, 723 Barley, 60, 321, 332, 380, 435, 600 Basil, holy, 435 Bastardy, 531, 546, 665 Bathing, ceremonial, 103, 303, 307, 317, 354. 390 Bear, 267 Bees, 118, 191, 196, 198, 266 Begging, 7, 202 Bells, 40, 66 et set/., 197, 208, 352, 376, 3^3. 389, 4i9> 424, 712, 725 Betting, 386, 597 Birch, Mr., 472 Blood, 201, 282, 375, 390 Boar, wild, 138 Bones, used in sorcery, 259 as relics of dead, 365, 697 Borrowing, of customs, 319, 377, 424. 435, 451, 555> 579, 594, 686, 702 of words, 484, 602 Bow and arrow, 199, 319 et seq., 376, 381, 392-5, 397, 516 et Sil^ 539, 547, 586, 639, 697, 715 Brahman, 75 Brahmanism, 4, 718 Breeding of buffaloes, 48 Breeks, Mr. J. W., 14, 16, 103, 199, 203, 207, 211, 287, 313, 377, 385, 423, 428, 444, 473, 572, 579, 596, 604, 609, 610, 613, 630, 635, 636, 639, 640, Bribery, 508, 525 liride-price, 502, 522 Bronze, 1 18, 207, 712 Broom, 32, 72, 135, 246, 381, 697 Buddha, 591 Bufl'aloes, 47 et seq., 428 creation of, 184, 186, 18S, 192 giving salt to, 175 killed at funerals, 349, 375, 390 migrations of, 123, 204, 406 oft'erings of, 292 ownership and inheritance of, 560 pedigrees of, 470 23s, 447, 410, 633, 366, seq., 705, 184, 365, 559, 612, 712 585, 750 INDEX Building, 584 Burial, of children, 324, 391, 479 of afterbirth, 323 of ashes at funeral, 382 vestiges of, 402 Burnell, Mr. A. C, 476 Burton, Sir R. , 439 Butter, 50 clarification of, 242 Buttermilk, 50, 64, 107, 166, 209, 242 put on bell, 247 Council, 550 of gods, 182, 444 Counting, method of, 590 Cream, 168, Creation, of buffaloes, 49, 184, i{ 188, 190 of man, 184, 459, 640, 711 Cremation, 337, 343, 361, 403 Crime, 553 Crooke, Mr. W., 586, 696, 698 Cross, 199 Crow, 139, 269 Curd, 49, 64, 171, 242 Cursing, 138, 140, 194, 196 Cairns, 219, 444, 451, 619, 712 Caldwell, Bishop, 603 Calendar, 590, 634 Canarese, 494, 602 Caste, 34, 679 Cat, 284, 431, 433 Cat's cradle, 600 Caul, 324 Caves, 184, 190, 191, 224 Celibacy, 80, 99, 236 Census, 469, 473 Cephalic index, 18, 708 Charms (amulets), 269, 333, 428 Chieftainship, 551, 556 Childbirth, 313, 323 Children, 18, 576 funerals of, 391 Chillies, 103, 266 Christianity, 458 Churning, 52 et seq. Churning-stick, 60, 89, 108, in, 126, 134, 135, 185, 190 Cicatrices. Sec Skin-marks Clans, 16, 34, 186, 505, 631, 643 gods of, 449 Cloth, giving at marriage, 502, 537 699, 705, 717 Cloth-giving ceremony at funeral, 358 ei seq., 396, 537, 701, 717 Clothing, 30, 571 ancient, 196, 237, 330, 366 of dairymen, 62 ct seq. of dead, 342 Clubs, 381, 383, 586, 715 Coagulation of milk. See Curd Cochin, 699, 711 Coconuts, 361 Colour-blindness, 532 Communion with the divine, 232 Conception, miraculous, 191, 196 Cooking, 581, 728 Coorg, 1 14, 697, 705 Corroboration of evidence, 10 D Dairy, 38 et seq., 231, 422 as funeral-hut, 339 imitation, 315, 324, 330 offences against, 295, 399 orientation of, 46, 1 16, 436 purification of, 128, 136, 160, 163, 169, I79> 305 Dairy-vessels, 58, 89, 133 buried, 167, 242, 422 burnt at funeral, 379 imitation, 315, 324 purification of, 109, 136, 163, 168 Dairymen, 38 et seq. gods as, 185, 194, 448 sanctity of, 448, 680 Dancing, 378, 384, 601 devil-, 249 Days, lucky, 410 sacred, 405 Death, origin of, 185, 400 Deathbed, 341 Debt, 566 Deception, 257 Defilement, 181, 234, 315, 426 Deification of mortals, 193, 203, 446 Demon, 269 Descent, female, 546, 709 laws of, 546 Disease, 215 Divination, 249, 309, 384, 392, 450, . .635, 703, 725 Division of labour, 249, 27 1 Divorce, 508, 525, 535 Dog, 196, 267, 433 Dowry, 504, 563 Dravidians, 494 Dubois, the Abbe, 5, 701 Dung, buffalo, 32, 142, 151, 173 ct seq., 196, 205, 228, 305, 406, 580, 583, 656 INDEX 751 E Eagle, 196 Ears, of sacrificed calf, 284 split, of calf, 278, 302 Ear-piercing, 334, 391 Earth in ceremonial, 163 et seq., 295, 343 et seq., 390, 402 Earthworm, 265 East, 46, 94, 136 Eclipse, of sun, 592 of moon, 593 Eighteen, 98, 103, 184, 415 Eldest son, special portion for, 560 Elephant, 387, 712 Emblems, 423, 585 Endogamy, 34, 504 Evasion of ceremonial laws, 328, 406, 454, 519, 670 Evil eye, 263, 332, 333, 387, 636 Exchange of brother and sister, 522 Exogamy, 34, 505 Expenses of ceremonial, 305, 335 method of sharing, 544, 558 Expiation, 140, 554 Face, ceremony of uncovering a child's, 331 downwards at cremation, 363 Family, 541, 545, 558 average size of, 474-7 Fasting, 126, 133, 135, 168, 170, 291, 294, 303. 305. 307> 354> 370, 390, 592, 593 Fatherhood, 322, 517, 547, 564 Fawcett, Mr. F., 331, 402, 697, 707, 709, 717 Feasts, 83, 161, 164, 167, 169, 170, 232, 292, 304, 305, 306, 310, 321, 332, 335> 369, 405, 409. 524> 558, 592, 597i 662 Ferns, 58, 128, 129, 180 Fertility, 474-7 Finicio, Father V., 99, 104, 250, 635, 693, 721 Fire ceremony, 290 making, 437, 581 sanctity of, 437 special wood for, 148, 152, 158, 174, 276, 344, 379, 438 Fire-slicks, 60, 291, 438, 582 Five, 91,257,413 Flesh, eating, 209, 285, 290, 640, 727 of sambhar, 309, 432, 456 Floods, 215 Flowers, telling time by, 321 telling age by, 415 Folk-tales, 47, 1 14, 664, 676. See also Mythology Food, 580 for the dead, 361, 380, 382 restrictions on, 102, 370, 406 Fords, 131, 418 Frenzy during divination, 253 Fright, remedy for, 268 Frog, 265 Funeral ceremonies, 337 et seq., 727 Future life, 397, 403 G Gall-bladder, 281, 284 Games, 385, 596 Genealogical method, 11, 461, 465, 483, 619, 691 Genealogies, 461, 565 of buffaloes, 470, 548 Geographical position, 4 Ghi. See Butter Gifts, of buffaloes, 320, 332, 336, 396, 562 of money, 329, 335, 396 God, a supreme, 386, 456, 595 Gods, 182, 443 Hindu, 211, 251, 273, 457 Gourd, 203 Government, loi, 550. See Council Great Bear, 594 Greetings, 497. See Salutations Grigg, Mr. H. B., 472, 557, 679 Guimet Museum, 75 H Haddon, Dr. A. C., 3 Hair, as funeral relic, 364, 379 cutting, 103, 333 in magic, 257, 267 methods of wearing, 369, 574, 724 tying, in ceremonial, 92, 221 Hairiness of Todas, 18, 708 Half-breeds, existence of, 532 Hand-lnirning, ceremony of, 313 et seq.. 366, 394 Hare, 592 Harkness, Capt. H., 14, 15, 26, 159, 287, 422, 427, 429, 437, 473, 516, 536, 563, 574, 579, 610, 620, 630, 632, 650, 664, 672, 695 Head, covering the, 345, 365, 367, 369, 394 Hell, 399 752 INDEX Hero-worship, 446, 452 Hills, fire ceremony on, 290 relation of gods to, 183 el seq., 443 Hinduism, 269, 457, 696 Hindus, customs borrowed from, 273, 410, 579 objects borrowed from, 90, 108, 381, 572 Hoe, 268, 402 Homicide, 195, 197, 261, 262, 555 Honey, 191, 266, 291, 321, 361, 500, 580, 592, 642 Hos, 697 Hough, Rev. J., 365, 472, 695 House. See Hut Hunter, Sir W. W. , 604 Hut, 28, 220, 583 funeral, 339 ct seq. imitated in ceremony, 328 mud, 313, 584 ownership of, 558 Hypnotic condition, 254 Idols, 426 Illness, 251, 256, 297, 306, 309, 371, 399, 408, 525, 557, 578, 626 Images, 458 Impurity, 102, 131, 135, 244,326, 327, 368, 403, 567 Incantations. See Spells Incest, 156, 505, 530 Infant marriage, 502, 523 Infanticide, 478, 518, 520, 554, 691 Inheritance, 11,560. See also Dttsccnt of magieal powers, 249, 256 of youngest son, 559 Insects, 215, 265 Intelligence, 20, 531, 551, 567 Intermediaries, 234, 258 Invocation of deities, 229 Irulas, 6, 191, 2IO, 642 Izhavas, 700 J Jackal, 432 Jaggery. See Sugar Jealousy, 194, 399, 516, 530 Jervis, Lieut. II., 431 Jews, 459, 710 Journey to the next world, 398 Jupiter, 595 K Kanisans, 699 Keloid, 578 Keys, Mr. W., i, 472, 694 Kidneys, 281 Killing calf at sacrifice, 279 Kin, salutations to, 320 duties of, 498 Kinship, 483 Kite, 204 el seq. Knee-cap, 365 Knife, 280, 333, 381, 585 Kois, 698 Kotas, 6, 48, 52, 108, 121, 195, 197, 200, 364, 377, 397.585. 635, 715 Kurumbas, 6, 185, 191, 200, 201, 209, 262, 378, 555, 632, 640, 641 L Lameness, 199, 210, 251 Laments, funeral, 356, T^S^elseq., 490 Land, ownership of, 6, 557, 632 Language, 602 Leaf- cup, 75 Leeches, 399 Left hand or side, 92, 145, 239, 273, .342, 355, 366, 528 Levirate, 519 Life-token, 423 Light, reverence to, 34, 213, 437 Limes, used in sorcery, 259 Liver, 281, 284, 286 Lizard, 265 Luck. See Days and Omens. M Macpherson, Lieut., 694 Magic, 249. See Sorcery Malabar, 378, 459, 641, 688, 696, 698 Malayalam, 250, 254-5, 602, 702 Manu, 698 Marriage, 313, 321, 502 after death, 366, 392, 514, 701 communal, 531 Marshall, Col., 14, 48, 91, 159, 211, 341, 363, 427, 434, 470, 479, 483, 548, 610, 612 Measures, 588 Medicine, 209, 323, 634 Medicine-men, 271 Memorials of dead, 440 Migrations of buffaloes, 123 Milk, given to the dead, 342 restrictions on use of, 68, 102, 370, 406 .sanctity of, 68, 231, 239, 429 water regarded as, 318, 327, 329 Milking, 53, 1 18 INDEX 75: Money, 114, 325, 329, 360, 361, 380, 396, 405-6, 590, 659 Venetian, 590 Monsoon, 188 Months, 590 Moon, new, 132, 157, 167, 169, 170, 175, 291, 300, 315, 319, 327, 36S, 3S9, 390, 411, 436, 590, 592 full, 411, 436, 592 figure in the, 592 Morality, 23, 476, 529 Morgan, Mr. L., 494 Mother-right, 547 Mourning, 339, 343. 355-6, 365. 374, 37S, 380, 382 for buftaloes, 356 Mud -house, 313 Mundahs, 697 ^furder. See Homicide Music, 364, 382, 600, 63S Muzzy, Rev. C. F. , 15, 287 Mysore, 108, 187, 193, 705 Mythology, 3, 77, in, 116, 1 18, 121, 122, 182, 219, 228, 287, 400, 4:;!, 439, 592, 595, 640, 647, 664 N Naickers, 698 Nails (of fingers), 103, 268-9, 3^5, 406 Nairs, 331, 699 ct sfi/., 707, 722 Namliutiris, 699, 701, 707 Name, change of, 625 giving, 332 Names of hells, 115, 117, 120, 208, 656 e/ seq. hows, 320 liuffalocs, 47, 69, 71, 81, 113 dairies, 43, 113, 117, 119, 649 et seq. personal, 619 sacred, 216, 614 taboo on, 626 Nasal index, 18, 708 Nicknames, 624 Nine, 160, 415 Numbers, sacred, 412 et seq. uneven, 154, 412 See also Three, Five, Six, Seven Nine, Sixteen, Eighteen Numerals, 58S O Offerings, 274, 292 to Hindu gods, 457 Omens, 1S5, 201, 273 Omentum, 283 Opium, 476, 555, 581 Ordination, I44 557 Prophecy, 198 3 C 754 INDEX Propitiation, 274, 292, 311, 401, 449 Punishment, 298, 310, 449 vicarious, 351 I'unnett, Mr. R. C, 474, 532, 691 I'urgatory, 399 Purification, 92, 144 et seq., 367, 377, 389, 433, 684. See also Dairy, Dairy-vessels, Bathing Purity, 244 Quarrels, 257, 260, 295-6, 554 R Rain, praying for, 215 Rangachari, Mr. K., 494, 738 Rats, 398, 431 Red cloth, 254, 361 pigments, 579 Reddies, 698 Relics, 364, 367, 373 el se,]., 428 Religion, 442 degeneration of, 312, 453, 460, 714 relation to magic, 272, 459 Rib, creation of woman from, 184, 458 Rice, Mr. Lewis, 114 Riddles, 599 Right hand or side, 239, 273, 325, 342, 348, 386 Rings, 174, 1S5, 201, 306, 361, 366, 428, 579 Ritual, 38, 231, 452, 718 River-gods, 187, 250, 418, 444 Rivers, 418, 501 Sabbath, 411-2, 459 Sacrifice, 210, 219, 241, 274 Salt, 142, 166, 174, 175 et st' 345- 3^i^ 373^ 374, 377- 379, 384. 557. 574, 578, 5^0, 592, 596-7. 601, 610. 641, 642. 707, 738 Tiger, 138, 185, 1S9. 194, 214. 216, 267, 417, 431 Time, telling Ijy means of flowers. 321 Tiyans, 699 Tobacco, 167, 295, 335, 361, 581 Torres Straits, 3. 461, 464, 530, 567, 599 Totemism, 432, 455, 540 Toys, 598 Transmigration, 204 Trees, 67. 185, 219, 433 Truthfulness, 10, 13, 156, 439. 466 test of, 421 Turban, 419. 574 Twins, 480 U Uganda, 461 Umlnlical cord. 323 Umbrella. 324. 381 I'ncle, maternal, 190. 211, 226, 332, 333, 334. 33^>^ 395, 444- 499- 500. 547, 619, 630 X'edic sacrifice, 288 \enus, 591, 593, 594, 620 X'illage, 23, 644, 734 ownership of, 558 sanctity of, 419 N'ill.ages extinct. 620. G51, 655. 675 \ows, 293, 298, 306, 575-6 W Wainad, 188, 190, 200, 209, 225, 250. 338, 361, 381, 399, 420 Walhousc, Mr. M. |.. 255, 345. 363. 383-4 Ward. Captain B. S.. 472. 528. 694 Weapons, 381, 586, 716 Wells. Ss I A'idrsi KUNPURADI I NONMUDRI r TOLEIDI 1 LnERTINERSJ = Poidjveli MOKHUDRIKI KUSHKEN (See 24) = Sinmundeivi (20) I Tarniiy PUDRVAN = Naskeiveli (46) Kars I Melgars (See KEITAZVAN) 15 16. ALVAN = Pilithikeb Kars I I'an (See 14) NIDRSIEVAN = Panbuv A'uirsi I Pan (See 43) lami (7) '\'ars tsner KARSEIDl = Isnir Kars I Pan (See 8) ODIKARS = Oridz (35) Pan i Kvudcirdoni KIRSI = Selidz Melgars I Pan TERSINGI r PUNERUVAN-i KUTTHURS = Tedjveli L PATXER J I Pan (See 47) (See 12) pidz Ovalidz MUTCH UD I "■'- BONCSnrHI s NlUCtr') HUTKUDB = RBinlr(>7) IBlTAZVANi '•" I = Sett IK6dRI = MjldB I ,.. ['SF]r^«'' = KaniSP(>« = NORTIHBRS I T "■'■'■■ -\ ■"■ Y ^- '■™" . I ' IHOXHVAN = Simlzvell (« ;i '"" 3 iz(44)l Igars J 'ilzink Pan 20. (i4) = MADBEITHI = KatcheH (4) = Kebeli (50) = Serpnir(26) = IRCHEIDI Taradr No ch. \oiiys Kitiiiiad Koadr No ch. SIRIAR = Pupidz(35) Taraili- \ Kivodiifoni ENKUTAN Jaiadt PEPOB = EINUDJ = E^og Mclgais I A'oifrs I Taradr (See 44) (See 3) 21. theidi y- KEGIEVAN = Tupseimi Nidrsi I Taradr KUTEIDI = Apsenup(9) Taradr I Kars (See 42) riTHIOLV = Piliaph Nodrs I Taradr (See 3) ERUTIl I [LJENJ = Sadamut IDRSHKWODR Sindavul (See 9) "I KEINODZ = Sinabuv (8) 'Taradr I Kars KUDRVAS NIPKUDR = Matchidz Nid)si I Taradr (See 42) PULGUDR = Olidzeimi Piitn I Taradr (See 38) J. , ..I, -- lk6dhnerJ = Puv« 1 ■"*" .r- KAKAR = Sindudi>(;7) ^^m '■-' \' r>&"in=T KudjjiiWi VAN = TUPMlml PITH10I.V ].s.d .ir *••" [?ffi m.l lOBSHKWOOR SlndV PULDSNIR = Slndarmdo) = SinmlrtB) = Pumldit!) I .,...., "■'- I '" d VJ ^ r NbTlRZi 1 IKUDR r NOTIRZI 1 L PODNERS J Melgari Aiir 'faradr (See 47) Tiilgeimi 'I'aradr e 50) r MONERS n I KEDEVAN = Mutuveli L KORADRVAN J I Taradr (See 50) PUNER Taradr >THNAN = Linglmishi A'rt?-.v I Taradr (See 10) 24. othvani araiir IRKIOLV Taradf ORGULN = Nuridz (m) Tnrndr | A'ars No ch. MARZUNPUN Taratir = PUNOG = UDRCHOVAN I A'ars 1 /'((OT Oselig Tarndr (See 4) (See 14) (See 36) 25. Turcheimi d. unm. S) = TIVENERS Taradr iz Magabuv KAGERIKUTAN = Nulnir (:o) Matchmoitheri farad) I Aars '■^™!. '-'"r' [T. Ann 1 r««rfr "" 1 ' ""V.". lS«.o) ''■"■"'' 1 ^, ^^ T ^■'■ ™"'°r'°"'^"'* -ur = t6lE1DI = Nelaml (9) = PoHjvoll (n; = .!/**»« I /l,r^.fr ■* .. L > = «U TORRVAN = PQnicrth o PEIGARSI = Unereimi (4) = PANIOLV Keradr ' A'Mrs Kocidi- D = Sinadum >■ i K'eraiir [See 24) ETEPI OD KULMUKI = Kalidz Kwddrdoni 1 Ke?-adr KIRSIN Keradr Sinamani (23) Taradr (See 32) Pupidz (35) = Kwotidz = PUNGWUDR K^vbdrdoni I Nidrsi I Keradr ch. No. ch. No. ch. = Seppnip I Keradr PARSKUDR = Terzikeb (14) = Pumidz (8) = PERSIKUTAN Ke7-adr I A'ars I A'«;-v | Keradr No ch. No ch. 27. PULSHl = 9 (33) = 9 (49) Kandiirs I Kwddrdoni Melgars PPURS = ^ = 9 \lelgars I Kars I Kanodrs (See 46) (See 7) r PUNGARSI 1 I LkURSOLV J = Malami Kars I Kanddrs (See 7) 1" (39) KUNTEVAN = Katveni (49) = Pandut (45) Kanodrx Mclgars I Melgars PATOK = Paton (34) Kanddrs I Kwddrdoni pup nodrs KWAIKUDR Kanddrs No ch. TUSKEIDI = Maknep Kodrs I Kanddrs (See 3) MOKUDR = Slgar Nidrsi i Kanddrs UVGAR = Samidz 2\lddrs I Kanddrs (See 42) (See 3) TEv6 = Ladikikudr J = PUl^Hl = 9({J) .= ,?<< [1S5§3K'] = "'""" L''* NKRATXUTAN • SlfkltrCtol pbNKIIIIVAH « K*>!m< ^'^"U*^ ODARH • s TOTmitllR, 7 5KlS„ KALKWOT * "^rvw SIURIKITAX = KlnMlMBltM) K«hk™i = KARNIsr » tJ.W ■™-' I ■ P«iulMu> KASKUDR - Slnrnil b 6 = 9 A andd> s I . c5' = ? hanodrs I TEIKHU]) = KiuneimiCs) = TEITARSVAN Kanodrs I Nodrs I Kanodrs Many ch. born dead :i = Aikut (S) Kars nmukuti ■Canddrs Kupidz (4=;) Melsrai s MOGOI d.y. <5 = Kanodrs \ MURIKUTAN = Filzueleimi (49) Kanodrs I IMclsrars Koshkveni = KARNISI Katiodrs I Pdiii Tushkveli Kanodrs PUNGIEVAN Pain Siegnir Kanodrs (See 37) (See 37) (See 37) ORZAN = ? Katiddrs I ULINKERVAN Kanodrs MONGEITHI = Nilig Kars I Kanodrs (See 15) PATIRSH = Sinkab Kzvodi-doni I Kanodrs (See 35) :ASKUDR = Sirmul Kars I Kanodrs (See 13) PUNER = Pashtnirveli Kivddrdoni I Kanodrs (See 31) 31. .mi(i4) TUKUD = Kol2veli(3o) = KUPINERS = rlVIakidz (43) = Singib(43)l Kivdiirdoni I Katiodrs | Kwoifnloni I L Nidrsi I .Vidrsi J No ch. No ch. No ch. No ch. 32. KIURVAN = Tapseimi(4T) = SinurUi) POLKAB = Konureimi Kwbdrdoni I Nidrst \ Nidrsi Kanodrs I Kivodrdoni Noch. (See 30) KULMUKI = Kalidz (26) Kwddrdoni | Kcradr = Kapal(4i) 1 yidrsi i. m. i m. 33. Kwodrdoni I HUNARSKUTAN = Methovi (8) Kivodrdoni I A'ars POLIAR = Murgveli (2S) = Kupanveli (j) Kwddrdoiii I Kanodrs \ Nodrs Noch. ORUDZ = Sinul (28) A'^oodrdoni I Kanodrs w ^, :t^:^. s.rmuuii,,! -siiiBibi.ji „ I L »(,,< I .v/7,„ J '•il:':*" 1 = TvielmK*!) Ttlmui.VAN = SIdupUi) kJuRVAK = T^MlmK..) - 8m«;;J«'> '^i^ T JSSwSi/ T!W"' l-Ol.MK ■ MqrtvelK'') = KupnnvoHn) 1 b kTCHARAP = [Putnersdi) = Sar?veli(v:<)) = foTS'] T "7-55? T r"' rf? 7 IM^*'° ~ SmiAB = Pupldz „., I ■ IVAN N Nl J = PEROL = Nersveli I Ncnirs I Kivodrdoni (See 3) (See 3) umers (23) = Sargveli (30) ] = KEMNERS aradr Kidmad \ Kivodrdoni PODJ — Siners (40) Kivodrdoni I Nidrsl JDIOSAN KWODRON EIDUZVAN 9 TEDJVAN = Nersaveli Kiiiddrdoni I Kanbdrs EIKIARZ "i I 1 KULINKERVAnJ = Salnir ODIKARS = Oridz KIUTNERS = ? . Kandd7-s I KivDdrdoni Pant I Kwodrdoni Piiin I Kivodrdoni (See 30) (See 16) (See 37) PilimUPg (7) = Sinkab (30) Kars I Kanodrs KENEN = Sateg (39) Kivodrdoni \ Pdin NALANI KERANI 36. ;RS = Pandut(45) = Silkot(io) 1 JJi/^a>-s I A'ars i. m. No ch. 37. PATIRSH = Sernir(5o) J^dm I Kidinad KALKWOT = Turpur(2 Pant [ Kanodrs No ch. { — Makidz Piiiit r PUNDU 1 ' LkEINMUVJ = Aiidz J iiradr I J\iiii (See 22) 38. jGU)liclzeimi (21) iwraraiir SAKARI = Ramidz Kars I Piiiit (See 7) UDRCIl'oVAtl = PanduK ;.T».;™„ r' TT' jz- l-doni I Piiin (See 35) Piiin Siiipuni MENKUT = Piligar Nodrs I Pcim (See 6) KEIREVAN = Kebars Kcradr I Nidrsi (See 26) TNERTOLVAN I L PALPA J = TEIGUDR = Uwer Nodrs I Nidrsi (See 4) (See 16) PARSOV = Tipur Keradr I Nidrsi (See 26) 41. Ti'ilsveiii TEIDULVAN Kivodrcioni KULGEIDI Kars MKLKIDVAX = Sargveli /'/(/« I Nidrsi KIURVAN = Sinur Kwihirdoni \ Nidrsi (See 7) (See 39) (See 32) (See 32) 42. Nelkar I'dm iraveli Vidi-si KADRKUTAN = Mosur (8) Nidrsi h'ars Cham (8) = K'ars I Sigar (27) Kanodis NUDJEN = Idjamani Kars 1 Nidrsi MALN Nalur (See 8) ^1 ' MOKUDR = Natehum (O = SI»«r(.M "'{?;',?'' " '^"^*"' [tokasI = >'='g:jj '■■■" I- .1""" O rPANERSn I TOKAS = Pergveli L PUNER J I Nidrsi Taradr JTAN = Panjilkeimi (3) = Tebeli (8) Nodrs Kars = Pathudveli I Nidrsi ee 14) (See 23) KODRNER = Arkidz Kars I Nidrsi I (See 7) PERSAKUDR = Sinamut Kars I Nidrsi (See ; KODRTHOKUTAN 5) = KODRNURS I Mclgars Sinaman lal (25) ir r KUDENERS 1 L TIVENERS J = Miznir SIRMOKH Melga, (See 25) 45. NAJAR =^ Kwotidz Met^ars I Kidrsi No cli. 46. askeiveli ^lelgars ARTOVAN = Tushknii- Kars I I\Ielgfirs (See 14) PUSHTIK6dR = Klnll o tRtOLl = TEIKObRVJ r [k6pRHIbJ I !wtie»n FangayeU. n6tiI m. , - . = Selld2(i6) kANCI "i"^ " " "T" >elidz(i6) Pan KANGUDR d. y. PARVISHKI FRSEIN = Sipnir(26) 'e/gars Kcradr No ch. PARSKUDR = Singumidz (3) Melgars I yddrs No ch. 49. S = Pilivutukh Mclgars | Pan Pichidz J'dvi TKEINIKUTANl L ANULVAN J J'liiii I'iligark ^/els:- I Kiiiidr (See 64) PARSNOLV (See 54) RIOLV - Naspilthi iharf I Kuitdr MUTEVAN = 9 Kit ltd) I Fedrkars r KEITOLV -| LtoNJIVAN J = Kavanl Piedr I Kuiidr (See 65) HGUDR PAMKUDR = Kadakveli Kcadr I Kmtdr (See 69) KEIKUDR Kuiidr Stillborn. jnep PILIAR = Sinodz (68) 'udr Kiindr \ Ketuir (See 63) PILIAG = Sintagars (6?) Kuudr \ Picdr No ch. i d. y. m '"t V^\'\ "•■■* (SMfo) pNODBNERS-i _ I LIVAN = Nalmlds (71) PONOUDR = Nalldt <60 [ KARODZ ] : k rNONCARSIVAH] _ I [.W.SS;i!SJ.K..,l,„ K^=A?i^ 1 ™K.r' 1 ►'^VKNER ""^K p4™. = Ka:M«.™-,« , VN = Nipveli (68) = Piliurs (62) Kcadf I I'icdr No ch. ANERSVAN = Nirveli (63) Kiiuc/r Keadr ULTZKUDR = Sllkldz POL Kcadr I A'tauir I (See 68) rMIDJKUDRI I LkERGUDR J = Aiidz Pied?- I Kiiiidr (See 63) ) = TULIKARK I Kuitdr MUTHNER d. y. - PETHOVAN PILCHIEVAN - PELDOVAN Kcadr \ = Pili J I A'« Piliars i(dr See 70) KIUSH = Puviars Kiilhei't 1 Knudf (See 72) 55. idr = ANDU = KEITAS = Sipnir (63) Kuudr I Kuudr I T/fr/'- EITAl d.y Namelidz (62) Fiedr KATSOG Kuudr ray^sr] = p.„L KAHKIEVAK = Pil.i KDU B KBITAS = SlplrC-il t 1 "•'■"" I L . I I .-..., r EISODR -] BRHER = PEILBT yS? r LkIgEnIk^I ^ "AVdDRINERS = V ODAS Kuudr rTORSHKIAZn L MUSHKIAZ J = Sindeig Kendr I Kuudr (See 68) "1 I r TONERS n I J = Katchakuti PIRSTUSHTI = KWOTNERS = Narstufi I Kiaidr Piedr I LKUDRIKUDR J I Kmidr See 64) (See 62) (See 72) — Sulnip (63) Piedr ■■ TIKIEVAN Kuudr TUSHTKUDR Kuudr h (68) POLWA = KWONGUDR = Sirkidz TINGUDR TEIVELEGI ir Piedr I Piedr I Kuudr (See 62) (See 63) ridz(63) = TILIKUSH Piedr Kuudr PEIKHAR Kuudr (63) EBON = Punmldz (71) = MARGUDAN Kuudr I Pedrlcars I Kuudr KANOKH = Sanmidz(63) Kuudr I Piedr 57. Idz (71) = Sindul (65) = Sintharap (68) \/iars \ Kitshar/' \ Keadr \ \ ■ 1 No ch. No ch. KURIEVAN = Punzulciini (69) = TEITNOI-V Kniidr 1 Keadr 1 Kuudr rPONMUDRIn rMIDJKUDRl 1 KIUKXKKS = PERPAKH = PONMUDRI = | KERGUDR J = Kosar Lk.A(.E\KKsJ Keadr Keadr I'Udr K-uiidr Keadr Hitch (See 70) (See 68) (See 70) (See 63) 'nudr 5 8. 1 riMUSHKUTAXl ! )VAN = Pinpantlcuti L PEITVAN J = Pilikadrk dr 1 Keadr Piedr Kuudr (See 69) (.See 62) \ v_ 1^1 FkIUDNEHS I = Sincram KW6dHTH0TZ = Tersveli (fij) = Tupveli (67) FkIUDNERsI = PBRPAKH = rN6DRNERS-| _ I Sv*** I '*T"i^"" r r ''"■" I 5,ffl^' :) ni NERSOLVAN = Pinpurs Kuudr I Kuskarf 'ushtenip Kusharf 57) = KEIRODI Kuudr TULIKARS d. y. KILADRVAN = Tersveli (63) = Toridz (65) Kuudr I Piedr I Kusharf Noch. Noch. KODIKNERS = Kosayeli (64) Kuudr I Piedr POLWA = Pilimoitheri Piedr I Kujidr (See 62) 62 rMUSHKIRI") I L KKITVAN J =: Pilitush (See 5S) r TAKHVAN "1 I LpII.IVURSH J = Pilibuv Kiiiii/i- I riedr (See 58) PUNATVAN Kuiid)- V TULINERS 1 = tilikark: = LkarsxkrsJ = Piiiurs (See 53) ^asami (53) = Pushtakluiti] = Punthateimi = TaznlP (60) Kiiudr I Kuudr Knsharf I Kuiidr Kiiudr 1 Piedr (See 56) ERSVAN I I rPONKARS-l I NERON PANGUDR = Sever j L SIRIOF J I riedr \ (See 72) NARGUDR = Tolveli(58) = Edjog (56) = Sinut (56) I'icdr I Kintdr \ Kmidr ] h'ttiidi KUDROLCH GARSIVAN = Punzut(54) = MANINERS Pifd?- I Knvdr I Piedr ■e 52) Potidz ricdr TILIODZ = Sinain (52) t'iedr I Kinidi- PONGUDR = Malidz h'lnidr I Pied)- (See 52) v^ = [PjiMmUs K. PILIAG = Slnlaerars '-n ""T^f^ '■'"ii "'"' T Iw' "" '"sfll^fl" '' Noch. r TtJLINERS 1 «.../- AwJ*"^ ^ LkarSNEKsJ = Pillups NARGUDR = TnlvdJ (jS) = E(UbK(j6) = SlnuKs^l rf.f. 1 AV»rfr I Kh«X I AV„.<. n *■'■■" I ""■" 'J^ilrf^ ^ [kudhikudII ^ ^'''"''' KWdDRTHOTZ - I TBITN1R I . ' KESHKIEVAN d. y. MUDRIEVAN d. y. NERS = KUDRIEVAN = Pushtveli = Sinduvi (72) = Edjog(s6) iedr Piedr I Kulkein r TONERS -1 | = KWOTNERS = Sipnir I LkUDRIKUDRJ I I'ied,- Jee 55) (See 7?) Kulhcm I Kuitdr No ch. MIDJKUDR = Aiidz (53) = Kosar (57) = KERGUDR Piedr I Kuudy I Kuiidr \ I'icdr No ch. No ch KARKIEVAN = Pilinir (5>) = Isnir (52) Piedr I Kuiidr I Kitudr No ch. No ch. KARODZ = Unidz(s2) Piedr I Kuudr anmidz Piedr 64. 6 = 9 Piedy I i 6 d. y. d. y. PILIKID Piedr Kebarkuti Kuiidr NIDSHTEVAN = Kwelvtars (6o) Piedr Kuudr POTENERS = Piliurk h'uiidr I Piedr ATUSH Piedr KODIKNERS = Kosaveli Kuudr I Piedr (See 6i) (See 54) .6 = P Pijdr I PADREVAN --=^ Pjlzink (52) =^ MUSHKUT l^iedr Kutidr Piedr ARSK.UDR d. y. PUSHKUDR EISODR = Sinir (56) = Erozveli (70) = PEILET Piedr I Kuudr I Keadr Piedr PAKHNERS Piedr TEKIAR i d. y. d. y. 35 I '■■"■" 1 ^s^ 1 1 •^js;" 1 1 """ 1 1 i i '■'■'■'' POTBNBRS = N = Rwtlvliin( 1 -l^ £<^ ,-».l u.s-»i I v„„. .■L« I J r MADSU 1 _ r TUTNERS T _ rPEHPAKH-l """■^ I *••'•" 66. >o) PORGURS = Tinars Kuudr I Kusharf (See 57) Simiar Kusharf 67. Kusharf I NERS = Sinduvi(5S) = Sager (5^) = PUVENERS = MONGUDR harf I Kuudr I Kuudr KusharJ Kusharf No ch. ee 57) Turveli Kusharf f Mi[)kitVA.\ -| _ _ ri*BIINKH-l rPEBNKHn _ I NBRPONERS = A-».*ar/ I /-^X^ r NABUBS 1 = [ PUHGUSIVAH J = Sle^nlr VZ)^ KWODRTHOTZ r*': *"/f<^'"' 1 A'««rfr 1 «•»* UKHUD- ,J .±-. acevan-Cko^b'^ °nI°bs]--i oJvell [-piraATV/u.]^^ Irvl *■"»" 1 *W,- 1 A- jAir/ A-».A-.r/ A-.. ''' 1 A«*C.- •A »"><'- 1 '""' ' (S<, pLrN ER) (S«5l ,.., AW, I V = L KOBONERS J = Tersvell Kjiudr I Keadr rPUNATVAN n I LanersvaxJ = Nipveli 'Kinid>- I Keaii>- (See 53) (See 53) Slntharap Keadr ULTZKUDR Keadr Silkidz(53) Kundr No ch. TEBKUDR = Nutnir(7i) = Puvizveli (65) A cadr I Pedrkars j Kusharf (See PERPAKH) (See PERPAKH) 69. Muteimi Keatfr 52) r PESKOT -\ Ltui.ikarkJ = KiiKiir 9 A eadr (See .54) PAMGUDR Kci./r PICHIEVAN Keatfr Mitch (57) = Kadakveli (52) Kuudr I Kiiudr No ch. 70. PAREIVANl ! PERSEVANJ = Sinokh Kintdr I h'eadi KIUGI = JMliakh Kiaidr I Keadr (See 52) (See 57) KEINKURSI = Surgaveli Kuudr I Keadr (See 54) [tSSSSk]. 4 Nuraeuvell (jS) - r EISdDR -| r as? (Sj) B MONCKIDRVAN r I'AKH -I I ONADJ = L KIL J = Sllkldi '"''""' "*■"" 1 t6nehs kwo '"''"'"'■ m,kL,k ■*■■' TUSHKIEVAN = Sinat (52) Pecirkars I Kiniar KAVAN KIRSIN = Samal (6S) Fedrkais I Kcadr rKULTHGUDR-I L TILIVAN J = Nalmidz Kinidr I Pedrkaii MERSVAN = Kureimi (55) Pedrkais I Kuitdr KISTHENERS = Talldz (56) Fcdrkars Kitudr i PONODZ d. y. (See 52) r KANERS 1 LkUDRIEVAnJ = Sinduvi Kitlhci, (See 63) ONER> d. y. KURIKUDR Kiilhein NGUDR SIRIOF Knlkeiii A>clOSANCflfx, J ^IIIBRARY(9^ :§ 1 ir- ^ ^-^ i I 4. ^-^ 'v-§ ^mmm"^ '^s^mm^ University of California SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 305 De Neve Drive - Parking Lot 17 • Box 951388 LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90095-1388 Return this material to the library from which it was borrowed. JAN 1 200^, "^ ^OFOIIW* nm CO 7^ U I '^ < r^A- ^J^ _: I AWEUNIVn?5'/A ^WfUNJVERV^ ^1 Itei i^lUBRARY^^ '%0iilV3JO'^ ^ ^0FCAIIF0% i^^AHY!i8ll# ^^\1l:•UNlv^Kv/, _^ W^fUNIVERi// OUONVSOl^ -^^lUBKAKYC//: '^WJITOiOV^ %,mw.so,^«^ •*%««*# \b:iiH,0V^ ;ji,OfCAllfO«fc ive £: ^ ^^t-llBKAHY/y/: %0JI1VJJ0" )JI1VJJ0>' L 005 458 166 5 . / ^^ \ c: ^ iV / -.^ \ S <3 :5 .—'I I' § ^lOSANlilltr^ • %. ^^^^^.•llDHMr^ I 0/- .^jOFCa: \^m: "^AililAlNn-JWV -< ^^\i^UNlvERS/^ ^iosa?/ ^OAavii8n-3''^ I 7133NV-S0V"^ ^JUAlNHaVi^*' ^^ VO XMfUNIVERi//^ v>;lOSAHCFlfX;> ^iiret llltJKAHTt// •i2 1 I /-^ ^ WUMW/ %jnvDjo>^ %Odnv3jo'^ IMS)! i\©i <5 >- ^ >-