Substance of the .Speech ., .upon 
 
 ->t?on for the Cor ' t of th< 
 
 Bill . , . 
 
 By 
 Charles James Fox
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 AT LOS ANGELES

 
 SUBSTANCE 
 
 OF T H 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF Til* 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE 
 
 CHARLES JAMES FOX,
 
 .SUBSTANCE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF THE 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE 
 CHARLES JAMES FOX, 
 
 ON MONDAY, DECEMBER i, 1783, 
 
 UPON 
 
 A MOTION 
 
 FOR THE 
 
 COMMITMENT 
 
 B 
 
 FOR VESTIKO THE AFFAIRS OF THE EAST -INDIA 
 COMPANY IN THE HANDS OF CERTAIN COMMISSIONERS, 
 FOR THE BENEFIT OF THE PROPRIETORS, AND OF 
 THE PUBLIC." 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed for J. DEBRETT, (Succeflbr to Mr. ALMON) 
 
 OppOfitC BURLJNGTON HOUSE, PICCADILLY. 
 
 W.DCC.LXXXIII.
 
 T H 
 
 S P E E C H, &c 
 
 sin, 
 
 5 
 
 A H E necemty of my faying fomething upon 
 the prefent occafion, is fo obvious to the Houfe, 
 that no apology will, I hope, be expefted from 
 me in troubling them even at fo late an hour, 
 (two o'clock in the morning.) I mall not enter 
 much into a detail, or minute defence of the par- 
 
 ? ticulars of the bill before you, becaufe few parti- 
 cular objections have been made. The oppofition 
 
 .^ to it confifting only in general reafonings, of little 
 B appli-
 
 application fome and fome totally diftant from 
 the point in queftion. 
 
 This bill has been combated through its pad 
 flages upon various principles ; but to this mo- 
 ment the Houfe has not heard it canvaffed upon 
 its own intrinfic merits. The debate this night 
 has turned chiefly upon two points violation of 
 charter, and increaje of influence i and upon both 
 thefe points I mail fay a few words. 
 
 The honourable Gentleman, who opened the 
 debate, (Mr. Powys) firft demands my attention, 
 not indeed for the wifdom of the obfervations 
 which fell from him this night, (acute and judi- 
 cious though he is upon moft occafions) but from 
 the natural weight of all fuch characters in this 
 country, the aggravate of whom mould, in my 
 opinion, always decide upon public meafures : 
 but his ingenuity was never, in my opinion, 
 exerted more ineffectually, upon more miftaken 
 principles, and more inconfiftent with the com- 
 mon tenour of his conduct, than in this debate. 
 
 The
 
 t 3 3 
 
 The honourable Gentleman charges me with 
 abandoning that caufe, which, he fays, in terms 
 of flattery I had once fb fuccefsfully aflerted. 
 I tell him, in reply, that if he were to fearch the 
 hiftory of my life, he would find that the period 
 of it, in which I ftruggled mod for the real fub- 
 jftantial caufe of liberty, is this very moment that 
 I am addrefling you. Freedom, according to my 
 conception of it, confifts in the fafe and facred 
 pofiefiion of a man's property, governed by laws 
 defined and certain ; with many perfonal privi- 
 leges, natural, civil, and religious, which he can- 
 not furrender without ruin to himfelf; and of 
 which to be deprived by any other power, is de- 
 fpotifm. This bill, inftead of fubverting, is de- 
 ftined to Habilitate thefe principles ; inftead of 
 narrowing the bafis of freedom, it tends to en- 
 large it ; inftead of fupprefiing, its objeft is to 
 infufe and circulate the ijpirit of liberty. 
 
 What is the mod odious fpecies of tyranny ? 
 Precifely that which this bill is meant to annihi- 
 late. That a handful of men, free themfelves, 
 mould execute the moft bafe and abominable 
 B 2 defpotifm
 
 t 4 ] 
 
 defpotifm over millions of their fellow creatures; 
 that innocence fhould be the victim of opprefiion; 
 that induftry fhouid toil for rapine; that the 
 harmlefs labourer fhould fweat, not for his own 
 benefit, but for the luxury and rapacity of tyran- 
 nic depredation. In a word, that thirty millions 
 of men, gifted by Providence with the ordinary 
 endowments of humanity, Ihould groan under 3 
 fyftem of defpotifm unmatched in all the hiflories 
 f the world. 
 
 What is the end of all government? Certainly 
 the happinefs of the governed ~ Others may hold 
 ether Opinions ; but this is mine, and I proclaim 
 it. What are we to think of a government, whofe 
 good fortune is fuppofed to Ipring from the cala- 
 mities of its fubjecls, whofe aggrandiiement 
 grows out of the miferies of mankind ? This is 
 the kind of government exercifed under the Eaft- 
 India Company upon the natives of Indoftan, 
 and the fubverfion of that infamous government 
 is the main object of the bill in cjueftion. 
 
 But
 
 [ 5 ] 
 
 But in the progrefs of accompliihng this end, 
 it is objected that the charter of the Company 
 fhould not be violated ; and upon this point, Sir, 
 I (hall deliver my opinion without difguife. A 
 charter is a truft to one or more pcrfons for fome 
 given benefit. If this truft be abufed, if the be- 
 nefit be not obtained, and that its failure arifes 
 from palpable guilt, or (what in this cafe is full 
 as bad) from palpable ignorance or mifmanage- 
 ment, will any man gravely fay, that truft ihould 
 not be refumed, and delivered to other hands, 
 more efpecially in the cafe of the Eaft-India Com- 
 pany, whofe manner of executing this truft, 
 whofe laxity and langour produced, and tend to 
 produce, confequences diametrically oppofite to 
 the ends of confiding that truft, and of the infti- 
 tution for which it was granted? I beg of gentle- 
 men to be aware of the lengths to which their 
 arguments upon the intangibility of this charter 
 may be carried. Every fyllable virtually im- 
 peaches the eftablimment by which we fit in this 
 Houfe, in the enjoyment of this freedom, and of 
 every other blefling of our government. Thefe 
 kind of arguments are batteries againft the main 
 
 pillar
 
 [ 6 J 
 
 pillar of the Britifh conftitution. Some men are 
 confident with their own private opinions, and 
 difcover ihe inheritance of family maxims, when 
 they queftion the principles of the Revolution ; 
 but I have no fcruple in fubfcribing to the articles 
 of that creed which produced it. Sovereigns arc 
 facred, and reverence is due to every King : 
 yet with all my attachments to the perfon of a 
 firft magiftrate, had I lived in the reign of James 
 the Second, I mould moil certainly have contri- 
 buted my little aids, and borne part in thofe illuf- 
 trious ftruggles which vindicated an empire from 
 hereditary fcrvitude, and recorded this valuable 
 doctrine, that truft abnjed was revocable. 
 
 No man will tell me, that a trull to a company 
 of merchants, (lands upon the folemn and fancYi* 
 fied ground by which a truft is committed to a 
 Monarch ; and I am at a lofs to reconcile the con- 
 duel of men who approve that refumption of vio- 
 lated truft, which refcued and re-eftablifhed our 
 unparallelled and admirable conftitution with a 
 thoufand valuable improvements and advantages 
 at the Revolution, and who at this moment rife up 
 
 the
 
 [ 7 J 
 
 the champions of the Eaft India Company's char- 
 ter, although the incapacity and incompetence of 
 that company to a due and adequate difcharge of 
 the truft depofited in them by that charter, are 
 themes of ridicule and contempt to all the world ; 
 and although in confequence of their mifmanage- 
 menr, connivance, and imbecility, combined with 
 the wickednefs of their fervants, the very name of 
 an Englimman is detefted, even to a proverb, 
 through all Afia j and the national character is 
 become degraded and difhonoured. To refcue 
 that name from odium, and redeem this character 
 from difgrace, are fome of the objects of the pre- 
 fcnt bill ; and gentlemen fliould indeed gravely 
 weigh their oppofition to a meafure which, with 
 a thoufand other points not lefs valuable, aims at 
 the attainment of thefe objects. 
 
 Having faid fo much upon the general matter of 
 the bill, I muft beg leave to make a few obferva- 
 tions upon the remarks of particular gentlemen. 
 And firft of the learned gentleman over againft 
 me (Mr. Dundas). The learned gentleman has 
 made a long, and, as he always does, an able 
 
 fpeech ;
 
 [ 8 ] 
 
 fpeech; yet, tranflated into plain Englifh, and 
 difrobed of the dextrous ambiguity in which it has 
 been inveloped, what does it amount to ? To an 
 eftabltthmenc of the principles upon which this 
 bill is founded, and, an indirect confeffion of its 
 necefiity. He allows the frangibility of charters 
 when abfolute occafion requires it, and admits that 
 the charter of the Company mould not prevent 
 the adoption of a proper plan for the future go- 
 vernment of India, if a proper plan can be 
 atchieved upon no other terms. The firft of thefe 
 admifiions feems agreeable to the civil maxims of 
 the learned gentleman's life, fo far as a maxim can 
 be traced in a political character, fo various and 
 flexible And to deny the fecond of thefe 
 conccrffions was impofiible, even for the learned 
 gentleman, with a ftaring reafon * upon your 
 table to confront him if he attempted it. 
 The learned gentleman's bill, and the bill before 
 you, are grounded upon the fame bottom, of abufe 
 of truft, mal-adminiftration, debility and inca- 
 pacity in the Company and their fervants; but 
 
 * Mr. Dundas's Bill, brought in laft year. 
 
 4 the
 
 t 9 1 
 
 the difference in the remedy is this the learned 
 gentleman's bill opens a door to an influence a 
 hundred times more dangerous than any that can 
 be imputed to this bill, and depofits in one man' 
 an arbitrary po\yer over millions, not in England,' 
 where the evil of his corrupt miniftry could not be 
 felt, but in the Eaft Indies, the fcene of every mif- 
 chief, fraud, and violence. The learned gentle- 
 man's bill afforded the moft extenfive latitude for 
 malverfation the bill before you guards againft it 
 with all imaginable precaution. Every line in 
 both the bills which I have had the honour to in- 
 troduce, prcfumes the poffibility of bad admin- 
 ftration, for every word breathes fufpicion. This 
 bill fuppofes that men are but men ; it confides in 
 no integrity, it trufts no -character; it inculcates 
 the \vifdom of a jealoufy of power, and annexes 
 refponfibility not only to every action, but even 
 ro the inalifion of thofe who are to difpenfe it. 
 The necefiity of thefe prbvifions mult be evi- 
 dent, when it is known that the different misfor- 
 tunes of the Company refulted not more from what 
 the fervants did^ than from what the matters did 
 not. 
 
 C To
 
 [ IP ] 
 
 To the probable effeds of the learned gentle- 
 man's bU and this, I beg to call the attention of 
 the Houfe. Allowing, for argument's fake, to the, 
 Governor General of India, under the firft-named 
 tnll, the moft unlimited and fuperior abilities, 
 with foundnefs of heart and integrity the moft un*. 
 queftionable i what good confequences could be 
 reafonably expedled from his extraordinary, ex-. 
 travagant, and unconftitutional power, under the 
 tenure by which he held it ? Were his projects 
 the moft enlarged, his fyftems the moft wife and 
 excellent which human fkill could devife , what 
 fair hope could be entertained of their eventual 
 fuccefs, when perhaps before he could enter upon 
 the execution of any meafure, he may be recalled 
 in confequence of one of thofe changes in the ad- 
 miniftrations of this country, which have been fo, 
 frequent for a few years, and which fome good 
 men wifh to fee every year ? Exactly the fame 
 reafons which baniih all rational hope of benefit 
 from an Indian adminiftration under the bill of the 
 learned gentleman, juflify the duration of the pro-, 
 pofed commiffion. If the difpenfers of the plan 
 of governing India, (a place from which the anfwer 
 
 f of
 
 t - ] 
 
 of a letter cannot be expected in lefs than twelve 
 months) have not greater inability in their fitua- 
 tions, than a Britiih miniftry adieu to all hopes 
 of rendering our Eaftern territories of any real 
 advantage to this country, adieu to every expec- 
 tation of purging or purifying the Indian fyftem, 
 of reform, of improvement, of reviving confi- 
 dence, of regulating the trade upon its proper prin- 
 ciples, of reftoring tranquillity, of re-eftab- 
 lifhing the natives in comfort, and of fecuring 
 the perpetuity of thcfe bleffings, by the cordial 
 reconcilement of the Indians with their for- 
 mer tyrants upon fixed terms of amity, friend-* 
 fhip, and fellowfhip. I will leave the Houfe and 
 the kingdom to judge which is beft calculated 
 to accompli (h thofe falutary ends ; the bill of the 
 learned gentleman, which leaves all to the difcre* 
 tlon of one man, or the bill before you which 
 depends upon the duty of fevefal men, who are 
 in a ftate of daily account to this Houfe, of 
 hourly account to the Minifters of the Crown, 
 of occafional account to the proprietors of Eaft 
 India Stock, and who are allowed Efficient time 
 C ? to
 
 to -pratftifc their plans, unaffected by every poR- 
 tical fluctuation. 
 
 But the learned gentleman wifhes the appoint- 
 ment of an Indian Secretary of State in prefer- 
 ence to thefe Commifiioners ; his partiality for 
 iuch an inftitution I cannot guefs ; but that 
 icheme Itrikes me as liable to a thoufand times 
 more objections than the plan in agitation. 
 
 Nay, the learned gentleman had rather, 
 
 it fcems, the affairs of India were blended 
 with the bufinefs of the office which I have 
 the honour to hold. His good difpofition to- 
 \vards me upon all occafions cannot be doubted, 
 and his fincerity in this opinion is unquestionable. 
 I beg the Houfe to attend to the reaibn which the 
 learned gentleman gives for this preference, and 
 to fee the plights to which men, even of his 
 underftanding are reduced, who muft oppofe. 
 He laughs at the refponfibility of the Commif- 
 iioners. to this Houfe, who in his judgment 
 will find means of foothing, and loftening, and 
 meliorating the Members, into an oblivion of 
 .their mal-adminiftratiog. . What opinion has the 
 
 learned
 
 [ '3 ] 
 
 learned gentleman of a Secretary of State ? Doe* 
 he think "him fo inert, fo inactive, fo incapable a 
 creature, that with all this vaunted patronage of 
 the feven in his own hands, the fame means of 
 foothing, and foftening, and meliorating arc 
 thrown a\tay upon him. The learned gentleman 
 has been for fome years converfant \vith Minifrers 3 
 but his experience has taught him, it feems, to con- 
 fider Secretaries not only as -untainted and im- 
 maculate, but innocent, harmlefs, and incapable. 
 In his time Secretaries were all purity with every 
 power of corruption in their hands, but fo inflex- 
 ibly attached to rigid rectitude, that no temp- 
 ptation could feduce them to ufe that power for 
 the purpofe of corrupting, or, to ufe his -own 
 \vords, for foothing, or foftening, or meliorating. 
 The learned gentleman has formed his opinion of 
 the fimplicity andinacYion of Secretaries, from that 
 golden age of political probity, when his own 
 friends were in power, and when himfelf was 
 every thing but a miniiler. This erroneous hu- 
 manity of opinion arifes in the learned gentle- 
 man's unfufpefting, unfullied nature, as well 
 as in a commerce with only the beft and purot 
 
 jninifters
 
 ministers of this country, which has given him fo 
 favourable an impreffion of a Secretary of State, 
 that he thinks this patronage, fo dangerous in the 
 hands of feren Commiflioners, perfectly fafe in his 
 hands. I leave to the learned gentleman that 
 pleafure which his mind muft feel under the con- 
 viction with which he certainly gives this opinion ; 
 but I fubmit to every man who hears me, what 
 would be the probable comments of the other 
 fide of the Houfe, had I propofed either the erec- 
 tion of an Indian Secretary, or the annexation of 
 the India bufinefs to the office which I hold. 
 
 In the affemblage of the learned gentleman's 
 objections, there is one ftill more curious than 
 thofe I have mentioned. He diflikes this bill 
 becaufe it eftablilhes an impermm in imperio. In 
 the courfe of oppofition to this meafure, we hav 
 been familiarized to hear certain fentiments and 
 particular words in this Houfe but directed, in 
 reality, to other places. Taking it therefore for 
 granted, that the learned gentleman has not fo 
 defpicable an idea of the good fenfc of the mem- 
 bers, as to expei5l any more attention within theft 
 
 malls
 
 [ '5 ] 
 
 walls to fuch a dogma, than has bden (hewn to the 
 favourite phrafe of his honourable friend near him, 
 (Mr. W. Pitt) who calb a bill which bsuiks this 
 finking company, with the credit of the ftate, a can- 
 ffcation of their p-oper'ty t I would wifh to sfk the 
 learned gentleman, if he really holds the uncier- 
 ilanding, even of the multitude, in fuch contempt 
 as to imagine this fpecies of argument can have 
 the Tery flighteft effect? The multitude know the 
 fallacy of it as well as the learned gentleman him- 
 fclf. They know that a diffolution of the Eaft-India 
 Company has been wifned for fcores of years, by- 
 many good people in this country, for the very 
 reafon that it was an imperium in imperio. Yet the 
 learned gentleman, with infinite gravity of face,, 
 tells you he difiikes this bill becaufe it eftablifhes- 
 this novel and odious principle. Even a glance of 
 this bill, compared with the prefent conftitution 
 of the Company, manifefts the futility of this ob- 
 jection, and proves that the company is, in its pre- 
 fent form, a thoufand times more an imperium' ht 
 imperio than the propofed Commifiioners, The 
 worft fpecies of government is that which cart 
 run counter to all the ends of its inftitution with 
 
 impunity.
 
 [ -6 ] 
 
 Impunity. Such exactly was the Eaft-India Com- 
 pany, No man can fay, that the directors and 
 proprietors have not, in a thoufand inftances, me- 
 rited fevere infliction ; yet who did ever think of a 
 legal punifhment for either body ? Now the great 
 feature of this bill is to render the Commiffioners 
 amenable, and to punith them upon delinquency. 
 
 The learned gentleman prides himfclf that his 
 bill did not meddle with the commerce of the 
 Company -, and another gentleman, after acknow- 
 ledging the folly of leaving the government in the 
 hands of the Company, propofes to fcparate the 
 commerce entirely from the dominion, and leave 
 the former fafe and untouched to the Company 
 itfelf. I beg leave to appeal to every gentleman 
 converiant in the Company's affairs, whether this 
 meafure is, in the nature of things, practicable at 
 this moment. That the feparation of the com- 
 merce from the government of the Eaft may be 
 ultimately brought about I doubt not ; but when 
 gentlemen reflect upon the immediate itate of the 
 Company's affairs, when they reflect that their 
 government was carried on for the fake of their 
 
 commerce^
 
 I '7 .1 
 
 commerce, that both have been blended together 
 for {uch a feries of years ; when they review the 
 peculiar, perplexed, and involved date of the 
 eaftern territories, their diffimilitudeto every fyftem 
 in this part of the globe, and confider the deep 
 and laborious deliberation with which every ftep 
 for the eftablifhment of a falutary plan of govern- 
 ment, in the room of the prefent odious one, muft 
 be taken the utter impoflibility of inftantly de- 
 taching the governing power from interference 
 with the commercial body, will be clear and 
 indubitable. 
 
 A gentleman has afked, why not choofe the 
 Commifiioners out of the body of Directors ; an4 
 why not leave the choice of the affiftant Directors 
 in the Court of Proprietors ? That is to fay, why 
 not do that which would infallibly undoe all 
 you are aiming at ? I mean no general difparage- 
 ment when I fay that the body 'of the Directors 
 have given memorable proofs that they are not the 
 fort of people, to whom any man can look for the 
 fuccefs or falvation of India. Amongft them there 
 are without doubt, fome individuals rcfpectable 
 D froth
 
 [ i 3 
 
 both for their knowledge and integrity; but I put 
 it to the candour of gentlemen, whether they are 
 the fpecies of men whofe wifdom, energy, and 
 diligence, would give any promife of emancipa- 
 ting the Eaft-India concerns from their prefent dif- 
 afters and difgraces. Indeed both queftions may 
 be anfwered in two words. Why not choofe the 
 Directors who have ruined the Company ? Why 
 not leave the power of election in the Proprietors 
 w ho have thwarted every good attempted by the 
 Diretfors ? 
 
 The laft point adverted to by the learned gentle- 
 man relates to influence, and upon his remarks, 
 combined with what fell from fome others upon the 
 fame fubject, I beg leave to make a few obferva- 
 tions. Much of my life has been employed to 
 diminim the inordinate influence of the Crown. 
 In common, with others, I fucceeded, and I glory 
 in it. To fupport that kind of influence which I 
 formerly fubverted, is a deed of which I fhall 
 never deferve to be accufed. The affirmation with 
 which I firft introduced this plan, I now repeat 
 I re-afiert that this bill as little augments the in- 
 fluence
 
 [ '9 ] 
 
 fluence of the crown, as any meafure which can 
 be devifed for the government of India, that pre-. 
 fents the flighted promife of folid fuccefs, and 
 that it tends to encreafe it in a far lefs degree than 
 the bill propofed by the learned gentleman. The 
 very genius of influence confifts in hope or fear ; 
 fear of lofing what we have, or hope of gaining 
 more. Make thefe Commiffioners removeable at 
 will, and you fet all the little pafllons of hu- 
 man nature afloat. If benefit can be derived 
 from the bill, you had better burn it, than 
 make the duration Ihort of the time neceffary 
 to accomplifh the plans it is deftined for. That 
 confideration pointed out the expediency of a fixed 
 period ; and in that refpecl it accords with the prin- 
 ciple of the learned gentleman's bill ; with this 
 fnperior advantage, that inftead of leaving the 
 Commiffioners liable to all the influence which 
 fprings from the appointment of a Governor 
 General, removeable at plea/tire, this bill inverts 
 them with the power for the time fpecifad 
 upon the fame tenure that Britiih Judges hold 
 their ftation removeable upon delinquency, pu- 
 nifoable upon guilt but fearlefs of power if they 
 D 2 di (charge
 
 [ 20 ] 
 
 difcharge their truft, liable to no feducement, and 
 with full time and authority to execute their func- 
 tions, for the common good of the country, and 
 for their own glory. I beg of the Houfe to at- 
 tend to this difference, and then judge upon the 
 point of encreafing the influence of the Crown, 
 comrafted with the learned gentleman's bill. 
 
 The ftate of accufations againft me upon this 
 fubjtct of influence, is truly curious. The 
 learned gentleman, (Mr. Dundas) in flrains of 
 emphafis, declares that this bill diminishes the 
 influence of the crown beyond all former at- 
 tempts, and calls upon thofe who formerly 
 voted with him in fupport of that influence, 
 againft our efforts to reduce it, and who now 
 fit near me, to join him now in oppofing my 
 attempts to diminifh their darling influence. He 
 tells them I out Herod Herod, that I am out do- 
 ing all my former out doings, and proclaims me 
 as the mercilefs and infatiatc enemy of the influ- 
 ence of the Crown. 
 
 Down
 
 Down fits the learned gentleman, and up flarts 
 an honourable gentleman, with a charge againft 
 me, upon the fame fubject, of a nature the direct 
 reverfe, I have fought under your banner, cries 
 the honourable gentleman (Mr. Martin) againft 
 that fell giant, the influence of^the Crown ; I 
 have bled in that battle which you commanded, 
 and have a claim upon the rights of foldierfhip. 
 You have conquered through us; and now that 
 victory is in your arms, you turn traitor to our 
 caufe, and carry over your powers to the enemy. 
 The fierceft of .your former combatants in the 
 caufe of influence, falls far fhort of you at this 
 moment ; your attempts in re-erecting this mon- 
 fter, exceed all the exertions of your former foes; 
 This night you will make the influence of the 
 Crown a coloflus, that fhall beftride the land, and 
 crufh every impediment. I impeach you for 
 treachery to your ancient principles come, 
 come, and divide with us ! 
 
 This honourable gentleman, after a peg or two 
 at the Coalition, declines into filence ; and whilft 
 the Houfe is perplexing itfelf to reconcile thefe 
 
 wide
 
 wide differences, the right honourable gentleman 
 over the way (Mr. W. Pitt) confounds all paft 
 contradictions, by combining, in his own perfon, 
 thefe extravagant extremes. He acknowledges 
 that he has digefted a paradox ; and a paradox 
 well he might call it, for never did a grofler one 
 puzzle the intelects of a public afiembly. By a 
 miraculous kind of diicernment he has found 
 out, that the bill both increafis and diminijhss 
 the influence of the Crown. 
 
 The bill diminifhes the influence of the Crown, 
 fays one you are wrong, fays a fecond, it increafcs 
 it. You are both right, fays a third, for it both 
 increafes and diminifhes the influence of the 
 Crown. Now as moil Members have one or 
 other of thefe opinions upon the fubject, the 
 honourable gentleman can fafely join with all 
 parties upon this point, but few I truft will be 
 found to join him. 
 
 Thus, Sir, is this bill combated, and thus am I 
 accufed. The nature and fubftance of thefe ob- 
 jections I conflrue as the ftrcogcit comment upon 
 
 the
 
 the excellence of the bill. If a more rational op- 
 pofition could be made to it, no doubt it would. 
 The truth is, it increafes the influence of the 
 Crown, and the influence of party as little as 
 poffible ; and if the reform of India, or any other 
 matter, is to be poflrponed until 'a fcheme be de- 
 vifed, againft which ingenuity, or ignorance, or 
 caprke ft all not raife objections, the affairs of 
 human life mud ftand dill. 
 
 I beg the Houfe will attend a little to the man- 
 ner in which the progrefs of this bill has been 
 retarded, efpecially by the right honourable gen- 
 tleman (Mr. Pitt.) Firft, the Members were not 
 all in town, and time was defired upon that ac- 
 count. Next, the finances of the Eaft-India 
 Company were misftated by me, and time was 
 defired to prove that. The time came,/ the proofs 
 exhibited, counfcl heard, and yet the ifiue was, 
 that my former ftatcment, inftead of being con- 
 troverted, became more eftablifted by the very 
 proofs 'which were brought to overturn it. The 
 honourable gentleman has mifreprefented me to- 
 night again he has an evident pleafure in it, which 
 
 indeed
 
 indeed I cannot prevent ; but I can prevent this 
 Houfe and this country from believing him. He 
 prefers the authority of his own conception (eager 
 enough in all confcience to mifunderftand me) of 
 what I faid to my own repeated declarations of 
 my own meaning. He fuppofes a miftake becaufe 
 he wifhes it. I never did fay the Company were 
 abfolute bankrupts to the amount of the debt, 
 but I faid there was immediate neceffity of paying 
 that given fum, without any immediate means of 
 providing for it. The account of the Company's 
 circumftances prefented laft week, furnittied mat- 
 ter of triumph to the honourable gentleman for 
 the full fpace of three hours, that is to fay, whilft 
 council were at the bar. I made no objection to 
 the account but this trifling one that 1 2,000,000 
 were dated which ought not to appear at all there, 
 and which were placed there only for delufion 
 and fallacy. I never objeded to the arithmetic 
 of the account. The fums I doubt not were ac- 
 curately can; up even to a figure Yet the Houfe 
 will recollect that the honourable gentleman about 
 this very hour of that debate, endeavoured to 
 protract the bufinefs to the next day, upon allu- 
 ring
 
 t *5 1 
 
 ring the Houfc that the Company would then 
 fupport their ftatement. I refufed to accede be- 
 caufe I knew the matter to be mere ftiifting, and 
 maneuvering for a vote, and that the Company 
 could not fupport their ftatement. Was I right ? 
 the Houfe fees whether I was The houfe fees the 
 finance poft is now totally abandoned, and for the 
 beft reafon in the world, becaufe it is no longer 
 tenable. But the honourable gentleman is indeed a 
 man of refources, he now gives me a challenge, 
 and I beg the Houfe to remark that I accept his 
 challenge, and that I prophecy he will no more 
 meet me upon this than upon the former points. 
 
 But there is no limit to a youthful and vigorous 
 fancy The right honourable Gentleman juft now, 
 in very ferious terms, and with all his habitual 
 gravity, engages, if the Houfe will join in op- 
 pofing us to-night, that he will digeft and me- 
 thodife a plan, the outline of which he has al- 
 ready conceived. He has nothing now to offer; 
 but juftly confiding in the fertility of his own 
 imagination, and the future exercife of his facul- 
 ties, he promifes that he will bring a plan pravi- 
 E M
 
 C 26 ] 
 
 <&</ the majority of this Houfe will join him to- 
 night. Now, if ever an idea was thrown out to 
 pick up a firay vote or two in the heel of a de- 
 bate by a device, the idea given a while ago by the 
 honourable Gentleman is precifely fuch : but if I 
 can augur rightly from the completion of the 
 Houfc, his prefent will have exactly the fame fuc- 
 cefs with all his pad ftratagems to oppofe this 
 bill #. 
 
 Mis learned friend, (Mr. Dundas) with fingular 
 placidnefs, without fmile or fneer, has faid, " as 
 " this meafure was probably decided upon fome 
 " time fmce, the Eaft-India Company, who could 
 ^ not exptttfucb a Vow, ought to have been in- 
 r{ formed of the intended project. The Com- 
 " pany was evidently unaware of this attack, 
 " and in fairnefs ihould have been apprifed of 
 " it." Does the learned Gentleman imagine men 
 are in their fober fenfes, who Men to fuch cavil, 
 ling and quibbling oppofition > The Company 
 unaware of this attack I The learned Gentleman's 
 
 * He was right ; for the Miniftry had an acceffion of fire 
 Totes this night, above the former divifum. 
 
 own
 
 C *7 ] 
 
 own labours, independent of any other intimation, 
 had been an ample warning to the Company to be 
 prepared. Every man in the kingdom who reads 
 a newfpaper expected f Jtnething; and the only 
 wonder with the nation was, how it could be fo 
 long delayed. The reports of the Committees 
 alarmed the public fo much, for the honour of 
 the country, and for the falvation of the Com- 
 pany, that all eyes were upon Eaft-India affairs. 
 This fort. of obfervation had indeed much better 
 come from any other man in this Houfe, than from 
 that identical gentleman. 
 
 If thefe were not fufficient to roufe the atten- 
 tion and diligence of the Company, his Majefty's 
 fpeech at the commencement and conclufion of 
 the late feffion of Parliament, gave them note ef 
 preparation in the moft plain and decifive terms: 
 In his opening fpeech his Majefty thus fpeaks to 
 Parliament upon the fubject of India : 
 
 " The regulation of a vaft territory in Afia, 
 
 " opens a large field for your wifdom, prudence, 
 
 " and forefight : I truft that you will be able to 
 
 E 2 " form
 
 C *8 ] 
 
 <f form fome fundamental laws which m zmake 
 <f their connection with Great Britain a bleffing 
 " to India j and that you will take therein pro- 
 " per meafures to give all foreign nations, in 
 " matters of foreign commerce, an entire and 
 " perfect confidence in the probity, punctuality, 
 '* and good order of our government. You may 
 " be affined that whatever depends upon Me, 
 " fhall be executed with a fleadinefs, which can 
 " alone preferve that part of My dominions, or 
 " the commerce which arifes from it." 
 
 The learned gentleman, who knows more of 
 the difpofitions of the cabinet at that time than I 
 do, can better tell whether any meafure of this 
 nature was then intended. The words are very 
 wide, and feem to portend at leaft fomething very 
 important ; but whether any thing fimilar to this 
 meafure was meant, as this paffage feems to imply, 
 or not, is indifferent to the point in queftion. 
 This is clear from it, that it gives a very cere- 
 monious warning to [the Eaft-India Company ; 
 enough furely to expofe the weaknefs and futility of 
 the learned gentleman's remark. The changes and 
 
 circum*
 
 r *9 ] 
 
 circumftances of the Cabinet, in the conrfe of the 
 lad feflion, can be the only excufe for the delay 
 of fome decifive meafure with regard to India a 
 and if in addition to all thefe, any thing more is 
 requifite to confirm the notoriety of Parliament's 
 being to enter upon the bufmefs, the follow ing pa- 
 ragraph of the King's clofing fpeecb, laft July, 
 completes the mafs of evidence againft the 
 learned gentleman. 
 
 His Majefty after intimating a belief that he 
 fhall be obliged to call his Parliament together 
 earlier than ufual, thusfpeaks: 
 
 ct The confideration of the affairs of the Eaft 
 *' Indies will require to be refumed as early as pof- 
 *' fible, and to be purfued with a ferious and unre- 
 lf miting attention." Superadd to all this, the part 
 of the King's opening fpeech this year upon India, 
 and if the whole do not conftitute fufficient 
 teftimony that the Company had full notice no- 
 thing caru 
 
 Yet
 
 [ 3 ] 
 
 Yet notwithftaing all this, the learned gentle- 
 man accufes us of furprifmg the Company, and 
 his right honourable friend, in hopes his propc : al 
 of another bill may have weight in the divifion 
 repeats the hacknied charge of precipitation, and 
 forces the argument for delay in a taunt, " rhat 
 " we wifh to get rid of our torments, by fend- 
 " ing this bill to the other Houfe." 7 he ho- 
 nourable gentleman's talents are fplendid and 
 various ; but I allure him that all his efforts, for 
 the laft eight days, have not given me a Tingle 
 torment : were I to choofe a fpecies of oppofuion 
 to infure a minifterial tranquillity, it would 4 be 
 the kind of opposition which this bill has re- 
 ceived, in which every thing brought to confute, 
 has tended to confirm, and in which the argu- 
 ments adduced to expofe the weaknefs, have fur- 
 nifhed materials to eftablifli the wifdom of the 
 meafure fo impoilible is it, without fomething 
 of a tolerable caufe, even for the right honourable 
 gentleman's abilities to have effect, though his 
 genius may make a fiourilhing and fupcrior figure 
 in the attempt. 
 
 Before
 
 C si } 
 
 Before I proceed to the other parts of the de- 
 bate, I wifh to fay one word upon a remark of 
 the learned gentleman : He fays, that the claufe 
 relative to the Zemindars was fuggefced by his 
 obfervations. God forbid I fhould detract from 
 the merit, or diminifti the defert of any man. 
 Undoubtedly that excellent part of the regula- 
 tion bill derives from the learned gentleman; 
 and if he were in this Houfe when I introduced 
 the fubjecl: of India, he would have known that 
 I did him full and compleat juftice upon that 
 point. 
 
 My noble friend (Lord John Cavendifh) has 
 faid, this bill does not arife from the poverty of 
 the Company, but that liberal policy and 
 national honour demanded it. .. Upon 
 the laft day this bill was debated, I confin- 
 ed myfelf chiefly to the demonftration of the 
 fallacy and irnpofture of that notable fchedule 
 prefented by the Eail-India Company, and having 
 
 proved
 
 C v 1 
 
 proved its falfliood, I can now with the greater 
 fafety declare, that if every milling of that 
 fictitious property was real and forth coming, a 
 bill of this nature was not therefore the lefs ne- 
 cefiary. I thought we were fully underflood 
 upon this point from the opening fpeech in this 
 bufinefs, which did not fo degrade the meafure as 
 to fay it originated in the poverty of the Compa- 
 ny, which, as my noble friend rightly remarks, was 
 the fmalleft reafon to its adoption, and which opi- 
 nion is not, as the right honourable gentleman 
 iiifmuates, " Shifting," but recognizing and re- 
 cording the true grounds of the bill. If any 
 mifunderftanding then has hitherto taken place 
 upon this head, it will, I trull, ceafe henceforth, 
 and fo odious a libel upon this country will not 
 pafs current as that fordid motives only induced 
 the government of England to that which we 
 were bound to do, as politicians, as Chriflians, and 
 as men : by every confideration which makes a na- 
 tion refpeclable, .great^ and glorious ! 
 
 Having
 
 [ 33 ] 
 
 Having vindicated the bill from this afperfion,' 
 and founded it upon that bafis which .every honeft 
 and fenfible man in England muft approve, I 
 may be allowed to fay that fome regard may be 
 had even to the mean and mercenary upon this 
 fubjeft (a portion of whom we have here, in 
 common with all other countries.) Will fuch 
 men endure with temper a conftant drain upon 
 this kingdom, for the fake of this monopolizing 
 corporation ? Will thofe, for inftance, who cla- 
 mour againft a two-penny tax, afford with good 
 humour million after million to the Eaft-India 
 Company. The finking fund is at this moment 
 a million the worfe for the deficiencies of the Com- 
 pany, and as the Noble Lord (Lord John) fays, 
 an extent muft in three weeks arreft their pro- 
 perty, if Parliament does not interpofe or enable 
 them to difcharge a part of their debt to the 
 Crown. Let thofe, therefore, who think the com- 
 merce ought to be inftantly feparated from the domi- 
 nion, (were that at this time poffible) and who think 
 it ought to be left wholly in the prefent hands, re- 
 flect chat the- formation of a vigorous fyftem of 
 government for India is not more incumbent upon 
 F us,
 
 [ 34 ] 
 
 us, than the eftablimment of the Eaftern trade 
 upon fuch principles of folidity and fitnefs, as 
 fhall give fome juft hopes that the public may 
 be fpeedily relieved from the monftrous preflure 
 of conftantl.y fupporting the indigence of the 
 Company. 
 
 I have fpoke of myfelf very often in the courfc 
 of what I have faid this night, and muft fpeak 
 ftill more frequently in the courfe of what I have 
 to fay; The Houfe will fee this aukward taflcis 
 rendered indifpenfible, infinitely more having been 
 faid concerning me, during the debate, than con* 
 cerning the queftion, which is the proper fubject 
 of agitation. The right honourable gentleman 
 (Mr. Pitt) fays, that nothing ever happened to 
 give him an ill impreffion of my character, or to 
 prevent a mutual confidence. He fays rightly. 
 There have been interchanges of civility, and 
 amicable habits between us, in which I truft I 
 have given him no caufe to complain. But after 
 pronouncing a brilliant eulogy upon me and my 
 
 capacity
 
 [ 35 ] 
 
 capacity to ferve the country, the honourable gen- 
 tleman confiders me at the fame time the mofl dan- 
 gerous man in the kingdom, (Mr. Pitt faid acrofs 
 the Houfe, " dangerous only from this meafure" 
 To which Mr. Fox inftantly made this reply) I 
 call upon the Houfe to attend to the honourable 
 gentleman ; he thinks me dangerous only from this 
 meafurc, and confefTes that hitherto he has feen 
 nothing in my conduct to obliterate his good opi- 
 nion. Compare this with his oppofition during 
 the laft and the prefent feffion. Let every man re- 
 flect, that up to this moment the honourable gen- 
 tleman deemed me worthy of confidence, and 
 competent to my fituation in the flate. I thank 
 him for thefupport he has afforded to the Mini- 
 fter he thus efteemed, and mail not prefs the ad- 
 vantage he gives me, farther than leaving to him- 
 felf to reconcile his practice and his doctrine in 
 the beft manner he can. 
 
 The honourable gentleman could not for one night 
 
 pafs by the Coalition, yet I think he might have 
 
 chofen a fitter time to exprefs his indignation againft 
 
 the noble Lord (Lord North) than the prefent 
 
 F 2 moment.
 
 t 36 J 
 
 moment. An attack upon the noble Lord in his 
 prefence would bear a more liberal colour ; and 
 the caufe of his abfence now*, would furely ra- 
 ther difarm than irritate a generous enemy. There 
 are diftindions in hatred, and the direft foes upon 
 fuch occafions moderate their averfion. The Coa- 
 lition is, however, a fruitful topic, and the power 
 qf traducing it, which the weakeft and meaneft 
 creatures in the country enjoy and exercife, is of 
 courfe equally vefted in men of rank and parts, 
 though every man of parts and rank would not be 
 apt to participate the privilege. Upon the Coali- 
 tion the honourable gentleman is welcome to em- 
 ploy his ingenuity, but upon another fubjec~t al- 
 luded to by him, I (hall beg leave to advife, nay 
 even to inftruct him. 
 
 In what fyftem of ethics will the honourable 
 gentleqan find the precept taught of ripping up 
 old fores, and reviving animofities among indivi- 
 duals, of which the parties themfelves retain no 
 
 * Lord North left the Houfe very fick about midnight. 
 
 jnemory ?
 
 [ 37 3 
 
 memory * ? This kind of practice may incur a 
 much worfe charge than weaknefs of underftand- 
 ing, and fubject a man to much greater imputa- 
 tions than are commonly applied to political mif- 
 takes or party violence. The foundnefs of the 
 heart may be liable to fufpicion, and the moral 
 character be in danger of fuffering by it, in the 
 opinion of mankind. To cover. the heats, and 
 obliterate the fenfe of former quarrels between two 
 perfons, is a very diftinguifhed virtue : to re- 
 new the fubject of Juch differences, and attempt 
 the revival of Jucb difputes, deferves a name 
 which I could give it, if that honourable gentle- 
 man had not forgotten himfelf, and fallen into 
 fome fuch deviation. He values himfelf, I doubt 
 not, too much, again to make a fimilar flip, and 
 muft even feel thankful to me for the counfel I thus 
 take the liberty to give him. 
 
 An honourable gentleman under the gallery, 
 (Mr. Martin) to whom an abufe of the Coalition 
 feems a fort of luxury, wiflies that a ftarling were 
 
 * Mr. Pitt quoted the paffage of that famous fpeech of Mr. 
 Fox's, which produced the duel between him and Mr. Adam. 
 
 at 
 
 354678
 
 at the right hand of the chair to cry out difgrace- 
 ful Coalition ! Sir, upon this fubjeft I foall f ay 
 but a few words : 
 
 The calamitous fituation of this country required 
 an adminiftration whofe liability could give it a tone 
 of firmnefs with foreign nations, and promife 
 fome hope of reftoring the faded glories of the 
 country. Such an adminiftration could not be 
 formed without fome junction of parties; and if 
 former differences were to be an infurmountable bar- 
 rier to union, no chance of falvation remained for 
 the country, as it is well known, that four public 
 men could not be found, who had not, at one time 
 or other, taken oppofite fides in politics. The great 
 caufe of difference between us and the noble Lord in 
 the blue ribbon no longer exifted ; his perfonal 
 character flood high, and thinking it fafer to truft 
 him than thofe who had before deceived us, we 
 preferred to unite with the noble Lord. A fimilar 
 junction, in 1757, againft which a fimilar clamour 
 was raifed, fa ved the empire from ruin, and raifed 
 it above the rivalfhip of all its enemies. The 
 country, when we came into office, bore not a 
 
 very
 
 C 39 ] 
 
 very aufpicious complexion ; yet, Sir, I do not 
 defpair of feeing it once again refume its confe- 
 quence in the fcale of nations, and make as fplen- 
 did a figure as ever. Thofe who have afferted 
 the impoffibility of our agreeing with the noble 
 Lord and his friends, were falfe prophets; for events 
 have belied their augury. We have differed like 
 men, and like men we have agreed. 
 
 A body of the beft and honefteft men in this 
 Houfe, who ferve their country without any other 
 reward than the glory of a difinterefted difcharge 
 of their public duty, approved that junction, and 
 fanftify the meafure by their cordial fupport. 
 
 Such, Sir, is this Coalition, which the ftate of 
 the country rendered indifpenfible ; and for which 
 the hiftory of every country records a thoufand pre- 
 cedents, yet to this the term difgraceful is applied. 
 
 Is it not extraordinary, then, that gentlemen 
 
 ihould be under fuch fpells of felf-delufion, 
 as not to fee, that if calling it difgraceful, 
 makes it fo, thefe epithets operate with equal force 
 againft themfelves. If the Coalition be difgraceful, 
 
 what
 
 [ 40 ] 
 
 what is the anti-Coalition ? When I fee the right 
 honourable gentleman (Mr. Pitt) furrounded by the 
 early objects of his political, nay his hereditary * 
 hatred, and hear him revile the Coalition, J am 
 loft in the aftonifhment how men can be fo 
 blind to their own fituation, as to attempt to 
 wound us in this particular point, pofTefled as we 
 are of the power of returning the fame blow, with 
 the vulnerable part flaring us directly in the face. 
 If the honourable gentleman under, the gallery 
 wifhes that a ftarling were perched upon the right 
 hand of the Chair I tell him, that the wiflv is j.uft 
 as reafonable, to have another ftarling upon 
 the left hand of the Chair, to chirp up Co- 
 alition againft Coalition, and fo to harmonize their 
 mutual difgrace, if difgrace there be. 
 
 With the fame confiftency, an honourable gen- 
 tleman carlls us dejerters us -, a few cold 
 
 and difaffected members fall off, then turn about ; 
 and, to palliate their own defection, call the body 
 of"the army defer ters ! We have not deferted j here 
 
 * Mr. Jenkinfon fat near Mr. Pitt, Mr. Dundas, &c. 
 
 we
 
 C 4! ] 
 
 we are a firm phalanx. Deferted indeed we have 
 been in the moment of difafter, but never dejected, 
 and feldom complaining. Some of thofe who rofc 
 upon our wreck, and who eagerly grafped that 
 power which we had the labour of erecting, now 
 call us deferters. We retort the term with juft 
 indignation. Yet whilft they prefume we have the 
 attributes of men, they would expect us to have 
 the obduracy of favages. They would have our 
 refehtments infatiate, our rancour eternal. In our 
 opinion, an oblivion of ufclefs aDimofity is much 
 more noble; and in that, the conduct of our accu- 
 fers goes hand in hand with us. But I beg of the 
 Houfe, and I wifh the world to obfcrve', that al- 
 though, like them, we have abandoned our enmi- 
 ties, we have not, like them, reiinquiihed our 
 friendfhips. 
 
 ".,:.*" *" 
 
 An honourable gentleman advifes me for the 
 future, not to mention the name of the Marquis 
 of Rockingham, who, he fays, would never 
 countenance a bill of this kind. This is indeed 
 impofing hard conditions upon thofe who have 
 willingly fuffered a fort of political martyrdom in 
 G the
 
 C 4* J 
 
 the cauffi of that noble Lord's principles, thofe 
 who furrendered pomp and power, rather than re- 
 main where his principles eeafed to be fafhion- 
 able, and were withering into contempt. I vene- 
 rate the name of that noble Marquis, and fhall ever 
 mention it with love and reverence ; but at no pe- 
 riod of my life with more confidence than at this 
 moment, when I fay, that his foul fpeaks in every 
 line of the bill before you, for his foul fpeaks in 
 every meafure of virtue, wifdom, humane policy, 
 general juftice, and national honour. The name 
 of the noble Lord who enjoys his fortune, has been 
 mentioned in this debate, and will be mentioned 
 again by me ; I will tell the honourable gentler 
 man, that this noble Lord, * though not the iflue 
 of his loins, inherits, with his property, the prin- 
 ciples of that noble Marquis in all their purity and 
 fbundnefsj and is as incapable as that noble Mar- 
 quis himfelf, or as any man on earth, of countenan- 
 cing any aft which either immediately or ulti- 
 mately tended to the prejudice of his country, or 
 the injury of the conftitution. 
 
 * Lord Fitzwilliam, 
 
 An
 
 43 ] 
 
 An honourable gentleman (Mr. T. Pitt) at the 
 Other fide, has ufed violent terms againft this bill, 
 and the movers of it. Sir 4 I tell that honourable 
 gentleman (looking directly in the face of Mr. T. 
 Pitt) that the movers of this bill are not to be brow- 
 beaten by ftudicd geftures 3 nor frightened by 
 tremulous tones, folemn phrafes, or hard epithets* 
 To arguments they are ready to reply ; but all the 
 notice they can take of aiTertions, is to mark 
 to the Houfe, that they are only aflertions. 
 The honourable gentleman again repeats his 
 favourite language of our having feized upon the 
 government i his Majefty changed his Miniftry 
 laft April, in confequence of a vote of this Houfe; 
 his Majefty did the fame twelve months before, 
 in confequence of a vote of this Houfe. His 
 Majefty in fo doing followed the example of his 
 predeceflbrs ; and his fucceflbrs will, I doubt not, 
 follow the example of his Majefty. The votes 
 of Parliament have always decided upon the dura- 
 tion of Miniftry, and always will, I truft. It is the 
 nature of our conftitution ; and thofe who diflike 
 it, had better attempt to alter it. The honourable 
 G a gentle-
 
 L 44 I 
 
 gentleman called the change in 1782 a glorious 
 one this in 1783 a difgraceful one. Why ? For 
 a very obvious, though a very bad reafon. The 
 honourable gentleman aflifted in effecting the firfl,. 
 and ftrenxioufly laboured to prevent the fecond. 
 The firft battle he fought with us $ the fecond 
 
 againft us, and we vanquifhed him In 1782 
 
 his friends were out, and would be in In 
 1783 his friends were /, nor would go out. 
 Thus having done without him what we once did 
 with hirrv, the Houfe fees his motive It is human 
 nature certainly 5 but certainly not the better part 
 ef human nature. 
 
 A game of a two- fold quality is playing by the 
 other fide of the Houfe upon this occafion, to 
 which I hope the Houfe, and I hope the kingdom, 
 Will attend. They are endeavouring to injure us 
 through two channels at the fame time through 
 a certain great quarter, and through the people. 
 They are attempting to alarm the firft, by afferting 
 that this bill encreafes the influence of Miniftry 
 againft the Crown j and roufmg the people, under 
 an idea that it encreafes the influence of the Crown 
 
 againft
 
 [ 45 3 
 
 againfl them. That they will fail in both I doubt 
 not In the great quarter I truft they are well 
 underftood, and the princely mind of that high 
 perfon is a fecurity againft their devices : they are 
 running fwiftly to take off whatever little impofi- 
 tion might have been put upon any part, even of 
 the multitude. And I wifh to refc'ue the charac- 
 ter of the public understanding from the con- 
 temptuous implication, that it is capable of being 
 gulled by fuch artifices. I feel for 1 my country's 
 honour when I fay, that Englifhmen, free thetn- 
 
 tfelves and fond of giving freedom to others, di* 
 dain thefe ftratagems, and are equally above the 
 fillinefs of crediting the , re viler s of this act, as 
 above the bafenefs of confederating or making 
 common caufe with thofe who would fupport a 
 fyftem which has difhonoured this country, and 
 which keeps thirty millions of the human race in 
 wretched nefs. I make allowance for the hair-brain- 
 ed headftrongdelufions of folly and ignorance, and 
 the effects of delign. To fuch evils every meafure 
 is liable, and every man mufl expect a portion of 
 the confequence. But for the ferious and grave 
 
 deter-
 
 C 46 ] 
 
 determinations of the publick judgement I havf 
 the higheft value, I ever had, and ever fhall have. 
 If it be a weaknefs, I confefs it, that to lofe the 
 good opinion of even tlie meaneft mans gives me 
 fome pain j and whatever triumph my enemies 
 can derive from fuch a frame of mind, they are 
 welcome to. I do not* after the example of the 
 honourable gentleman who begun this debate, 
 (Mr. Powys) hold the opinion of conftituents in 
 difparagement. The clear and decided opinion 
 of the more reafonable and refpectable ihould, in 
 my opinion weigh the Member upon the fame 
 principle that, I think, with the voice of the nation 
 fhould prevail in this Houfe, and in every other 
 place. But when the reprefentative yields to the 
 conftituent, it mould indeed be by the majority 
 of the reafonable and refpectable, and not as we 
 {hall fee in a day or two, fome of the honefteit 
 men in England voting againft the mod popular 
 tax over introduced into this Houfe, in direct 
 oppofition to their own conviction, and not 
 upon the opinion of either the more refpectablc 
 or reafonable clafs of their conftituents.
 
 [ 47 ] 
 
 My noble friend (Lord John) wich his charac- 
 teriftic fpirit, has faid, that "jot never fought power 
 by cabal or intrigue, or under-hand operations! 
 and this he faid in reply to an honourable gentle- 
 man (Mr. T. Pitt) whofe conduct demonftrates 
 that he thinks tbofe the fureft path for his friends. 
 This bill, as a ground of contention, is farcical : 
 jthe bill, if it admitted it, would be combated upon 
 its mtrinfic qualities, and not by abufing the 
 Coalition, or raiting a clamour about influence; 
 but why don't the gentlemen fpeak out fairly, as 
 we do ; and then let the world judge between us ? 
 Our love and loyalty to the Sovereign areas ar- 
 dent and firm as their own. Yet the broad bafis 
 of public character upon which we received, is 
 the principle by which we hope to retain this 
 power, convinced that the fureft road to the 
 favour .of the Prince, is by ferving him with zeal 
 and fidelity j that the fafeft path to popularity, is 
 by reducing the burden, and reftoring the glory of 
 the nation. Let thofe (looking at Mr. Jenkinfon) 
 who aim at office by other means, by infcrutabl* 
 ^nd myfterious methods, fpeak out; or if they 
 will not, let the world know it is becaufe their 
 
 arts
 
 [ 48 J 
 
 arts will not bear examination ; and that their 
 fafety confifts in their obfcurity. Our principles 
 are well known ; and I mould prefer to perifh 
 with them, rather than profper with any other. 
 
 The honourable gentleman under the gallery 
 (Mr. Martin) fays, he diflikes fyftematic oppofi- 
 t i on Whether perpetually rifing up with peevifh., 
 capricious objections to every thing propoied by 
 us, defer ve that name or nor, I leave the gentle- 
 man himferf to determine, and leave the Houfe to 
 reflect upon that kind of conduct which condemns 
 the theory of its own conftant praclice but I meet 
 the gentleman directly upon the principle of the 
 term. He diflikes fyftematic oppofition ; now I 
 like it. A fyftematic oppofition to a dangerous 
 government is, in my opinion, a noble employment 
 for the brighteft faculties ; and if the honourable 
 gentleman thinks our administration a bad one, he 
 is right to contribute to its downfal. Oppofition 
 is natural in fuch apolitical fyftem as ours j it has 
 fubfifted in all fuch governments ; and perhaps it is 
 neceffary. But to thofe who oppofe it, it is ex- 
 tremely efiential that their manner of conducting 
 it incur not a fuf^icion of their motives. If they 
 
 appear
 
 [ 49 3 
 
 appear to oppofe from difappointment, from morti- 
 fication, from pique, from whim, the people will be 
 againft them. If they oppofe from public principle, 
 from love of their country rather than hatred to ad- 
 miniftaion, from evident conviction of the badnefs 
 of meafures, and a full perfuafion that in their refif- 
 tance to men, they are aiming at the public wel- 
 fare, the people will be with them. We oppofed 
 upon tbefff principles, and the people were with us j 
 if we are oppofed upon other principles, they will 
 not be againft us. Much labour has been em- 
 ployed to infufe a prejudice upon the prefent fub- 
 ject ; and I have the fatisfacYion to believe^ that 
 this labour has been fruitlefs ; (making a reafon- 
 able exception for the miftakes of the uninformed, 
 the firft imprefTions of novelty, and the natural re- 
 fult of deliberate malice) we defire to be tried by 
 the teft of this very bill, and rifk our character 
 upon the iflue : confiding thoroughly in the good 
 fenfe, the juftice, and thefpirit of Englishmen. 
 Not lofty founds, nor feleded epithets, nor paffi- 
 onate declamation in this Houfe, nor all the for- 
 did efforts of interefted men out of this Heufe, 
 (of men whofe acts in the Eaft have branded the 
 Britifh name, and whofe ill-gotten opulence, 
 working through a thoufand channels to delude and 
 H debauch
 
 C jo ] 
 
 idebauch the public underftanding) can faften odi- 
 um upon this meafure, or draw an obloquy upon 
 the authors of it. We have been tried in the 
 caufe of the public ; and until we defert that caufe, 
 we are afiured of public confidence and protection. 
 
 The honourable gentleman insinuates that I was 
 incited by avarice, or ambition, or party fpirit. - 
 I have failings in common with every human 
 being, befide my own peculiar faults. But of 
 avarice, I have indeed held myfelf guiltlefs. My 
 abufe has been, for many years, even the profeffion 
 ef feveral people ; it was their traffic, their liveli- 
 hood; yet until this moment I knew not that avarice 
 was in the catalogue of the fins imputed to me. 
 Ambition I confefs I have, but not ambition upon 
 a narrow bottom, or built upon paltry principles. 
 If, from the devotion of my life to political objects, 
 if from the direction of my induftry to the attain- 
 ment of fome knowledge of the Conttitmion, and 
 the true interefts of the Britim empire, the ambi- 
 tion of taking no mean part in thofe acts that ele- 
 vate nations, and make a people happy, be crimL 
 nal, that ambition I acknowledge. And as to 
 party fpirit that I feei it, that I have been ever 
 ynder its impulfe, and that I ever fhall, is what I 
 
 proclaim
 
 [ &l 1 
 
 proclaim to. the world. That I am one of a party, 
 a party never known to facrifke the interefls, or 
 barter the liberties of the nation for mercenary 
 purpofes, for perfonal emolument or honours, a 
 party linked together upon principles which com- 
 prehend whatever is dear and moft precious to 
 free men, and eficntial to a free conftitution, is 
 
 iny pride and my boaft. 
 
 ' 
 
 But, Sir, 1 have a peculiar glory that a body of 
 men renowned for their anceftry, important for 
 their pofleffions, diftinguilhed for their perfona), 
 worth, with all that is valuable to men at ftake, 
 hereditary fortunes and hereditary honours, deem 
 me worthy of their confidence. With fuch men 
 I am fo-mething without them, nothing. My re- 
 liance is upon their good opinion ; and in that re- 
 fpecl; perhaps I am fortunate. Although I have 
 a juft confidence in my own integrity, yet as I 
 am but man, perhaps it is well that I have no 
 : choice but between my own eternal difgrace and 
 a faithful difcharge of my publick duty, whilft 
 theie kind of men are overfeers of my conduct, 
 whilft men whole uprightnefs of heart and fpoc- 
 lefs honour are even proverbial in the country 
 H (looking
 
 [ 52 ] 
 
 (looking at Lord John Cavendifh) are the vigils 
 of my deeds, it is a pledge to the publick for the 
 purity and rectitude of my conduct. The prof- 
 perity and honour of the country are blended with 
 the profperity and honour of thefe ill uftrious perfons. 
 They have" fo much at flake, that if the country 
 falls, they fall with it ; and to countenance any 
 thing againft its intereft would be a fuicide upon 
 themfelves. The good opinion and protection 
 of thefe men is a fecurity to the notion for my 
 behaviour, becaufe if I lofe them, I lofe my all. 
 
 Having faid fo much upon the extraneous fub- 
 jects introduced by the honourable gentleman into 
 the debate, I (hall proceed to make fome obfer- 
 vations upon the bufmefs in queftion. When the 
 learned gentleman brought in his bill laft year, 
 the Houfe faw its frightful features with juft 
 horrour, but a very good method was adopted to 
 foften the terrors of the extravagant power that 
 bill vefted in the Governor General. The name 
 of a noble Lord* was fent forth at the fame time, 
 whofe great character lent a grace to a proportion 
 
 * Lord Cornwallis. 
 
 which,
 
 [ S3 ] 
 
 which, deftitute of fuch an advantage, could not 
 be liftened to for one moment. Now, Sir, obferve 
 how differently we have afted upon the fame 
 occafion. 
 
 The Earl of Fitzwilliam has been fpoken of 
 here this day, in thofe terms of admiration with 
 which his name is always mentioned. Take no- 
 tice, however, that we did not avail ourfelves of 
 the fame of his virtue and abilities in patting this 
 bill through the Houfe. 
 
 If fuch a thing were to have taken place, a? 
 the inftitution of an Indian Secreraryfhip (according 
 to the fuggeftions of fome gentlemen) this noble 
 Lord would certainly have been the very perfon 
 whom, for my part, I fhould have advifed his 
 Majefty to inveft with that office. Yet, although 
 his creel mind and fpotlefs honour would have held 
 forth to the public the fulleft confidence of a faith- 
 ful execution of its duties , the objeaions in regard 
 to influence upon a removeable officer, are tenfold in 
 comparifon with the prefcnt fcheme. The Houfe 
 muft now fee that/with all the benefits we might de- 
 
 rive
 
 C 54 ] 
 
 rive from that noble Lord's character that, altho' 
 his name would have imparted a fanclity, an orna- 
 ment, and an honour to the bill, weufhered it in with- 
 out that ceremony, to fland or fall by it own intrinfic 
 merits, neither fhielding it under the reputation, 
 nor gracing it under the mantle of any man's 
 virtue. Our merit will be more in this, when the 
 names of thofe are known whom we mean to pro- 
 pofe to this Houfe, to execute this commiffion. 
 (name them, faid Mr. Arden, acrofs the Houfe) 
 I will not I will not name them, the bill mall 
 ftand or fall by its own merits, without aid or in- 
 jury from their character. An honourable gentle- 
 man has faid thefe commiffioners will be made up 
 of our " adherents and creatures." Sir, there is 
 nothing more eafy than to ufe difparaging terms ; 
 yet I Ihould have thought the name of the Earl of 
 Fitzwilliam would have given a fair prefumption 
 that the colleagues we fliall recommend to this 
 Houfe for the co-execution of this bufmefs, 
 with that noble Lord, will not be of a defcription 
 to merit thefe unhandfome epithets. I allure the 
 honourable gentleman they are not. I allure him 
 they are not men whofe faculties of corrupting, or 
 
 whofe
 
 [ 5 1 
 
 whofe corruptibility, will give any alarm to this 
 Houfe, or to this country ; they are men whofe 
 private and public characters (land high and un- 
 tainted -, who are not likely to countenance de- 
 predation, or participate the fpoils of rapacity. 
 They are not men to fcreen delinquency, or to 
 polute the fervice by difgraceful appointments. 
 They would not, for inftance, fend Paul Benfield 
 to India, nor (helter him in England, without 
 his deferving it. 
 
 But this bill, Sir, prefumes not upon the pro- 
 bity of the men; it looks to the future pofii- 
 bility of diffimilar fucceflbrs, and to the mortality 
 of the prefent commiflioners, who are merely hu- 
 man, and therefore not incapable of alteration. 
 Under all the caution of this bill, with the refpon- 
 fibility it impofes, I will take upon me to fay, 
 that if the aggregate body of this board, deter- 
 mined to ufe all its power for the purpofe of cor- 
 ruption, this Houfe, and the people a: large, 
 would have lefs to dread from them in the way of 
 influence, than from a few Afiatics who will pro- 
 bably be difplaced in confequence of this arrange- 
 ment,
 
 [ 56 ] 
 
 ment, fome of whom will return to this country 
 with a million, fome with feven hundred thou- 
 fand, fome with five, befide the three or four hun- 
 dred thoufand of others who are cue off in their 
 career, by the hand of fate. An inundation of 
 jfuch wealth is far more dangerous than any influ- 
 ence that js likely to fpring from a plan of go- 
 vernment fo conflicted as this propofed whether 
 the operation of fuch a mafs of wealth, be con- 
 fidered in its probable effects, upon the principles of 
 the members of this Houfe, or the manners of the 
 people at large more efpecially when a reflection 
 that orientalilh are in general the mod examplary 
 clafs of people in their morals, and in their de- 
 portment the moft moderate and correfponding 
 with the diftinction of their high birth and fami- 
 lies, furnifhes a very reafonable prefumption, that 
 the expenditure of their money will be much about 
 as honourable as its acquirement. 
 
 I {hall now, Sir, conclude my fptech with a few 
 words upon the opinion of the right honourable 
 gentleman, (Mr. Pitt.) He fays, " he will {lake 
 his character upon the danger of this bill". I 
 
 meet
 
 [ 57 3 
 
 meet him in his own phrafe, and oppofe him cha- 
 rafter to character I rifk my all upon the excel- 
 lence of this bill, I rifle upon it whatever is moft 
 dear to me, whatever men moft value ; the cha- 
 rafter of integrity, of talents, of honour, of pre- 
 fent reputation and future fame ; thefe, and what- 
 ever elfe is precious to me I flake upon the confti- 
 tutional fafety, the enlarged policy, the equity, 
 and the wifdom of this meafure, and have no fear 
 in faying, (whatever may be the fate of its authors) 
 that this bill will produce to this country every 
 blefling of commerce and revenue; and that by 
 extending a generous and humane government 
 over thofemillions whom the interminable deftina- 
 tions of providence have placed under us in the 
 remoteft regions of the earth, it will confecrate 
 the name of England amongft the nobleft of na- 
 tions. 
 
 [Mr. Fox then recapitulated the heads of his 
 fpeech and fat down. He was upon his legs 
 about an hour and a half.] 
 
 THE END.
 
 27 35
 
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