REESE LIBRARY 
 
 OF THK 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. 
 
 Received 
 Accessions No..^?.*?.^?.^ Shelf No.... 
 
FAMOUS WOMEN OF THE FRENCH COURT. 
 
 By IMBERT DE SAINT-AMAND. 
 
 Translated by Thomas Sergeant Perry. 
 
 THE WIFE OF THE FIRST CONSUL. 
 
 THE HAPPY DAYS; &F THE EMPRESS MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 MARIE ANTOINETTE AND THE END OF THE OLD 
 
 REGIME. 
 
 CITIZENESS BONAPARTE. 
 MARIE LOUISE AND THE DECADENCE OF THE 
 
 EMPIRE. 
 THE COURT OF THE EMPRESS JOSEPHINE. 
 

MARIE LOUISE 
 
 AND THE 
 
 DECADENCE OF THE EMPIRE 
 
 BY 
 
 IMBERT DE SAINT-AMAND 
 
 TRANSLATED BY 
 THOMAS SERGEANT PERRY 
 
 WITH PORTRAIT 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 
 1890 
 

 
 
 COPYRIGHT, 1890, 
 BY CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 I. MARIE LOUISE AT SAINT CLOUD 1 
 
 II. Moscow 9 
 
 III. MALET'S CONSPIRACY 29 
 
 IV. THE KETREAT FROM RUSSIA 50 
 
 V. THE EMPEROR'S RETURN 08 
 
 VI. ADULATION 82 
 
 VII. THE END OF 1812 90 
 
 VIII. THE CONCORDAT OF FONTAINEBLEAU 109 
 
 IX. THE COUNT OF SAINT MARSAN 124 
 
 X. COUNT OTTO 146 
 
 XL THE COUNT OF NARBONNE 109 
 
 XII. THE REGENCY. 183 
 
 XIII. LtJTZEN AND BAUTZEN 195 
 
 XIV. THE ARMISTICE 213 
 
 XV. MAYENCE 225 
 
 XVI. THE LAST FESTIVITIES 234 
 
 XVII. THE RESUMPTION OF HOSTILITIES 252 
 
 XVIII. THE END OF 1813 271 
 
 XIX. THE BEGINNING OP 1814 284 
 
 XX. MARIE LOUISE'S FAREWELL. . . 303 
 
MARIE LOUISE 
 
 AND 
 
 THE DECADENCE OF THE EMPIRE 
 
MARIE LOUISE 
 
 AND 
 
 THE DECADENCE OF THE EMPIRE. 
 I. 
 
 MARIE LOUISE AT SAINT CLOUD. 
 
 MARIE LOUISE, after her triumphal progress 
 to Prague, reached the Palace of Saint Cloud 
 on her return July 18, 1812, and her arrival was an- 
 nounced by the cannon of the Invalides. This para- 
 graph appeared in the Moniteur of the 21st : " Paris, 
 July 21st. A vast crowd took advantage of the 
 beautiful weather yesterday to visit Saint Cloud and 
 the neighboring country. At six in the afternoon 
 the Empress drove through the park in a barouche. 
 When Her Majesty and the King of Rome appeared, 
 warm cheers broke out on all sides, and accompanied 
 Her Majesty all the way." Sunday, July 26, the 
 Empress received, after mass at the palace, in the 
 Apollo Gallery, the great bodies of state and persons 
 who had been presented at court ; then going into the 
 ball-room, she gave audience, with her accustomed 
 grace, to the princes who held high positions, the 
 
 1 
 
MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 ministers, the high officers of the Empire, the Grand 
 Eagles of the Legion of Honor, and the Diplomatic 
 Body. 
 
 Marie Louise was not Regent: Napoleon reigned 
 and governed from the heart of Russia. An auditor 
 of the Council of State carried to him every week the 
 reports and propositions of the ministers. The Min- 
 isters of Police wrote to him every day; and the 
 Emperor also received confidential notes from people 
 who, although they held no official position, were 
 commissioned to write to him on questions of inter- 
 nal policy, on the state of public sentiment, and 
 even on literary subjects. From a distance of seven 
 hundred leagues he directed his vast empire, with its 
 one hundred and thirty departments, reaching from 
 the Tiber to the mouths of the Elbe and the Scheldt, 
 exactly as if he had been in his capital. 
 
 It was not the Empress, but the Archchancellor 
 Cambacerds, who presided at the meetings of the min- 
 isters. " Marie Louise," says the Baron of Mneval, 
 " had charge of nothing but the court presentations. 
 Every Sunday she went to mass, at which any one 
 who had been presented was allowed to be present. 
 After mass she passed through the gallery before the 
 chapel, speaking to all who were there : she also 
 received on formal occasions. Her timidity was 
 always noticeable, and her attempts to overcome it 
 often gave her an air of awkwardness. Every even- 
 ing she received men and women whose names were 
 on the list of invited guests. The Emperor drew up 
 
MARIE LOUISE AT SAINT CLOUD. 3 
 
 this list, and took pains to choose such as the Empress 
 would like ; so she always on such occasions felt per- 
 fectly at ease, and did the honors freely and grace- 
 fully. She played billiards with such persons as she 
 chose : whist-tables were set, as a matter of form, in 
 the drawing-room she was in, and the evening ended 
 with singing or acting." 
 
 Yet, in spite of all the homage of her attentive and 
 obsequious courtiers, Marie Louise was sad. Far 
 from her husband, her counsellor and protector, this 
 woman of twenty felt lonely and homesick. When the 
 Emperor was away, she felt like a foreigner in France, 
 and longed for the country in which she had grown 
 up. Her first impression on seeing Saint Cloud 
 without Napoleon had been very painful. " May 
 Heaven grant him a speedy return ! " she wrote to 
 her father. " For this separation I find most painful, 
 and I have not courage enough to keep from com- 
 plaining." To all the pomp and splendors that sur- 
 rounded her, to the river flowing at her feet, to the 
 great capital she saw in the distance, to the venerable 
 trees in the park of Saint Cloud, to the beautiful view 
 glowing under the brilliant sun, she might have said 
 with the poet : 
 
 " You miss one person, and all is empty." 
 
 Every evening when she was enjoying the coolness 
 of that lovely garden, her thoughts turned with mel- 
 ancholy to the rash husband who was forever defying 
 fortune. Why, she would ask with a sigh, does he 
 
MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 not take his wife and son with him ? Would he not 
 be as happy in this beautiful park as in the wild 
 steppes of Russia? Had he not fought battles 
 enough, faced enough dangers, gathered all the 
 laurels he needed ? Was the empire which reached 
 from the Eternal City to the Hanseatic towns too 
 small for the ambition of the younger son of a poor 
 Corsican family ? Should he not be satisfied with the 
 control of such an empire ? And had not the King 
 of Italy, the Protector of the Confederation of the 
 Rhine, the Mediator of the Swiss Confederation, 
 the son-in-law of the Emperor of Austria, and the 
 father of the King of Rome, the right to rest ? The 
 unbroken calm that prevailed in the young Empress's 
 peaceful retreat presented a marked contrast with 
 the terrible convulsions that were agitating the other 
 side of Europe. But Marie Louise was often beset 
 with gloomy presentiments ; when lost in revery she 
 seemed, amid the silence of the gardens, to be listen- 
 ing to the distant echoes of a terrible war. It was 
 in vain that her courtiers continually told her that 
 Napoleon could not be beaten; her good sense said 
 that no man in the world was invincible or immortal. 
 She tried to forget her gloomy thoughts in her affec- 
 tion for the little King of Rome. " My boy is very 
 well," she wrote, August 9; "every day he becomes 
 handsomer and stronger ; he can already walk alone ; 
 he has fifteen teeth, but he has not begun to talk." 
 Marie Louise found much comfort in her active cor- 
 respondence with her husband and her father, who, 
 
MARIE LOUISE AT SAINT CLOUD, 5 
 
 much to her satisfaction, seemed closely united and 
 much attached to each other. 
 
 August 15, 1812, the Emperor's birthday was cele- 
 brated with its usual splendor, and the Empress 
 made a visit to the Tuileries. An enormous crowd 
 greeted her with enthusiasm. No bad news had yet 
 come from the seat of war, and every one expected 
 that the wonders of Austerlitz, Jena, and Wagram 
 were about to be repeated by this grand army, the 
 largest and finest that France had ever sent forth. 
 Absolute confidence prevailed, not among wise and 
 thoughtful people, for they already dreaded the 
 future, but among the multitude, who regarded 
 Napoleon as a supernatural being, a sort of demi- 
 god. 
 
 A few weeks later, the conqueror's glory was to 
 suffer a terrible blow, but in Paris, August 15, 1812, 
 it was without a shadow. Early in the morning the 
 firing of cannon announced the opening of the cele- 
 bration. At noon the Empress-Queen surrounded by 
 her ladies and officers in waiting received at the 
 Tuileries, in the Throne Room, the princes holding 
 high offices, the cardinals, the high officers of the 
 Crown, the Grand Eagles of the Legion of Honor, 
 the Princes of the Confederation of the Rhine, and 
 every one who had admission to court. Napoleon 
 was very anxious that no details should be omitted 
 in his absence. Then the Diplomatic Body was intro- 
 duced to the audience with the usual formalities. 
 When it was over, the Empress betook herself to the 
 
MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 chapel of the palace to hear mass, which was said by 
 her First Almoner, Count Ferdinand de Rohan: it 
 was followed by a Te Deum. That evening Paer's 
 opera, Numa, was given in the palace theatre, and 
 when it was over, Marie Louise made her appearance 
 on the balcony of the Hall of the Marshals, and was 
 greeted with rapturous applause from the garden and 
 terraces. From the balcony she listened to an out- 
 door concert. Then there were fireworks on the 
 Place de la Concorde, after which the Empress 
 returned to Saint Cloud. 
 
 The Grand Army also celebrated the Emperor's 
 birthday, and desired to fire on the remote banks of 
 the Dneiper some salvos in Napoleon's honor. All 
 the marshals went with their staffs to present the 
 compliments to their sovereign. At that moment 
 the cannon sounded in sign of joy, and when the 
 Emperor complained of the waste of precious ammu- 
 nition, the marshals, with ingenious flattery, answered 
 that the powder that was used had been captured 
 from the Russians at the battle of Krasnoe. Alas ! 
 neither he nor his soldiers had any suspicion of the 
 terrible disasters that were to befall them three 
 months later at that very spot. But yet they were 
 depressed : the original faults of the fatal expedition 
 had begun to show themselves. Desertions were 
 very frequent; the heat, as excessive as was to be 
 the cold, had reached 90 F. The army was growing 
 wearied of this region of plains and marshes into 
 which it was plunging imprudently, without getting 
 
MARIE LOUISE AT SAINT CLOUD. 7 
 
 sight of the enemy ; of this war in which it found 
 everything destroyed before it ; of the alarming soli- 
 tudes, the vile roads, the wooden towns which a 
 single torch had sufficed to set ablaze. Already aban- 
 doned by Turkey and Sweden, from which aid had 
 been expected, too timid to restore Poland in spite of 
 all the heroism it displayed, losing an illusion every 
 day after he crossed the Niemen, Napoleon, who no 
 longer had the health or the ardor of his earlier days, 
 could not say again what he had said at the begin- 
 ning of the campaign : " A more favorable combina- 
 tion of circumstances could not occur. I feel that it 
 is leading me on." The conqueror was indeed led 
 on, but by fate to the abyss. Possibly he already 
 regretted that he had not remained at Saint Cloud, 
 in that charming spot where his wife would have cele- 
 brated his birthday with such affection, and he might 
 have 'celebrated that of the King of Rome. How 
 many tears, how much bloodshed, he would have 
 saved ! Less than three years later Bliicher was to 
 establish his headquarters in this same Palace of Saint 
 Cloud, which, as well as all the Imperial palaces and 
 all his grandeur, wealth, and glory, Napoleon might, 
 with a little wisdom, so easily have preserved. The 
 tailors of the enemy's army set up their workshops 
 in the theatre. Prussian soldiers caught goldfish in 
 the large basin under the palace windows. Bliicher 
 slept with his dogs in the chamber of Marie Louise, 
 turning that abode of luxury into a kennel and a 
 smoking-room. July 12, 1815, he invited Prince 
 
8 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 Metternich to dinner in the dining-room of the 
 palace, and when after it he was walking with the 
 Austrian minister through the Apollo Gallery, he 
 said, "What a fool a man must be, who when he 
 has all these fine things at home, has to run off to 
 Moscow ! " 
 
II. 
 
 MOSCOW. 
 
 "TVTAPOLEON was impatiently awaiting the battle 
 jJN which should throw open to him the road to 
 Moscow. September 6, 1812, the sun shone on thou- 
 sands of helmets, bayonets, and cannon on the heights 
 of Borodino, and the Emperor, who had bivouacked 
 the previous night on the left bank of the Kolocza, 
 in the midst of his guard, had the satisfaction of see- 
 ing the Russians in position and determined to fight. 
 At nine o'clock in the morning a civilian arrived be- 
 fore his tent. He had travelled eight hundred leagues ; 
 and all the way from Saint Cloud, his starting-place, 
 to the Imperial headquarters, he had found the road 
 full of soldiers, marching alone or in companies ; the 
 wounded returning home, prisoners going to the rear, 
 artillery trains, vehicles of every sort; in short, an 
 unending crowd: France, Germany, Italy, Poland, 
 and yet other nations, seemed to be meeting on this 
 narrow way. Napoleon received this new arrival 
 with warmth. It was the Baron of Bausset, Pre- 
 fect of the Palace, who brought him news from the 
 Empress Marie Louise, and a portrait of the King of 
 
10 MAE1E LOUISE. 
 
 Rome, the masterpiece of the great artist Ge'rard. 
 This portrait was packed in a box which filled the 
 whole top of the carriage. M. de Bausset thought 
 that in view of the decisive and long-expected battle 
 that was to be fought the next day, the Emperor 
 would not care to have the box opened ; but he was 
 much mistaken. Napoleon forgot all other occupa- 
 tions in his desire to gaze upon his son's features. 
 The child's gentle face presented a great contrast 
 to the formidable preparations for the obstinate and 
 bloody struggle of the morrow. Then he placed the 
 picture before his tent, and summoned the officers of 
 his household to share with them his paternal joy. 
 " Gentlemen," he said to them, "you may be sure 
 that if my son were fifteen years old, he would be 
 here, among so many brave men, and not in a pic- 
 ture." A moment later he added, " It is an admira- 
 ble portrait." All day long the painting remained 
 before the father's tent, and the soldiers of the Old 
 Guard were never tired of looking at it. 
 
 No day, indeed, was ever calmer than the one 
 before that great battle. Not a shot was fired, as if 
 hostilities had ceased by agreement. Why should 
 needless harm be wrought? Was not the next day 
 to decide everything? In the night the laughter of 
 the French, who are always merry, even in the face 
 of death, and the hymns of the Russians, who had 
 been invoking the celestial sword of Saint Michael the 
 Archangel, had at last been silenced in sleep. Both 
 armies were peacefully sleeping around the great fires 
 
MOSCOW. 11 
 
 that they had lit against the cold and the dampness 
 of a penetrating rain which had fallen in the evening. 
 Napoleon did not sleep; the sudden change of the 
 weather affected him ; he was feverish and troubled 
 with a dry cough. Worn out in body and mind, he 
 in vain tried to quench his consuming thirst. One 
 of his aides heard him speaking about the emptiness 
 of glory. " What is war ? " asked the winner of so 
 many battles. " A barbarous business ; its whole art 
 is nothing but being the stronger at a given point." 
 Then he added, "A great day is approaching. It 
 will be a terrible battle." And terrible it was to be. 
 Napoleon was to be victorious, but victorious with- 
 out capturing any cannon, any flags ; victorious, but 
 with forty-seven of his generals and thirty-seven of 
 his colonels killed or wounded ; victorious, but the 
 defeated were also to remain on the battle-field, and 
 the enormous number of ninety thousand men, what 
 would be the whole population of a large city, were 
 to be stretched on the earth, wounded or dead. 
 
 Napoleon was not himself. Through fear of the 
 future he did not dare to call on the Imperial Guard, 
 who would have made the victory decisive. " Every 
 one about him," says the General de Se*gur, " gazed 
 at him with astonishment. Previously in hot com- 
 bats he had displayed a calm activity; but now it 
 was a dull calm, an inactive, flaccid gentleness. Some 
 thought it was the prostration that follows intense 
 emotion ; others that he was tired of everything, even 
 of the glow of the battle. Many have noticed that 
 
12 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 this calm persistency, this coolness which great men 
 exhibit on momentous occasions, turns with time into 
 indifference and sluggishness, when their fervor is 
 dulled by age. The most zealous explained his im- 
 mobility as due to the necessity of avoiding excessive 
 change of place, when in command of a long line, 
 lest it should be impossible to communicate with the 
 commander-in-chief." Alas ! why had he not stayed 
 at Saint Cloud? 
 
 The victory itself was silent and sombre. In the 
 face of this huge slaughter, the generals ceased to 
 flatter him. During the contest, Marshal Ney, indig- 
 nant that Napoleon refused to make use of the Guard, 
 exclaimed angrily: "What's the Emperor doing in 
 the rear of the army ? That is the place for defeat, not 
 for success. If he doesn't want to fight himself, and 
 is no longer general, and wants to be Emperor every- 
 where, let him go back to the Tuileries, and let us 
 command in his place ! " When Napoleon returned 
 to his tent, a deep melancholy was added to his physi- 
 cal sufferings. There is nothing gloomier than war 
 when one is ill. As he himself said, "Health is 
 indispensable in time of war; nothing can take its 
 place." The Emperor, who had known how to con- 
 quer, was unable to take advantage of his victory. 
 He stayed for three days at Moja'isk, the victim of 
 a severe fever, and was compelled by the loss of his 
 voice, to write, instead of dictating, his orders. At 
 last, September 12, he was well enough to go to the 
 front in his carriage. He was but two days from 
 Moscow. 
 
MOSCOW. 13 
 
 Moscow I it was the magic name, the proud name 
 which amid their perils and sufferings the soldiers 
 kept repeating to give themselves courage. Moscow 
 they looked forward to as an oasis after the blood- 
 stained desert. So, September 14, at two in the 
 afternoon, when the French army reached the Moun- 
 tain of the Salute (so called because there the Rus- 
 sians cross themselves and prostrate themselves at 
 the sight of their holy city from its summit), and 
 thence looked down on the many-colored city spark- 
 ling in the sun, with its two hundred and ninety-five 
 churches, its terraces, its steeples with golden balls, 
 its fifteen hundred castles, its vast gardens, its colos- 
 sal Kremlin, their surprise, delight, and enthusiasm 
 exceeded all description. Every soldier forgot his 
 past sufferings; every heart glowed with military 
 pride, patriotism, and the glow of conquest, and all 
 burst into rapturous applause. At the height of his 
 power Napoleon cried out, " There's the famous city 
 at last ! " Then he added, " And high time, too ! " 
 
 Nevertheless, as if warned by a secret voice of the 
 abyss that was about to open before him, the con- 
 queror, with something very unlike his usual audac- 
 ity, did not at first establish himself in Moscow. 
 He merely entered a little way, then, turning round, 
 he stopped at an inn in one of the suburbs of the 
 city, Dragomilof, and spent the night there. The 
 next day, September 15, since all seemed calm, he 
 conquered the presentiments of the previous evening, 
 and made a triumphant entry into the Moscovite 
 
14 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 capital. He had imagined that the keys of the city 
 would be respectfully brought to him by delegates of 
 the population, and that he would make a grand 
 entrance into Moscow, as he had already done into 
 Berlin and Vienna, amid a vast crowd which should 
 feel for him as much admiration as awe. It was a 
 great mistake : the city was deserted, and the soldiers 
 were the sole spectators of their own glory. The 
 footfalls of the cavalry horses alone broke the dis- 
 turbing and solemn silence of the great city, which 
 seemed dead. Five-sixths of the inhabitants had dis- 
 appeared, and those who remained had hidden them- 
 selves. The streets and public places were solitudes. 
 Thousands of blackbirds, crows, and rooks were flut- 
 tering about the belfries of this strange city, which 
 wore a more Asiatic than European aspect. 
 
 By the side of the stone bridge over the Moskowa 
 stands the Kremlin of the Ruricks and Romanoffs, 
 with its staircase outside, the long, straight stairway 
 called the Red Staircase, with the terrace running 
 along outside of the Hall of the Czars, with its pal- 
 ace of Peter I. to the left, with the arsenal and two 
 huge bronze mortars, and two gigantic cannon at 
 each side of the main door, the Kremlin with the 
 church of Ivan the Great, the church with its lofty 
 tower, its gilt domes, and its legendary cross. Napo- 
 leon was exultant, and in an outburst of pride he 
 said : " At last I am in Moscow ! I am in the old 
 Palace of the Czars ! I am in the Kremlin ! " And 
 he ascended to the top of the tower of Ivan the 
 
MOSCOW. 15 
 
 Great, and thence looked down haughtily upon his 
 conquest, through which wound the Moskowa. It 
 was a solemn and mighty moment, the culminating 
 moment of an incomparable pyramid of glory and 
 colossal power. 
 
 Let us pause here a moment. In a few moments 
 Providence was to give the signal for this giant's fall, 
 and the death agony of the immense empire, an 
 agony which was to last two years, was about to begin. 
 Fire had already broken out in different parts of the 
 city, but they were supposed to be unimportant acci- 
 dents, the results of the soldiers' carelessness. That 
 evening Napoleon went to sleep in the Kremlin, and 
 possibly dreamed of glory and greatness. Certainly 
 before he closed his eyes he did not foresee the ter- 
 rible catastrophe which was about to break forth. 
 Meanwhile the fire was spreading in every direction 
 before the equinoctial winds ; they ran for the fire 
 engines, but there were none, and the truth became 
 clear. The governor, Rostopchin, had commanded 
 convicts to set fire to the sacred city as if it were the 
 meanest village on the Smolensk road. It was a 
 terrible sight : drunken men were running about 
 with torches, uttering horrid cries ; savage women, 
 fierce criminals, were hurrying through the flames, 
 which they fed with wood dipped in pitch. 
 
 Napoleon still slept, and no one dared to wake him. 
 At last the light of the sun and the fire aroused him, 
 and he rushed to the window, exclaiming: "So that's 
 the way they make war ! The civilization of Peters- 
 
16 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 burg has deceived us. They are nothing but Tar- 
 tars." 
 
 The danger was ever growing; blazing cinders 
 were falling upon the tow v gunswabs which were 
 spread out on the ground in front of the Kremlin, 
 and threatened to set them on fire. There were four 
 hundred caissons of ammunition in the courtyard; 
 the arsenal was full of powder; the Emperor and 
 his guard were sure to be blown up if a single one 
 of the cinders had fallen on a single caisson. The 
 merest spark might change the fate of the world : on 
 such slender threads hang the fates of conquerors 
 and of empires ! There was the sorest anguish ; it 
 was rumored that the Kremlin was ruined, and that 
 Napoleon and his fortune were about to disappear in a 
 sea of fire. The fury of the fire grew wilder; it roared 
 and surged like waves in a storm. The incendiaries 
 were shot wherever found, and their bodies were 
 thrown into the flames they had themselves lit. The 
 city was a mere shell of crumbling ruin ; the air was 
 full of smoke and ashes. The windows of the Krem- 
 lin were melted and fell in fragments. His officers 
 ran to Napoleon and earnestly addressed him: " Leave, 
 Sire, leave, we beseech you." 
 
 At first the conqueror refused to leave his prey, 
 but his persistence was vain : the fire was stronger. 
 Conquered by the conflagration, he yielded and left 
 the place. It was a terrible moment, prophetic of 
 all that destiny would compel him to abandon. He 
 hurried down the great northern staircase, famous 
 
MOSCOW. 17 
 
 for the massacre of the Strelitzes, but there he was 
 hemmed in by a sea of flames which blocked every 
 exit. What was to be done ? Napoleon could neither 
 advance nor retreat. Fortunately there was descried 
 a gate opening on the Moskowa, and through this 
 narrow passage the fugitive escaped from the Krem- 
 lin. But his danger had only begun ; now he had 
 to plunge into the city, which was all a fiery 
 furnace. A narrow, winding street, already afire, 
 was to be seen, and into that the Emperor plunged. 
 All about him roofs were falling, arches crumbling, 
 beams crashing down : it was like one of the circles 
 of Dante's Inferno. A few staunch friends proposed 
 to the Emperor to cover him from head to foot with 
 their cloaks and to carry him to safety in their arms ; 
 he refused, and hastened on over the glowing cinders. 
 His gray overcoat was burned in many places ; his 
 hair was singed. At last, as if by miracle, he made 
 his escape from the accursed city, and that evening 
 he found quarters, a league away, on the Saint Pe- 
 tersburg road, in the castle of Petrovski, the summer- 
 house of one of the Emperor Alexander's chamber- 
 lains. 
 
 When Napoleon awoke the next day, September 
 17, he looked at Moscow : the horizon was all aglow; 
 the fire, so far from going out, was burning with 
 redoubled violence. He exclaimed sadly, "This 
 betokens great misfortunes ! " Yet he did not lose 
 heart; he wished to defy fortune again, and with 
 greater audacity. Since one of Russia's two capitals 
 
18 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 was burned, he wished to march on the other ; but 
 his lieutenants murmured: "What! no rest? Are 
 we to march again ? To push on to the north ? To 
 go to meet the winter, as if it would not come soon 
 enough?" When the Emperor took counsel with 
 them, they all dissuaded him from this course. One 
 day at Saint Helena he said, "If it had been the 
 month of August, we should have marched on Saint 
 Petersburg." In the middle of September it was too 
 late. 
 
 The burning of Moscow lasted through the 17th 
 and the 18th; the 19th it slackened; the 20th it 
 stopped. Since the Kremlin had escaped, Napoleon 
 went back thither, imagining that his presence in the 
 city of the Czars, even if it were in ashes, would 
 augment his glory, and that the Emperor Alexander 
 would decide to sue for peace. 
 
 At the Kremlin Napoleon occupied a vast but 
 nearly unfurnished apartment ; he had there his little 
 iron camp-bed, which he always carried with him to 
 the castles in which he slept in his campaigns. His 
 windows looked out on the Moskowa. Being struck 
 by the vast number of crows and ravens that were 
 cawing about, he said, impatiently, " Heavens ! are 
 these birds of evil going to follow me everywhere ? " 
 He found consolation in looking at the portrait of 
 the King of Rome, which he had placed in his bed- 
 room. Marshal Davout wrote to his wife, September 
 22: "I have seen the portrait of the King of Rome. 
 I can say nothing about the likeness, for I have never 
 
MOSCOW. 19 
 
 seen the young Prince, but the painting seemed to me 
 admirable. The Emperor seemed to examine the 
 portrait with a great deal of pleasure, with much 
 more, indeed, than one would have thought possible 
 amid so many cares." 
 
 The Emperor's court at the Kremlin consisted of 
 the principal officers of the army. There were also 
 present Count Daru, Secretary of State ; the Count of 
 Turenne, Chamberlain and Keeper of the Wardrobe ; 
 the Barons of Saluces and of Lambertye, equerries. 
 Couriers took eighteen days to come from Paris, and 
 there was not a day in which news from France 
 failed to reach the Kremlin. Besides the couriers, 
 mail-coaches plied between Paris and the imperial 
 headquarters. Moreover, every week an auditor of 
 the Council of State brought the work of the 
 Ministers and carried it back to Paris, when it had 
 been signed by the Emperor. There was also the 
 usual active correspondence with the European 
 courts. 
 
 Illusions still prevailed. Marshal Davout, that 
 man of iron, wrote from Moscow, October 10, to his 
 wife: "All the fatigues of the campaign have dis- 
 appeared ; the faces of the men are cheerful ; their 
 bearing is excellent. The position of the French 
 army is such that if the Russians desire any chance 
 to escape complete destruction, they must long for 
 peace and try all means to secure it." October 4, 
 still maintaining his heroic illusions, the Marshal 
 wrote again : " All our dangers are over, and I have 
 
20 MAEIE LOUISE. 
 
 no doubt that the enemy, if he wishes to escape the 
 risk of total destruction, will open his eyes and sue 
 for peace. They have burned a large part of Mos- 
 cow, but there are enough houses left to quarter the 
 army, and enough supplies to feed it. The enemy 
 have ruined their empire for ages to come by this 
 atrocious act, which will harm only them. We have 
 repaired our losses and rested since our arrival much 
 more fully than could have been expected. Every 
 day we grow stronger in every respect." 
 
 The soldiers had found rich booty in the cellars 
 of the houses that had been burned, wine, liqueurs, 
 clothes, furs, and had recovered their usual gaiety, 
 forgetful of the past and careless of the future. A 
 company of French comedians, under the direction 
 of an actress, Madame Burray, was acting in the 
 pretty little theatre of the PosniakofT Mansion, which 
 the flames had spared. The first play given was the 
 Sports of Love and Chance. This frivolity presented 
 a curious contrast with events more terrible than any 
 tragedy. " There was no cabal," says the Baron of 
 Bausset, " either in the audience, which was composed 
 of soldiers, or on the stage, where there was no odious 
 rivalry. The pit was filled with soldiers, and the two 
 rows of boxes occupied by officers of every branch of 
 the service. The orchestra was very good; it con- 
 sisted of the band .of the Guards. There were eleven 
 performances. Napoleon was never present ; but the 
 Prefect of the Palace had found another entertain- 
 ment for the Emperor. Among the strangers who 
 
MOSCOW. 21 
 
 had remained in Moscow was an excellent tenor, 
 named Tarquinio, whom he had sing Italian airs in 
 the Kremlin. It was not a light matter," adds M. de 
 Bausset, " to have been able, amid all the ruins that 
 surrounded us, to organize so speedily a court con- 
 cert and a town theatre." 
 
 Napoleon also thought of sending to Paris for the 
 company of the Theatre Frai^ais, and he was within 
 an ace of sending them an order to start from Paris 
 for Moscow, for he meant to pass the winter there ; 
 moreover, every one in Paris, even Marie Louise, 
 thought that was his intention. 
 
 At the first review, on the grand Place of the 
 Kremlin, of the regiments already decimated, but 
 still, through their ingenuity and devotion, present- 
 ing a martial, almost a faultless air, the Emperor said 
 to his aide-de-camp, " Well, my dear Narbonne, what 
 do you say about such a fine army manoeuvring 
 under such a bright sun?" "I say, Sire," was the 
 reply, " that it is already rested and can start for its 
 winter quarters in Lithuania or in Poland, and leave 
 to the Russians their capital in the state to which 
 they have brought it." Napoleon cast a long glance 
 at his troops, but said nothing. 
 
 He still lulled himself with vain hopes of some 
 arrangement with the Czar. He said to a Russian, 
 M. de Jakowleff : " This war is embittered by a des- 
 peration which is due neither to Alexander nor me. 
 Your Emperor is deceived, and the English are 
 inflicting on Russia a blow which will bleed for a 
 
22 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 long time. Since Smolensk I have passed through 
 nothing but burning towns and villages. Your patri- 
 otism is mere madness. Peter the Great himself 
 would call you barbarians ; and what would he say if 
 he were to breathe the ashes of Moscow? Rostopchin's 
 madness costs you more than ten battles. Besides, 
 what has this fire profited you ? Are there not enough 
 houses left for my generals ? Do not my soldiers find 
 abundant stores in your cellars? But, once more, 
 I didn't come to your capital to settle down there. 
 I should have halted at the gates, I should have 
 quartered my army in the suburbs, I should have 
 declared Moscow a neutral town, if Alexander had 
 said a word. That word I waited for several hours ; 
 I desired it. The slightest step would have shown 
 to me that Alexander still felt in the bottom of his 
 heart some trace of attachment to me. Then we 
 should have promptly made peace without outside 
 interference. He would have said to me, as he did 
 at Tilsit, that he had been cruelly deceived about 
 me, and everything would have been quickly for- 
 gotten. Instead of that, you see where we are ! 
 How much blood has been shed, what evils encom- 
 pass us, from not understanding each other ! " 
 
 Napoleon's great mistake lay in thinking that Mos- 
 cow was like Berlin and Vienna. He had counted 
 on a war in accordance with the rules, and he found 
 a savage war. He was like a duellist who should 
 expect a small sword and faces a club. This is 
 expressed by Count Leo Tolstoi, in his War and 
 
MOSCOW. 23 
 
 Peace, a book in which all the passions of 1812 are 
 revived : " After Smolensk," he says, " a war began 
 to which none of the usual traditions could be ap- 
 plied. The burning of the towns and villages, the 
 retreating after the battles, the continual attack of 
 marauders, the guerilla warfare, were all outside of 
 the usual rules. Napoleon, who halted at Moscow 
 in the correct attitude of a duellist, felt this more 
 than any one, and he never ceased blaming Kutusoff 
 and the Emperor Alexander ; but in spite of his com- 
 plaints and the mortification of certain high person- 
 ages at seeing the country fight in this way, the 
 national club arose in a threatening fashion, and 
 without troubling itself about the good taste or the 
 rules, smote and crushed the French, until by sheer 
 dint of brutal and ponderous strength it had com- 
 pletely repulsed the invasion ! " And the Russian 
 nobleman, excited by the memory of this patriotic 
 hatred, adds : " Happy the people who, instead of 
 offering the handle of their sword to the generous 
 victor, grasp the first club within reach, without stop- 
 ping to think of what others would do in the same case, 
 and who do not lay it down before wrath and ven- 
 geance have given place in their hearts to contempt 
 and pity ! " 
 
 Napoleon kept waiting for a message of peace, but 
 no message came. " What shall I do ? " he asked of 
 Count Daru. "Stay here," replied the faithful offi- 
 cer; "turn Moscow into an entrenched camp and 
 spend the winter here." "That is bold advice," 
 
24 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 resumed the Emperor. " But what would they say 
 at Paris ? France would not become accustomed to 
 my absence, and Prussia and Austria would take 
 advantage of it." Was it indeed possible to remain 
 motionless for six months two hundred leagues from 
 Wilna, three hundred from Dantzic, seven hundred 
 from Paris, with the prospect of being hemmed in, 
 not merely by the snows of winter, but by all the 
 forces of Russia ? 
 
 His genius, once so swift in forming plans and so 
 audacious in carrying them out, was no longer itself ; 
 he hesitated, fumbled, changed his mind. At one 
 moment he decided to push on, then to remain sta- 
 tionary, then to retreat. He was no longer the man 
 whose slightest word seemed the decree of fate ; he 
 ceased to be the all-powerful master who had made 
 fortune his slave. How often he had blundered! 
 No one of his courtiers could again call him infallible. 
 He had made a mistake in venturing into the north 
 before he had completed the subjection of Spain ; in 
 failing to secure, before starting, an alliance with 
 Sweden and Turkey; in beginning the war too 
 early, in view of the political conditions, too late, in 
 view of the time of year ; in not following his victory 
 on the Moskowa, and in yielding to an excess of pru- 
 dence after an excess of rashness ; and in prolonging 
 a fatal delay at Moscow. " Don't I know," he said, 
 "that Moscow has no military value? Moscow is 
 not a military position ; it is only a political position. 
 I am thought to be a general there, when in fact I am 
 
MOSCOW. 25 
 
 an emperor." Then he went on to say that a sov- 
 ereign ought never to acknowledge a fault; that he 
 would thereby only lose reputation and glory; that 
 he should push on, and his persistency would insure 
 success. His common-sense told him that he ought 
 to have known that the terrible winter would not 
 await his permission to fall upon him; that all his 
 guns, were they as numerous as the waves of the sea 
 or the stars in the sky, would be of no avail against 
 the storms and the snowdrifts : Napoleon knew all 
 this, but to withdraw, to retreat, would be to lose 
 his reputation as an infallible and invincible man. 
 What would France, what would England say? 
 What would be the verdict of posterity? Time 
 slipped by, and the bright autumn weather only 
 nourished his illusions. 
 
 The Emperor, held fast in the Kremlin by an irre- 
 sistible force, became more and more undecided. Gen- 
 eral de Sdgur describes him as he was at that time, 
 languid, sitting long over his meals, which formerly 
 were simple and brief, lying down for hours at a time, 
 and, novel in hand, waiting for the conclusion of his 
 own terrible career. " Having reached the height of 
 his glory, he doubtless foresaw that this first step 
 backward would be the signal of its decay ; hence he 
 remained motionless, lingering yet for a few moments 
 upon this summit." He would not own it to himself, 
 that, like an aeronaut who has risen to too great a 
 height, he had to descend or die. What was his 
 employment during the last hours of his stay in the 
 
26 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 City of the Czars? He discussed the merit of the 
 new verses he had received from Paris, and spent 
 three evenings in drawing up the regulations of the 
 Comedie Franchise. In the morning of October 15, 
 he took a puerile pleasure in dating this decree from 
 Moscow. That evening, in the drawing-room which 
 he occupied at the Kremlin, just beneath the Czarina's 
 apartments, when the candles were lit, and a huge fire 
 was blazing in the fireplace adorned with marble and 
 gold, he spoke with satisfaction of the decree that he 
 had that morning signed, in order to get in this friv- 
 olous distraction some relief from the secret anguish 
 which rent his soul without betraying itself upon his 
 face. Then he strode up and down the room, talking 
 freely about art, literature, Corneille, and Talma. 
 
 Nevertheless, time pressed. October 13, there fell 
 a slight frost, without in the least disturbing the fine 
 weather, indicating to all that the time had come for 
 a final decision : if Moscow was to be abandoned, there 
 was not a moment to lose. October 18, a beautiful 
 morning, just when the Emperor was reviewing Mar- 
 shal Ney's corps, the sound of cannon was heard in 
 the direction of the outpost of the King of Naples ; 
 the Russians had resumed hostilities without even 
 proclaiming a truce. There could no longer be any 
 question of negotiations for peace. Napoleon hesi- 
 tated no longer. Moscow was to be abandoned the 
 next day. 
 
 The illusions prevailed up to the last moment. 
 October 17, two days before the retreat began, Mar- 
 
MOSCOW. 27 
 
 shal Davout wrote to his wife : " The Emperor has 
 never made a finer campaign. In three months he 
 has conquered the enemy's capital, and defeated the 
 large armies which they cannot form anew. It was 
 high time to make this campaign ; the preparations 
 of the Russians were very formidable, and if we had 
 not met them when we did, they might have had 
 great advantages. Now they have only cavalry left : 
 their infantry amounts to nothing; for an ignorant, 
 untrained militia cannot be counted. Whatever may 
 be the hostile spirit of the government and the influence 
 of the English, it is probable that in a few months, 
 when their fervor is exhausted, they will become con- 
 scious of their misfortunes, and will be anxious for 
 peace as the sole means of safety." 
 
 Before leaving, Napoleon desired to carry away, 
 as a memorial of his brief conquest, the huge golden 
 cross surmounting the steeple of Saint Ivan the Great. 
 He meant to place it above the dome of the Invalides 
 in Paris. But it was not easy to detach it from the 
 Russian monument; and while the workmen were 
 busy at this work of destruction, amid the cawing of 
 innumerable crows, Napoleon exclaimed, " Doesn't it 
 seem as if these crows were defending the cross ? " 
 
 October 19, Moscow was full of movement from 
 early dawn; the hour of departure had struck. It 
 was an exodus like those in ancient times when 
 whole nations were emigrating. The files were inter- 
 minable ; there were a hundred thousand soldiers ; 
 besides them, forty thousand men and women of all 
 
28 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 ages; numberless vehicles of every sort followed; 
 handsome barouches, heavy carts, heavily loaded am- 
 munition wagons, wheelbarrows laden with booty, 
 more than five hundred and fifty cannon, two thou- 
 sand artillery wagons : the men were sturdy and 
 healthy, the women anxious, the horses lean and ex- 
 hausted. Every language was spoken in this motley 
 cohort ; there were countless trophies won from the 
 enemy, Russian, Persian, and Turkish flags, and the 
 huge cross, the cross of Saint Ivan, so heavy that it 
 had to be abandoned on the way, as a cumbersome 
 burden. Was it an army or a vast caravan, this 
 strange medley of the most dissimilar things ? In 
 the broad avenue of Kalouga, by which they left 
 Moscow, eight wagons drove abreast ; and though this 
 vast mass was not interrupted for a moment, the 
 exodus which began in the early morning had not 
 ended by evening. A bright sun, in a cloudless sky, 
 lit up the first day of this retreat, the most lamenta- 
 ble known to history; and when they reached the 
 Mountain of the Salute which, a few weeks before, 
 they had ascended with so much joy, the fugitives 
 turned a last look upon Moscow and its ruins. 
 
III. 
 
 MALET'S CONSPIRACY. 
 
 "T7WER since the month of October, uneasiness 
 i 'J had begun to spread in France ; contradictory 
 rumors were in circulation. Some said that the Em- 
 peror had met with serious disasters ; others that, not 
 content with conquering Russia, he designed to con- 
 quer India. It was generally expected that he would 
 spend the winter at Moscow, and this prospect did 
 not inspire confidence. Although he announced a 
 victory, that of the Moskowa, the 18th bulletin of 
 the Grand Army, which was printed in the Moniteur 
 of September 27, produced a gloomy impression. It 
 was felt that it was not one of those decisive battles, 
 like Austerlitz, Jena, or Wagram, which terminate a 
 war by a crushing blow. 
 
 From the Imperial headquarters at Mojaisk, Sep- 
 tember 10, 1812, Napoleon had addressed to the arch- 
 bishops and bishops of his empire a circular letter, in 
 which he said: "The passage of the Niemen and 
 the Dnieper; the battles of Mohilof, Potolsk, Os- 
 trono, Smolensk, and finally the battle of the Mos- 
 kowa, all call upon us to render thanks to the God of 
 
 29 
 
30 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 our armies. It is hence our desire that, on receipt 
 of these presents, you make arrangements with the 
 proper persons. Collect my people in the churches 
 to offer their prayers in conformity with the rites 
 and ceremonies of the Church in such circumstances. 
 This letter being intended only for this purpose, I 
 pray God to hold you in his keeping." In the Moni- 
 teur we read: " To-day, Sunday, October 4, 1812, 
 Her Majesty the Empress and Queen went to the 
 Palace of the Tuileries; she heard mass in the 
 chapel, and was present at the Te Deum sung in 
 honor of the victories of His Majesty the Emperor 
 and King. After the mass there was a reception. 
 After the reception Her Majesty returned to the 
 Palace of Saint Cloud. A Te Deum was sung the 
 same day in the cathedral." 
 
 In spite of this commanded thanksgiving, much 
 uneasiness prevailed. The continuance of this vast 
 war, to which no end could be seen, excited ^general 
 alarm. Every one said it was to be a second edition 
 of the Spanish war. Banking, commerce, and indus- 
 try were suffering severely. Many families were 
 already in mourning. " In Paris," says the Duke of 
 Rovigo, in his Memoirs, "every one had a map of 
 Russia, in which were stuck pins at all the places 
 mentioned in the bulletins. Everywhere informa- 
 tion was anxiously sought about an army in which 
 every one had a brother, a son, or a friend." 
 
 The burning of Moscow produced a general feel- 
 ing of alarm; the confident calmness of the official 
 
MALET^S CONSPIRACY. 31 
 
 language satisfied no one. The 22d bulletin of the 
 Grand Army, dated September 27, and published in 
 the Moniteur of October 14, was yet noteworthy for 
 its tone of calm and optimism. " Consul-General Les- 
 seps," it said, " has been appointed superintendent of 
 the province of Moscow. He has organized a city 
 council and many committees, all composed of the 
 inhabitants. The fires are completely extinguished. 
 Every day there are discovered stores of sugar, skins, 
 and clothes. The enemy's army appears to be retir- 
 ing on Kalouga and Tula. Tula contains the largest 
 manufactory of arms in Russia. Our advance guard 
 is on the Pakra. The Emperor is quartered in the 
 Imperial Palace of the Kremlin. In the Kremlin 
 there have been discovered many ornaments used for 
 the coronation of the Emperors, and all the flags cap- 
 tured from the Turks in the last hundred years. 
 The weather is like that of the end of October in 
 Paris. It rains a little, and there are occasional white 
 frosts. It is asserted that the Moskowa, and the 
 rivers of the country, do not freeze before the mid- 
 dle of November. The greater part of the army is 
 cantoned at Moscow and is resting from its fatigues." 
 Judging from his bulletins, Napoleon was as tran- 
 quil and happy in the Palace of the Czars as in his Im- 
 perial country places of Saint Cloud, Compiegne, or 
 Fontainebleau, and one would have said that the win- 
 ter was never coming. But the auditors of the Council 
 of State who returned to Paris from Moscow with the 
 portfolio, who had seen the terrible ravages of the 
 
32 MAKIE LOUISE. 
 
 fire, who knew the enormous losses which the army 
 had already suffered, and had seen the Emperor's 
 embarrassment and indecision, were only too fearful 
 of the approaching disasters, and their alarm spread 
 rapidly in official circles and in the Parisian drawing- 
 rooms, though everywhere else perfect peace prevailed. 
 The capital and the provinces uttered no murmur. 
 Napoleon, at a distance of seven hundred leagues 
 from his empire, was feared and obeyed as if he had 
 been on the spot, and the numberless wheels of the 
 government turned with perfect regularity. 
 
 Marie Louise was living in perfect quiet in the 
 Palace of Saint Cloud, when, in the night of October 
 22, there broke out the most unexpected and strange 
 conspiracy. There happened to be at that time in a 
 private hospital in Paris, kept by Dr. Dubuisson, in 
 a house to the left of the Faubourg Saint Antoine, 
 near the Barrier e du Tixhie, a former general of 
 Moreau's army, who passed for a fanatical Republi- 
 can, and in 1807 had been accused of secret plot- 
 ting against the Emperor ; but being regarded rather 
 as a lunatic than as a real conspirator, he had at first 
 been confined in the Conciergerie, but afterwards had 
 been transferred to a private hospital. His name was 
 Charles Francois de Malet, and he was born at D61e, 
 June 28, 1754. In spite of his reputation as an 
 ardent Republican, he was descended, on both his 
 father's and his mother's side, from the old nobility 
 of Franche Comte, and under the old regime he 
 had served among the musketeers in the King's 
 
MALET'S CONSPIRACY. 33 
 
 household. His attitude as a prisoner was not stoi- 
 cal. He had written, July 3, 1810, to the Duke of 
 Rovigo, Minister of Police : " My Lord, I am detained 
 for having repeated a few possibly indiscreet, but yet 
 in no way really reprehensible remarks, which became 
 serious only through the perfidious way in which 
 they were interpreted. The first ground which I 
 bring forward, in trying to persuade Your Excellency 
 to put an end to a long and undeserved detention, is 
 the zeal and devotion which I have at all times shown 
 in His Majesty's service, as is set forth in a memorial 
 wherein, without mention of my former service, I 
 speak only of those I have rendered to His Majesty 
 since the establishment of the Empire." Thus the 
 pretended Brutus bowed before the Caesar, but hated 
 him all the while. He was convinced that the Impe- 
 rial Colossus had feet of clay, and in the month of 
 October he thought the time ripe for carrying out 
 the fantastic plan which had haunted him for many 
 years. The means that he devised at the first glance 
 seem childish, and it is surprising that they could 
 have succeeded for even an hour. 
 
 To pretend that the Emperor had died in Russia 
 October 8; to make this falsehood the keynote of 
 the conspiracy ; to invent an alleged report of an 
 alleged extraordinary session, pretended to have been 
 held in the evening of October 22 ; to invent likewise 
 a decree of the Senate abolishing the Imperial gov- 
 ernment, appointing a provisional government, and 
 setting General Malet at the head of the Post of 
 
34 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 Paris of the first military division ; to escape secretly 
 from Dr. Dubuisson's private hospital; to have two 
 silent companions, one disguised as an aide-de-camp, 
 the other as Commissary of Police; to go to the Pop- 
 incourt barracks ; there to read the false decree to the 
 commander of the 10th cohort ; by means of forged 
 orders to take this band as an armed force ; to go to 
 the Prison de la Force and set free Generals Lahorie 
 and Guidal, who were confined there for political rea- 
 sons, to make them his accomplices, without saying 
 anything to them about it before they were set free, 
 and then with the aid of the 10th cohort to proceed 
 to arrest the Duke of Rovigo, Minister of Police, the 
 Duke of Feltre, Minister of War, M. Pasquier, Prefect 
 of Police, General Hulin, Commander of the Post of 
 Paris; to have prepared at the H6tel de Ville the 
 quarters destined for the provisional government ; to 
 do all this in the night between the 22d and the 23d 
 of October, and in the morning of the 23d to proclaim 
 the Revolution, such was the outline of the plot. 
 
 At first General Malet took into his confidence 
 only three persons, a Royalist abbe*, named Lafon, 
 who was in the private hospital with him, and helped 
 him prepare the forged orders ; and two young men, 
 Rateau, a corporal of the Guard of Paris, and Bon- 
 treux, a law student : the first was to take the part 
 of the aide ; the other, that of Commissary of Police. 
 October 22, 1812, at about ten in the evening, the 
 general made his escape from Dr. Dubuisson's house 
 and went to the rooms of a Spanish priest, in the 
 
MALETS CONSPIRACY. 35 
 
 Place Royale, to put on his uniform, which he had 
 instructed his wife to send thither. Here he found 
 the two young men, who dressed themselves for the 
 part they had to play. It was raining in torrents, 
 and to pass the time they ate a supper and brewed a 
 punch. It was half-past three in the morning when 
 the general and his two acolytes began their expe- 
 dition. They went first to the Popincourt barracks 
 where the 10th cohort was quartered. No one was 
 allowed to enter the barracks at night; so Malet pre- 
 tended that he wanted to see only Colonel Soulier, in 
 command of the 10th cohort. He was conducted 
 to the colonel's quarters, which were outside of the 
 barracks. He had him waked up, and pretending 
 that he was not General Malet, but General Lamotte, 
 for this whole affair was one mass of lies, he said 
 to the commander of the 10th cohort, "I see that you 
 have not heard the news ; we have had the misfor- 
 tune to lose our Emperor." On hearing this, Colonel 
 Soulier, a good and brave man, though of a credulous 
 nature, burst into tears. " The government has been 
 changed," went on the pseudo-General Lamotte, " and 
 here is an order which General Malet gave me to 
 hand to you a moment ago." This order commanded 
 that the cohort should fall into line, ready for action ; 
 that it should be informed of the state of affairs, and 
 be placed under the orders of the alleged General 
 Lamotte. 
 
 The colonel obeyed without questioning ; he called 
 out his men, and had read to them the forged decree 
 
MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 of the Senate, and they marched out, twelve hundred 
 men strong, under the command of Malet, who called 
 himself General Larnotte. Only one company remained 
 in the barracks. It was to accompany Colonel Sou- 
 lier to the H6tel de Ville, to prepare the rooms 
 destined for the provisional government. The 
 colonel was moreover promoted to the post of briga- 
 dier-general, and received an order on the Treasury 
 for one hundred thousand francs. 
 
 Malet was delighted with the success of his first 
 step. The second was to go to the Prison de la 
 Force to set free Generals Guidal and Lahorie, and 
 to get them to join in his undertaking, of which they 
 had not yet heard a word. He passed through the 
 rue Saint Antoine at the head of the 10th cohort, 
 and when he reached the prison, he had the doors 
 opened without difficulty, embraced the two generals, 
 announced to them the Emperor's death, and told 
 them what they would have to do. " There is not a 
 moment to be lost," he said to them. "Here are 
 your instructions : take these troops and carry them 
 out. I need only a half-company to seize the gov- 
 ernment. Then we shall meet at the H6tel de 
 Ville." General Lahorie was charged with the 
 arrest of the Prefect of Police ; he was, besides, with 
 the aid of General Guidal, to proceed to arrest the 
 Ministers of War and of Police. As for General 
 Malet, he reserved for himself the most difficult task, 
 the arrest of the Commander of Paris, General 
 Hulin. 
 
MALET'S CONSPIRACY. 37 
 
 Everything passed in accordance with the con- 
 spirators' wishes. M. Pasquier, the Prefect of Police, 
 was a gentle and inoffensive man ; he had already 
 got up and was at work in his office when they came 
 to arrest him, and he submitted to his arrest with the 
 best grace in the world, got into the cab, and was 
 driven to the Prison de la Force together with his 
 first assistant. Savary, the Duke of Rovigo, Minister 
 of Police, made a little more resistance, but seeing 
 that his life was threatened, he yielded. He de- 
 scribes his arrest in his curious Memoirs. General 
 Lahorie, formerly chief of staff of the Army of the 
 Rhine, had been his comrade in the first Revolution- 
 ary campaigns, and knew him intimately. " You are 
 under arrest," Lahorie said to him ; " congratulate 
 yourself on falling into my hands; no harm shall 
 come to you." Savary did not understand. Lahorie 
 went on, " The Emperor was killed, October 8, 
 under the walls of Moscow." " What stuff you are 
 talking! " answered the Duke of Rovigo. " I have a 
 letter from him of that very day. I can show it to 
 you." A few moments later, General Guidal came 
 in, sword in hand, and he placed the point on 
 Savary's breast, who exclaimed, " Have you come 
 here to disgrace yourself by a cowardly assassina- 
 tion ? " " No," replied Guidal ; " I am not going to 
 kill you, but you must come with me." " Very well ! 
 yes; but let me put on my clothes." "I'll have 
 them brought here." Savary, who before General 
 Guidal came, had tried in vain to undeceive the 
 
38 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 soldiers, dressed as slowly as possible, in order to gain 
 time. Then he was driven in a cab with Guidal to 
 the Prison de la Force, accompanied by a few soldiers 
 of the 10th cohort. 
 
 On the way, as he was passing along the Quai des 
 Lunettes, an idea occurred to him : he devised a way 
 of escaping ; he quietly opened the carriage door, 
 and when he got near the clock-tower, he sprang out 
 and ran towards the Palais de Justice. But he was 
 at once pursued with cries of " Stop him ! stop him ! " 
 and soon caught. He was brought back to the car- 
 riage, and a few minutes later was behind lock and 
 key in the Prison de la Force. 
 
 At the Prefecture of the Seine, that is to say, at 
 the H6tel de Ville, everything proceeded as smoothly 
 as General Malet could have wished. Count Frochot, 
 Prefect of the Seine, had spent the night in the coun- 
 try, and was not to return to Paris till the morning. 
 He was not at the H6tel de Ville when Colonel 
 Soulier arrived there at the head of a part of the 
 10th cohort and announced the Emperor's death, and 
 that he was going to take possession of the rooms 
 destined for the provisional government. An official 
 of the Prefecture was at once sent off for the Prefect. 
 The bearer of this message met him in the rue du 
 Faubourg Saint Antoine on his way to Paris, uncon- 
 scious of what was going on, and handed the note 
 inviting him to come as soon as possible, and ending 
 with these words, " Fuit imperator" As soon as he 
 reached the H6tel de Ville, he found Colonel Soulier 
 
MALET' S CONSPIRACY. 39 
 
 there, and was shown the forged orders. Resistance 
 seemed impossible, and making no objection, he had 
 the rooms prepared for the meeting of the provisional 
 government. 
 
 In three points, then, the Ministry of Police, 
 the Prefecture of Police, and the Prefecture of the 
 Seine, General Malet's plan had been perfectly suc- 
 cessful. The delay in the Duke of Rovigo's arrest 
 made a delay which prevented that of the Minister of 
 War. It was in the Place Venddme, the staff-office of 
 the Post of Paris, that the conspiracy fell to pieces. 
 Malet went there himself with a detachment of the 
 10th cohort. He broke into the room where General 
 Hulin and his wife were sleeping, bade him get up, 
 and said to him, " I have come to bring you sad news ; 
 the Emperor is dead. A decree of the Senate, dated 
 yesterday, has abolished the Imperial government, 
 and I have been ordered to take your place. I have 
 an even more painful duty to perform : it is to place 
 you temporarily under arrest." Then a voice issued 
 from the alcove; it was that of Madame Hulin. 
 " But, my dear," she said, " if this gentleman is to 
 take your place, he must have some orders to show 
 you." " True," exclaimed General Hulin ; " where 
 are your orders, sir ? " " My orders ? " replied Malet ; 
 " here they are ! " and with his pistol he shot down 
 Hulin, breaking his jawbone. Then he quietly 
 descended the staircase and proceeded towards the 
 door of the neighboring house, which was occupied by 
 the staff; there he found Adjutant-General Doucet, 
 
40 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 Commander Laborde, and a police inspector. This 
 last recognized him, and said, " M. Malet, you have 
 no permission to leave your house unless I go for 
 you." Then turning to Adjutant-General Doucet, 
 he added, " There's some mischief up ; arrest him at 
 once ; I will go to the Ministry to see what this thing 
 means." Malet was standing against the fireplace; 
 seeing that the game was up, he seized a pistol which 
 he had in his coat pocket, to blow out Doucet's brains ; 
 but this officer had seen the motion in the looking- 
 glass, and suddenly sprang on the bold conspirator, 
 escaping the shot. At the same moment Commander 
 Laborde grasped him about the waist, shouting, "To 
 arms ! " Malet was flung to the ground and bound 
 hand and foot. In this condition he was carried to 
 the balcony, from which Colonel Doucet called out 
 to the soldiers of the 10th cohort, that they had been 
 deceived by an impostor. The conspiracy was over. 
 By noon everything went on as usual ; the Ihike of 
 Rovigo had established himself again in his ministry, 
 and M. Pasquier had returned to the Prefecture of 
 Police. The preparations at the H6tel de Ville for 
 the alleged provisional government vanished in the 
 twinkling of an eye. It all seemed like a dream. 
 
 It is interesting to notice how General Malet pro- 
 posed to treat the Empress. In an order which was 
 not carried out, he had commanded General Deriot, 
 Chief of Staff and Commander of the Stores of the 
 National Guard, to occupy at once Sevres, Ville 
 d'Avray, and Saint Cloud ; the intention was to pro- 
 
MALET'S CONSPIRACY. 41 
 
 vide for the Empress's safety. The order contained 
 these words : " We have become responsible to the 
 whole nation for the life of Marie Louise, both for 
 the national honor and for the guarantee she gives us, 
 so long as she is in our power, as to the conduct of 
 the Emperor of Austria towards France. As soon as 
 you shall have completed your arrangements, you 
 will do well to go to Saint Cloud, to reassure this 
 Princess with regard to the condition of things, until 
 the government shall have done this through the 
 regular channels of diplomacy." 
 
 As soon as the conspirators had been arrested, the 
 Minister despatched the Horse Guards to Saint Cloud. 
 They reached there on a gallop, and made a great 
 clatter in the palace courtyard. Marie Louise was 
 much surprised by this unexpected disturbance, and 
 ran out on the balcony in her dressing-gown, with 
 her hair flying. She had a moment of alarm, at 
 least for her son if not for herself, and ordering 
 under arms the infantry in the palace, commanded 
 preparations for defence. Shortly word came from 
 Paris that order was completely restored, and that 
 there was absolutely no occasion for fear. Never- 
 theless, the affair left a painful impression on the 
 Empress's mind ; for she was already able to see the 
 future treachery of her husband's officers. 
 
 The next day, October 24, 1812, the Parisians read 
 in the Moniteur this statement, which was placarded 
 on the walls of the Capitol : " Three ex-generals, 
 Malet, Lahorie, and Guidal, deceived the National 
 
42 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 Guards and led them against the Minister of Police, 
 the Prefect of Police, and the Commander of the post 
 of Paris, against whom they used violence. They dis- 
 seminated the report of the Emperor's death. These 
 ex-generals have been arrested ; they are convicted 
 of imposture ; they will be brought to justice. Per- 
 fect calm reigns in Paris ; there was no disturbance 
 except in the three buildings visited by these brig- 
 ands." 
 
 The cruel deception of which the Duke of Rovigo 
 had been the victim, was for the Parisians, who are 
 always malicious and sharp-tongue d, an occasion for 
 numberless jests and jeers. Friends and enemies of 
 the Empire alike laughed at it. A Minister of Police 
 arrested, a Minister of Police humbugged, a Minister 
 of Police imprisoned, was a godsend to the merry- 
 makers ! Punning on the name of the prison to 
 which they had been carried, it was said that the 
 Minister and the Prefect of Police had made a^ " tour 
 de force." Referring to the fact that the Minister's 
 wife, alarmed by her husband's nocturnal arrest, had 
 run out of her room in her chemise, they said that 
 " in the whole affair, the person who made the best 
 appearance was she." The ladies, who were frequently 
 annoyed by the interference of the police, were avenged 
 by this adventure, and said, " They would do much 
 better to busy themselves with what goes on in the 
 barracks than with what goes on in our boudoirs." 
 
 Yet the affair was more sad than laughable. The 
 Duke of Rovigo, in his Memoirs, thus sums the mat- 
 
MALET 'S CONSPIRACY. 43 
 
 ter up: "Had it not been for the accident which 
 prevented the arrest of the Minister of War and 
 returned me to my duties, General Malet would have 
 been in control of a great many things in a very 
 short time, and in a country very susceptible to the 
 contagion of example. He would have had control 
 of the Treasury, which was then well filled, of the 
 posts and the telegraph, and there were in France a 
 hundred cohorts of the National Guard. He would 
 have learned by the couriers arriving from the army 
 the lamentable state of affairs there, and nothing 
 would have stood in the way of his seizing the 
 Emperor, if he had come alone, or of marching to 
 meet him, if he had come with troops." To these 
 pessimistic views the Duke of Rovigo adds these 
 words : "In spite of this, Malet would not long have 
 played the part of a second Cromwell, because the 
 deception would have been soon found out, and every- 
 body in France was tired of agitation. Probably he 
 would have been alone in carrying out his further 
 plans. But the danger that threatened the public 
 peace was a serious one; and it exposed a weak 
 point in our position which every one thought more 
 secure. A special cause of surprise was the readi- 
 ness with which the soldiers believed in the Em- 
 peror's death, without its occurring to a single officer 
 to seek confirmation of the statement, and above all, 
 without thinking of his son. . . . This was a pain- 
 ful thought, and those who did not like to deceive 
 themselves were compelled to think that trouble 
 was in the air." 
 
44 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 What was not a subject of laughter was the rigid 
 severity with which General Malet and his accomplices 
 were treated, whose great fault had been excessive 
 credulity. The trial, which took place before a mil- 
 itary commission, began October 27. One of the 
 judges said to Colonel Soulier, " I ask you how it 
 could happen that a superior officer should lose his 
 head when Malet came to him and told him, ' I bring 
 you important news; the Emperor is dead.' On 
 hearing that, a loyal officer ought to have all his 
 presence of mind. It is just on occasions like that, 
 it should be understood, that soldiers do not lose their 
 heads, and that the Emperor is immortal. When the 
 Emperor dies, one shouts, ' Long live the Emperor ! ' ' 
 When the presiding officer asked Malet who were his 
 accomplices, he answered quickly, " All France ; you 
 yourself, sir, if I had succeeded." After the speech 
 of the government advocate, he arose, and said, " A 
 man who has assumed the defence of his country's 
 rights does not need to plead; he triumphs or he 
 dies." A delay was asked in favor of Colonel Sou- 
 lier, who had wept on hearing the alleged death of 
 the Emperor, but this delay was refused him. Within 
 five days there were arrested, tried, and condemned, 
 fourteen unhappy men ; and of these, twelve, includ- 
 ing Generals Malet, Guidal, and Lahorie, were shot. 
 
 Malet was the only one who deserved death ; but 
 let us rather quote from a conscientious and distin- 
 guished author, M. Albert Duruy, who, in the Revue 
 des Deux Mondes for February 1, 1879, published an 
 
MALET'S CONSPIRACY. 45 
 
 article on Malet's conspiracy, both interesting and 
 novel. " Consider," he says, " those plumed and 
 bedizened personages, who vanished at the moment 
 of danger like the decorations of the opera, and when 
 seen again were doubly obsequious; consider, on the 
 other hand, those improvised judges, so contemptuous 
 of the rights of the defence and of the simplest rules 
 of justice, so eager to finish with the affair, and you 
 cannot escape a painful feeling. The viciousness of 
 excessive centralization makes its appearance in its 
 most odious form, and in view of this general confu- 
 sion, it is easy to understand the successive crumbling 
 of the forms of government that followed. All, in 
 various degrees, rested on public officials; and in 
 critical moments there has always been a lack of the 
 energetic aid and solidity which should have been 
 looked for." 
 
 In foreign countries the article in the Moniteur, 
 announcing at once the conspiracy and its failure, 
 produced a great impression. November 4, 1812, 
 Count Otto, French Ambassador at Vienna, wrote to 
 the Duke of Bassano, Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
 who was then at Wilna : " My Lord, on receipt of the 
 article inserted in the article of the Moniteur of 
 October 24, concerning the criminal attempts of ex- 
 Generals Malet, Lahorie, and Guidal, the Emperor of 
 Austria hastened to send a courier to his august 
 daughter, to obtain news from her at the earliest 
 possible moment. Your Excellency will readily 
 believe that this article has produced the greatest 
 
46 MAEIE LOUISE. 
 
 sensation here, and that the many enemies of France 
 are already making numberless conjectures in regard 
 to the consequences of a plot that has failed, but 
 from which they nevertheless expect the greatest 
 results. Inasmuch as it is a long time since we have 
 had any direct news from our armies, some agitators 
 pretend that our troops are really exterminated, and 
 that His Majesty the Emperor is no longer living. 
 Russia has especial advantages for disseminating in 
 Europe false reports. A great many of its richest 
 nobles, especially women, are to be found everywhere, 
 living in the highest society, and attracting by their 
 lavish expenditures a herd of parasites, who are ready 
 to flatter them and to serve their purposes. It is to 
 them that we must ascribe the wild rumors circulat- 
 ing in Europe. I notice, in fact, by my letters from 
 Milan and Paris, that the false news, so common 
 here, flood likewise those two capitals : I may even 
 add that for everything concerning Spain, Paris and 
 Milan take the initiative." It was in vain that Marie 
 Louise wrote to her father, November 21, 1812 : " I 
 am not alarmed by the disorder which a few insane 
 men have caused, for I know too well the good char- 
 acter of the people, and their devotion to the Em- 
 peror, to have a moment's fear " ; the blow had told. 
 Up to that time the French administration and ex- 
 cellent police had been regarded as the cornerstone 
 of the Imperial government. From that moment, 
 doubts were felt all over Europe concerning the 
 solidity of the edifice, and people began to say that 
 
MALET'S CONSPIRACY. 47 
 
 France, instead of resting, as had been supposed, on 
 a firm rock, was perhaps over a volcano. 
 
 Thiers has represented Malet's conspiracy as a 
 wholly Republican plot. We are inclined to believe 
 that it was rather a Royalist conspiracy. This is the 
 thesis which M. Albert Duruy has supported with 
 original documents, and with arguments that to us 
 seem convincing. He tries to prove, and we think 
 on good grounds, that this affair was only, so to 
 speak, the first sketch, the prologue, of the Royalist 
 movement of 1814. The ideas, the passions, the 
 language, were the same. Of the Republic there was 
 not a word either in the false decree of the Senate or 
 in the other forged papers. The name of King was 
 not uttered ; but it is evident that if he was not on 
 the stage, he was at least just behind the scenes. 
 Who were Malet's provisional government? General 
 Moreau, President; Carnot, Vice-President; Count 
 Frochot, Prefect of the Seine ; the Duke Mathieu de 
 Montmorency ; the Count Alexis de Noailles ; Gen- 
 erals Malet and Augereau, Vice-Admiral Truguet, 
 Senators Volney, Garat, Lambrecht, Destutt-Tracy, 
 and Messrs. Jacquemont and Florent-Guyot. Was 
 it possible in 1812 to make Moreau, the future gene- 
 ral of the Coalition, pass for a Republican ? Could a 
 Montmorency and a Noailles be counted as adherents 
 of the Republic? Is there anything Republican in 
 this sentence of the proclamation which the conspir- 
 ator intended for the army : " Prove to the country 
 that you were no more the soldiers of Bonaparte than 
 
48 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 of Robespierre " ? And what must we think of this 
 statement in the false decree of the Senate concern- 
 ing " the despatch of a deputation to His Holiness, 
 Pius VII., to beg him, in the name of the nation, to 
 forget the evils he has suffered, and to invite him to 
 come to Paris, before returning to Rome " ? To come 
 to Paris ! and why ? Possibly to crown the King, 
 after he had crowned the Emperor. And that other 
 clause in the forged decree, promising amnesty for all 
 military offences, even for desertion to foreign parts, 
 and inspiring the wholesale return of every emigre, 
 exile, and deserter : did not this do the work of the 
 Royalists ? Moreover, who was Malet's principal 
 fellow-worker ? An ecclesiastic, the Abbe* Lafon. 
 He succeeded in escaping, and in a history of the 
 conspiracy wrote that General Malet was working, 
 with Messrs, de Puyvert and de Polignac, in behalf 
 of the re-establishment of the legitimate monarchy. 
 And was not General Guidal an avowed Royalist, 
 whose widow, in a letter written in 1816, recalled 
 his services to the King, Louis XVIII. ? If Malet 
 had not been shot in 1812, who knows whether he 
 might not have been chosen Minister of War, two 
 years later, instead of General Dupont ? Who knows 
 whether, from the Royalist point of view, his plot 
 might not have seemed a more meritorious action 
 than the capitulation of Baylen? Malet doubtless 
 thought that Jacobinism was more out of favor in 
 France than Royalty. This madman, this victim of 
 hallucinations, had, as it were, a vision of the future. 
 
MALET'S CONSPIRACY. 49 
 
 In the distance he had seen the throne of the Bour- 
 bons restored, the white flag once more hoisted. 
 This pretended Democrat, this so-called Brutus, of 
 whom Republicans have made themselves the most 
 ardent apologists, was, we may be sure, only a would- 
 be Monk. 
 
IV. 
 
 THE RETREAT FROM RUSSIA. 
 
 OCTOBER 23, 1812, the day when General 
 Malet's conspiracy broke out in Paris, what 
 was happening in Russia to the Grand Army? On 
 that day Napoleon was manoeuvring about the little 
 town of Maro-Jaroslawitz. He was deeply pained 
 by being compelled to retreat, and had at first tried 
 to give to his departure from Moscow the appearance 
 of an advance ; and instead of taking the Smolensk 
 road, by which he had come, had taken that of 
 Kalouga, by which he hoped to reach a fertile coun- 
 try where he might pass the winter in a mild climate. 
 Five days after the evacuation of Moscow he came 
 across the army of KutusofT, and the bloody battle 
 of Maro-Jaroslawitz was fought. Prince Eugene 
 covered himself with glory. Eighteen thousand 
 Italians and Frenchmen, massed in a ravine, defeated 
 fifty thousand Russians, posted over their heads and 
 favored by all the advantages which a town possesses 
 when built at the top of a steep slope. The next 
 day, October 25, the battle-field presented an even 
 more ghastly spectacle than that of the Moskowa. 
 50 
 
THE RETREAT FROM RUSSIA. 51 
 
 The same day the Emperor was surprised by a band 
 of Cossacks, near Gorodnia, and narrowly escaped 
 being made prisoner. 
 
 The army was already the prey of the gloomiest 
 forebodings, and yet the severe cold had not begun. 
 The only way left was to take the shortest road to 
 winter quarters in Poland, abandoning the march 
 t9wards the south, proceeding to Mojaisk, and thence 
 taking the road to Smolensk, as rapidly as possible. 
 Napoleon felt that this was a most alarming plan, 
 but the fear of having to fight a second battle with 
 KutusofT, thus giving the final blow to the Grand 
 Army, already so weakened; of having to abandon 
 the wounded, too numerous to be transported ; the 
 sight of all these horrors ; his reflections on his threat- 
 ened capture by the Cossacks, all these things made 
 a deep impression on the Emperor and diminished 
 the .energy necessary for imposing his opinion. No 
 one, not even he, believed any longer in his infalli- 
 bility. It was October 26, after a council of war 
 held in a barn at the village of Gorodnia, that he 
 made the decision so painful to his pride and so fatal 
 in its results : namely, to abandon the march towards 
 the south and to return towards the north, taking as 
 a fugitive the road by which he had come as con- 
 queror. The whole march, since the evacuation of 
 Moscow and the costly victory of Maro-Jaroslawitz, 
 became useless. Seven precious, decisive days had 
 thus been lost. Properly speaking, it was October 26 
 that the real retreat began. 
 
52 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 In gloom and discouragement the army proceeded 
 sadly, and yet the sky was clear; no snow had fallen. 
 October 28 they reached Mojaisk. When they saw 
 again the battle-field of the Moskowa, lonely and 
 desolate, silent and mournful, shorn of the terrible 
 but poetic glow of combat, they were overwhelmed 
 with painful emotion. The bare earth trampled and 
 torn, the trees shattered by cannon-balls, the helmets, 
 cuirasses, drums, littering the ground, the redoubt, 
 which was the tomb of Caulaincourt and so many 
 other heroes; besides the chill of death, the frost 
 which had stiffened the corpses half eaten by wolves 
 and vultures, all formed a terrible spectacle. The 
 silence of the plains was broken only by the cries of 
 birds of prey. Alas ! what had been the result of 
 this dreadful battle in which had been fired sixty 
 thousand cannon-shots and fourteen hundred thou- 
 sand musket cartridges, and ninety thousand men 
 had been killed or wounded ? What result had been 
 obtained from all the powder burned, from all the 
 blood shed? This was a bitter, inevitable thought, 
 sure to dim the ardor and cool the enthusiasm of the 
 hottest lovers of warfare. " Our hearts," says Baron 
 Fain, " were filled with anguish at the sight of this 
 plain where so many of our comrades had perished. 
 They thought that they died for victory and peace. 
 As we passed we stepped carefully, lest the earth 
 should be too heavy on them beneath our retreating 
 footsteps." 
 
 Napoleon himself, steeled as he was against emo- 
 
THE BETBEAT FBOM BUSSIA. 53 
 
 tion, shuddered with horror at the sight of this blood- 
 stained field, and ordered that the soldiers should 
 linger there as short a time as possible ; for such 
 a sight was for them an occasion of grief, and for 
 himself one of self-reproach. The retreat continued, 
 every day being more disastrous and more sanguinary 
 than the one before. 
 
 November 6, the Emperor was on the heights of 
 Mikalenska, near Dorogobush, on the road to Smo- 
 lensk, when a courier, the first for ten days, arrived 
 from Paris. Napoleon stopped to read the despatches 
 which brought him the news of General Malet's 
 conspiracy. He turned to Count Daru and said, 
 " Well ! if we had stayed at Moscow " Then he 
 went into a palisaded house, which had been a post- 
 station, and reflected bitterly on the news he had just 
 received. " What ! " he said, with as much surprise 
 as regret, " they did not think of my son, my wife, 
 and the institutions of the Empire ? " Then turning 
 towards General Lariboisire, who had known person- 
 ally the principal officers of Moreau's army, he added, 
 " What did you think of General Lahorie ? " Lari- 
 boisidre answered, " He was an officer of the highest 
 merit, who would have served you well, if they had 
 not tried to ruin him in your estimation ; he would 
 have served you as General Ebld does, whom they 
 tried to make you think ill of, and whose character 
 and talents you are able to judge every day." " You 
 are right," resumed the Emperor. " These fools, 
 after letting themselves be deceived, are trying to 
 make up for it by shooting men by the dozen," 
 
54 MAEIE LOUISE. 
 
 November 6, the very day when Napoleon received 
 the news of Malet's conspiracy, the weather suddenly 
 changed for the worse. The sky, which had been 
 clear for several days, was suddenly covered with 
 frosty vapors. The thermometer fell to zero F. 
 Four weeks before, the Russian peasants had said to 
 the Frenchmen : " You don't know our climate. In 
 a month the cold will freeze your nails off." The 
 prophecy came true. When the English Commis- 
 sioner Wilson complained of delay, the old Kutusoff 
 only said, "Let the snow come." The snow did 
 come; earth and sky were one white pall. Could 
 the Emperor have been surprised at the appearance 
 of his cruelest enemy, the winter? Did he expect 
 to find in Russia the climate of Fontainebleau and 
 Compiegne ? Did not he write in the 16th bulletin 
 of the Grand Army, dated Viazma, August 31, 1812, 
 " The weather to-day is very fine, and we expect a 
 continuance of pleasant weather until October 10, 
 which will give us yet a campaign of forty days." 
 And after he had written that, it was the 19th of 
 October that he had chosen, not for the beginning 
 of rest, but for opening the most dangerous and most 
 terrible campaign that had ever been undertaken. 
 When he saw the first snowflakes flying, must he 
 not have regretted the thirty-five days he lingered at 
 Moscow ? 
 
 The great disasters began at this moment. High 
 winds and severe frosts prevailed ; a polar hurricane 
 raged ; the snow, driven by the tempest, drifted into 
 
THE RETREAT FROM RUSSIA. 55 
 
 every ravine and hollow, hiding chasms into which 
 the men slipped; all the furies seemed let loose at 
 once to delay their march ; the blasts cut short their 
 breath ; the snow concealed an ambush at every step ; 
 the ice prevented men and horses from proceeding ; 
 the wind knew no respite; the nights were sixteen 
 hours long, and in them it was impossible to lie down, 
 even to sit down, and at the ghastly dawn, the drums 
 called to arms soldiers who knew no waking ! Those 
 who escaped death looked more like phantoms than 
 like soldiers. Their thin summer clothing was frozen 
 on them. Their bleeding, shoeless feet they wrapped 
 in old rags. Their guns slipped from their numb 
 fingers. They had no more bread. The}^ could 
 make 110 fires, for the wood of the trees was too 
 green to burn. Moreover, warmth meant death. 
 No sooner had they melted a little snow to mix with 
 it a spoonful of rye or flour, than the Cossacks were 
 upon them, hovering always about like swarms of 
 vultures, appearing and vanishing like spectres, slay- 
 ing the wounded, capturing or killing the stragglers. 
 " About the Emperor," says Baron Fain, an eye-wit- 
 ness of these horrors, " the courtiers' smiles vanished 
 from the lips that were most accustomed to wear 
 them ; every face bore marks of distress. The brave 
 men, who wore no mask, were the only ones whose 
 expressions did not change when cold and sleepless- 
 ness left their harsh traces." The horses, uncalked, 
 slipt and fell, never to rise. The cavalry had to 
 march on foot; the artillery could not be drawn. 
 
56 MAEIE LOUISE. 
 
 No one could keep on a horse. Napoleon himself 
 walked, with difficulty, stick in hand. The edge of 
 the ditches was lined with wretches, who, overcome 
 with cold, succumbed to a sleep from which only the 
 last trump will wake them. 
 
 Amid all these sufferings, one hope kept up the 
 soldiers' spirits, that of reaching Smolensk, where 
 they expected to find in abundance reinforcements, 
 supplies, clothes, and rest. They arrived there Novem- 
 ber 9, but to meet a cruel deception. The supplies 
 they had expected were wanting. Starving and 
 infuriated, the soldiers broke open the shops and pil- 
 laged them. Napoleon left Smolensk, November 14, 
 at five in the morning: a longer stay would have 
 been impossible. Kutusoff's army was not the only 
 one to be feared; two other Russian armies, one 
 commanded by Wittgenstein, the other by Tchitcha- 
 koff, threatened to block the retreat. Time was 
 precious ; not a moment was to be lost. Smolensk, 
 which had been looked forward to as a promised 
 land, was only one more illusion. The Grand Army, 
 which, on leaving Moscow, had counted one hundred 
 thousand men, had been reduced in twenty-five days 
 to thirty-six thousand. They had to resume their 
 march. 
 
 " The elements had declared against France," said 
 PSre Lacordaire, in his funeral oration over General 
 Drouot. " Those heroic bands, which, from Lisbon to 
 Moscow, from the Pyramids to Berlin, had met no 
 conqueror, were surprised at last to feel their hearts 
 
THE RETREAT FROM RUSSIA. 57 
 
 heavy, their arms uncertain. Providence had given 
 nature the signal, and these men, so often defiant of 
 fortune, were for the first time overcome with weak- 
 ness. Military art and courage could no longer save 
 them ; they needed another art, another courage : 
 they needed moral force, courage to endure and hope 
 forever." All possible disasters seemed to have met 
 at the same spot. Physical and moral tortures were 
 combined. Nature seemed anxious to determine just 
 how much men could suffer. Let us honor the brave 
 men who were able to survive such harrowing trials. 
 At Krasnoi, November 17, they had to fight a bloody 
 battle to keep open the path for their retreat. In 
 the heat of the action, the band of the grenadiers 
 of the Old Guard, those sturdy veterans who made 
 a rampart with their bodies about their Emperor, 
 played calmly the familiar holiday air, "Where is 
 one happier than in the bosom of one's family?" 
 
 The retreat became even more perilous ; it seemed 
 as if nothing short of a miracle could save the whole 
 army, from Napoleon to the humblest soldier, from 
 extermination. An anecdote which we quote from 
 Villemain will show what feeling inspired these 
 heroes. One morning when the dim dawn faintly 
 lit the snowy field covered with the corpses of men 
 and horses, Napoleon, lowering the window of the 
 carriage in which he had spent the night, called his 
 aide-de-camp, the General de Narbonne. " What a 
 night, my dear General ! " he said. " It was not 
 worse for our sentinels than it was for me, who spent 
 
58 MAEIE LOUISE. 
 
 it in thinking, without closing my eyes. See that 
 they are relieved, and do you take this to revive you ; 
 for courage alone can't keep a man warm with the 
 thermometer below zero." With those words the 
 Emperor had poured from a jug heated by an alcohol 
 lamp, into a gold cup, a mixture of boiling coffee 
 and chocolate. The general took the cup, but as he 
 was raising it to his lips, he saw a grenadier of the 
 Old Guard, on sentry duty, whose stern, worn face be- 
 trayed his sufferings only overcome by courage. "My 
 man," he said, " drink this ; I command you." The 
 grenadier saluted, took the cup, and drained it with 
 one draught, then, as if overwhelmed with remorse, 
 he exclaimed : " General, how cold and hunger affect 
 a man ! Ought I to have accepted that from you 
 when you had it at your own lips ? I beg your par- 
 don, and, on my word, I am thoroughly ashamed of 
 myself now that my stomach is warm." And he 
 respectfully handed the gold cup to the Count of 
 Narbonne. " No, no," answered the general, " keep 
 it ! " Then the grenadier, saluting again, said : " No ; 
 God forbid ! I have never taken anything but my 
 pay and my rations when there have been any." 
 When the general insisted, the grenadier, who had 
 set the cup down on the snow, took it up and broke 
 off a bit as large as a twenty-franc piece. " Since you 
 order me," he said, " I will keep this Napoleon from 
 the gold cup. It shall be my medal ; it will remind 
 me that I had the honor to be on guard behind the 
 Emperor's carriage, at this festivity, and to be 
 relieved by you, General." 
 
THE EETEEAT FROM RUSSIA. 59 
 
 Marshal Davout said with noble pride, " We were 
 conquered by the winter, not by the Russians." The 
 stoical endurance of the Grand Army has wrung 
 admiration even from foreigners. What is more 
 epical, more impressive than General de Sdgur's 
 description, which is almost a poem ? Heinrich Heine, 
 the author of the Reitebilder, said: "The heroes 
 whom we admired in the Iliad, we find again in 
 Se'gur's poem. We see them deliberating, quarrel- 
 ling, fighting as in old times before the Scsean gate. 
 Although the helmet of the King of Naples was 
 somewhat motley, his courage in action and his fear- 
 lessness are as great as in the son of Peleus ; Prince 
 Eugene appears before us like a gentle and brave 
 Hector ; Ney, like Ajax ; Berthier is a Nestor ; Davout, 
 Daru, Caulaincourt, recall Menelaus, Ulysses, and 
 Diomed." 
 
 Everything in Napoleon was colossal; his adver- 
 sity as well as his prosperity. In his darkest days, 
 shortly before the passage of the Beresina, he said 
 to General Jomini, u When one has never known re- 
 verses, they will be as great as his good fortunes." 
 The Emperor of legend, in good or evil fortune, 
 ever impresses posterity as a gigantic sphinx. In 
 this figure, which is rather a product of fable than a 
 historic fact, there is an attraction which fascinates 
 even his enemies. The fierce patriotism of Count 
 Leo Tolstoi is pained by this. " Strangely and ter- 
 ribly enough," he says, " Napoleon is for the Russians 
 themselves an object of admiration and enthusiasm ; 
 
60 MAE IE LOUISE. 
 
 in their eyes he is great, while Kutusoff, who from 
 the beginning to the end of 1812, from Borodino to 
 Wilna, persevered in one plan, never varying in word 
 or deed, an unprecedented example of the most abso- 
 lute self-denial, seeing in what was happening about 
 him the future results, is represented by them as a 
 colorless being, deserving at the most of pity, a being 
 whom often they mention only with ill-disguised 
 shame." 
 
 As the retreat continued, the sufferings and disas- 
 ters only grew. On reaching Orcha, November 19, 
 only about twenty-four thousand men under arms 
 and about twenty-five thousand stragglers were left ; 
 that is to say, about one-eighth of the four hundred 
 thousand men who had crossed the Niemen. Two 
 new Russian armies, those of Wittgenstein and Tchit- 
 chakoff, were about to oppose the crossing of the 
 Beresina. The situation appeared absolutely des- 
 perate. Napoleon, feeling that all was lost, burned 
 all the documents that he had carried with him in 
 order to write his autobiography, a distraction he had 
 purposed to give himself if he had spent the winter 
 at Moscow. He had the eagles of every corps brought, 
 and ordered them to be burned. He collected in two 
 battalions eighteen hundred dismounted cavalrymen 
 of the Imperial Guard, of whom only eleven hundred 
 and forty-four were supplied with muskets or car- 
 bines. Of all the cavalry that had left Moscow, only 
 a few mounted men were left. The Emperor collected 
 about him all the officers of this army who had saved 
 
THE RETREAT FROM RUSSIA. 61 
 
 their horses, and transformed them into what he 
 called his sacred battalion, in which generals of divis- 
 ions served as simple captains. 
 
 When they had come before the Beresina, Napoleon 
 was in the most critical position of his whole eventful 
 career. Three Russian armies, amounting to a hun- 
 dred and forty thousand men, barred every passage, 
 and enclosed in an iron circle what had once been 
 the Grand Army. To cross the river in such circum- 
 stances seemed impossible, yet Napoleon did not for 
 an instant think of surrendering. His veterans said, 
 " He will get us out of even this." 
 
 How was he to bridge the Beresina? Everything 
 impeded the task : the marshy banks of the river, the 
 half-frozen water, the pieces of ice carried by the cur- 
 rent, the Russians on both sides in vastly superior 
 numbers. But the chief engineer, General Ebl^, had 
 saved a caisson full of tires that had been thrown 
 away, and these he had made into cramp-irons. This 
 was the army's only chance for safety. The pontoon- 
 makers were heroes who sacrificed themselves with- 
 out a murmur. The whole night of the .25th of 
 November they worked on without stopping, within 
 range of the enemy's cannon and musketry, by the 
 light of fires burning on the opposite bank. They 
 worked in the same way all through the 26th. They 
 were up to their necks in the icy stream ; they hardly 
 stopped long enough to swallow a little unsalted soup- 
 meat. There were a hundred of them, and of this 
 number but five returned to France : all the rest died 
 
62 MAEIE LOUISE. 
 
 from exhaustion and exposure. But they built the 
 bridges and saved their Emperor. The 27th, thanks 
 to their devotion, Napoleon was able to cross the 
 river. When he reached the opposite bank, Napo- 
 leon exclaimed, " There's my star again ! " He al- 
 ways persisted in thinking that his star was shining 
 even when the skies were blackest. " At this mo- 
 ment," says Baron Fain, " one would have thought 
 that a ray of sunlight pierced the snowy mist that 
 encompassed us." 
 
 Napoleon had crossed, but what was to become of 
 the army? The plan of the Russians was to attack 
 it on the two banks while crossing, and to drive it 
 into the river. The two bridges one for the infantry, 
 the other for the artillery and baggage were torn 
 by missiles. A terrible confusion prevailed. Men, 
 women, and children, crushed, suffocated, were strug- 
 gling beneath the feet of their companions, whom 
 they grasped with their teeth and nails ; shells were 
 bursting ; men were swearing, shouting, groaning ; 
 women were weeping ; children crying ; horses were 
 plunging wildly ; cannon-balls were ploughing through 
 the surging mass ! Never did the world behold a 
 ghastlier sight ; the reality surpassed Dante's most 
 terrible visions ; no dreamer ever conceived any such 
 circles of iron, of ice, of fire ! 
 
 Most unfortunate were those who had not time to 
 cross, who, worn out by their fatigue and their suf- 
 fering, until they had lost the feeling of self-preserva- 
 tion, lingered on the bank for a few moments' rest. 
 
THE RETREAT FROM RUSSIA. 63 
 
 The Russians advanced, and it became necessary to 
 burn the bridges lest the Russians should make use of 
 them. Orders were given to set fire to them at seven 
 in the morning. General Eble', out of humanity, 
 delayed until nine o'clock ; but he had to obey then, 
 and the fire was set. Clouds of smoke enveloped the 
 two bridges, and the wretches who were on them 
 jumped into the water lest they should be hurled in 
 by their fall. From the crowd on the other shore, 
 making ready to cross, there rose a terrible cry of 
 anger and despair. Some sprang into the river, 
 others upon the blazing bridges. They perished in 
 the flames or the frost, victims of fire or cold, crushed 
 beneath the wheels of the wagons or the horses' feet, 
 or pierced by the bullets or cannon-balls of the two 
 posts. Those left on the shore some eight or 
 ten thousand men, women, and children were cap- 
 tured by the Cossacks, who put many to death ; the 
 rest were sent to Siberia. 
 
 Thus, November 29, ended the crossing of the 
 Beresina, which had begun on the 20th. It was 
 a victory ; but one dearly paid for ! Napoleon was to 
 stay but seven days longer with his troops. From 
 the moment he had thus miraculously escaped from 
 the Caudine Forks, he had but one thought, to 
 leave. 
 
 As in Egypt, he was suddenly seized with an 
 attack of homesickness. Always impatient and eager 
 in carrying out his plans, he desired to return to 
 Paris as he had desired to enter Moscow. The Tui- 
 
64 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 leries became his goal, as the Kremlin had been. He 
 counted the days, hours, and minutes separating him 
 from the moment when he should ascend the steps of 
 the grand staircase of his palace. He had no remorse 
 in stealing away from the fragments of the Grand 
 Army, in going, like the Persian King whom JEschylus 
 set on the stage, a fugitive and alone, " with an empty 
 quiver." What could he do at the head of disbanded 
 troops, without their uniforms, wrapped up in rags ? 
 What would Germany still submissive, but quiver- 
 ing say when it should see the ruler of the great 
 Empire in this plight? From Wilna or Konigsberg 
 he would be seen by Europe only in the light of a 
 defeated man. From the Tuileries, on the other hand, 
 he would still make an immense impression: there 
 he would have with him his wife, his son, his Minis- 
 ters, his Chamberlains, his flatterers. At his reviews 
 in the Carrousel, he would see superb regiments, 
 gorgeous uniforms ; Malet's conspiracy would be of 
 some use to him ; it would give him a chance to com- 
 plain, to appear as an accuser instead of the accused, 
 to knit his brow like Olympian Zeus. And then if 
 he did not leave, other Malets might rise. When 
 that plot broke out, the disasters were yet unknown. 
 The Emperor was thought to be at Moscow, enjoying 
 an agreeable climate and preparing to spend a quiet 
 winter in the Palace of the Czars. 
 
 In Paris, not a word had been said about the 
 retreat ; no one knew anything about the winter and 
 its snows. Could the truth long be hid ? Would 
 
THE RETREAT FROM RUSSIA. 65 
 
 every officer's letter have to be intercepted? Only 
 one man could make the Parisians accept the fatal 
 news, and that was the Emperor. If he were present, 
 he said to himself, there would be no rebellion, no 
 murmuring. He would be obeyed and silently ; possi- 
 bly he would be admired; and the great player, with- 
 out delay or hesitation, prepared his vengeance in the 
 face of a downtrodden Europe. 
 
 Once decided, Napoleon tolerated no discussion. 
 At Smorgoni, in the evening of December 5, he sum- 
 moned the King of Naples, Prince Eugene, and the 
 marshals, and announced to them his departure. " I 
 shall leave you," he said ; " but it is to get three hun- 
 dred thousand soldiers. ' We must make ready for a 
 second campaign, since the first has not ended the 
 war. . . . And why not? Our only conqueror is 
 the cold, which came so early that it deceived even 
 the natives. Schwarzenberg's counter-marches have 
 done the rest. So the unheard-of audacity of an incen- 
 diary, an unprecedented winter, cowardly intrigues, 
 stupid ambitions, a few faults, possibly treachery, and 
 shameful mysteries which will come to light some 
 day, have brought us to our present condition. Was 
 ever a good chance disturbed by more unexpected 
 accidents? The Russian campaign will none the 
 less be the most glorious, the most difficult, and the 
 most honorable known to modern history." Then he 
 gave deserved praise to his principal lieutenants, and 
 appeared more affable and kindly than usual. He 
 
66 MAEIE LOUISE. 
 
 confessed that every one, he himself like the rest, 
 had blundered more than once in the campaign, and 
 added, " If I had been born to the throne, if I were 
 a Bourbon, it would have been easy for me to make 
 no blunders." Then they sat down to table. After 
 the supper the Emperor had Prince Eugene read the 
 29th and last bulletin, which was to produce so ter- 
 rible an effect. The reading finished, he said, "I 
 leave at once for Paris with Duroc, Caulaincourt, 
 and Lobau. My presence there is indispensable; 
 only from there can I restrain the Austrians and the 
 Prussians. Without doubt they will hesitate to 
 declare war against me when they know that I am 
 at the head of the French nation and of a new army 
 of twelve hundred thousand men. ... I make over 
 the command to the King of Naples. I hope that 
 the most perfect harmony will prevail among you." 
 
 After these words Napoleon arose, shook hands 
 affectionately with his lieutenants, embraced them 
 all, and got into his carriage with Caulaincourt. On 
 the seat were the Mameluke Rustan and a captain of 
 the Guard, Wonsovitch, a Pole, who was to act as 
 interpreter on the way. Duroc and Lobau followed 
 in a sleigh. It was ten in the evening. The ther- 
 mometer marked 18 F. 
 
 The next day the army learned that the Emperor 
 had left. It was in such a state of misery and dis- 
 couragement that it paid scarcely any attention to 
 the departure which, a few days before, would have 
 
THE RETREAT FROM RUSSIA. 67 
 
 caused a feeling of keen surprise and of profound 
 disappointment. Every one felt that Napoleon was 
 no longer the protector of his army ; that his genius, 
 once capable of wonders, had suddenly become power- 
 less, both against the winter and against fate. 
 
V. 
 
 THE EMPEROR'S RETURN. 
 
 ITAECEMBER 5, 1812, the day Napoleon left his 
 JL^ army like a fugitive, Paris was perfectly tran- 
 quil. Salvos of artillery were fired as a signal for 
 rejoicing, and to announce for the next day the anni- 
 versary of the coronation and of the battle of Aus- 
 terlitz. This holiday had been postponed from the 
 2d of December to the 6th, because the 6th was a 
 Sunday. That day the Empress Marie Louise was 
 to leave the Palace of Saint Cloud and establish her- 
 self for the winter at the Tuileries. At midday she 
 received the Diplomatic Body, surrounded by the 
 Princes, Ministers, Grand Eagles of the Legion of 
 Honor, High Officers of the Crown, and the members 
 of her household and of that of the Emperor. After 
 the audience, she went to the chapel, where she heard 
 mass and the Te Deum. In the evening, in the palace 
 theatre, she heard Cimarosa's opera, the Horaces. 
 Madame Grassini and Madame Sessi sang the princi- 
 pal women's parts. The Tuileries and the city were 
 illuminated ; and yet, what cause was there for joy ? 
 The real illumination was that of burning Moscow. 
 
THE EMPEROR'S RETURN. 69 
 
 It was not the playhouses, but the churches that 
 should have been crowded, to pray for the dead, to 
 try to avert God's wrath which had fallen so heavily 
 on France. 
 
 The bad news had not yet arrived, but a vague 
 presentiment made every one uneasy. People said 
 that the wonders of Austerlitz could not be repeated, 
 and no one counted on the thunderbolts to which 
 Napoleon had accustomed the world. No change 
 was visible : officials and courtiers seemed to believe 
 the Emperor's fortune eternal : the Empress's face 
 was always calm ; but, in spite of her inexperience, 
 the young sovereign was intelligent to detect the 
 gradual modification of public opinion even before 
 messengers came with the evil tidings. 
 
 Meanwhile, Napoleon in his latest bulletins had 
 made use of every euphemism to calm men's minds. 
 His 25th bulletin, dated October 25, and published 
 in the Moniteur of November 9, announced the evac- 
 uation of the City of the Czars in these terms : " The 
 Emperor left Moscow October 10. ... Moscow is 
 not a military position. Moscow has no longer any 
 political importance, inasmuch as this city is burned 
 and ruined for a hundred years. The Marshal of 
 Treviso remains there with a garrison. The weather 
 is very fine, like that in France in October, per- 
 haps a little warmer. But early in November cold 
 weather may be expected. Everything makes it 
 necessary to prepare for winter quarters. This h 
 necessary for the cavalry especially ; the infantry 
 
70 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 has rested at Moscow and is in excellent condition." 
 The 26th bulletin, dated October 23, and published 
 in the Moniteur of November 16, betrayed 110 anxiety. 
 " The Duke of Treviso," it said, " blew up the Krem- 
 lin October 23, at two o'clock in the morning. The 
 arsenal, the barracks, the magazines, were all de- 
 stroyed. This ancient citadel, which dates from the 
 foundation of the monarchy, this first Palace of the 
 Czars, has ceased to be. The Emperor intends to 
 start the 24th, to reach the Dwina, and to take a 
 position within eighty leagues of Saint Petersburg and 
 of Wilna, a twofold advantage, being thus twenty 
 marches nearer both the means and the end. . . . 
 The Russians are amazed at the weather of the last 
 three weeks, in which we have had the bright sun 
 and the pleasant days of our visits to Fontainebleau. 
 The army is in a very fertile region, which compares 
 favorably with those of France and Germany.'.' 
 
 The 27th bulletin, which was dated October 27, 
 and appeared in the Moniteur of November 17, was 
 equally optimistic: "The weather is superb, the 
 roads are good; it is the end of the autumn; this 
 weather will last for a week, and by that time we 
 shall have got into our new positions. The Italian 
 guard distinguished itself at the battle of Maro- 
 Jaroslawitz. The old Russian infantry is destroyed. 
 The Russian army now exists only by means of the 
 numerous reinforcements of Cossacks recently arrived 
 from the Don." The 28th bulletin, dated at Smo- 
 lensk, November 11, and published in the Moniteur 
 
THE EMPEROR'S RETURN. 71 
 
 of November 29, was not perfectly reassuring, but it 
 did not tell a hundredth part of the disasters : " The 
 weather was very fine until November 6, but on the 
 7th the winter began. The earth is covered with 
 snow. The roads have become very slippery, and 
 very hard for the draught horses. We have lost 
 many of them by the cold and fatigues. Since the 
 storm of the 6th we have lost more than fifty thou- 
 sand draught horses, and nearly a hundred caissons 
 have been destroyed. The Emperor's health has 
 never been better." 
 
 Do not these bulletins read like cruel jests ? Could 
 the truth be better hidden ? This terrible retreat, the 
 most disastrous known to history, was represented as 
 a strategic march, somewhat impeded by unfavorable 
 weather. But public opinion was not reassured, and 
 in spite of the official optimism, men began to think 
 of nothing but ruin and destruction. 
 
 For his part, Napoleon had skilfully prepared for 
 his own return. Three days before leaving his army 
 he had sent on as a forerunner, one of the aides of 
 the Prince of Neufch&tel, Major de Montesquieu, who 
 was to inform Europe of some of the recent events, 
 while setting them in a favorable light. The instruc- 
 tions he carried ran thus: "Selitche, December 2, 1812. 
 M. de Montesquieu will leave at once for Paris. He 
 will give the Empress the enclosed letter. On his 
 way he will see the Duke of Bassano at Wilna, to 
 inform him of the necessity of stopping individual 
 soldiers, and of feeding them, and especially of pro- 
 
72 MAEIE LOUISE. 
 
 viding a great quantity of supplies, bread, meat, and 
 brandy, in order to give the army abundance after its 
 present distress. Everywhere he is to announce the 
 arrival of ten thousand Russian prisoners, and the 
 victory gained on the Beresina, in which were cap- 
 tured six thousand Russian prisoners, eight flags, and 
 twelve cannon. He will also announce it at Kowno, 
 Konigsberg, Berlin, and to M. de Saint Marson, and 
 publish everywhere in the gazettes: 4 M. de Mon- 
 tesquiou, aide-de-camp of the Prince of Neufchatel, 
 has passed through, bringing news of the victory of 
 the Beresina gained by the Emperor over the united 
 armies of Admiral Tchitchakoff and General Witt- 
 genstein. He is carrying to Paris eight flags, taken 
 from the Russians in this battle, in which six thou- 
 sand prisoners and twelve cannon were captured. 
 When this officer left, the Emperor Napoleon was at 
 Wilna, in excellent health.' M. de Montesquiou 
 will travel as rapidly as possible, in order to contra- 
 dict everywhere false rumors. He will say that 
 they tried to divide the French, who, however, scat- 
 tered them to the four winds ; that they have reached 
 Wilna, where they have found numerous stores, and 
 that they will soon have recovered from their suffer- 
 ings. On reaching Paris he will give the Empress 
 details of the Emperor's good health, and the state 
 of the army. Then he will await new orders." 
 
 Napoleon continued his speedy flight. He did not 
 even enter Wilna, but passed through Wilkowiski, 
 where he changed his carriage for a sleigh, and in 
 
THE EMPEROR'S RETURN. 73 
 
 the same clandestine way reached Warsaw December 
 10. He did not even dare to go to his Ambassador's, 
 M. de Pradt, Archbishop of Malines, but sought re- 
 tirement in a wretched inn, where he had great diffi- 
 culty in getting a fire lit. Caulaincourt called on 
 the Ambassador, greatly surprising him by his unex- 
 pected appearance. The archbishop at once went 
 to the inn where the sovereign of so many nations 
 resembled the obscurest traveller. The conqueror 
 himself was struck by the contrast, and said to the 
 Ambassador, with a forced laugh, "It's but a step 
 from the sublime to the ridiculous." Then he added 
 in a calm voice : " Who has escaped reverses ? It is 
 true that no one has ever had any like these, but 
 they had to be proportionate to my fortune, and 
 besides they will be soon repaired." Then he sum- 
 moned the principal Polish ministers, urged upon 
 them absolute silence concerning his presence in 
 Warsaw, promised to return speedily with three hun- 
 dred thousand fresh troops, and continued his jour- 
 ney under an assumed name, still accompanied by 
 Duroc, Caulaincourt, Lobau, Captain Wonsowitch, 
 and the Mameluke Rustan. 
 
 Meanwhile M. de Montesquieu, in accordance with 
 his instructions, had inserted in all the papers of 
 Lithuania and Germany the statement that the 
 Emperor was at Wilna in good health, but at Wilna 
 no one had seen Napoleon. Every one was wondering 
 what had happened. Had he disappeared like Romu- 
 lus in a storm ? Had he fallen into the hands of the 
 
74 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 Cossacks ? Was he buried in the snowdrifts ? Had 
 some German fanatic stabbed him ? Was he a pris- 
 oner? or dead? Nothing was known about this man 
 who a moment before had stood forth before a dazed 
 world as an Agamemnon, king of kings, as a second 
 Charlemagne ! From Lithuania to the heart of Aus- 
 tria the rumor suddenly spread that he was no longer 
 alive, and the breath of whole nations paused in sol- 
 emn expectation. The sleigh was gliding on, and no 
 one who saw it passing like a flash over the plains of 
 Poland and Saxony imagined that the fragile sleigh 
 was carrying Caesar and his fortunes. 
 
 December 14, the illustrious fugitive reached Dres- 
 den by night and took quarters, still incognito, 
 at the Ambassador's, M. de Serra. At Dresden, 
 where a few months before he had held a magnificent 
 court of kings and princes, and where his face was 
 distinctly remembered, he had to take the greatest 
 precautions to escape recognition. He received se- 
 cretly the King of Saxony, the best and most faithful 
 of his allies, and tried to reassure him by grand prom- 
 ises. Then he wrote this letter to the Emperor of 
 Austria : 
 
 "December 14, 1812. MY BROTHER AND MY 
 DEAR FATHER-IN-LAW : I stop for a moment at Dres- 
 den to write to Your Majesty and to give you news of 
 myself. In spite of rather severe fatigues, my health 
 has never been better. I started from Lithuania 
 the 5th of this month, after the battle of the Beresina, 
 leaving the Grand Army under the orders of the King 
 
THE EMPEROR'S RETURN. 75 
 
 of Naples, the Prince of Neufchatel still holding his 
 post of major-general. In four days I shall be in 
 Paris, where I shall spend the winter to look after 
 my most important affairs. Possibly Your Majesty 
 will decide to send there some one in the absence of 
 your Ambassador, whose presence is of such service 
 to the army. The different bulletins which the Duke 
 of Bassano cannot have failed to send Count Otto 
 will have informed Your Majesty of everything that 
 has happened since our departure from Moscow. It 
 is important, in the present circumstances, that Your 
 Majesty should mobilize his corps in Galicia and Tran- 
 sylvania, thus raising his forces to sixty thousand men. 
 I have perfect confidence in Your Majesty's feelings. 
 The alliance we have contracted forms a permanent 
 system to assure the triumph of the common cause, 
 and to bring us speedily to a suitable peace. You 
 may be sure that I for my part shall always be found 
 ready to do everything in my power to please you and 
 to convince you of the importance I attach to our 
 existing relations, as well as to give proofs of the 
 perfect esteem and high consideration with which 
 I am Your Majesty's affectionate brother and son-in- 
 law, NAPOLEON." 
 
 The Emperor left Dresden as stealthily as he entered 
 it ; and always buried in thick furs, concealed under a 
 false name, he continued his swift journey in a sleigh 
 with the same companions. This strange journey 
 was not unpleasant to him. Curious and romantic 
 experiences suited his adventurous nature, which was 
 
76 MAEIE LOUISE. 
 
 greedy of emotions. Then, too, it was a real conso- 
 lation no longer to have before his eyes the lamentable 
 spectacle of his army, whose terrible sufferings would 
 have awakened, if not remorse, at least pity, in the 
 coldest heart. Possibly Napoleon fleeing in his sleigh 
 over the snowy plains was not so unhappy as one might 
 at first suppose. His reverses, though as vast, as 
 portentous as his triumphs, had not at all discouraged 
 him. What he had seen on the bridge of the Beresina, 
 as on that of Arcole, was his unexpected good fortune, 
 what he always called his star. He comforted 
 himself with the thought that any one else in such 
 circumstances would have perished, and he prepared 
 himself for new adventures. The thoughts that flashed 
 through his mind as he hurried along through Ger- 
 many, exposed to any fanatic who might recognize 
 and assassinate him, were not those of moderation, 
 prudence, or repentance, but those of pride, victory, 
 and dominion. He was like a bold rider -who, on 
 being once thrown, thinks only of vaulting into his 
 saddle, and of whipping, spurring, and mastering his 
 wayward steed. His steed was fortune. What did 
 he think of what the Abbe* Perreyve called " that 
 army invisible to the bodily eye, but too visible to 
 the mind's eye, which begins its bloody march, that 
 grand army of the dead, the slain, the abandoned, 
 the forgotten, the army of those atrocious sufferings 
 and those prolonged infirmities, which proceeds in 
 mournful procession behind what we call glory " ? 
 Away with phantoms and odious memories ! That is 
 
THE EMPEROR'S RETURN. 77 
 
 past ; now for revenge ! The loss of the highest stake 
 never broke the spirit of an untiring gambler. Like 
 Don Juan before his guest of stone, he hardened 
 himself against Fate. Fate summoned him to repen- 
 tance ; he did not repent. 
 
 Feverishly he seized again the dice, again to shake 
 them once more in the box, proud and confident before 
 the final throw. He made no recriminations, uttered 
 no laments. He had to reign again, remount his 
 horse, hold reviews, summon a huge army of con- 
 scripts to arms, and once more to make Europe trem- 
 ble. When Francis I., returning from captivity in 
 Madrid, crossed the Bidassoa, and found himself free 
 again on the soil of his kingdom, he exclaimed : 
 " Here I am, king once more ! I am king ! I am king 
 again ! " When Napoleon had crossed the Rhine, 
 he was able to say, " I am always Emperor ! " 
 
 Yes, he was always Emperor ; yet what gloom his 
 advent in the capital was to call forth! This was 
 the second time he had abandoned his army; but 
 what a difference between the return from Egypt 
 and the return from Russia ! From Egypt he had 
 returned alone, but victorious, and his soldiers were 
 at Cairo ; from Russia he returned alone, but his 
 army was annihilated and no longer at Moscow. 
 Any one else so returning would have feared the 
 criticisms or the blame of the populace ; he was re- 
 turning to Paris as proud as if he had just signed a 
 glorious peace, and the Grand Army were following 
 his triumphal chariot. The nearer he ' drew to the 
 
78 MAE IE LOUISE. 
 
 frontier, the more liis confidence and satisfaction 
 increased. The thought of seeing once more his 
 wife, his son, his Palace of the Tuileries, his Imperial 
 throne, filled him with rapture. After being washed 
 overboard by a terrible tempest, he was about to pace 
 the deck once more and to take the helm again. 
 
 All his prestige was needed to diminish the dis- 
 astrous impression which was produced by the bad 
 news that had just arrived. He was not to reach 
 Paris until the morning of December 18, and no one 
 expected him, when, on the morning of the 17th, 
 there was published in the Moniteur the 29th bul- 
 letin, which announced many of the catastrophes. It 
 came like a thunderbolt. For nearly three weeks no 
 word had been received from the army. The 28th 
 bulletin, the last that had been received, had been 
 published in the official sheet, November 29, and 
 as we have seen, it was full of exaggerated op- 
 timism. Since then nothing had been heard. Judge, 
 then, of the universal stupefaction when the 29th 
 bulletin burst upon them like a funeral knell ! He 
 owned to the loss of more than thirty thousand 
 horses in a few days, the melancholy condition of 
 the dismounted cavalry, of the artillery, and of the 
 train. He said : " Men whom nature had not made 
 sturdy enough to rise superior to all the chances of 
 fate and fortune, seemed overwhelmed ; they lost 
 their gaiety and good-humor, and thought of nothing 
 but woe and disaster ; those whom it made of sterner 
 stuff preserved their cheerfulness and habitual com- 
 
THE EMPEROR'S RETURN. 79 
 
 posure, seeing new glory to be won in almost insur- 
 mountable difficulties." The bulletin confessed that 
 the Cossacks, " that contemptible cavalry which simply 
 makes a noise, and is incapable of breaking through 
 a company of light infantry, was made by circum- 
 stances most formidable." While omitting much, he 
 announced the crossing of the Beresina, and closed 
 thus : " That the army needs to reform its discipline, 
 to form anew, to get new horses for the cavalry, the 
 artillery, and its baggage train, is evident from what 
 has been said. Its first need is rest. In all its move- 
 ments the Emperor has continually marched amid 
 his guard ; the cavalry being commanded by the 
 Marshal, the Duke of Istria, the infantry by the 
 Duke of Dantzic. Our cavalry was so short of 
 horses that all the officers who had a single horse 
 had to be collected, in order to make four companies 
 of one hundred and fifty men each. Generals served 
 as captains ; colonels as uncommissioned officers. This 
 sacred squadron, commanded by General Grouchy, 
 and under the orders of the King of Naples, never lost 
 sight of the Emperor in all his movements. His 
 Majesty's health was never better." 
 
 In this famous bulletin there certainly prevailed a 
 tone of frankness which was not without grandeur, 
 and it lent the figure of the Emperor, in better health 
 than ever amid so many trials, an epic and majestic 
 air ; yet Napoleon's adversaries, especially the Royal- 
 ists, reproached him with it most bitterly. Chateau- 
 briand thus speaks of it in his MS moires cC outre 
 
80 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 tombe : " Bonaparte was always guarded by a sacred 
 battalion which never lost sight of him in all his 
 movements, in compensation for the three hundred 
 thousand men slain; but why had not nature tem- 
 pered them finely enough ? Then they would have 
 preserved their usual appearance. Did this vile meat 
 for cannon deserve to have its movements watched 
 as preciously as those of His Majesty ? This bulletin, 
 like many others, ends thus : c His Majesty's health 
 was never better.' Families, dry your tears ! Napo- 
 leon is well ! After this report there appeared in the 
 papers this official remark : ' This is an historic utter- 
 ance of the highest rank. Xenophon and Csesar thus 
 wrote, one his Retreat of the Ten Thousand, the 
 other his Commentaries.' What madness of pedantic 
 allusion ! We had sunk to the contemptuous scorn 
 of a flattery which exhumed memories of Xenophon 
 and Csesar in order to insult the eternal grief of 
 France." 
 
 M. de Montesquieu reached Paris the night of 
 December 17. He had left the Emperor on the 2d, 
 the date of the despatches he was carrying to the 
 Empress, and since then had heard nothing from him. 
 Hence he could give Marie Louise only very meagre 
 information, and no one knew where Napoleon was, 
 or when he would return to the capital. This abso- 
 lute uncertainty, added to the gloom produced by 
 the 29th bulletin, arroused widespread uneasiness, 
 Meanwhile the Emperor continued his journey with- 
 out an obstacle. On his way through Weimar he 
 
THE EMPEROR'S RETURN. 81 
 
 borrowed the carriage of his Minister, M. de Saiut- 
 Aignan, and pushed on through Hanau and Mayence 
 without being recognized. At a short distance from 
 Paris, his carriage having met with a slight accident, 
 he took a post-chaise, which brought him swiftly 
 the rest of the way. 
 
 December 18, at half-past eleven at night, Marie 
 Louise, sad and ailing, had just gone to bed in the 
 Tuileries. The lady-in-waiting, who was to sleep in 
 the next room, was making ready to lock all the 
 doors, when suddenly she heard the footsteps of two 
 men. Who could it be at that hour ? The drawing- 
 room door opened, and two men, wrapped in thick 
 furs, made the lady utter a cry of surprise : one was 
 the First Equerry, Caulaincourt, and the other the 
 Emperor himself. At first they had been refused 
 admission to the palace, and both had found some 
 difficulty in getting the porter to recognize them. 
 Marie Louise, who was suddenly awakened, sprang 
 out of bed, and when she saw Napoleon, embraced 
 him with delight. 
 
VI. 
 
 ADULATION. 
 
 ANY one but Napoleon would have been dis- 
 turbed at the thought of meeting his Ministers 
 for the first time after a war which he had been the 
 only one to desire, and which had ended so lament- 
 ably. But he, so far from feeling the slightest embar- 
 rassment, determined to assume their position and 
 to appear as an accuser. Malet's conspiracy gave 
 him exactly the pretext that he desired. The feel- 
 ing that his presence inspired was mainly fenr. His 
 attitude, he decided, should be what it would have 
 been if the Russian campaign had been one long 
 triumph. Instead of rendering an account, he meant 
 to demand one. 
 
 On his arrival at the Tuileries, December 18, at half- 
 past eleven in the evening, the Emperor summoned 
 the Princes holding high positions, the Ministers, and 
 the high officers of the Crown for the next morning. 
 First he received the Archchancellor Cambace'r^s, 
 then the Ministers in succession, according to the 
 length of the tenure of their offices, so that the Chief 
 Justice and all the Ministers, with the sole exception 
 
 82 
 
ADULATION. 83 
 
 of the Minister of Commerce, came before Savary, 
 Duke of Rovigo, the Minister of Police. 
 
 " Of all who were there," says the Duke of Rovigo 
 in his Memoirs, " there was not one who would have 
 wished to stand in my shoes. They all seemed 
 unwilling to speak to me, lest they should pain me. 
 The Emperor detained every Minister, except the 
 Minister of War, only a short time, so that I was 
 ushered into him very soon. When I passed through 
 the crowd which had gathered about the door of the 
 drawing-room where the Emperor was, they made 
 way for me as if they were letting a funeral proces- 
 sion pass on its way to bid farewell to the court. 
 What especially helped to confirm this opinion was 
 'the return to Paris of the Duke of Otranto, whom 
 the Emperor had recalled from Aix in Provence, 
 where he was living : every one looked upon him as 
 my successor. Some who had been my friends in 
 the days of my first success took pains to let me 
 know everything that was said while I was with the 
 Emperor." 
 
 The Duke of Rovigo remained nearly two hours 
 with his sovereign. " I can imagine," said Napoleon, 
 " that you might have been arrested by fifty men, 
 but it is very much to be regretted that you should 
 not have been able to defend yourself. As for me, 
 I am at the mercy of the first officer who is on guard 
 at my door." The Minister entered into long expla- 
 nations, which the Emperor received very kindly, and 
 he soon saw with surprise and pleasure that he still 
 
84 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 retained his master's confidence. " When I left the 
 Emperor," he says, "it was interesting to see the 
 curiosity of the courtiers, who tried to read in my 
 face whether they should do well to approach me. 
 However, they regarded the length of our conversa- 
 tion as a favorable sign, and it was that evening (for 
 it was four or five o'clock in the afternoon) that 
 those ridiculous rumors which had been current about 
 me for a month, came to an end. Afterwards I had 
 many excellent opportunities to make their authors 
 repent their rashness, but I did nothing about it. 
 My friends returned when they saw I was in favor ; 
 I received them all without bearing malice." 
 
 Although Napoleon reached the Tuileries in the 
 evening of December 18, the Moniteur of the 19th' 
 made no mention of his return. It contained, how- 
 ever, the following paragraph: "December 5 the 
 Emperor called together, at headquarters at Smor- 
 goni, the King of Naples, the Viceroy, the Prince of 
 Neufchatel, and the Marshals, the Dukes of Elchingen, 
 of Dantzic, of Treviso, the Prince of Eckmiihl, the 
 Duke of Istria, and told them he had appointed the 
 King of Naples his lieutenant-general, to command 
 the army during the winter. His Majesty, in pass- 
 ing through Wilna, accorded an interview of several 
 hours to the Duke of Bassano. His Majesty trav- 
 elled incognito in a single sleigh, under the name of 
 the Duke of Vicenza. He visited the fortification 
 of Praga, passed through Warsaw, and spent several 
 hours there without being recognized. Two hours 
 
ADULATION. 85 
 
 before his departure he sent for Count Potocki and 
 the Minister of Finance of the Grand Duchy, with 
 whom he conversed for a long time. His Majesty 
 reached Dresden the 14th, one hour after midnight, 
 and stayed with Count Serra, his Minister. He had 
 a long conversation with the King of Saxony, and 
 left immediately, by Leipsic and Mayeiice." 
 
 Napoleon's return was thus announced in the Mon- 
 iteur of December 20 : " Paris, December 19. His 
 Majesty the Emperor arrived in Paris yesterday 
 evening at half-past eleven o'clock. He has received 
 the Princes holding high positions, the Minister, and 
 high officers. The Duke of Cadore has been sworn 
 in as Minister and Secretary of State ad interim in 
 ,the place of Count Daru, who remains until further 
 orders with the army, as Commissary General. His 
 Majesty has commissioned the Bishop of Nantes, one 
 of his almoners, with the administration of his chapel, 
 in the absence of the Grand Almoner." 
 
 Etiquette moved on with perfect regularity ; Napo- 
 leon had never seemed more calm and more confident. 
 At the Palace of the Tuileries one would have 
 thought that the Russian campaign was nothing but 
 a bad dream, a nightmare that the day had dispelled, 
 but in the city the distress and uneasiness were very 
 great. The Duke of Rovigo says : " The Emperor's 
 arrival in Paris completed the change of public opin- 
 ion. When once black thoughts began, imagination 
 knew no bounds, and the army was regarded as a 
 horde of exhausted and half-frozen men, rather than 
 
MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 as a band of cohorts, who for so many years had been 
 the admiration of their contemporaries and had en- 
 riched history with so many glorious feats." 
 
 The time had come for Napoleon to display all his 
 audacity and to seat himself, in proud majesty, upon 
 his throne like the Jupiter of the Imperial Olympus. 
 Sunday, December 20, at noon, he assembled in his 
 palace the great bodies of the State, and it was on 
 his throne that he received them, surrounded by 
 Princes, Cardinals, Ministers, the High Officers of the 
 Crown, and the Grand Eagles of the Legion of Honor. 
 The Senate advanced first, introduced by the Grand 
 Master of Ceremonies, and presented by His Most 
 Serene Highness, the Prince Vice-Grand Elector 
 Talleyrand, former Bishop of Autun, and afterwards 
 Minister of Louis XVIII. 
 
 Advance, Senators, who in less than sixteen months 
 will proclaim your master's fall, who in speaking of 
 him will pass all bounds in your invectives and anath- 
 emas, you who will be for him perfect examples of 
 ingratitude and insolence ! Burn all the incense you 
 have left 1 Bind together the flowers of your servile 
 rhetoric 1 You still draw your pay. The gilded 
 embroideries of your uniforms are still bright. So 
 long as the lilies have not taken the place of the 
 bees, be more ardent Imperialists than the Emperor ; 
 you will soon be more ardent Royalists than the 
 King ! You will return to this same palace, you will 
 bow before the same throne. Another monarch will 
 be seated there, another flag will be flying above the 
 
ADULATION. 87 
 
 dome. But what does that matter? You will not 
 have altered your character, and you will succeed 
 under the white flag through the same qualities as 
 under the tricolor. The birth of the Duke of Bor- 
 deaux will be for you the same thing as the birth of 
 the King of Rome. The same language will seem to 
 celebrate the two Princes ; the same cradle will do 
 for both, like the same throne. 
 
 The President of the Senate began his speech after 
 congratulating the Emperor on his "happy arrival 
 amid his people " ; he went on : " Sire, while Your 
 Majesty was eight hundred leagues from his capital, 
 at the head of his victorious army, men, escaping from 
 the prisons where your Imperial clemency had saved 
 them from death, which they merited for their past 
 crimes, tried to disturb the order of this great city. 
 They have suffered the penalty of their misdeeds. 
 Happy is France, Sire, in being secured by its 
 monarchic constitution from civil discords, from the 
 sanguinary hatreds begotten of partisanship, and from 
 the horrid disorders that follow in the train of revo- 
 lutions ! " 
 
 There was no need for the Senators to wax indig- 
 nant with General Malet's forged decree of the Senate ; 
 the one they voted April 2, 1814, certainly expressed 
 no greater fidelity to the Emperor. They them- 
 selves it was who were to accuse Napoleon of having 
 " broken the compact which united him to the French 
 people, by levying taxes otherwise than through the 
 law, by unnecessarily adjourning the Legislative 
 
MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 Body, by illegally issuing several decrees of condem- 
 nation to death, by annihilating the responsibility of 
 the Ministers, the independence of the bench, and 
 the liberty of the press." They were to accuse him 
 with completing the misfortunes of their country "by 
 the abuse of all the means entrusted to him, both 
 men and money, for war, and his refusal to treat 
 on conditions which the national interest required 
 him to accept." They themselves, the accomplices 
 of his faults, were to proclaim his fall. Malet only 
 forestalled their feelings, their language; only they 
 did not wait to be told that the Emperor was dead. 
 Malet's conspiracy was not merely a prophecy ; it was 
 the exact programme of the different revolutions 
 still hidden in the future. October 23, 1812, no one 
 gave a thought to the King of Rome ; who, July 29, 
 1830, was to think of the Duke of Bordeaux ? of the 
 Count of Paris, February 24, 1848? September 4, 
 1870, of the Prince Imperial ? 
 
 The President of the Senate continued his address. 
 " The Senate," he said, " is the Emperor's first Coun- 
 cil ; its authority exists only when the Monarch calls 
 for it, and sets it in motion ; it is established for the 
 preservation of this monarchy and the inheritance of 
 your throne in our fourth dynasty. France and pos- 
 terity will find it always faithful to this sacred duty ; 
 and all its members Avill ever be ready to die in 
 defence of this palladium of the national security and 
 prosperity." Chateaubriand, commenting on this 
 passage, says : " The Senate, in presuming to con- 
 
ADULATION. 89 
 
 gratulate Napoleon on the public welfare, is never- 
 theless appalled at its own courage : it fears even 
 to exist, and takes care to say that the authority of 
 the Senate exists only when the sovereign calls for 
 it and sets it in motion. There was so great danger 
 that the Senate would be independent ! " 
 
 Then followed lyrical outbursts of enthusiasm. 
 "Sire, Your Majesty has hoisted the French eagles 
 on the towers of Moscow. The enemy was able to 
 oppose your success and to thwart your plans only 
 by having recourse to the ghastly measures of des- 
 potism, by turning its boundaries into deserts, and 
 by giving to the flames his capital, the centre of his 
 wealth, and the product of many centuries. They 
 little know, Sire, Your Majesty's heart when they 
 thus revive the barbarous tactics of their savage 
 ancestors. You would gladly have renounced tro- 
 phies which were to cost so much human blood and 
 suffering. . . . May Your Imperial and Royal Maj- 
 esty deign to accept this tribute of the gratitude, 
 love, and unalterable fidelity of the Senate and of 
 the French people ! . . . The affection which the 
 whole nation bears for the King of Rome proves, 
 Sire, both the attachment of the French for Your 
 Majesty's family, and that inward conviction which 
 reassures every citizen, and shows him in this august 
 child the security of his own, the safeguard of his 
 fortunes, and an invincible obstacle to all civil agita- 
 tions and political upheavals, the greatest misfortunes 
 that can distress a people." 
 
90 MAEIE LOUISE. 
 
 The Emperor replied to the Senators : " What you 
 say is very agreeable to me. ... Our fathers had 
 adopted this rallying cry : ; The King is dead ; long 
 live the King ! ' These few words express the main 
 advantages of a monarchy. I think that I have care- 
 fully studied the feelings that my people have shown 
 in different ages : I have reflected on what has been 
 done at different epochs of our history, I shall still 
 ponder them. The war I am waging against Russia 
 is a political war. I have carried it on without 
 animosity : I should gladly have spared that country 
 the evils it has inflicted upon itself. I might have 
 armed the greater part of the population against the 
 others, by proclaiming the emancipation of the serfs : 
 many villages urged this upon me ; but when I saw 
 the degraded condition of this large class of the 
 Russian people, I refused to take this step which 
 would have consigned many families to death and 
 to the most awful torments. My army has suffered 
 losses, but these are due to the premature severity 
 of the winter. I accept the expression of your feel- 
 ings." 
 
 One would have said, to hear the Emperor, that 
 the retreat from Russia was merely an unimportant 
 episode in the vast romance of his career. To the 
 terrible catastrophes which had practically wiped out 
 his army, he referred only with these few words, 
 "My army has suffered losses." Of his own blun- 
 ders, his own imprudence, his refusal of the advice 
 of all who knew the geography, the character, the 
 
ADULATION. 91 
 
 climate of Russia, he said not a word. The Council 
 of State, with even more fulsome flattery than the 
 Senate, went into raptures over "the prodigious 
 development of an august character which was 
 greater than ever." What was his reply ? He talked 
 strange as it may seem about ideology. "It is 
 to ideology, the science of ideas, to that obscure 
 metaphysical speculation, that study of the obscure 
 first causes, which busies itself with establishing the 
 foundations of legislation rather than with adopting 
 laws in accordance with our knowledge of the human 
 heart and with the lessons of history, that we must 
 attribute the misfortunes that have befallen France. 
 These errors necessarily introduced the reign of the 
 men of blood. In fact, who announced the principle 
 of insurrection as a duty? Who flattered the people 
 by announcing a sovereignty which it was incapable 
 of exercising? Who destroyed the sanctity and the 
 respect of laws by making them dependent, not on 
 the sacred principles of justice, on the nature of 
 things, and on civil justice, but merely on the will 
 of an assembly composed of men ignorant of civil, 
 criminal, administrative, political, and military laws ? 
 When one is called upon to regenerate a state, it 
 is the opposite principles that should be followed." 
 Why did not Napoleon impeach, instead of innocent 
 ideology, the guilty winter, the author of most of the 
 disasters of the Russian war, and charge it with high 
 treason ? 
 
 The time was set ; the official flattery was to grow 
 
92 MAEIE LOUISE. 
 
 in obsequiousness, and Napoleon was never to tire of 
 the incense burned before him. Instead of thinking 
 of mournful subjects, some great solemnity, some 
 magnificent splendor, was called for, such as the cor- 
 onation of the Empress and of the King of Rome. 
 That, said the courtiers, will be a fine opportunity for 
 France to express its devotion and loyalty to the 
 Imperial dynasty : the Emperor had but to go to the 
 capital; there he would hear nothing but applause. 
 December 27, in the Throne Room of the Tuileries, 
 he received a deputation of the electoral college of 
 the Department of the Tiber, and the President spoke 
 in these high-flown terms : " The Romans will not 
 belie the name of their ancestors; and while some 
 shall fight beneath victorious banners, others shall 
 cultivate the arts in order to make eternal, by majestic 
 monuments, your glorious exploits, and to transmit 
 their memory to the remotest posterity. Sire, to 
 crown the happiness of the city of Rome, }^ou have 
 only to honor it with your presence and to permit it 
 to behold you seated on a throne reared in the Palace 
 of the Caesars. In that shrine you will hear unend- 
 ing applause ; there you will see the famous monu- 
 ments, rescued from the ravages of time, which your 
 munificence has restored to the fine arts. The 
 Romans will bind your brow with undying laurel, 
 and your entrance into the capital will be the most 
 solemn, the best applauded, and the most deserved of 
 your triumphs. It will efface the vaunted ovations 
 of ancient warriors, of the most illustrious emperors. 
 
ADULATION. 93 
 
 Deign, Sire, to accept and to appreciate the unani- 
 mous wishes of the city of Rome and of its depart- 
 ment which we have been commissioned to lay on 
 the steps of your throne." 
 
 Paris and the Eternal City tried to outdo each 
 other in adulation. After the Roman delegate, the 
 Prefect of the Seine made his address : " What joy, 
 Sire, the presence of your sacred person imparts to 
 every heart ! What hope and security it inspires ! 
 Your glances everywhere give life ; and then what 
 glory during your absence ! Our wishes, our homage, 
 our admiration, followed Your Majesty's footsteps as 
 he flew from victory to victory, planting his eagles on 
 the turrets of Moscow, and in those even more glorious 
 moments when he manifested how even against the 
 fury of the elements could prevail that constancy, 
 that firmness of soul, which have won for him the 
 proudest triumph that it could be granted to mortals 
 to attain ! " 
 
 The evening of December 27, 1812, the day when 
 he had listened to these two addresses in the Throne 
 Room, the Emperor went to the opera with the Em- 
 press and saw a performance of Jerusalem Delivered. 
 The audience was very large, and, according to the 
 Moniteur, the two sovereigns were greeted with most 
 enthusiastic applause. 
 
 Constant, his valet de chambre, says in his Memoirs : 
 " I took my old place in the Emperor's service, and 
 found him exactly as he was before he left for the 
 campaign ; his face was precisely as serene ; one 
 
94 MAEIE LOUISE. 
 
 would have said that the past was of no importance 
 in his eyes, and that living already in the future he 
 saw victory again perched upon his banners, and his 
 enemies humiliated and defeated ... A few days 
 after I arrived in Paris, Their Majesties went to the 
 opera, where the Jerusalem Delivered was given. I 
 was an eye-witness of the way the Emperor and 
 Empress were received. I never saw greater enthu- 
 siasm, and I must say that it seemed to me a very 
 sudden transition from the recent crossing of the 
 Beresina to such a magical performance." 
 
 The illusion was complete. Just as in the last 
 days of royalty, a few months before the murder of 
 Louis XVI., the King and Queen were received with 
 an outburst of enthusiasm in the brilliant Opera 
 House, so, after the Russian campaign, a few months 
 before the invasion, before the deposition, Napoleon 
 and Marie Louise received in public, at the theatre, 
 a welcome as warm as those of the most brilliant 
 evenings of 1810 and 1811. There was the same 
 brilliant spectacle, the same glory ; but, alas ! the 
 power and splendor of the Empire were about to 
 vanish like a scene of the opera itself. Other per- 
 sons were soon to come upon the stage. Everything 
 was changed in a moment, as if at the machinist's 
 whistle. 
 
 Nevertheless Napoleon was able to deceive himself. 
 He had found all again, his wife, his son, the throne, 
 his palace, the courtiers. But the artificial world in 
 which he lived, surrounded with flattery as in the 
 
ADULATION. 95 
 
 most brilliant periods of his career, was not the real, 
 suffering, weeping France. And outside of France 
 there was Europe, which was impatiently gnawing 
 its bit, awaiting the terrible hour of a general upris- 
 ing. Every wise observer was sure that terrible 
 convulsions were approaching. To prevent them 
 there was demanded infinite wisdom, and wisdom 
 was just what this exceptional man most lacked ; for 
 his superabundant genius did not possess the good 
 sense which was required as a balance. Napoleon 
 needed counsellors : he listened only to flatterers. 
 
VII. 
 
 THE END OF 1812. 
 
 WHILE Napoleon had found once more his cour- 
 tiers at the Tuileries, and had been greeted 
 by them as if he were triumphant, what had become 
 of the Grand Army? The day after his departure 
 the weather had become even worse ; snowflakes 
 filled the air; birds fell to the ground frozen stiff: 
 it seemed as if nature, paralyzed and motionless, had 
 ceased to live. " Then," says General de Se*gur, 
 " no one spoke, no one murmured ; the absolute 
 silence of despair prevailed, broken only by sounds 
 of weeping. Unhappy shades seemed alone to glide 
 about in this realm of death. The dull monotony 
 of our footfalls, the creaking of the snow, and the 
 faint moans of the dying, alone disturbed this vast 
 and lamentable silence. There was no anger, no 
 cursing, nothing which supposes that any warmth 
 was left ; there scarcely survived sufficient strength 
 to pray : most fell without complaining, whether from 
 weakness and resignation, or because complaints imply 
 the hope of relief or sympathy." And the brave 
 general who wrote this account, which is as epical 
 96 
 
THE END OF 1812. 97 
 
 as the song of Roland, exclaims in patriotic anguish : 
 " This was the army that had sallied forth from the 
 most civilized nation in Europe, the army once so 
 brilliant and victorious over the enemy until its last 
 moment, and whose name still ruled over many con- 
 quered capitals. Its bravest warriors, who had just 
 crossed the field of many of its victories, had lost 
 their noble bearing. The men, clad only in rags, 
 with feet bare and bleeding, dragged themselves 
 along on branches of pine, and all the strength and 
 perseverance they had shown in conquering, they 
 now employed in flight." 
 
 Their confusion was complete ; the regiments had 
 lost their formation; the men retained neither the 
 arms nor the uniforms of soldiers ; they were unable 
 to face any other enemy than hunger and cold ; no 
 one thought of anything but his own safety : bands 
 of eight or ten combined to plunder together. These 
 little bands being themselves broken up by their 
 sufferings, a crowd of starving men would rush upon 
 a dying horse to eat it. Such continual scenes of 
 horror and desolation met the survivors of the retreat 
 at every step. When, December 13, they reached 
 the Niemen, which they had crossed six months be- 
 fore under a bright sky, numbering four hundred thou- 
 sand men, with sixty thousand cavalry, and twelve 
 hundred cannon, in all the pride of power and glory, 
 the comparison of that brilliant scene with their 
 present misery made even these veterans weep. In- 
 stead of three French bridges, brought five hundred 
 
98 ' MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 leagues and thrown across the river with the boldest 
 promptness, there was now but one bridge a Rus- 
 sian one. This was used by the remains of the Grand 
 Army. Musket in hand, Marshal Ney, at the head 
 of a hundred brave men, defended it to the last 
 moment, and was the last to leave the fatal land. 
 In spite of their terrible sufferings, Napoleon's sol- 
 diers still had so great a reputation that the enemy, 
 as if astonished at their success, which was due to 
 the winter, advanced no further than to the banks 
 of the Niemen. 
 
 There were some men whose prodigious courage 
 was not shaken for a moment by their fearful suffer- 
 ings. Marshal Davout wrote, December 12, to his 
 wife : " I take advantage, my dear Aimee, of the 
 departure of a courier, to reassure you regarding 
 your Louis's health, which is excellent in spite of the 
 inclemency of the season. You will notice that 
 my hand trembles as I write; I swear to you that 
 the cold is the only reason, and that I feel it all 
 the more because I am writing in the open air, so as 
 not to lose the courier." He wrote again, December 
 17 : " Everywhere the Russians have been beaten, 
 and when the army has rested a little, they will meet 
 their conqueror again. The conduct of the troops 
 is excellent ; not a murmur is to be heard. It seems 
 as if the humblest soldier felt that no force, no 
 genius, could overcome the harm the weather has 
 inflicted." And December 24 : " We must soon hear 
 of the Emperor's safe arrival in Paris. This news 
 
THE END OF 1812. 99 
 
 will be agreeable to every Frenchman, and especially 
 to his soldiers; with him in France, the harm that 
 the unexpected and unprecedented cold has done, 
 will be soon repaired." Yet there was a limit to 
 human strength; the retreat could not have lasted 
 many days more. Even those whose spirit was not 
 broken for a moment, were physically exhausted ; 
 and Marshal Davout himself, prodigy of heroism .as 
 he was, wrote to his wife from Thorn, December 23 : 
 44 It was high time, my dear wife, for me to arrive. 
 I hope a few days' rest will set me on my legs again, 
 especially as my weakness is due to nothing but 
 fatigue. I never could have believed that I was so 
 strong : I have certainly come four-fifths of the way 
 from Moscow on foot." 
 
 Towards the end of December, the letters from the 
 officers and men of the Grand Army began to arrive 
 in France after a long interruption. There is this 
 justice to be rendered to the Imperial government, 
 that it did not intercept one of them, and that the sur- 
 vivors of the retreat were free to describe with perfect 
 frankness the disasters they had just experienced. 
 I ask for no other proof of this than this letter from 
 my father, who died a general, and, during the Rus- 
 sian campaign, was serving as captain in Marshal 
 Davout's corps : 
 
 "Konigsberg, December 21, 1812. MY DEAR 
 AUNT: I am willing to bet that since I learned to 
 write, not one of my letters has ever given you so 
 much pleasure as you will get from this one. For a 
 
100 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 long time you must have been in most painful uncer- 
 tainty about me, and I need not tell you that it has 
 been impossible to send you a line from a country 
 where there were no mails, houses, or inhabitants. 
 Doubtless you know that I have come from a vast 
 desert which contains nothing but snow, ashes, and 
 corpses. From the Niemen to Moscow, every village 
 was burned without a single exception. We had to 
 cross this region again to get from Moscow here. 
 When we began the war, we had a hundred regiments 
 of cavalry. All the horses are dead and have been 
 devoured by the remains of a famished army. I 
 should have to write a hundred pages to tell you all 
 we have suffered. Since the world began there has 
 never been such a war. We have had to fight against 
 cannon, fire, famine, and water. Among the few 
 survivors it Would be hard to find one whose nose, 
 feet, or ears have not been frozen ; but, thanks to my 
 good luck, I got here whole, and in excellent health, 
 except a heavy cold from which every one is suffer- 
 ing: this is not strange, considering that for seven 
 months we have had to sleep in the open air, in good 
 and bad weather, in a country where in November 
 the thermometer fell to 24 F. 
 
 " I encountered unheard-of dangers at the battle of 
 Moskowa, September 7 : for ten hours I was in con- 
 tinual peril. All my friends were shot down by my 
 side. November 28, at the crossing of the Beresina, 
 I was also terribly exposed ; my only way of escape 
 was to leap with my horse into the river ; the cakes 
 
THE END OF 1812. 101 
 
 of ice carried him away, and I saved myself by swim- 
 ming, all dressed and armed as I was. The bridge 
 was blocked and the river was full of bodies. 
 
 " December 13, at midnight, I was taken prisoner 
 with four officers of my regiment. I am the only one 
 of the five who succeeded in escaping. After run- 
 ning for an hour through the snow, which was up to 
 my knees, across ditches and palisades, and falling 
 seven or eight times, I was out of breath, like a stag 
 pursued by hounds. Then a dozen Cossacks, who 
 had been pursuing me, caught up to me, and took 
 my cloak, cartridge-box, epaulettes, cross, money, 
 watch, in short, everything I had on, except my 
 trousers. They were so greedy over the spoils, that 
 of all those things not one was left whole. I suffered 
 from their excessive haste in stripping me, but other- 
 wise I have no cause to complain of their treatment. 
 When that operation was finished, they carried me 
 away with a considerable band of prisoners, and they 
 doubtless would have sent me to Siberia, to end my 
 days there, if I could have got so far ; but Providence, 
 who has always aided me in peril, favored me once 
 more. I took advantage of a moment when my 
 guards were more occupied with their booty than 
 with their prisoners, and by running like a madman, 
 managed to get to the Niemen, which was only a 
 quarter of a league away. When I got there, since 
 it was frozen, I hid in the reeds. I nearly froze 
 myself. I was half naked, and I needed all my 
 courage, which never left me for a moment. At 
 
102 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 daybreak when I was able to see where I was, and 
 to look about me, I started through some woods, 
 and by dint of scurrying on managed to rejoin the rear- 
 guard ; there I found some friends who lent me some 
 money and covered me with a ragged cloak with 
 which I reached Konigsberg. Of all the horses, 
 uniforms, and luggage of all kinds, of which I had 
 more than four thousand francs' worth at the begin- 
 ning of the campaign, I have nothing left but one 
 pocket-handkerchief. So I have had to supply myself 
 with headdress, boots, epaulettes, cartridge-box, arms, 
 uniform, linen, horses, etc., and I have not a penny. 
 So you see I am in a more embarrassing position than 
 when I received my commission, because then I had 
 at least a coat on my back, while now I find myself 
 in the condition I was in, November 30, 1788, when 
 my mother's monthly nurse carried me to the fire. 
 
 "I am now going to tell you a most interesting 
 piece of news. Since October 11, I have had the 
 cross, so that now I am an old knight of the Legion 
 of Honor; you may judge how gratifying that is. 
 The delight it gave me has all passed away ; I have 
 suffered so much since then that the charm of 
 novelty is gone ; I am indeed terribly melancholy. 
 I have lost all my best friends ; their death has been 
 so tragic that my whole life will be saddened. I 
 have seen too many horrors ever to forget them." 
 
 The families that were in receipt of letters like 
 that were sad ; but how much sadder those that could 
 receive none ! How many were absent ! for that is 
 
THE END OF 1812. 103 
 
 what the dead were called in official language. The 
 lists were long of the innumerable absences published 
 every day in the official announcements of the Moni- 
 teur. France, so long accustomed to triumph, was 
 overwhelmed by its defeats. The winter had been 
 exceptionally severe even in Paris. If there was 
 suffering in comfortable, well-warmed apartments, 
 with abundance of nutritious food, and thick clothes, 
 what must have been the tortures of the unhappy 
 soldiers amid blood-stained snowdrifts? Every one 
 was moved by immense compassion. 
 
 There was another feeling, which was quite as 
 general, the desire for peace. The Senate had not 
 dared to say the word, but it was in every one's 
 heart. Every one yearned for peace, except one man, 
 and that man was the Emperor. While the suffering 
 and exhausted people cared for nothing but rest, he 
 was thinking of nothing but conscription, armies, 
 plans of campaign, strategic marches, battles, revenge. 
 The Emperor of Austria, on the other hand, who was 
 still sincere in his paternal interest for the Napo- 
 leonic dynasty, was above all things desirous of peace 
 and reconciliation ; and if Napoleon had accepted 
 his father-in-law's views and had frankly consented 
 to a few concessions of territory, which had become 
 indispensable, he would certainly have preserved the 
 Austrian and possibly the Prussian alliance. 
 
 It would not be fair to say that at this moment 
 the Emperor Francis was deceiving his son-in-law. 
 Since the beginning of December the Cabinet of 
 
104 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 Vienna had made known its programme which could 
 be named in one word, pacification. M. de Floret, 
 First Secretary of the Austrian Embassy at Paris, 
 was sent to the Duke of Bassano, Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs, who was still at Wilna, where Napoleon had 
 made him stay during the war. M. de Floret was 
 bearer of this despatch from the Count Metter- 
 nich : 
 
 " Vienna, December 9, 1812 . There are moments 
 and events which decide the fate of empires as 
 that of individuals. At such times, illusions are 
 fatal; one must face the truth, however painful it 
 may be. The attempt to bring Russia to terms, from 
 the centre of its wilds, has failed. I will say nothing 
 of what ought to have been done ; we think too highly 
 of the first general of our century to presume to criti- 
 cise his military operations. . . . The effect produced 
 by the first unsuccessful undertaking of Napoleon 
 upon all the nations of Europe is none the less incal- 
 culable. It is in view of this circumstance that I 
 must beg you to ask the Duke of Bassano to pay the 
 greatest attention to the calculations and opinions of 
 the Minister of the power most capable of judging 
 this important question. He addressed him with 
 perfect frankness ; we are more directly called upon 
 because the proofs of the most loyal and political are 
 wholly in our favor. I do not make a hasty state- 
 ment when I aver that Austria alone, by the calm 
 and imperturbable firmness of her attitude, restrains 
 fifty millions of men who are ready to rise. 
 
THE END OF 1812. 105 
 
 "However difficult a general peace may appear, it is 
 doubtless easier granted that the Emperor of the 
 French desires it than a separate arrangement. 
 The only European power that is called on to speak 
 first of this eminently desirable peace is Austria. 
 We hold this conviction as a strong and central 
 power. We should acquire it, if we did not already 
 hold it, from the attempts of every sort which are 
 made by the powers at war with France, to persuade 
 us to abandon our present alliance. The Emperor 
 Francis alone can use to France, England, and Rus- 
 sia a language, compromising neither the self-respect 
 of rival and hostile governments, nor the national 
 feelings of the people. 
 
 " The ties of blood which unite the two Imperial 
 houses of France and Austria give an especial char- 
 acter to every step taken by our august master. 
 Undertaken by any other power, such steps would 
 fail to appear as disinterested, and as favorable to the 
 French sovereign as are those of Austria. The 
 Emperor Francis is interested, not merely in the 
 maintenance, but also in the well-being of the new 
 dynasty reigning in France, a consideration without 
 weight with the other powers. The Emperor of the 
 French seems to have foreseen what has happened at 
 this moment, when he said to me so often, that his 
 marriage had altered the face of things in Europe. 
 The time is approaching, it has perhaps come, when 
 the Emperor Napoleon may derive real profit from 
 this alliance." 
 
106 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 Metternich's despatch ends thus: "Our august 
 master, when he heard of the evacuation of Moscow, 
 expressed in a few words the basis of his sentiments 
 and of his policy. 'The time has come,' he said, 
 'when I can prove to the Emperor of the French 
 who I am.' I simply give you these words of His 
 Imperial Majesty, and authorize you to quote them 
 to the Duke of Bassano : they would only be injured 
 by any commentary." 
 
 The Emperor of Austria tried to gain additional 
 weight to his proposition by a personal letter to his 
 son-in-law, which ran as follows : 
 
 "Vienna, December 20, 1812. MY BROTHER AND 
 VERY DEAR SON-IN-LAW: I was on the point of 
 sending the .Count of Bubna to Dresden when I 
 received the letter which your Imperial Majesty 
 kindly sent hither. Consequently I have modified 
 this officer's instructions, and he will have the honor 
 of handing you this letter. The course of events 
 has occupied me painfully for many weeks. I flatter 
 myself that Your Majesty will have gathered from 
 the communications that I had presented to him 
 through my charge d'affaires at Wilna, the convic- 
 tion of the continual interest I feel in him. They 
 will also show my way of judging the state of 
 affairs, and what are my wishes. These have no 
 other aim than Your Majesty's well-being to which 
 I am personally attached by the most sacred bond 
 and no other motive than the greatest good of our 
 peoples. It is to me a matter of the greatest interest 
 
THE END OF 1812. 107 
 
 to know thoroughly Your Majesty's plans, which 
 have so direct an influence upon the future, that I 
 cannot hesitate to beg you to explain them with all 
 the frankness of friendship. You can readily under- 
 stand how much I am interested in the fate of the 
 brave army which I have added to your own, and 
 what must be my anxiety for the safety of my most 
 exposed provinces. General Bubna has orders to 
 rejoin me at the earliest possible moment. I am 
 engaged in selecting the man whom I shall com- 
 mission to represent me with Your Majesty until the 
 return of the Prince of Schwarzenberg. Accept the 
 assurances of the sincere attachment, and of the high 
 regard with which I am, my brother, Your Imperial 
 Majesty's affectionate brother and father-in-law, 
 
 " FKAKCIS." 
 
 General Bubna, who reached Paris towards the 
 end of December, carried, besides the letter of the 
 Emperor of Austria to Napoleon, another letter from 
 him to his daughter ; a letter in which he expressed 
 his wishes for an early peace. Marie Louise answered, 
 sending her father good wishes for the new year, and 
 a present of a porcelain breakfast service adorned 
 with views of all the Imperial palaces of France'. 
 " May Heaven grant," she said in her letter, " the 
 fulfilment of your wishes, and that we may soon have 
 peace ! " A few days later she wrote to her father : 
 " May Heaven grant that the Emperor shall not leave 
 me ! The thought of his departure terrifies me after 
 all the anguish I endured last year. ... I share your 
 
108 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 desire to see soon a long peace, for I don't dare to 
 think of the moment when my husband shall return 
 to the battle-field." 
 
 Marie Louise was very anxious for peace. She 
 desired it for herself, for her husband, for her son, 
 for her father, for her two countries, France and Aus- 
 tria. The Countess of Montesquiou, the governess 
 of the King of Rome, added these words to the prayer 
 which the Prince Imperial repeated every evening be- 
 fore going to sleep : " O God ! fill papa with a desire 
 to make peace for the happiness of France and of us 
 all ! " One evening when Napoleon was in his son's 
 room, he heard the little Prince stammering out this 
 prayer, and he began to smile. Alas ! when the 
 Emperor tenderly gazed on the boy sleeping in his 
 cradle, why did he not think of all the mothers whom 
 his headstrong ambition was to deprive of their sons ? 
 How could fatherly love, that deep and gentle feeling, 
 be reconciled with such disdain of human lives sac- 
 rificed for a doubtful glory and for such short-lived 
 plans ? 
 
 
VIII. 
 
 THE CONCORDAT OF FONTAINEBLEAU. 
 
 AT the beginning of 1813 Napoleon might still 
 have saved his Empire and himself; he had 
 not broken with his father-in-law, or with the Princes 
 of the Confederation of the Rhine, or even with the 
 King of Prussia, and he had command of immense 
 resources in men and money. His great mistake lay 
 in supposing that an unprecedented disaster, like 
 that of the Russian campaign, was an unimportant 
 episode. He ought to have consented with a good 
 grace to throw something overboard, in order that 
 all should not be lost. Instead of that, the Emperor, 
 staking his whole fortune on a single card, took for 
 his motto : All or nothing. Resolved to accept no 
 diminution of territory or influence, he thought that 
 at his New Year's reception of the great bodies of 
 the State and of the High Officials, he could be, 
 January 1, 1813, what he had been January 1, 1812. 
 He hardened himself the more because his enemies 
 wished to humble him ; and he had been so long 
 accustomed to the favors of Fortune that he imagined 
 that she had been guilty of only a temporary infidelity. 
 
 109 
 
110 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 Nevertheless, Paris was despondent. The year 
 1813 began on a Friday: this number 13 and the 
 Friday impressed the superstitious. People said 
 that since Josephine was no longer with Napoleon 
 to give him good luck, fate had condemned him to 
 misfortune. A number of officers and soldiers 
 returned, some having lost an arm or a leg, others 
 with hands or feet frozen. They described the ter- 
 rible disasters they had witnessed, and their stories 
 dismayed their hearers. The French, who were 
 recently so warlike, had became most peaceable. 
 As for the Emperor, he tried by every means in his 
 power to react against this general depression. He 
 had this paragraph inserted in the Moniteur : " Paris, 
 January 10. His Majesty the Emperor was yester- 
 day at the The'&tre Francois, where the tragedy of 
 Hector was given. This modern piece is an especial 
 favorite of His Majesty. This morning, Sunday, after 
 mass, there was a parade, and His Majesty spent 
 three hours on foot, in spite of the mud and the bad 
 weather, in inspecting, organizing, and reviewing his 
 troops. He saw a great number of newly arrived 
 conscripts. The men are excellent, full of enthu- 
 siasm, and very eager." 
 
 Napoleon commanded the High Officials and Queen 
 Hortense to give the usual festivities. " Every one 
 was compelled," says Chateaubriand, "to go to the 
 balls with death in his heart, silently weeping for rel- 
 atives and friends. ... In the drawing-rooms was 
 seen what is met in the streets : namely, unhappy 
 
THE CONCORDAT OF FONTAINEBLEAU. Ill 
 
 creatures seeking distraction by singing their un- 
 happiness to divert passers-by." The Emperor would 
 have liked cheerfulness even in the retreat from 
 Russia. He had said in his 29th bulletin, " Those 
 whom nature had made of sterner stuff preserved 
 their gaiety and usual manners." Among the ex- 
 ceptional men whom nothing could daunt, the 
 General de Narbonne was mentioned with great 
 admiration ; for every morning, in his bivouac, he 
 used to have his hair done and powdered in the 
 midst of the snow, while he chatted freely with the 
 officers of his staff. When he had returned to Paris, 
 his friends congratulated him, and applied to him the 
 famous passage in the 29th bulletin ; but he exclaimed 
 sadly, " Ah ! the Emperor may say what he pleases ; 
 but ' gaiety ' is a rather strong word ! " And he turned 
 aside to hide the tears which sprang to his eyes. 
 
 Napoleon knew no such' attacks of melancholy. 
 Never had he displayed more eagerness or greater 
 confidence in his good luck. He was never tired of 
 saying that his next campaign would open with twice 
 as large forces as had fought in the previous campaign. 
 While waiting for the hour of battle, he devoted 
 himself most warmly to the pleasures of the chase, 
 that mimic war. " At the end of 1812, and the 
 beginning of 1813," says his valet de chambre Con- 
 stant, " I noticed that the Emperor had never hunted 
 so frequently. One day, when Marshal Duroc was in 
 his room, and he was putting on his green coat with 
 gold facings, I heard the Emperor say, 4 I must be 
 
112 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 active, that the newspapers may speak of it ; for the 
 English papers are saying every day that I am ill, 
 cannot move, am good for nothing. Have patience ; 
 I shall soon show them that I am well in body and 
 mind.' " 
 
 January 19, 1813, a hunt had been commanded 
 near Melun, at Grosbois, the estate of Berthier, 
 Prince of Neufchatel, who was that day to entertain 
 the Emperor and Empress. After a breakfast at the 
 castle of Grosbois, the hunt was about to begin 
 when, to every one's surprise, Napoleon had a post- 
 chaise brought, and after entering it, he drove, not 
 to Paris, but to Fontainebleau. Constant says that 
 the Empress and the ladies in her suite had actually 
 nothing with them but their hunting-dresses, and 
 that the Emperor was much amused at their suffer- 
 ings when they found themselves on the way to 
 Fontainebleau without proper dresses. 
 
 The palace towards which Napoleon thus suddenly 
 started had contained, since June 19, 1812, an illus- 
 trious and venerable guest. This guest, or, more 
 exactly, this prisoner, was the Pope Pius VII., the 
 most famous of the victims of the Imperial policy. 
 The Emperor, fearing that the English might make 
 a descent on Savona, where the Holy Father was first 
 confined, had ordered him to be carried to Fontaine- 
 bleau ; but remembering how the Vicar of Christ had 
 been greeted at Grenoble, Avignon, and Nice, on his 
 way to Savona, he had given orders that this time 
 the journey should be made secretly. Pius VII. was 
 
THE CONCORDAT OF FONTAINEBLEAU. 113 
 
 obliged to take off his white slippers to have them 
 stained with ink and the embroidered cross removed. 
 The string was cut which held the gold cross that 
 the Popes always wear around their necks ; he had 
 to put on a simple priest's hat, and thus disguised, to 
 leave Savona secretly the night of June 9 ; not until 
 a week later did the inhabitants know that he had 
 left. He was very ill at the time, and on his painful 
 journey was several times at the point of death. 
 
 Still he uttered no complaint, and after passing 
 through Chambe'ry and Lyons by night, without any 
 one's suspecting his presence, he reached the gate of 
 the Palace of Fontainebleau about noonday, June 19, 
 1812. The porter, who had received no instructions, 
 refused him admission; but taking pity upon him, 
 found him temporary lodging in a little house near 
 the palace. That evening the Duke of Cadore 
 arrived, and gave orders that rooms should be at 
 once made ready for the Pope. These rooms, which 
 looked out on the Courtyard of the Fountain, were 
 the same that he had occupied in 1804, at the time 
 of the coronation. A detachment of foot-grenadiers 
 and of the chasseurs of the Imperial Guard were in 
 attendance upon him ; and, as if to disguise what was 
 really his captivity, the officer who was charged with 
 guarding him was dressed as a chamberlain. The 
 presence of this austere and venerable man in this 
 gilded prison was a touching spectacle. When, sad 
 and solitary, he passed through the brilliant gallery 
 of the Festivities and those of the Bourbons, his air 
 
114 MAEIE LOUISE. 
 
 of an anchorite made an imposing contrast with the 
 pagan memories of which this spot was full. As he 
 gazed at the mythological frescos of Primaticcio, the 
 Vicar of Christ thought of the emptiness of all 
 human glory and splendor, and he said to himself 
 that palaces pass away, but the cross remains. He 
 cast a glance of utter indifference upon the. useless 
 luxury with which they pretended to surround him. 
 The carriages and horses offered to him might have 
 come from the Imperial stables ; he was firmly 
 decided never to use them. He refused to officiate 
 publicly in the chapel of the palace. He asked for 
 and secured the transformation into an oratory of 
 the drawing-room nearest his bedroom, and it was 
 there that he said mass every morning. He never 
 consented to leave his rooms on any pretext, not 
 even to take the air in his garden. His sole prome- 
 nade was to walk a few steps in the gallery. The 
 inhabitants of Fontainebleau never set eyes on him. 
 He lived like a monk, devoting his days to fasting 
 and prayer, patching his worn-out clothes. The 
 palace of Henri II. and Diane de Poitiers, of Henri 
 IV. and Gabrielle d'Estre'es, had become a monastery. 
 For seven months to a day Pius VII. had led the 
 life of an anchorite at Fontainebleau, when, January 
 19, 1813, at nightfall, just after his frugal meal, 
 while he was talking with the cardinals and bishops 
 who lived with him, he saw Napoleon suddenly enter 
 in hunting-dress ! His surprise and emotion were 
 great at seeing face to face the conqueror whose 
 
THE CONCORDAT OF FONTAINEBLEAU. 115 
 
 image, even when at a distance, was ever present in 
 his thoughts. 
 
 The emotion of Pius VII. was all the greater, 
 because the Emperor, to whom two years before he 
 had written many letters with his own hand, had 
 refused to answer him, and had treated him in the 
 severest, most insulting manner, even going so far as 
 to send him a message through the Prefect of Savona, 
 that he would have to resign his position as Sovereign 
 Pontiff for incapacity. And now, as if nothing had 
 happened ; as if they were still in the happy days of 
 1804; as if the Palace of Fontainebleau was not a 
 prison, Napoleon, with a happy face, a kind expres- 
 sion, a smile on his lips, ran up to the holy old man, 
 took him in his arms, and overwhelmed him with 
 signs of friendship. 
 
 How much had happened since the Pope and the 
 Emperor had parted nearly nine years before ! Pius 
 VII. no longer found with Napoleon the amiable 
 Josephine, to whom he had been so kind, so fatherly ; 
 whose marriage he had legitimized before the Church, 
 and whose divorce he had not, at any price, consented 
 to pronounce. Where was the time when the new 
 Charlemagne had inspired the successor of Saint 
 Peter with such great hopes ? How often in his cap- 
 tivity the Pope, recovered from his illusions, thought 
 of Notre Dame of Paris, and of the brilliant ceremony 
 of December 2, 1804! How often, too, Napoleon, 
 Catholic by his Italian origin, must have felt a secret 
 remorse when he thought, of the Sovereign Pontiff 
 
116 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 who had come to crown him ! He still exercised 
 over his victim a sort of fascination, an irresistible 
 charm ; so the old man became embarrassed and 
 troubled at the thought of being alone with this ter- 
 rible charmer. He feared to be drawn into conces- 
 sions which he should later repent, and which would 
 wring his conscience. 
 
 For his part, the Emperor was determined to 
 employ all the means of action, intimidation, and 
 seduction of which he possessed the secret. The 
 conference was put off till the next day, January 20. 
 It took place between Napoleon and Pius VII., 
 who shut themselves up alone, and lasted not less 
 than five days. "It is evident," said the Abb de 
 Pradt, "that the Emperor wished to put an end to 
 the business by a sudden and unexpected step, and 
 that he trusted to the effect that his presence, a direct 
 discussion, and his personal skill, would produce on 
 the Pope. He was then at the height of his fame, 
 and no one had any suspicion of the Island of Elba, 
 still less of Saint Helena." Napoleon finally subju- 
 gated his antagonist and brought him to the point he 
 wanted. The Concordat of Fontainebleau contained 
 eleven articles, and might be regarded as an implicit 
 renunciation by the papacy of the temporal power of 
 the Popes. The first article stated that His Holiness 
 would fulfil the duties of the pontificate in France, 
 and in the kingdom of Italy, in the same way and 
 with the same forms as his predecessors. Residence 
 in Paris was not imposed upon the Holy Father, but 
 
THE CON COED AT OF FONTAINEBLEAU. 117 
 
 he was obliged to reside in the States, whether French 
 or Italian, of Napoleon. Avignon is said to have been 
 the city which Pius VII. preferred, but it is not men- 
 tioned in the new Concordat. Article II. stipulated 
 that the ambassadors, ministers, chargSs d'affaires of 
 the powers to the Holy Father, and the ambassadors, 
 ministers, and chargSs d'affaires whom the Pope might 
 send to foreign powers, should enjoy all the immuni- 
 ties and privileges of the members of the Diplomatic 
 Body. By Article I. the Emperor promised to pardon 
 the cardinals, bishops, priests, and laymen who had 
 fallen into disgrace on account of recent events. 
 Article II. ran thus : " The Holy Father adheres to 
 the above arrangements in consideration of the pres- 
 ent state of the Church, and in the confidence inspired 
 by His Majesty that he will accord his valuable pro- 
 tection to the numerous needs of religion in the times 
 in which we are living." 
 
 Napoleon no longer insisted that the black cardi- 
 nals those who had refused to be present at his 
 marriage with Marie Louise and had been deprived 
 by him of the cardinal's robes should be blamed, 
 and he did not compel the Pope to banish forever 
 from his presence Cardinals di Pietro and Pacca. 
 Napoleon also made various concessions in regard to 
 the nomination of bishops. In the evening of Jan- 
 uary 25, 1813, when all was finished and there was 
 nothing to do but to sign the Concordat, Pius VII. 
 endured a moment of indescribable anguish. The 
 cardinals who were living with him at Fontainebleau 
 
118 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 were present at this last conference. He looked at 
 them earnestly, betraying his mental anguish and his 
 stings of conscience ; his look seemed to say : Am I 
 right or wrong ? What ought I to do ? A word, a 
 sign, from the four cardinals, and ail would perhaps 
 have had to be done over again. Not one stirred. 
 Respecting the venerable Pontiff's painful perplexity, 
 and unwilling to influence him in any way, they kept 
 a profound silence, lowering their heads. Then the 
 Pope took the pen in his trembling hand and signed. 
 
 When the Emperor thus overcame the resistance 
 of the Vicar of Christ, did he suspect that he too, in 
 this same Palace of Fontainebleau, would soon endure 
 distress, anguish, doubts, and scruples no less terrible 
 than those of the Holy Father It was at Fontaine- 
 bleau that he compelled the Pope to abdicate his 
 temporal power, and it was at Fontainebleau that, 
 one year later, he was to abdicate the Empire. Pos- 
 sibly he then, when he had to trace the letters of the 
 fatal word, recalled what the Pope had suffered at his 
 hands. Deeds of violence almost always, even here 
 below, bring their punishment, and Providence ap- 
 pears as the great distributor of justice to peoples and 
 rulers. 
 
 As soon as the Concordat had been signed, Marie 
 Louise went, at her own suggestion, to congratulate 
 the Pope. It was especially in view of Austria and 
 of Southern Germany, essentially Catholic countries, 
 with which alliance was necessary, that Napoleon had 
 set so much store on some arrangement with the 
 
THE CONCORDAT OF FONTAINEBLEAU. 119 
 
 Pope. It is sometimes when the papacy appears fee- 
 blest that it is really strongest. The captivity of 
 Pius VII. had been worse for the jailer than for the 
 prisoner. One was to die at Saint Helena ; the other 
 was to return in triumph to Rome. Napoleon had a 
 vague instinct of the great importance of the religious 
 question, and when he imagined that he had settled 
 it by the Concordat of Fontainebleau, he felt a joy 
 which was to be shared by his wife and father-in-law. 
 Marie Louise, who remembered that the black cardi- 
 nals had refused to be present at her wedding, and 
 knew that Pius VII. had opposed the divorce, was 
 both flattered and touched by the warmth of the 
 Holy Father's greeting. As soon as the Concordat 
 was signed, she wrote to the Emperor Francis : " We 
 have been at Fontainebleau for six days. The Em- 
 peror and the Pope have settled the affairs of Chris- 
 tianity in the best way. The Pope seems very 
 happy. Since yesterday morning he has been most 
 easy and gracious ; he signed the treaty in less than 
 a quarter of an hour. I have just seen him ; I found 
 him very well. He has a very handsome and inter- 
 esting face. This reconciliation will, I am sure, 
 please you as much as it does me." 
 
 Napoleon, too, hastened to send in confidence to his 
 father-in-law the text of the new Concordat, with a 
 letter to which the Emperor Francis replied February 
 17, 1813, as follows : - 
 
 "Mr BROTHER AND VERY DEAR SON-IN-LAW: It is 
 with great pleasure that I have received Your Impe- 
 
120 MARIE LOUISE, 
 
 rial Majesty's last letter. You know how much 
 interest I take in the real welfare of your government. 
 The condition of the Church has a great interest for 
 France, and a definite arrangement of its affairs has 
 no less for my Empire. I am very anxious that Your 
 Imperial Majesty should be equally successful in set- 
 tling with the Holy Father the temporal question 
 with which is closely connected that of the perfect 
 independence of the head of the universal Church. 
 It is this independence which especially interests the 
 Catholic powers; it is not without points of great 
 utility to Your Majesty himself. I shall keep the 
 secret you desire concerning the text of the transac- 
 tion which you have been kind enough to communi- 
 cate to me." 
 
 February 18, 1813, Count Otto, French Ambas- 
 sador at Vienna, had already written this despatch 
 on the same subject: "Yesterday morning I was 
 admitted to a private audience, in which I handed His 
 Majesty's letter to the Emperor. He did not open it 
 in my presence, but I hastened to tell him that it 
 contained a copy of the Concordat concluded by the 
 Emperor with the Pope. The Emperor expressed 
 the liveliest satisfaction. He told me he had always 
 desired this arrangement as one of the essential bases 
 of public peace in France and in the rest of Europe. 
 ' I often spoke on this subject,' he said, i to your 
 master during his stay at Dresden. The influence 
 of religious opinions is far too powerful not to become 
 with you, as elsewhere, one of the leading principles 
 
 
THE CONCORDAT OF FONTAINEBLEAU. 121 
 
 of internal policy. I draw from it the happiest augu- 
 ries for a general peace.' " 
 
 In appearance everything was settled ; in fact, 
 nothing was. The Concordat did not contain a 
 formal renunciation, on the part of the Holy Father, 
 of the possession of the Roman States ; it spoke only 
 of the Pope's promise to exercise his pontificate in 
 the Emperor's states, and Pius VII. made only an 
 implicit abdication. More than this, the very evening 
 of the signature Napoleon had dictated to the Bishop 
 of Nantes so strange a letter that, according to the 
 Count d'Haussonville, it is hard to make out whether 
 it was inspired by amiability or whether it contained 
 bitter sarcasm. This is the letter : " Your Holiness 
 having appeared to fear at the moment of signing the 
 articles of the Concordat which put an end to the 
 divisions that afflict the Church, that this implied a 
 renunciation of the sovereignty of Rome, I take pleas- 
 ure in assuring you by this letter, that never having 
 felt justified in demanding it, I cannot conceive that 
 there has been any renunciation, direct or indirect, 
 of the sovereignty of the Roman States, and I have 
 intended to treat with you only in your capacity as 
 Head of the Church in spiritual matters." Had 
 Napoleon forgotten, when he wrote this letter, that 
 he had styled his son the King of Rome, and that the 
 Eternal City was the capital of a French department, 
 the Department of the Tiber ? No ; doubtless he had 
 not forgotten it. He knew well that in the eyes of 
 Pius VII. the true King of Rome was not the little 
 
122 MAEIE LOUISE. 
 
 Prince Imperial, but himself, the Pope. The restora- 
 tion to favor of the black cardinals cost the Emperor 
 a bitter pang. He especially feared Cardinal Pacca. 
 " He is my enemy," he often said. He signed with 
 reluctance the decree setting free the prelate and the 
 Cardinal di Pietro. He felt sure that these two 
 cardinals would fill with scruples and anxiety the 
 troubled conscience of Pius VII. " When the Cardi- 
 nal di Pietro arrives," he said to the Pope, half ironi- 
 cally, " you will confess to him." 
 
 Napoleon and Marie Louise, before leaving Fon- 
 tainebleau, January 27, 1813, took affectionate leave 
 of the Holy Father. But no sooner had the Pope 
 seen the mighty conqueror depart than he fell into 
 deep dejection and bitterly repented the concessions 
 he had made. His timidity plunged him into deep 
 anguish ; he fancied himself false to his duties and to 
 the cause of Heaven. When he looked at the pine- 
 trees which Louis XVI. had planted opposite the 
 gloomy rooms where Monescalchi was assassinated, 
 he suffered moral tortures like those that had wrung 
 the heart of the martyred king when the Pope had 
 written to him, " If you were disposed to renounce 
 even the rights inherent in the royal prerogative, you 
 have no right to alienate or to abandon what is due 
 to God and to the Church, whose eldest son you 
 are." 
 
 When Cardinal Pacca presented himself at Fon- 
 tainebleau, he found, he said, " His Holiness in a 
 pitiable and alarming state. When he spoke of what 
 
THE CONCORDAT OF FONTAINEBLEAU. 123 
 
 had happened he was overwhelmed with the deepest 
 remorse. This distracting thought robbed him of 
 sleep and let him eat only enough to avoid starva- 
 tion." In his despair the unhappy man exclaimed, 
 " All this will make me die mad, like Clement XIV." 
 The only alleviation to his grief was the thought 
 that he had yielded only to force ; yet he bitterly 
 reproached himself for not preferring martyrdom to 
 concessions which he regarded as dishonorable and 
 criminal. From that moment, but one idea possessed 
 him, to recant, whatever might be the consequences 
 of such temerity. May 24, 1813, he gave to the offi- 
 cers in charge of his person a letter, in which he 
 declared to Napoleon that he regarded the Concordat 
 of January 25 as null and void ; then he read to the 
 cardinals who were with him an allocution in which 
 he said to them in a transport of mystic joy, " Blessed 
 be the Lord, who has not removed his mercy from 
 us. He wished to humiliate us by a salutary confu- 
 sion. May this humiliation be for the good of our 
 soul ! To him for all time be praise, and honor, and 
 glory ! " From that day, calm took possession of the 
 successor of Saint Peter, and, freed from remorse, he 
 recovered his health and moral peace ; his sleep and 
 a heart at peace. 
 
IX. 
 
 THE COUNT OF SAINT MARSAN. 
 
 IT is curious to notice how formidable Napoleon 
 continued to be, even after the retreat from Rus- 
 sia, and how much he was dreaded. The blood-stained 
 snows had wrought no injury to the pedestal on which 
 stood that colossal figure. Even Germany, though 
 cowed and impatient, did not dare to express her 
 hatred openly. It was in secret councils and mys- 
 terious meetings that the general insurrection was 
 prepared. Judging from the diplomatic conditions, 
 Napoleon seemed to enjoy the same power. His 
 representatives at Berlin and at Vienna, the Count 
 of Saint Marsan and Count Otto, were treated with 
 the utmost respect. Austria and Prussia appeared, 
 officially at least, desirous of maintaining and even of 
 strengthening the French alliance. The two ambas- 
 sadors received the most cordial assurances and the 
 most lavish promises. We have inspected the corre- 
 spondence of these two diplomatists and that of Gen- 
 eral the Count of Narbonne, who, in 1813, succeeded 
 Count Otto as French Ambassador at Vienna. The 
 greater number of the despatches we quote have 
 
 124 
 
THE COUNT OF SAINT MARSAN. 125 
 
 never been printed. They set before us, one might 
 almost say from day to day, the growth of the evil 
 by which two countries that, during the war of 1812, 
 had been the vassals rather than the allies of France, 
 passed from obedience to discussion, from discussion 
 to disagreement, and ended with declaring war on 
 their ally. These despatches are mainly interesting 
 to diplomatists ; but others, we hope, will find them 
 not unworthy of attention. 
 
 The situation of the Prussian court was especially 
 difficult at the end of 1812. Napoleon had done too 
 much or too little for it. From the moment he had 
 forborne to destroy it, he should have treated it more 
 kindly. By imposing French garrisons upon it, and 
 weighing it down with burdens of every sort, he had 
 produced a feeling of exasperation which for many 
 years was latent and was sooner or later to break 
 forth. A country like that of Frederick the Great, 
 accustomed to glory, could not resign itself to such a 
 humiliated condition. 
 
 King Frederick William, guarded by the French 
 troops who occupied Berlin and the fortified towns, 
 bore more likeness to a hostage than to an independ- 
 ent sovereign. The misery of his ruined and humili- 
 ated people had grown till it filled castles as well as 
 hovels ; no one's fortune had been spared ; private 
 sufferings rivalled those of the state. Napoleon took 
 account of all this, and his position with relation to 
 Prussia was as false as Prussia's position with relation 
 to him. On one hand, he owed the Prussian govern- 
 
126 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 ment money for food and supplies, and on the other 
 he had every reason to believe that the money he 
 should pay this government would be spent against 
 France. The Count of Saint Marsan, the Emperor's 
 Minister at Berlin, was highly thought of then ; but 
 circumstances are stronger than men, and in spite of 
 all his zeal, intelligence, and loyalty, this skilful and 
 honest diplomatist was unable to stem the torrent. 
 
 Still, at the end of 1812, Prussia was still trem- 
 bling before Napoleon, and the King had not shown 
 by a word, a gesture, or a movement of his face, the 
 slightest indication of resistance. Perhaps even at 
 this moment he was sincere in his desire of maintain- 
 ing an alliance against which the national feeling 
 protested, but which was to be broken by the govern- 
 ment only after long hesitations and a real terror. 
 
 On passing through Dresden on his way from 
 Russia, the Emperor, December 14, 1812, had writ- 
 ten to Frederick William, the King of Prussia, that 
 it was very important that the Prussian contingent 
 should alone constitute an army corps, and should be 
 raised to thirty thousand men. "In asking Your 
 Majesty to augment his troops," it was said in Napo- 
 leon's letter, "I show how much confidence I have 
 in the system you have adopted." The letter ended 
 with congratulations on the courage and discipline 
 displayed by the Prussian troops during the campaign. 
 It was handed to the King at Berlin by the Count 
 of Saint Marsan, who addressed the following report 
 to the Emperor, December 17, 1812: "The King 
 
THE COUNT OF SAINT MAESAN. 127 
 
 received me with his usual kindness. I handed him 
 Your Majesty's letter. I had a long audience, and I 
 have the satisfaction of announcing to Your Majesty 
 that I found the King in the most compliant mood, 
 without a cloud on the loyalty and frankness of his 
 character. The King added that he did not fear fac- 
 tious spirits, that I ought to have seen that he had 
 taken some measures, and that orders had been given 
 to keep a rigid oversight and to punish everything 
 of the sort that showed itself, no matter how trivial, 
 even if a mere jest. In general, Sire, I was able to 
 see that the King was gratified by two things : one 
 by the satisfaction Your Majesty expressed with the 
 conduct of his troops, and the other, the mark of con- 
 fidence and consideration you gave in asking him to 
 unite his contingent in a single army corps consisting 
 of his troops alone, thus treating him like Austria." 
 
 The Count of Saint Marsan did not conceal from 
 the Emperor the extreme agitation which was begin- 
 ing to show itself in Prussia, and in this report he 
 said : " I ought not to keep it 'from Your Majesty, 
 the foes of this system of union with France are 
 working most eagerly to excite every one. The King, 
 who is of frank, loyal, and scrupulously upright char- 
 acter, is not, I think, open to the attacks of those 
 who would like to lead him into another system, 
 especially since he is endowed with a certain firmness 
 which some may call obstinacy, that is no less useful 
 at this moment. The Baron von Hardenberg, who 
 is of an upright and loyal character, and who is 
 
128 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 especially anxious not to pass for a frivolous politi- 
 cian, is too clear-sighted not to see that if Prussia 
 changes her system she would begin by being over- 
 whelmed by France, and that if she escaped ruin, she 
 would become the prey of Russia. On the other 
 hand, this Minister thinks that at the moment when 
 Your Majesty shall be able to give a firm and solid 
 peace to Europe, Prussia, having faithfully followed 
 your system, will seem, too, destined to form a con- 
 stant ally of France and her northern frontier, and 
 that Your Majesty will assign to this country, not the 
 military place which it has occupied and which was 
 exaggerated, but the rank that it held in the politi- 
 cal system for the equilibrium of Europe. I know 
 that he goes so far as to think that if Poland is not 
 so strongly constituted as to assure its existence, it 
 might occur to Your Majesty not to unite Poland 
 with Prussia, but to make the King of Prussia the 
 King of Poland, in order to strengthen the frontier, 
 by combining the interior lines and countries. . . . 
 The greater part of the nation have always regarded 
 the system of union with France as the safeguard 
 of Prussia, but at this moment they are disturbed 
 by all the intrigues of the opposite party, which is 
 smaller but more active ; and the sufferings, which are 
 really excessive, and the burdens that weigh upon 
 proprietors, do not act in our favor." 
 
 The first news of the French disasters were not 
 believed in Prussia, where it could not be imagined 
 that the unrivalled army which had been seen in its 
 
TEE COUNT OF SAINT MARS AN. 129 
 
 splendor a few months before was nothing but a 
 phantom. But the arrival of the wounded made the 
 truth known, and from that time thoughts of revenge 
 fired every Prussian heart. Nevertheless, M. de Saint 
 Marsan had no suspicions of Frederick William's 
 feelings about Napoleon, and he wrote to the Em- 
 peror at the end of December : " All sorts of talk 
 are still prevailing at Berlin. Part of it is due to the 
 French wounded who are passing through. Mal- 
 contents are agitating, but it amounts to nothing 
 more serious than drawing-room talk, especially on 
 the part of a few women. The King and the Minis- 
 try are faithfully following a line of conduct such as 
 I am able to approve. The King thinks that Your 
 Majesty intends to devote the great resources of your 
 genius and the strength of your Empire to collect an 
 army still more formidable than the first ; that then 
 you will negotiate a peace, even a general peace. . . . 
 When the King heard that the Duke of Bassano 
 meant to pass through Berlin, he expressed to me his 
 satisfaction. He gave orders to have a house pre- 
 pared for him, and when he was told that I meant to 
 have him stay with me, sent me word that he hoped 
 that the Duke would at least make use of his horses 
 and carriages; that besides his desire to testify his 
 esteem and regard for the Duke of Bassano, it was 
 well that the public should know what he felt for 
 Your Majesty's Minister." 
 
 There was a strange contrast between the language 
 of the Prussian court, which was always gracious, 
 
130 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 courteous, and respectful towards Napoleon, and the 
 deep-seated anger which the countiy no longer sought 
 to conceal ; but M. de Saint Marsan no less persisted 
 in building great hopes upon the King and his 
 Ministry. December 22, 1812, he wrote a despatch 
 to the Duke of Bassano : " Clamor and malice are 
 under full headway. The Chancellor continually 
 urges the police to keep close watch. It has been 
 suggested to him to issue a special order on the sub- 
 ject : he thinks this useless, and possibly dangerous 
 at this moment. I agree with him. We have agreed 
 that every overt act or attempt shall be severely 
 punished, and that the greatest publicity should be 
 given to the measures adopted by the government 
 for the promotion of the common cause, which will 
 be of the happiest effect, and produce an excellent 
 impression upon the nation. . . . With respect to 
 its main policy, without regard to special circum- 
 stances, I believe that if Prussia is sure of the con- 
 fidence of France, she will always prefer the French 
 alliance to any other." 
 
 The illusions of the French diplomatist were 
 doomed to have a terrible awakening. December 
 30, 1812, a thunderbolt fell. On that day, General 
 York, who commanded the twenty thousand Prus- 
 sians of the rear guard, and almost the whole of 
 General Macdonald's army corps, concluded, at 
 Tauroggen, a capitulation by which he and his 
 troops entered into the Russian army corps that 
 was pursuing him. The Prussian soldiers shouted 
 
THE COUNT OF SAINT MAE 8 AN. 131 
 
 with joy when they heard the order of the day that 
 announced this defection, which was the first out- 
 break of the feelings that were to manifest them- 
 selves in the whole nation. At the same time, 
 General York wrote to his King : " If I have made a 
 mistake, I am willing to be shot, and will meet my 
 fate with calmness and serenity, being conscious 
 that I have always remained a faithful subject and a 
 good Prussian. The time has come for Your Majesty 
 to escape from the disastrous demands of an ally 
 whose views concerning Prussia, if fortune had re- 
 mained faithful to him, are still wrapt in impenetrable 
 obscurity. These are the considerations that have 
 decided him. Heaven grant that they may further 
 the well-being of my country ! " 
 
 For his part, General Macdonald wrote, January 
 1, 1813, to Major-General Berthier : " General York 
 has fully justified my estimate of him : I had clearly 
 seen that he was our deadliest foe, but I should never 
 have deemed him capable of such black treachery. 
 I have always had the greatest consideration for his 
 troops, and thoroughly confided in their honor." 
 
 King Frederick William had no part in .General 
 York's defection. As soon as he heard of it, he 
 summoned the Count of Saint Marsan, and earnestly 
 disavowed the general's conduct. The French Min- 
 ister was convinced by the King's loyal utterances, 
 and told him that he would disbelieve the whole 
 world before he would doubt the King. January 5, 
 1813, he wrote to the Duke of Bassano : " Last even- 
 
132 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 ing, at eleven o'clock, the King sent to me the Baron 
 von Hardenberg to announce his decision. His 
 Majesty was amazed and indignant at General York's 
 defection. His first words were, ' It's enough to give 
 one an attack of apoplexy.' What is to be done? 
 The King has decided that His Majesty the King of 
 Naples shall be asked to announce, in an order of 
 the day of the French army, the King's disavowal 
 and indignation; that if General York cannot be 
 arrested, he shall be judged in default ; that Prince 
 von Hatzfeld shall go at once to Paris to convey 
 to His Majesty the Emperor the expression of the 
 King's feelings, and to manifest the same feelings 
 to all Europe, by means of this exceptional mission." 
 The Count of Saint Marsan wrote again to the Duke 
 of Bassano, January 7 : "It is impossible, my lord, 
 to exhibit more loyalty and exactitude in discharging 
 one's obligations, than is shown here." And Count; 
 von Goltz, Prussian Minister of Foreign Affairs, sent 
 to all the King's legations a circular letter, in which 
 he said : " The King has done and will do all that 
 lies in his power to prove that he remains faithful to 
 his system and to his promises. (January 9, 1813.)" 
 In reality, Frederick William had not yet made up 
 his mind ; he was hesitating. Never, perhaps, was a 
 sovereign in a more perplexing position. Whichever 
 way he looked he saw nothing but trouble, uncer- 
 tainty, and misery. He asked himself what he ought 
 to do, arid his conscience gave only a confused and 
 undecided reply. Being forced either to break his 
 
THE COUNT OF SAINT MARSAN. 133 
 
 word to France, which was able to crush him, or else 
 to fight for her against friends who represented them- 
 selves as liberators, this naturally loyal ruler strug- 
 gled with doubts and hesitations which were really 
 torturing. Is it credible ? Even after General York's 
 defection, even after the extraordinary hatred of 
 everything French that broke out in the whole 
 Prussian kingdom, Frederick William was far from 
 decided to break loose from Napoleon. 
 
 It is a very significant detail that at this very 
 moment, early in 1813, the Prussian court seriously 
 contemplated a matrimonial alliance between the 
 Crown Prince and a Princess of the Emperor's fam- 
 ily. The despatch of the Count of Saint Marsan 
 referring to this proposed marriage is dated Jan- 
 uary 12, 1813, and it is very curious. It has never 
 been published, and shows better than anything the 
 ascendancy which Napoleon still exercised. In this 
 despatch the Count began by reporting the remarks 
 the King had made to Prince Hatzfeld, who was 
 about to leave for Paris to visit the Emperor. 
 
 " The King," said the Minister of France, " has in 
 the first place overwhelmed Prince von Hatzfeld with 
 attentions. He has shown him how highly he appre- 
 ciates his services, the purity of his feelings, the 
 justice of his opinions. . . . He then said to him, 
 4 Assure the Emperor that nothing can move me from 
 my plan of alliance with him. Take every means of 
 ridding him of every trace of suspicion or mistrust 
 which he may feel toward Prussia. It is true that 
 
134 MAEIE LOUISE. 
 
 most of my friends are ill-disposed towards the 
 French, and very naturally ; but unless they are 
 forced by the necessity of unendurable sacrifices, 
 they will take no active steps ; it thus is no occasion 
 for surprise at what happens in places whither the 
 enemy penetrates ; but in those very places the inhab- 
 itants have greeted the French army in the warmest 
 way, when it was exhausted by all it had endured ; 
 and this proves the purity of our intentions and their 
 obedience to my orders. I think that I have seen 
 proof that Austria will remain firm in its alliance 
 with France. If that were otherwise, my position is 
 very different from that of that power; I am the 
 natural ally of France. If I were to change my sys- 
 tem, I should always be sacrificed by the Russians, 
 and then again by the French, who would treat me 
 as an enemy, and with justice. I know there are 
 madmen who look upon France as exhausted, but 
 you will soon see it presenting an army of three hun- 
 dred thousand men, as fine as the first one. I sup- 
 pose that I shall have dark moments and sacrifices 
 to endure ; I shall endure what I must to assure the 
 peace and future prosperity of my family. Tell the 
 Emperor I can make no more pecuniary sacrifices ; 
 but if he will give me the money, I can still raise 
 fifty or sixty thousand men for his service. More- 
 over, in the present circumstances it is fortunate that 
 Prussia is tranquil ; for if there were to be an insur- 
 rection in this country, it would be the spark that 
 would set Germany ablaze." 
 
THE COUNT OF SAINT MARSAN. 135 
 
 In this despatch the Count of Saint Marsan spoke 
 thus of the matrimonial project : " The idea has been 
 started here that it might be possible to conclude a 
 family alliance between France and Prussia by the 
 marriage of a Princess of the Imperial family of 
 France with the Crown Prince of Prussia. This 
 idea, which suggests the union of all their interests 
 between the two powers, a union already natural 
 in view of the political condition, has necessarily 
 made an impression on the mind of so enlightened 
 a minister as the Baron von Hardenberg, and has 
 inspired him with the hope of seeing his work thus 
 consolidated ; and after having assured the existence 
 of Prussia, by a political alliance with France, of 
 obtaining its restoration by a family alliance, which 
 would remove all suspicion and mistrust, and engage 
 France to restore Prussia to its place and make it her 
 northern frontier." 
 
 M. de Saint Marsan, further on in the despatch, 
 thus reported Frederick William's conversation with 
 Prince Hatzfeld concerning the proposed marriage : 
 "Coming thus to the plan of the marriage, this is 
 what the King said to Prince Hatzfeld : ' If you have 
 an opportunity, listen to what is said ; express your 
 own opinions, but make no promises unless you have 
 received orders.' Then the Prince asked if he could 
 know what he really thought of it, and if in any case 
 he would follow this plan. 'I cannot conceal from 
 you,' said the King, 'that as father of a family, I am 
 averse to contracting an alliance from merely politi- 
 
136 MAEIE LOUISE. 
 
 cal motives. Nevertheless, if I see that there will 
 result considerable advantages that will place my 
 kingdom in a higher position than it now holds, I 
 shall not hesitate.' ' 
 
 The French Minister thus closed his despatch: 
 " Your Excellency may assure the Emperor that this 
 report of the King's conversation with Prince Hatz- 
 feld is absolutely accurate. Besides, it is in harmony 
 with the King's upright and loyal character, and with 
 the feelings he has always had for France, even when 
 he was led into the war of 1806, to which it is noto- 
 rious that he was opposed. Hence if Your Excel- 
 lency gives Prince Hatzfeld any encouragement, you 
 will find him eager to discuss the matter, although 
 unofficially. As for me, I have spoken about this 
 affair freely, because it is well known that I received 
 personal confidences, and consequently I have been 
 free to utter my own personal opinions. I have 
 endeavored to convey the impression that I regard 
 an event of this sort as certain to assure not merely 
 the prosperity of Prussia, but also the peace of 
 Europe, since it would dig the ground from beneath 
 the feet of those evil citizens of Germany who are 
 always hoping to lead their sovereigns into some 
 course of action that would bring about general dis- 
 order." 
 
 January 15, the Count of Saint Marsan was still 
 convinced that the Franco-Prussian alliance could be 
 maintained. "If His Majesty the Emperor," he 
 wrote to the Duke of Bassano, "judges it well to 
 
THE COUNT OF SAINT MAES AN. 137 
 
 show confidence in this government, I am convinced 
 that this alone would suffice to defeat the proposi- 
 tions which might be made by England and Russia. 
 Also that some consideration in the sacrifices to be 
 demanded, a little money for securing stores, and the 
 maintenance of discipline among the soldiers, would 
 prevent any explosion on the part of the inhabi- 
 tants." 
 
 While the French diplomatist was in full enjoy- 
 ment of this optimism, Baron von Stein and General 
 York were convoking the provincial states at Konigs- 
 berg, and securing a decree to arm the entire popula- 
 tion and to employ every resource against France. 
 As for the King, he had not yet decided to speak out 
 against Napoleon ; but he wished already to hold an 
 intermediate position, to obtain the neutrality of Sile- 
 sia, and by a general peace to secure the complete 
 freedom of Prussia. Nearly thirty thousand French 
 still occupied its capital, and, moreover, the Russians 
 were approaching. He then made up his mind to 
 take refuge at Breslau, whither he betook himself 
 with the Ministers of France and Austria, and to 
 await events. His Ministers continued to give the 
 Emperor's representative the most friendly assur- 
 ances. The Count of Saint Marsan wrote to the 
 Duke of Bassano : 
 
 "Breslau, February 15, 1813. Baron von Harden- 
 berg has sworn to me twenty times to-day that the 
 system has not changed: that there have been no 
 overtures, direct or indirect, with regard to approach- 
 
138 -MAEIE LOUISE. 
 
 ing Russia. He lias told me that he awaits with the 
 greatest uneasiness and impatience an answer from 
 Paris, because if, in view of the circumstances, His 
 Majesty the Emperor approves the steps made towards 
 establishing the neutrality of Silesia, and will himself 
 give some aid to Prussia, the system will be more 
 firmly consolidated than ever, and nothing but de- 
 spair can throw Prussia into the arms of Russia. 
 He has repeated to me how much the King's conduct 
 since the retreat of the Grand Army proved his 
 loyalty ; that if he had lacked this and had wished 
 to change his system, he would not have waited for 
 this moment, but would have availed himself of 
 his earlier opportunities ; and that, moreover, they 
 are not so foolish as to forget that nothing is easier 
 than for France to make Prussia repent a breach 
 of faith. ... A little repression is being put on the 
 utterances of the young men. A severe reprimand 
 has been given to a professor accused of exciting his 
 pupils, indicating that the next enemy they would 
 have to fight would be the French. The police have 
 received instructions on this subject, and they needed 
 them, for they are very incompetent." 
 
 The Count of Saint Marsan, when he followed the 
 King to Breslau, had left at Berlin the First Secre- 
 tary of Legation, M. Edouard Lefebvre, who wrote 
 to the Duke of Bassano, February 17, 1813 : " The 
 greater the discrepancy between events and what 
 appears to be promised by the King's loyalty and the 
 Minister's good disposition, the readier we must be to 
 
THE COUNT OF SAINT MARSAN. 139 
 
 believe that matters are unsettled at Breslau, and 
 that possibly no definite decision has been made. 
 The King's timorous and hesitating character would 
 justify this opinion. ... I sent to Your Excellency, 
 by yesterday's courier, the Gazette containing an 
 edict which declares that all young men more than 
 twenty-four years old may enlist, if they choose, and 
 that the King and the country will be grateful for 
 this proof of devotion. The upshot is that enlistment 
 is compulsory from seventeen up to twenty-four, and 
 voluntary from twenty-four up to an undetermined 
 age." 
 
 Only one thing could have prevented the explosion ; 
 that was the success of Prince Hatzfeld's mission in 
 Paris ; but this fell to the ground. The Prince was 
 unable to obtain from the Emperor either reimburse- 
 ment for the supplies furnished or the evacuation of 
 the strongholds. These two refusals discouraged the 
 last French inclinations of the King, and drove him 
 still more towards Napoleon's enemies. 
 
 Meanwhile Frederick William still continued im- 
 penetrable, and gave the Count no chance to suspect 
 his speedy decision ; and the Minister thus wrote in a 
 despatch dated Breslau, February 21, 1813 : " There 
 has been no change in the way I am treated. The King 
 sees no one here, as at Berlin, except at his dinner, 
 from which the Diplomatic Body is excluded ; but he 
 goes into private company, even when he has to pay. 
 I met him the other evening at a ball of this kind 
 where I knew that he was going ; he came up to me 
 
140 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 at once ; talked with me a long time ; asked me often 
 what news I had from the Emperor, talking at great 
 length about his indefatigable activity, and the im- 
 mense advantages his strength gave him ; he said 
 nothing about the condition of the country ; besides, 
 the place was too public. The Crown Prince and the 
 other young Princes who were with the King also 
 sought me out for particular attentions ; and all this 
 caused great surprise in the assembled company." 
 
 February 27, the Count of Saint Marsan gave up 
 every illusion. In a despatch dated that day he 
 wrote : " There is no longer, in my opinion, any 
 doubt that Prussia is about to abandon the alliance 
 with France. Baron von Hardenberg said to me: 
 ' If Prussia should ever change its system, it could 
 not be denied that it had been forced so to do by the 
 harshness with which it has been treated, and by its 
 receiving no answer on so important a subject as 
 that of its advances at a time when, left to itself, it 
 would be desired that it should neither make use of 
 its own means, nor seek to lessen its misfortunes.' 
 He assured me, moreover, that the condition of neu- 
 trality was always in such a state that it could be 
 revoked on forty-eight hours' notice ; but he did not 
 conceal from me the fact that Russia is making all 
 sorts of advances to Prussia." 
 
 The next day, February 28, 1813, the courts of 
 Saint Petersburg and Berlin concluded at Kalisz a 
 treaty of alliance which was at first kept secret. 
 Russia engaged to provide one hundred and fifty 
 
THE COUNT OF SAINT MAES AN. 141 
 
 thousand men for the war against France ; and Prus- 
 sia, eighty thousand men. The two powers agreed 
 to use all their efforts to secure the adhesion of 
 Austria. The Emperor Alexander promised not to 
 lay down his arms until Prussia should be restored 
 to the condition she was in before 1806. 
 
 The existence of this treaty was kept hidden from the 
 Count of Saint Marsan, and he was treated as cour- 
 teously as ever. He wrote to the Duke of Bassano : 
 
 " Breslau, March 1, 1813. Although the agreement 
 with Russia, and the perfect harmony existing be- 
 tween the two courts is as evident as was the alliance 
 with France scarcely a month ago, there has been no 
 change in the formality and respect with which I am 
 treated, not only by the court, but also by the public 
 and the leading members of society. As to business, 
 nothing is ever said about it ; and I, for my part, 
 remain entirely passive ; I should only compromise 
 myself, and consequently the dignity of His Majesty 
 the Emperor, if, after all I have said, I should demand 
 new explanations." M. de Saint Marsan already 
 guessed the secret which was kept from him. He 
 had written to the Duke of Bassano, March 2 : " I 
 have said that Prussia could not long play a doubtful 
 part. I have just heard some news which leads me 
 to think that it has decided, and that the threats and 
 promises of the Russians have produced their effect. 
 I understand that General Bliicher has been set free." 
 And yet the French diplomatist still thought that 
 the Prussian alliance might be saved. In the same 
 
142 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 despatch he said : " If His Majesty the Emperor 
 does not judge it well to do anything for Prussia, it 
 will declare against us, and will be forced to do this 
 willy nilly. If anything is done for it, I am far from 
 despairing of its retention in the system. Inasmuch 
 as I am entirely without orders and instructions, and 
 have no knowledge of what are the intentions of His 
 Majesty the Emperor, and am, in consequence, unable 
 to utter one word in the way of promises and positive 
 encouragement, I confine myself to general discussion, 
 to axioms and hypotheses, which I turn over and over 
 in every way. . . . Prince Hatzfeld has sent a report 
 dated February 14, in which he indicates a hope of 
 obtaining something. The original was immediately 
 read to me in confidence. In our last interview 
 Baron von Hardenberg said to me : 4 1 cannot under- 
 stand why His Majesty the Emperor does not con- 
 sent to do anything for the King, and to give some 
 sort of a positive promise ; he would never have a 
 more faithful ally than he. He has proved this by 
 the enormous sacrifices he has already made ; but no 
 one seems to take any account of these.' " 
 
 We are inclined to think that Napoleon could not 
 have easily conciliated the Prussian nation, although 
 he might have kept the government in his system of 
 alliance if he had made it in time the indispensable 
 concessions. King Frederick William and Baron 
 von Hardenberg were distinctly frightened by the 
 demagogic tendencies which manifested themselves. 
 Towards the end of 1812 they were, we think, still 
 
 
THE COUNT OF SAINT MARS AN. 143 
 
 well disposed ; and if the Emperor had restored its 
 strongholds to Prussia ; if he had paid for the supplies 
 it had furnished ; if he had conceded some territory, 
 it is our impression that the Cabinet of Berlin would 
 have declared itself satisfied, and would have done 
 its best to stem the torrent which threatened to 
 carry away everything. Possibly it would not have 
 succeeded, but it would at least have tried. If 
 the nation in its enthusiasm especially yearned for 
 revenge, what the calmer and more cautious govern- 
 ment preferred was peace ; but an honorable peace, 
 that should assign to Prussia an important position in 
 Europe, instead of the enfeebled condition in which 
 it was left. 
 
 The die was cast; Napoleon, who, with wisdom, 
 might have found a way to disarm the hatred of the 
 Prussian people, was confronted by a bitter, implaca- 
 ble adversary. The passions which republican France 
 unchained against Europe were turned against impe- 
 rial France. Sovereigns, ministers, generals, were 
 about to become demagogues, to borrow the French 
 phraseology of 1792, to promise constitutions as a 
 means of arousing the different peoples against the 
 ruler of the continent. Secret societies uttered cries 
 of vengeance. Religion and science fostered the war- 
 like spirit. Church pulpits and teachers' chairs 
 were turned into public tribunes. The Prussian peo- 
 ple seized their arms and rose like one man ; women, 
 rich and poor, sent to the Treasury all their gold and 
 silver and jewels, even their wedding-rings. These 
 
144 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 offerings were received with a gratitude that only added 
 to the patriotic enthusiasm ; in exchange there were 
 given objects in iron, of the same form, bearing this 
 inscription : " I have given my gold for iron. 1813." 
 The revolutionary weapons, which Napoleon had 
 refused to employ against the King, were about to be 
 used against him ; and to oppose them he had only 
 the regular resources of monarchies by divine right. 
 
 March 15, 1813, the Emperor Alexander had 
 entered Breslau. King Frederick William had gone 
 to meet him, and the two sovereigns on horseback 
 had been greeted by the applause of the troops. 
 Two days later, March 17, M. de Saint Marsan 
 received official notice of the treaty concluded, Feb- 
 ruary 28, between the two monarchs. " Your Excel- 
 lency," he wrote to the Duke of Bassano, " will have 
 concluded from the reports which I have had the 
 honor of sending to you that the alliance between 
 Prussia and Russia is definitely settled; that the 
 King and the government are carried away, one may 
 say, by the German revolutionary party, and that all 
 possible means will be tried, and all the most turbu- 
 lent individuals employed to arouse the whole Ger- 
 man nation." The Count lingered a few days at 
 Breslau, and did not receive his passports till March 
 27. In a despatch dated that day he wrote: "I 
 have had to exercise much patience and self-control 
 to stay here as a spectator of all that has taken place ; 
 nevertheless, I must say that both the government 
 and private citizens have treated me most consider- 
 
THE COUNT OF SAINT MAESAN. 145 
 
 ately. I venture to flatter myself that I have com- 
 plied with His Majesty's wishes, and have closely fol- 
 lowed the line of duty by leaving Breslau, without 
 orders from His Majesty the Emperor, only when the 
 government demanded it." War was declared be- 
 tween France and Prussia. 
 
X. 
 
 COUNT OTTO. 
 
 IN 1812 the French Ambassador at Vienna was a 
 diplomatist of great merit, Count Otto, who had 
 for many years represented the Emperor Napoleon at 
 the court of the Emperor Francis, and had been one 
 of the principal negotiators of the marriage of the 
 Empress Marie Louise. By his tact, his experience, 
 and his conciliating character, he had won general 
 sympathy at the Austrian court, where he was what 
 in diplomatic language is called a persona grata., 
 His despatches do him great honor. He knew how 
 to tell the truth to Napoleon in the most respectful 
 forms, and it was certainly not his fault if his sover- 
 eign indulged in illusions, which were destined to be 
 fatal, on the character and extent of the Austrian 
 alliance. 
 
 The main cause of Napoleon's errors was that 
 politically he set too much importance on his mar- 
 riage with an archduchess. He should have known 
 that before becoming the father-in-law of the Emperor 
 of the French, the father of Marie Louise was the 
 Emperor of Austria, and that if, after his defeat at 
 146 
 
COUNT OTTO. 147 
 
 Austerlitz and Wagram he had to choose between 
 his paternal affection and his interests as a ruler, his 
 choice was not doubtful. From the moment when 
 Russia, Prussia, and England promised him to restore 
 Illyria, the Tyrol, and the Lombardo- Venetian King- 
 dom, while France could only promise Illyria, and 
 even that was doubtful, family considerations could 
 have but little weight. Still, even after the Russian 
 war, Napoleon might have made use of Austria. She 
 would have been of great service in helping him to 
 make an honorable peace with all the powers ; but to 
 secure this peace he would have had to make consid- 
 erable concessions, and that is what Napoleon did 
 not wish to do. This is at least what we conclude 
 from Count Otto's correspondence, many of whose 
 despatches, almost all unpublished, we are about to 
 quote. 
 
 October 31, 1812, the Ambassador informed the 
 Duke of Bassano, Minister of Foreign Affairs, of the 
 excitement which was beginning to pervade Austria. 
 
 " I was told this morning," he wrote, " that the 
 Archduke John had said at dinner at Duke Albert's, 
 that at last the time had come for sharpening their 
 daggers and falling on the French. It was added 
 that I had sent a note to complain of this violent 
 utterance. This specimen will give you, my Lord, 
 an idea of the lies in circulation here, which, it is 
 hoped, will disturb the good understanding between 
 the two governments. Often these lies are accom- 
 panied by so many plausible details that it is hard for 
 
148 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 me to defend myself. Some agitator, who saw me a 
 few days ago leaving the Palace, had the insolence to 
 spread abroad the rumor that I had been to Laxen- 
 burg to inform the Emperor of the sad condition of 
 our army and to ask for a re-enforcement of fifty 
 thousand men." 
 
 November 10, 1812, Count Otto informed the Min- 
 ister that Austria intended not to continue the war 
 as a French ally, but to endeavor by diplomacy to 
 secure a general peace : " In my frequent interviews 
 with Count Metternich I have been able to see that 
 he was inclined towards a plan, which he could hardly 
 hope would succeed, and which he feared to commu- 
 nicate to me. Being unused to this reserve, I tried 
 to find out his secret, and it was only after many 
 conversations that I was able to convince myself that 
 the Austrian Cabinet desired to be charged by us with 
 the honorable duty of carrying messages of peace not 
 merely to Russia, but even to England. If I had any 
 doubts about these intentions, they would have been 
 removed by the interview that I had yesterday with 
 His Majesty the Emperor of Austria, on the occasion 
 of the Festival of the Order of Saint Stephen. After 
 expressing to me his hopes for the success of Count 
 Lauriston's mission, he said : 4 In the winter you will 
 have time to negotiate ; all Europe craves peace ; in 
 case you cannot come to an understanding with the 
 court of Saint Petersburg, I will speak to it in your 
 name, if your master gives me authority, for you 
 understand, of course, that I shall do nothing without 
 
COUNT OTTO. 149 
 
 your consent. I think, moreover, that my interven- 
 tion will not be without result. But peace to last, 
 must be general, and England should share in it : I 
 have no relations with that power ; nevertheless, if 
 your master desires, I will gladly take steps to learn 
 its intentions.' " 
 
 In the same despatch Count Otto expressed the 
 wonder whether Austria was sincere or was playing 
 a double game. " I confess," he went on, " that so 
 far nothing justifies such a supposition. Austria has 
 an evident interest in the humiliation of Russia. 
 The Viennese court has rejected with scorn the 
 propositions that have been made to it since the 
 beginning of the war ; it has acted at Constantinople 
 in perfect [conformity with our views ; it has done 
 everything to prevent the ratification of the treaty 
 of Bucharest ; and appears to have at least delayed 
 it. Its ruler's tastes, its financial condition, make it 
 more and more desirous of peace : it asks for nothing 
 better than a chance to repair its losses in the late 
 wars, and the public itself is so convinced of this, 
 that, in spite of the outcries of the enemies of France, 
 it is mainly to the French alliance that it should 
 ascribe the prosperous state of its new issue of notes, 
 a real barometer of public opinion." 
 
 Nevertheless, the Ambassador noted the progress 
 which Napoleon's enemies were making in Vienna. 
 " The Russians," he wrote, November 25, " have on 
 their side almost all the aristocracy of the Continent, 
 and the English are the allies of all the bankers and 
 
150 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 merchants of every country. Hence there is no 
 need of surprise at the inconceivable speed with 
 which false rumors spread through Europe. Here 
 the Greek merchants, who control two-thirds of the 
 commerce of Vienna, are entirely in the interest of 
 Kussia. A few days ago they started the rumor 
 that Napoleon had been taken prisoner. This absurd 
 statement brought about a fall on 'Change of ten 
 per cent; so great is the contradiction between 
 public confidence and the passions of the moment." 
 
 When the disasters in Russia became fully known, 
 these passions spread alarmingly. Count Otto wrote 
 a letter to Napoleon himself, December 18, 1812, in 
 which he said : " Your Majesty knows the elements 
 that compose the Viennese public too well not to 
 conjecture the impressions caused by recent events. 
 The most alarming rumors, the most painful con- 
 jectures and hopes have followed one another rapidly. 
 Nothing was talked about but the destruction of the 
 Grand Army, and the impossibility of beginning 
 another campaign. The Emperor and his Ministry, 
 who have a better knowledge of the resources of 
 France, took a fairer view of the condition of things. 
 They are confident of the success of a second cam- 
 paign ; but they none the less desire to be commis- 
 sioned by Your Majesty with the honorable task of 
 trying to negotiate during the winter." In the same 
 letter Count Otto confessed with noble frankness the 
 dangers of the situation. " Such," he added, " is the 
 force of the passion of the moment, and such the 
 
COUNT OTTO. 151 
 
 blindness of the multitude, that they persist in see- 
 ing and dreading nothing but France, although she 
 alone is capable of some day saving Austria. At 
 the present time, Sire, Russia is full of attentions to 
 Austria ; all the intrigues of the Cabinet and of its 
 numerous agents have but one aim, that of bringing 
 the court of Vienna into a new alliance, which would 
 be for her a new source of misfortune." 
 
 Ten days later, December 28, 1812, the Ambas- 
 sador wrote to the Duke of Bassano: "However 
 painful may be the picture of what is going on here, 
 it is my duty, my Lord, to draw it for you without 
 concealment. It is perhaps without a precedent that 
 the government of a great power should have formed 
 the idea of deserting an ally, after its first reverses, 
 to join the flags of its enemy. Nevertheless, this is 
 what the majority of the influential men of this 
 country have dared to urge immediately after the 
 news of the disastrous retreat of our army. The 
 endeavor has been made to circumvent the Emperor 
 by all the means which intrigue and corruption 
 could employ against his good faith. It has been 
 represented to him that since France no longer had 
 an army, it would be absurd to try to continue the 
 war alone against the Russian giant ; that the court 
 of Berlin was unable to continue its armaments ; that 
 Bavaria, the Duchy of Warsaw, and Saxony had 
 neither men nor money left ; that the North of Ger- 
 many was ready to hoist the standard of revolt and 
 to drive out the sovereigns who had been merely 
 
152 MAEIE LOUISE. 
 
 French prefects ; that consequently it was necessary 
 to recall the auxiliary corps, to change his policy, 
 and to profit by this favorable moment to retake the 
 province he had lost ; that more than sixty millions 
 of Germans and Italians were ready to declare for 
 Austria, and to make common cause with her; that 
 France herself was on the eve of a great revolution ; 
 that the last conspiracy in Paris had had many far- 
 spreading roots in England, in Spain, and even in 
 the Grand Army, where the Emperor Napoleon had 
 narrowly escaped assassination by some partisans of 
 Malet and Lahorie ; finally, that the time had come 
 to deliver Europe from a yoke that had become 
 insupportable, and to restore to its people their old 
 laws and their independence." 
 
 The Empress of Austria, the step-mother of Marie 
 Louise, was desirous of playing the part which the 
 beautiful Queen Louisa had taken at Berlin before 
 the battle of Jena. Count Otto knew very well that 
 the wife of Emperor Francis was secretly at the head 
 of the party which desired war against Napoleon, and 
 in this same despatch of December 28, 1812, he said, 
 speaking of this Princess's views: "Although the 
 Empress is not free to make her opinion known, it 
 is notorious that she favors exclusively all the ene- 
 mies of the present policy, and that she associates 
 only with the boldest and most zealous coalitionists. 
 One recent anecdote may serve as an example of her 
 opinions. Before the last Austrian war, the Arch- 
 duke Charles had shown some opposition to a new 
 
COUNT OTTO. 153 
 
 appeal to arms ; she went to him, fell at his feet, and 
 besought him not to oppose a measure which might 
 restore to the monarchy its former glory and avenge 
 all the insults it had endured. It is said that the 
 Archduke Charles could not resist her tears, and that 
 he voted, against his judgment, for a war of which 
 he foresaw the disastrous issue. I have to-day been 
 informed that, like her brother Maximilian, she has 
 joined the Society of the Friends of Virtue." 
 
 Count Metternich, who was accused of sympa- 
 thizing with France, was violently attacked by all 
 the intimates of the Empress. The Emperor's Am- 
 bassador thus expressed himself on this subject in the 
 same despatch : " While thus breaking out against 
 France, the faction has not forgotten to attack the 
 main defender of the French alliance, Count Metter- 
 nich. Not a day passes that they do not invent 
 some new way of discrediting him, and announce 
 authoritatively that he is about to be replaced by 
 M. von Stadion. Count Metternich has so little 
 support at court and in society, that he is obliged 
 to associate with his most active enemies, in order 
 to persuade them to pardon him for the decision he 
 has made. Nine-tenths of the public have been in 
 succession misled by the false rumors, the lampoons, 
 and even the caricatures which are allowed to circu- 
 late." 
 
 What was the attitude of Emperor Francis amid 
 this general excitement ? He acted with the great- 
 est prudence, coming out neither for nor against 
 
154 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 Napoleon. At heart he yearned for continued har- 
 mony with his son-in-law, and in no way desired a 
 restoration of the Bourbons to the throne of France. 
 The memory of many centuries of rivalry between 
 the Bourbons and the House of Austria was always 
 fresh. The Emperor Francis, we are convinced, 
 sincerely desired the consolidation of the new French 
 dynasty ; but this desire did not go so far as to sac- 
 rifice to its sovereign the essential interests of his 
 monarchy. At any rate, at the end of 1812, he was 
 perhaps, of all the Austrians, the one least hostile to 
 Napoleon. When at this decisive hour he wished 
 to inspire his son-in-law with ideas of moderation 
 and wisdom, he was not false to him: he loyally 
 sought the best means of saving him. 
 
 Count Otto thus spoke of this monarch in his 
 despatch of December 28, 1812: "The 'Count of 
 Sickingen said to me, ' After the interests of his own, 
 country, the Emperor has nothing nearer his heart 
 than to see the French government and the new 
 dynasty establish itself. He fears that the distrac- 
 tions and the ever-renewing wars may not leave the 
 Emperor Napoleon time enough to finish his work. 
 He is afraid for his daughter and for his grandson, 
 whom he loves much. His uneasiness has affected 
 his health. The intrigues of malcontents torment 
 him without moving him. It is desirable that the 
 Emperor Napoleon write to him often, to strengthen 
 the confidence with which he inspired him at Dres- 
 den. You cannot think how great an influence a 
 
COUNT OTTO. 155 
 
 letter from your sovereign has on the Emperor's state 
 of mind. Whenever he receives one, he talks about 
 it for several days, weighing every word and encour- 
 aging himself with the hopes it contains.' ... I 
 concluded by thoroughly reassuring the Count of 
 Sickingen on the turn our affairs must take within 
 two months. He left me to go to the Emperor, with 
 whom he passes every evening in absolute solitude. 
 Minister Metternich spoke to me to the same effect. 
 He is anxious that the two sovereigns should have 
 very close relations, and that they should write to 
 each other their impressions with perfect freedom. 
 ' Arrange matters,' he said to me yesterday, ' so that 
 they shall speak to us unreservedly, and that we shall 
 know exactly what the Emperor Napoleon means. 
 We think that we can be useful to him ; we who are 
 outside of the vortex which surrounds you, can get 
 another view of things from yours, and in this case 
 we will give you our opinions frankly.' " 
 
 A few days later, when the defection of the Prus- 
 sian contingent was known in Vienna, Count Metter- 
 nich, while still protesting affectionate sentiments 
 towards France, noticeably modified his attitude. He 
 began by clearing away the vagueness which had 
 hitherto shrouded his thoughts. Taking courage 
 from what had happened in North Germany, he 
 announced certain ideas which seemed at the time 
 to be only wishes, but were almost ready to become 
 demands. Count Otto perfectly understood the im- 
 port of this altered policy. " In uttering the word 
 
156 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 peace" he wrote to the Duke of Bassano, January 10, 
 1813, "the Austrian Cabinet modifies its position, 
 and puts the nation and the army on its side. Hence 
 public opinion gives it a power which it cannot expect 
 from either its troops or its finances. But this word 
 will not be uttered, until authority has been received 
 from its august ally. That, my Lord, is the point 
 of view from which the present condition of things 
 should be regarded. This Cabinet will have great 
 power as an armed mediator, and very little as an 
 ally; and when we consider the internal passions 
 that agitate the monarchy, we cannot withhold our 
 gratitude from the Sovereign and his Prime Minister 
 for so firmly resisting the shock of recent events. 
 Austria's feelings are unalterable, in spite of the solic- 
 itations of every sort by which she is beset. I have 
 new proof of this in the interview with which the 
 Emperor honored me this morning, on the occasion of 
 the festival of the Order of Leopold. His Majesty 
 renders perfect justice to our ability to carry on the 
 war, but asks what will be the result of it. He 
 thinks that France and Russia can do each other no 
 real harm ; that these two giants will grind to pow- 
 der whatever happens to be between them ; and that 
 at the end of the bloodiest conflict the world will 
 ever have seen, peace will be made at last on nothing 
 but heaps of ashes." 
 
 Anxiety had so wrought on the health of the 
 Emperor Francis that the great reception announced 
 for New Year's Day had been given up. Metternich 
 
COUNT OTTO. 157 
 
 told Count Otto that he had seen this monarch in 
 very difficult circumstances, when his own life and 
 the preservation of the Empire were at stake ; but 
 that he had never seen him more troubled than he 
 was at that moment. 
 
 The Emperor Francis was still hesitating; but 
 Metternich had drawn up a programme which he 
 thus sums up in his Memoirs : 
 
 " Napoleon's failure against Russia has altered the 
 situation of the Emperor of the French, as well as 
 that of the other powers. 
 
 " The result for Europe will be peace. 
 
 " To bring about a peace is the true task of Austria. 
 
 " What course is to be followed to secure peace ; a 
 real peace, not a disguised armistice, like all the 
 treaties concluded with the French Republic and 
 with Napoleon ? 
 
 " The only course is to compel France to withdraw 
 into limits which warrant the hope of a durable 
 peace, and of the re-establishment of a political equi- 
 librium between the powers." 
 
 The Austrian statesman added to the statement of 
 this programme : " The attitude of Austria as an 
 armed mediating power is in accordance with both 
 the geographic situation of the Empire and with its 
 strength, and will permit the Emperor Francis to 
 have the last word in war, as in peace. We should 
 work unremittingly to arm ourselves to make war. 
 The Emperor's pact will be made sure by the time 
 which we shall thus gain." 
 
158 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 Napoleon, on the other hand, imagined that Aus- 
 tria, instead of mediating, would be his ally, offensive 
 and defensive ; and without asking anything for her- 
 self, would aid in preserving all the French Empire, 
 even Rome, even Holland, even the Hanseatic towns. 
 The lack of harmony was not proclaimed, but it 
 existed in a latent condition ; and early in 1813 it 
 was easy to foresee that the son-in-law and the father- 
 in-law would soon quarrel in spite of the protestations 
 of friendship which they lavishly uttered, and in 
 spite of the announcement of an early formal cor- 
 onation of Marie Louise and of the King of Rome 
 a ceremony which Napoleon thought would touch 
 the paternal heart of the Emperor of Austria and 
 strengthen the bonds of alliance. 
 
 Nevertheless the French Ambassador at Vienna 
 wrote to the Duke of Bassano, January 18, 1813 : 
 " In the most critical moments I have endeavored, 
 my Lord, to betray no distrust. I think that noth- 
 ing would so injure our relations with the Emperor 
 of Austria as the idea that he was misunderstood by 
 his august ally. Long study of this monarch's char- 
 acter has convinced me that with a very just mind 
 he combines principles of uprightness and delicacy, of 
 which I have received most touching proofs. It is 
 not he who has been able to conceive the idea of prof- 
 iting by the impression made in different parts of 
 Europe by the disasters of the Grand Army; the 
 faintest show of such a suspicion would pain him 
 greatly. . , , The news of the approaching corona- 
 
COUNT OTTO. 159 
 
 tion of Her Majesty -the Empress and of the King of 
 Rome has produced the most favorable impression 
 here. I know that the Emperor has been touched 
 by it, as a new proof of the confidence of his august 
 son-in-law. . . . The Minister told me that the 
 French court must have seen from all the communi- 
 cations made to it, how devoted is this government 
 to the principles of the alliance, and how interested 
 it is in the happiness and prosperity of the Imperial 
 household of France. The well-known feelings of 
 the Emperor for his beloved daughter leave no doubt 
 on this subject." 
 
 The coronation of the Empress Marie Louise and 
 of the King of Rome, which in fact never took place, 
 had been set for March 7, 1813. Count Otto thus 
 spoke of it in his despatch of January 19: "Every 
 one knows, my Lord, that France is invulnerable ; she 
 can be weakened only by her own dissensions. The 
 solemn ceremony of March 7 will be a new benefit 
 from our regenerator, and a neAV bond between the 
 French Empire and Austria. After long and terrible 
 disturbances, this bond, which the wise policy of His 
 Majesty has formed for the happiness of Europe will 
 be the warrant of a long repose which His Majesty 
 can enjoy by busying himself solely with efforts 
 to raise his people to that high degree of strength, 
 wealth, and greatness to which his genius has never 
 ceased to aspire since the memorable day of Brumaire." 
 
 After this, unfortunately inexact, prophecy, the 
 Ambassador went on : " Being thus for a long time 
 
160 MARIE LOUISA 
 
 sent out as a scout far from my 'country, I am accus- 
 tomed to sound an alarm at the first sight of danger. 
 But Your Excellency would judge me ill if he should 
 imagine that here I use the language which is to be 
 found in my letters. Firm confidence in the princi- 
 ples and in the strength of my government, a calm 
 attitude in difficult situations, a habit of yielding 
 trifles in order to have the right to insist upon impor- 
 tant matters, great consideration for the self-respect 
 of the Emperor and his Minister, and an unremitting 
 effort to place everything in the light of their inter- 
 est rather than of ours that, my Lord, is the method 
 I have adopted ; I have found it successful in other 
 equally difficult missions, and it has received His 
 Majesty's approbation and your own." 
 
 This line of conduct was wise, and the Ambassa- 
 dor's position was certainly as good as circumstances 
 permitted. Yet Napoleon, whose suspicions were 
 justly aroused by the strange retreat of Prince 
 Schwarzenberg's auxiliary corps on Cracovia, and by 
 Austria's vast armaments, imagined that some one 
 else than Count Otto would more easily detect the 
 real designs of the Viennese court, and early in 
 February he sent as his successor General the Count 
 of Narbonne. So far from uttering the least com- 
 plaint, Count Otto wrote, February 6, 1813: "After 
 a continuous residence of eleven years in a foreign 
 country, Your Excellency will readily believe that 
 the announcement of my recall has given me great 
 pleasure, I shall lay on the steps of His Majesty's 
 
COUNT OTTO. 161 
 
 throne the expression of the sentiments which have 
 always animated me in his service, and the profound 
 conviction that my efforts have not been without 
 their use. Whatever may be the task with which 
 His Majesty may in future deign to entrust me, he 
 will always find me zealous in carrying out his orders, 
 and in giving proofs of my unbounded devotion to 
 his person and to the glory of his reign." 
 
 Count Otto remained for some weeks in charge of 
 the Embassy, and did not make over the post to his 
 successor until the middle of March. Up to the end 
 of his service he was in receipt of protestations of 
 friendship from the Emperor Francis and from his 
 Minister. In a despatch of February 13, 1813, he 
 wrote : " Count Metternich said to me, c Our alliance 
 with Russia was monstrous ; it had but one ground, 
 and that was a very precarious one : the exclusion 
 of English commerce. It was a military alliance, 
 extorted by the conqueror. It was doomed to be 
 broken. Our alliance, on the other hand, rests on 
 the most natural and most permanent interests. It 
 must be as lasting as the needs that have produced 
 it. It is we who have sought it, and we concluded it 
 only on ripe reflection. If we had it to make over 
 again, we should not draw it up differently. We 
 desire it just as it is. It will secure peace, and tend 
 afterwards to strengthen it. When the Emperor of 
 Austria decided to send to Paris an Ambassador 
 Extraordinary to be present at the coronation of the 
 King of Rome, he chose Prince Esterhazy, the mem- 
 
162 MATilE LOUISE. 
 
 ber of his court who was most conspicuous for his 
 wealth and the vast extent of his estates. The 
 Prince seemed much nattered by his selection, and 
 he intends to perform his duties in the most brilliant 
 way. He will leave in a few days. Prince Schwar- 
 zenberg arrived yesterday. He intends to start at 
 once for Paris, with the twofold object of explain- 
 ing to His Majesty the present condition of affairs, 
 and of giving Europe an unmistakable proof of the 
 intentions of Austria, by showing at the French 
 court the commander of the auxiliary forces report- 
 ing to his commander for orders.' Those are the 
 Minister's own words. He takes the greatest pains 
 to use the language best fitted to convince the courts 
 of London and Saint Petersburg of the close harmony 
 existing between France and Austria." 
 
 Judging from the remarks which Metternich still 
 made to Count Otto, the Emperor Francis's sympa- 
 thies appeared to be for Napoleon, and all his mis- 
 trust to be of the Czar. "" Our alliance with France," 
 said the Minister, " is so necessary that if you were 
 to break it to-day, we should propose to you to 
 re-establish it on the same terms and with the same 
 conditions. France has done us much liarm, but it 
 is for our interest to forget the past. We wish to be 
 of use to her at this moment, because at some other 
 time she will be able to render the same service to 
 us. This alliance is not the result of war, or a con- 
 dition of peace, like that of Tilsitt. It is the product 
 of ripe reflection, and has been prepared by succes- 
 
COUNT OTTO. 163 
 
 sive, spontaneous advances, as well as by the close 
 union of the two Imperial families. Receive it, 
 then, as a fact, and regard it as an incontestable truth 
 that we seek only your good; that we no longer 
 fear France, but the Russians, whose power you 
 have augmented by your successive concessions." 
 (Despatch of February 17, 1813.) 
 
 In the same report Count Otto spoke at length of 
 the alarm felt by the government about revolutionary 
 tendencies, which were growing every day : " There 
 is another enemy whom the Cabinet of Vienna fear 
 much more than the Russians ; that is the populace, 
 or rather the spirit of resistance which is beginning 
 to show itself all over Europe. The Hungarians 
 have proposed to the government to organize what 
 they call an insurrection ; but the Cabinet will take 
 good care not to accept this offer, which seems to 
 hide a secret intention of arming in accordance with 
 the Russian designs. The conviction prevails here 
 that the Russians, in concert with the English, are 
 making every effort to persuade the populace of 
 different nations to declare themselves independent 
 of their rulers ; that the greater part of Europe is 
 threatened by a terrible conflagration; that all the 
 sovereigns allied with France have become so unpop- 
 ular that the slightest breath would overthrow them ; 
 finally, that nearly all Germany is on the eve of the 
 most terrible disturbances. Silesia especially arouses 
 distrust, and it is thought certain that the centre of 
 the Russian army is marching directly on this prov- 
 
164 MAEIE LOUISE. 
 
 ince to foment an outbreak. From a mass of letters 
 which the Minister is receiving from all quarters, it 
 seems that the Emperor Alexander is acquiring a 
 moral force which is very dangerous in the existing 
 circumstances. His most pretentious promises are 
 justified by his gentleness, which extends to the 
 Poles. Austria's attitude will be able to stem this 
 torrent until our armies can act. She is convinced 
 that in concert with France she can put an end to this 
 revolutionary invasion, and she wishes to make use 
 of her central position to pacify Europe. Although 
 she does not count much on the success of her first 
 steps towards England, she will thus be able to 
 make Russia uneasy and force her- to peace. But 
 she judges a congress indispensable for this happy 
 result, and she intends by means of the continental 
 peace to induce England to make one. The Minister 
 said that France once at peace would put an end 
 to the temporary importance of the Russians, and 
 that she would regain all the ascendancy which her 
 strength, her wealth, and her moderation ought to 
 guarantee to her forever; finally, that peace alone 
 will be for France and for Austria, her ally, a much 
 more solid conquest than any successful campaign 
 could win." 
 
 Count Otto always thought that Marie Louise's 
 marriage would establish a useful friendship between 
 the two Empires, but he did not hide the perils of 
 the situation, and especially the excitement of all 
 Germany. In his despatch of February 19, 1813, he 
 
COUNT OTTO. 165 
 
 said: "The solemn ceremony preparing in France 
 cannot fail to produce the happiest results, by show- 
 ing His Majesty's just confidence in an Austrian 
 Archduchess. Never has a princess deserved better 
 of the nation, or been placed on the French throne 
 under happier auspices. She has become the precious 
 pledge of a political alliance, which but for her would 
 never have existed, or, at least, would have been 
 extremely precarious." 
 
 After this homage to the Empress, the diplomatist 
 added with praiseworthy frankness : " Europe has 
 need of calm ; evils of all sorts have too long weighed 
 on its populace not to irritate them to the furthest 
 point. I beg Your Excellency not to form any illu- 
 sion on the feelings that have been seething in Ger- 
 many for six years, which the governments are no 
 longer able to restrain. Probably most of the allied 
 sovereigns are loyal ; but the people are against us, 
 with scarcely an exception, and only a long peace 
 can efface the memory of their sufferings. Foreign 
 agents, who may express other views in Paris, do not 
 deserve your confidence, and would give the lie to 
 everything generally known of the tone reigning 
 in the capitals of the Confederation, and often in 
 their rulers' cabinets. Never has a government more 
 urgently needed to conciliate the nation than Austria. 
 It is hard to give you a just idea of the agitation that 
 prevails as the Russians approach the frontier. . . . 
 Count Metternich said to me : 4 1 spend four or five 
 hours every day with the Minister of Police. Our 
 
lf>6 MAR IV un 18S, 
 
 prisons are full of people \\hom \\ e ha\e had arrested 
 to prevent, the harm they ini^ht do. K\cr\ da\ there 
 is danger that the Kmpcror will be insulted, or that, 
 1 shall he assassinated. Soon the Prussian insurrec- 
 tion will spread to the Rhine. In Westphalia, the 
 discontent is extreme. The explosion will come 
 \\hen it. is least expected. Nothing can epia,l Rus- 
 sia's crafty policy. Those people are of every coun- 
 try ; they speak all languages; tliev Hatter ever\ 
 passion. They demand of the people no sacrifices, 
 and appear in the iniise of liberators. The Confed- 
 eration formed under your auspices at Warsaw has 
 made no sensation in (Jalieia: hut as soon as the 
 Russians had mentioned the restoration of the king- 
 dom, the leading men of that pro\ inee not ieed a ^real 
 exeiteiiuMit, and told us e\er\ da\ of their anxiety.' 
 While speaking, the Minister's eves tilled \\ith tears; 
 he conft>ssed that iiie\ei\ hi'aneh of t he adniinist ra 
 tion he eneounlerod an opj>osition which rendered 
 his position verv painful. VV T ith the exception of the, 
 Kinperor and Prince Sch\\ a.r/.enher^, he did not 
 mention a single man of mark who belonged to his 
 party." 
 
 Count Otto thus concluded his energetic despatch: 
 lk ln this state of things, my Lord, I-' ranee can count 
 only on herself and her immense force. The people, 
 misled hy Russian machinations, are ready to break 
 c\er\ bond \\hich unites them to the reigninif dynas- 
 ties. The next campaign cannot fail to drixe the 
 Russians back to their icy deserts. P>ut (icinianv. 
 
< ojy N / "/ /". 1''7 
 
 Poland, Prussia, and pcrhap. An.liia ilscll, \\ill 
 present nothing hut centres of insunvelion, hate, and 
 
 In si despatch of I'Yhrnary ~S, ('mini Oil.. OBOC 
 m.<re insisted on (lie extreme B6flOti8&6M of the litU 
 
 alion, mid un the Ollea of ;il.inn nilcicd 1\ ( 'onnl 
 Mciicrnicli : "'I'lu- |...sili,.n !' lliis ","\ rnimriit," In- 
 said, "lu'ctunrs more dcliciili- CMMV d;i\ . Tin- Minis 
 icr liasslio\vn nu docuitHMits provin;;- ilio cxislcncc of 
 a plol lo assassinate him. 'I'wo offloen WGXt oharged 
 \\iili lliis deed. Tlu-v lia\c IUM-II anvslcd as u,-ll as 
 a sc.-ivi conunill.'.- ,.f \\liicli llicy \VMV ni(Mnl)crs. 
 Hi' slio\vcd inr otlu-r |.apri-.s disclosing other con- 
 IpiraoiM of tin* sort fostered liy Iviissia. k lt is sup- 
 |)osed,' he added, k lliat the Krnu-li alliance depends 
 on my lite. I am ready to lose it for a. principle 
 \\lneh I deem nsefnl for my count iv, lull \\ e nro so 
 licit we have to ki-ej* llu-so plots secret in order 
 not. lo ad<l to Ihe excitement. . . . < >nr position 
 \vonld l>e less jtainl'nl if yon \\onld he hanker with 
 US. We Keep \ on informed of all onr \n\\s .md 
 actions. >'oii niaKe no reply : we are left in al. ...Ini e 
 
 Lgnorftnoe of jour politioa] plans. |),, trc.it ns liko 
 
 friends, anxious to HOl'VO yon, and .;'i\c n n 
 h\ ha\ in;;- confidence in ns.' " 
 
 This confidence did not exist on either side. 
 Napoleon desired war, and his father in law d< 
 
 Napoleon was anxious to retain e\ ei -\ I In IM-, 
 and Ihr I'an|eroi I^ranei; thoifdil he should tn\c np 
 some of his territory. The < '.ihniel of tin- Tnilciic . 
 
168 MAUIE LOUISE. 
 
 refused any clear explanation with the Cabinet of 
 Vienna, because it felt that only by equivocation 
 could be kept up, if not the reality, at least the 
 appearance of harmony. It must be acknowledged 
 in justice to Count Otto, that he neglected nothing 
 to free his sovereign's mind from dangerous illusions, 
 and to set before him in true colors the condition of 
 Germany in general, and of Austria in particular. 
 Napoleon would have done well if he had listened to 
 the wise and respectful advice of this diplomatist, a 
 man of honor, who, at the risk of displeasing his 
 master, had the courage to tell him the whole truth. 
 
XI. 
 
 THE COUNT OF NARBONNE. 
 
 YILLEMAIN says at the beginning of his Con- 
 temporary Memories, Historical and Literary: 
 " I do not believe that at the end of the last century, 
 and in the first years of this, two epochs crowded 
 with extraordinary events and with men famous in 
 politics and war, there was a rarer and more culti- 
 vated mind, a more generous heart, a man more agree- 
 able in the commerce of life, or one bolder, more sen- 
 sible, or more capable of great things, than Count 
 Louis de Narbonne, a Minister of King Louis XVI. 
 under the Legislative Assembly, and an aide-de-camp 
 of Napoleon, in 1812. Fortune alone was wanting 
 to this man, whose merit, in the judgment of the 
 best and wisest heads of the Empire, such as Daru 
 and Mollien, seemed sufficient for anything. Al- 
 though her favorite on a few rare, memorable occa- 
 sions, even then she offered him only situations that 
 were too far gone, too fatal and desperate, in which 
 one thought of winning honor and then dying, but 
 not of repairing too great errors, or of putting a stop 
 to their inevitable consequences." 
 
 169 
 
170 M All IE LOUISE. 
 
 Napoleon had a special fondness for the Count of 
 Narbonne, appreciating to the fullest extent his edu- 
 cation, courage, and agreeable character. He drew 
 back from his exile this e'migre' who had lived out of 
 France for seventeen years, and in 1809 restored him 
 to the French army with the grade of Division General. 
 The Emperor whose instincts were at bottom very 
 aristocratic, delighted to see in the former knight of 
 honor of one of the daughters of Louis XV. a finished 
 type of courtesy, which recalled at the court of the 
 Tuileries the best traditions of the court of Ver- 
 sailles. After he had selected this former Minister 
 of War of Louis XVI. for his aide-de-camp, he con- 
 gratulated himself on the discovery that no officer of 
 his guards was more at his ease in a drawing-room, or 
 more light-hearted in a bivouac. In the disastrous 
 retreat from Russia no one displayed more coolness 
 and courage. Hence, Napoleon, in the beginning of 
 1813, thought at a critical and decisive moment na 
 one would so well represent him at the court of 
 Vienna as this man of the old regime, whose solid 
 and brilliant qualities could not fail to be recognized 
 by the high Austrian nobility. 
 
 In the Emperor's eyes, the Count of Narbonne, 
 who had entered the diplomatic service only a few 
 months before, was a model diplomatist. We read 
 in the Memorial of Saint Helena : " Speaking of his 
 Ambassadors, the Emperor remarked that M. de Nar- 
 bonne was the only one who really deserved this 
 title, and had really discharged its duties. And this, 
 
THE COUNT OF NARBONNE. 171 
 
 he said, he did by his personal advantages, not merely 
 those of his intelligence, but much more those of his 
 old-fashioned morals and manners, and of his name ; 
 for as long as one has simply to give orders, the first 
 comer will do ; nothing more is required ; possibly an 
 aide-de-camp is the best person to employ. But when 
 one is compelled to negotiate, it's a different thing ; 
 then one ought to send to the old aristocracy of 
 Europe representatives of that aristocracy, for it is 
 after all a sort of Freemasonry. If an Otto, an 
 Andreossi enter the drawing-rooms of Vienna, all 
 expression of opinions is hushed, all easy intercourse 
 ceases; they are intruders, outsiders; the mysteries 
 are interrupted. It's just the other way with a Nar- 
 bonne, because with him they have affinity, sympathy, 
 identity ; and a woman of the old nobility may grant 
 every favor to a plebeian without betraying to him 
 the secrets of the aristocracy." 
 
 We incline to think that Napoleon exaggerates 
 a little the importance of the aristocratic element in 
 diplomatic affairs, and we must say that in spite of 
 charming manners and fascinating intelligence, this 
 model Ambassador did not prevent Austria from 
 declaring war with France. But to quote again 
 from the Memorial : " The Emperor," says the Count 
 of Las Cases, " was very fond of M. de Narbonne ; 
 he was much attached to him and mourned his loss 
 deeply. He made him his aide-de-camp only because 
 Marie Louise, he said, through some intrigue of 
 her household, refused to receive him as her knight 
 
172 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 of honor ; a post for which, Napoleon added, he was 
 exactly suited. Until he was appointed, he added, 
 we were dupes of Austria. In less than a fortnight 
 M. de Narbonne had seen through everything, and 
 Metternich was greatly annoyed by this appointment. 
 Yet, said the Emperor, how complicated fate is ! It 
 was, perhaps, the very success of M. de Narbonne 
 that wrought my ruin. His abilities were at any rate 
 rather injurious to me than useful ; for Austria, seeing 
 that she was found out, threw aside her mask and 
 hastened her action. Had we been blinder, she would 
 have been more reserved, and slower. She would 
 have prolonged for some time her natural indecision, 
 and meanwhile other chances might have arisen." 
 
 Let us now hastily run over the most important 
 despatches of the Count of Narbonne which we have 
 examined in the archives of the Ministry of Foreign 
 Affairs ; they are mainly unpublished. 
 
 The new Ambassador wrote to the Duke of Bassano, 
 March 22, 1813 : " Your Excellency will, I hope, for- 
 give me, if in these first moments after my arrival, 
 which are necessarily taken up by duties and cares of 
 every sort, my correspondence is far less useful than 
 that of my predecessor. I can only speak of my 
 presentation to their Majesties and to the members 
 of the Imperial family. Externally everything went 
 off in the most decorous way, and my first audience 
 with the Emperor, who treated me with the utmost 
 kindness, had, outside of his genuine interest in the 
 health and happiness of his august son-in-law, no 
 
THE COUNT OF NAEBONNE. 173 
 
 other result than a number of tolerably vague speeches 
 on the universal necessity of peace ; on the strength 
 of the army which France was about to send forth ; 
 on the decision already taken by the King of Prussia 
 who had been forced to it, the Emperor said, by 
 unanimous opinions of all classes of his subjects. It 
 was easy for me to lay weight on the terrible danger 
 there was for princes who preferred obeying to com- 
 manding, and who let themselves be driven to what 
 had already reduced Prussia from the rank of a great 
 power, and was possibly to complete its ruin. The 
 Emperor agreed that this state of things was already 
 one of revolution which was more disastrous than 
 any defeat ; this naturally gave me an opportunity to 
 say that no Prince who had received so many proofs of 
 the devotion of his people could fear to be abandoned 
 by them when he ordered what alone could assure 
 their present and future tranquillity. A promise to 
 assent to whatever the Emperor shall do or desire to 
 bring about peace ; the necessity of a great develop- 
 ment of the forces of France to bring this about, a 
 thorough knowledge of the vastness of its resources 
 and their great power were then mentioned. The 
 sincerity with which all this was uttered tempted me 
 to speak at once of an active co-operation which should 
 abridge and put a speedy end to all difficulties ; but I 
 discerned his fear of any discussion which for me too 
 would have presented many difficulties that were not 
 settled before I left Paris ; moreover I wished to 
 avoid the appearance of seeking an immediate and 
 direct answer." 
 
174 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 So for both Emperor and Ambassador the only way 
 of seeming to have an understanding was by avoiding 
 an explanation. "The Emperor," M. de Narbonne 
 continued, "appeared grateful for my reserve, and 
 spoke with pleasure of the happiness which his 
 daughter, Her Majesty the Empress, enjoyed." 
 
 Then the Ambassador spoke of his reception by the 
 Empress of Austria, who was compelled to conceal 
 her hatred of Napoleon and of France beneath the 
 forms of politeness. " My audience with the Em- 
 press gave me no light. She was very glad that the 
 Emperor had returned in good health, and sympathized 
 with t)ur Empress's pleasure who is always writing 
 about her numberless grounds for content. There 
 were many affectionate questions about the King of 
 Rome, many inquiries about the state of the arts in 
 Paris ; very little was said about the last campaign, 
 and there were numerous most civil commonplaces. 
 The Empress's faintness put an end to the audience." 
 
 As for Metternich, he greeted the new Ambassador 
 with extreme courtesy, but he did not hesitate to say 
 that Napoleon ought to give up some of his territory. 
 M. de Narbonne wrote, March 24 : " M. de Metternich 
 said that if the Emperor of France was willing to be 
 a monarch thrice as strong as Louis XIV., and master 
 of Europe solely by the weight of his strength, his 
 position, and his genius, all difficulties would soon 
 arrange themselves ; but that it was necessary that 
 England should acquire a conviction of this truth ; 
 that this power alone had the indisputable power of 
 
THE COUNT OF NARBONNE. 175 
 
 treating directly with France, and that he believed, 
 for example, that she would never consent to leave us 
 Holland, unless new and repeated triumphs on the 
 part of the Emperor should accustom her to the neces- 
 sity of giving way. ... I should be unjust to M. de 
 Metternich if I seemed to infer from what I have 
 said that he is not perfectly loyal to us in every 
 respect. A thousand reasons incline me to think 
 thus." 
 
 The Count of Narbonne was at first over optimistic ; 
 but a few days sufficed to give him an exacter appre- 
 ciation of the state of things. " It seems impossible, 
 my Lord," he said in his despatch of April 1, 1813, " to 
 refuse to believe that the excitement now prevailing 
 threatens Germany with a most violent, wide-spread, 
 and possibly, sudden explosion. Every country into 
 which any Russians have been able to make their 
 way seems to have earnestly set about to turning 
 every German into an implacable foe of France; I 
 say every German, because they pretend to recognize 
 no national differences ; and now, more than ever, 
 publications on the present state of affairs urge the 
 disregard of whatever might weaken the common 
 hatred of us, which should inspire every one who 
 lives between the Rhine and the Niemen. These 
 publications infest the whole Austrian Empire. In a 
 word, the whole condition of things here repeats that 
 of Prussia before the battle of Jena. It is plainer to 
 me than ever that on our side we have, as you truly 
 said to me, only the Emperor, M. de Metternich, and 
 
176 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 M. de Schwarzenberg. Doubtless, the Emperor holds 
 to France by interest, loyalty, and sentiment ; but 
 surrounded as he is by our enemies, fed with all the 
 poisons presented to him in every form, terrified by 
 the consequences that may follow every decision, it 
 is almost impossible that he should not often hesitate 
 and grant concessions which will only strengthen our 
 foes." 
 
 Austria was to change gradually, but quickly, from 
 an active alliance to a passive one ; then to neutrality ; 
 then to armed mediation ; finally, to a declaration of 
 war against her former ally. M. de Narbonne fore- 
 saw and predicted this threefold phase of the Aus- 
 trian policy. " As for M. de Metternich," he added 
 in the despatch of April 1, 1813, " I am always glad 
 to repeat it, I believe in his complete good faith 
 toward the French policy ; but only so far as this 
 shall lead us to peace ; and since every day inclines me 
 more to respect his acuteness and ability, I wonder if 
 it would be strange that in case he saw this peace im- 
 possible, he might not think it well to say : ' I have 
 above all things wished to try to secure peace, the 
 sole, real happiness of my country, and for that pur- 
 pose I have braved everything; but I have not 
 neglected to prepare for war. France has refused 
 to agree to reasonable propositions which had been 
 accepted by all the other powers ; now I propose to 
 place Austria at the head of your enemies, and to 
 resume in Europe our proper attitude and rank.' 
 Cannot this language and this conduct insure Aus- 
 
THE COUNT OF N ARSON NE. 177 
 
 tria the preservation of its position, which a change 
 of policy, without apparent cause, would compel it to 
 abandon ? " Alas ! why did not Napoleon pay atten- 
 tion to this really prophetic despatch ? 
 
 One of the causes for the protracted hesitation of 
 the Cabinet of Vienna to pronounce against France, 
 was the dread of the revolutionary ideas promulgated 
 by Napoleon's enemies. M. de Narbonne wrote to 
 the Duke of Bassano, April 6, 1813 : " I had the honor 
 of informing you that M. de Metternich appeared quite 
 as alarmed as I at the terrible consequences that would 
 follow the appeal to the people, which now, all the ene- 
 mies of France are making, an appeal which seems to 
 transform the counsellors of Russia, Prussia, and Swe- 
 den into a committee of public safety. General Witt- 
 genstein's proclamations naturally brought up this 
 matter. M. de Metternich thinks that the absurdity of 
 these proclamations has diminished their danger. But 
 that of Kutusoff, also addressed to the Germans, whom 
 it treats as one people, without speaking of Austria, 
 especially attracts his attention. In fact, it speaks 
 in the name of Russia and Prussia, which affirm that 
 the shameful yoke of the Confederation of the Rhine 
 is broken, of restoring liberty to Germany by means 
 of a constitution for which both kings and people 
 shall be consulted. 4 Is it a National Assembly, or a 
 Cortes, that their constitution promises us ? ' asks M. 
 de Metternich. ' What a fire-brand is thrown on what 
 is already ablaze ! ' ' 
 
 The Austrian Minister added, " But let the Emperor 
 
178 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 Napoleon help us to resist this movement which is as 
 violent as it is general. Now that you are here, you 
 can see the strength and the skill with which the 
 Austrian government has to contend. We may de- 
 spise and triumph over the clamors of society which 
 urges war with the wildest passion ; but the reason- 
 able and reasoning majority of the nation, which 
 desires nothing but peace, and has hitherto been 
 held back only by the hope of obtaining it, how is 
 that to be satisfied, if, as Count Bubna writes, the 
 Emperor of France should consider himself driven 
 to a war to the death with Prussia and Russia, in 
 which we cannot feel sure that we shall not be impli- 
 cated ? Be sure that if Prince Schwarzenberg's army 
 corps, which the Emperor Napoleon has blamed for 
 not going to Minsk, could have been there, Avhich 
 would have made it experience the fate of the rest of 
 the allied army on its return, nothing could have 
 prevented the Austrian army from marching against 
 the French, whatever the government might have 
 tried to do." 
 
 Metternich no longer tried to conceal his thoughts. 
 " The Austrian government," he said, at the end of 
 his interview with M. de Narbonne, " is like a swim- 
 mer struggling with strength and courage against 
 the current, and hoping to succeed ; it would be cer- 
 tain, if the Emperor Napoleon were willing to aid it 
 a little ; that is to say, if he were to consent to condi- 
 tions of peace equally compatible with his glory and 
 his honor." 
 
THE COUNT OF NARBONNE. 179 
 
 M. de Narbonne did not confine himself to question- 
 ing the court and the ministry whose real intentions 
 he soon divined ; he examined with an intelligent eye 
 all classes of Austrian society. He wrote to the Duke 
 of Bassano, April 17, 1813 : " Turning to the petty 
 details of the spectacle offered at this moment by the 
 city and court of Vienna, I find every cafe* and place of 
 meeting full of nothing but hatred of the French ; they 
 are charged with the desperate financial condition, 
 the ruin of commerce, and the horrible dearness of 
 everything not of the strictest necessity. If I observe 
 the army, I find no officers who do not tremble at the 
 idea of making war for us, and none who, thinking 
 they will no longer have to face the Frenchmen who 
 have so often humiliated them, do not believe and say 
 that the time is come when they can easily recover 
 with interest their honor and the territory of Austria. 
 I need not repeat what has so often been told Your 
 Excellency about the spirit which animates society." 
 
 Encouraged by events, Metternich, while main- 
 taining an air of perfect courtesy, went so far as to 
 give it to be understood that Austria would be glad 
 to see Napoleon lay aside his title of Protector of the 
 Confederation of the Rhine. " If Prussia and Russia," 
 he said to M. de Narbonne, " regard the suppression 
 of the title of Protector of the Confederation of 
 the Rhine as an indispensable condition of peace, we 
 cannot in conscience fight to defend it and to assume 
 its preservation." The Ambassador in reporting the 
 Austrian Minister's remarks, in his despatch of April 
 
180 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 10, adds, " I replied that in such a proposition I could 
 see nothing but a somewhat extraordinary desire to 
 humiliate the Emperor, who did not like conditions 
 of that sort. At this, M. de Metternich seemed 
 frightened at the mere idea that I could credit him 
 with a desire of that sort, and I must confess that I 
 have never heard him utter a word which was not 
 an expression of his respect and admiration for the 
 Emperor's person and genius, and, above all, never 
 one which had the slightest air of a threat." 
 
 The Count of Narbonne clearly discerned beneath 
 the formulas of official politeness the real plan of the 
 Cabinet of Vienna, and his only hope, though it was 
 but a vague one, was not the co-operation, but the 
 neutrality of Austria. He wrote, April 14, 1813 : 
 " The government, even if it were as well disposed 
 in our favor as my predecessor liked to hope, would 
 not put upon its shoulders the burthen of universal 
 blame by hoisting the French colors. But a complete, 
 absolute neutrality would, I think, prove an attrac- 
 tion ; at the present moment it would allay the 
 general agitation and satisfy the dignity of the gov- 
 ernment by giving it an air of resoluteness as well 
 as the spirit of expectation and fickleness which 
 reappears at every epoch. . . . There remains to 
 examine what should be the guaranty of such neu- 
 trality. That is a question which I am not called 
 upon to solve. Doubtless the surest would be the 
 success which awaits His Majesty's arms. I will only 
 add that if by force of circumstances which it is im- 
 
THE COUNT OF NARBONNE. 181 
 
 possible to foresee, these successes should be lessened 
 or deferred, co-operation, supposing it possible, would 
 at once change neutrality into absolute defection. 
 The Austrian government is not in a position to 
 withstand the force of public opinion. The feelings 
 of alliance and affection for France, which the Em- 
 peror preserves with more constancy than firmness, if 
 I may so say, are insufficient to raise him above the 
 exasperated passions of the multitude." 
 
 At the moment Napoleon was about to open the 
 campaign, M. de Narbonne, who was more a man of 
 honor than a courtier, deemed it a patriotic duty to 
 inform him of the truth. " Everything convinces me," 
 he wrote to the Duke of Bassano, April 23, 1813, " of 
 the understanding which exists between the Emperor 
 of Austria and our enemies, and I confess that I 
 think him almost ready to support all the proposi- 
 tions which Austria will finally announce, and which 
 will be, I think, very different from what our Sover- 
 eign has the right to expect. I could not help being 
 extremely struck by hearing the Emperor of Austria 
 say in a very peremptory way that his forces shall 
 never be employed for our master unless he shall 
 accept reasonable propositions, by his keeping silence 
 when I asked him who shall be the judge of these con- 
 ditions, and what he will do if he is not satisfied 
 with them. It is impossible not to perceive in this 
 silence exactly what has been repeated to me by M. 
 de Metternich, that, in this last case, taking part 
 against us would be the natural result of his position 
 
182 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 as armed mediator." At the risk of offence, the 
 Count of Narbomie had the noble courage to tell his 
 sovereign what he thought. By this loyal frankness, 
 he followed the dictates of his conscience, and impar- 
 tial history has no fault to find with him. 
 
XII. 
 
 THE REGENCY. 
 
 WHILE Europe was preparing to enter upon a 
 struggle for life or death with Napoleon, he, 
 as confident, as eager, as in the glow of his youth, 
 was arming for the colossal war with untiring ac- 
 tivity. It seemed that he had but to stamp on the 
 ground to call forth numberless legions. In three 
 months an army of three hundred thousand men was 
 raised, equipped, and brought together. As General 
 de Se'gur says : " At any hour of the day or night the 
 Emperor, whatever he was doing, could have told the 
 numbers, the composition, the strength of every one 
 of the thousands of detachments of every branch of 
 the service which he had set in movement from every 
 part of the Empire, the way they were uniformed and 
 equipped, the number of marches each one had to 
 make, the day, the place, even the hour at which each 
 one was to arrive." 
 
 His language had never been haughtier. He went 
 in pomp at the head of a grand procession to open 
 the sittings of the Legislative Body, January 14, 
 1813, and said with an air of great dignity: "The 
 
 183 
 
184 MAE IE LOUISE. 
 
 disasters produced by the severity of the climate 
 have thoroughly demonstrated the strength and 
 greatness of this Empire which is founded on the 
 co-operation and the affection of fifty millions of cit- 
 izens and on the geographical wealth of the finest 
 countries in the world. It is with keen satisfaction 
 that we have seen our people of the Kingdom of 
 Italy, those of Holland and of the united depart- 
 ments rivalling with the French, and feeling that they 
 have no other hope, future, or happiness than in the 
 consolidation and triumph of the great Empire. . . . 
 The French dynasty reigns and will continue to reign 
 in Spain. ... I am satisfied with the conduct of all 
 my allies. I shall not abandon one of them; I shall 
 maintain the integrity of their states. The Russians 
 shall return to their terrible climate." Alas! every 
 sentence was a new illusion. The new Frenchmen 
 were about to turn against France ; the French 
 dynasty in Spain was to be driven out. It was not 
 Napoleon who was to abandon his allies, but his allies 
 who were to abandon Napoleon. The Russians were 
 not to return to their terrible climate ; it was our 
 magnificent climate to which they were to advance. 
 The great man was no longer a prophet. 
 
 Forgetting the insignificance of family alliances 
 where politics were concerned, and the many wars 
 waged in the Middle Ages and in modern times 
 between closely related sovereigns, Napoleon imag- 
 ined that the Emperor Francis would never be able 
 to abandon the cause of his daughter and Ins grand- 
 
THE REGENCY. 185 
 
 son, and with a simplicity unworthy of so mighty a 
 genius, he fancied that a few friendly letters and a 
 few affectionate words would outweigh the interests 
 and ambitions of the Austrian policy. Marie Louise 
 readily lent herself to her husband's illusions, and 
 wrote to her father letters full of serene confidence, 
 as if the thought had never entered her head that 
 clouds could arise between Austria and France. The 
 young Empress's courtiers were never tired of speak- 
 ing to her of her husband's certain triumph. She 
 imagined that he was invincible. All who went near 
 her, the members of the Austrian Embassy as well as 
 the French themselves, spoke in the most confident 
 terms. No disagreeable truth ever came to her ears. 
 Happy as a wife and as a mother, she looked forward 
 to the future with calmness, and golden visions floated 
 above the palaces in which she lived. 
 
 Marie Louise's letters to her father, even after the 
 campaign had begun, were sprightly. " The Em- 
 peror," she wrote to him, "sends many kind messages ; 
 he displays much affection for you, and not a day 
 passes that he does not tell me how much he loves 
 you, especially since he saw you at Dresden. . . . 
 The Emperor begs me to assure you of his friendship 
 and to write to you often. You may judge whether 
 he has to tell me twice. . . . You will have seen in 
 
 x 
 
 the newspapers all the patriotic gifts the French have 
 made to their Sovereign. The people show the 
 warmest devotion ; this love moves me to tears. . . . 
 The Emperor is very well ; very cheerful, in spite of 
 
186 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 his hard work. It is said that he already has a large 
 number of troops. More are going to start in a few 
 days. It is really touching to see the activity, the 
 patriotism, and the military ardor of the nation. . . . 
 The armies are said to be magnificent. The Emperor 
 is perfectly satisfied, and hopes soon to force his ene- 
 mies to make a lasting peace." 
 
 Before opening the campaign Napoleon wished to 
 visit the Invalides with the Empress. This visit 
 took place March 7, 1813. The old soldiers were 
 drawn up in line of battle in the large courtyard. 
 The Emperor talked with them for some time and 
 decorated a good many. Then he went into the 
 church with Marie Louise and heard a Te Deum. 
 After that he visited with the Empress the bakery, 
 the refectories, and the infirmary where four cente- 
 narians, who had been present at the battle of Fon- 
 tenoy, were presented to him. 
 
 Napoleon, who was in perfect health, robust, full 
 of hope, and more eager than ever for war, impa- 
 tiently awaited the opening of the conflict. Yet 
 wishing to provide for the chance that he might be 
 slain, and recalling Malet's conspiracy, he decided, 
 before leaving, to make the Empress Regent. Hith- 
 erto, during the Sovereign's absence from the Empire, 
 the government had been confided to a Council of 
 Ministers, presided over by Cambace*res. But it might 
 happen that a Minister should die or fall ill, and in 
 that case no one was authorized to assume his signa- 
 ture unless by an Imperial decree. Napoleon wished 
 
THE REGENCY. 187 
 
 to obviate this inconvenience by establishing a re- 
 gency. He had an investigation made of what had 
 been done in France at different periods of its history 
 when Regents had governed the country. Then 
 when all was ready he summoned a Privy Council at 
 the Elysee, March 30, 1813, to which were admitted 
 the Empress, the Queen of Spain, and Queen Hor- 
 tense. After the reading of the decree establishing 
 the regency, Marie Louise swore to discharge her 
 duty as a good wife, a good mother, and a good 
 Frenchwoman, according to the laws and constitu- 
 tions of the Empire, and to surrender her powers 
 whenever the Emperor should desire. She sent a 
 messenger to Vienna to inform her father of her new 
 dignity. "You can readily understand," she wrote, 
 " how much I am flattered by this new proof of the 
 Emperor's confidence." March 31 Marie Louise was 
 present at the Council of the Ministers. She was 
 intelligent, attentive, and seemed to take a serious 
 interest in the business. When the reports of the 
 police were about to be read, Napoleon listened to a 
 few, and said to Archchancellor Cambacdrds : " It is 
 not necessary to sully a young woman's mind with 
 certain details." 
 
 To lighten the task which the regency imposed 
 upon the Empress, the Emperor appointed the Baron 
 of Me*neval her private secretary. He was, accord- 
 ing to the Duke of Rovigo, "the man in whose 
 honesty he had the completest confidence, his own 
 private secretary. He submitted to his loss, and 
 
188 MAlilE LOUISE. 
 
 begged M. de Meiieval to write to 'him every day." 
 Cambace*res was made First Counsellor of the Re- 
 gency. Marshal Moncey was given the part of Gen- 
 eral commanding the Empress's Guard, and the Duke 
 of Cadore that of Secretary of State during the 
 absence of Daru, who accompanied the Emperor to 
 the war. 
 
 The functions of the Regent were carefully defined 
 in an order signed by Napoleon at Saint Cloud, just 
 before his departure, April 18, 1813. This said : 
 " The Empress-Regent will preside over the Senate, 
 the Council of State, the Council of Ministers, the 
 Privy Council, and the extraordinary councils to be 
 holdeii whenever the Empress-Regent shall think 
 proper when urgent circumstances shall demand 
 prompt measures that cannot await our decision. 
 She shall have the right to grant pardon, to commute 
 punishment, and to grant reprieves to the execution 
 of sentences and condemnations. . . . She may sign 
 decrees containing nominations of minor importance, 
 or when urgent circumstances shall require it. By 
 minor importance is understood, for the War Depart- 
 ment, second lieutenants, lieutenants, captains ; in the 
 Navy Department, officers up to and including the 
 rank of lieutenant; and in the LaAV and Adminis- 
 trative Departments, the officials whom we do not 
 appoint by our own choice. ... If the Empress- 
 Regent does not choose to preside over the Senate, 
 her place shall be taken by our cousin, the Prince 
 Archchancellor, by virtue of the general commission 
 
THE REGENCY. 189 
 
 granted by this order, which commission also confers 
 upon him the right of presiding, when the Empress- 
 Regent does not herself preside, over the Council 
 of State, the Council of Ministers, and the Privy 
 Council." 
 
 It was arranged that Marie Louise should hold 
 every month, and oftener if necessary, diplomatic 
 receptions, without taking any part in the discussion 
 of foreign affairs, and that she should receive every 
 day a report from the Duke of Lodi, the Chancellor 
 of the Kingdom of Italy. The Archchancellor 
 Cambace'rs, First Counsellor of the Regency, and 
 General Savary, Duke of Rovigo, Minister of the 
 General Police, were to send a daily report to the 
 Emperor, who at a distance, as well as at home, held 
 in his hand the reigns of government. 
 
 Wishing to make her duties as Regent easy for a 
 young woman of twenty-one, Napoleon had decided 
 to trace for her in his letters the line of conduct she 
 was to follow, and to send to her minutes of the let- 
 ters she was to write, or of the speeches she would 
 have to make ; she herself desired this. These letters 
 were separate from the private correspondence ; they 
 had an official character and a special form. 
 
 The Emperor, aware that he might lose his life in 
 the terrible conflict he was about to begin, desired, 
 by assuring the position of the Empress, to give her 
 a proof of his affection, and he caused the Senate to 
 arrange the dower she should receive if she should 
 become a widow. This was fixed at an annual 
 
190 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 income of four million francs, part to be paid by the 
 nation, and part from the Crown estates. The estates 
 set aside for the dower were the castle and forest of 
 Compidgne and the forest of Laigle, valued together 
 at eight hundred thousand francs ; the forest of 
 Villers-Cotterets, the forest of Eu and of Aumale, 
 with the Castle of Eu, the forest of Soignes, valued 
 together at one million two hundred thousand francs ; 
 and in addition two million francs in funds of the 
 Treasury. The Empress, too, was to have a life use 
 of the Palace of the Elysee and of the Great and 
 Little Trianon. 
 
 Prince Schwarzenberg, who had just arrived in 
 Paris, and in the presence of Napoleon seemed like 
 a subordinate before his chief, took very good care 
 not to disturb the Empress by .any indication of the 
 possibility of a rupture of the alliance between Aus- 
 tria and France. To all appearance the relations of 
 the two empires had never been more cordial. So 
 great was still the ascendancy of the hero of Wagram 
 that Prince Schwarzenberg, who had been sent to in- 
 sinuate to him that Austria would not draw the sword 
 unless in view of peace, and of a German peace, did 
 not dare to make the statement. Napoleon over- 
 whelmed him with attentions, and with his lists in 
 his hand, tried to convince him that in France, Italy, 
 Spain, and Germany, he had eleven hundred thousand 
 men under arms, and that these men outnumbered 
 the Prussians and Russians. He showed himself 
 disposed to give to Austria Silesia, a million Poles 
 
THE REGENCY. 191 
 
 and Illyria, and lie pretended to believe that his 
 father-in-law meant to remain faithful to the treaty 
 of alliance of March 14, 1812. According to this 
 treaty, an Austrian auxiliary force was placed under 
 the direct orders of the Emperor of the French. 
 Consequently Napoleon told Prince Schwarzenberg 
 that he was going to command this Austrian army 
 corps to march to upper Silesia to fight against the 
 enemies of France. Prince Schwarzenberg bowed 
 without making any objection, and Napoleon thought 
 himself justified in looking upon General Frimont, 
 then at the head of the Austrian contingent, as his 
 subordinate. Hence, he wrote to the Emperor 
 Francis : 
 
 " Saint Cloud, April 13, 1813. MY BROTHER AND 
 VERY DEAR FATHER-IN-LAW : Prince Schwarzenberg 
 has handed me Your Majesty's letter. I read it with 
 great pleasure, and I have talked with him for a long 
 time with perfect frankness. I can only refer to 
 what he will report to Your Majesty. I have been 
 much pleased with General Bubna's conduct during 
 his stay here. I should be glad if Your Majesty 
 would give him some mark of your satisfaction. I 
 am on the point of starting for Mayence ; I had not 
 meant to be there before the 20th, but the news I 
 have received of the enemy's movements on the left 
 bank of the Elbe have decided me to hasten my 
 departure by a few days. So I intend to enter 
 Mayence the 15th or 16th. As soon as the campaign 
 is opened, I shall send from Prague orders to General 
 
192 MAEIE LOUISE. 
 
 Frimont to denounce the armistice and to assume 
 command of the army corps of Prince Poniatowski. 
 I shall keep Your Majesty informed of what goes on. 
 I beg you not to doubt of my sincere attachment ; it 
 is unalterable." 
 
 The Emperor knew very well from the Count of 
 Narbonne's reports that he ought to distrust Austria ; 
 bat he hid from others, and perhaps from himself, his 
 suspicions ; and fancying that a single victory would 
 suffice to preserve the alliance of his father-in-law 
 and of all the princes of the Confederation of the 
 Rhine, he tried to inspire his wife, as well as his 
 generals and Ministers, with his own confidence in a 
 speedy and brilliant triumph. He imagined himself 
 still in the days of Austerlitz and Jena. 
 
 As for Marie Louise, she saw with sadness her 
 husband's departure. The thought of being Regent 
 of the vast Empire and of the Kingdom of Italy, 
 flattered her but little. She had never been ambi- 
 tious, and fear of the responsibility outweighed the 
 delights of power. She was, moreover, determined 
 blindly to follow the orders of her husband, who 
 should rule the Empire from afar. 
 
 After an affectionate leave-taking from his wife 
 and his son, Napoleon started to assume command 
 of his armies, and the Moniteur announced his 
 departure from Saint Cloud by this simple sentence : 
 "April 15, His Majesty the Emperor left for May- 
 ence to-day at one in the morning." 
 
 A few hours after her husband's departure, the 
 
THE REGENCY. 193 
 
 Empress-Regent wrote to the Baron of Meneval, her 
 secretary : 
 
 " You know, of course, that the Emperor is gone. 
 I like to think that you, too, miss him. I beg of you, 
 if M. Fain is still there, to tell him that I should 
 like to have him give me news of the Emperor; I 
 have had no chance to say this myself. I beg of you 
 also to send me a copy of the list of guests which 
 the Emperor desired sent in the course of the day. 
 I beg of you to believe me your attached 
 
 " LOUISE." 
 
 The Regent appeared in her new dignity, April 18, 
 at a reception of the Diplomatic Body at Saint Cloud. 
 Surrounded by Princes in high positions, Ministers, 
 high officers of the Crown, Grand Eagles, a lady of 
 honor, officers and ladies in waiting, she wore her 
 new rank with dignity and affability. " General sat- 
 isfaction was felt," says the Duke of Rovigo in his 
 Memoirs, "at seeing the Empress Marie Louise clad 
 with this authority ; she was known to be kind and 
 tender; she was much loved and esteemed; those 
 who had to do with her in private life had nothing 
 but good to say of her, and it is true that she had 
 won the esteem of the nation, which had much 
 affection for her. This was due to the fact that 
 on every occasion when she had to appear, she was 
 always surrounded with the splendor which etiquette 
 demanded." 
 
 Marie Louise still believed in the friendship of her 
 father and her husband ; and if she had been able to 
 
194 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 foresee how imminent was war between Austria and 
 France, she would have felt even keener regret at 
 Napoleon's departure. As for him, he knew full 
 well that the part he was about to play was full of 
 peril. But for men of his sort, danger is a pleasure. 
 With their pride and audacity they find joy in tempt- 
 ing, braving, and defying fortune. The need of 
 strong emotions is the keynote of their character. 
 They like neither repose nor safety. To rulers of 
 that kind a prosperous but uneventful reign seems 
 like a degradation, and desiring for their subjects as 
 well as for themselves excitement and adventures, 
 they think themselves sent into the world to provide 
 material for history. Such was Napoleon, a high 
 player and a great actor, who lived for posterity. 
 
XIII. 
 
 LUTZEN AND BAUTZEN. 
 
 ri THE day after Napoleon's departure, Prince 
 _JL Schwarzenberg found the Empress-Regent sad 
 and anxious. He was more open with her than he 
 had bean with her redoubtable husband, and he let her 
 see the possibility of a break between her father and 
 her husband^ Marie Louise's eyes filled with tears. 
 Prince Schwarzenberg spoke in a still more alarm- 
 ing way to the Duke of Bassano. He considered 
 the possibility of Napoleon's not accepting Austria's 
 mediation, and went so far as to say : " Politics made 
 the marriage ; politics may unmake it." 
 
 For his part, the Count of Narbonne, the French 
 Ambassador at Vienna, wrote to the Duke of Bassano, 
 May 2, 1813 : " People who have not been outside of 
 this city for twenty years, say that never has society 
 been so scandalously frank in its opposition to Avhat 
 appears to be the professions of the Emperor and 
 his Minister. Is it the fault of the government, or 
 its intention? Or, being unable to prevent it, is it 
 this spirit which causes so much uncertainty and 
 condemns the government to a course, which, in 
 
 195 
 
196 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 any other circumstances would prove the blackest 
 treachery ! That is a question which one cannot 
 help asking one's self." 
 
 Marie Louise, who read the despatches, was much 
 disturbed by the state of affairs. She had an inter- 
 view with the First Secretary of the Austrian Embassy, 
 M. de Floret, who after Prince Schwarzenberg's de- 
 parture, was in charge of the Embassy. "I am 
 assured," she said to him, "that Austria means to 
 side against France." 
 
 M. de Floret seemed sincere when he besought the 
 young sovereign to cast out such fears from her mind. 
 " But I hear it said every day," the Empress went on. 
 " The Emperor is very uneasy about it, not merely 
 on my account, but also because of his friendship for 
 my father since he saw him at Dresden. Judge for 
 yourself how this condition of things distresses me. 
 I think that at Vienna my husband's real strength 
 is not understood. Soon his armies will be very 
 much larger even than they now are. I know this, 
 now that I see the lists. The French have never 
 shown such ardor. If my father should declare 
 war against France, the most terrible consequences 
 for himself and for Austria might follow. Write to 
 Vienna. My father will believe you more than he 
 will believe me." 
 
 M. de Floret did his best to reassure the Empress. 
 He told her that the Emperor Francis's character and 
 his affections for a beloved daughter were a guaranty 
 for the future ; that he had had enough of war, and 
 
LUTZEN AND BAUTZEN. 197 
 
 now desired nothing but peace, which was necessary 
 for both Austria and France ; and that he wanted 
 quietly to devote the rest of his life to his people and 
 his family. This comforted Marie Louise, who began 
 to talk about Napoleon, of his kindness as a family 
 man, of his domestic excellence which made him a 
 model husband, and she persuaded M. de Floret to 
 promise to write this to Vienna. She herself sent her 
 father a letter, in which, after expressing her fears, 
 she invoked the ties of blood. " The Emperor said 
 to me," she wrote, "the Sovereign to whom I am 
 most strongly bound is your father. I am sure that 
 if he should let himself be led by his wife he would 
 regret the loss of my friendship." At this time 
 Marie Louise had a sincere affection for her husband, 
 and the idea that she might one day desert him never 
 occurred to her. She discharged her duties as Regent 
 like a good Frenchwoman, a good wife, and a good 
 mother. 
 
 Meanwhile, Napoleon delighted to be once more at 
 the head of his troops, plunged into his duties as 
 commaiider-in-chief. Never had he more ardently 
 loved war. The terrible lessons of the Russian cam- 
 paign had been completely thrown away upon him. 
 He was confident that his revenge would be most 
 brilliant, and fancied that though he might have had 
 to yield to the elements, men would never conquer 
 him. The victory he won at Liitzen, May 2, 1813, 
 made him imagine that he would always be the mas- 
 ter of Europe. His soldiers, who were scarcely more 
 
198 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 than boys, did wonders. Marshal Ney liad said to 
 him: "Sire, give me those young and brave con- 
 scripts, I will lead them wherever you please. Our 
 old fellows know as much as we do ; they judge the 
 difficulties and the field, but these brave boys are 
 afraid of nothing; they don't look to the right or 
 the left, but always straight ahead; it's glory that 
 they want." In the battle the French conscripts and 
 the Prussian students rivalled one another in bravery 
 and daring. Almost every general was wounded. 
 While the King of Prussia and the Emperor of 
 Russia looked down upon the carnage from the top of 
 a hill, Napoleon was in the middle of the fire, spur- 
 ring on his recruits by words and gestures. " To-day 
 belongs to France," he shouted. "Forward! The 
 country is watching you. Learn how to die for it." 
 And after the battle he said: "In the twenty years 
 that I have commanded French armies I have never 
 seen more bravery and devotion. My young soldiers' 
 honor and courage streamed from every pore." Yet 
 this victory, which was hotly disputed, was incom- 
 plete. After all his obstinate efforts and a loss of 
 twelve thousand men, Napoleon had captured only 
 two thousand prisoners, and having no cavalry, he 
 could not pursue the enemy. 
 
 From Pegau he wrote, May 4, 1813, the following 
 letter : 
 
 " MY BROTHER AND VERY DEAR FATHER-IN-LAW : 
 Knowing the interest which Your Majesty takes in 
 my success, I hasten to inform you of the victory 
 
LUTZEN AND BAUTZEN. 199 
 
 which it has pleased Providence to grant to my forces 
 in the field of Liitzen. Although I was anxious to di- 
 rect myself all the movements of my army, and was thus 
 exposed at times to the musketry fire, I was untouched, 
 and, Heaven be praised, am in the enjoyment of the 
 best of health. I have heard from the Empress, with 
 whom I continue to be very well pleased. She is 
 now my Prime Minister, and discharges her duties 
 to my great satisfaction. I must tell Your Majesty 
 this, for I know how it will gratify your paternal 
 heart. Your Majesty must believe in the esteem and 
 thorough respect I feel towards him, and especially 
 in my sincere interest in his happiness." 
 
 The same day Napoleon wrote to the Archchan- 
 cellor Cambace*res : 
 
 " MY COUSIN : You will see by the despatches sent 
 to the Empress what is the present state of affairs. 
 It could not be better. The bravery, zeal, and devo- 
 tion the young soldiers show is unexcelled. They 
 are full of enthusiasm." 
 
 May 6 the Emperor sent to the Minister of Public 
 Worship the text of a circular which the Empress- 
 Regent was to forward to the bishops of the Empire. 
 It ran thus : 
 
 " BISHOP : The victory won at Liitzen by His 
 Majesty the Emperor and King, our very dear hus- 
 band and Sovereign, can only be regarded as a special 
 act of divine Providence. We desire that on receipt 
 of these presents you should make arrangements for 
 the singing of a Te Deum, and for returning thanks 
 
200 MAEIE LOUISE. 
 
 to the God of battles ; and that you should add such 
 prayers as you may think proper to secure the divine 
 protection for our armies, and especially for the preser- 
 vation of the sacred person of His Majesty the Em- 
 peror and King, our very dear husband and Sovereign. 
 May God guard him from every peril ! His safety 
 is necessary for the happiness of Europe, and for 
 religion, which he has aided and is called upon to 
 strengthen. He is its sincerest and truest protector. 
 This letter having no other aim, we pray God to have 
 you in his holy keeping. Given at our Palace of 
 Saint Cloud." 
 
 No pains were spared to kindle the enthusiasm of the 
 Parisians. Liitzen was celebrated with more pomp 
 than Austerlitz. Sunday, May 23, 1813, the Empress- 
 Regent went in state to Notre Dame, to be present at 
 the Te Deum sung in honor of the new victory. The 
 church was sumptuously decorated with lights, hang- 
 ings, and carpets. In. the choir, to the right of the 
 altar, stood the Empress's throne. At one o'clock 
 she started for the Tuileries in a state coach, and 
 followed by a brilliant company, drove to the cathe- 
 dral. The Archbishop of Paris at that time was the 
 great orator of the Constituent Assembly, Mirabeau's 
 rival, the former Abbe Maury, who had been made 
 a cardinal. When Marie Louise reached the thresh- 
 old of the cathedral he addressed her as follows : 
 " Madame : The presence of Your Imperial and Royal 
 Majesty in this sanctuary makes known to your peo- 
 ple the new and conspicuous blessings with which the 
 
LUTZEN AND BAUTZEN. 201 
 
 Most High has crowned the ever victorious arms of 
 your august spouse. If all the French people are over- 
 whelmed with joy at having to-day in their love to 
 thank God for so much glory, what must be the happi- 
 ness of a heart called upon to share it upon the throne ? 
 Religion is about to enrich itself, in its prayers, with 
 all the credit which is assured by your virtues at the 
 moment when your piety has selected it for the expres- 
 sion of your gratitude to the King of kings." 
 
 After this ingenious bit of flattery, the eloquent 
 cardinal went on, alluding to the coronation of the 
 Empress and of the King of Rome, which, it was 
 supposed, would take place when the war was over, 
 as an epilogue to the victories. "The same temple," 
 he said, " in which the whole Empire meets to raise 
 to Heaven the pious transports of its gratitude, will 
 soon be opened, Madame, to celebrate in your honor 
 another historic rite as dear to our Sovereign as to 
 his subjects. Then we shall see again, amid universal 
 applause, the august heroine of this national festivity, 
 deservedly placed before our altars, by the side of the 
 restorer and the heir of the throne of Charlemagne. 
 Religion, happy to consecrate such a blessed day, 
 will congratulate itself on then proclaiming all the 
 resplendent glory of your happiness and the public 
 joy. But, Madame, we cannot too soon tell Your 
 Majesty, in the name of this religion, as holy as it is 
 necessary, that it will always regard as the greatest 
 of your benefactions the publicity of religious prin- 
 ciples and the protection of your example." 
 
202 MAE IE LOUISE. 
 
 When he had finished his speech, the Archbishop 
 walked in front of the Empress-Regent, as she was led 
 to the choir in a procession, beneath a canopy sup- 
 ported by canons. The procession advanced in the 
 following order : the Ushers, the Heralds at Arms, 
 Pages, Aides, and Masters of Ceremonies, the Officers 
 in Waiting, the Grand Eagles, the High Officers of 
 the Empire, the Grand Master of Ceremonies, the 
 High Chamberlain, the Princes holding high posi- 
 tions, the Regent beneath the canopy, the Lady of 
 Honor, the Knight of Honor, the First Equerry, the 
 First Almoners, the Marshal, the Duke of Conegliano. 
 The Empress on reaching the choir knelt on a 
 cushion before the altar, and then took her seat on 
 the throne; and after the Te Deum was sung, she 
 went back to the Tuileries as she had come. 
 
 The next day the Moniteur took up its lyric 
 trumpet, and thus described the ceremony: "It is 
 hard to paint the emotion inspired by this solemn 
 rite. It was a spectacle at once magnificent and 
 touching : the estates of the Realm, guardians of the 
 Empire ; the worthy magistrates, charged with the 
 maintenance of order and justice ; the warriors, the 
 honor of their country ; the young students, the hope 
 of France ; the flower of the vast population of Paris, 
 gazed with tenderness at the gentle majesty of virtue 
 mounting on the most glorious throne in the world, 
 and they with rapture united their prayers with hers, 
 to thank the God of battles for the success with 
 which he has crowned the noble conceptions and 
 
LUTZEN AND BAUTZEN. 203 
 
 swift efforts of our immortal Emperor. Gratitude 
 for his feats, regrets for his absence, prayers for his 
 safety, enthusiasm for what had been done in six 
 months in the way of repairing losses, the many con- 
 spiracies brought to naught in one day, the vision- 
 ary schemes destroyed by one victory, the miracles 
 wrought by his genius, evoked in every heart a 
 multitude of intense, noble, and tender impressions, 
 which sought expression in every way. In the sanc- 
 tuary, outside of it, and all along the path followed 
 by the Empress-Regent, with her noble suite, there 
 was assembled a vast throng, and their applause 
 attested the love and veneration with which she has 
 inspired the whole French people." 
 
 In order to make a favorable impression on the 
 nation, in the number of the Moniteur containing 
 the description of the Te Deum, it was announced 
 that the Emperor had just proposed a congress at 
 Prague to discuss a general peace, and it was added : 
 " His Majesty offers to agree to an armistice between 
 the different armies, in order to put a stop to the 
 shedding of blood. These principles are in harmony 
 with the views of Austria." 
 
 Marie Louise was happy because eveiything seemed 
 to betoken a speedy and glorious peace. After her 
 return from Notre Dame, she wrote to her father: 
 " I come back deeply moved by seeing the love with 
 which the Emperor inspires the people. Never have 
 the French more warmly cheered his name. He is 
 victor and peacemaker." 
 
204 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 At Vienna the impression made by the battle of 
 Liitzen was immense. The Count of Narbonne 
 wrote, May 10, 1813, to the Duke of Bassano: 
 " However accustomed one may be to the wonders 
 accomplished by His Majesty, it is impossible not to 
 be struck by a new admiration or new terror on see- 
 ing how his genius dispenses with everything, fills 
 every void, takes the place of cavalry, renders the 
 army experienced, and finds a way to turn everything 
 into an instrument of victory. I hastened to inform 
 Prince Schwarzenberg, who seemed delighted and not 
 at all surprised." 
 
 Napoleon made a victorious entry into Dresden 
 where he was rejoined by the King of Saxony, once 
 more his faithful ally. The Emperor of Austria sent 
 thither General Bubna with this letter : 
 
 " May 11, 1813. MY BROTHER AND VERY DEAR 
 SON-IN-LAW : I despatch Count Bubna to Your Im- 
 perial Majesty at this moment of the greatest impor- 
 tance for our Empires. This is the moment when I 
 demand your frankest confidence. If Your Majesty 
 aids my efforts by a moderation which will establish 
 his reign among the most glorious, which will assure 
 the happiest future to Your Imperial Majesty, by 
 establishing on the firmest basis the dynasty which 
 you have founded, the existence of which is closely 
 bound up with my own, I shall congratulate myself 
 on having contributed to this good end." 
 
 In another letter written the next day, Emperor 
 Francis thanked his son-in-law for sending him word 
 of the victory of Liitzen : 
 
LUTZEN AND BAUTZEN. 205 
 
 " MY BKOTHER AND VERY DEAR SON-IN-LAW : 
 I warmly thank Your Imperial Majesty for the atten- 
 tion paid me in sending me news of your health after 
 the bloody day of Liitzen. You only do justice to 
 my eager interest in yourself, by thinking me anxious 
 about the dangers to which you expose yourself only 
 too much. What you say about the Empress gives 
 me great pleasure. When I gave you my daughter, 
 I was sure that I gave you an excellent wife who 
 was endowed with all the qualities necessary for 
 domestic happiness. The development of these 
 which renders her worthy to govern the Empire is 
 doubtless due to the wise lessons and the example of 
 Your Imperial Majesty. It is my heartiest wish that 
 my daughter may always contribute to your happi- 
 ness, on which, my brother, my own in a great meas- 
 ure depends." 
 
 Napoleon thus answered this affectionate letter : 
 "Dresden, May 17, 1813. MY BROTHER AND 
 VERY DEAR FATHER-IN-LAW : What Your Majesty 
 tells me in your letter about the interest you feel, 
 touches me deeply. I deserve it by the genuineness 
 of my feeling for you. If Your Majesty is concerned 
 about my happiness, may you guard my honor. I 
 have decided to die, if need be, at the head of the 
 brave French army, rather than to become the laugh- 
 ing stock of the English and to allow my enemies to 
 triumph. May Your Majesty think of the future! 
 Do not destroy the fruit of these years of friendship, 
 and do not renew the old plots which will drive 
 
206 MARlfi LOUISE. 
 
 Europe into unending convulsions and wars. Do 
 not for petty considerations sacrifice the happiness of 
 our generation, of your life, and your subjects' real 
 interests, why should I not say those of a part of 
 your family which is sincerely attached to you ! May 
 Your Majesty never doubt my attachment ! " 
 
 The same day that Napoleon sent this letter to the 
 Emperor of Austria, he received warmly General 
 Bubna and appeared to enter sincerely into the views 
 of the Viennese cabinet. The same day he wrote 
 again to Emperor Francis : 
 
 " MY BROTHER AND VERY DEAR FATHER-IN-LAW : 
 I have had an interview of several hours with Count 
 Bubna. I told him frankly and sincerely what I 
 thought. I desire peace more than any one. I con- 
 sent to open negotiations for a general peace and to 
 the assembling of a congress in some city placed 
 between the different belligerent courts. As soon as 
 I shall have heard that England, Russia, Prussia, and 
 the allies have accepted this proposition, I shall hasten 
 to send a Minister Plenipotentiary to this congress, 
 and I shall urge my allies to do the same. I shall 
 make no objection to the admission to the congress 
 of the Spanish insurgents to present their claims. If 
 Russia, Prussia, and the other belligerent powers 
 wish to treat without England, I also consent to that. 
 I shall be ready to send my Minister Plenipotentiary 
 as soon as I shall have heard that this proposition is 
 accepted, and I shall urge my allies to do the same 
 thing as soon as I shall know the date of meeting. 
 
LUTZEN AND BAUTZEN. 207 
 
 If, after the opening of the congress, the belligerent 
 powers desire to conclude an armistice as was the 
 case in Paris with Prince Schwarzenberg, I am ready 
 to agree to it. Your Majesty will see from what I 
 say, which is what I said six months ago, that I desire 
 to avoid the effusion of human blood and to put an 
 end to the troubles which afflict so many nations." 
 
 The Emperor Francis trusted in his son-in-law's 
 sincerity, and at first thought that the congress 
 would be of importance. Metternich, who really 
 desired peace, was confident and happy. The Count 
 of Narbonne wrote to the Duke of Bassano, May 21, 
 1813 : " Since my arrival here I have not seen M. de 
 Metternich so satisfied as he appears at this moment. 
 ' Well,' he said to me, ; I hope that the time is come 
 when the Emperor Napoleon will be convinced that 
 we are neither fools nor traitors. Confess that I was 
 right in guessing that he would at last do us justice, 
 and see that the simplicity of the plans required 
 no explanation or development. His letter to his 
 father-in-law, which I have not yet read, though I 
 have heard most of its contents, is exactly what I 
 should have desired, and at any rate, what we hear 
 exceeds all my hopes. Though I have not been to 
 Laxenberg, but am going to-morrow with Bubna, I 
 can tell you now that His Majesty is delighted, and 
 will send him off with instructions which ought to 
 please Napoleon.' I repeat it. I have never seen 
 him more thoroughly pleased. . . . Day before yes- 
 terday at Laxenberg, a man whom I know was speak- 
 
208 MAEIE LOUISE. 
 
 ing of the embarrassment Napoleon must be in, in 
 spite of his victories, and was dwelling with great 
 satisfaction on his dangerous situation. Emperor 
 Francis answered with a proverbial phrase of an 
 Austrian dialect, ' I am not troubled about him ; he 
 will be playing one of his old tricks.' Do you care 
 to know the opinion of Russian and Prussian society? 
 The same persons who a fortnight ago were offering 
 to bet a hundred to fifteen on a war against us, yes- 
 terday refused even the odds reversed. An intimate 
 friend of Prince Schwarzenberg tells me that he left 
 with the greatest possible satisfaction, and. accounted 
 for this change on the ground of the pleasure he 
 must feel at holding the brilliant position of com- 
 mander of the Austrian forces with the certainty 
 that he would not have to use them." 
 
 Just when Napoleon was talking about an armis- 
 tice and peace-making, he had resumed hostilities. 
 May 20 and 21 he fought the bloody battle of Baut- 
 zen, in which he routed the Russians and the Prus- 
 sians. The enemy, who had lost eighteen thousand 
 men, but had inflicted a loss of twelve thousand on 
 the French, retreated in good order, burning their 
 material, laying the road waste, and making a stand 
 at every stream and gorge. " What ! " exclaimed 
 the Emperor, "after such butchery, no result! no 
 prisoners ! Those fellows won't leave me a pin ! " 
 
 The Count of Montesquiou was charged to carry 
 the Empress the news of the victory of Bautzen. 
 She wrote to her father: "I think that I see that 
 
LUTZEN AND BAUTZEN. 209 
 
 this battle was very important. I can't tell you how 
 happy this good news makes me. I was never better 
 in my life." 
 
 At Paris, as at Vienna, every one believed in peace. 
 The Emperor, it was said on all sides, was to show 
 himself moderate, wise, disposed to peace. The 
 death of Duroc, Grand Marshal of the Palace, who 
 was killed the day after the battle of Bautzen, had 
 doubtless filled him with sad and useful thoughts. 
 This death was very sudden : a few moments before 
 he was struck, two or three steps from his master, 
 Duroc sadly said to Caulaincourt, " My friend, do 
 you notice the Emperor ? He has just won victories 
 after defeats, and now would be the time to take 
 advantage of the lessons of misfortune. But, you 
 see, he is not changed. He is never satiated with 
 fighting. The end of all this cannot fail to be bad." 
 In fact, he was right. Napoleon ran up to his dying 
 friend. Duroc pressed his hand, raised it to his lips, 
 and said with a faint voice, " My whole life has been 
 devoted to your service, and all I regret is that I can 
 no longer be of use to you." " Duroc," answered the 
 Emperor, " there is another life ; there you will await 
 me, and we shall meet some day." " Yes, Sire, but 
 not for thirty years, when you shall have triumphed 
 over your enemies and have fulfilled our country's 
 hopes. I have lived as an honest man ; I have noth- 
 ing to reproach myself with. I leave a daughter; 
 Your Majesty will be a father to her." 
 
 Thiers describes Napoleon leaving the hut where 
 
210 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 he had just bidden farewell to his unhappy fellow- 
 soldier, and seating himself on some fascines near 
 the outposts : " There he sat, buried in thought, his 
 hands on his knees, his eyes wet with tears, scarcely 
 hearing the shots of the skirmishers, and not noticing 
 the caresses of a dog belonging to a regiment of the 
 Guards, which often galloped by the side of his horse, 
 and now stood before him, licking his hands. An 
 equerry came to rouse him from this revery; he 
 arose suddenly, hiding his tears, in order not to be 
 seen thus moved. Such is human nature, change- 
 able, mysterious in its various aspects, to be judged 
 fairly by God alone ! This man thus moved by the 
 fate of one wounded man, had caused the mutilation 
 of more than eighty thousand men within a month, 
 of more than two millions in eighteen years, and was 
 yet to cause several hundred thousand more to be 
 torn by bullets." 
 
 Alas ! no lesson was of use to the Emperor, not 
 even the Russian campaign. It was said that noth- 
 ing in the world could inspire him with the ideas of 
 moderation and wisdom, which were yet so necessary. 
 Austria sincerely desired that he should keep the 
 Kingdom of Westphalia for his brother Jerome ; the 
 Kingdom of Naples for his brother-in-law Murat ; the 
 Kingdom of Italy and the French Empire, that vast 
 Empire, not only with the frontier of the Rhine, 
 but also Belgium, Holland, Piedmont, Tuscany, the 
 Roman States, as French departments for himself. It 
 asked of him only to abandon three cities : Hamburg, 
 
LUTZEN AND BAUTZEN. 211 
 
 Bremen, and Liibeck; and to resign one title, that of 
 Protector of the Confederation of the Rhine. It was 
 through his unwillingness to make this slight con- 
 cession that Napoleon ruined France and himself. 
 
 June 4, 1813, the Emperor signed the armistice, 
 not to make peace, but to prepare a second campaign. 
 He needed still two months to complete his arma- 
 ments and to make war even with Austria. The 
 fault of this fatal armistice, which saved the then 
 desperate forces of the coalitions, and which Napo- 
 leon should not have accepted unless he sincerely 
 desired peace, lay in his unwillingness to consent to 
 the conditions imposed by the Cabinet of Vienna. 
 But the news was received with joy by all Europe, 
 except Prussia: Marie Louise fancied that she had 
 come to the end of her trials, and believed that 
 France and Austria would remain united forever. 
 As soon as she heard of the armistice she wrote to 
 her father : " I can truly say that no piece of news 
 has ever given me greater pleasure. It dispels my 
 anxieties and my fears. I see in it a proof of your 
 kindness ; this touches me, and I cannot be suf- 
 ficiently grateful. I am sure that the Emperor will 
 gladly accept this token of your friendship. The 
 days I spent with you at Prague and at Dresden 
 abound with touching memories. It was in this 
 month, last year, that I had the happiness to see you 
 and to assure you by word of mouth of my filial affec- 
 tion. I kiss your hand, dear father, and thank you 
 for sending me a courier every fortnight." July 7, 
 
212 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 the Regent wrote again to her father : " I can give 
 you good news of my husband. All my prayers are 
 for a speedy peace. The armistice has already much 
 improved my health. You know how anxiety affects 
 me." 
 
 Napoleon, when he sent his army into their quar- 
 ters, had decreed that a monument should be built 
 on the summit of the Alps, with this inscription : 
 " Napoleon to the French people, in memory of their 
 generous efforts against the coalition of 1813." 
 
 These heroic efforts, this magnanimous struggle, 
 these wonders of devotion and courage were to have 
 for result the horrors of the invasion. The hopes 
 that were felt were but a snare. The Congress of 
 Prague was to be but an image ; a ghost of a con- 
 gress, and oceans of blood were, alas ! yet to flow. 
 
XIV. 
 
 THE ARMISTICE. 
 
 "\TAPOLEON returned to Dresden June 10, 1813. 
 -L i Strange rumors had been circulating among 
 the inhabitants of this city since Duroc's remains 
 had passed through. Many thought that the Grand 
 Marshal's coffin was really the Emperor's, who had 
 been killed in the last battle, and whose body, they 
 said, was in a room of the castle where one could 
 see candles burning all night. When the Imperial 
 carriage arrived, they maintained that it was not 
 Napoleon whom they saw, but a stuffed figure. 
 But when the next day the Emperor appeared on 
 horseback in a field outside the city gates, they had 
 to yield to the evidence and to acknowledge that 
 the winner of so many battles was still alive. He 
 established himself in the Marcolini Palace, a charm- 
 ing summer house in the Friedrichstadt suburb. A 
 large, beautiful garden, the green fields of the Oster- 
 wiese, on the banks of the Elbe, and the most agreea- 
 ble exposure rendered this spot in the month of June 
 far more attractive than the winter palace where 
 lived the King of Saxony. A large number of troops 
 
 213 
 
214 MA KIH LOU18E. 
 
 could be drilled 011 the river's edge, in Napoleon's 
 sight. He arranged his life with military precision, 
 and decided that in the morning he would hold a 
 levee as he had done at the Tuileries ; the middle of 
 the day he would devote to drills and reviews; the 
 evening to dinners, receptions, and theatrical per- 
 formances. 
 
 The actors of the Comedie Franchise, among whom 
 were Talma, Fleury, Saint Prix, Mademoiselle Geor- 
 ges, Mademoiselle Mars, and Mademoiselle Contat, 
 were summoned from Paris, and reached Dresden 
 June 19, 1813. Napoleon had written to Camba- 
 ce'res : " It is well people should think that we are 
 amusing ourselves here." The first performance took 
 place in the Orangery of the Marcolini Palace, which 
 had been turned into a little theatre, holding hardly 
 more than two hundred persons. There was played 
 in the first evening, the G-ageure imprevue and the 
 Suite d'un bal masque. Comedies alone were given 
 in this small room ; as for the tragedies, they were 
 played in the great theatre of the city. It was M. de 
 Bausset who acted as manager, in company with M. 
 de Turenne. "A remarkable change," he tells us, 
 " took place at this time in Napoleon's tastes, he pre- 
 viously having been fond of tragedy. Generally 
 speaking, all men feel this effect of advancing years. 
 In youth, in the age of passion, the masterpieces of 
 tragedy cariy us into an unknown conventional 
 world. Then everything, to the language and the 
 dresses, addresses our senses and our soul in a heroic 
 
THE ARMISTICE. 215 
 
 way. That is the time when illusions delight and 
 overcome us. Later this glow vanishes ; we feel the 
 need of drawing nearer to nature and real life ; the 
 society, the exact delineation of characters and man- 
 ners interests and attracts us much more." 
 
 In 1813 tragedies seemed flat to the Emperor. His 
 fate was the greatest of tragedies. Never was there 
 a greater, a more thrilling piece, than that in which 
 he took the leading part, and had for his support all 
 the nations of Europe. Racine and Corneille sunk 
 into insignificance before Napoleon. When he had 
 reached the decisive point from which he had to rise 
 higher or to fall into the abyss, the great actor felt 
 that emotion, that combination of hope and anxiety, 
 of joy and pain, which distinguishes the supreme 
 moment. 
 
 War is the first of games. Battlefields are like 
 huge green cloths on which genius and chance hold 
 the cards. I have never read this passage from La- 
 cordaire's Conferences de Toulouse without thinking 
 of Napoleon : " Man has discovered amid the laws of 
 numbers and movement combinations Avhich express 
 chances but not certainty ; and chance has appeared 
 as the sovereign happiness ; for chance responded to 
 one of his strongest needs, the dramatic need of his 
 nature. He wishes to create for himself an action. 
 . . . An action which moves him by its great inter- 
 est, holds him in suspense by a complication indepen- 
 dent of his will, and at last saves or fells him by a 
 sudden turn. Every other drama is indifferent to 
 
216 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 him. If he gazes at scenes from Sophocles or Coi- 
 neille, he is not the victim or the hero ; he weeps over 
 remote misfortunes which art evokes to move him. 
 But here he is himself, when he wishes, as he wishes, 
 to the extent that he chooses. Chance and cupidity 
 together make him the sport of a personal drama, 
 both terrifying and joyous, in which hope, fear, joy, 
 gloom, follow one another, or rather combine almost 
 at the same moment, and keep him panting in a fever 
 which grows to madness ; for if we speak of the pas- 
 sion for drink, we speak of the fury of gambling." 
 
 To an honorable peace, which yet imposed upon his 
 pride a few sacrifices, Napoleon, that stubborn and 
 relentless gambler, preferred war with all Europe. 
 " It was doubtless," said Thiers, " madness for him- 
 self, a cruelty for the many victims doomed to perish 
 in the battlefield, a sort of treason against France." 
 
 After having won fabulous sums, this hardiest of 
 players, lucky up to that day, lost suddenly a large 
 portion in the Russian campaign. He wished to take 
 his revenge, and found his old luck ; his gains were 
 considerable : Liitzen and Bautzen. Had he been 
 wise he would then have been satisfied ; his losses 
 were almost made good. But no ! that was not 
 enough; he wanted to go on playing. All or 
 nothing, was his motto. As foolish a motto as well 
 could be ; for Fortune, who is a woman, finally tires 
 of her greatest favorites. Once more ! shouted Na- 
 poleon. No ! was Fortune's answer ; and by wish- 
 ing to regain the whole, he lost everything. 
 
THE ARMISTICE. 217 
 
 All Europe had its eyes fixed on Dresden. Except 
 perhaps the Prussians, who were aroused to the high- 
 est excitement, and thought only of avenging Jena, 
 every nation desired peace, and hoped that Napoleon's 
 moderation would make this possible. Such, too, was 
 Metternich's feeling when he reached the capital of 
 Saxony to hold a decisive conference with the winner 
 of Liitzen. 
 
 We have no hesitation in saying that we always 
 have a little distrust of narrations made from mem- 
 ory, especially when they deal with so long an inter- 
 view as that which took place at the Marcolini Palace, 
 June 26, 1813, between Napoleon and Metternich, as 
 is recorded by the Austrian statesman with the minut- 
 est detail. Reading the report of this famous con- 
 versation, which began at quarter to twelve, and 
 lasted till half-past eight in the evening, one would 
 imagine that a short-hand writer had been present, 
 taking down every word. However wonderful a 
 man's memory may be, it is incapable of such a feat. 
 Doubtless the account is in the main accurate ; but 
 the form cannot be literally given, and many of the sen- 
 tences appear to us to belong more to fiction than to his- 
 tory. The two principal accounts are those of Prince 
 Metternich and of Thiers, who received his informa- 
 tion from the Prince ; yet the two reports are far from 
 being absolutely identical. Thiers took care to say 
 that this famous interview is the most difficult of all 
 those in which Napoleon took part to reproduce, from 
 the lack of satisfactory documents. He says, speak- 
 
218 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 ing of this : " For Napoleon's other interviews, al- 
 ready recorded in this history, there existed numerous 
 documents, either in our own diplomatic archives, or 
 in those of other nations ; but for this one, however, 
 inasmuch as Napoleon transmitted no account of it 
 to his Ministers, we are without one of the surest 
 means of information. He contented himself with 
 speaking about it to M. de Bassano, who was later 
 the author of different versions that were published 
 by writers with whom he was intimate. This memora- 
 ble interview would then be nearly lost, if M. de Met- 
 ternich had not written it down at great length and 
 in full detail, in good season. He kindly favored me 
 with a copy of this record, which seemed to me too 
 severe to Napoleon, though generally accurate, and I 
 have preserved everything which seemed to me incon- 
 testable." Evidently such an arbitrary selection can 
 only approximate the truth. The interview lasted 
 more than eight hours. At its close, the two inter- 
 locutors who had begun their conversation before 
 noon, were in the dark. No one had dared to come 
 into the room with a light. It would require almost 
 a volume to give a faithful report of so long a conver- 
 sation. Prince Metternich confines himself to a few 
 pages. Consequently he has suppressed a good deal, 
 and what he puts down in his Memoirs, I repeat, does 
 not appear to me absolutely authoritative. 
 
 Half an hour after the interview the Minister con- 
 tented himself with sending to Emperor Francis a 
 short despatch, accompanied by a very brief docu- 
 
THE ARMISTICE. 219 
 
 ment labelled : " Condensed report of a conversation 
 with the Emperor Napoleon." 
 
 "This long interview," he wrote, "has been a 
 confused medley of the most curious sort, a series 
 of protestations of friendship mingled with the most 
 violent outbreaks. ... 4 It depends on Your Maj- 
 esty,' I said to the Emperor Napoleon, ' to give peace 
 to the world, to establish your government on the 
 surest foundation, on a feeling of universal gratitude ; 
 if Your Majesty lets this opportunity escape, what 
 limit can there be to the confusion ? ' The Emperor 
 replied that he was willing to make peace, but that 
 he would die before he would make a dishonorable 
 one. I made answer that no dishonorable proposition 
 could ever enter the Emperor Francis's calculations. 
 4 Well ! What do you mean by a peace ? ' the Emperor 
 interrupted. 'What are your conditions? Do you 
 wish to despoil me ? Do you want Italy, Brabant, 
 Lorraine? I shall not give up an inch of territory; 
 I will make peace on the basis of statu quo ante 
 bellum. I will even give Russia a part of the Duchy 
 of Warsaw; I will give you nothing, because you 
 have not beaten me ; I will give nothing to Prussia, 
 because she has played me false. If you want West- 
 ern Calicia, if Prussia wants part of her former 
 possessions, that may be arranged; but there must 
 be some compensations. In that case you will have 
 to indemnify my allies. The conquest of Illyria cost 
 me three hundred thousand men; if you want to 
 have it, you must give an equal number of men.' 
 
220 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 After this first outbreak, I replied : ' I am not called 
 upon to discuss here the conditions of future peace, 
 but simply to insist on the speediest opening of nego- 
 tiations through Austria, or else on the Emperor's 
 refusal to negotiate through its mediation. Let the 
 negotiators meet, and nothing can stand in the way 
 of a discussion of the conditions of peace ; in this 
 important juncture Austria will perform its duty as 
 mediator with absolute impartiality.' " 
 
 This document, written half an hour after the 
 interview, bears the ear-mark of indisputable authen- 
 ticity. It is a summary in which, to our thinking, 
 the respective situation of the interlocutors is clearly 
 and exactly expressed. As for the fuller report in 
 Prince Metternich's Memoirs, it is very impressive 
 on account of its dramatic character ; but on certain 
 points it seems that it should be accepted with re- 
 serve. Is it, for example, probable, that Napoleon, 
 who up to that time had reason only to praise Marie 
 Louise, and who openly congratulated himself on the 
 way she performed her duties as Regent, should have 
 said to Metternich : " Three times I have re-established 
 the Emperor Francis on his throne ; I promised to 
 remain at peace with him as long as I lived ; I married 
 his daughter. I said to myself then : ' You are doing 
 a foolish thing ' ; but it's done ; I am sorry for it 
 now " ? Is it likely that Napoleon would have said 
 a second time : " Yes, I did a very stupid thing in 
 marrying the Archduchess " ; and that Metternich 
 should have answered : " Since Your Majesty desires 
 
THE ARMISTICE. 221 
 
 to know my opinion, I will tell him very frankly that 
 Napoleon the Conqueror made a blunder " ? 
 
 Is it probable that the Emperor, returning for the 
 third time to the expression of the same regret, 
 should again say : " Yes, everything confirms me in 
 the opinion that I committed an unpardonable blun- 
 der ; by marrying the Archduchess I hoped to unite 
 the present and the past, Gothic prejudices, and the 
 institutions of my time ; I made a mistake, and I now 
 see all the consequences of my error; it may cost 
 me my throne, but I shall bury the world beneath 
 its ruins"? 
 
 Is it probable that Napoleon could have carried his 
 boasting so far as to say : " How many allies are 
 you ? Four, five, six, twenty ? The more numerous 
 you are, the calmer I shall be " ? Is it probable that 
 he should have used this figure : " I have grown up 
 on battlefields, and a man like me cares little for the 
 life of a million men. . . . The French can't com- 
 plain of me ; to spare them I sacrificed the Germans 
 and the Poles I lost three hundred thousand men 
 in the Russian campaign, but in that number there 
 were not more than thirty thousand Frenchmen " ? 
 
 Prince Metternich thus describes the end of the 
 interview : " It was dark. No one had dared to enter 
 the room. Not a moment of silence interrupted the 
 hot discussion. Six different times my words were 
 equivalent to a declaration of war. . . . When 
 Napoleon dismissed me, he had become calm and 
 gentle. I could not see his face. He went with me 
 
222 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 to the door of the anteroom ; as he laid his hand on 
 the door-knob, he said to me : 
 
 " ' We shall meet again, I hope.' 
 
 " ' I am at your orders, Sire,' I replied; ' but I have 
 no hope of attaining the object of my mission.' 
 
 "'Well,' resumed Napoleon, laying his hand on 
 my shoulder, ' do you know what will happen ? You 
 will not make war against me.' 
 
 " ' You are a ruined man, Sire,' I exclaimed warmly ; 
 4 1 had a presentiment of it when I came here ; now 
 I am sure of it.' v 
 
 All this seems to us very improbable. On the 
 morrow of Liitzen and Bautzen, no one spoke in that 
 way to Napoleon. We are inclined to think that 
 Metternich rather expressed regret. 
 
 The Baron of Bausset says in his Memoirs that 
 during the whole interview the King of Saxony and 
 the King of Naples waited to know the result, in 
 either the anteroom or the garden. " When he left," 
 he says, " M. de Metternich seemed to me excited. 
 He waited silently at the palace door until the 
 Emperor, who had left the room at the same time 
 with him, had got on his horse. I silently studied 
 M. de Metternich's face, as I had long known him ; 
 he took my hand mechanically, pressed it warmly, 
 and held it for a few minutes without saying a word. 
 This silent, almost convulsive parting, troubled me, 
 and seemed to express all the fate of the Empire." 
 
 June 30 Metternich again saw Napoleon and found 
 him perfectly serene. What the Emperor especially 
 
TBE ARMISTICE. 223 
 
 desired was the prolongation of the armistice, in 
 order to complete his armaments. He was amiable, 
 familiar, courteous, with the Austrian Minister. " So 
 you insist," he said to him, laughing, " on threatening 
 us ? " The Convention was signed without difficulty, 
 and Metternich, who was treated with the utmost 
 courtesy, returned to the Emperor Francis. At 
 Prague he saw the Count of Narbonne, and frankly 
 exposed the situation to him. " The limit of August 
 10 once reached, there will not be a word said about 
 peace, and war will be declared. We shall not be 
 neutral ; the Emperor Napoleon need not flatter him- 
 self. ... I give you my word and my Sovereign's 
 that we have made no engagements with any one. 
 But I also give you my word that at midnight of 
 August 10 we shall have some with every one except 
 you, and that on the morning of the 17th you will 
 have three hundred thousand Austrians more on your 
 hands. It is not lightly, not without pain, for he is 
 a father and he loves his daughter, that the Emperor 
 has formed this resolution ; but he owes it to his 
 people, to himself, to Europe, to restore tranquillity, 
 since he has the power, and since, besides, the only 
 alternative is some day in the future to fall beneath 
 your blows, in a condition of dependency worse than 
 that into which you have put Prussia. Don't come 
 telling us after the event that we have deceived you. 
 Up to midnight, August 10, everything is possible, 
 even at the last hour; the 10th of August passed, 
 not a day's, not a moment's respite ; war, war with 
 every one, even with us ! " 
 
224 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 In 1808, at Erfurt, Napoleon was conversing with 
 Goethe. The hero of Austerlitz and the author of 
 Faust discussed ancient tragedy and the notion of 
 fate. "What have we to do with fatality nowa- 
 days?" Napoleon broke out; "fatality is politics." 
 Yes, it is politics, that, at certain, solemn, historical 
 moments, in 1813, in 1870, for example, with a 
 certain fascination, leads sovereigns to an abyss which 
 they see but cannot avoid. Presentiments, flashes of 
 wisdom light up here and there the blackness of the 
 night into which they have voluntarily plunged ; but 
 they are sure to deaden that importunate light with 
 their own hands, and to march with bowed head, 
 amid the gloom, towards the gulf. 
 
XV. 
 
 MAYENCE. 
 
 I) EFORE resuming the conflict, Napoleon wished 
 I 3 to take advantage of the armistice to spend a 
 few days with Marie Louise, and he asked her to join 
 him at Mayence. He still loved her sincerely, and 
 thought that she might be of some use to him. He 
 fancied that the regard with which he treated her 
 might make a good impression in Vienna, and 
 although he knew that the Prague Congress would 
 be barren of result, he wanted peace to be thought 
 probable, and he pretended that he himself hoped 
 for it. To the Archchancellor he wrote this letter, to 
 arrange for the Empress's journey : 
 
 " Dresden, July 16, 1813. MY COUSIN: This letter 
 leaves the 16th, and will reach you on the 20th. I 
 wish the Empress to leave on the 22d, so that she 
 may be at Mayence on the 24th. She will bring the 
 Duchess of Montebello, two ladies in waiting, two 
 Eastern women, two negresses, a Prefect of the Pal- 
 ace, two chamberlains, two equerries, of whom one 
 shall start twenty-four hours in advance for Metz, so 
 that they may divide the journey between them ; four 
 
 226 
 
226 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 pages, to be distributed along the way, in order to 
 make the trip less fatiguing for the young fellows ; 
 her private secretary, if he is well, and her physician. 
 Moreover, she will bring servants and a dinner ser- 
 vice so that her table may be well served ; for I shall 
 not take any one with me, and it is possible that 
 several German Kings and Princes may call on her. 
 Still she need not bring the silver-gilt service. 
 Count Caffarelli will accompany the Empress to look 
 after the escorts. The Empress will spend the first 
 night at Chalons, at the Prefecture ; the second at 
 Metz, at the Prefecture ; the third at Mayence. Her 
 trip will be announced in these three cities so that 
 due honors may be paid her. There will be four car- 
 riages in the first set, four in the second, four in the 
 third: twelve carriages in all. So far as possible, 
 the military commandant will supply escorts. The 
 gens d'armes along the route will be under arms, in 
 full uniform. All the prescribed ceremonial will be 
 observed. The general commanding each division 
 will accompany her in the territory of his division. 
 
 " The day of the Empress's departure you will have 
 inserted in the Moniteur an article running thus: 
 4 Her Majesty the Empress, Queen, and Regent, has 
 left to spend a week at Mayence, in the hope of 
 meeting His Majesty the Emperor there. Her Maj- 
 esty will sleep the 22d at Chalons, the 23d at Metz, 
 and the 24th at Mayence. Her Majesty will return 
 early in August.' 
 
 "You will send me word by telegraph when the 
 
MAYENCE. 227 
 
 Empress leaves Saint Cloud and when she is to reach 
 Mayence ; I shall arrange my departure accordingly. 
 If any Ministers have anything important to say to 
 me, and desire to come to confer with me, they can 
 avail themselves of my stay at Mayence and visit me 
 between July 24 and August 1. And now I pray 
 God to have you in his holy keeping." 
 
 Marie Louise started from Saint Cloud July 23, 
 and slept at Chalons and at Metz, where she received 
 the principal authorities, and reached Mayence the 
 26th, at four in the morning, in wretched weather. 
 She feared that the Emperor might have got there 
 before her ; but he did not arrive till the same day, at 
 eleven in the evening. He was in good health. His 
 complexion was brightened and sunburnt by the cam- 
 paign. He embraced his wife tenderly and expressed 
 the utmost confidence in the future. The next morn- 
 ing he watched the troops parade, and started the squad- 
 rons and battalions which were passing the Rhine to join 
 the army. The Grand Duke and the Grand Duchess 
 of Baden, the Prince Primate, the Prince of Nassau, 
 the Grand Duke of Hesse-Darmstadt, came to pay 
 their court. 
 
 The Prefect of Mayence, the chief town of the 
 department of Mont Tonnerre, happened to be a 
 former member of the Convention, and of the Com- 
 mittee of Public Safety, by name Jean Bon Saint 
 Andre*. He was a tireless worker, an admirable 
 administrator, of simple tastes and austere appearance, 
 with the bearing and tastes of a peasant of the Dan- 
 
228 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 ube ; in a word, the old Revolutionary had preserved 
 the Republican airs of his youth after he had become 
 an Imperial functionary. Count Beugnot, who at 
 that time governed the Grand Duchy of Berg, as 
 Minister of the Emperor, and who had come from 
 Diisseldorf to Mayence to pay his respects to his 
 sovereign, has drawn in his Memoirs a very curious 
 portrait of the former member of the Convention, 
 then a Prefect of the Empire, who, dressed partly in 
 uniform, partly, including his cravat, in black, greatly 
 disturbed the gilded band of courtiers. He replied 
 to their remarks somewhat as follows : " Indeed, I 
 greatly admire your courage in busying yourself 
 about my dress and the color of my stockings, when 
 I am going to dine with the Emperor and Empress. 
 You don't express everything; you are scandalized 
 at seeing me invited to such a dinner, and as soon as 
 I have turned my back you will say : ' In fact, its in- 
 conceivable that the Emperor should invite to dine 
 with the Empress, the new Empress, a member of 
 the Convention, a "voter," a colleague of Robespierre 
 on the Committee of Public Safety, who is rank with 
 Jacobinism.' " 
 
 " Oh ! M. Jean Bon, how can you put such stu- 
 pidity into our mouths ! We respect you too much 
 to allow ourselves " 
 
 " Not at all, gentlemen ; that is not stupidity, but 
 the pure truth. I will confess that Europe had then 
 conspired against France, as it has to-day. It had 
 drawn an iron girdle about us. Treachery had 
 
MAYENCE. 229 
 
 already surrendered some important cities, and it was 
 spreading. Well! the Kings were beaten. We re- 
 covered our own territory and carried into theirs the 
 invasion which they had begun against us. We con- 
 quered Belgium and the left bank of the Rhine which 
 we joined then to ourselves, although at the begin- 
 ning of the war they forbade the division. We ex- 
 tended our preponderance and compelled those same 
 Kings to sue for peace. Do you know what govern- 
 ment secured and prepared those results ? A govern- 
 ment consisting of members of the Convention, of 
 furious Jacobins, wearing red caps, rough woollen, 
 and sabots, living on coarse bread and bad beer, who 
 flung themselves on mattresses laid on the floor of 
 the place where they held their meetings when they 
 were worn out by extreme "fatigue and long watch- 
 ings. Those were the men who saved France. I 
 was one of them, gentlemen ; and here, as well as 
 in the Emperor's apartments which I am about to 
 enter, I am proud of it. ... Besides, let us wait 
 a little. Fortune is fickle ; she has raised France 
 very high ; sooner or later, who knows, she may cast 
 her down as low as she was in 1793. Then we shall 
 see if she will be saved by soothing measures, and 
 what will be the good of decorations, embroideries, 
 feathers, and especially white silk stockings." 
 
 After thus speaking to the courtiers, Jean Bon 
 dined with Napoleon and Marie Louise. The Em- 
 peror's brow was dark and he seemed buried in 
 thought. He ate but little. Two or three times he 
 
230 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 spoke to the Prince of Nassau without listening to 
 his answers, so that the two seemed to be at cross 
 purposes. The Empress had an opportunity to utter 
 a few words, which she did very modestly. 
 
 Count Beugnot, who was one of the guests, says that 
 before the dinner the Emperor had wished to take a 
 little sail on the Rhine, to try a little boat which the 
 Prince of Nassau had just given him. He went from 
 the Palace of the Teutonic Order to the river bank, 
 and got into the boat with the Prince of Nassau, M. 
 Jean Bon Saint Andre*, M. Beugnot, two aides, an 
 adjutant of the Palace, and his Mameluke Rustan. 
 Through a field-glass he examined a fine vineyard on 
 the right bank of the Rhine, in the middle of which 
 rose the Castle of Biberich. While the Emperor 
 stood at one side of the boat, near the edge, lost in 
 contemplation, Jean Bon Saint Andre* said to Count 
 Beugnot : " What a singular thing ! The fate of the 
 world hangs on a single kick, more or less." "In 
 Heaven's name, hush ! " exclaimed Count Beugnot in 
 terror. " Don't distress yourself," the old member of 
 the Convention went on, "resolute men are rare." 
 When the sail was over, the dialogue between the 
 administrator of the Grand Duchy of Berg and the 
 Prefect of Mayence continued on the steps of the 
 grand staircase of the Palace of the Teutonic Order : 
 " Do you know that you gave me a real scare ? " 
 " Of course I know it. I am surprised you recovered 
 the use of your legs enough to walk ; but you can 
 be sure that we shall lament with tears of blood 
 
MATENCE. 231 
 
 that this trip to-day was not his last." " You are a 
 madman ! " " And you, saving the respect I owe 
 Your Excellency, are a fool ! " 
 
 Meanwhile, Napoleon appeared even more formid- 
 able. There was no breach of order throughout his 
 immense Empire. From Rome to Hamburg perfect 
 obedience prevailed. The young army, as well as 
 the Old Guard, displayed enthusiastic bravery. The 
 Princes of the Confederation of the Rhine conducted 
 themselves like faithful vassals. It was not known 
 that the Emperor of Austria intended to abandon 
 the French alliance, and no one imagined that he 
 was working to overthrow his daughter's throne. It 
 was said that Napoleon's power would suffer some 
 slight diminution, but no one believed that he would 
 be ruined. The Bourbons were never mentioned. 
 They were almost unknown in France, and kindled 
 sympathy at the courts of Vienna, Berlin, or Saint 
 Petersburg. At Mayence, the hero of Liitzen and 
 Bautzen received as much homage as in his most 
 brilliant days. The Imperial star still shone in sight 
 of every one, like a setting sun. 
 
 Marie Louise, who more than anything dreaded a 
 rupture between her husband and her father, had 
 moments of uneasiness. Napoleon did his best to 
 reassure her, and talked continually of peace, even 
 when he was perfectly determined on war. He was 
 much touched by the attachment with which he 
 seemed to inspire the daughter of the Caesars of Ger- 
 many, and he expressed the utmost regard for her, 
 
232 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 as much from motives of policy as from affection; 
 for he wished to encourage the Emperor Francis to 
 remain a good father, by remaining a good husband. 
 The Empress, ever tranquil and majestic, gave no 
 outward sign of her gloomy forebodings, and drove 
 out every day in a barouche through the country 
 about Mayence. The weather had become very fine, 
 and the clear sky made a marked contrast with the 
 vain agitations of men. 
 
 August 1 Napoleon left Mayence after bidding 
 farewell to Marie Louise, whom he kissed in presence 
 of the whole court. This time she could not control 
 her emotion, and burst into tears. August 4, after 
 stopping at Wiirzburg, Bamberg, and Bayreuth, to 
 hold reviews, he was back in Dresden, more confi- 
 dent, more eager for war than ever. In vain had 
 Caulaincourt written to him: "Every sacrifice now 
 made in behalf of peace will render you, Sire, more 
 powerful than your victories have done, and you will 
 be the idol of your people." He remained deaf to 
 the words qf his most faithful servants, and appeared 
 more determined than ever to risk everything on a 
 single throw. 
 
 As for the Empress, she left Mayence August 2, 
 and embarked upon the Rhine in the yacht which the 
 Prince of Nassau had put at her disposition. Her 
 suite consisted of the Duchess of Montebello, the 
 Count of Beauharnais, Mesdames de Lauriston and 
 de Talhonet, General Caffarelli, two chamberlains, a 
 Prefect of the Palace, and the Baron of Me*neval. 
 
MAYENCE. 233 
 
 Between Mayence and Cologne she admired the banks 
 of the picturesque and poetic river, with its fertile 
 fields, its cliffs, and its castles of the Middle Ages. 
 At Coblenz, where she arrived August 3, she was 
 greeted by the ringing of bells, artillery salutes, 
 and flourishes of trumpets ; and she appeared much 
 touched by this brilliant reception, which she had 
 not expected. At Cologne she left the yacht, and 
 continued her journey by post. August 5 she was 
 at Aix-la-Chapelle, where she visited the cathedral. 
 Then she passed through Liege, Namur, Soissons, 
 -Compiegne. August 9, at seven in the evening, she 
 was back at Saint Cloud, where she met her son as 
 she alighted from her carriage, and she pressed him 
 tenderly in her arms. 
 
XVI. 
 
 THE LAST FESTIVITIES. 
 
 WHEN Marie Louise had returned to Saint 
 Cloud and was no longer within reach of 
 her husband's cheering words, she became profoundly 
 melancholy. Her only consolation was the sight of 
 her son, a superb boy, whose strength and intelligence 
 were developing most remarkably. The Queen of 
 Naples had made him a present of a little gilded car- 
 riage, to which the skilful riding-master Franconi had 
 harnessed two trained sheep, like horses. Whenever 
 the infant King was seen driving in this pretty car- 
 riage, under the venerable trees in the gardens of 
 Saint Cloud, he inspired tender admiration. Marie 
 Louise was proud of her son; but the more she 
 loved him, the more anxious she felt as to the lot 
 reserved for this child whose cradle had been saluted 
 with so much applause and homage. The letters she 
 wrote at that time to the Emperor Francis were 
 marked by a melancholy akin to discouragement. 
 " I am in a painful uncertainty about the issue of 
 the negotiations," she wrote to him, August 12, 1813. 
 "Heaven grant that there may be no war! The 
 234 
 
THE LAST FESTIVITIES. 235 
 
 thought of it horribly alarms me. If war breaks 
 out, I hope you will not be mixed up in it, for I can- 
 not bear to think of its consequences. I found the 
 Emperor very well at Mayence. He has gained 
 flesh. Unfortunately I saw him for only six days. 
 On my return I found my son very well and very 
 gay. He already talks, and is very amiable. The 
 Emperor sends me to Cherbourg for the inauguration 
 of the basin." 
 
 What the Empress most feared, a war between her 
 father and her husband, became imminent. The 
 Count of Narbonne's prophecies came true. He had 
 written : " No defection is more certain than one that 
 is involuntary ; which is not determined some morning 
 out of calculation or passion, but which grows from 
 day to day. . . . The Emperor Napoleon counts too 
 much on family ties. The titles of son-in-law and 
 father-in-law seem to him like indissoluble bonds. It 
 is true that, according to an old diplomatic saying, 
 Austria re-establishes itself by marriages ; but there 
 is also truth in the Italian proverb, ' When the storm 
 is over, the saint is laughed at.' " 
 
 Throughout Austria the war-feeling was at its 
 height. War was demanded as a means of recover- 
 ing lost fame. Prince Schwarzenberg, who was ap- 
 pointed Commander-in-Chief, tried to wipe out the 
 memory of his former zeal for the French alliance. 
 The last convention had prolonged the armistice until 
 the 10th of August, with a delay of six days between 
 the denunciation of the armistice and the renewal of 
 
236 MAEIE LOUISE. 
 
 hostilities. Consequently the war would be resumed 
 August 17, unless the Prague Congress should estab- 
 lish immediate peace. After much backing and 
 filling, and many delays, which were ascribed to 
 Napoleon, the Congress at last met, July 29 ; France 
 was represented by the Duke of Vicenza and the 
 Count of Narbonne ; Austria by Metternich ; Russia 
 by M. d'Anstett; Prussia by the Baron von Hum- 
 boldt. Their deliberations were a mere matter of 
 form. 
 
 The Duke of Bassano, Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
 had written to the Count of Narbonne : " I send you 
 more powers than power ; you will have your hands 
 tied, but your legs and mouth free for walking and 
 dining." Napoleon's infatuation had reached such a 
 height that he imagined that he could not make any 
 concession to Austria. The Duke of Bassano had 
 written to the Duke of Vicenza, July 21 : " The Em- 
 peror's intention is to negotiate with Russia and to 
 make a glorious peace for that power ; a peace that 
 shall punish Austria for her bad faith in breaking 
 the alliance of 1812, by depriving her of her influence 
 in Europe, and shall also draw Russia and France 
 nearer together. The Emperor intends to arrange 
 matters in a way that will not force him some day 
 to disentangle complications with Russia. If Rus- 
 sia secures an advantageous peace, she will have 
 purchased it by the devastation of her provinces, by 
 the loss of her capital, and by two years of terrible 
 warfare, misfortunes from which she will long suffer. 
 
THE LAST FESTIVITIES. 237 
 
 Austria, on the other hand, has made no sacrifices, 
 and has deserved nothing. If she derives any profit 
 from her present intrigues, she would foster others in 
 order to obtain new advantages. The aims of her 
 demands on France are infinite. One concession 
 would encourage her to urge another. It is hence 
 for the interest of France that she do not acquire a 
 single village." 
 
 The Duke of Vicenza, a clear-sighted man, received 
 these imprudent instructions with regret. On his 
 arrival at Prague, he wrote to the Minister, July 28 : 
 " We are already on a volcano ; the minutes are num- 
 bered; our delays have produced a bad impression. 
 Everything I hear makes me doubly regret that the 
 Emperor should have bound your hands and mine 
 more tightly than he promised." Metternich contin- 
 ually said to the French plenipotentiaries that up to 
 August 10 matters were not desperate, but that after 
 that date, if peace was not concluded, Austria's mission 
 as a mediatorial power would be at an end. This 
 date of August 10 was to be fatal to the Empire, as 
 it had been twenty-one years before to royalty. 
 
 August 3, Metternich said to the Duke of Vicenza : 
 " There can no longer be any doubt about your Sov- 
 ereign's intentions. The Emperor Napoleon has 
 merely tried to gain time. The armistice is entirely 
 to his. advantage ; it is injurious to the allies. They 
 sincerely desire peace, and a moderate peace ; it would 
 be made if the Emperor, your master, had^wishejijt. 
 Probably it is now too late." 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 V 
 
238 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 The same day Napoleon sent from Dresden to the 
 Duke of Vicenza a despatch, all of which he dictated 
 himself; in it he said: "The Emperor commands 
 you, by an extra-ministerial channel, to do as follows, 
 without the knowledge of the Count of Narbonne. 
 This step has for its object to ascertain in what way 
 Austria judges that peace can be made, and whether, 
 in case the Emperor adheres to his propositions, Aus- 
 tria would make common cause with us, or would 
 remain neutral. There is no question of negotiations, 
 but of an absolutely confidential overture, which 
 rests on such obvious feelings that it would be a 
 renunciation of the aim which Austria says that she 
 desires, if she should not answer without reserve. 
 This step will always remain secret, and as soon as 
 the Emperor Napoleon shall be certain of Austria's 
 last word, he will give instructions in consequence 
 to his plenipotentiaries. The simplicity of this step 
 carries with it the mark of the man who makes it, 
 and of his firmness. M. de Metternich, then, must 
 see that it is necessary for him to set his lowest 
 terms, and propose nothing dishonorable for the Em- 
 peror Napoleon. M. de Metternich will probably 
 require twenty-four hours ; twenty-four hours will be 
 granted him, and the conditions will be written down 
 at his dictation. Our answer will be given in three 
 days, and thereby all the embarrassments of the Con- 
 gress and all the difficulties that beset it will be dis- 
 pelled. The Emperor Napoleon is more thoroughly 
 prepared for war than he can ever expect to be ; but 
 
THE LAST FESTIVITIES. 239 
 
 inasmuch as he is consistent in his policy, before 
 abandoning his alliance with Austria and destroying 
 a system which the two powers had regarded as the 
 foundation of their common security, which they 
 liked to establish on personal feelings, he desires this 
 question answered, and to weigh carefully the advan- 
 tages and disadvantages. Before you make this over- 
 ture, you will ask M. de Metternich not to repeat to 
 the Emperor of Austria what you may say, and not 
 to transmit it to any of the allied powers. Likewise 
 you will give your word that everything said in this 
 interview will be kept profoundly secret by yourself." 
 
 Thus, M. de Narbonne himself, this favorite Ambas- 
 sador, this trusted agent, was not admitted to this 
 secret. This was a singular diplomacy by which a 
 sovereign kept from his own plenipotentiary the 
 most important point of the negotiations. 
 
 August 6 the Duke of Vicenza had a very secret 
 interview with Metternich, in which he informed him 
 of Napoleon's confidential overtures. The Austrian 
 Minister appeared much surprised. He thought the 
 step was taken very late, and declared once more that 
 the negotiations could not be prolonged beyond Au- 
 gust 10, the date irrevocably fixed. Nevertheless, he 
 went to Brandeiss where the Emperor Francis was, 
 to receive his sovereign's orders. After some hes- 
 itation the Emperor consented to dictate to his Min- 
 ister a despatch which was Austria's final word, its 
 ultimatum. The conditions which it set for peace 
 were as follows : " Dissolution of the Duchy of War- 
 
240 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 saw, which shall be divided between Russia, Austria, 
 and Prussia. Dantzic shall be restored to Prussia. 
 Restoration of Hamburg and Liibeck to their con- 
 ditions as free Hanseatic cities, and a later arrange- 
 ment, connected with the general peace, regarding 
 the other parts of the 32d Military Division. The 
 renunciation of the Protectorate of the Confederation 
 of the Rhine, so that the independence of the reign- 
 ing sovereigns of Germany shall be placed under 
 the guaranty of the great powers. Reconstruction 
 of Prussia, with a suitable frontier on the Elbe. 
 Cession of the Illyrian provinces to Austria. Re- 
 ciprocal guaranty of the state of things established 
 by the treaty of peace." 
 
 This ultimatum had as corollary the following lines 
 dictated by the Emperor Francis to his Minister: 
 " I expect a yes or no in the course of the 10th. I 
 am determined to declare on the llth, as will be done 
 by Russia and Prussia, that the Congress is dissolved, 
 and then I shall not take into account these condi- 
 tions, which shall be decided by war." 
 
 The Austrian ultimatum, which was communicated 
 to the Duke of Vicenza August 8, was not placed 
 before Napoleon until three o'clock in the afternoon of 
 the 9th. At the same time the Emperor received a 
 letter, in which the Duke of Vicenza said to him: 
 " Your Majesty will observe in the ultimatum of the 
 Emperor of Austria a few sacrifices of his pride ; but 
 France is not asked to make any real ones ; no diminu- 
 tion of your real glory is demanded. I pray you, Sire, 
 
THE LAST FESTIVITIES. 241 
 
 to put into the scales with peace all the chances of war. 
 Consider the general irritation, the state in which 
 Germany will be as soon as Austria shall have spoken ; 
 the lassitude of France, its noble devotion, and its sac- 
 rifices after the Russian disasters; listen to all the 
 prayers uttered in France for peace ; to those of your 
 devoted servants, true Frenchmen, who, like me, are 
 forced to tell you that it is necessary to allay the 
 feverishness of Europe, to loosen this coalition by 
 peace ; and, whatever may be your projects, to await 
 in the future what the greatest successes cannot give 
 you to-day. Such a peace, made after our army has 
 recovered its honor in several battles, can only be an 
 honorable one. After so much time has been lost, 
 the hours are numbered ; one of the objects of this 
 letter is to remind Your Majesty of this. There are 
 too many passions urging war to allow of any delay 
 in making peace. I repeat it, because such is my 
 strong conviction ; may Your Majesty thus decide ; 
 and be sure that in speaking to him as I do, I think 
 less of the honor of signing it, than of the happiness 
 of my country, and of that which Your Majesty will 
 find in the certainty of having done something wise 
 in policy, and worthy of his 'great character." 
 
 Austria left Napoleon only forty-eight hours to 
 receive its ultimatum, to consider it, and to decide. 
 If he accepted, it had to be done at once, and he had 
 no opportunity to alter a single word. At the most, 
 he had still time enough to accept everything and to 
 send word to his plenipotentiaries. But he made the 
 
242 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 mistake of supposing, in spite of what Metternich 
 said, that August 10 was not an absolutely final 
 date, and that negotiations might be still prolonged 
 to the 17th, the day set for the resumption of hostil- 
 ities. Hence he thought it possible to send a prop- 
 osition of his own to Prague. According to this, 
 Dantzic was to become a free city; the King of 
 Saxony be indemnified by territorial concessions for 
 the loss of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw; Austria 
 should acquire Illyria, but neither Istria nor Trieste ; 
 the King of Denmark should have the integrity of 
 his states guaranteed ; Napoleon was to continue to 
 hold the Hanseatic cities and the Protectorate of the 
 Confederation of the Rhine. The day and night of 
 August 9 wQre devoted to the preparation and draw- 
 ing up of this document which could not be sent off 
 till too late, that is to say till the night of August 
 10. 
 
 This decisive and fatal 10th of August was a 
 holiday. In all Germany from the North Sea to the 
 frontiers of Bohemia, the French army was noisily 
 celebrating the Emperor's birthday a few days in 
 advance, Napoleon having preferred the earlier date, 
 the 10th, instead of the 15th, in view of the resump- 
 tion of hostilities on the 17th, lest the rejoicings 
 should be too near the approaching bloodshed. The 
 15th would be taken up with thoughts of battles; 
 the 10th was to be devoted to the enjoyment of life, 
 that life which so many brave men were soon to 
 lose. Away with gloomy forebodings ! Everything 
 
THE LAST FESTIVITIES. 248 
 
 was alive with joy and merry-making. In every 
 camp there were banquets in honor of Napoleon, and 
 paid for by him. He dined with the marshals ; the 
 soldiers feasted together at tables set in the open 
 air. They pledged France and the Emperor, drink- 
 ing their glasses merrily, forgetful of dangers past, 
 indifferent to those before them. Never had the 
 soldiers been more confident of their invincibility. 
 The conscripts who had left their villages but a few 
 weeks before, already had the air of veterans. At 
 Hamburg, Marshal Davout gave a dinner at which 
 the Prince of Hesse, Commander-in-Chief of the 
 Danish troops, was present, and in the evening there 
 were fire-works in the Alster basin. 
 
 While the whole army was revelling, one brave 
 soldier, a skilled diplomatist and great patriot, 
 General Caulaincourt, the Duke of Vicenza, that 
 sturdy hero who had never known fear on any battle- 
 field, was trembling with anxiety. He had told the 
 truth to his master with the noblest frankness. See- 
 ing the gulf open before him, he awaited with pain- 
 ful anxiety the despatch which might yet save 
 everything. But the hours passed and nothing came. 
 The day was terrible, but the night was still worse. 
 Nine o'clock, ten o'clock, eleven o'clock, not a word ! 
 The fatal hour drew near. The old clocks of 
 Prague struck twelve. Metternich had not deceived 
 Napoleon ; he had always told him that at midnight 
 the die would be cast. The Russians and Prussians 
 were sighing for that hour which in their thought 
 
244 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 would be that of the deliverance of Europe. Up to 
 the last minute they had feared a reconciliation be- 
 tween the son-in-law and the father-in-law. They 
 knew that without Austria they were powerless, and 
 with Austria, capable of everything. It struck mid- 
 night : they did not lose a minute in announcing the 
 rupture of the armistice. Fires, the agreed signals, 
 were lit on mountains between Prague and Trachen- 
 berg. The Russian army, under the command of 
 Barclay de Tolly, broke camp and entered Bohemia. 
 It was not till the morning of August 11 that the 
 Duke of Vicenza was able to communicate to Metter- 
 nich Napoleon's propositions. This tardy step was 
 without success, although the Austrian Minister gave 
 a faint hope that there might be a direct arrangement 
 with the Emperor Alexander who was to be at Prague 
 August 15. The Duke of Vicenza, uncertain whether 
 he ought to stay or leave, asked on the llth for new 
 instructions, and particularly for full powers. He 
 declared, however, that Austria would not yield in 
 the matter of Trieste or the Hanseatic cities, or of 
 the territorial indemnity asked for Saxony. He 
 wrote on the 12th that if the Emperor Napoleon 
 would not insist on these three points, matters were 
 not yet desperate. The Emperor received this de- 
 spatch on the 13th, and on the same day the Duke of 
 Bassano wrote at his dictation to the Duke of Vicenza : 
 " We refuse Trieste, because Trieste is Istria, and 
 for us Istria does not mean Istria but Venice. It is 
 a matter of honor for France to require suitable 
 
THE LAST FESTIVITIES. 245 
 
 indemnities for the King of Saxony. We demand 
 that nothing shall be said about Hamburg or Liibeck. 
 You may request communication to M. de Metternich 
 of His Majesty's ultimatum. We send you the nec- 
 essary powers for signing everything within two 
 hours. . . . As soon as you are sure that there 
 remains no possibility of agreement, you will depart 
 at once ; His Majesty is unwilling that you should 
 remain to grace the Emperor Alexander's triumph 
 at Prague. You will leave the city before his arrival. 
 Moreover, His Majesty is determined not to lend his 
 aid to the prolongation of the armistice, and he is 
 quite as anxious for war as is Austria. He desires 
 that you start from the principle that we are not 
 sorry that this power should be in a state of war with 
 us. The secret joy that His Majesty feels in a situa- 
 tion worthy of his genius, has not escaped the per- 
 ception of M. de Bubna. He knows that we have 
 on our side the advantage given by possessing all the 
 pieces on the board. He recognizes, with all Europe, 
 that we have all the power of genius. His Majesty, 
 trusting in Providence, sees the vast designs it en- 
 trusts to him. He sees about him only grounds for 
 confidence." 
 
 On the receipt of this despatch, monumental proof 
 of that spirit of imprudence and error of which the 
 poet speaks, the Duke of Vicenza was seized with 
 deep melancholy. He wrote at once to the Duke 
 of Bassano : " I confess that I had hoped for greater 
 freedom ; when one desires anything, one must desire 
 
246 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 also the means of doing it ; I hope for another 
 despatch to-night; if I have no other reason to go 
 to M. de Metternich I have but faint hopes ; I shall 
 have all the inconvenience, and yet shall not be at 
 fault. How many tears to-morrow may wipe away 
 or call forth ! " 
 
 The Duke of Vicenza, whose patriotic anguish was 
 at its height, wished to make one final appeal to his 
 master, and in the night of August 15 he wrote to 
 him this eloquent letter : " Weigh well in the balance, 
 Sire, the real interests of France, those of your 
 dynasty, those finally of a wise policy. Throw these 
 into the same scales with the glory of war and its 
 chances, and Your Majesty will make peace. Deign to 
 persuade yourself, Sire, that this war is not like those 
 that have preceded it. Every one has seen the faults, 
 and, what is more, has calculated the risks of the 
 course he has taken. Austria has not prepared for 
 the removal of its archives from Vienna, and made 
 other preparations, without foreseeing reverses in 
 this general conflict. Russia runs no further risk, 
 fighting as she does in the territory of others. Prus- 
 sia is engaged in a life or death struggle in spite of 
 herself. As for Germany, it will follow Austria, 
 which feels only too well that its cause will be with- 
 out appeal if the signal is once given. England 
 defends herself in Spain ; but when the first cannon 
 is fired, she will command everywhere, and Your 
 Majesty will not be everywhere. If your armies 
 meet with the slightest defeat, if even the battles, 
 
THE LAST FESTIVITIES. 247 
 
 like the last ones, are without great results, who can 
 foresee the consequences of this general reaction 
 and assign a limit to this coalition ? 
 
 " Confound your enemies, Sire, frustrate their 
 plans, make peace, if only to let the storm pass by. 
 This will calm them, and prevent their using the 
 same means to excite enthusiasm. No sacrifice is 
 asked of French honor, because nothing is asked of 
 France. . . . France and the world ask peace of 
 you. The peace which is proposed to you will be 
 of more service to you than the happiest war. Deign, 
 Sire, to listen to this prayer for peace, and permit a 
 good Frenchman, a man who loves your true glory 
 as much as his country, to present it to you." 
 
 Whether it was that these noble words had touched 
 Napoleon's heart, or that he wished to assume an air 
 of moderation because he knew that Prussia and 
 Austria would not accept his last offer, the Emperor 
 sent to the Duke of Vicenza full powers with a 
 despatch conceding all Austria's demands. This 
 despatch reached Prague August 15, at one in the 
 morning. Five days sooner, it would have saved 
 everything. The 15th, Metternich said to the Duke 
 of Yicenza, " The propositions made by France to-day 
 would have made peace on the 10th, because then 
 Austria would have used all the force of its authority 
 against the allies, if they had not accepted them. I 
 repeat it, the 10th, the Emperor Napoleon might have 
 given the world peace. . . . To-day we have one hun- 
 dred and fifty thousand Russians among us, and we 
 
248 MAEIE LOUISE. 
 
 have made agreements with them. The Russians 
 and Prussians have made a treaty with Sweden. We 
 have none yet with those two powers, and, on the 
 10th, we had none with any one. It is not our fault, 
 if you were unwilling to speak when we asked you 
 so to do." The Austrian Minister promised to com- 
 municate the French propositions to the allies, but 
 without any illusion as to the possibility of agree- 
 ment. The same day, August 15, the Emperor of 
 Russia entered Prague, and the Duke of Vicenza 
 withdrew to the castle of Konigsraal, near the city. 
 The next day he learned that the Czar and the King 
 of Prussia had rejected the conditions proposed by 
 the Emperor Napoleon as inadmissible. Negotiations 
 were definitely broken off, and war was to decide 
 everything. 
 
 Meanwhile, what was going on in Paris? The 
 Emperor's birthday had been celebrated, August 
 15, with the customary festivities. The Empress- 
 Regent, preceded and followed by her lady of honor, 
 and the ladies and gentlemen in waiting, went to the 
 Throne Room, in the Tuileries. The Grand Chamber- 
 lain there presented the Princes, the Cardinals, the 
 High Officers of the Crown, the Grand Eagles of the 
 Legion of Honor, the Princes of the Confederation 
 of the Rhine, and all those who had the right of 
 admission. The Grand Master of Ceremonies then 
 introduced the Diplomatic Body and all went to the 
 chapel to hear mass and the singing of a Te Deum. 
 Then there was a great audience in the Emperor's 
 
THE LAST FESTIVITIES. 249 
 
 apartments, and in the evening the second act of the 
 Opera Dido was given in the palace theatre. After 
 the performance, Marie Louise appeared on a balcony, 
 amid the applause of the crowd, and listened to a 
 concert given on the terrace and looked at some fire- 
 works which were set off in the Place de la Concorde. 
 The Empress spent the night at Saint Cloud. The 
 populace, who had no idea of what was going on at 
 Prague, and still hoped for an early peace, celebrated 
 the Emperor's birthday with great rejoicing ; but it 
 was for the last time. 
 
 August 25, Marie Louise's birthday, was celebrated 
 with great splendor. Napoleon had wished her to go 
 to Cherbourg to preside at the opening of the grand 
 basin. Her journey thither was one succession of ova- 
 tions. She entered Caen August 24 amid the roar 
 of cannon and the ringing of bells. The town was 
 decked as for a rustic festival; every house was 
 adorned with leaves and garlands. In the morning 
 of the 25th, the Empress passed beneath a triumphal 
 arch raised at the crossing of the roads from Paris to 
 Cherbourg, and from Bordeaux to Rouen. At nine 
 in the evening, she reached Cherbourg. The next 
 morning, the 26th, at eleven o'clock, she visited the 
 Port Napoleon. Fifty young girls, dressed in white, 
 threw rose-leaves beneath her feet ; they were headed 
 by the daughter of the sub-prefect of Cherbourg. 
 This girl gave the Empress a basket containing 
 several pieces of lace made in that region, and re- 
 cited some verses composed for the occasion, which 
 all her companions repeated in chorus. 
 
250 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 The Empress, accompanied by the Minister of the 
 Navy, went down into the basin, to admire the work 
 before the waters of the ocean should be admitted for 
 all time. Meanwhile, two English men-of-war were 
 tacking to and fro at a distance of about four leagues. 
 The new moon and the springtide determined the 
 destruction of the dam for the next day. The sailors 
 and a great number of workmen were employed in 
 making three openings in the dam, through which 
 the water, as it rose, should enter the basin. The 
 27th more than forty thousand persons filled all the 
 neighboring approaches, and crowded the elevations, 
 whence, as from the rising seats of an amphitheatre, 
 they could witness the whole ceremony. Near the 
 dam there had been set up a pavilion for the use of 
 the Empress. She entered it at six in the evening, 
 just as the sea began to enter the basin. All the 
 cannon on the platforms about the Port Napoleon 
 were set off, and rapturous applause broke out. The 
 Bishop of Constance, with all his clergy, received 
 the Empress with an address ; then turning towards 
 the further port, he recited the usual prayers and 
 blessings. The sea rose majestically, and gradually 
 filled the basin through the three openings. At nine 
 in the evening the crash occurred, the dam gave way 
 with a loud roar, and the basin was filled to the level 
 of the sea. 
 
 During this grand festivity, Marie Louise seemed 
 depressed. She had reached Cherbourg tired by the 
 bad roads beyond Carentan, suffocated by the dust, 
 
THE LAST FESTIVITIES. 251 
 
 and with a bad cold on her chest. At Cherbourg 
 she heard of the resumption of hostilities. The 
 honors that met her were no consolation. Septem- 
 ber 5, at one in the morning, she was back at Saint 
 Cloud, and the memory of the ovations she had 
 received had not dispelled her uneasiness and her 
 gloom. 
 
XVII. 
 
 THE BESUMPTION OF HOSTILITIES. 
 
 war had begun again under formidable con- 
 JL ditions. At the very moment when Marie 
 Louise was presiding at the inauguration of the 
 basin at Cherbourg, Napoleon was fighting the battle 
 of Dresden, which lasted two days, August 26 and 
 27, 1813. After the first day he returned at mid- 
 night to the castle of the King of Saxony, and spent 
 the whole night in dictating orders. At dawn he 
 got on his horse again in vile weather; rain and 
 blood were equally abundant. Moreau, forgetful of 
 his laurels at Hohenlinden, had just taken service in 
 the Russian army, and had had his two legs carried 
 away by the side of the Emperor Alexander. That 
 evening Napoleon returned victorious to Dresden, 
 wet to the skin, as if he had fallen into the river. 
 The King of Saxony, his staunch ally, kissed him 
 tenderly, greeting him as his preserver. The bat- 
 talion of the Guard, who had surrounded him during 
 the battle, and had escorted him to the Saxon capital, 
 was under arms the next morning, in the courtyard, 
 in as good trim as at a review in the Place du 
 252 
 
THE RESUMPTION OF HOSTILITIES. 253 
 
 Carrousel. These brave soldiers, instead of resting 
 after all their fatigues and perils, had spent the night 
 cleaning and drying their uniforms about large fires. 
 A word from the Emperor was their reward. 
 
 Marie Louise heard of the victory of Dresden 
 before leaving Cherbourg. She wrote to the Baron 
 of Me'neval: "My health would be excellent were 
 it not for my cough, which is very fatiguing ; I shall 
 not do anything for it until I get back to Paris. 
 Besides, the good news I have heard to-day does me 
 more good than any medicine. I hope this great vic- 
 tory will soon bring back the Emperor and, with him, 
 peace." 
 
 This was fortune's last smile. Napoleon, intoxi- 
 cated with his success, had no suspicion of the disas- 
 ters that awaited him. The allies had retreated in 
 disorder through all the roads of the mountains, 
 which were cumbered with wounded and baggage. 
 The conqueror, Avho had them pursued, counted, 
 for the completion of their defeat, on General 
 Vandamme's army corps, while he himself, by the 
 fatigues and exposure of the battle, was compelled 
 to return to Dresden. But August 30, at Culm, Gen- 
 eral Vandamme met witli defeat, wherewith began 
 the series of misfortunes which brought about the 
 successive defections of Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, of all 
 the Princes of the Confederation of the Rhine, and 
 culminated in the catastrophe of Leipsic. 
 
 Napoleon spent the whole month of September in 
 nmnu'uvring in turn against the Prussian army of 
 
254 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 Silesia and against the Austrian army of Bohemia, 
 both of which declined battle. If he advanced 
 against Bliicher, the Austrians descended into Sax- 
 ony; if he advanced against Schwarzenberg, the 
 Prussians threatened Dresden. Meanwhile, Wiir- 
 temberg was in open insurrection ; the Cossacks had 
 captured Cassel ; the Saxons and Wiirtembergers 
 were worked upon by secret societies, and the King 
 of Bavaria, under the compulsion of his people, gave 
 notice to the Emperor that he should be obliged to 
 join the coalition. " My star grew dim," said Napo- 
 leon, speaking of this period at Saint Helena ; " I 
 felt the reins slipping through my fingers, and I was 
 powerless. Nothing but a miracle could have saved 
 us, and every day by one fatality after another our 
 chances diminished. Ill will began to appear among 
 us ; fatigue and discouragement overcame the major- 
 ity; my lieutenants became lax, awkward, careless, 
 and consequently unsuccessful ; they were no longer 
 the men of the beginning of the Revolution, nor those 
 of my successful days. The superior generals were 
 tired; I had granted them too much respect, too 
 many honors, too much wealth. They had tasted the 
 cup of pleasure, and were anxious for ease at any 
 price. The holy fire burned dim." 
 
 What discouraged all thinking men, soldiers as well 
 as civilians, was the entry of Austria into the coali- 
 tion. France might have been able to resist all its 
 other enemies together; but to fight against their 
 armies and the Austrian armies as well, was too much, 
 
THE RESUMPTION OF HOSTILITIES. 255 
 
 even for the bravest troops; even for a general like 
 Napoleon. His father-in-law had become the most 
 dangerous of his enemies, and yet, even when at war, 
 he wrote to him in the most courteous way, as in the 
 happiest days of the alliance. September 6, 1813, the 
 Emperor Francis replied thus : 
 
 "My BROTHER AND VERY DEAR SON-IN-LAW: I 
 have received the letter which Your Imperial Majesty 
 wrote to me August 29 last. The assurance it con- 
 tains of the excellence of your health gives me the 
 keenest pleasure. My own is no less good, and I take 
 this opportunity to beg Your Imperial Majesty to 
 forward to my daughter, the Empress, the enclosed 
 letter, which I cannot entrust to better hands than 
 those of Your Imperial Majesty. I beg you to 
 receive the assurance of the high regard and of the 
 sincere personal attachment which I invariably feel 
 for you. Your Imperial Majesty's kind brother and 
 father-in-law, FRANCIS." 
 
 A sad and curious contrast: these two sovereigns 
 styling each other brothers, congratulating each other 
 on their good health, while their people were cutting 
 one another's throats. 
 
 " Quidquid delirant reges, plectuntur Achivi." 
 
 September 11, 1813, between the battles of Dresden 
 and of Leipsic, Napoleon wrote to the Duke of Bas- 
 sano : " The desire for news is so eager in Paris that 
 you must not lose a moment in sending it. Make 
 everything as moderate as possible, and admit noth- 
 ing personal against the Emperor or Metternich." 
 
256 MARIE LOUIS& 
 
 Marie Louise, who adored her father, was very glad 
 to receive a letter from him. " I cannot tell you," 
 she wrote to him, September 23, "what happiness I 
 felt when I found your letter in one from the Em- 
 peror. I was deeply touched by this attention. I 
 had expected not to hear from you so long as the war 
 lasted. This silence was very painful for me. . . . 
 Every day I pray God to put an end to hostilities, for 
 then I should be calm, and my feelings would no 
 longer be divided. . . . The Emperor has promised 
 to be careful to forward all my letters. I shall write 
 as often as possible, for you know, dear father, that 
 that is one of my greatest pleasures. I often think 
 of you, and I am much touched by your satisfaction 
 with my feelings. You see, dear father, that I do 
 my best to follow the principles I have learned from 
 your example." Marie Louise was mistaken when 
 she hoped to be able to write to her father; she was 
 not free to do this until the second half of November. 
 
 Meanwhile, however, the Emperor Francis wrote 
 again to his son-in-law. From Toplitz, September 
 28, 1813, he wrote to him this letter : - 
 
 "My BROTHER AND VERY DEAR SON-IN-LAW: I 
 have received Your Imperial Majesty's letter dated 
 September 25. Since Zamosz was not besieged by 
 my troops, I could not interfere with the terms of 
 surrender, which had to be agreed upon by the 
 respective commanders. Your Majesty can have no 
 doubt of my desire for peace. Out of my reign of 
 twenty-one years, ten have been lost for the happiness 
 
THE RESUMPTION OF HOSTILITIES. 257 
 
 of my nation. The paper which the Duke of Bassano 
 sent August 18 to Count Metternich seems to prove 
 that Your Majesty shares my conviction, which is 
 also that of my allies, that Europe can no longer 
 be wholly pacified, and that it would be better to 
 take all the risks of the present war than to bring it 
 to an end, while preserving the fear of new and 
 inevitable disturbances. Simultaneously with the Em- 
 peror of Russia and the King of Prussia, I have 
 forwarded to England Your Majesty's overtures. I 
 expect shortly the answer of the Prince-Regent, and 
 I shall speedly communicate it to Your Imperial 
 Majesty. You are quite right in mentioning to me, 
 among the motives that make peace desirable, the 
 misfortunes of France. The welfare of the country 
 in which my daughter is established will never Jbe 
 indifferent to me ; and doubtless France has, no less 
 than Austria and the rest of Europe, need of peace. 
 If Your Majesty's intentions favor conditions which 
 can make this general, France will owe to you its 
 happiness, and Europe its tranquillity. Your Imperial 
 and Royal Majesty's kind brother arid father-in-law, 
 
 " FRANCIS." 
 
 Thus, then, at the very height of the war, the 
 Emperor of Austria manifested regard for his son-in- 
 law, and addressed him in almost friendly terms. 
 We are convinced that at this moment he had no 
 thought of the Bourbons, and that the idea of 
 dethroning his daughter had not crossed his mind. 
 Napoleon, whose chances were dwindling from day 
 
258 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 to day, might yet have saved his crown. Doubtless 
 the integrity of his vast Empire was forever compro- 
 mised ; but yet, we think he could have saved for 
 France its natural frontiers, and have prevented the 
 soil of the great nation from being profaned by 
 foreigners. At this time his father-in-law had not 
 become his irreconcilable enemy. 
 
 Marie Louise did not despair of a reconciliation 
 between her father, whom she adored, and her hus- 
 band, to whom she was sincerely attached. It would 
 not be easy to suppose that the German ideas and 
 feelings, in which she had been brought up since her 
 tenderest infancy, had not left traces. But these she 
 carefully concealed ; and possibly she did not confess 
 to herself anything like sympathy for the national 
 movement of Germany; at any rate, she discharged 
 her duties as Empress-Regent in the most irreproach- 
 able way, and no one in France, or elsewhere, ever 
 suspected her of placing filial duty above her duties 
 as wife and mother. 
 
 It was Marie Louise herself whom Napoleon 
 charged with making a solemn appeal to French 
 patriotism. October 8, 1813, she went in a great 
 procession to the Palace of the Senate. Preceded 
 by the heralds at arms, the masters of ceremonies, 
 the councillors of state, the grand eagles, the high 
 officers of the Empire, the Ministers, the ladies of 
 the bed-chamber, the ladies of the palace, the 
 Knight of Honor, the High Chamberlain, the Grand 
 Master of Ceremonies, the Princes holding high 
 
THE RESUMPTION OF HOSTILITIES. 259 
 
 positions, she drove from the Tuileries to the Luxem- 
 bourg in the Coronation carriage, in which were 
 also the Lady of Honor, the Duke of Conegliano, 
 who discharged the duties of Colonel General, and 
 Count Caffarelli, the Emperor's aide, Commander of 
 the Guard. The equerries were on horseback about 
 the carriage ; troops escorted her, and salutes were 
 fired. The high officers of the Senate and twenty- 
 four Senators received the Empress at the outer door 
 of the palace. The Empress, after resting in the 
 apartments arranged for her reception, went to the 
 hall where the Senate met, at the head of the 
 procession. At her arrival all the Senators rose. 
 She ascended the throne which was to the left 
 of the Emperor's. One step lower to the right and 
 left of the throne sat on chairs the Princes ; to 
 the right and left, on the steps, the Ministers and 
 High Officers ; before and behind the throne, on 
 stools, sat the Chamberlain and the Grand Master of 
 Ceremonies. Behind Marie Louise stood the Lady 
 of Honor, the Duke of Conegliano, Count Caffarelli, 
 the Knight of Honor, the First Equerry, the Lady of 
 the Bed-chamber, the ladies of the palace, the 
 Chamberlain and the equerries, the Master of Cere- 
 monies ; a little lower, the assistant masters of 
 ceremonies, and the pages seated on the steps of the 
 throne. 
 
 Amid a solemn silence the Empress-Regent read 
 the following speech : " Senators : The principal 
 powers of Europe, disgusted with the claims of 
 
260 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 England, joined last year their armies with ours, to 
 secure the peace of the world and the re-establish- 
 ment of national rights. At the first chances of war 
 slumbering passions awoke. England and Russia 
 have drawn Prussia and Austria to their side. Our 
 enemies desire to destroy our allies, to punish them 
 for their fidelity. They wish to carry the war into 
 our beautiful country to avenge the triumphs which 
 bore our victorious eagles to the heart of their coun- 
 tries. I know better than any one, what our people 
 would have to fear if they ever let themselves be con- 
 quered. Before ascending the throne, to which I was 
 called by the choice of my august spouse, and by my 
 father's wishes, I had the highest opinion of the cour- 
 age and energy of this great people. This opinion 
 has been daily strengthened by everything that I 
 have seen. Sharing for four years my husband's 
 most intimate thoughts, I know by what emotions he 
 would be torn on a throne, disgraced, wearing a dis- 
 honored crown. Frenchmen, your Emperor, your 
 country, your honor appeal to you ! " 
 
 As soon as the Empress had stopped, warm ap- 
 plause broke out. Then the Count of Lacie'pMe arose 
 and said : " Madame : Before proposing to the Senate 
 measures regarding the decree of the Senate, I have 
 the honor of begging Your Imperial Majesty to deign 
 to allow me to offer her, in the name of my col- 
 leagues, the respectful homage of all the feelings 
 with which we are inspired by seeing Your Majesty 
 preside over the Senate, and by hearing the memor- 
 
THE RESUMPTION OF HOSTILITIES. 261 
 
 able words she has spoken from the throne. With 
 what gratitude, with what pious care we shall ever 
 guard their memory ! " 
 
 The Archchancellor then received the Empress's 
 orders before giving the floor to the Minister of War, 
 and to Count Regnaud who presented the outline of 
 a decree of the Senate proposing a draft of two hun- 
 dred and eighty thousand men, one hundred and 
 twenty thousand of the classes of 1814 and previous 
 years, in the departments which had not contributed 
 to the last draft of thirty thousand men, and one hun- 
 dred and sixty thousand of the conscription of 1815. 
 Then the Empress returned to the Tuileries in great 
 pomp. 
 
 In official circles every means was tried to kindle 
 enthusiasm. October 17, after mass, Marie Louise 
 gave an audience, in the Hall of Mars, at the Palace 
 of Saint Cloud, to the Municipal Council of Paris. 
 The Prefect of the Seine read the following address : 
 " Madame : What Frenchman can remain deaf to the 
 voice of the Emperor, to the appeal of his country, 
 and of honor ? The appeal which Your Majesty has 
 just made has found an echo in every heart; the 
 need is felt of manifesting those generous sentiments 
 which in all time have been the proudest possession 
 of France. This esteem which Your Majesty had 
 long since conceived for this great people, the love 
 she feels for it, the hopes to which she has given 
 birth, will not be deceived ; the august daughter of 
 Maria Theresa cannot summon in vain the courage 
 
262 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 and energy of her people ; the French will have no 
 rivals in their love for their Sovereigns; they will 
 count no sacrifices, no efforts when honor commands ; 
 they cannot live without glory, and their Emperor's 
 crown shall never be despoiled of a single laurel. 
 This is the unanimous oath sworn to to-day through- 
 out the Empire ; these are the feelings which the 
 good city of Paris expresses, in laying at Your 
 Majesty's feet the tribute of its respect and devotion. 
 Madame, it is by redoubling their zeal and affection, it 
 is by turning their eyes to this august throne, to 
 which Your Majesty has brought with every virtue, 
 the noble courage of her ancestress, that the inhabi- 
 tants of the good city of Paris are inspired as faith- 
 ful subjects, with all that they owe to their Prince 
 and to their country." 
 
 While Marie Louise was thus receiving the protes- 
 tations of devotion which, in less than a year, were 
 to be repeated, not to her, but to the Bourbons, the 
 Emperor was fighting the bloodiest battle of modern 
 times, which the Germans call the Battle of Nations, 
 the battle of Leipsic. It was fought from the 16th 
 to the 18th of October. Napoleon's army, consisting 
 of one hundred and forty thousand men, contended 
 heroically with a hostile force of three hundred thou- 
 sand men. In the centre, and to the right, it main- 
 tained its position ; but on the left treachery made it 
 lose ground. There, forty thousand men were crushed 
 by one hundred thousand men and three hundred can- 
 non, commanded by Bernadotte the former Mar- 
 
THE RESUMPTION OF HOSTILIT/I-:*. 263 
 
 shal of France, who, with the Emperor's permission, 
 had become the Crown Prince of Sweden when 
 twelve thousand Saxons, forming nearly a third of 
 the left, ran over to the Russians, entering their ranks, 
 and at Bernadotte's request, discharged their artillery 
 on the French, their fellow-soldiers whom they had 
 just abandoned. Night put a stop to the carnage. 
 Napoleon was beaten. 
 
 Retreat was imperative. This was such a cruel 
 blow to the Emperor's pride that he was nearly pros- 
 trated. An enormous mass of wounded, cannons, 
 baggage, and about ninety thousand men, still under 
 arms, were hemmed in against the city of Leipsic, 
 between two rivers, with but one narrow bridge, be- 
 yond which ran a defile half a league long across deep 
 marshes. To make the retreat sure, it was necessary 
 to make many bridges, which could easily have been 
 constructed in the night of October 19. Men and ma- 
 terial were abundant ; but Napoleon, although he was 
 told that a vast and disorderly throng encumbered 
 the approaches to the Elster bridge, took no precau- 
 tions. At noon of the 19th he went to bid farewell 
 to his unfortunate ally, the King of Saxony, who was 
 in the middle of the city. Meanwhile, the suburbs 
 were invaded on all sides. A new battle began on 
 the ramparts, in the streets, from house to house. 
 The crowd was so impenetrable that Napoleon, after 
 leaving the King of Saxony, could not make his way 
 out of Leipsic through the Lindenau gate. Com- 
 pelled to retrace his steps, he went around the city 
 
264 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 along the boulevards, and thus got to the Elster 
 bridge, where the crowd was so dense that his escort 
 could only make their way through by violence. As 
 soon as he had crossed the bridge, he alighted, and 
 gave orders that it was not to be destroyed till after 
 the passage of the army corps and of the artillery 
 guarding the approach to it. 
 
 The Elster bridge was destined to be as fatal as 
 that of the Beresina. When the defection of the 
 Baden troops gave them command of the city, the 
 allies hastened to the bridge. Then the French sap- 
 pers who had charge of blowing it up, thought the 
 time had come, and fired the mine. 
 
 The French rear-guard, consisting of fifteen thou- 
 sand men, almost as many wounded, and with an 
 immense quantity of wagons, thus saw itself cut off 
 from the rest of the army which had already crossed, 
 and they uttered a long, despairing cry. It was a 
 terrible scene. One truly brave man, whom the 
 Emperor the evening before had made marshal for 
 his heroic conduct, Prince Poniatowski, plunged on 
 horseback into the current of the Elster, to gain the 
 other bank. He was drowned. It seemed as if the 
 fortune of France and of Poland sank at the same 
 time beneath the wave. The glorious death of the 
 Polish hero made a deep impression, even then ; when, 
 after such fearful slaughter, after a battle like that of 
 Leipsic, where a hundred and ten thousand men were 
 killed or wounded, death seemed a familiar story. A 
 picture of Horace Vernet's and a song of Be*ranger's 
 
THE RESUMPTION OF HOSTILITIES. 265 
 
 have combined to make of the noble victim plunging 
 into the fatal waters of the Elster one of the most 
 famous and most touching of legends. 
 
 This defeat at Leipsic was for Napoleon a combi- 
 nation of grief and surprise. Of all the battles he 
 had fought, this was the first that he had lost. Up 
 to that time he could boast that if he had been con- 
 quered by the elements, he had never been conquered 
 by man; and now he was to know for himself the 
 sufferings he had inflicted on others. He was to 
 learn by personal experience the bitterness of defeat, 
 the anguish of retreat, the desperation of useless 
 bloodshed. War, which up to that time had been a 
 source of gratification to his unparalleled pride, now 
 showed to him its horrors, with its humiliations and 
 inexpressible anguish. The hour had struck when 
 he could make tardy reflections on the emptiness of 
 genius and glory, on the intoxication of pride that had 
 turned his head. He was obliged to acknowledge to 
 himself that everything that his true friends, Caulain- 
 court, Otto, Narbonne, and many others had told him, 
 was perfectly true. In his own heart, he knew that 
 his boasted infallibility was a mere idle dream ; that 
 he had judged men and circumstances wrongly ; 
 that he had blundered as a soldier and a diplomatist ; 
 that at the Congress of Prague he had done wrong to 
 refuse the generous conditions offered by Austria; 
 that Metternich had predicted to him at Dresden 
 what had just happened ; that every needed warning 
 had been given to him in due time, and that, in fact, 
 
266 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 he was alone to blame. For a character as proud and 
 impetuous as that of the great Emperor, it is easy to 
 imagine what such a confession, wrung from him by 
 the course of events, must have cost him. 
 
 At certain moments the fallen giant seemed dazed 
 and stupefied, unable to advance or to draw back. 
 He awaited the issue with a sort of fatalism. He 
 exposed himself like a simple soldier, as if he saw in 
 death a solution, an escape. He was tortured by the 
 thought of appearing defeated and humiliated, before 
 his wife, his Ministers, and the Parisians. It seemed 
 to him like descent from the capitol to the potters' 
 field. So accustomed was he to victories and ova- 
 tions that every road which did not pass under a tri- 
 umphal arch appeared to him like one of shame. 
 Without glory he could not breathe. He had as yet 
 no experience of misfortune. He had so long been the 
 favorite of Fortune that he was perhaps more surprised 
 than grieved by finding her fickle. This struck him 
 as something abnormal, inexplicable. The thought 
 that with a little moderation he might have been 
 spared his defeats, and that by giving up a little, he 
 might have kept everything, distressed him beyond 
 measure. His sole consolation was to say that he had 
 been betrayed ; but every one had predicted to him 
 this treachery of Germany, of its diplomatists and its 
 generals. In fact, he had been the architect of his 
 own ruin. 
 
 October 19 he slept at the mill of Lindenau, where 
 he stopped, utterly worn out, and was sound asleep 
 
THE RESUMPTION OF HOSTILITIES. 267 
 
 when he was awakened by the news of the Elster 
 disaster. At first he refused to believe it, but when 
 he was convinced of it, he had to continue his humil- 
 iating retreat without delay. On his way he saw 
 once more the battlefield of Liitzen where he had 
 gained that brilliant but barren victory. October 21 
 he passed, silent and morose, between the memories 
 of Rossbach and Auerstadt. At Erfurt, the 23d, he 
 recalled the memorable interview of 1808. Accord- 
 ing to General de Se*gur it was noticed that while he 
 was dictating his orders he turned his eyes away 
 from the place where he had seen the Emperor Alex- 
 ander bow before his fortune, proud of his friend- 
 ship, and enthusiastic over his glory. The retreat 
 continued amid unceasing obstacles. The troops, in 
 greater and greater confusion, were harassed by hun- 
 ger, fatigue, and sufferings of every sort. Napoleon 
 narrowly escaped being prevented from crossing the 
 Rhine. At the pass of Hanau, fifty thousand Aus- 
 trians and Bavarians blocked his path; he thought 
 that he was lost. He exposed himself recklessly to 
 the shells bursting all about him, refusing to seek 
 shelter. General Drouot's artillery saved him; he 
 hurled the enemy back, and continued his journey. 
 November 2 he was at Mayence. His whole army, 
 now reduced to sixty thousand men, had crossed the 
 Rhine. 
 
 " This memorable campaign," Napoleon said at 
 Saint Helena, " will be famous as the triumph of the 
 innate courage of the French youth, of the crafty 
 
268 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 intrigues of English diplomacy, of the intelligence 
 of the Russians, of the shamelessness of the Austrian 
 Cabinet. It will mark the period of the disorgani- 
 zation of political societies, that of the severance 
 between sovereigns and their peoples, and finally of 
 the decay of the primary military virtues: fidelity, 
 loyalty, honor. . . . What is very remarkable is 
 that the kings, the soldiers, and the people had in 
 fact nothing to do with these infamies, which were 
 the work of a few military intriguers and political 
 desperadoes who, under the specious pretext of 
 removing the stranger's yoke and of recovering 
 national independence, simply sold and delivered 
 their rulers to rival and covetous cabinets. It was 
 the King of Saxony, the most honest man that ever 
 wielded a sceptre, who was robbed of half his prov- 
 ince ; it was the King of Denmark, so true to his 
 promises, who lost his crown. Yet that is the return 
 to morality, its triumph and distributive justice, in 
 this world ! However, I take pleasure in repeating 
 for the honor of humanity, and even of thrones, that 
 amid all these infamies, there were also unequalled 
 virtues. Not for a moment did I have to complain 
 of a single one of the Princes, my allies. The good 
 King of Saxony remained faithful to me to the end ; 
 the King of Bavaria loyally sent me word that he 
 was no longer master; the King of Wiirtemberg's 
 generosity was especially remarkable. The Prince of 
 Baden yielded only to force, and at the last moment. 
 All, I must say in justice, gave me warning in time, 
 in order that I might make ready for the storm," 
 
THE RESUMPTION OF HOSTILITIES. 269 
 
 This remark of Napoleon's is very striking. It is 
 certain that the German Princes manifested less haste 
 and shamelessness in their defection than did the 
 French Senators. 
 
 The Princes of the Confederation of the Rhine had 
 been anxious to keep their promises to the Emperor, 
 but they were prevented by the action of the univer- 
 sities and by the popular uprising. " To the fervor 
 of the Tugendbund" says General de Se*gur, " every- 
 thing seemed equally honorable : vile spying, heroic 
 devotion, perfidious enticing, sublime poetry, infamous 
 treachery ; it inspired, lifted up, ennobled everything, 
 and with glory or effrontery assumed every form." 
 Professor Fichte in 1813 was lecturing on duty. He 
 closed thus: "The course will be suspended until 
 the end of the campaign. We shall then resume it 
 when our country has become free once more^or we 
 shall have died in trying to regain our liberty." A 
 poet, transforming Queen Louisa of Prussia into a 
 symbolic shade, said of her : " How sweetly she 
 sleeps ! Ah ! may you sleep until the day when the 
 people shall wash in blood the rust from its sword ! 
 Awake ! Be the angel of liberty and of vengeance ! " 
 Kb'rner composed at the bivouac the hymn of the Lyre 
 and the Sword : 
 
 " The Cavalier. Tell me, my good sword, sword of my side, 
 why to-day your glance is so bright ? You look at me with the 
 eye of love, my good sword, you who make my joy ; hurrah ! 
 
 " The Sword. It is because a brave soldier carries me : that 
 is why my glance is bright ; it is because I am the strength of a 
 free man, that I am joyous ; hurrah ! 
 
270 MAE IE LOUISE. 
 
 " The Cavalier. Yes, iny sword ; yes, I am a free man ; and 
 I love you from the bottom of my heart ; I love you like my 
 betrothed ; I love you like a dear mistress. 
 
 " The Sword. And I have given myself to you. To you I 
 devote my life and my soul of steel ! Ah ! if we are betrothed, 
 when will you say to me, ' Come, come, my beloved mistress ' ? " 
 
 As Chateaubriand said : " The man whose life was 
 a dithyramb in action fell only when the poets of 
 Germany had sung and drawn their sword against 
 their rival, Napoleon, the armed poet." 
 
 Alas ! what is more lamentable than this colossal 
 struggle in which such a vast sum of heroism was 
 spent on both sides, and so many brave young men, 
 inspired by the purest and noblest sentiments of the 
 human heart, succumbed in the flower of youth, at 
 this beginning of the nineteenth century, of which 
 they should have been the ornament and the honor ! 
 A German cannot withhold his admiration for these 
 young French conscripts, who in a day acquired the 
 intrepidity of the sturdiest veterans. Frenchmen, 
 too, admire the young German students, soldiers, and 
 poets, who so bravely left their universities for the 
 camps. Such adversaries were made to esteem and 
 understand one another, and they slew one another ! 
 Then if the blood that was shed had been fertile, if 
 the conquerors had become free ! But no ; the sov- 
 ereigns of the coalition were to forget the victory 
 once gained, the liberal promises which they had lav- 
 ished, and, in a word, it was the people who were to 
 suffer for their kings ! 
 
XVIII. 
 
 THE END OF 1813. 
 
 ~Y~YTHEN Napoleon had once more crossed the 
 V V Rhine and was once more within his Empire, 
 at Mayence, November 2, 1813, he suffered from a 
 despondency which he could hardly conceal. This 
 was not one of the triumphant returns to which he 
 had accustomed his people. The hero of so many 
 battles had been defeated at Leipsic. He dreaded 
 meeting his young wife, in whose eyes he had ceased 
 to be the incarnation of success. Instead of hastening 
 to Saint Cloud, he waited six days at Mayence, leav- 
 ing it on the 8th, at one in the morning, without 
 sending word to Marie Louise by telegraph. 
 
 The same day, a Sunday, the Empress was receiv- 
 ing at Saint Cloud, in the Hall of Mars, after mass, 
 deputations from six cities. That from Antwerp 
 said, " Your good city of Antwerp, the recipient of 
 so many favors from the government, would, Madame, 
 deem itself w r anting in the solemn demands of grati- 
 tude if it did not hasten to lay before the throne the 
 expression of the limitless devotion it feels for Your 
 Majesty." The deputation from Brussels expressed 
 
 271 
 
272 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 itself as follows, " The Belgians, united to the desti- 
 nies of this illustrious Empire, have not forgotten the 
 wars and the bloody revolutions to which their weak- 
 ness had exposed them. They know that they would 
 not have suffered these calamities if they had formed 
 part of this great people. We, the mouth-pieces of 
 your good city of Brussels, come to-day to assure 
 Your Majesty that she will always find them ready 
 to shed their blood to preserve for the French name 
 the glory it owes to the Emperor's genius, and ready 
 to offer their fortunes in defence of the Empire against 
 those who dare to threaten it." The deputation from 
 Ghent said, " Great prodigies ought to announce a 
 century, that posterity, which always begins early 
 for the founders of empires, already calls the century 
 of Napoleon. The Belgian provinces, always proud 
 to be part of this glorious Empire, hasten to outdo 
 the sacrifices of the other provinces. The good city 
 of Ghent which boasts of having been the birthplace 
 of Charles V., one of the most illustrious ancestors of 
 Your Imperial Majesty, proudly shows these glorious 
 feelings." The deputation from Cologne said, " The 
 memorable words uttered by Your Majesty in the 
 Senate have deeply touched our hearts, and have 
 kindled the most ardent enthusiasm. No, the coun- 
 try's hopes shall not be deceived, and the French 
 shall not have been called in vain to conquer the 
 enemies of the Empire, the enemies of peace. Every 
 citizen will fly to the field of honor and, under the 
 banners of our august leader, will join the host of 
 
THE END OF 1813. 273 
 
 brave men who fight for the glory and for the peace 
 of the world." This, even at the end of 1813, was 
 the language of the inhabitants of Belgium and of 
 the banks of the Rhine. Marie Louise, who only 
 knew vaguely of the recent disasters, was still sur- 
 rounded by courtiers and flatterers, who hid the truth 
 from her and promised unflinching devotion. 
 
 Napoleon, although defeated, could not make up 
 his mind to abandon the airs of a conqueror. He 
 wanted his return, gloomy as it was, to wear a glo- 
 rious appearance. The eve of his departure from 
 Mayence, when Marie Louise was receiving at Saint 
 Cloud the deputation of the good Belgian and Rhen- 
 ish cities, an aide-de-camp of the Prince of Neufch&tel 
 reached Paris with twenty battle-flags of the enemy 
 which Napoleon sent to the Empress. The arrival 
 of these flags had already been announced by the 
 Emperor to Marie Louise in a letter from Frankfort, 
 dated November 1, 1813. It ran as follows : 
 
 "MADAME, AND MY VERY DEAR WlFE: I send 
 
 you twenty flags captured by my armies at the bat- 
 tles of Wachau, Leipsic, and Hanau. This is a mark 
 of respect which I like to pay to you. I hope you 
 will see in it a token of my great satisfaction with your 
 conduct during the regency which I entrusted to you." 
 Napoleon was anxious that the Parisians should 
 learn at the same time from the Moniteur his return 
 and the reception of the flags. Defeated or victori- 
 ous, he always understood how to arrange pictur- 
 esquely the events of his career. 
 
274 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 November 9, at five in the afternoon, Marie Louise, 
 who was quietly installed at Saint Cloud, where the 
 utter calm presented a marked contrast to the distant 
 rumors of war, had no idea of the moment when her 
 husband would return, when suddenly two carriages 
 were heard driving into the courtyard. It was 
 Napoleon arriving. He had already ascended the 
 staircase when he saw his wife before him. He 
 kissed her affectionately ; she burst into tears, trem- 
 bling with emotion. Then the little King of Rome 
 was brought, and his father greeted him most ten- 
 derly. Every one was moved by this pathetic spec- 
 tacle. Napoleon said nothing about the way the 
 campaign had turned out, and had not a word of 
 blame for his father-in-law's desertion. 
 
 November 14 there arrived at Paris a messenger 
 from the allies, bearing an important communication ; 
 a peace overture, which, in our opinion, still offered 
 Napoleon a chance of safety. It was the Baron of 
 Saint Aignan, the Emperor's Equerry, and his Minis- 
 ter Plenipotentiary at Weimar. At the entry of the 
 allies into that city, M. de Saint Aignan had at first 
 been treated like a prisoner of war ; but then he was 
 carried to Frankfort where all the principal Ministers 
 of the sovereigns of the coalition were assembled, and 
 after he had been treated with the utmost respect, he 
 had been commissioned to carry to Napoleon a propo- 
 sition leaving to France its natural frontiers. Was 
 this a serious proposition or a feint? Opinion is 
 divided on this question. " Being perfectly familiar 
 
THE END OF 1813. 275 
 
 with the state of mind of the French public," says 
 Metternich in his Memoirs, " I was convinced that to 
 avoid irritating it, to offer it rather an allurement 
 which would be welcome to every one, it was better 
 to flatter the national pride, and to speak of the 
 Rhine, the Alps, and the Pyrenees as the natural 
 boundaries of France. In the aim of still more isolat- 
 ing Napoleon, and at the same time of acting on the 
 mind of the army, I proposed attaching the offer of 
 immediate negotiations to the idea of natural bounda- 
 ries. The Emperor Francis having approved of my 
 project, I submitted it to the Emperor of Russia and 
 to the King of Prussia. Both feared that Napoleon, 
 confiding in the chances of the future, would take 
 some prompt and energetic resolution, and refuse the 
 proposition in order thus to determine the situation. 
 I succeeded in inspiring the two sovereigns with my 
 own conviction that Napoleon would never volunta- 
 rily adopt this course." 
 
 The Baron of Saint Aignan saw the Emperor at 
 Saint Cloud, November 15. " This time at last," 
 exclaimed Napoleon, "the English are willing to 
 treat." At this moment the Czar, and especially the 
 Emperor of Austria, did not desire the return of the 
 Bourbons. France still overawed the allies. They 
 dared cross neither the Pyrenees nor the Rhine. 
 Ignorant that they were no longer faced by the 
 France of 1792, full of ardor and enthusiasm, but a 
 France wearied, exhausted, and discouraged, they 
 were full of hesitation. The wisest of their generals 
 
276 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 said that a peace in conformity with the Frankfort 
 propositions would be for the sovereigns of the coali- 
 tion a confirmation at once honorable and prudent. 
 What strength Napoleon would have had, if, at once 
 acting 011 the propositions that had been made to him 
 he had accepted them unreservedly, and had imme- 
 diately convoked the Legislative Body to announce 
 the good news! This would have secured for him 
 the approval of public opinion, not merely in France, 
 but in all Europe. Instead of that, what did he do ? 
 He replied November 16, but his answer was evasive. 
 He designated Mannheim as the place for the meet- 
 ing of the future Congress, but he threw no light on 
 the propositions that had been made. He feared to 
 show by a hasty agreement the impotence to which 
 he was reduced, and France, even with its natural 
 frontiers, seemed too narrow for him. The thought 
 of having squandered in vain so many human lives 
 beyond the Rhine, the Alps, and the Pyrenees, dis- 
 turbed and tormented him like a feebleness, a humil- 
 iation, a remorse. He thought that there would 
 always be time enough for such a confession. Hav- 
 ing been so long accustomed to be the master over 
 others, this haughty sovereign could not be satisfied 
 with being master at home. Hence he let slip through 
 his fingers the last moment of respite that fortune 
 granted him before leaving him forever ; and when, 
 December 2, he at last decided to accept the Frank- 
 fort propositions, the allies, who had learned the true 
 state of affairs, declined to grant them. Traitors 
 
THE END OF 1813. 277 
 
 within the Empire had informed them of the royalist 
 intrigues, and had told them that France, divided 
 against itself, must surely fall their prey. Napoleon, 
 when he opened his eyes to the light and saw the 
 necessity of peace, had wished to confide the portfo- 
 lio of Foreign Affairs to Prince Talleyrand ; but he 
 declined it, because the Emperor wished him to cease 
 being Vice-Grand Elector on resuming the Ministry. 
 It was then by means of this petty detail of etiquette 
 that a combination failed which might have altered 
 many things. Desirous of giving Europe, and espe- 
 cially Russia, a pledge of peace, Napoleon, November 
 20, appointed the sagacious and peace-loving Duke of 
 Vicenza Minister of Foreign Affairs; this was the 
 man who had already given him many good counsels, 
 and he was highly thought of by the Emperor Alex- 
 ander. But it was too late ; as at the Congress of 
 Prague, he had let the opportunity slip by. The 
 time for diplomacy had ended ; nothing was left but 
 a final appeal to arms. This terrible catastrophe, of 
 which no one had thought for a long time, so improb- 
 able did it seem, the invasion so terrible for a conquer- 
 ing race, was now threatening. 
 
 Marie Louise, anxious and tormented, looked for- 
 ward to the future with gloom. To the letter she 
 had received from her father through the Baron of 
 Saint Aignan, she replied : "Heaven grant that we 
 may soon renew our intimate and regular correspond- 
 ence ; it would be a symptom of peace and calm ; it 
 would be the end of my uneasiness. You cannot 
 
278 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 imagine how much I am distressed by the thought 
 that you and my husband are enemies, while you 
 both have qualities which ought to bring you to- 
 gether. The Emperor is wonderfully well. I found 
 him stouter and better than before he left for the 
 war. . . . We are soon going into the city; I am 
 sorry ; for the air of Saint Cloud is better than that 
 of Paris." 
 
 The etiquette was just the same ; the manners of 
 the courtiers continued as obsequious as ever; yet 
 the Empress detected on their faces signs of uneasi- 
 ness. The anniversary of the coronation and of the 
 battle of Austerlitz was celebrated for the last time. 
 Saturday, December 4, 1813, there were free perform- 
 ances in all the Paris theatres. Sunday, the 5th, a 
 Te Deum was sung at Notre Dame, and the Parisians 
 were invited to illuminate their houses in the even- 
 ing. The tragedy of Ninus II. was given the same 
 evening in the theatre at the Tuileries. The palace 
 and the city were ablaze with countless lights, but 
 they contrasted strikingly with the deep gloom that 
 possessed nearly every one. All the activity of the 
 police could scarcely prevent the expression of the 
 general discontent. All were -unanimous in blaming 
 Napoleon for not making peace after the victories of 
 Liitzen and Bautzen. He was criticised as much as 
 he had been previously praised. The officials were 
 dejected, dispirited; and Marie Louise, alarmed for 
 herself, for her husband, for her son, no longer spoke, 
 but was always in tears. 
 
THE END OF 1813. 279 
 
 December 19 Napoleon opened the Legislative 
 Body in person. He started from the Tuileries in 
 great pomp. The procession passed through the gar- 
 den, the Place de la Concorde, and over the bridge. 
 He got out of his carriage at the foot of the steps, 
 but was not received with the usual enthusiastic 
 applause. The Empress, accompanied by Queen 
 Hortense and surrounded by the officers of her house- 
 hold, was already in the gallery, opposite her hus- 
 band's throne. In the midst of a stony silence he 
 uttered a majestic but mournful speech, which was 
 more likely to discourage than to reassure his hearers. 
 "Brilliant victories," he said, "have adorned the 
 French arms in this campaign; unexampled defec- 
 tions have rendered these victories useless; every- 
 thing has turned against us. France itself would be 
 in danger, were it not for the energy and the har- 
 mony of the French. ... I have never lost my 
 head in prosperity, adversity would find me superior 
 to its assaults. I have often given peace to nations 
 that had lost everything. With a part of my con- 
 quests I have built thrones for kings who have aban- 
 doned me. I had conceived and carried out great 
 designs for the world's prosperity ! . . . As monarch 
 and father, I feel that peace adds to the security of 
 thrones as well as to that of families. Negotiations 
 have begun with the united powers. I have consented 
 to the preliminary propositions which they presented. 
 I had hoped that before the opening of your session, 
 the Mannheim Congress would have assembled ; but 
 
280 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 new delays, for which France is not to blame, have 
 retarded this moment, anxiously expected by the 
 whole world." Napoleon closed with a phrase 
 which was only too frequent in his speeches : " My 
 people," he said, with a pride unbroken by misfor- 
 tune, " cannot fear that their Emperor's policy will 
 ever betray the national glory; for my part, I am 
 confident that the French will ever be worthy of 
 themselves and of me." 
 
 Two days after this speech was uttered, the inva- 
 sion began. The allies crossed the Rhine, December 
 21, between Basle and Schaffhausen. The 31st the 
 Army of Silesia, commanded by Bliicher, also crossed 
 it between Mannheim and Coblentz. In 1814 hap- 
 pened what was to happen in 1870 ; for, unfor- 
 tunately, experience is vain. France, which had 
 thought of nothing but an offensive war, was totally 
 unprepared for a defensive. The idea that the for- 
 eigner could pollute the soil of the great nation, 
 the sacred soil, had never crossed her mind. In 
 1870 our officers had all the maps of Germany; none 
 had maps of France. In 1814 the fortresses on the 
 Elbe and the Vistula had been thoroughly equipped, 
 but no one had thought of the French fortresses. 
 Magdeburg and Hamburg had been supplied with 
 what should have been at Strasburg and Metz ; 
 Alessandria with what should have been at Grenoble. 
 
 General de Se*gur describes the beginning of the 
 invasion in this touching passage : " We passed," he 
 says, " through the citadel of Phalsbourg as easily as 
 
THE END OF 1813. 281 
 
 if it had been a village ; not a gun was in its place ; 
 not a sentinel was to be seen ; not one ' Who goes 
 there ? ' stopped us ; as if there had been no ram- 
 parts, gates, or garrison. Enraged by this indiffer- 
 ence, I bade the first drummer I met sound the alarm, 
 announcing the enemy which was pursuing me. The 
 commander at last woke up and closed the gates. 
 He said he had been forgotten by the Minister, 
 and had received no orders ; that his garrison was 
 insufficient, without food, without a single gun-car- 
 riage in proper condition." Then speaking of the 
 spirit of the army, the brave general went on sadly : 
 " What had become of the joyous, brilliant animation 
 of our sturdy and victorious young men? What a 
 change had come about ! Their faces marked with 
 wounds and vigils now appeared grave and care- 
 worn ! Their once calm and confident brows were 
 now bald, or their hair was bleached, not by age, but 
 by the fatigues of distant wars; and all were now 
 depressed by the pain of seeing our country, hitherto 
 victorious, threatened in its turn by the disgrace and 
 the horrors of conquest ! There was the same differ- 
 ence in their talk: instead of merry stories, and 
 voices loud with confidence, there were muttered 
 phrases, full to be sure of jests, but these were forced, 
 bitter, derisive even of ourselves, as if anticipating 
 those of the enemy, at last our master, and ready 
 doubtless to repay with usury all the humiliations 
 that for more than fourteen years we had inflicted on 
 them," 
 
282 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 It was not the army alone that suffered from this 
 depression ; all France, worn out, exhausted by con- 
 scription and taxes, shared the same feeling. Never 
 had there been seen so many mothers in mourning. 
 Never had war war hated by mothers (bella matri- 
 bus detestata) appeared in a more terrible light. 
 It inspired the same horror as the guillotine in old 
 times. No one desired it more. A committee, 
 consisting of Messrs. Laine, Raynouard, Gallois, 
 Flaugergues, Maine de Biran, had been appointed to 
 examine the diplomatic documents. 
 
 This committee felt the influence of public opinion. 
 " Our evils are at their height," exclaimed M. Ray- 
 nouard; "the country is threatened at every fron- 
 tier ; commerce is extinct ; industry is at the point of 
 death; conscription has become an odious blight; a 
 cruel and aimless war periodically destroys the young 
 men. It is time for thrones to strengthen themselves, 
 and for France to escape the reproach of carrying 
 everywhere revolutionary torches." Napoleon, impa- 
 tient of opposition, was very indignant. 
 
 " Your committee," he said to the deputies, " has 
 been guided by the spirit of the Girondists. Instead 
 of assisting me, you aid the stranger. Instead of 
 uniting, you divide us. Is this the moment to speak 
 of abuses, when two hundred thousand Cossacks are 
 crossing the frontiers? The question is not about 
 individual liberty and safety, but about national inde- 
 pendence. Were you not satisfied with the Consti- 
 tution? You should have asked for another four 
 
THE END OF 1813. 283 
 
 years ago. . . . And in whose name do you speak? 
 I alone am the real representative of the people ; 
 four times I have received the votes of five millions 
 of citizens. An attack on me is an attack on the 
 nation ! " 
 
 And, December 31, he adjourned the Legislative 
 Body indefinitely. The previous evening, its presi- 
 dent, the Duke of Massa, had communicated to the 
 questors this letter : 
 
 " GENTLEMEN : The Master of Ceremonies on duty 
 has the honor of informing you that Saturday next, 
 January 1, at midday, His Majesty the Emperor and 
 King will receive in the Throne Room, in the Palace 
 of the Tuileries, the congratulations of the Legisla- 
 tive Body. Full dress will be worn. After this 
 audience the Legislative Body will betake itself to 
 the Diana Gallery to meet Her Majesty the Empress 
 as she passes through, and to pay their respects to 
 her." 
 
XIX. 
 
 THE BEGINNING OF 1814. 
 
 THE Moniteur of January 2, 1814, contained the 
 following lines: "To-day, January 1, before 
 mass, the Emperor being in the Throne Room,, the 
 Master of Ceremonies on duty, assuming the func- 
 tions of the Grand Master of Ceremonies, after receiv- 
 ing His Majesty's commands, introduced the Senate, 
 the Council of State, the Legislative Body, the Court 
 of Cassation, and the Municipal Council of Paris. 
 These different bodies were led by a Master of 
 Ceremonies and an aide, and were presented to His 
 Majesty : the Senate and the Legislative Body by the 
 Prince Vice-Grand Elector; the Court of Cassation 
 and the Municipal Council -of Paris by the Prince 
 Archchancellor of the Empire. On leaving the 
 Throne Room, these bodies went to the Diana Gal- 
 lery, to form in line for the Empress to pass through, 
 and to present their respects to Her Majesty." 
 
 The Moniteur made no mention of the address, at 
 
 once familiar and alarming, with which the Emperor 
 
 had received them. " What do you want ? " he burst 
 
 forth, assuming a fury which, in fact, he did not feel, 
 
 284 
 
THE BEGINNING OF 1814. 285 
 
 for he was perfectly master of himself. " What do 
 you want? To take possession of the power? But 
 what would you do with it? What one of you could 
 exercise it? Have you forgotten the Constituent 
 Assembly, the Legislative Assembly, the Conven- 
 tion? Should you be any more fortunate than they? 
 Would not all of you perish on the scaffold like 
 Guadet, Vergniaud, Dan ton? And besides, what 
 does France need at this moment? Not an Assem- 
 bly, not orators, but a general. Is there one among 
 you ? And then where is your commission ? France 
 knows me. Does it know you ? . . . The throne is 
 not merely a combination of four pieces of gilded 
 wood, covered with velvet. The throne is a man, 
 and I am that man, with my will, my character, and 
 my renown. . . . You wanted to throw mud in my 
 face. I am, you must know, a man who may be 
 killed, but who cannot be insulted. . . . Besides, I 
 don't defy you all. Eleven-twelfths of you are good 
 men; but they let themselves be led by mischief- 
 makers. Go back to your departments , tell France 
 that, whatever may be said, it is against her that 
 war is made as much as against me, and that she 
 must defend, not my person, but her own national 
 existence." 
 
 When he had returned to his apartments the Em- 
 peror summoned the Archchancellor Cambace*res, the 
 Duke of Bassano, and the Duke of Rovigo. The last- 
 named says in his Memoirs : " He was not at all 
 angry with the Legislative Body ; he only complained 
 
286 MAEIE LOUISE. 
 
 in a general way that it was impossible to form an 
 Assembly which should proceed freely in the same 
 direction as the government which it always looked 
 on as an enemy ; and he pointed out that it was while 
 showing the best intentions that King Louis XVI. 
 had been gradually led to the scaffold." 
 
 At heart the Emperor was rather saddened than 
 enraged. " I need two months," he said ; " if I had had 
 them, the enemy would not have crossed the Rhine. 
 This may become serious, but I can do nothing about 
 it alone. If I receive no help, I shall succumb. Then 
 they will see whether it is with me that they are 
 angry." When the Senators who were sent to the 
 various provinces as extraordinary commissioners, to 
 arouse the zeal and enthusiasm of the populace, came 
 to take leave of him, he spoke to them with touching 
 pathos, laying aside his pride to confess his faults at 
 last. " I have been too fond of war," Louis XIV. 
 had said on his deathbed. "I have made war too 
 much," said Napoleon. " I had formed vast projects ; 
 I wished to secure for France the control of the world. 
 I was mistaken; these projects were not in propor- 
 tion to the numerical strength of the population. I 
 must expiate the mistake of relying too much on my 
 good-fortune, and I shall expiate it. I shall make 
 peace, such as the circumstances command, and this 
 peace will not be mortifying for me. I, who made 
 the mistake, must suffer, and not France. She has 
 made no blunders ; she has lavished her blood for 
 me ; she has refused me no sacrifice. Let her then 
 
THfi BEGINNING OF IS 14. 287 
 
 have all the glory of my undertakings ! I leave it to 
 her. As for me, I reserve for myself the honor of 
 showing a difficult courage, that of renouncing the 
 greatest ambition in the world." 
 
 It is easy to understand what a man like Napoleon 
 must have suffered in making such avowals, which, 
 it should be said, were not made public. At the 
 Tuileries, etiquette went on as smoothly as ever ; but 
 to those who examined it closely, it was evident that 
 the machinery was only moving by the momentum 
 it had acquired. Like France, the court was over- 
 whelmed by a lassitude, both moral and physical. 
 Enthusiasm was dead, except in the soul of some 
 brave veterans and fiery youths who deserved to 
 fight under better conditions. In vain was the at- 
 tempt made to rekindle the sacred fire, by recalling 
 the enthusiasm of 1792, by reviving patriotic songs, 
 and by having played on the organs in the streets the 
 air of the Marseillaise, to which had been adapted 
 words in honor of Napoleon. But as Count Miot de 
 M elite says : " The grand ideas of liberty and equality 
 which had moved the body of the nation were extinct. 
 The affection for the throne, the love of the sovereign 
 which previously filled their place, did not exist in 
 behalf of a recent dynasty. The government alone 
 spoke, and there was no response. Languor per- 
 vaded every heart; the conscription had exhausted 
 the strength of the nation. What could be done with 
 such elements? Even those who employed them 
 knew the general powerlessness, and the officials sent 
 
288 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 into the departments could not inspire a confidence 
 which they did not feel themselves. The army alone 
 remained devoted and faithful to its leader ; its 
 defeats had not affected its affection ; but the gen- 
 erals began to make claims, and to manifest discon- 
 tent." 
 
 Napoleon distrusted his brothers, his Ministers, his 
 generals. He had a foreboding of speedy defections. 
 Death on the field of battle did not seem to him the 
 worst solution. What he most feared was the humil- 
 iation of France. The thought that he might leave it 
 smaller than he had received it from the hands of the 
 Directory troubled him like a horrible nightmare. He 
 could not think of it for fear that he might go mad with 
 shame and grief. He suffered cruelly ; but, respect- 
 ing his young wife's peace of mind, he kept from her 
 all his mental anguish. He avoided speaking to her 
 about the Emperor Francis and Austria. In her pres- 
 ence, he was calm and majestic, as in the days of his 
 supremacy. He even tried to be gentler, more atten- 
 tive than usual. He regarded it as a point of honor 
 to lose no jot of his coolness and dignity. As Count 
 Mollien, Minister of the Treasury in 1814, remarked, 
 he alone did not change when everything about him 
 changed ; amid the many ruins which foretold his own, 
 he continued impassible, trying to impress others with 
 the confidence which he endeavored to assume him- 
 self. He let no one suspect that one day he might 
 be abandoned by his wife. He liked to have others 
 believe, and possibly to believe himself, that she 
 
THE BEGINNING OF 1814. 289 
 
 would always be a model of virtue and fidelity. 
 He proceeded without the slightest hesitation to in- 
 vest her with the duties of Regent. Regarding her 
 as forever a Frenchwoman, he preferred her to his 
 own brothers, and treated her as if there had been 
 no change in the Austrian policy. 
 
 For her part, it never occurred to Marie Louise to 
 distinguish between her cause and her husband's. 
 She was, we are sure, determined to perform all her 
 duties as Empress, wife, mother, and to observe most 
 scrupulously the oath which she was about to take 
 as Regent to the Empire. She was told, besides, 
 that the Duke of Vicenza was resuming diplomatic 
 negotiations with the allies ; that the Napoleonic 
 dynasty was immovable ; that France would certainly 
 preserve its natural frontiers ; and that a reconcilia- 
 tion between her father and her husband was immi- 
 nent. This hope was her consolation. 
 
 Marie Louise had written an affectionate and 
 respectful letter to the Emperor Francis, to send him 
 her good wishes for the new year; to which he at 
 once sent the following answer : 
 
 " December 26, 1818. DEAR LOUISE : I received 
 yesterday your letter of December 12, and I am glad 
 to hear that you are well. I thank you for your 
 kind wishes for the new year ; they are very precious 
 to me, because I know you. I send you mine witli 
 all my heart. As to peace, be sure that I desire it 
 no less than you do, than France does, and, I hope, 
 than your husband does. In peace alone can 
 
290 MARIE LOUTM. 
 
 ness and security be found. My views are moderate. 
 I desire everything that can make peace lasting ; but 
 in this world wishes are not enough. I have solemn 
 duties to perform with respect to my allies, and 
 unfortunately, the question of the future and, I hope, 
 speedy peace, is very complicated. Your country has 
 turned all ideas upside down. In approaching this 
 question, it is necessary to face just complaints or 
 prejudices. Still this is no less the most ardent desire 
 of my heart, and I trust that soon we shall be able 
 to reconcile our nations. In England there is no ill 
 will, but great preparations are making. Necessarily 
 this causes some delay until things get fairly under 
 way; then, please God, all will go smoothly. The 
 news you send me of your son gives me great 
 pleasure. Your brothers and sisters were, at last 
 accounts, very well, and so was my wife. I, too, am 
 in good health. Believe me as ever your loving 
 father, FRANCIS." 
 
 At the beginning of 1814 Marie Louise, who heard 
 much more talk about armaments than about nego- 
 tiations for peace, wrote to her father a letter which 
 contained this sentence, full of alarm : " Since your 
 troops are at the French frontier, the whole nation 
 is arming. I am afraid that the Emperor will leave 
 soon for the army, and will leave me in the middle of 
 this city, which is preparing for the combat." Far 
 from her husband, the young Empress was to feel 
 lonely and anxious. Her principal counsellor was 
 to be Joseph, whom she scarcely knew, and who, in 
 
THE JiEGTXNTyG OF 18U h 291 
 
 deep distress at losing the Spanish crown, had only 
 within a few days recovered Napoleon's good graces. 
 
 At the end of 1813 Napoleon was on bad terms 
 with his four brothers. His quarrel with Lucien 
 still continued. He forbade Jerome to come to 
 Paris, and the unhappy monarch, inconsolable for 
 the loss of his Westphalian kingdom, was wandering 
 with his shadow of a court, from Coblentz to Cologne, 
 from Cologne to Aix-la-Chapelle. Louis's heart was 
 full of bitterness, and though he submitted, it was 
 only conditionally. "So long as Holland is occu- 
 pied by the enemy," he wrote to Caulaincourt, " I do 
 not claim the title of king, and it is a matter of 
 indifference to me whether I am given another. I 
 come simply as a Frenchman to share the dangers of 
 the moment, and to be as useful as I can. If Hol- 
 land falls again into the Emperor's power, and he 
 does not restore it to me, my conscience as King 
 would prevent my remaining in France, and I should 
 again depart. If, on the other hand, at the peace, 
 Holland should be ceded to any other monarch than 
 the Emperor, and my abdication were necessary for 
 sanctioning the treaty, I should not refuse it." 
 
 As for Joseph, he looked upon himself as a victim ; 
 and at the end of 1813 he was still denouncing 
 Napoleon from his castle of Morfontaine, where he 
 lived surrounded by a little court which Count Miot 
 de Me'lito thus describes : " The assemblage of per- 
 sons at Morfontaine presented a curious sight. 
 There was to be seen a King of Spain without an 
 
292 MAKIE LOUISE. 
 
 inch of territory in that country j-a wife of a French 
 general who had been raised to the rank of Prince 
 and had become our mortal enemy ; a Princess, the 
 daughter of the King of Wiirtemberg, who had been 
 given in marriage to a brother of Napoleon, and who 
 was to join a league formed to overthrow the Em- 
 peror's power ; Spanish, German, and French courtiers, 
 who had no more court to pay ; and to crown all, the 
 Patriarch of the Indies, Grand Inquisitor of Spain, 
 said mass to us from time to time. Hunting, fishing, 
 picnics, meals, the card table, brought together the 
 crowd who were surprised to find themselves together. 
 We were all simply amusing ourselves until the tem- 
 pest that was roaring at a distance should break upon 
 us and scatter us." 
 
 To Joseph's great despair, Napoleon, who saw at 
 last that his brother's cause in Spain was absolutely 
 desperate, had secretly negotiated with Ferdinand 
 VII., who was still a prisoner in the Castle of 
 Valengay. Then a treaty had been drawn up, 
 December 11, 1813, containing the following condi- 
 tions: The restoration of Ferdinand VII. to the 
 throne, the return of the French garrisons, the with- 
 drawal of the Spanish and English armies beyond 
 the Pyrenees, and a general amnesty. If this treaty 
 had been signed a few weeks earlier, it would have 
 saved the Empire, by adding to Napoleon's army all 
 the French troops in Spain. But it was too late. 
 The Spanish Regency threw delays in the way of the 
 recognition of the treaty, and Wellington continued 
 his march. 
 
THE BEGINNING OF 1814. 293 
 
 When Joseph heard that the treaty of Valengay 
 had been signed, he was profoundly mortified. He 
 regarded himself as tricked, insulted, betrayed by his 
 brother ; and no sovereign by divine right was ever 
 more furious at the loss of his crown. The King of 
 Spain, after he was dispossessed, imagined that he 
 could obtain another kingdom, as if Napoleon still 
 had thrones at his disposition. A long and painful 
 negotiation was to ensue between the two brothers 
 before Joseph could resign himself to being simply 
 a French Prince, still bearing the title of King. 
 December 29, 1813, he wrote to the Emperor: 
 
 " SIRE : The violation of Swiss territory has opened 
 France to the enemy. In such circumstances I desire 
 that Your Majesty should be convinced that my 
 heart is wholly French. Having been brought back 
 to France by events, I should be happy to be of any 
 use to you, and am ready to undertake anything to 
 attest my devotion. I also know, Sire, what I owe 
 to Spain ; I see my duty, and I desire to do it thor- 
 oughly. As to my rights I am anxious only to sacri- 
 fice them in behalf of the general good of humanity, 
 happy if, by this sacrifice, I may be able to contribute 
 to the pacification of Europe. I hope that Your 
 Majesty will consent to appoint one of his Ministers 
 to come to an understanding on this subject with the 
 Duke of Santa FG*, my Minister of Foreign Affairs." 
 
 The Emperor replied : 
 
 " MY BROTHER : I have received your letter of 
 December 29. It contains too much wit for the posi- 
 
294 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 tioii in which I am placed. In two words the case 
 stands thus : France is invaded, all Europe is in arms 
 against France, and especially against me. You are 
 no longer King of Spain. I do not desire Spain for 
 myself, and I am not desirous of disposing of it; I 
 do not care to interfere any further with the affairs 
 of that country than to live in peace with it and to 
 be able to make use of my army. What do you mean 
 to do ? Do you desire to side with the throne like a 
 French Prince ? You have my friendship, your suite, 
 and will be my subject, as a Prince of the blood. 
 Then you must, like me, announce your position ; you 
 must write me a plain letter which I can have printed, 
 receive all the authorities, and show yourself zealous 
 for me and for the King of Rome, and favorable to 
 the Regency of the Empress. Do you not find that 
 possible ? Have you not enough good sense for that ? 
 If not, you must withdraw to a distance of forty 
 leagues from Paris to some obscure provincial castle. 
 There you will live quietly if I live ; you will be killed 
 or arrested if I die. You will be of no use to me, to 
 the family, to your daughters, to France ; but you 
 will not be dangerous to me, and will not annoy me. 
 Choose promptly, and decide." 
 
 Joseph had to submit, and this he did. January 7, 
 1814, he wrote to his brother : 
 
 "SiKE: I have received Your Majesty's letter. 
 You speak to me of friendship, and I confess that I 
 had not expected this. I respect Your Majesty too 
 highly, and I set too much store by your friendship, 
 
THE BEGINNING OF 1814. 295 
 
 not to accept it as heartily as before. The first proof 
 of it that Your Majesty can give me is to appoint M. 
 de Santa FC*, or any one else, to superintend the dis- 
 tribution of aid to the excellent families that have 
 followed me from Spain. The second is to approve 
 my retaining the Spanish and French officers whom, 
 after their showing me such remarkable devotion, I 
 cannot abandon without becoming the most ungrate- 
 ful and neglectful of men." 
 
 The reconciliation between the two brothers was 
 complete. January 10, 1814, Napoleon sent this 
 letter to Joseph: 
 
 " MY BROTHER : I have it published in an order of 
 the palace, that henceforth you are to be announced 
 as King Joseph, and the Queen as Queen Julia, with 
 the honors and formalities employed for French 
 Princes. ... I authorize you to wear the uniform 
 of the grenadiers of my Guard, such as I wear my- 
 self. I think it would be well for you not to wear 
 any foreign orders, but simply a French decoration. 
 Send me a list of the persons you would like to have 
 form your household, as well as the Queen's house- 
 hold, and tell me what day you would like to receive 
 the court and the authorities." 
 
 King Joseph established himself at the Luxem- 
 bourg. The palace resumed the appearance it had 
 worn eight years before, when Joseph lived in it as 
 a French Prince and Grand Elector. January 16, 
 1814, the Senators and high officers of the Empire 
 called upon him there to pay their formal respects. 
 
296 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 At the very moment when Napoleon was becoming 
 reconciled with King Joseph, he heard of the defec- 
 tion of King Murat. Curiously enough, there were 
 at that time two Queens of the Two Sicilies, one by 
 divine right, the other by right of Napoleon's con- 
 quests ; both were named Caroline. One was a sister 
 of Marie Antoinette, the other the sister of the Em- 
 peror Napoleon. Well, of these two Queens, the 
 one of whom the Emperor had reason to approve 
 was the sister of Marie Antoinette. While Caroline, 
 Murat's wife, was already thinking of siding with 
 Austria, against her own brother, the other Caroline 
 took pains to send Napoleon word in good season. 
 June 8, 1813, the Count of Narbonne, the French 
 Ambassador at Vienna, had written to the Duke of 
 Bassano, at that time Minister of Foreign Affairs : 
 " I must inform you of the arrival of an agent of the 
 former Queen of Naples, the mother-in-law of the 
 Emperor of Austria. He has orders to come to an 
 understanding with the French Ambassador, and is 
 to give me a memorandum of everything that he has 
 seen, of everything with which he is charged. . . . 
 This man, who brings, as it were, credentials from 
 the Queen, talks of nothing but the hate of the Eng- 
 lish in Sicily and Malta, of the ways of driving them 
 out, and forces me, by everything that he says, to 
 recall to your attention what I had the honor of lay- 
 ing before you with regard to Prince Cariati." This 
 Prince was aide-de-camp of King Murat; he had 
 aroused the suspicions of the Count of Narbonne, 
 
THE BEGINNING OF 1814. 297 
 
 who wrote about him thus : " Prince Cariati, who has 
 come here under the pretext of buying horses, holds 
 himself aloof from me more and more every day, and 
 lives on most friendly terms with our enemies. Of 
 whom, of what is he the agent?" So it was a Prin- 
 cess of Bourbon, a Hapsburg by birth, who tried to 
 open Napoleon's eyes to the approaching defection of 
 the husband of a Princess Bonaparte ! And it was 
 this same sister of Queen Marie Antoinette who was 
 soon to reproach the Empress Marie Louise with 
 having abandoned the Emperor in his misfortune ! 
 That was certainly one of the strangest occurrences 
 in a period fertile in contrasts and all sorts of sur- 
 prises. 
 
 The anticipations of the sister of Marie Antoinette 
 were soon verified. King Joseph wrote, January 14, 
 1813, to his brother-in-law, King Murat : " I have just 
 had a long interview with the Emperor, and I am 
 convinced that he is sincerely desirous of peace. If 
 you can contribute to that in any way, it will only 
 be by siding as your heart and your duties direct, 
 with the party that sincerely desires peace. You 
 cannot forget that your political duty is to-day in 
 harmony with the demands of honor, which require 
 you to make every effort to procure peace for France 
 that she may consolidate the present political institu- 
 tions. I do not think I am wrong in thus stating to 
 you my opinion. I am convinced that the misfor- 
 tunes of France will sooner or later bring about your 
 own. A prompt peace will save everything; you 
 
298 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 ought then to aid it in every way, and to be sure that 
 this peace will be of more service to you than any- 
 thing which the allies may now promise you. Their 
 promises are evidently fallacious ; the day when you 
 shall give yourself up to them will have no morrow 
 for you, because then they will have no interest in 
 sparing you, and they will covet for themselves or for 
 their families the possession of the most beautiful 
 country in Europe. Your existence, my dear brother, 
 is certainly bound up with the Imperial dynasty of 
 France. If the Bourbons could reappear in France, 
 do you think that you would long retain Naples? 
 However, fortune has changed, and the allies are now 
 the stronger ; but if all the Princes of the Emperor's 
 family, if all Frenchmen follow my example, the 
 balance will soon be restored, peace will be made, and 
 the different States consolidated. This requires that 
 you reject every other feeling, and that you throw 
 yourself, with the noble enthusiasm for the right that 
 distinguishes you, on the side of duty, of honor." 
 
 Alas ! why did not Murat, the champion of the 
 Revolution, the first cavalry officer in Europe, the 
 embodiment of bravery, the hero of legend, listen to 
 the patriotic advice of Joseph? He might have 
 united his forces with those of Prince Eugene and 
 have attacked the invasion in the rear ; he would have 
 saved the Empire and France ; he would have died 
 on the throne, covered with glory, instead of being 
 shot ! But what did he do ? He joined with Aus- 
 tria, and declared war against France ; he invaded the 
 
THE BEGINNING OF 1814. 299 
 
 Roman States which then formed a French depart- 
 ment, the Department of the Tiber, and became one 
 of the principal members of the coalition. 
 
 On hearing this Napoleon sent Monseigneur de 
 Beaumont, the Archbishop of Bourges, to Fontaine- 
 bleau, bearing this letter to the Pope : 
 
 " VEKY HOLY FATHEK : I turn to Your Holiness 
 to inform you that inasmuch as the King of Naples 
 has formed an alliance with the coalition, of which 
 one object seems to be the eventual reunion of Rome 
 wiih its States, His Majesty the Emperor and King 
 has judged it in conformity with the true policy of 
 his Empire and the interests of the Roman people to 
 restore the Roman States to Your Holiness. He pre- 
 fers seeing them in your hands to seeing them in the 
 hands of any other Sovereign whatsoever. Conse- 
 quently, I am authorized to sign a treaty re-establishing 
 peace between the Emperor and the Pope. The tem- 
 poral power of Your Holiness will be recognized, and 
 the Roman States, so far as they have been added to 
 the French Empire, will be restored, together with 
 the fortresses, to the hands of Your Holiness,, or of 
 his agents ; this Convention will relate only to tem- 
 poral matters and to the Pope as Sovereign of Rome." 
 This letter was given to the Pope January 20,, 1814.. 
 
 Count d'Haussonville, in his fine and dignified 
 studies on the Church of Rome and the First Empire, 
 has observed : "Strangely enough it was the Emperor 
 who voluntarily offered the Pope, not merely liberty, 
 not merely the restoration of part of his States, but 
 
300 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 the complete re-establishment of his temporal sover- 
 eignty as it had existed before all the wars, which, 
 ever since the Revolution, had changed the whole 
 face of Europe. Stranger still, by a curious exchange 
 of positions, which almost seemed like a punish- 
 ment, it was now Napoleon, who after violently 
 wringing from the Pope so many sacrifices, was re- 
 duced to wondering whether the Pope would receive 
 this present from his hand. He was justified in his 
 doubts, for Pius VII. refused it." 
 
 The Holy Father received M. de Beaumont with 
 his usual kindliness, but told him that he could not 
 enter into any negotiations, because the restoration 
 of his States, being a mere act of justice, could not 
 become the subject of any treaty, and that besides, 
 whatever he should do outside of his own States 
 would seem the result of violence, and would be an 
 occasion for offence for the Catholic world. "All 
 that I ask," he went on, " is to return to Rome as 
 soon as possible. I have need of nothing, and Prov- 
 idence alone will lead me back. It is possible that 
 my sins make me unworthy of seeing Rome again, 
 but you may be sure that my successors will recover 
 all the States that belong to them." 
 
 What had been the upshot of the conqueror's at- 
 tempts on the Eternal City ? He had succeeded no 
 better in Rome than in Spain. This hardy gamester, 
 who had been so successful at the beginning of his 
 career, failed at every point the moment that his luck 
 left him. The construction that he had reared at 
 
TLLE BEGINNING OF 1814. 301 
 
 the cost of so much blood fell like card-houses. The 
 earth crumbled before him. Betrayed by fortune, 
 suspicious of his own family, regretting the short- 
 lived crowns he had given to his brothers and his 
 brother-in-law, perceiving only too late that the main 
 cause of his disasters was that he had set a fruitless 
 family ambition above the great principle of nation- 
 ality, Napoleon, dissatisfied with himself and with 
 others, did not like to see his brothers dethroned ; 
 they were a living reproach to him. This principle 
 of nationality, the programme of which he announced 
 only at Saint Helena the application of which, tim- 
 idly and incompletely tried by his successor, was to 
 be so fatal to France the principle which he had 
 failed to recognize throughout his reign, in Holland, 
 Germany, Spain, and Italy, created against the win- 
 ner of countless battles a coalition of peoples far 
 more to be feared than a coalition of kings. 
 
 Ferdinand VII. was to leave Valenay too late, and 
 Pius VII., Fontainebleau too late. If the Holy 
 Father had been restored to his temporal sovereignty 
 a few weeks earlier, he would have prevented Murat's 
 invasion of the Roman States, he would have pre- 
 vented the defection which that brave monarch, 
 when he returned in the following year to a feeling 
 of his duties towards France and the Emperor, was 
 to atone for most heroically. 
 
 Napoleon, when he was about to take an eternal 
 farewell of his wife and son, was overwhelmed with 
 the gloomiest thoughts. To whatever side he turned 
 
302 
 
 his eyes, he saw on the horizon nothing but clouds as 
 black as night, or red as blood. About his tottering 
 throne he perceived an air rank with a fatal taint of 
 decay and treachery. Doubtful of everything, no 
 longer forming illusions, he vowed to throw the final 
 cast, to conquer or die ; but Providence was not to 
 cqaaent, and he would have smiled pitifully if any 
 ne had predicted to him that he would survive the 
 and humiliations concealed in the imme- 
 It was through his pride that the great 
 manrrrad sinned, and it was in his pride that he was 
 to be punished. 
 
XX. 
 
 MARIE LOUISE'S FAREWELL. 
 
 WHEN Napoleon was on the point of setting 
 out for the war, he consoled himself for all 
 his cares and sorrows with seeing his son. But this 
 sight brought anguish as well as comfort. What 
 future did Providence reserve for the boy ? Would 
 he be Emperor or an exile? Would his first steps 
 be guided by his father, or would he become a 
 prisoner of the foreigners? Would he wield the 
 sceptre of the new Charlemagne, or suffer the fate of 
 Astyanax ? It was a cruel uncertainty, an enigma of 
 fate ! Then the conqueror, knowing by experience 
 what a father's love is, possibly repented the barren 
 sacrifice of so many young men upon the battlefield. 
 Then he was moved by a retrospective pity, and the 
 voice of humanity made him quiver. His own suf- 
 fering taught him what others had suffered, and 
 reminded him of the anguish he had brought on 
 other parents, who had known the torture of surviv- 
 ing their children. He no longer loved war, which 
 before had been the object of his ardent passion. 
 Instead of preparing new slaughter, he would have 
 
 303 
 
304 MAEIE LOUISE. 
 
 preferred to dry the tears and to heal the wounds, 
 making himself loved and blessed. But it was too 
 late. The untiring warrior became peaceable when 
 peace was no longer possible. There was no other 
 solution than bloodshed, and always more bloodshed. 
 He who had taken the sword was to perish by the 
 sword. Meanwhile his eyes, still full of gloomy 
 visions, which had gazed on burning Moscow, on the 
 snowfields of Russia, the struggle on the Elster bridge, 
 were resting gently on the fair head of the boy who 
 looked like an angel. His ears, so long fatigued by 
 the roar of shells and muskets, now found delight in 
 listening to the first stammering words of infancy. 
 He, sated with glory, tired of all the grandeur and 
 the misery of the world, sick of the smell of incense, 
 already suspected that after all their adulation, his 
 courtiers would hurl mud in his face, and depressed 
 by all this ingratitude, apostasy, and treachery, he 
 became disgusted with human nature, and found his 
 only pleasure in the contemplation of innocence. 
 
 The King of Rome was nearly three years old. His 
 charming disposition and his precocious intelligence 
 were much admired. Madame de Montesquiou, his 
 governess, said that he was " proud and sensitive." 
 "Proud and sensitive," repeated Napoleon; "that 
 is very well. That is the way .1 like to have him." 
 Amid the numberless cares besieging him during the 
 troubled days preceding the fatal campaign of 1814, 
 the Emperor, in spite of the manifold afflictions that 
 tormented him, found time to play with his son. 
 
MAIUE LOUISE'S FAREWELL. 305 
 
 M. de Me*neval says : " Whether he was busy reading 
 an important report, or was sitting at his desk, which 
 was hollowed in the middle, with two shelves, like 
 wings, on the sides, and was always covered deep 
 with papers, when he was signing a despatch, every 
 word of which had to be weighed, his son, seated on 
 his knees or held against his breast, never left him. 
 Being endowed with a wonderful power of concen- 
 trating his attention, he knew how to give his atten- 
 tion to the most serious matters while humoring his 
 son's whims. Sometimes he would lay aside his 
 great thoughts and lie down on the floor by the side 
 of his son, playing with him like another child, eager 
 to amuse him and to spare him every annoyance."- 
 
 Napoleon never grew tired of looking at the little 
 King of Rome. A vague foreboding warned him 
 that he had not long to see him, and he was softened, 
 and he wished to inspire others with his own feel- 
 ings ; he hoped that the appeals of his paternal heart 
 would find echoes in others' hearts. Sunday, Janu- 
 ary 24, 1814, he assembled at the Tuileries, in the 
 Hall of the Marshals, the officers of the National 
 Guard which was to defend Paris, and prepared one 
 of those moving, pathetic, as well as somewhat 
 theatrical scenes, of which he possessed the secret ; 
 for no man in the world understood better how to 
 strike the imagination and to place himself majes- 
 tically before, not merely his contemporaries, but also 
 posterity. 
 
 The officers of the National Guard, to the number 
 
306 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 of seven or eight hundred, all in uniform, formed in 
 a circle around the Hall of the Marshals. At noon 
 the Emperor passed through this hall on his way to 
 the chapel, according to his habit on Sundays, and 
 he was warmly greeted. He did not stop, but pushed 
 011 to the mass. That over, he returned, and took up 
 his place in the middle of the hall where the officers 
 of the twelve legions of the National Guard of Paris 
 had remained. A few moments later, the Empress 
 appeared accompanied by Madame de Montesquiou, 
 who held the King of Rome in her arms. No one 
 expected this ; and the reason of this sudden entrance 
 was unknown to all. Napoleon had the little King 
 put down ; then, holding him by one hand while his 
 mother held him by the other, he made his way to 
 the midst of the group of officers of the National 
 Guard who lined the Hall of the Marshals ; then, 
 with a warmth and an emotion which deeply moved 
 his hearers, he uttered these solemn words : " Officers 
 of the National Guard, I am glad to see you gath- 
 ered about me. I am starting to take my place at 
 the head of my army. As I leave the capital I 
 confide to your protection my wife and my son on 
 whom so many hopes rest. I owed you this proof of 
 my confidence in return for all those that you have 
 never ceased to give me at the most important 
 moments of my career. I shall leave without anx- 
 iety, since they will be under your faithful guard. 
 I leave in your care what is, next to France, the 
 dearest thing I have in the world. It may happen 
 
MARIE LOUISE'S FAREWELL. 307 
 
 that during the coming campaign the enemy may 
 find an opportunity to approach your walls. If this 
 takes place, remember it can be an affair of no more 
 than a few days, and that I shall soon come to your aid. 
 I beg of you to remain united and to withstand all 
 attempts to divide you. Every means will be em- 
 ployed to detach you from the faithful performance 
 of your duties ; but I count on your rejection of these 
 perfidious temptations." Then Napoleon stopped for 
 a moment ; he fixed his eyes on Marie Louise and on 
 the King of Rome whom the Empress had taken in 
 her arms and showing the Assembly the child whose 
 expressive face seemed to correspond with the solem- 
 nity of the occasion, he exclaimed, with a voice full 
 of emotion, " I entrust her to you, gentlemen ; I 
 entrust her to the affection of my faithful city of 
 Paris." 
 
 At these words their enthusiasm reached its height ; 
 tears filled every eye. In the hall there was not a 
 single man who did not seem ready to shed the last 
 drop of his blood in behalf of the Imperial family. 
 
 The very men who, the evening before, had been 
 harshly criticising the Emperor, forgot their griefs in 
 a moment. They condemned the monarch ; they had 
 pity for the father. What he had lost as Emperor 
 he regained as a man. Politics gave way to humanity. 
 Marie Louise, generally cold and self-possessed, was 
 overcome by the general emotion and nearly fainted. 
 This foreigner was for a moment the living image, 
 the symbol of France harassed and distressed. Napo- 
 
308 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 leon, seeing that he was still loved and admired, had 
 a momentary return of confidence in himself and his 
 star. He fancied himself capable of wonders, as in 
 the heroic days of his marvellous career. His genius 
 arose to its full height. He dreamed of a brilliant 
 revenge, of ovations, and of a real apotheosis. He 
 promised himself a return under triumphal arches. 
 
 The Emperor received the high officials after the 
 officers of the National Guard. " What struck me 
 most," says Count Miot de M elite, " was the language 
 of the Senators. Never had they been more obse- 
 quious. Among others M. de Laplace, who came 
 up to me, spoke of the state of affairs with such 
 keen interest, of his devotion to the Emperor, and of 
 his confidence in him with such deep emotion, and 
 especially of the current rumor of the proclamation 
 at Bordeaux in favor of the Bourbons with such 
 indignation, that I might have thought that the 
 former royal dynasty had no greater enemy, and our 
 Emperor no greater friend than he. Could I indeed 
 have ever supposed from his language that, as has 
 since been affirmed, he had never ceased to love the 
 Bourbons in his heart ! " 
 
 Miot de Melito said, speaking of this same recep- 
 tion, January 23, 1814 : " The Emperor received the 
 officials, to whom he uttered assurances of devotion 
 which were soon contradicted. But it was his fate 
 to nourish illusions up to the last, and to take for 
 sincere protestations of loyalty what were really arti- 
 ficial utterances begotten by long practice in servility. 
 
MARIE LOUISE'S FAREWELL. 309 
 
 As for me, I soon discerned, in all I saw and heard, 
 the change that had taken place in this court, at once 
 so magnificent and so humble. I recalled the bril- 
 liant days after the birth of the King of Rome, and 
 compared them with those I was witnessing. Where 
 was the herd of Ambassadors from every nation, the 
 Princes, the Kings, the courtiers, who, in other and 
 different days, crowded this place, and saluted the 
 throne, now so insecure? All that pomp had van- 
 ished. Of the crowd of foreigners there remained 
 only a few Senators, a handful of German or Italian 
 Council] ors of State, summoned from the departments 
 annexed to France." 
 
 Touching as was the scene of the morning, that 
 of the evening was profoundly gloomy. Count Mol- 
 lien, Minister of the Treasury, thus describes it: 
 " When the Empress had gone away, the Emperor 
 detained the Ministers, to whom, he said, he wished 
 to announce his final preparations. His first words, 
 in fact, had all the solemnity of the reading of a 
 will ; but after he had spoken briefly of the insuffi- 
 ciency of the means at his disposal, in spite of the 
 exertions of his Ministers, to whom he rendered per^ 
 feet justice, his eye, as if falling by chance on those 
 present, lighted up, and as if suddenly inspired, he 
 added that he knew very well that he was leaving in 
 Paris other enemies than those with whom he was 
 going to fight, and that his absence left the field free 
 for them. These insinuations were veiled, but there 
 was no possibility of mistaking them. He grew 
 
310 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 more violent when he noticed that this official coolly 
 continued his conversation with King Joseph in a 
 corner of the room. Count Mollien then spoke to 
 the Emperor of the financial condition, and proposed 
 measures to prevent an absolute deficit. 'My dear 
 man,' said Napoleon, ' if the enemy reaches the gates 
 of Paris, the Empire will have ceased to exist.' " 
 
 The same day, Sunday, January 23, 1814, Pope 
 Pius VII. left Fontainebleau. He had refused to 
 treat with Napoleon, but he had said to the prelate 
 charged with proposing the arrangement to him : 
 " Assure the Emperor that I am not his enemy. I 
 love France, and when I get to Rome, you will see 
 that I shall do everything that is proper." Since 
 Cossack bands had already appeared in the neighbor- 
 hood of Montereau, Napoleon did not care to leave 
 his venerable adversary within reach of a sudden 
 attack. But, instead of letting him depart alone and 
 free, he had entrusted him to the care of Lagorse, the 
 commander of the gens d'armes, who, while seeming 
 to carry him back to Rome, was really charged with 
 leading him slowly, by a devious route, to Savona, 
 where a credit had already been deposited with the 
 Receiver General of the Department of Montenotte, 
 providing twelve thousand francs a month for the 
 support of the Pope. 
 
 The Pope was then still a prisoner. As M. Veuil- 
 lot has said : " It was well that the Roman pontiff, 
 timid and captive, should nevertheless appear before 
 the eyes of the whole world as the only sovereign 
 
MARIE LOUISE'S FAREWELL. 311 
 
 whom Napoleon could not force to abandon his duty. 
 When England invented so many lies and purchased 
 so much treachery, when haughty Austria gave the 
 hand of an Archduchess to the divorced husband of 
 Josephine, this dethroned monarch, this poor priest, 
 gazing at his crucifix, after listening to the Imperial 
 messages of human omnipotence, replied, ' No ; I will 
 not give up my conscience to recover my crown ! 
 Non possumus.' The world had need of this lesson, 
 at once haughty and humble." 
 
 At the moment of leaving Fontainebleau, Pius VII., 
 who had just heard mass, summoned all the Cardinals 
 present in the palace, and spoke to them these words : 
 " On the point of leaving you, without knowing our 
 destination, even without knowing whether we shall 
 have the consolation of seeing you again gathered 
 about us, we have desired to call you together to 
 express our feelings and our intentions. We have 
 the firm conviction and could we think otherwise ? 
 that your conduct, whether you remain together 
 or are again scattered, will conform to your position 
 and your character. Still, we recommend you all, 
 wherever you may be transferred, to act in such a 
 way that your attitude and all your actions shall 
 express the just grief you feel for the sufferings of 
 the church and for the captivity of its head. . . . 
 We expressly recommend to you to close your ears 
 to any proposition relating to a treaty about spiritual 
 and temporal affairs ; for this is our absolute and firm 
 
312 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 wish." The Cardinals were touched, and promised 
 obedience. Then the Holy Father, after a short 
 prayer, went down into the courtyard by the grand 
 staircase, by which Napoleon was to come down a 
 few weeks later to bid his memorable farewell to the 
 Imperial Guard. The venerable old man, calm and 
 serene, quietly entered the carriage which was to 
 carry him to his unknown destination ; and extend- 
 ing his arms through the window, gave a last bless- 
 ing to the few spectators who stood mourning his 
 departure. 
 
 It was when Pius VII. was leaving Fontainebleau 
 that Napoleon was signing the letters patent con- 
 ferring the regency upon the Empress. Marie Louise 
 took her oath before her husband, at a council com- 
 posed of the French Princes, the high officials, and 
 the Ministers. At that time she was determined to 
 remain faithful to this oath as sovereign, wife, and 
 mother. It must be acknowledged that up to the fall 
 of the Empire she did nothing blameworthy, and that, 
 though she left Paris, it was with great regret and 
 in obedience to her husband's formal command. At 
 this time her attitude was absolutely correct, and in 
 none of the contemporary Memoirs do we find a word 
 of criticism of her conduct up to the time of her 
 husband's abdication. 
 
 Later she displayed ingratitude, and a lack of the 
 devotion which her duty required ; but it would be 
 unjust to hold her responsible for the sufferings of 
 
MARIE LOUISE'S FAREWELL. 313 
 
 France. Her leave-taking from the Emperor, which 
 took place at the Tuileries, January 25, 1814, at seven 
 in the morning, was very touching. She wept pro- 
 fusely. Thiers says about this farewell : " Napoleon, 
 when he left, unconscious that he was embracing 
 them for the last time, hugged tenderly his wife and 
 his son. His wife was in tears, and feared she would 
 never see him again. She was in fact fated never 
 to see him, although the enemy's bullets were not 
 to kill him. She would certainly have been much 
 surprised if she had been told that this husband, then 
 the object of all her care, was to die on a distant 
 island, in the middle of the ocean, the prisoner of 
 Europe, and forgotten by her. As for him, no pre- 
 diction would have astonished him, whether the 
 cruelest desertion, the most ardent devotion, for he 
 expected anything from men ; he knew them to the 
 core, though he treated them as if he did not know 
 what they really were." 
 
 Laying aside his sceptre and his gala dress to put 
 on his uniform and his sword, the Emperor became 
 a soldier. As Lamartine said : " The most prejudiced 
 historian finds him great in this final effort to grasp 
 his fleeting fortune. He seemed ten years younger. 
 His soul, which had been benumbed by the throne, 
 triumphed over the languor of his body." The 
 trumpet-call aroused the hero of countless battles. 
 He seemed back in the days of Arcole and Castig- 
 lione. But if he had the genius of that time, he 
 
314 MARIE LOUISE. 
 
 lacked the good fortune. As admirable a tactician 
 in the campaign of 1814 as at any period of his 
 career, he was to accomplish miracles, but fruitless 
 miracles ; and his superhuman efforts proved power- 
 less against implacable fate. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Allies, make overtures of peace to 
 Napoleon, 274; cross the Rhine, 
 280. 
 
 Army, grand, of the Russian inva- 
 sion, its fate, 96; letters from, 99. 
 
 Austria, Empress of, at the head of 
 the party against Napoleon, 152; 
 her hatred of Napoleon and 
 France, 174. 
 
 Austria, war-feeling in, 235; ulti- 
 matum of, 240. 
 
 Bassano, his letter to the Duke of 
 Vicenza respecting Napoleon's in- 
 tention, 236. 
 
 Bavaria, the King of, joins the 
 coalition, 254. 
 
 Bausset, Baron of, brings portrait 
 of the King of Rome to Napoleon, 
 9; quoted, 20. 
 
 Beauharnais, Prince Eugene, his 
 gallantry at the battle of Maro- 
 Jaroslawitz, 50. 
 
 Beaumont, Monseigneur de, sent to 
 Pius VII. with Napoleon's letter, 
 299. 
 
 Beresina, the passage of the, 61. 
 
 Bernadotte at the battle of Leipsic, 
 262. 
 
 Blucher, crosses the Rhine, 280. 
 
 Bonaparte, Jerome, forbidden by 
 Napoleon to come to Paris, 291. 
 
 Bonaparte, Joseph, denounces Na- 
 poleon, 291 ; letter of, to, 293; ac- 
 cepts Napoleon's proposition, 295; 
 urges Murat to side with Napo- 
 leon, 297. 
 
 Bonaparte, Louis, letter of, to Cau- 
 laiucourt, on his kingdom, 291. 
 
 Bonaparte, Lucien, on bad terms 
 
 with Napoleon, 291. 
 Borodino, battle of, 11. 
 Bourbons, the, not considered, 231. 
 
 Cambaceres, Archchancellor, pre- 
 sides at the meetings of the minis- 
 ters, 2 ; made First Counsellor of 
 the Regency, 188 ; proposes in the 
 Senate a draft of two hundred 
 and eighty thousand men, 260. 
 
 Cariati, Prince, an agent of Murat, 
 297. 
 
 Caulaincourt, see Vicenza, Duke 
 of. 
 
 Caroline, Queen of Naples, sends 
 Napoleon word of Murat's defec- 
 tion, 297. 
 
 Cherbourg, the grand basin at, 
 opened by Marie Louise, 249. 
 
 Chateaubriand, sarcastic reference 
 of, to Napoleon's 29th bulletin, 
 80; his comment on the self- 
 effacement of the Senate, 88; 
 quoted, 270. 
 
 Comedie Fran^aise, the actors of, 
 at Dresden, 214. 
 
 Concordat of Fontainebleau, arti- 
 cles of, 116; signed by Pius VII., 
 118. 
 
 Constant, Memoirs of, quoted, 93. 
 
 Daru, Count, advises Napoleon to 
 winter in Moscow, 23. 
 
 Davout, Marshal, illusions of, re- 
 specting the Russian campaign, 
 19, 27; his -unshaken courage, 
 98. 
 
 Duroc, General, death of, 209. 
 
 315 
 
316 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Duruy, M. Albert, his article on 
 Malet's conspiracy, 45, 47. 
 
 Eble', General, saves the army at 
 the passage of the Beresina, 61. 
 
 Esterhazy, Prince, to represent 
 Francis II. at the coronation of 
 the King of Rome, 161. 
 
 Fain, Baron, his descriptions of the 
 retreat, quoted, 51, 54. 
 
 Fichte, Professor, quotation from, 
 269. 
 
 Floret, tries to reassure Marie 
 Louise, 196. 
 
 Francis II., his desire for peace, 
 103 ; letter of, to Napoleon on the 
 proposition for peace, 106; not 
 hostile to Napoleon, 154 ; greatly 
 disturbed by the course of events, 
 157 ; sends General Bubna to Na- 
 poleon after the victory of Llit- 
 zen, 204. 
 
 Frederick William, King, a hostage 
 in his own capital, 125; had no 
 part in General York's defection, 
 131 ; hesitating, 132 ; sends Napo- 
 leon assurances of his fidelity, 133. 
 
 Goethe's conversation with Napo- 
 leon in 1808, 224. 
 
 Guidal, General, released from 
 prison by Malet, 36 ; shot, 44. 
 
 Hatzfeld, Prince, commissioned by 
 Frederick William to assure Na- 
 poleon of his fidelity, 133; and 
 to broach the matrimonial pro- 
 ject, 135 ; failure of his mission, 
 139. 
 
 Haussonville, Count d', quoted, 299. 
 
 Hulin, General, arrested by Malet, 
 
 Korner, quotation from his Lyre 
 
 and Sword, 269. 
 Kremlin, Napoleon in the, 14. 
 Kutusoff, General, not appreciated 
 
 by the Russians, 61. 
 
 Lacipede, the Count of, replies to 
 the address of Marie Louise to 
 the Senate, 26. 
 
 Lacordaire's Conferences de Tou- 
 louse quoted, 215. 
 
 Lahorie, General, released from 
 prison by Malet, 36 ; shot, 44. 
 
 Leipsic, the battle of, 262 ; the pas- 
 sage of the Elster, 264. 
 
 Lefebvre, M. Edouard, reports the 
 state of things in Prussia, 139. 
 
 Liitzen, Napoleon's victory at, 197 ; 
 celebration of, 200. 
 
 Macdonald, General, letter of, to 
 General Berthier on York's de- 
 fection, 131. 
 
 Malet, General Charles Fra^ois de, 
 32 ; conspiracy of, 33 et seq. ; 
 collapse of the conspiracy, 40; 
 shot, 44 ; Duruy's article on, 45 ; 
 Thiers's views of, 47 ; his provis- 
 ional government, 47; his con- 
 spiracy the prologue of the Royal- 
 ist movement of 1814, 47. " 
 
 Marcolini Palace, Napoleon estab- 
 lished in, 213; Metternich's con- 
 ference with him at, 217. 
 
 Marie Louise, return of, to Saint 
 Cloud, 1 ; her timidity, 2 ; mourns 
 the absence of her husband, 3; 
 surprised by the arrival of the 
 Guards at Saint Cloud after 
 Malet's conspiracy, 41 ; receives a 
 letter from her father respecting 
 peace, and sends him a breakfast 
 service, 107; congratulates Pius 
 VII. on the signing of the Con- 
 cordat, 118; her letter to her 
 father thereupon, 119; becomes 
 regent of France, 187 ; her func- 
 tions, 188 ; her dowry settled, 190 ; 
 her sadness at Napoleon's depart- 
 ure, 192 ; receives the Diplomatic 
 Body at Saint Cloud, 193 ; at Notre 
 Dame at the celebration of the bat- 
 tle of Liitzen, 200 ; writes to her 
 father in the prospect of peace, 
 203; thinks she is at the end of 
 
INDEX. 
 
 317 
 
 her trials, 211 ; joins Napoleon at 
 Mayence, 226 et seq.; not with- 
 out uneasiness, 231 ; returns to 
 Saint Cloud, 232; her melan- 
 choly, 234; her birthday cele- 
 brated, 247; presides over the 
 opening of the basin at Cher- 
 bourg, 249 ; letter of, to her father, 
 255; makes a solemn appeal to 
 French patriotism, 258; receives 
 deputations from six cities, 271 ; 
 filled with gloom, 277 ; loyal to 
 her husband, but ignorant of the 
 real situation, 289 ; made regent, 
 312; bids farewell to her husband, 
 313. 
 
 Maro-Jaroslawitz, battle of, 50. 
 
 Maury, Abbe, his address to Marie 
 Louise at the celebration of the 
 battle of Liitzen, 200. 
 
 Melito, Count Miot de, quoted, 287, 
 388. 
 
 Meneval, Baron of, made private 
 secretary to Marie Louise, 187. 
 
 Metteruich, Count, despatch of, 
 concerning a general peace, 104; 
 attacked by the anti-French fac- 
 tion in Vienna, 153 ; modifies his 
 attitude towards France after the 
 defection of the Prussian contin- 
 gent, 155 ; his programme, 157 ; 
 on the Russian alliance, 161 ; the 
 opposition to him in the Austrian 
 court and government, 166; his 
 reception of Narbonne, 174; 
 alarmed at the progress of revo- 
 lutionary ideas, 177; satisfaction 
 of, after the battle of Liitzeu, 207 ; 
 his account of his conference with 
 Napoleon at the Marcolini Palace, 
 217 et seq.; discrepancies in his 
 accounts of this conference, 220 ; 
 warns Narbonne that Austria 
 would join the allies after August 
 10, 223; his talk with the Duke 
 of Vicenza, 227; communicates 
 Napoleon's overtures to Francis 
 II., and transmits Austria's ulti- 
 matum to the Duke of Vicenza, 
 
 240; proposes to the allies over- 
 tures of peace with Napoleon, 275. 
 
 Mollien, Count, describes the scene 
 of the evening before Napoleon's 
 departure, 309. 
 
 Moniteur, Napoleon's bulletins in 
 the, 31, 69; article in, on Malet's 
 conspiracy, 45 ; the 29th bulletin 
 in, announcing the disasters of 
 the army, 78, 84; Napoleon's re- 
 turn announced, 85; the para- 
 graph in, with regard to Napoleon, 
 110; describes the celebration of 
 the battle of Liitzen, 202; an- 
 nouncement in, of the reception 
 by the Emperor of the Legislative 
 Body, 284. 
 
 Montesquiou, Major, sent forward 
 by Napoleon to inform Europe of 
 the events of the Russian cam- 
 paign, 71; arrives at Paris, 80; 
 carries the news of the victory of 
 Bautzen to Marie Louise, 208. 
 
 Moreau, has his legs shot off, 252. 
 
 Morfontaine, Joseph Bonaparte's 
 court at, 291. 
 
 Moscow, arrival of the French ar- 
 my at, 13 ; burning of, 15 ; the 
 exodus from, 27. 
 
 Murat, King, defection of, 296; 
 joins Austria against France, 
 298. 
 
 Murat, Caroline, sides with Aus- 
 tria, 296. 
 
 Narbonne, General, equanimity of, 
 during the retreat from Moscow, 
 111 ; Villemaine's opinion of, 169 ; 
 Napoleon's fondness for, 170; a 
 model diplomatist, 171 ; report of 
 his first interview with Francis 
 II., 172; his eyes opened to the 
 true state of things, 175; pre- 
 dicts Metternich's policy, 17H: 
 reports the hostile spirit which 
 animates Vienna society, 179; 
 hopes for the neutrality of Aus- 
 tria, 180; informs Napoleon of 
 the truth regarding Francis II., 
 
318 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 181; reports the opposition in 
 Vienna to the Emperor's posi- 
 tion, 195; reports Metternich's 
 satisfaction, 2Q7; his prophecies 
 verified, 235. 
 
 Napoleon governs his empire from 
 the heart of Russia, 2 ; his birth- 
 day celebrated in Paris and on 
 the Dneiper, 6 ; his sluggishness 
 at the battle of Borodino, 12 ; en- 
 ters Moscow, 13; forced by the 
 fire to leave, 16; returns to the 
 Kremlin, 18; his error with re- 
 gard to Moscow, 22; his blun- 
 ders, 24; his indecision, 25; de- 
 cides to abandon Moscow, 26 ; his 
 bulletins in the Moniteur, 31; 
 narrowly escapes being made 
 prisoner, 51; hears of Malet's 
 conspiracy, 53; feels that all is 
 lost, 60; decides to return to 
 Paris, 65 ; his deceptive bulletins, 
 69; his journey to Paris, 68 
 et seq.; letter of, to Francis II., 
 74; his 29th bulletin, 78; arrives 
 at Paris, 81 ; receives the Minis- 
 ters, 82 : his reply to the address 
 of the Senate, 90; receives a dep- 
 utation from the Department of 
 the Tiber, 92; the Prefect of the 
 Seine makes his address, 93; lis- 
 tens only to flatterers, 95 ; his de- 
 termination to have all or noth- 
 ing, 109 ; devotes himself to hunt- 
 ing, 111 ; goes to Fontainebleau to 
 confer with Pius VII., 112 ; letter 
 of, to Francis II., respecting the 
 Concordat, 119; his letter to the 
 Bishop oi Nantes on the papal 
 sovereignty, 121; his letter to 
 Frederick William on the Prus- 
 sian contingent, 126; sets too 
 much importance on his marriage 
 with Marie Louise, 146; imagines 
 that Austria would continue his 
 ally, 159; recalls Count Otto 
 from Vienna and sends the Count 
 of Narbonne in his place, 160; 
 desires war, 167 ; his estimate of 
 
 the Count of Narbonne, 171 ; and 
 of the aristocratic element in di- 
 plomacy, 171; creates an army 
 of three hundred thousand in 
 three months, 183; his haughty 
 language, 183; imagines that 
 Francis II. will never abandon his 
 daughter's cause, 184; visits the 
 Invalides, 186; decides to make 
 the Empress regent, 187; marks 
 out for the Empress her line of 
 conduct in everything, 189; letter 
 of, to Francis II., 191 ; leaves to 
 take command of his armies, 192; 
 his victory at Liitzen, 197; in- 
 forms Francis II. of the victory of 
 Liitzen, 198; letters of, to Francis 
 II., 205 ; wins the battle of Baut- 
 zen, 208; his emotion on Duroc's 
 death, 210; unable to profit by 
 his experience, 210; decrees a 
 monument on the Alps, 212 ; es- 
 tablishes himself in the Marcolini 
 Palace at Dresden, 213; prefers 
 comedy to tragedy, 214; his long 
 conference with Metternich, 217 ; 
 his conversation with Goethe in 
 1808, 224 ; sends for Marie Louise 
 to join him at Mayence, 225; 
 leaves Mayence eager for war, 
 232; his despatch to the Duke of 
 Vicenza respecting Austria's last 
 word, 238 ; receives the Austrian 
 ultimatum, 240; sends a proposi- 
 tion to Prague, 242 ; his birthday 
 celebrated August 10, 242 ; sends 
 his ultimatum to Caulaincourt, 
 245; gives him full power and 
 concedes Austria's demands, 247 ; 
 his birthday celebrated in Paris, 
 248; fights the battle of Dresden, 
 252; feels that he is losing, 253; 
 fights the battle of Leipsic, 262 
 etseq.; his first defeat, 265; re- 
 flections on his course, 265; his 
 remal-ks on the campaign at 
 Saint Helena, 267; his despon- 
 dency, 271 ; sends captured bat- 
 tle-flags to Marie Louise, 273; 
 
INDEX. 
 
 319 
 
 returns to Paris, 274; receives 
 overtures of peace from the 
 allies, 274; gives an evasive an- 
 swer, 276 ; decides too late to ac- 
 cept, 276 ; his address to the Sen- 
 ate, 279; adjourns the Legislative 
 Body, 283 ; his furious address to 
 the Legislative Body, 284; his 
 confidential admissions, 286 ; dis- 
 trusts his Ministers, 288; calm 
 and majestic in his demeanor, 
 288 ; on bad terms with his broth- 
 ers, 291 ; his proposition to Joseph 
 Bonaparte, 294, 295 ; restores the 
 Roman States to the Pope, 299; 
 his love for his son, 305; scene 
 with the National Guard and the 
 King of Rome, 305 ; bids farewell 
 to his wife and son, 313. 
 Ney, Marshal, protests against 
 Napoleon's sluggishness at Boro- 
 dino, 120 ; commends the bravery 
 of the French conscripts, 198. 
 
 Otto, Count, his letter on Malet's 
 conspiracy, 45 ; hands Francis II. 
 Napoleon's letter containing the 
 Concordat, 120; French Ambassa- 
 dor at Vienna, 146; a persona 
 grata at the Austrian court, 146 ; 
 informs the Duke of Bassano of 
 the anti-French feeling in Aus- 
 tria, 147; reports the offer of 
 Francis II. of intervention with 
 Russia, 148; letter of, to Napo- 
 leon on the situation in Vienna 
 after the Russian disaster, 150; 
 reports that the prevailing senti- 
 ment is in favor of abandoning 
 France, 151 ; reports Metternich's 
 changed attitude, 155 ; writes of 
 the Austrian Emperor's upright 
 character, 159; on the coronation 
 of Marie Louise and tin* King of 
 Rome, 159; recalled from Vienna, 
 160; reports Mettornieli's words 
 on the Russian alliance, 161 ; re- 
 ports alarm about revolutionary 
 tendencies, 163; and the antag- 
 
 onism throughout Europe to 
 France, 165; his wise counsels, 
 168. 
 
 Pasquier, M., arrested by Malet's 
 conspirators, 37. 
 
 Pius VII., a prisoner at Fontaine- 
 bleau, 112; visited by Napoleon, 
 114; induced to accept the Con- 
 cordat, 116$ his anguish, 117; 
 signs the Concordat, 118; repents 
 his signing the Concordat, 122; 
 recants, 123; refuses Napoleon's 
 offer of the Roman States, 300; 
 leaves Fontainebleau, 310. 
 
 Poniatowski, Prince, drowned in 
 the Elster, 264. 
 
 Prague, Congress of, 236. 
 
 Prussia, feeling in, towards Napo- 
 leon, 127, 129; rising of, against 
 Napoleon, 143; war declared be- 
 tween France and, 145. 
 
 Prussian court, the situation of 
 the, in 1812, 125; contemplates a 
 matrimonial alliance with Napo- 
 leon's family, 133; secret plliance 
 of, with Russia, 140. 
 
 Retreat from Russia, the, 50 et seq. 
 horrors of, 55; anecdote of, 57; 
 General de Segur's account of, 
 59. 
 
 Rome, the King of, 4 ; portrait 
 of, brought to Napoleon in Rus- 
 sia, 9 ; his prayer for peace, 108 ; 
 Napoleon's farewell of, 303; his 
 character, 304. 
 
 Rovigo, Duke of, arrested by Ma- 
 let's conspirators, 37 ; laughed at 
 on account of his arrest. 4_': 
 closeted with Napoleon, 83. 
 
 Russia, court of, makes a secret 
 alliance with Prussia, 140. 
 
 Russian army enters Bohemia Au- 
 gust 10, 244. 
 
 Russian invasion, army of, its fate, 
 %. 
 
 Russian campaign, tin- early ditli- 
 cult IPS of, 6 ; uneasiness in Franc*- 
 
320 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 concerning, 29; retreat begun, 
 51; cold weather begins, 54. 
 
 Saint Aignan, Baron of, comes to 
 Paris with an overture of peace 
 from the allies, 274. 
 
 Saint-Amand, General, letter from, 
 describing his experiences in the 
 Russian campaign, 99. 
 
 Saint-Andre, Jean Bon, dines with 
 Napoleon, 228; his curious re- 
 mark to Count Beugnot, 230. 
 
 Saint Cloud, Marie Louise's return 
 to, 1 ; Blucher at, 7. 
 
 Saint Marsan, Count of, French 
 Minister at Berlin, 126 ; report of, 
 on the King's reception of Napo- 
 leon's letter, 127; and on the state 
 of affairs in Prussia, 127, 129; 
 awakened from his delusions, 
 130; receives the King's dis- 
 avowal of General York's defec- 
 tion, 132; his letter concerning 
 the Prussian matrimonial project, 
 135, 136 ; his report of Baron von 
 Hardenberg's protestations, 137; 
 reports that Prussia is about to 
 abandon France, 140; letter of, 
 on the Russian alliance, 141 ; re- 
 ports the alliance publicly an- 
 nounced, 144. 
 
 Schwarzenberg, Prince, does not 
 dare to tell Napoleon the truth 
 about the Austrian situation, 190 ; 
 informs the Empress of the pos- 
 sibility of Austria's enmity, 195; 
 eager for war, 235. 
 
 Segur, General de, his story of the 
 retreat, 59, Heine's description of 
 it, 59; quoted, 96; on the 2V 
 yendbund, 269; describes the in- 
 vasion of France, 280. 
 
 Senate, presented to Napoleon on 
 his return from Russia, 86; speech 
 of the President of, 87. 
 
 Senators, obsequiousness of, 308. 
 
 Sicilies, the Two, the two queens of, 
 296. 
 
 Soulier, Colonel, made a participa- 
 tor in Malet's conspiracy, 35; 
 shot, 44. 
 
 Spain, Napoleon's negotiations 
 with, too late, 292. 
 
 Stein, Baron von, and General York 
 stir up Prussia against France, 
 137. 
 
 Talleyrand, presents the Senators 
 to Napoleon on his return from 
 Russia, 86; declines the port- 
 folio of Foreign Affairs, 277. 
 
 Thiers's view of Malet's conspiracy, 
 47; describes Napoleon's de- 
 meanor after Duroc's death, 210 ; 
 quoted, 216; his account of Met- 
 ternich's conference with Napo- 
 leon at Dresden, 218. 
 
 Tolstoi, his War and Peace, quoted, 
 23, 59. 
 
 Vandamme, General, defeated at 
 Culm, 253. 
 
 Vicenza, the Duke of (Caulain- 
 court), accompanies Napoleon to 
 Paris, 66; urges Napoleon to 
 make peace, 232; reports the con- 
 dition of affairs at Prague, 237; 
 has a secret interview with Met- 
 teruich concerning Napoleon's 
 confidential overtures, 239; letter 
 of, to Napoleon regarding Aus- 
 tria's ultimatum, 241; his anx- 
 iety, 243; communicates Napo- 
 leon's proposition to Metternich, 
 244; receives Napoleon's ultima- 
 tum, 245; letter of, to Napoleon, 
 246; appointed , Minister of For- 
 eign Affairs, 277. 
 
 York, General, takes his corps to 
 the Russian side, 130; his letter 
 to Frederick William, 131. 
 
 Typography by J. S. Gushing & Co., Boston. 
 
 Presswork by Berwick & Smith, Boston. ^X^^C 
 
FAMOUS WOMEN OF THE 
 FRENCH COURT. 
 
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 THE WIFE OF THE FIRST CONSUL. By IMBERT DE 
 
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 MEMOIRS OF 
 
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 FOR sixty years Bourrienne's "Memoirs of Napoleon" 
 has been a standard authority to which every one 
 has turned for a graphic, entertaining picture of 
 the man as he appeared to his intimate friend and Secre- 
 tary. Bourrienne, who had been the friend and com- 
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 His " Memoirs " has heretofore been accessible only in 
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BOURRIENN&S "NAPOLEONS 
 
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 account of the important events of the Hundred Days, 
 of Napoleon's surrender to the English, and of his resi- 
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 LIST OF PORTRAITS, ETC. 
 
 NAPOLEON I. 
 LETITIA RAMOLINO 
 THE EMPRESS JOSEPH- 
 INE 
 
 EUGENE BEAUHARNAIS 
 GENERAL KLEBER 
 MARSHAL LANNES 
 TALLEYRAND 
 GENERAL DUROC 
 MURAT, KING OF NAPLES 
 GENERAL DESAIX 
 GENERAL MOREAU 
 HORTENSE BEAUHAR- 
 NAIS 
 
 THE EMPRESS JOSEPH- 
 INE 
 NAPOLEON I. 
 
 THE DUC D'ENGHIEN 
 
 GENERAL PICHEGRU 
 
 MARSHAL NEY 
 
 CAULAINCOURT, DUKE 
 OF VICENZA 
 
 MARSHAL DAVOUST 
 
 CHARGE OF THE CUIR- 
 ASSIERS AT EYLAU 
 
 GENERAL JUNOT 
 
 MARSHAL SOULT 
 
 THE EMPRESS MARIA 
 LOUISA 
 
 GENERAL LASALLE 
 
 COLORED MAP SHOW- 
 ING NAPOLEON'S DO- 
 MINION 
 
 THE EMPRESS MARIA 
 LOUISA 
 
 MARSHAL MASSENA 
 MARSHAL MACDONALD 
 FAC-SIMILE OF THE EM- 
 PEROR'S ABDICATION 
 IN 1814 
 NAPOLEON I. 
 MARSHAL SOUCHET 
 THE DUKE OF WELLING- 
 TON 
 PLANS OF BATTLE OF 
 
 WATERLOO 
 MARSHAL BLUCHER 
 MARSHAL GOUVION ST. 
 
 CYR 
 
 MARSHAL NEY 
 THE KING OF ROME 
 GENERAL BESSIERES 
 
BOURRIENNE'S "NAPOLEON.* 
 
 "If y u w an t something to read, both interesting and 
 amusing, get the MJmoires de Bourrienne. These are the only 
 authentic Memoirs of Napoleon which have yet appeared. The 
 style is not brilliant, but that only makes them the more trust- 
 worthy" PRINCE METTERNICH. 
 
 "The writer was a man of uncommon penetration, 
 and he enjoyed opportunities for intimate knowledge of 
 Napoleon's life and character such as no other person 
 possessed ; and the liveliness of his style renders the 
 Memoirs interesting reading from the first page to the 
 last. The volumes are enriched with a large number of 
 excellent portraits." The Academy. 
 
 " It is a brilliant picture of Napoleon as he appeared 
 in his daily life to one who held the unique position of 
 friend, Minister and Secretary, depicting the personality 
 of the Emperor with extraordinary vividness and truth- 
 fulness. It is impossible not to recognize the great 
 value of these Memoirs." New York Times. 
 
 " M. de Bourrienne shows us the hero of Marengo and 
 Austerlitz in his night-gown and slippers with a trait de 
 plume he, in a hundred instances, places the real man before 
 us, with all of his personal habits and peculiarities of manner, 
 temper and conversation." FROM THE PREFACE. 
 
 THE SET, 4 VOLS., 12MO, IN A BOX, $5.00. 
 
THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE 
 STAMPED BELOW 
 
 AN INITIAL FINE OF 25 CENTS 
 
 WILL BE ASSESSED FOR FAILURE TO RETURN 
 THIS BOOK ON THE DATE DUE. THE PENALTY 
 WILL INCREASE TO SO CENTS ON THE FOURTH 
 DAY AND TO $t.OO ON THE SEVENTH DAY 
 OVERDUE. 
 
 "* 2 1S4? 
 
 
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