University of California Berkeley 
 
 

 IV ,/Stv .14* 
 
 asa AVCI H 
 

JOSIIUV LONGLEV. 
 
HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 RISE, PROGRESS AND TERMINATION 
 
 OF THE 
 
 AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 
 
 INTERSPERSED WITH 
 
 Biographical, Political and Moral Obfervations, 
 IN THREE VOLUMES. 
 
 BY MRS. MERCY WARREN, 
 
 or PLYMOUTH, (MASS.) 
 
 perplexed, but not in dei pair ; persecuted, but not fortaken ; 
 
 trt down, but not destroyed. $T. PJUT- 
 
 O God ! thy arm wa* here.. 
 
 And not to us, but to thy arm alone, 
 
 Ac,ik~ we all. SHAKSSPXJRS, 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 SOS TON : 
 PRINTED BY MANNING AND LORINC, 
 
 FOR E. LARKIN, No. 47, 
 
 "1805," 
 

 DISTRICT or MASSACHUSETTS, to wit. 
 
 BE IT REMEMBERED, that on the eleventh dny of Feb- 
 ruary, in the thirtieth year of the independence of the United States of 
 America, MERCY WARREN, of the faid diftrift, hath depofited in 
 this office the title of a Book, the right whereof fhe claims as author, in 
 the words following, to wit: " HISTORY of the Rife, Progrefs and 
 * ' Termination of the A M E R i c A N REVOLUTION. Interfperfed whk 
 " Biographical^ Political and Moral Obfervations. In Three Volumes. 
 " By Mrs. ME RC Y WAR RE N, of Plymouth, (Ma/,}" 
 
 In conformity to the aft of the congrefs of the United States, entitled, 
 ** An aft for the encouragement of learning, byfecuring the copies of 
 " maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of fuch copies, 
 " during the times therein mentioned ;" and alfo to an aft. entitled, 
 " An aft fupplernentary to an aft, entitled, * An aft for the encourage- 
 " ment of learning, by fecuring the copies of maps, charts, and books, to 
 " the authors and proprietors of fuch copies, during the times therein 
 ct mentioned;' and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of defigning, 
 
 engraving, and etching hiftorical and other prints." 
 
 N. GOODALE, Clerk ojthc Dijlria of Majfachufdts . 
 
 A true Copy of jkccord. Atteft : 
 
 N. GOODALE, Clerk. 
 

 AN ADDRESS 
 
 TO THE 
 
 INHABITANTS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 
 
 /\T a period when every manly arm 
 was occupied, and every trait of talent or activity en- 
 gaged, either in the cabinet or the field, apprehenflve, 
 that amid ft the fudden convulfions, crowded fcenes, 
 and rapid changes, that flowed in quick fucceffion, 
 many circumftances might efcape the more bufy and 
 active members of fociety, I have been induced to im- 
 prove the leifure Providence had lent, to record as they 
 palTed, in the following pages, the new and unexperi- 
 enced events exhibited in a land previoufly bleiTed with 
 peace, liberty, fknplicity, and virtue. 
 
 As circumftances were collected, facts related, and 
 characters drawn, many years antecedent to any hiftory 
 fince publifhed, relative to the difmemberment of the 
 colonies, and to American independence, there are few 
 allufions to any later writers. 
 
 Connected by nature, fricndihip, and every focial tie, 
 with many of the firft patriots, and moft influential 
 characters on the continent ; in the habits of confiden- 
 tial and epiftolary intercourfe with feveral gentlemen 
 employed abroad in the moft diftinguifhcd ftations, and 
 with others fince elevated to the higheft grades of 
 
IT AN ADDRESS. 
 
 and diftinHon, I had the beft means of information, 
 through a long period that the colonies were in fuf- 
 penfe, waiting the operation of foreign courts, and the 
 fuccefs of their own enterprifing fpirit. 
 
 The folemnity that covered every countenance, when 
 contemplating the fword uplifted, and the horrors of 
 civil war rufhing to habitations not inured to fcenes of 
 rapine and mifery ; even to the quiet cottage, where 
 only concord and affection had reigned ; ftimulated to 
 obfervation a mind that had not yielded to the alTer- 
 tion, that all political attentions lay out of the road of 
 female life. 
 
 It is true there are certain appropriate duties affigned 
 to eachfex $ and doubtlefs it is the more peculiar province 
 of mafculine ftrength, not only to repel the bold in- 
 vader of the rights of his country and of mankind, but 
 in the nervous ftyle of manly eloquence, to defcribe the 
 blood-flained field, and relate the ftory of Slaughtered 
 armies. 
 
 Senfible of this, the trembling heart has recoiled at 
 the magnitude of the undertaking, and the hand often 
 fnrunk back from the talk ; yet, recollecting that every 
 domeftic enjoyment depends on the unimpaired polfei- 
 fion of civil and religious liberty, that a concern for the 
 welfare of fociety ought equally to glow in every hu- 
 man breaft, the work was not relinquished. The moft 
 interefting circumftances were collected, active charac- 
 ters portrayed, the principles of the times developed, 
 and the changes marked ; nor need it caufe a blufh to 
 acknowledge, a detail was preferved with a view of 
 tranfmitting it to the riiing youth of my country, fome 
 of them in infancy, others in the European world, while 
 the moft interefting events lowered over their native 
 land. 
 
AN ADDRESS. 
 
 Confcious that truth has been the guide of my pen, 
 and candor, as well as juftice, the accompaniment of 
 my wifhes through every page, I can fay, with an 
 ingenious writer, " I have ufed my pen with the liberty 
 " of one, who neither hopes nor fears, nor has any in- 
 " tereft in the fuccefs or failure of any party, and who 
 " fpeaks to pcfterity -perhaps very far remote." 
 
 The fympathizing heart has looked abroad and wept 
 the many victims of affliction, inevitably fuch in confe- 
 quence of civil feuds and the concomitant miferies of 
 war, either foreign or domeftic. The reverfes of life, 
 and the inftability of the world, have been viewed on 
 the point of both extremes. Their delufory nature and 
 character, have been contemplated as becomes the phi- 
 lofopher and the chriflian : the one teaches us from 
 the analogies of nature, the necefiity of changes, decay, 
 and death ; the other ftrengthens the mind to meet 
 them with the rational hope of revival and renovation. 
 
 Several years have elapfed fince the hiftorical tracts, 
 now with diffidence fubmitted to the public, have been 
 arranged in their prefent order. Local circumilances, 
 the decline of health, temporary deprivations of fight, 
 the death of the moft amiable of children, " the ihaft 
 " flew thrice, and thrice my peace was flain," have 
 fometimes prompted to throw by the pen in deipair. I 
 draw a veil over the woe-fraught fcenes that have pierc- 
 ed my own heart. " While the foul was melting in- 
 " wardly, it has endeavoured to fupport outwardly, with 
 " decency and dignity* thole accidents which admit of 
 " no redrefs, and to exert that fpirit that enables to get 
 " the better of thofc that do." 
 
 Not indifferent to the opinion of the world, nor 
 fervilely courting its irniles, no fdrther apology is offer- 
 
Atf ADDRESS. 
 
 ed for the attempt, though many may be necefTaryj for 
 the incomplete execution of a defign, that had rectitude 
 for its baiisj and a beneficent regard for the civil and 
 religious rights of mankind, for its motive. 
 
 The liberal-minded will perufe with candor, rather 
 than criticife with feverity ; nor will they think it ne- 
 cellary, that any apology ihould be offered, for fome- 
 {imes introducing characters nearly conne&ed with the 
 author of the following annals ; as they were early and 
 zealoufly attached to the public cauie, uniform in their 
 principles, and conftantly active in the great fcenes that 
 produced the revolution, and obtained independence for 
 their country, truth precludes that referve which might 
 have been proper on lei's important occalions, and for- 
 bids -to pais over in illence the names of fuch as expired 
 before the conflict was iiniihed, or have iince retired 
 from public fcenes. The hiftorian has nev-er laid aflde 
 the tendernefs of the fex or the friend ; at the fame 
 time, ihe has endeavoured, on all occalions, that the 
 ilricteft veracity Ihould govern her heart, and the moit 
 exact impartiality be the guide of her pen. 
 
 If the work (liould be ib far ufeful or entertaining, as 
 to obtain the {auction of the generous and virtuous part 
 of the community, I cannot but be highly gratified and 
 amply rewarded for the effort, ibotheJ at the {lime time 
 with the idea, that the motives were juftifiable in the 
 eye of Omitifcience. Then, if it ihould not elcape thp 
 remarks of the critic, or the cenfure of party, I ihall 
 feel no wound to my leniibility, but repoie on my pillow 
 as quietly as ever, 
 
 . 
 
 Before this adclrets to my countrymen is doled, I be 
 ieave to o'pierve, that as a new century has 
 
AN ADDRESS. 
 
 upon us> the mind is naturally led to contemplate the 
 great events that have run parallel vrith, and have juft 
 clofed the laft. From the revolutionary fpirit of the 
 times, the vaft improvements in fcience, arts, and agri- 
 culture, the boldnefs of genius that marks the age, the 
 inveftigation of new theories, and the changes in the 
 political, civil, and religious characters of men, fucceed- 
 ing generations have reaion to expect itill more afton- 
 ifhing exhibitions in the next. In the mean time, 
 Providence has clearly pointed out the duties of the 
 prefent generation, particularly the paths which Ameri- 
 cans ought to tread. The United States form a young 
 republic, a confederacy which ought ever to be cement- 
 ed by a union of interefls and affection, under the 
 influence of thofe principles which obtained their inde- 
 pendence. Thefe have indeed, at certain periods, 
 appeared to be in the wane ; but let them never be 
 eradicated, by the jarring interefts of parties, jealoufies 
 of the lifter ftates, or the ambition of individuals ! It 
 has been obferved, by a writer of celebrity,* that " that 
 " people, government, and conftitutionisthe freeft,which 
 " makes the beft provifion for the enacting of expedient 
 " and falutary laws." May this truth be evinced to all 
 ages, by the wife and falutary laws that fhall be enacted 
 in the federal legiflature of America ! 
 
 May the hands of the executive of their own choice, 
 be ftrengthened more by the unanimity and affection 
 of the people, than by the dread of penal inflictions, or 
 any reftraints that might reprefs -free inquiry, relative 
 to the principles of their own government, and the 
 conduct of its adminiilrators ! The world is now view- 
 ing America, as experimenting a new fyftem of govern- 
 ment, a FEDERAL REPUBLIC, including a territory 
 to which the Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland 
 
 * Paley's Moral Philofophy. 
 
Till AN ADDRESS. 
 
 bear little proportion. The practicability of fupporting 
 fuch a fyftem, has been doubted by fome ; if {he fuc- 
 ceeds, it will refute the afiertion, that none but fmall 
 ftates are adapted to republican government; if {he 
 does not, and the union fliould be diflblved, fome am- 
 bitious fon of Columbia, or fome foreign adventurer, 
 allured by the prize, may wade to empire through feas 
 of blood, or the friends of monarchy may fee a number 
 of petty defpots, ftretching their fceptres over the dif- 
 jointed parts of the continent. Thus by the mandate 
 of a ilngle fovereign, the degraded fubjedts of one ftate, 
 under the bannerets of royalty, may be dragged to 
 {heathe their fwords in the bofoms of the inhabitants of 
 another. 
 
 The ftate of the public mind, appears at prefent to 
 be prepared to weigh thefe reflections with folemnity, 
 and to receive with pleafure an effort to trace the origin 
 of the American revolution, to review the characters 
 that effected it, and to juftify the principles of the 
 defection and final feparation from the^ parent ftate. 
 With an expanded heart, beating with high hopes of 
 the continued freedom and profperity of America, the 
 writer indulges a modeft expectation, that the following 
 pages will be perufed with kindnefs and candor : this 
 ihe claims, both in confideration of her {ex, the up- 
 rightnefs of her intentions, and the fervency of her 
 wimes for the happinefs of all the human race. 
 
 MERCY WARREN. 
 
 . , ujs.;? 
 
 MARCH, 1805. 
 
 PLYMOUTH, (MASS.)} 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 OF VOLUME FIRST. 
 
 CHAPTER f. 
 Introductory Obfervations. 1 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 The Stamp- Act. A Congrefs convened at New York, 
 One thouland feven hundred and fixty-five. The 
 Stamp-Aft repealed. New Grievances. Sufpen- 
 ilon of the Legiflature of New York. 27 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Curfory Obfervations. MafTachufetts Circular Letter. 
 A new Houfe of Reprefentatives called. Gover- 
 nor Bernard impeached. A Riot on the Seizure of 
 a VefTel. Troops applied for to protect the King's 
 Officers. A Convention at Bofton. Troops arrive. 
 A Combination againil all Commerce with Great 
 Britain, A General AfTembly convened at Bofton 
 removed to Cambridge. Governor Bernard, after 
 Ms Impeachment, repairs to England. 52 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Cbara&er of Mr. Hutchinfon appointed Governor of 
 MafTachufetts., The attempted Affaffination of Mr. 
 Otis Tranfaclions on the fifth of March, one thou- 
 fand feven hundred, and feventy. Arrival of the 
 Eaft India Company's Tea-Ships Eftabliftiment of 
 Committees of Correfpondence. The Right of Par- 
 liamentary Taxation without Reprefentation, urged 
 by Mr. Hutchinfon. Articles of Impeachment, 
 refolved on in the Houfe of Reprefentatives, againft 
 Governor Hutchinfon and Lieutenant Governor 
 Oliver. -Chief Juftice of the Province impeached. 
 Bofton Port-Bill.-* Governor Hutchinfon leaves the 
 Province. Tf 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 General Gage appointed Governor of MafTachufetts. . 
 General Affembly meet at Salem. A Propofal for a 
 Congrefs from all the Colonies, to be convened at , 
 Philadelphia. Mandamus Counfellors obliged to 
 refign Refolutions of the General Congrefs. 
 Occafional Obfervations the MafTachufetts atten- 
 tive to the military Difcipline of their Youth. 
 Suffolk Refolves. A Provincial Congrefs chofen in 
 the Maflachufetts. Governor Gage fummons a new 
 Houfe of Reprefentatives. 12' 
 
 * 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Parliamentary Divifions on American Affairs. Cur- 
 fory Obfervations and Events. Meafures for raifing 
 an Army of Obfervation by the four New England 
 Governments of New Hampfliire, Maflachufetts, 
 Rhode Ifland, and Connecticut. Battle of Lexing- 
 ton. Sketches of the Conduct and Characters of the 
 Governors of the fouthern Provinces. Ticonderoga 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 taken. Arrival of Reinforcements from England. 
 Profcription and Characters of Samuel Adams and 
 John Hancock, Efquires. Battle of Bunker Hill. 
 Death and Character of General Jofeph Warren. 
 Maffachufetts adopt a ftable Form of Government. 1 70 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 A Continental Army Mr. Washington appointed to 
 the Command. General Gage recalled fucceeded 
 by Sir William Howe. Depredations on the Sea 
 Coaft Falmouth burnt. Canadian AfFairs.Death 
 and Character of General Montgomery. 229 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 DifTenfions in the Britifh Parliament. Petition of 
 Governor Penn rejected. Bofton evacuated. Sir 
 Henry Clinton fent to the Southward followed by 
 General Lee* his Character. Sir Peter Parker's 
 Attack on Sullivan's Ifland. General Howe's Ar- 
 rival at Sandy Hook. General Wafhington leaves 
 Cambridge. Obfervations on the Temper of ibme 
 of the Colonies. 272 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Declaration of Independence. Lord Howe's Arrival 
 in America. Action on Long Ifland. Retreat of 
 the Americans through the Jerfies, and the Lofs of 
 the Forts Wafhington and Lee. Affairs in Can- 
 ada. Surprife of the Heflians at Trenton. Various 
 Tranfactions in the Jerfies. General Howe's Re- 
 treat Makes Head-Quarters at Brunfwick His 
 Indecifion Some Traits of his Character. 305 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Defultory Circumftances. Skirmifhes and Events. 
 General Howe withdraws from the Jerfies Arrives 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 at the River Elk Followed by Wafiiington.-^The 
 Battle of Brandywine. General Wafhington de- 
 feated, retreats to Philadelphia Obliged to draw 
 off his Army. Lord Cornwallis takes Pofleffion of 
 the City. Ac~tion at Germantown, Red Bank, &c. 
 The Britifh Army take Winter-Quarters in Phila- 
 delphia. The Americans encamp at Valley-Forge. 
 General Wafhington's Situation not eligible. 
 De Lifle's Letters, General Conway refigns. 
 The Baron de Steuben appointed Infpector General 
 of tlie American Army. 364 
 
 APPENDIX. 403 
 

 THE 
 
 RISE, PROGRESS, 
 
 O F I H E 
 
 AMERICAN REVOLUTION- 
 
 CHAPTER L 
 
 Introductory Obfervatiorts. 
 
 HlSTORY, the depofite of crimes, and the 
 record of every thing difgraceful or honorary 
 to mankind, requires a juft knowledge of char- 
 acter, to inveftigate the fources of a&ion ; a clear 
 comprehenfion, to review the combination of 
 caufes ; and precifion of language, to detail the 
 events that have produced the moft remarka- 
 ble revolutions. 
 
 To analyze the fecret fprings that have ef- 
 fected the progreilive changes in fociety ; to 
 trace the origin of the various modes of gov- 
 ernment, the confequent improvements in fci- 
 ence, in morality, or the national tindture that 
 
 VOL. I. A 
 
THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 marks the manners of the people under defpotic 
 or more liberal forms, is a bold and adventur- 
 ous work. 
 
 The ftudy of the human character opens at 
 once a beautiful and 1 a deformed picture of the 
 foul. We there find a noble principle implanted 
 in the nature of man, that pants for diftmction. 
 This principle operates in every bofom, and 
 when kept under the control of reafon, and 
 the influence of humanity, it produces the moft 
 benevolent effects. But when the checks of 
 confcience are thrown aiide, or the moral fenfe 
 weakened by the fudden acquifition of wealth 
 or power, humanity is obfcured, and if a favor- 
 able coincidence of circumftances permits, this 
 love of diftinction often exhibits the moft mor- 
 tifying inftances of profligacy, tyranny, and the 
 wanton exercife of arbitrary fway. Thus when 
 we look over the theatre of human action, fcru- 
 tinize the windings of the heart, and furvey the 
 tranfaclions of man from the earlieft to the pre- 
 fent period, it muft be acknowledged that am- 
 bition and avarice are the leading fprings which 
 generally actuate the reftlefs mind. From thefe 
 primary fources of corruption have arifen all 
 the rapine and confufion, the depredation and 
 ruin, that have fpread diftrefs over the face of 
 the earth from the days of Nimrod to Cefar, 
 and from Cefar to an arbitrary prince of the 
 houfe of Brunfwick. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.. 3 
 
 The indulgence of thefe turbulent paflions 
 has depopulated cities, laid wafte the fineft terri- 
 tories, and turned the beauty and harmony of 
 the lower creation into an aceldama. Yet can- 
 dor muft bear honorable teftimony to many 
 iignal inflances of difinterefted merit among the 
 children of men ; thus it is not poffible to pro- 
 nounce decidedly on the character of the politi- 
 cian or the ftatefinan till the winding up of the 
 drama. To evince the truth of this remark, it 
 is needlefs to adduce innumerable inftances of 
 deception both in ancient and modern ftory. 
 It is enough to obferve, that the fpecious Auguf- 
 tus eftablifhed hiinfelf in empire by the appear- 
 ance of juftice, clemency, and moderation, 
 while the favage Nero fhamelefsly weltered in 
 the blood of the citizens ; but the fole object of 
 each was to become the fovereign of life and 
 property, and to govern the Roman world with 
 a defpotic hand. 
 
 Time may unlock the cabinets of princes, 
 unfold the fecret negociations of ftatefmen, and 
 hand down the immortal characters of dignified 
 worth, or the blackened traits of finifhed vil- 
 lany in exaggerated colours. But truth is moft 
 likely to be exhibited by the general fenfe of 
 contemporaries, when the feelings of the heart 
 can be expreffed without fuffering itfelf to be 
 difguifed by the prejudices of the man. Yet it 
 is not eafy to convey to pofterity a juft idea of 
 the embarraffed fituation of the weftern world, 
 
4t THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. i. previous to the rupture with Britain ; the dif- 
 memberment of the empire, and the lofs of the 
 moft induftrious, flouriihing, and perhaps virtu- 
 ous colonies, ever planted by the hand of man. 
 
 The progrefs of the American Revolution 
 has been fo rapid, and fuch the alteration of 
 manners, the blending of characlers, and the 
 new train of ideas that almoft univerfally pre- 
 vail, that the principles which animated to the 
 nobleft exertions have been nearly annihilated. 
 Many who firft ftepped forth in vindication of 
 the rights of human nature are forgotten, and 
 the caufes which involved the thirteen colonies 
 in confufion and blood are fcarcely known, amidft 
 the rage of accumulation and the tafte for expen- 
 five pleafures that have fince prevailed ; a tafte 
 that has abolilhed that mediocrity which once 
 fatisfied, and that contentment which long fmil- 
 ed in every countenance. Luxury, the compan-r 
 ion of young acquired wealth, is ufually the con- 
 fequence of oppofition to, or clofe connexion 
 with, opulent commercial ftates. , Thus the 
 hurry of fpirits, that ever attends the eager pur- 
 fuit of fortune and a paffion for fplendid en- 
 joyment, leads to forgetfulnefs ; and thus the 
 inhabitants of America ceafe to look back with 
 due gratitude and refpecl; on the fortitude and 
 virtue of their anceftors, who, through difficul- 
 ties almoft infurmountable, planted them in a 
 happy foil. But the hiftorian and the philofo- 
 pher will ever venerate the memory of thofe 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 5 
 
 pious and independent gentlemen, who, after 
 iuffering innumerable impofitions, reftri&ions, 
 and penalties, lefs for political, than theological 
 opinions, left England, not as adventurers for 
 wealth or fame, but for the quiet enjoyment of 
 religion and liberty. 
 
 The love of domination and an uncontrolled 
 luft of arbitrary power have prevailed among 
 all nations, and perhaps in proportion to the 
 degrees of civilization. They have been equally 
 confpicuous in the decline of Roman virtue, and 
 in the dark pages of Britifh ftory. It was thefe 
 principles that overturned that ancient republic. 
 It was thefe principles that frequently involved 
 /England in civil feuds. It was the refiftance to 
 them that brought one of their monarchs to the 
 block, and ftruck another from his throne. It 
 was the prevalence of them that drove the firft 
 fettlers of America from elegant habitations and 
 affluent circumftances, to feek an afylum in the 
 cold and uncultivated regions of the weftern 
 world. Oppreffed in Britain by defpotic kings, 
 and perfecuted by prelatic fury, they fled to a 
 diftant country, where the defires of men were 
 bounded by the wants of nature ; where civili- 
 zation had not created thofe artificial cravings 
 which too frequently break over every moral 
 and religious tie for their gratification. 
 
 The tyranny of the Stuart race has long 
 been proverbial in Englifh ftory : their efforts 
 
6 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 to eftablifh an arbitrary fyftem of government 
 began with the weak and bigoted reign of 
 James the firft, and were continued until the 
 excifion of his fon Charles. The contefts be- 
 tween the Britiili parliament and this unfortu- 
 nate monarch arofe to fuch an height, as to 
 augur an alarming defection of many of the 
 bed fubjects in England. Great was their un- 
 eafmefs at the Hate of public affairs, the arbi- 
 trary ftretch of power, and the obftinacy of 
 king Charles, who purfued his own defpotic 
 meafures in fpite of the oppofition of a number 
 of gentlemen in parliament attached to the liber- 
 ties and privileges of Englimmen. Thus a fpirit 
 of emigration adopted in the preceding reign be- 
 gan to fpread with great rapidity through the 
 nation. Some gentlemen endowed with talents 
 to defend their rights by the moil cogent and 
 refifilefs arguments, were among the number 
 who had taken the alarming refolution of feek- 
 ing an afylum far from their natal foil, where 
 they might enjoy the rights and privileges they 
 claimed, and which they confidered on the eve 
 of annihilation at home. Among thefe were 
 Oliver Cromwell, afterwards protector, and a 
 number of other gentlemen of diftinguimed 
 name, who had actually engaged to embark for 
 New-England. This was a circumftance fo 
 alarming to the court, that they were flopped 
 by an order of government, and by royal edict 
 all further emigration was forbidden. The 
 fpirit of colonization was not however much 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 
 
 impeded, nor the growth of the young planta- 
 tions prevented, by the arbitrary refolutions of 
 the court. It was but a fhort time after this 
 effort to check them, before numerous Englifh 
 emigrants were fpread along the borders of the 
 Atlantic from Plymouth to Virginia. 
 
 The independency with which thefe colonifts 
 acled ; the high promife of future advantage 
 from the beauty and fertility of the country ; 
 and, as was obferved foon after, " the profperous 
 " ftate of their fettlements, made it to be con- 
 " fidered by the heads of the puritan party in 
 "England, many of whom were men of the 
 " firft rank, fortune and abilities, as the fanctu- 
 " ary of liberty."* The order above alluded 
 to, indeed prevented the embarkation of the 
 Lords Say and Brook, the Earl of Warwick, of 
 Hampden, Pym, and many others, who, defpair- 
 ing of recovering their civil and religious lib- 
 erty on their native fliore, had determined to 
 fecure it by a retreat to the New World, as it 
 was then called. Patents were purchafed by 
 others, within a mort period after the prefent, 
 who planted the thirteen American colonies 
 with a fuccefsful hand. Many circumftances 
 concurred to awaken the fpirit of adventure, 
 and to draw out men, inured to fofter habits, to 
 encounter the difficulties and dangers of plant- 
 ing themfelves and families in the wildernefs. 
 
 * Univerfal Hiftoiy. 
 
THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 The fpirit of party had thrown accumulated 
 advantages into the hands of Charles the fecond, 
 after his reftoration. The diviiions and ani- 
 molities at court rendered it more eafy for him 
 to purfue the fame fyftem which his father had 
 adopted. Amidft the rage for pleafure, and the 
 licentious manners that prevailed in his court, 
 the complaifance of one party, the fears of an- 
 other, and the wearinefs of all, of the diffenfions 
 and difficulties that had arifen under the pro- 
 tectorihip of Cromwell, facilitated the meafures 
 of the high monarchies, who continually im- 
 proved their advantages to enhance the prerog- 
 atives of the crown. The weak and bigoted 
 conduct of his brother James increafed the 
 general uneaiinefs of the nation, until his abdi- 
 cation. Thus, through every fucceffive reign 
 of this line of the Stuarts, the colonies gained 
 additional ftrength, by continual emigrations to 
 the young American fettlements. 
 
 The firft colony of Europeans, permanently 
 planted in North America, was by an handful of 
 roving ftrangers, lickly, and neceffitated to de- 
 bark on the firft land, where there was any 
 promife of a quiet fubfiftence. Amidft the 
 defpotifm of the firft branch of the houfe of 
 Stuart, on the throne of Britain, and the ec~ 
 clefiaftical perfecutions in England, which fent 
 many eminent characters abroad, a fmall com- 
 pany of diflenters from the national eftablifh- 
 ment left England, under the paftoral care of 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 
 
 the pious and learned Mr. Robinfon, and refided 
 a Ihort time in Holland, which they left in the 
 beginning of autumn, one thouiand fix hun- 
 dred and twenty* 
 
 After a long and hazardous voyage, they 
 landed on the borders of an inhofpitable wil- 
 dernefs, in the dreary month of December, 
 amidft the horrors of a North American winter.* 
 They were at firft received by the favage inhab- 
 itants of the country with a degree of fimple 
 humanity : They fmoked with them the calumet 
 of peace ; purchafed a tract of the uncultivated 
 wafte ; hutted on the frozen more, flickered 
 only by the lofty foreft, thai had been left for 
 ages to thicken under the rude'hand of time. 
 From this fmall beginning was laid the ftable 
 foundations of thofe extenfive fettlements, that 
 have fince fpread over the faireft quarter of the 
 globe. 
 
 Virginia, indeed, had been earlier discovered 
 by Sir Walter Raleigh, and a few men left there 
 by him, to whom additions under various ad- 
 venturers were afterwards made ; but, by a 
 ieries o^rnisfortunes and mifconducl, the plan- 
 tation had fallen into fuch diforder and diftrefs, 
 that the enterprife was abandoned. The fate 
 of thofe left there by this great and good man 
 has never been known with certainty: It is 
 
 * Appendix, Note, No. I. 
 
 VOL. i. B 
 
THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 probable moft of them were murdered by the 
 favages ; and the remnant, if any there were y 
 became incorporated with the barbarous na- 
 tions. 
 
 There was afterwards a more fuccefsful effort 
 for the fettlement of a colony in Virginia. In 
 the beginning of the feventeenth century Lord 
 Delaware was appointed Governor, and with 
 him a confiderable number of emigrants arrived 
 from England. But his health was not equal 
 to a refidence in a rude and uncultivated wil- 
 dernefs ; he foon returned to his native country, 
 but left his fon, with Sir Thomas Gates and 
 feveral other enterpriling gentlemen, who pur- 
 fued the project of an efiablimment in Virginia, 
 and began to build a town on James-River, in 
 the year one thoufand fix hundred and fix. 
 Thus was that ftate entitled to the prefcriptive 
 term of the Old Dominion, which it ftill retains. 
 But their difficulties, misfortunes and difappoint- 
 ments, long prevented any permanent confti- 
 tution or ftable government, and they fcarcely 
 deferved the appellation of a regular colony, 
 until a confiderable time after the fettlement in 
 Plymouth, in one thoufand fix hundred and 
 twenty. 
 
 4 
 
 The difcovery of the New World had opened 
 a wide field of enterprife, and feveral other pre- 
 vious attempts had been made by Europeans to 
 obtain fettlements therein ; yet little of a per- 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 
 
 manent nature was effected, until the patience 
 and perfeverance of the Leyden fufferers laid 
 the foundation of focial order. 
 
 This finall company of fettlers, after wan- 
 dering fome time on the frozen more, fixed 
 themfelves at the bottom of the Maflachufetts 
 Bay. Though difpirited by innumerable dif- 
 couraging circumftances, they immediately en- 
 tered into engagements with each other to form 
 themfelves into a regular fociety, and drew up 
 a covenant, by which they bound themfelves to 
 fubmit to order and fubordination. 
 
 Their jurifprudence was marked with wifdom 
 and dignity, and their fimplicity and piety were 
 difplayed equally in the regulation of their 
 police, the nature of their contracts, and the 
 punctuality of obfervance. The old Plymouth 
 colony remained for fome time a diftinct gov- 
 ernment. They chofe their own magiftrates, 
 independent of all foreign control ; but a few 
 years involved them with the Maflachufetts, 
 of which, Bofton, more recently fettled than 
 Plymouth, was the capital. 
 
 From the local fituation of a country, fep- 
 arated by an ocean of a thoufand leagues from 
 the parent ftate, and furrounded by a world of 
 favages, an immediate compact with the King 
 of Great Britain was thought neceflary. Thus, 
 a charter was early granted, ftipulating on the 
 
12 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 part of the crown, that the MafTachufetts mould 
 have a legiflative body within itfelf, compofed 
 of three branches, and fubjecl: to no control, 
 except his Majefty's negative, within a limited 
 term, to any laws formed by their affembly 
 that might be thought to militate with the general 
 intereft of the realm of England. The Governor 
 was appointed by the crown, the reprefentative 
 body, annually chofen by the people, and the 
 council elected by the reprefentatives from the 
 people at large. 
 
 Though more liberal charters were granted to 
 fome of the colonies, which, after the firft fettle- 
 ment at Plymouth, rapidly fpread over the face of 
 this new difcovered country, yet modes of gov- 
 ernment nearly limilar to that of Maffachufetts 
 were eftabliihed in moft of them, except Mary- 
 land and Pennfylyania, which were under the 
 direction of particular proprietors. But the 
 corrupt principles which had been fafhionable in 
 the voluptuous and bigoted courts of the Stu- 
 arts, fpon followed the emigrants in their diftant 
 retreat, and interrupted the eftablifhments of 
 their civil police ; which, it may >e obferved, 
 were a mixture of Jewiih theocracy, monarchic 
 government, and the growing principles of 
 republicanifm, which had taken root in Britain 
 as early as the days of Elizabeth. 
 
 It foon appeared that there was a flrong party 
 in England, who wiihed to govern the colonifts 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 
 
 with a rigorous hand. They difcovered their 
 inclinations by repeated attempts to procure a 
 revifion, an alteration, and a refumption of 
 charters, on the moft frivolous pretences. 
 
 It is true, an indifcreet zeal, with regard to 
 feveral religious fectaries, which had early in- 
 troduced themfelves into the young fettlements, 
 gave a pretext to fome feverities from the 
 parent ftate. But the conduct of the firft plant- 
 ers of the American colonies has been held up 
 by fome ingenious writers in too ludicrous a 
 light. Yet while we admire their perfevering 
 and felf-denying virtues, we muft acknowledge 
 that the illiberality and weaknefs of fome of 
 their municipal regulations have caft a fliade 
 over the memory of men, whofe errors arofe 
 more from the fafhion of the times, and the 
 dangers which threatened them from every lide, 
 than from any deficiency either in the head or 
 the heart. But the treatment of the Quakers 
 in the Maflachufetts can never be juftified either 
 by the principles of policy or humanity. * The 
 demeanor of thefe people was, indeed, in many 
 inftances, not only ridiculous, but diforderly and 
 
 * However cenfurable the early fettlers in New England 
 were, in their feverities towards the Quakers and other non- 
 conformifts, they might think their conduft in fome degree 
 fandlioned by the example of their parent ftate, and the 
 rigours exercifed in other parts of the European world at 
 that time, againft all denominations which differed from 
 the religious eftablifhments of government. 
 
THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 atrocious ; yet an indelible ftain will be left on 
 the names of thofe, who adjudged to imprifon- 
 ment, confifcation and death, a feel made con- 
 fiderable only by oppofition. 
 
 In the ftory of the fufferings of thefe enthu- 
 iiafts, there has never been a juft difcrimination 
 between the feclaries denominated Quakers, 
 who firfl vifited the New England fettlements, 
 and the affociates of the celebrated Penn, who, 
 having received a patent from the crown of 
 England, fixed his relidence on the borders of 
 the Delaware. He there reared, with aftonim- 
 ing rapidity, a flour ifhing, induftrious colony, on 
 the moft benevolent principles. The equality 
 of their condition, the mildnefs of their deport- 
 ment, and the iimplicity of their manners, 
 encouraged the emigration of hufbandmen, 
 artizans and manufacturers from all parts of 
 Europe. Thus was this colony fopn raifed to 
 diftinguifhed eminence, though under a propri- 
 etary government.* But the fecfories that in- 
 fefted the more eaftern territory were generally 
 loofe, idle and refractory, aiming to introduce 
 
 * Mr. !Penn published a fyftem of government, on which 
 it has been obferved, " that the introductory piece is per- 
 "haps the moft extraordinary compound that ever was 
 "published, of enthufiafm, found policy, and good fenfe." 
 The author tells us, " It was adapted to the great end of 
 " all government, viz. to fupport power in reverence with 
 ** the people, and to fecure the people from the abufe of 
 power," Mod. Un, Hid, Vol. 41. p. 5. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 
 
 confufion and licentioufnefs rather than the 
 eftablifhment of any regular fociety. Excluded 
 from Bofton, and banifhed the Maffachufetts, 
 they repaired to a neighboring colony, lefs 
 tenacious in religious opinion, by which the 
 growth of Rhode Ifland and Providence Planta- 
 tions was greatly facilitated. 
 
 The fpirit of intolerance in the early ftages of 
 their fettlements was not confined to the New 
 England puritans, as they have in derifion been 
 flyled. In Virginia, Maryland, and fome other 
 colonies, where the votaries of the church of 
 England were the ftronger party, the diiTenters 
 of every defcription were perfecuted, with little 
 lefs rigour than had been experienced by the 
 Quakers from the Prefbyterians of the Maffa- 
 chufetts. An act patted in the affembly of Vir- 
 ginia, in the early days of her legiflation, making 
 it penal " for any mailer of a veffel to bring a 
 " Quaker into the province." " The inhabitants 
 " were inhibited from entertaining any perfon 
 " of that denomination. They were imprifoned, 
 " banifhed, and treated with every mark of fe- 
 " verity fliort of death."* 
 
 It is natural to fuppofe a fociety of men who 
 had fuffered fo much from a fpirit of religious 
 bigotry, would have ftretched a lenient hand 
 towards any who might differ from themfelves, 
 either in mode or opinion, with regard to the 
 
 * Hiftory of Virginia. 
 
1G THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 worfhip of the Deity. But from a ilrange 
 propenlity in human nature to reduce every- 
 thing within the vortex of their own ideas, the 
 fame intolerant and perfecuting fpirit, from 
 which they had fo recently fled, difcovered itfelf 
 in thofe bold adventurers, who had braved the 
 dangers of the ocean and planted themfelves in 
 a wildernefs, for the enjoyment of civil and 
 religious liberty. 
 
 In the cool moments of reflection, both hu- 
 manity and philofophy revolt at the diabolical 
 difpofition, that has prevailed in almoft every 
 country, to perfecute fuch as either from educa- 
 tion or principle, from caprice or cuftom, refufe 
 to fubfcribe to the religious creed of thofe, who, 
 by various adventitious circumltances, have ac-^ 
 quired a degree of fuperiority or power. 
 
 It is rational to believe that the benevolent 
 Author of nature deiigned univerfal happinefs 
 as the bails of his works. Nor is it unphilo- 
 fophical to fuppofe the difference in human 
 fentiment, and the variety of opinions among 
 mankind, may conduce to this end. They may 
 be permitted, in order to improve the faculty 
 of thinking, to draw out the powers of the 
 mind, to exercife the principles of candor, 
 and learn us to wait, in a becoming manner, 
 the full difclofure of the fyftem of divine gov- 
 ernment. Thus, probably, the variety in the 
 formation of the human foul may appear to be 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 17 
 
 iuch, as to have rendered it impoflible for man- 
 kind to think exactly in the fame channel. The 
 contemplative and liberal minded man muft, 
 therefore, blufh for the weaknefs of his own 
 fpecies, when he fees any of them endeavouring 
 to circumfcribe the limits of virtue and happi- 
 nefs within his own contracted fphere, too often 
 darkened by fuperftition and bigotry. 
 
 The modern improvements in fociety, and 
 the cultivation of reafon, which has fpread its 
 benign influence over both the European and 
 the American world, have nearly eradicated 
 this perfecuting fpirit ; and we look back, in 
 both countries, mortified and afhamed of the 
 illiberality of our anceftors.. Yet fuch is the 
 elaflicity of the human mind, that when it has 
 been long bent beyond a certain line of propri- 
 ety, it frequently flies off to the oppofite extreme. 
 Thus there may be danger, that in the enthu- 
 fiafm for toleration, indifference to all religion 
 may take place.* Perhaps few will deny that 
 religion, viewed merely in a political light, is 
 after all the beft cement of fociety, the great 
 barrier of juft government, and the only cer- 
 
 * Since thefe annals were written this obfervation has 
 been fully verified in the impious fentiments and conduft 
 of feveral members of the national Convention of France, 
 who, after the diflblution of monarchy, and the abolition, 
 of the privileged orders, were equally zealous for the de- 
 ftru&ion of the altars of God, and the annihilation of all 
 religion. 
 
 VOL. i. e 
 
18 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 tain reftraint of the paflions, thofe dangerous 
 inlets to licentioufnefs and anarchy. 
 
 It has been obferved by an ingenious wri- 
 ter, that there are profelytes from atheifm, but 
 none from fuperftition. Would it not be more 
 juft to reverfe the obfervation ? The narrow- 
 nefs of fuperftition frequently wears off, by an 
 intercourfe with the world, and the fubje&s 
 become ufeful members of fociety. But the 
 hardinefs of atheifm fets at defiance both hu- 
 man and divine laws, until the man is loft 
 to himfelf and to the world. 
 
 A curfory furvey of the religious ftate of 
 America, in the early ftages of colonization, re- 
 quires no apology. It is neceffary to obferve, 
 the animoiities which arofe among themfelves 
 on external forms of worfhip, and different 
 modes of thinking, were moft unfortunate cir- 
 cumftances for the infant fettlements ; more 
 efpecially while kept in continual alarm by the 
 natives of the vaft uncultivated wilds, who foon 
 grew jealous of their new inmates. It is true, 
 that Maffafoit, the principal chief of the north, 
 had received the ftrangers with the fame mild- 
 nefs and hofpitality that marked the conduct of 
 Montezuma at the fouth, on the arrival of the 
 Spaniards in his territories. Perhaps the differ- 
 ent demeanor of their fons, Philip and Guati- 
 mozin, was not the refult of more hoftile or 
 heroic difpolitions than their fathers poffeffed. 
 It more probably arofe from an appreheniion of 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 19 
 
 the invafion of their rights, after time had giv- 
 en them a more perfect knowledge of the tem- 
 per of their guefts. 
 
 It may be a miftake, that man^ in a ftate of na- 
 ture, is more difpofed to cruelty than courtefy. 
 Many inftances might be adduced to prove the 
 contrary. But when once awakened to fufpif 
 cion, that either his life or his intereft is in dan* 
 ger, all the black paffions of the mind, with 
 revenge in their rear, rife up in array.* It is 
 an undoubted truth, that both the rude favage 
 and the polifhed citizen are equally tenacious of 
 their pecuniary acquiiitions. And however 
 mankind may have trifled away liberty, virtue, 
 religion, or life, yet when the firft rudiments of 
 fociety have been eftablifhed, the right of pri- 
 vate property has been held facred. For an 
 attempt to invade the poffeffions each one de- 
 nominates his own, whether it is made by the 
 rude hand of the favage, or by the refinements 
 of ancient or modern policy, little fhort of the 
 blood of the aggreffor has been thought a fuf- 
 ficient atonement. Thus, the purchafe of their 
 commodities, the furs of the foreft, and the 
 alienation of their lands for trivial confidera- 
 tions ; the affumed fuperiority of the Euro- 
 peans 5 their knowledge of arts and war, and 
 
 * A celebrated writer has obferved, that " moral evil 
 " is foreign to man, as well as phyfical evil ; that both the 
 " one and the other fpring up out of deviations from the law 
 < of nature." 
 
20 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. i. perhaps their fupercilious deportment towards 
 the aborigines might awaken in them juft fears 
 of extermination. Nor is it ftrange that the 
 natural principle of felf-defence operated ftrong- 
 ly in their minds, and urged them to hoftilities 
 that often reduced the young colonies to the 
 utmoft danger and diftrefs. 
 
 But the innumerable {warms of the wilder- 
 nefs, who were not driven back to the vaft 
 interior region, were foon fwept off by the 
 fword or by {icknefs, which remarkably raged 
 among them about the time of the arrival of 
 the Englim.* The few who remained were qui- 
 eted by treaty or by conqueft : after which, the 
 inhabitants of the American colonies lived many 
 years perhaps as near the point of felicity as the 
 condition of human nature will admit. 
 
 The religious bigotry of the firfl planters, and 
 the temporary ferments it had occafioned, fubfid- 
 ed, and a fpirit of candor and forbearance every 
 where took place. They feemed, previous to 
 the rupture with Britain, to have acquired that 
 juft and happy medium between the ferocity of 
 
 * The Plymouth fettlers landed the twenty-fee ond of 
 December, but faw not an Indian until the thirty-firft of 
 January. This was afterwards accounted for by the in- 
 formation of Samofet, an Indian chief who vifited them, 
 and told them the natives on the borders had been all 
 fwept away by a peftilence that raged among them three 
 or four years before. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 
 
 a ftate of nature, and thofe high ftages of civili- 
 zation and refinement, that at once corrupt the 
 heart and fap the foundation of happinefs. The 
 fobriety of their manners and the purity of 
 their morals were exemplary ; their piety and 
 hofpitality engaging ; and the equal and lenient 
 administration of their government fecured au- 
 thority, fubordination, juftice, regularity and 
 peace. A well-informed yeomanry and an en- 
 lightened peafantry evinced the early attention 
 of the firft fettlers to domeftic education. Pub- 
 lic fchools were eftablifhed in every town, par- 
 ticularly in the eaftern provinces, and as early 
 as one thoufand fix hundred and thirty-eight, 
 Harvard College was founded at Cambridge.* 
 
 In the fouthern colonies, it is true, there was 
 not that general attention to early inftruc"Uon ; 
 the children of the opulent planters only were 
 educated in England, while the lefs affluent 
 were neglected, and the common clafs of whites 
 had little education above their Haves. Both 
 knowledge and property were more equally 
 divided in the colder regions of the north ; con- 
 fequently a fpirit of more equal liberty was 
 diffufed. While the almoft fpontaneous har- 
 vefts of the warmer latitudes, the great number 
 of Haves thought neceflary to fecure their pro- 
 
 * The elegant St. Pierre has obferved, that there are 
 three periods through which moft nations pafs ; the firft 
 below nature, in the fecond they come up to her, and in 
 the third, go beyond her. 
 
THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 duce, and the eafy acquifition of fortune, nour- 
 ilhed more ariitocratic principles. Perhaps it 
 may be true, that wherever flavery is encour- 
 aged, there are among the free inhabitants very 
 high ideas of liberty ; though not fo much 
 from a fenfe of the common rights of man, as 
 from their own feelings of fuperiority. 
 
 f Democratic principles are the refult of equal- 
 J ity of condition. A fuperfluity of wealth, and 
 a train of domeftic Haves, naturally banim a 
 fenfe of general liberty, and nourifh the feeds 
 of that kind of independence that ufually ter- 
 minates in ariftocracy. Yet all America, from 
 the firft emigrants to the prefent generation, felt 
 an attachment to the inhabitants, a regard to 
 the intereft, and a reverence for the laws and 
 government of England. Thofe writers who 
 have obferved, that " thefe principles had fcarce- 
 " ly any exiflence in the colonies at the com- 
 " mencement of the late war," have certainly 
 miftaken the character of their country. 
 
 But unhappily both for Great Britain and 
 America, the encroachments of the crown had 
 gathered ftrength by time ; and after the fuc- 
 cefles, the glory, and the demife of George the 
 fecond, the fceptre defcended to a prince, bred 
 under the aufpices of a Scotch nobleman of the 
 houfe of Stuart. Nurtured in all the inflated 
 ideas of kingly prerogative, furrounded by flat- 
 terers and dependants, who always fwarm in 
 
THE AiMERICAN REVOLUTION. 23 
 
 the purlieus of a palace, this mifguided fove- CH -' 
 reign, dazzled with the acquifition of empire, in 
 the morning of youth, and in the zenith of 
 national profperity ; more obftinate than cruel, 
 rather weak than remarkably wicked, confider- 
 ed an oppofition to the mandates of his minif- 
 ters, as a crime of too daring a nature to hope 
 for the pardon of royalty. 
 
 Lord Bute, who from the preceptor of the 
 prince in the years of pupilage, had become the 
 director of the monarch on the throne of Brit- 
 ain, found it not difficult, by that fecret influ- 
 ence ever exercifed by a favorite minifter, to 
 bring over a majority of the houfe of commons 
 to co-operate with the deiigns of the crown. 
 Thus the parliament of England became the 
 mere creature of adminiftration, and appeared 
 ready to leap the boundaries of juftice, and to 
 undermine the pillars of their own conftitution, 
 by adhering ftedfaftly for feveral years to a com- 
 plicated fyftem of tyranny, that threatened the 
 new world with a yoke unknown to their 
 fathers. 
 
 It had ever been deemed effential to the 
 prefervation of the boafted liberties of Englifh- 
 men, that no grants of monies Ihould be made, 
 by tolls, talliage, excife, or any other way, with- 
 out the confent of the people by their reprefent- 
 ative voice. Innovation in a point fo interefting 
 might well be expected to create a general fer- 
 
24 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 ment through the American provinces. Num- 
 berlefs reftridions had been laid on the trade of 
 the colonies previous to this period, and every 
 method had been taken to check their enter- 
 prifing fpirit, and to prevent the growth of their 
 manufactures. Nor is it furprifing, that loud 
 complaints mould be made when heavy exac- 
 tions were laid on the fubject, who had not, and 
 whofe local fituation rendered it impracticable 
 that he mould have, an equal reprefentation in 
 parliament. 
 
 What ftill heightened the refentment of the 
 Americans, in the beginning of the great con- 
 teft, was the reflection, that they had not only 
 always fupported their own internal government 
 with little expenfe to Great Britain ; but while 
 a friendly union exifted, they had, on all occa- 
 lions, exerted their utmoft ability to comply 
 with every conftitutional requifition from the 
 parent ftate. We need not here revert further 
 back than the beginning of the reign of George 
 the third, to prove this, though earlier inftances 
 might be adduced. 
 
 The extraordinary exertions of the colonies, 
 in co-operation with Britim meafures, againil 
 the French, in the late war, were acknowledged 
 by the Britim parliament to be more than ad- 
 equate to their ability. After the fuccefsful 
 expedition to Louifburg, in one thoufand feven 
 hundred and forty-five, the fum of two hundred 
 
fHE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 25 
 
 thoufand pounds fterling was voted by the com- CHAP - L 
 mons, as a compenfation to fome of the colonies 
 for their vigorous efforts, which were carried 
 beyond their proportional ftrength, to aid the 
 expedition. 
 
 Not contented with the voluntary aids they 
 had from time to time received from the col- 
 onies, and grown giddy with the luftre of their 
 own power, in the plenitude of human grandeur, 
 to which the nation had arrived in the long and 
 fuccefsful reign of George the fecond, fuch weak, 
 impolitic and unjuft meafures were purfued, on 
 the acceflion of his grandfon, as foon threw the 
 whole empire into the moft violent convulfions. 
 
 A more particular narrative of the firft fet- 
 tlement of America ; their wars with the 
 natives ; their diftreffes at home ; their per- 
 plexities abroad ; and their difputes with the 
 parent ftate, relative to grants, charters, privi- 
 leges and limits, may be feen in the accounts 
 of every hiftorical writer on the ftate of the 
 colonies.* As this is not comprehended in the 
 defign of the prefent work, the reader is referred 
 to more voluminous, or more minute defcrip- 
 tions of the events preceding the tranfadtions, 
 which brought forward a revolution, that eman- 
 
 * Thefe refearches have been fatisfaftorily made by 
 feveral literary gentlemen, whofe talents were equal to the 
 taik. 
 
 VOL. I. T> 
 
26 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP t. dpated the colonies from the domination of the 
 fceptre of Britain. This is a ftory of fo much 
 intereft to the minds of every fon and daughter 
 of America, endowed with the ability of reflect- 
 ing, that they will not reluctantly haften to the 
 detail of tranfactions, that have awakened the 
 attention and expectation of the millions among 
 the nations beyond the Atlantic. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 The Stamp-Aft A Congrefs convened at New- York, 
 One thoufand feven hundred and fixty-five. The 
 Stamp-Aft repealed. New Grievances. Sufpenfion 
 of the I^egiflature of New York. 
 
 1 HE projeft of an American taxation might 
 have been longer meditated, but the memorable 
 era of the ftamp-acl, in one thoufand feven 
 hundred and fixty-four, was the firft innovation 
 that gave a general alarm throughout the conti- 
 nent. By this extraordinary aft, a certain duty 
 was to be levied on all bonds, bills of lading, 
 public papers, and writings of every kind, for 
 the exprefs purpofe of raiting a revenue to the 
 crown. As foon as this intelligence was tranf* 
 mitted to America, an univerfal murmur fuc- 
 ceeded ; and while the judicious and penetrating 
 thought it time to make a refolute ftand againft 
 the encroachments of power, the refentment of 
 the lower clafles broke out into fuch exceffes of 
 riot and tumult, as prevented the operation 
 of the favorite project. 
 
 Multitudes aflembled in the principal towns 
 and cities, and the popular torrent bore down 
 all before it. The houfes of fome, who were 
 the avowed abettors of the meafure, and of 
 others, who were only fufpefted as inimical to 
 the liberties of America, in Bofton, in Newport, 
 
28 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 Connecticut, and many other places, were rafed 
 to the ground. The commiffioners of the ftamp- 
 office were every where compelled to renounce 
 their employments, and to enter into the moft 
 folemn engagements to make no further attempts 
 to act in this obnoxious buiinefs. At New York 
 the acl: was printed, and cried about the ftreets, 
 under the title of " The folly of England, and the 
 "ruin of America " In Philadelphia the cannon 
 were fpiked up, and the bells of the city, muf- 
 fled, tolled from morning to evening, and every 
 teftimony of iincere mourning was difplayed, on 
 the arrival of the ftamp papers. Nor were any 
 of the more fouthern colonies lefs oppofed to 
 the operation of this acl: ; and the houfe of Bur- 
 geffes, in Virginia, was the firft who formally 
 refolved againft the encroachments of power, 
 and the unwarrantable deiigns of the Britifli 
 parliament. 
 
 The novelty of their procedure, and the 
 boldnefs of fpirit that marked the refolutions 
 of that aflembly, at once aftonifhed and difcon- 
 certed the officers of the crown, and the fup- 
 porters of the meafures of adminiftration. 
 Thefe refolves* were ufhered into the houfe, 
 on the thirtieth of May, one thoufand, feven 
 hundred and lixty-five, by Patrick Henry, efq. 
 a young gentleman of the law, till then unknown 
 in political life. He was a man, pofTeffed 
 of ftrong powers, much profeffional knowledge, 
 
 * Appendix, Note, No. II. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 29 
 
 and of fuch abilities as qualified him for the CHAP " 
 exigencies of the day. Fearlefs of the cry of 
 * treafon* echoed againft him from feveral quar- 
 ters, he juftified the meafure, and fupported the 
 refolves, in a fpeech, that did honor both to 
 his underftanding, and his patriotifm. The 
 governor, to check the progrefs of fuch daring 
 principles, immediately diffolved the affembly. 
 
 But the difpofition of the people was difcov- 
 ered, when, on a new election, thofe gentlemen 1764. 
 were every where re-chofen, who had ihewn 
 the moft firmnefs and zeal, in oppofition to the 
 ftamp-act. Indeed, from New Hampihire to 
 the Carolinas, a general averiion appeared againft 
 this experiment of adminiftration. Nor was 
 the flame confined to the continent ; it had 
 fpread to the infular regions, whofe inhabitants, 
 conftitutionally more fanguine than thofe born 
 in colder climates, difcovered ftronger marks of 
 refentment, and prouder tokens of difobedience 
 to minifterial authority. Thus feveral of the 
 Weft India iflands mewed equal violence, in the 
 deftrudiion of the ftamp papers, difguft at the 
 aft, and indignation towards the officers who 
 were bold enough to attempt its execution. 
 Nor did they at this period appear lels deter- 
 mined to refill the operation of all unconfti- 
 tutional mandates, than the generous planters 
 of the fouthern, or the independent fpirits 
 of the northern colonies. 
 
30 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP - IL When the general affembly of the Mafia-. 
 
 1764f. chufetts met this year, it appeared that moft of 
 the members of the houfe of reprefentatives had 
 inftrudions from their conftituents to make 
 every legal and fpirited oppofition to the diftri- 
 bution of the ftamped papers, to the execution 
 of the act in any form, and to every other par- 
 liamentary infringement on the rights of the 
 people of the colonies. A fpecimen of the fpirit 
 of the times may be feen in a {ingle inftance of 
 thofe inftructions, which were given to the rep- 
 refentative of the town of Plymouth, the capital 
 of the old colony.* Similar meafures were 
 adopted in moft of the other provinces. In 
 confequence of which, petitions from the re- 
 fpeftive affemblies, replete with the ftrongeft 
 expreffions of loyalty and affection to the king, 
 and a regard to the Britifh nation, were pre- 
 fented to his majefty, through the hands of the 
 colonial agents. 
 
 The ferment was however too general, and the 
 fpirits of the people too much agitated, to wait 
 patiently the refult of their own applications. 
 So univerfal was the refentment and difcontent 
 of the people, that the more judicious and dif r 
 creet characters were exceedingly apprehenfive 
 that the general clamor might terminate in the 
 extremes of anarchy. Heavy duties had been 
 laid on all goods imported from fuch of the Weft 
 India iflands as did not belong to Great Britain* 
 
 * See Appendix, Note, No. III. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 31 
 
 Thefe duties were to be paid into the exchequer, CHAP - n - 
 and all penalties incurred, were to be recovered 1764.. 
 in the courts of vice-admiralty, by the determi- 
 nation of a {ingle judge, without trial by jury, 
 and the judge's falary was to be paid out of the 
 fruits of the forfeiture. 
 
 All remonftrances againft this innovating 
 fyftem had hitherto been without effect ; and 
 in this period of fufpenfe, appreheniion and anx- 
 iety, a general congrefs of delegates from the 
 feveral provinces was propofed by the honorable 
 James Otis, of Barnftable, in the Maffachufetts. 
 He was a gentleman of great probity, experience, 
 and parliamentary abilities, whofe religious ad- 
 herence to the rights of his country had diftin- 
 guifhed him through a long courfe of years, in 
 which he had fuftained fome of the firft offices 
 in government. This propofal, from a man of 
 his acknowledged judgment, difcretion and 
 firmnefs, was universally pleafmg. The meafure 
 was communicated to fome of the principal 
 members of the two houfes of affembly, and 
 immediately adopted, not only by the Maffa- 
 chufetts, but very foon after by moft of the other 
 colonies. Thus originated the firft congrefs 
 ever convened in America by the united voice 
 of the people, in order to juftify their claims to 
 the rights of Englifhmen, and the privileges of 
 the Britifli conftitution. 
 
32 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 It has been obferved that Virginia and the 
 1764. Maffachufetts made the firft oppoiition to par- 
 liamentary meafures, on different grounds. The 
 Virginians, in their refolves, came forward, con- 
 fcious of their own independence, and at once 
 afferted their rights as men. The Maffachufetts 
 generally founded their claims on the rights of 
 Britifh fubjects, and the privileges of their Eng- 
 liih anceftors ; but the era was not far diftant, 
 when the united colonies took the fame ground, 
 the claim of native independence, regardlefs of 
 charters or foreign reftridions. 
 
 At a period when the tafte and opinions of 
 Americans were comparatively pure and iimple, 
 while they poffeffed that independence and dig- 
 nity of mind, which is loft only by a multiplicity 
 of wants and interefts, new fcenes were open- 
 ing, beyond the reach of human calculation. 
 At this important criiis, the delegates appointed 
 from feveral of the colonies, to deliberate on the 
 lowering afpecl: of political affairs, met at New 
 York, on the firil Tuefday of Odober, one 
 thoufand feven hundred and fixty-five* 
 
 The moderate demands of this body, and 
 the fhort period of its exiftence, elifcovered at 
 once the affedionate attachment of its members t 
 
 * Several of the colonies were prevented fending dele- 
 gates to the congrefs at New York, by the royal governors, 
 who would not permit the aflemblies to meet, 
 f See Appendix, Note, No. IV. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 33 
 
 to the parent ftate and their dread of a general 
 rupture, which at that time univerfally pre- ^ 
 vailed. They {tared their claims as fubje&s to 
 the crown of Great Britain ; appointed agents 
 to enforce them in the national councils ; and 
 agreed on petitions for the repeal of the {tamp- 
 act, which had ibwn the feeds of difcord 
 throughout the colonies. The prayer of their 
 conftituents was, in a fpirited, yet refpeclful 
 manner, offered through them to the king, 
 lords, and commons of Great Britain : they 
 then feparated, to wait the event.* 
 
 A majority of the principal merchants of the 
 city of London, the opulent Weft India pro- 
 prietors who relided iu England, and moft of 
 the manufacturing towns through the king- 
 dom, accompanied with iimilar petitions, thofe 
 offered by the congrefs convened at New York* 
 In confequence of the general averfion to the 
 {tamp-act, the Britim miniftry were changed in 
 appearance, though the fame men who had fab- 
 ricated the American fyftem, ftill retained their 
 influence on the mind of the king, and in the 
 councils of the nation. The parliamentary de- 
 bates of the winter of one thoufand feven hun- " 
 
 1 *7 f\(\ 
 
 dred and fixty-fix, evinced the important con- 
 fequences expected from the decifion of the 
 queftion, relative to an American taxation. 
 
 * See their petition in the records of the congrefs gt 
 New York, in one thoufand feven hundred and Hxty-five* 
 VOL, I> E 
 
THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 Warm and fpirited arguments in favor of the 
 _ meafure, energetic reafonings againft it, with 
 
 many farcaftic ftrokes on adminiftration, from 
 fome of the prime orators in parliament, inte* 
 refted the hearers of every rank and defcription. 
 Finally, in order to quiet the public mind, the 
 execution of \hzftamp-afl: was pronounced inexpe- 
 dient by a majority of the houfe of commons, and 
 a bill paffed for its repeal on March the eight- 
 eenth, one thoufand feven hundred and fixty-fix. 
 But a elaufe was infer ted therein, holding up a 
 parliamentary right to make laws binding on 
 the colonies in all cafes whatfoever : and a kind 
 of condition was tacked to the repeal, that com- 
 penfation mould be made to all who had fuf- 
 fered, either in perfon or property, by the late 
 riotous proceedings. 
 
 A fhort-lived joy was diffufed throughout 
 America, even by this deluiive appearance of 
 lenity : the people of every defcription manifeft*- 
 ed the ftrongeft defire^ that harmony might be 
 re-eftablimed between Great Britain and the 
 colonies. Bonfires, illuminations, and all the 
 ufual expreffions of popular fatisfa&ion, were 
 difplayed On the joyful occafion : yet, amidft 
 the demonftrations of this lively gratitude, 
 there were fome who had fagacity enough to 
 fee, that the Britifh miniftry was not fo much 
 inftigated by principles of equity, as impelled by 
 neceflity. Thefe deemed any relaxation in par^ 
 liament an ad of juftice, rather than favor ; and 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. S3 
 
 felt more refentment for the manner, than ob- CHAP.H. 
 ligation for the defign, of this partial repeal. T 4 ^ 
 Their opinion was fully juftified by the fubfe- 
 quent conduct of adminiftration, 
 
 When the affembly of Maffachufetts met 
 
 1T/?-T 
 
 the fucceeding winter, there feemed to prevail 
 a general difpoiition for peace : the fenfe of in- 
 jury was checked ; and fuch a fpirit of affection 
 and loyalty appeared, that the two houfes agreed 
 to a bill for compenfation to all fufferers, in the 
 late times of confufion and riot. But they were 
 careful not to recognize a right in parliament to 
 make fuch a recjuifition : they ordered it to be 
 entered on the journals of the houfe, that " for 
 " the fake of internal peace, they waved all de- 
 "bate and controverfy, though perfuaded, the 
 u delinquent fufterers had no juft claim on the 
 " province : that, influenced by a loyal regard 
 " to his majefty's recommendation, (not confid- 
 " ering it as a requiiition ;) and that, from a 
 96 deference to the opinions of fome illuftrious 
 w patrons of America, in the houfe of commons, 
 " who had urged them to a compliance : They 
 " therefore acceded to the propofkl ; though, at 
 cc the fame time, they coniidered it a very rep- 
 " rehenfible ftep in thofe who had fuffered, to 
 " apply for relief to the parliament of Britain, 
 " inftead o| fubmitting to the juflice and clem- 
 " ency of their own legiflature." 
 
 They made feveral other juft and fevere ob- 
 fervations on the high-toned fpeech of the gov- 
 
fi THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. IL rnor, who had faid, u that the requilition of 
 "~ 7 " the miniftry was founded on fo much juftice 
 * c and humanity, that it could not be contro- 
 ' " verted." They inquired, if the authority with 
 which he introduced the ininifterial demand, 
 precluded all difputation about complying with 
 it, what freedom of choice they had left in the 
 cafe ? They faid, " With regard to the reft of 
 " your excellency's fpeech, we are conftrained 
 " to obferve, that the general air and ftyle of it 
 " favors much more of an acl: of free grace and 
 " pardon, than of a parliamentary addrefs to the 
 " two houfes of affembly : and we moft lincerely 
 " wifh your excellency had been pleafed to re- 
 V ferve it, if needful, for a proclamation." . 
 
 In the bill for compenfation by the aflembly 
 of Mafiachufetts, was added a very offenfive 
 claufe. A general pardon and oblivion was 
 granted to all offenders in the late confuiion, 
 tumults and riots. An exacl detail of thefe 
 proceedings was tranfmitted to England. The 
 king and council difallowed the acl:, as comprif- 
 ing in it a bill of indemnity to the Bofton riot- 
 ers ; and ordered compenfation made to the late 
 fufferers, without any fupplementary conditions. 
 No notice was taken of this order, nor any alter- 
 ation made in the act. The money was drawn 
 from the treafury of the province t| fatisfy the 
 claimants for compenfation ; and no farther in- 
 quiries were made relative to the authors of the 
 late tumultuary proceedings of the times, wh,en 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. $7 
 
 the minds of men had been wrought up to a CHAP n 
 ferment, beyond the reach of all legal reltraint. 
 
 176' 
 
 The year one thoufand feven hundred and 
 iixty-fix had palled over without any other re- 
 markable political events. All colonial meafures 
 agitated in England, were regularly tranfmitted 
 by the minifter for the American department 
 to the feveral plantation governors ; who, on 
 every communication, endeavoured to enforce 
 the operation of parliamentary authority, by the 
 moft fanguine injunctions of their own, and a 
 magnificent difplay of royal refentment, on the 
 fmalleft token of difobedience to minifterial re- 
 quifitions. But it will appear, that through a 
 long feries of refolves and meffages, letters and 
 petitions, which palled between the parties, pre- 
 vious to the commencement of hoftilities, the 
 watchful guardians of American freedom never 
 loft light of the intrigues of their enemies, or 
 the mifchievous deligns of fuch as were under 
 the influence of the crown, on either lide the 
 Atlantic. 
 
 It may be obferved, that the tranquillity of the 
 provinces had for fome time been interrupted 
 by the innovating fpirit of the Britilh miniftry, 
 mitigated by a few proftitutes of power, nurtur- 
 ed in the lap of America, and bound by every 
 tie of honor and gratitude, to be faithful to 
 the interefts of their country. The focial enjoy- 
 ments of life had long been difturbed, the mind 
 
& THE RISE 'AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAF.H. fretted, and the people rendered fufpicious^ 
 ~ ' when they faw fome of their fellow-citizens* 
 who did not hefitate at a junction with the ao 
 cumulated fwarms of hirelings, fent from Great 
 Britain to ravifh from the colonies the rights, 
 they claimed both by nature and by compact. 
 That the hard-hearted judges of admiralty, and 
 the crowd of revenue officers that hovered 
 about the cuftom houfes, fliould feldom be ac~hu 
 ated by the principles of juftice, is not ftrange. 
 Peculation was generally the prime object of 
 this clafs ; and the oaths they adminiftered, and 
 the habits they encouraged, were favorable to 
 every fpecies of bribery and corruption. The 
 rapacity which mitigated thefe defcriptions of 
 men had little check, while they faw themfelves 
 upheld even by fome governors of provinces. 
 In this grade, which ought ever to be the pro- 
 tectors of the rights of the people, there were 
 fome who were total ftrangers to all ideas of 
 equity, freedom, or urbanity. It was obferved 
 at this time, in a fpeech before the houfe of 
 commons, by colonel Barre, that " to his cer- 
 " tain knowledge, fome were promoted to the 
 " higheft feats of honor in America, who were 
 " glad to fly to a foreign country, to efcape be- 
 " ing brought to the bar of juftice in their 
 
 own."* 
 
 However injudicious the appointments to 
 American departments might be, the darling 
 
 * Parliamentary debates for 1 766. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 39 
 
 Jpoint of an American revenue was an object too 
 tonfequential to be relinquished, either by 
 the court at St. James's, the plantation gover- 
 nors, or their mercenary adherents difperfed 
 through the continent. Befides thefe, there 
 were feveral clafles in America, who were at firft 
 exceedingly oppofed to meafures that militated 
 with the deligns of adminiftration. Some, im- 
 prefled by long connexion, were intimidated 
 by her power, and attached by affection to 
 Britain : others, the true difciples of paflive 
 'obedience, had real fcruples of confcience with 
 regard to any refiftance to the powers that be : 
 thefe, whether actuated by affection or fear, by 
 principle or intereft, formed a clofe combination 
 with the colonial governors, cuftom houfe offi- 
 cers, and all in fubordinate departments, who 
 hung on the court for fubfiftence. By the ten- 
 or of the writings of fome <of thefe, and the in- 
 folent behaviour of others, they became equally 
 obnoxious in the eyes of the people, with the 
 officers of the crown and the danglers for place ; 
 who, difappointed of their prey by the repeal of 
 the ftamp-act, and reftlefs for fome new project 
 that might enable them to rife into importance 
 on the fpoils of America, were continually whif- 
 pering malicious infinuations into the ears of the 
 financiers and miniflers of colonial department s* 
 
 They reprefented the mercantile body in 
 America -as a fet of fmugglers, forever break- 
 ing over the laws of trade and of foclety ; the 
 
4O THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 fe-HAp. ir. people in general as factious, turbulent, and 
 ~ . aiming at independence ; the legiflatures in the 
 
 feveral provinces as marked with the fame fpirit ; 
 and government every where in fo lax a Hate* 
 that the civil authority was infufficient to pre- 
 vent the fatal effects of popular difcontent. 
 
 It is indeed true, that refentment had in fev- 
 eral inflances arifen to outrage ; and that the 
 moil unwarrantable exceffes had been commit- 
 ted on fome occaflons, which gave grounds for 
 unfavorable reprefentations* Yet it muft be 
 acknowledged, that the voice of the people"*" 
 feldom breathes univerfal murmur, but when 
 the infolence or the oppreffion of their rulers 
 extorts the bitter complaint. On the contrary, 
 there is a certain fupinenefs which generally 
 overfpreads the multitude, and difpofes man- 
 kind to fubmit quietly to any form of govern- 
 ment, rather than to be at the expeiife and haz- 
 ard of refiftance. They become attached to 
 ancient modes by habits of obedience, though 
 the reins of authority are fometimes held by 
 the moft rigorous hand. Thus we have feen 
 in all ages, the many become the flaves of the 
 few : preferring the wretched tranquillity of 
 inglorious eafe, they patiently yield to defpotic 
 makers, until awakened by multiplied wrongs 
 to the feelings of human nature ; which, when 
 once aroufed to a confcioufnefs of the native 
 freedom and equal rights of man, ever revolts 
 at the idea of fervitude. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 41 
 
 Perhaps the ftory of political revolution 
 never exhibited a more general enthuiiafm in 1767. 
 the caufe of liberty, than that which for feveral 
 years pervaded all ranks in America, and 
 brought forward . events little expected by 
 the moft fanguine fpirits in the beginning of 
 the contfoverfy, A conteft now pufhed with 
 fo much vigour, that the intelligent yeomanry 
 of the country, as well as thofe educated in he 
 higher walks, became convinced that nothing 
 lefs than a fyftematical plan of flavery was de- 
 iigned againft them. They viewed the chains 
 as already forged to manacle the unborn mil- 
 lions ; and though every one feemed to dread, 
 any new interruption of public tranquillity, the 
 impetuoiity of fome led them into excefles 
 which could not be reftrained by thofe of more 
 cool and difcreet deportment. To the moft 
 moderate and judicious it foon became appar- 
 ent, that unlefs a timely and bold refinance 
 prevented, the colonifts muft in a few years 
 fink into the fame wretched thraldom, that 
 marks the miferable Aliatic. 
 
 Few of the executive officers employed by 
 the king of Great Britain, and fewer of their 
 adherents, were qualified either by education, 
 principle, or inclination, to allay the ferment of 
 the times, or to eradicate the fufpicions of men, 
 who, from an hereditary love of freedom, were 
 tenderly touched by the fmalleft attempt, to 
 undermine the invaluable pofleffion. Yet, per- 
 
 VOL. i. F 
 
42 ?HE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 haps few of the colonies, at this period, fuffered 
 17*67. equal embarraflments with the Maffachufetts. 
 The inhabitants of that province were coniid- 
 ered as the prime leaders of faction, the difturb- 
 ers of public tranquillity, and Bofton the feat of 
 fedition. Vengeance was continually denoun- 
 ced againft that capital, and indeed the whole 
 province, through the letters, meffages, and 
 fpeeches of their firft magiftrate. 
 
 Unhappily for both parties, governor Ber- 
 nard was very illy calculated to promote the 
 intereft of the people, or fupport the honor of 
 his mafter. He was a man of little genius, but 
 fome learning. He was by education ftrongly 
 imprelTed with high ideas of canon and feudal 
 law, and fond of a fyftein of government that 
 had been long obfolete in England, and had 
 never had an exiftence in America. His difpo- 
 fition was choleric and fanguine, obftinate and 
 deiigning, yet too open and frank to difguife 
 his intrigues, and too precipitant to bring them 
 to maturity. A reviiion of colony charters, a 
 refumption of former privileges, and an Amer- 
 ican revenue, were the conftant topics of his 
 letters to adminiftration.* To prove the necef- 
 iity of thefe meafures, the moft trivial difturb- 
 ance was magnified to a riot ; and to give a 
 pretext to thefe wicked infinuations, it was 
 
 * See his pamphlet oft law and polity, and his letters to 
 the Britifh miniftry, while he prefided in the Maffachufetts. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 43 
 
 thought by many, that tumults were frequent- CHAP " 
 Jy excited by the indifcretion or malignancy of 1757. 
 his own partizans. 
 
 Th declaratory bill ftill hung fufpended 
 over the heads of the Americans, nor was it 
 fuffered to remain long without trying its op- 
 erative effects. The claufe holding up a right 
 to tax America at pleafure, and " to bind them 
 " in all cafes whatfoever," was compreheniive 
 and alarming. Yet it was not generally ex- 
 pected, that the miniflry would foon endeavour 
 to avail themfelves of the dangerous experi- 
 ment ; but, in this, the public were miilaken. 
 
 It has already been obferved, that the arbi- 
 trary difpofition of George the third ; the 
 abfurd fyftem of policy adopted in conformity 
 to his principles, and a parliamentary majority 
 at the command of the miniftry, rendered it 
 not difficult to enforce any meafures that might 
 tend to an acceflion to the powers of the crown. 
 It was a juft fentiment of an elegant writer, 
 that " almoft all the vices of royalty have 
 " been principally occaiioned by a flavifh adula- 
 " tion in the language of their fubjecls ; and 
 " to the mame of the Englilh it muft be faid, 
 " that none of the enslaved nations in the world 
 " have addreiled the throne in a more fulfome 
 and hyperbolical ftyle."* 
 
 * Mrs. Macauley's letter to earl Stanhope* 
 
44 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 The dignity of the crown, the fupremacy of 
 1767. parliament, and the difloyalty of the colonies, 
 were the theme of the court, the echo of its 
 creatures, and of the Britifh nation in general ; 
 nor was it thought good policy to let the high 
 claims of government lie long in a dormant 
 ftate. Accordingly not many months after the 
 repeal of the ftamp-acl:, the chancellor of the 
 exchequer, Charles Townfhend, Efq. came for- 
 ward and pawned his character on the fuccefs 
 of a new attempt to tax the American colonies. 
 He was a gentleman of confpicuous abilities, 
 and much profeffional knowledge ; endowed 
 with more boldnefs than difcretion ; he had 
 " the talent of bringing together at once all 
 " that was neceflary to eftablifh, to illuftrate, 
 " and to decorate the fide of the queftion he 
 " was on."* 
 
 He introduced fever al bills in fupport of his 
 fanguinary defigns, which without much difficul- 
 ty obtained the fan&ion of parliament, and the 
 royal affent. The purport of the new project 
 for revenue was to levy certain duties on paper, 
 glafs, painters' colors, and feveral other articles 
 ufually imported into America. It was alfo 
 directed that the duties on India teas, which 
 
 * A writer has more recently obferved that Charles 
 Townfhend was a man of riling parliamentary reputation 
 and brilliant talents ; but capricious, infmcere, intriguing, 
 and wholly deftitute of difcretion or folidity. 
 
 Belfham on the reign of George the third 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 
 
 had been a productive fource of revenue in 
 England, fhould be taken off there, and three 1757, 
 pence per pound levied on all kinds that fhould 
 in future be purchafed in the colonies. 
 
 This inconfiderable duty on teas finally be- 
 came an object of high importance and alterca- 
 tion ; it was not the fum, but the principle 
 that was contefted ; it manifeftly appeared that 
 this was only a financiering expedient to raife a 
 revenue from the colonies by imperceptible 
 taxes. The defenders of the privileges and the 
 freedom of the colonies, denied all parliamentary 
 right to tax them in any way whatever. They 
 afferted that if the collection of this duty was 
 permitted, it would eftablifh a precedent, and 
 ftrengthen the claim parliament had afTumed, 
 to tax them at pleafure. To do it by the fecret 
 modes of impofts and excifes would ruin tfyeir 
 trade, corrupt the morals of the people, and was 
 more abhorrent in their eyes than a direct de- 
 mand. The moft judicious and intelligent 
 Americans at this time confidered all impercepti- 
 ble taxes fraught with evils, that tended to 
 enflave any country plunged in the boundlefs 
 chaos of fifcal demands that this practice intro- 
 duces. 
 
 In confequence of the new fyftem, a board of 
 cuftoms was inflituted and commiflioners ap- 
 pointed to fet in Bofton to collect the duties ; 
 which were befides other purpofes to fupply a 
 
46 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 fund for the payment of the large falaries an- 
 1767. nexed to their office. A civil lift was foon after 
 eftablifhed, and the governors of the Maflachu- 
 fetts, judges of the fuperior court, and fuch other 
 officers as had heretofore depended on the free 
 grants of the reprefentative body, were to be 
 paid out of the revenue cheft. 
 
 Thus rendered wholly independent of the 
 general affembly, there was no check left on 
 the wanton exercife of power in the crown of- 
 ficers, however difpofed they might be to abufe 
 their truft. The diftance from the throne, it 
 was faid, muft delay, if not wholly prevent, all 
 relief under any oppreffions the people might 
 fuffer from the fervants of government ; and 
 to crown the long lift of grievances, fpecilied 
 by the patriots of the day, the extenfion of the 
 courts of vice-admiralty was none of the leaft. 
 They were veiled with certain powers that dif- 
 penfed with the mode of trial by jury, annihi- 
 lated the privileges of Englimmen, and placed 
 the liberty of every man in the hand of a petty 
 officer of the cuftoms. By warrant of a writ 
 of affiftance from the governor or lieutenant 
 governor, any officer of the revenue was au- 
 thorized to enter the dwelling of the moft re- 
 fpeftable inhabitant on the fmalleft fufpicion of 
 a concealment of contraband goods, and to in-* 
 fult, fearch, or feize, with impunity. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 4? 
 
 An attorney* at law, of fome profeflional CBAP - " 
 abilities and ingenuity, but without either prop- 1757. 
 erty or principle, was, by the inftigation of Mr. 
 Bernard, appointed fole judge of admiralty in 
 the Maffachufetts. The dangerous afpect of 
 this court, particularly when aided by writs of 
 afliftance, was oppofed with peculiar energy and 
 ilrength of argument, by James Otis, Efq. of 
 Bofton, who, by the exertion of his talents and 
 the facrifice of inter eft, may juftly claim the 
 honor of laying the foundation of a revolu- 
 tion, which has been productive of the happieft 
 effects to the civil and political interefts of man- 
 kind. 
 
 He was the firft champion of American free- 
 dom, who had the courage to put his iignature 
 to the conteft between Great Britain and the 
 colonies. He had in a clear, concife, and nerv- 
 ous manner, ftated and vindicated the rights of 
 the American colonies, and publimed his obfer- 
 vations in Bofton, while the {lamp-act hung fuf- 
 pended. This tracl: was written with fuch a 
 fpirit of liberality, loyalty, and impartiality, that 
 though at the time fome were ready to pro- 
 nounce it treafonable, yet, when oppofition run 
 higher, many of the moft judicious partizans 
 of the crown were willing to admit it as a 
 
 * Jonathan Sewall, a native of the province, whofe. pen 
 had been employed to vindicate the meafures of adrriiniftra- 
 tion and the conduct of governor Bernard, under the fig- 
 nature of Philalethes, Maflachufettenfis, &c. &c. 
 
48 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 * HAP - " juft criterion of political truth.* But the au~ 
 1767. thor was abufed and vilified by the fcrib- 
 blers of the court, and threatened with an ar- 
 reft from the crown, for the boldnefs of his 
 opinions. Yet he continued to advocate the 
 rights of the people, and in the courfe of his 
 argument againft the iniquitous confequences 
 of writs of ailiftance, he obferved, that " his 
 " engaging in this caufe had raifed the refent- 
 " ment of its abettors ; but that he argued it 
 " from principle, and with peculiar pleafure, as 
 " it was in favor of Britijh liberty ', and in op- 
 " pofition to the exercife of a power, that in 
 " former periods of Englifh hiftory, had coft 
 " one king of England his head, and another 
 " his crown.' 5 He added, " I can fincerely de- 
 " clare, that I fubmit myfelf to every opprobri- 
 " ous name for confcience fake, and defpife all 
 " thofe, whom guilt, folly or malice have made 
 ^" my foes." 
 
 It was on this occafion, that Mr. Otis refign- 
 ed the office of judge advocate, and renounced 
 all employment under fo corrupt an adminiftra- 
 tion, boldly declaring in the face of the fupreme 
 court, at this dangerous crifis, that " the only 
 " principle of public conduct, worthy a gentle- 
 " man or a man, was the facrifice of health, eafe, 
 " applaufe, eftate, or even life, to the facred 
 
 * See Mr. Otis's pamphlet, entitled, " The rights of 
 " the colonies dated and vindicated." 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION* 49 
 
 ** calls of his country ; that thefe manly fenti- CHAP - 1 
 
 " ments in private life made the good citizen, 1757. 
 
 " in public, the patriot and the hero." Thus 
 
 was verified in his conduct the obfervation of 
 
 a writer * of merit and celebrity, that " it was 
 
 " as difficult for Great Britain to frighten as to 
 
 " cheat Americans into fervitude ; that fhe 
 
 " ought to leave them in the peacable pofleflion 
 
 " of that liberty which they received at their 
 
 " birth, and were refolved to retain to their 
 
 death." 
 
 When the new parliamentary regulations 
 reached America, all the colonies in their fev- 
 eral departments petitioned in the moft ftren- 
 uous manner againft any American taxation, 
 and all other recent innovations relative to the 
 government of the Britifh provinces. Thefe 
 petitions were, when received by the miniftry, 
 treated by them with the utmoft contempt. 
 But they were fupported by a refpeftable party 
 in the parliament of Britain, who did not neg- 
 lect to warn the adminiftration of the danger of 
 precipitating meafures, that might require be- 
 fore the termination of a conteft thus hurried 
 
 * Mr. Dickenfon, author of the much admired Farmer's 
 Letters, the firft copy of which he inclofed to his friend, 
 Mr. Otis, and obferved to him, that " the examples of 
 " public fpirit in the cold regions of the north, had roufed 
 " the languid latitudes of the fouth, to a proper vindica- 
 " tion of their rights." See Appendix, Note, No. V. 
 
 VOL. I. C 
 
5O THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP - n - on, " more virtue and abilities than the miniftry 
 "poffeffed." 
 
 By fome Heps taken by adminiftration pre- 
 vious to the prefent period, there was reafon to 
 fuppofe that they were themfelves apprehenfive, 
 that their fyftem for governing the colonies in 
 a more arbitrary manner would give great of- 
 fence, and create difturbances of fo alarming a 
 nature, that perhaps the aid of military power 
 might become necefiary to enforce the comple- 
 tion of their defigns. Doubtlefs it was with 
 a view of facilitating the new projects, that an 
 extraordinary bill had been paffed in parliament, 
 making it lawful for the officers of the Britifh 
 army to quarter their troops in private houfes 
 throughout the colonies. Thus while mixed 
 in every family, it might become more eafy to 
 awe the people into fubmiffion, and compel 
 them by military terrors to the bafeft compli- 
 ances. But the colony agents reiiding in Lon- 
 don, and the merchants concerned in the Amer- 
 ican trade, remonftrated fo warmly againft the 
 injuftice and cruelty of fuch a procedure, that a 
 part of the bill was dropped. Yet it was too 
 important a point wholly to relinquiih ; of 
 confequence a claufe was left, obliging the fev- 
 eral legiflative affemblies to provide quarters 
 for the king's marching regiments, and to fur- 
 nim a number of fpecified articles at the ex- 
 penfe of the province, wherever they might be 
 ftationed. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 51 
 
 This act continued in full force after the CHAP " 
 ftamp-act was repealed, though it equally mili- 1767, 
 tated with that part of the Britifli constitution 
 which provides that no monies fhould be raifed 
 on the fubject without his confent. Yet rath- 
 er than enter on a new difpute, the colonifts in 
 general chofe to evade it for the prefent, and 
 without many obfervations thereon had occa- 
 fionally made foine voluntary provilions for the 
 fupport of the king's troops. It was hoped 
 the act might be only a temporary expedient to 
 hold up the authority of parliament, and that 
 in a ihort time the claim might die of itfelf 
 without any attempt to revive fuch an unrea- 
 fonable demand. But New York, more explicit 
 in her refufal to obey, was fufpended from all 
 powers of legiflation until the quartering act 
 mould be complied with in the fulleft extent. 
 By this unprecedented treatment of one of the 
 colonies, and the innumerable exactions and 
 reftrictions on all, a general appreheniion pre- 
 vailed, that nothing but a firm, vigorous and 
 united refiftance could fliield from the attacks 
 that threatened the total extinction of civil lib- 
 erty through the continent. 
 
52 THE RISE AND PROGRESS 
 
 CHAPTER IIL 
 
 Curfory Obfervations. MafTachufetts Circular Letter.-^-A 
 new Houfe of Reprefentatives called. Governor Ber- 
 nard impeached. : A Riot on the Seizure of a VefTel. 
 Troops applied for to protect the King's Officers. A 
 Convention at Bofton. Troops arrive.- A Combination 
 againft all Commerce with Great Britain. A General 
 Aflembly convened at Bofton removed to Cambridge. 
 Governor Bernard after his Impeachment repairs to 
 England. 
 
 1 HE Britifli colonies at this period through 
 the American continent contained, exclufive 
 of Canada and Nova Scotia, the provinces 
 of New Hampihire, and MaiTachufetts Bay, 
 of Rhode Ifland, Connecticut, New York, New 
 Jerfey, Pennfylvania, the Delaware counties, Vir- 
 ginia, Maryland, the two Carolinas, and Geor- 
 gia, beiides the Floridas, and an unbounded tracl 
 of wildernefs not yet explored. Thefe feveral 
 provinces had been always governed by their 
 own diftinct legiflatures. It is true there was 
 fome variety in their religious opinions, but a 
 Unking fimilarity in their political inftitutions, 
 except in the proprietary governments. At the 
 fame time the colonies, afterwards the thirteen 
 ftates, were equally marked with that manly 
 fpirit of freedom, characleriilic of Americans 
 from New Hampihire to Georgia. 
 
 Aroufed by the fame injuries from the parent 
 ftate, threatened in the fame manner by the 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 53 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 common enemies to the rights of fociety among 
 themfelves, their petitions to the throne had 
 been fupprefled without even a reading, their 
 remonftrances were ridiculed and their fuppli- 
 cations rejected. They determined no longer to 
 fubmit. All flood ready to unite in the fame 
 meafures to obtain that redrefs of grievances 
 they had fo long requefted, and that relief from 
 burdens they had fo long complained of, to fo 
 little purpofe. Yet there was no bond of con- 
 nexion by which a fimilarity of fentiment and 
 concord in action might appear, whether they 
 were again difpofed to revert to the hitherto 
 fruitlefs mode of petition and remonftrance, or 
 to leave that humiliating path for a line of con- 
 duct more cogent and influential in the contefts 
 of nations. 
 
 A circular letter dated February the elev- ^ 
 enth, one thoufand feven hundred and fixty- __, 
 eight, by the legiflature of Maffachufetts, di- 
 rected to the reprefentatives and burgefles of 
 the people through the continent, was a meaf- 
 ure well calculated for this falutary purpofe** 
 This letter painted in the ftrongeft colors the 
 difficulties they apprehended, the embarraff- 
 ments they felt, and the fteps already taken to 
 obtain relief. It contained the full opinion of 
 that affembly relative to the late acts of parlia- 
 ment j while at the fame time they expatiated 
 
 * See Appendix, Note, No. VI. 
 
THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP - m - on their duty and attachment to the king, and 
 1768. detailed in terms of refpect the reprefentations 
 that had been made to his minifters, they ex- 
 preffed the boldeft determination to continue a 
 free but a loyal people. Indeed there were 
 few, if any, who indulged an idea of a final fep- 
 aration from Britain at fo early a period ; or 
 that even wiftied for more than an equal parti- 
 cipation of the privileges of the Britim confti- 
 tution. 
 
 INDEPENDENCE was a plant of a later growth. 
 Though the foil might be congenial, and the 
 boundaries of nature pointed out the event, 
 yet every one chofe to view it at a diftance, 
 rather than wifhed to witnefs the convuliions 
 that fuch a difmemberment of the empire muft 
 neceflarily occafion* 
 
 After the circulation of this alarming letter,* 
 wherever any of the governors hadpermitted the 
 legiilative bodies to meet, an anfwer was returned 
 by the aflemblies replete with encomiums on the 
 exertion and the zeal of the Maflachufetts. They 
 obferved that the fpirit that dictated that let- 
 ter was but a tranfcript of their own feelings ; 
 and that though equally imprefled with every 
 fentiment of refpect to the prince on the throne 
 of Britain, and feeling the ftrongeft attachment 
 to the houfe of Hanover, they could not but 
 
 * See Appendix, Note, No. VII. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 55 
 
 reject with difdain the late meafures, fo repug- 
 nant to the dignity of the crown and the true 1768. 
 intereft of the realm ; and that at every hazard 
 they were determined to refift all ads of parlia- 
 ment for the injurious purpofe of railing a rev- 
 enue in America. They alfo added, that they 
 had refpeclively offered the moft humble fuppli- 
 cations to the king ; that they had remon- 
 ftrated to both houfes of parliament, and had 
 directed their agents at the Britifh court to 
 leave no effort untried to obtain relief, without 
 being compelled to what might be deemed by 
 royalty an illegal mode of oppoiition. 
 
 In confequence of the fpirited proceedings of 
 the houfe of reprefentatives, the general affem- 
 bly of MaiTachufetts was diffolved, nor were 
 they fuffered to meet again until a new election. 
 Thefe tranfactions were carefully tranfmitted to 
 adminiftration by feveral of the plantation gov- 
 ernors, and particularly Mr. Bernard, with in- 
 flammatory obfervations of his own, interlarded 
 with the moft illiberal abufe of the principal 
 leaders of the late meafures in the affembly of 
 Maffachufetts. 
 
 Their charter, which ftill provided for the 
 election of the legiflature, obliged the gover- 
 nor to fummon a new affembly to meet May 
 the twenty-fourth, one thoufand feven hun- 
 dred and fixty-eight. The firft communication 
 laid before the houfe by the governor contain- 
 
THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 ed a haughty requifition from the Britifh min- 
 1708. ifter of ftate, directing in his majefty's name 
 that the prefent houfe fhould immediately re~ 
 fcind the refolutions of a former one, which 
 had produced the celebrated circular letter. 
 Governor Bernard alfo intimated, that it was 
 his majefty's pleafure, that on a non-com- 
 pliance with this extraordinary mandate, the 
 prefent aflembly mould be diflblved without 
 delay. 
 
 What heightened the refentment to the 
 manner of this lingular order, figned by lord 
 ' Hillfborough, fecretary of ftate for the Ameri- 
 can department, was, that he therein intimated 
 to the governor that he need not fear the 
 moft unqualified obedience on his part to the high 
 meafures of adminiftration, amir ing him that it 
 would not operate to his difadvantage, as care 
 would be taken in future to provide for his 
 intereft, and to fupport the dignity of gov- 
 ernment, without the interpoiitions or exift- 
 ence of a provincial legiilature* 
 
 Thefe meflages were received by the repre- 
 Tentative body with a fteadinefs and refolution 
 becoming the defenders of the rights of a free 
 people. After appointing a committee to con- 
 fider and prepare' an anfwer to them, they pro- 
 ceeded with great coolnefs to the ufual bufinefs 
 of the feffion, without further notice of what 
 had pafled. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 57 
 
 Within a day or two, they received a fecond CHAP - in - 
 mefiage from the governor, purporting that he 1768. 
 expected an immediate and an explicit anfwer 
 to the authoritative requifition ; and that if 
 they longer poftponed their refolutions, he 
 fhould confider their delay as an " oppugnation 
 " to his majefty's authority, and a negative to 
 " the command, by an expiring faction." 
 On this, the houfe defired time to confult 
 their conftituents on fuch an extraordinary 
 queftion. This being peremptorily and pet- 
 ulantly refufed, the houfe ordered the board 
 of council to be informed, that they were en- 
 tering on a debate of importance, that they 
 fhould give them notice when it was-over, and 
 directed the door-keeper to call no member out, 
 on any pretence whatever. 
 
 The committee appointed to anfwer the gov- 
 ernor's feveral meiTages, were gentlemen of 
 known attachment to the caufe of their country, 
 who on every occafion had rejected all fervile 
 compliances with minifterial requifitions. They 
 were not long on the buiinefs. When they re- 
 turned to the houfe, the galleries were imme- 
 diately cleared, and they reported an anfwer, 
 bold and determined, yet decent and loyal. In 
 the courfe of their reply, they obfervecl that it 
 was not an " expiring faftion" that the governor 
 had charged with " oppugnation to his maj-eftfs 
 " authority" that it was the belt blood of the 
 colony who oppofed the minifterial meafures, 
 
 VOL. I. H 
 
58 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 men of reputation, fortune and rank, equal to 
 any who enjoyed the fmiles of government ; 
 that their exertions were from a confcious fenfe 
 of duty to their God, to their king, to their 
 country, and to pofterity.* 
 
 This committee at the fame time reported a 
 very fpirited letter to lord Hillfborough, which 
 they had prepared to lay before the houfe. In 
 this they remonftrated on the injuftice as well 
 as abfurdity of a requilition, when a compliance 
 was impracticable, even had they the inclination 
 to refcind the doings of a former houfe. This 
 letter was approved by the houfe, and on a di- 
 viiion on the queftion of refcinding the vote of 
 a former aflembly, it was negatived by a major- 
 ity of ninety-two to feventeen. 
 
 The fame committee was immediately nomi- 
 nated to prepare a petition to the king to remove 
 Mr. Bernard from the government of Maffachu- 
 fetts. They drew up a petition for this purpofe 
 xvithout leaving the houfe, and immediately re- 
 ported it. They alleged a long lift of accufations 
 againft the governor, and requefted his majefty 
 that one more worthy to reprefent fa great and 
 good a king, might be fent to prelide in the prov- 
 ince. Thus impeached by the houfe, the fame 
 
 * The principal members of this committee, were Major 
 Jofeph Hawley, of Northampton, James Otis, Efq. of Bof- 
 ton, Samuel Adams, James Warren, of Plymouth, John 
 Hancock, and Thomas Cufliing, Efqrs. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 59 
 
 minority that had appeared ready to refcind the 
 circular letter, declared themfelves againft the 
 impeachment of governor Bernard.* Their 
 fervility was marked with peculiar odium : they 
 were ftigmatized by the appellation of the 
 infamous feventeen^ until their names were loft 
 in a fucceflion of great events and more impor- 
 tant characters. 
 
 When the doors of the houfe were opened, 
 the fecretary who had been long in waiting for 
 admiffion, informed the houfe that the governor 
 was in the chair, and delired their attendance 
 in the council chamber. They complied without 
 hefitation, but were received in a moft ungra- 
 cious manner. With much ill humor the gov- 
 ernor reprimanded them in the language of an 
 angry pedagogue, inftead of the manner becom- 
 ing the firft magiftrate when addreffing the 
 reprefentatives of a free people ; he concluded 
 his harangue by proroguing the affembly, 
 which within a few days he diffolved by procla- 
 mation. 
 
 In the mean time by warm and virulent let- 
 ters from this indifcreet governor ; by others 
 full of invective from the commifftoners of the 
 cuftoms, and by thefecret influence of fome, who 
 yet concealed themfelves within the vizard of 
 moderation, " who held the language of patriot- 
 " ifm, but trod in the footfteps of tyranny," 
 
 * Journals of the houfe. 
 
60 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 leave was obtained from adminiftration to apply 
 1768. to tne commander in chief of the king's troops, 
 then at New York, to fend feveral regiments 
 to Bofton, as a neceflary aid to civil government, 
 which they reprefented as too weak to fupprefs 
 the diforders of the times. It was urged that 
 this ftep was abfolutely neceffary, to enable the 
 officers of the crown to carry into execution the 
 laws of the fupreme legiilature. 
 
 A new pretext had been recently given to 
 the malignant party, to urge with a mew of 
 plaufibility, the immediate neceility of the mili- 
 tary arm, to quell the riotous proceedings of 
 the town of Bofton, to ftrengthen the hands of 
 government, and reftore order and tranquillity 
 to the province. The feizure of a veffel belong- 
 ing to a popular gentleman,* under fufpicion of 
 a breach of the acts of trade, raifed a fudden 
 refentment among the citizens of Bofton. The 
 conduct of the owner was indeed repreheniible, 
 in permitting a part of the cargo to be unladen 
 in a clandeftine manner ; but the mode of the 
 feizure appeared like a deiign to raife a fudden 
 ferment, that might be improved to corroborate 
 the arguments for the neceility of ftanding 
 troops to be ftationed within the town. 
 
 On a certain iignal, a number of boats, man- 
 ned and armed, rowed up to the wharf, cut the 
 
 * John Hancock, Efq. afterwards governor of the 
 Mailachuietts. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 61 
 
 fails of the fufpefted veffel, carried her off, and CHAP - "' 
 placed her under the ftern of a {hip of war, as 17^8. 
 if apprehenfive of a refcue. This was executed 
 in the edge of the evening, when apprentices 
 and the younger claiTes were uiually in the 
 ftreets. It had what was thought to be the 
 deiired effect ; the inconliderate rabble, unap- 
 prehenfive of the fnare, and thoughtlefs of con- 
 fequences, pelted fome of the cuftom-houfe 
 officers with brick-bats, broke their windows, 
 drew one of their boats before the door of the 
 gentleman they thought injured, and fet it on 
 fire ; after which they diiperfed without fur- 
 ther mifchief. 
 
 This trivial diflurbance was exaggerated un- 
 til it wore the complexion of a riot of the firft 
 magnitude. By the iniinuations of the party, 
 and their malignant conduct, it was not ftrange 
 that in England it was confidered as a London 
 mob collected in the ftreets of Bofton, with fome 
 formidable defperado at their head. After this 
 fracas, the cuftom-houfe officers repaired imme- 
 diately to Caftle William, as did the board of 
 commiffioners. This fortrefs was about a league 
 from the town. From thence they exprefled 
 their apprehenlions of perfonal danger, in ftrong 
 language. Freili applications were made to 
 general Gage, to haften on his forces from 
 New York, aiTuring him that the lives of the 
 oflicers of the crown were infecure, unlefs 
 placed beyond the reach of popular refentment, 
 
62 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP - m - by an immediate military aid. In confequence 
 
 1768 f tne ^ e reprefentations, feveral detachments 
 
 from Halifax, and two regiments lately from 
 
 Ireland, were directed to repair to Bofton, with 
 
 all poilible difpatch. 
 
 The experience of all ages, and the obferva- 
 tions both of the hiftorian and the philofopher 
 agree, that a ftanding army is the moft ready 
 engine in the hand of defpotifm, to debafe the 
 powers of the human mind, and eradicate the 
 manly fpirit of freedom. The people have cer- 
 tainly every thing to fear from a government, 
 when the fprings of its authority are fortified 
 only by a ftanding military force. Wherever 
 an army is eftabliftied, it introduces a revolu- 
 tion in manners, corrupts the morals, propa- 
 gates every fpecies of vice, and degrades the 
 human character. Threatened with the imme- 
 diate introduction of this dread calamity, de- 
 prived by the diffolution of their legiflature of 
 all power to make any legal oppofltion ; neg- 
 lected by their fovereign, and infuited by the 
 governor he had fet over them, much the 
 largeft part of the community was convin- 
 ced, that they had no refource but in the 
 ftrength of their virtues, the energy of their 
 refolutions, and the juftice of their caufe.' 
 
 In this ftite of general apprehenfion, confu- 
 fion, and fufpenfe, the inhabitants of Bofton 
 again requefted governor Bernard to convoke 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 63 
 
 an affembly, and fuffer the reprefentatives of 
 the whole people to confult and advife at this 1768. 
 critical conjuncture. He rejected this applica- 
 tion with an air of infult, and no time was to 
 be loft. Letters were inftantly forwarded from 
 the capital, requefting a delegation of fuitable 
 perfons to meet in convention from every 
 town in the province before the arrival of the 
 troops, and if poffible to take fome fteps to 
 prevent the fatal effects of thefe dangerous and 
 unprecedented meafures. 
 
 The whole country felt themfelves interefted> 
 and readily complied with the propofal. The 
 moft refpectable perfons from an hundred and 
 ninety-fix towns were chofen delegates to af- 
 femble at Bofton, on the twenty-fecond of Sep- 
 tember. They accordingly met at that time 
 and place ; as foon as they were convened, the 
 governor fent them an angry meflage, admon- 
 iihing them immediately to difperfe, afluring 
 them " the king was determined to maintain 
 " his entire fovereignty over the province, 
 " that their prefent meeting might be in confe- 
 " quence of their ignorance, but that if after 
 " this admonition, they continued their ufurpa- 
 " tion, they might repent their temerity, as he 
 " was determined to affert the authority of the 
 " crown in a more public manner, if they con- 
 " tinued to difregard this authoritative warn- 
 "ing." 
 
THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 He however found he had not men to deal 
 1768. with, either ignorant of law, regardlefs of its 
 fanctions, or terrified by the frowns of power. 
 The convention made him a fpirited but decent 
 anfwer, containing the reafons of their affem- 
 bling, and the line of conduct they were deter- 
 mined to purfue in fpite of every menace. 
 The governor refufed to receive their reply ; he 
 urged the illegality of the affembly, and made 
 ufe of every fubterfuge to interrupt their pro- 
 ceedingSi 
 
 Their fituation was indeed truly delicate, as 
 well as dangerous. The convention was a 
 body not known in the conftitution of their 
 government, and in the ftncl fenfe of law 
 it might be ftyled a treafonable meeting. They 
 ftill profefled fealty to the crown of Britain ; 
 and though the principle had been fhaken by 
 injuries, that might have juftified a more fud- 
 den renunciation of loyalty, yet their's was 
 cherifhed by a degree of religious fcruple, 
 amidft every fpecies of infult. Thus while 
 they wifhed to fupport this temper, and to 
 cherifh their former affection, they felt with 
 poignancy the invafion of their rights, and 
 hourly expected the arrival of an armed force, 
 to back the threatenings of their firft magif- 
 trate. 
 
 Great prudence and moderation however 
 marked the tranfaclions of an affembly of men 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 65* 
 
 thus circumftanced ; they could in their pref- CHAP IIL 
 ent fituation only recapitulate their fufferings, 
 felt and feared. This they did in a pointed 
 and nervous ftyle, in a letter addrefled to 
 Mr. De Berdt,* the agent of the province, re- 
 fiding in London. They ftated the circum- 
 ftances that occaiioned their meeting, and a full 
 detail of their proceedings. They inclofed him 
 a pefhion to the king, and ordered their agent 
 to deliver it with his own hand. The convention 
 then feparated, and returned to their refpective 
 towns, where they impreffed on their conftituents 
 the fame perfeverance, forbearance and magna- 
 nimity that had marked their own refolutions. 
 
 Within a few days after their feparation, the 
 troops arrived from Halifax. This was indeed 
 a painful era. The American war may be 
 dated from the hoftile parade of this day ; a 
 day which marks with infamy the councils of 
 Britain. At this period, the inhabitants of the 
 colonies almoft univerfally breathed an unflia- 
 ken loyalty to the king of England, and the 
 ftrongeft attachment to a country whence they 
 derived their origin. Thus was the aftonifh- 
 ment of the whole province excited, when to 
 the grief and confternation of the town of Bof- 
 ton ieveral regiments were landed, and march- 
 ed fword in hand through the principal ftreets 
 of their city, then in profound peace. 
 
 * See letter to Mr. De Berdt, in the journals of the 
 houfe. 
 
 VOL. I. I 
 
66 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 The difembarkation of the king's troops, 
 1768. which took place on the firft of October, one 
 thoufand feven hundred and iixty-eight, was 
 viewed by a vaft crowd of fpe&ators, who be- 
 held the folemn prelude to devaftation and 
 bloodfhed with a kind of fullen filence, that de- 
 noted the deepeft refentment. Yet whatever 
 might be the feelings of the citizens, not one 
 among the gazing multitude difcoveredj^ny 
 difpofition to relift by arms the power and au- 
 thority of the king of Great Britain. This ap- 
 pearance of decent fubmiflion and order was 
 very unexpected to fome, whofe guilty fears 
 had led them to expect a violent and tumultu- 
 ous refiftance to the landing of a large body of 
 armed foldiers in the town. The peaceable de- 
 meanor of the people was conftrued, by the 
 party who had brought this evil on the city, as 
 a mark of abject fubmiflion. 
 
 As they fuppofed from the prefent acquief- 
 cent deportment, that the fpirit of the inhabit- 
 ants was totally fubdued on the firft appearance 
 of military power, they confequently rofe in 
 their demands. General Gage arrived from 
 New York foon after the king's troops reached 
 Bofton. With the aid of the governor, the 
 chief juftice of the province, and the fheriff of 
 the county of Suffolk, he forced quarters for 
 his foldiers in all the unoccupied houfes in the 
 town. The council convened on this occafion 
 oppofed the meafure ; but to fuch a height 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 67 
 
 was the infolence of power pufhed, by their 
 paflionate, vindictive and wrong-headed gov- 
 ernor, that in fpite of the remonftrances of fev- 
 eral magiftrates, and the importunities of the 
 people, he fuffered the ftate houfe, where the 
 archives of the province were depofited, to be 
 improved as barracks for the king's troops. 
 Thus the members of council, the magiftrates 
 of *&e town and the courts of juftice were 
 daily interrupted, and frequently challenged in 
 their way to their feveral departments in bufi- 
 nefs, by military centinels pofted at the doors. 
 
 A {landing army thus placed in their capital, 
 their commerce fettered, their characters tra- 
 duced, their reprefentative body prevented 
 meeting, the united petitions of all ranks that 
 they might be convened at this critical conjunc- 
 ture rejected by the governor ; and ftill threat- 
 ened with a further augmentation of troops to 
 enforce meafures in every view repugnant to 
 the principles of the Britim conftitution ; little 
 hope remained of a peaceful accommodation. 
 
 The moft rational arguments had been urged 
 by the legiflative aiTemblies, by corporate bod- 
 ies, aiTociations, and individual characters of 
 eminence, to make the arbitrary fyftem that 
 augured evils to both countries. But their ad- 
 dreiTes were difdainfully rejected ; the king and 
 the court of Great Britain appeared equally 
 deaf to the cry of millions, who only alked a 
 reftoration of their rights. At the fame time 
 
68 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 every worthlefs incendiary, who, taking advan- 
 1768. ta g e f tne fe miferable times, croffed the Atlan- 
 tic with a tale of accusation againft his country, 
 was liftened to with attention, and rewarded 
 with fome token of royal favor. 
 
 In this fituation, no remedy appeared to be 
 left fhort of an appeal to the fword, unlefs an 
 entire fufpeniion of that commercial interc^rfe, 
 which had contributed fo much to the glory 
 and grandeur of Britain, could be effected 
 throughout the colonies. As all the American 
 continent was involved in one common danger, 
 it was not found difficult to obtain a general 
 combination againft all further importations 
 from England, a few articles only excepted. 
 The mercantile body through all the provinces 
 entered into folemn engagements, and plighted 
 their faith and honor to each other, and to 
 their country, that no orders mould be for- 
 warded by them for Britifh or India goods 
 within a limited term, except for certain Speci- 
 fied articles of neceffary ufe. Thefe engage- 
 ments originated in Bofton, and were for a 
 time ftricHy adhered to through all the colo- 
 nies. Great encouragement was given to 
 American manufactures, and if pride of apparel 
 was at all indulged, it was in wearing the fluffs 
 fabricated in their own looms. Harmony and 
 union, prudence and economy, induftry and 
 virtue, were inculcated in their publications, 
 and enforced by the example of the moft re- 
 fpeclable characters. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 69 
 
 In confequence of thefe determinations, the 
 clamors of the Britifh manufacturers arofe to tu- 
 mult in many parts of the kingdom ; but no ar- 
 tifice was neglected to quiet the trading part of 
 the nation. There were fome Americans, who 
 by letters encouraged adminiftration to perfe- 
 vere in their meafures relative to the colonies, 
 afluring them in the ftrongeft terms, that the 
 interruption of commerce was but a tempo- 
 rary ftruggle, or rather an effort of defpair. 
 No one in the country urged his opinion with 
 more indifcreet zeal than Andrew Oliver, Efq. 
 then fecretary in the Maflachufetts. He fug- 
 gefted, " that government mould ftipulate with 
 " the merchants in England to purchafe large 
 " quantities of goods proper for the American 
 " market ; agreeing beforehand to allow them 
 "a premium equal to the advance of their 
 " flock in trade, if the price of their goods was 
 " not fufficiently enhanced by a tenfold demand 
 " in future, even though the goods might lay 
 " on hand, till this temporary ftagnation of 
 " bufmefs mould ceafe." He concluded his po- 
 litical rhapfody with this inhuman boaft to his 
 correfpondent ; * " By fuch a Jiep the game 'will 
 u be up with my countrymen" 
 
 The prediction on both fides the Atlantic, 
 that this combination, which depended wholly 
 
 * See the original letters of Mr. Oliver to Mr. Whately 
 and others, which were afterwards publifhed in a pam- 
 phlet ; alfo, in the Britifli Remembrancer, 1773. 
 
70 THE RISE AND PROGRESS O* 
 
 OIAP - " T * on the commercial part of the community, 
 1768. could not be of long duration, proved indeed 
 too true. A regard to private intereft ever op- 
 erates more forcibly on the bulk of mankind 
 than the ties of honor, or the principles of pat- 
 riotifm ; and when the latter are incompatible 
 with the former, the balance feldom hangs long 
 in equilibrio. Thus it is not uncommon to fee 
 virtue, liberty, love of country, and regard to 
 character, facrificed at the fhririe of wealth. 
 
 - The winter following this falutary combina- 
 
 tion, a partial repeal of the act impofing duties on 
 certain articles of Britifli manufacture took place. 
 On this it immediately appeared that fome in 
 New York had previoufly given conditional or- 
 ders to their correfpondents, that if the meaf- 
 ures of parliament mould in any degree be re- 
 laxed, that without farther application they 
 mould furnifli them with large quantities of 
 goods. Several in the other colonies had dif- 
 covered as much avidity for an early importa- 
 tion as the Yorkers. They had given fimilar 
 orders, and both received larger fupplies than 
 ufual, of Britifli merchandize, early in the 
 fpring one thoufand feven hundred and fixty- 
 nine. The people of courfe confidered the 
 agreement nullified by the conduct of the mer- 
 chants, and the intercourfe with England for a 
 time went on as ufual, without any check. 
 Thus, by breaking through the agreement with- 
 in the limited time of reftriction, a meafure was 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION* 71 
 
 defeated, which, had it been religioufly ob- CHAP - m - 
 ferved, might have prevented the tragical con- 1759. 
 fequences which enfued. 
 
 After this event, a feries of altercation and 
 abufe, of recrimination and fufpenfe, was kept 
 up on both fides the Atlantic, without much 
 appearance of lenity on the one fide, or decifion 
 on the other. There appeared little difpofition 
 in parliament to relax the reins of government, 
 and lefs in the Americans to yield implicit 
 obedience. But whether from an opinion 
 that they had taken the lead in oppofition, or 
 whether from their having a greater propor- 
 tion of Britifh fycophants among themfelves, 
 whofe artful infinuations operated againfl their 
 country, or from other concurring circumftan- 
 ces, the Maffachufetts was ftill the principal 
 butt of miniflerial refentment. It is therefore 
 neceffary yet to continue a more particular de- 
 tail of the fituation of that province. 
 
 As their charter was not yet annihilated, gov- 
 ernor Bernard found himfelf under a neceffity, 
 as the period of annual election approached, to 
 iilue writs to convene a general affembly. Ac- 
 cordingly a new houfe of reprefentatives met 
 at Bofton as ufual on the thirty-firft of May, 
 one thoufand feven hundred and fixty-nine. 
 They immediately petitioned the governor to 
 remove the military parade that furrounded the 
 ftate-houfe, urging, that fuch a, hoflile appear- 
 
72 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 ance might over-awe their proceedings, and 
 1769. prevent the freedom of election and debate. 
 
 A unanimous refolve patted, "that it was 
 " the opinion of the houfe, that placing an arm- 
 " ed force in the metropolis while the general 
 " aflembly is there convened, is a breach of 
 " privilege, and totally inconfiftent with the 
 " dignity and freedom with which they ought 
 " to deliberate and determine ;" adding, " that 
 " they meant ever to fupport their conftitution- 
 " al rights, that they mould never voluntarily 
 " recede from their juft claims, contained both 
 " in the letter and fpirit of the conftitution." 
 
 After feveral meffages both from the council 
 and houfe of reprefentatives, the governor, ever 
 obftinate in error, declared he had no au- 
 thority over the king's troops, nor mould he 
 ufe any influence to have them removed.* 
 Thus by exprefs acknowledgment of the firft 
 magiftrate, it appeared that the military was fet 
 fo far above the civil authority, that the laft 
 was totally unable to check the wanton exer- 
 cife of this newly eftablifhed power in the prov- 
 ince. But the afTembly peremptorily deter- 
 mined to do no bufmefs while thus infulted by 
 the planting of cannon at the doors of the ftate- 
 houfe, and interrupted in their folemn deliber- 
 ations by the noify evolutions of military difci- 
 pline. 
 
 * Journals of the houfe, one thoufand feven hundred 
 and fixty-nine. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 73 
 
 The royal charter required that they fhould CHAP - "* 
 proceed to the choice of a fpeaker, and the elec- 1759. 
 tion of a council, the firft day of the meeting of 
 the afTembly. They had conformed to this as 
 ufual, but protefted againft its being confidered 
 as a precedent on any future emergency. Thus 
 amidft the warmeft expreffions of refentment 
 from all claffes, for the indignity offered a free 
 people by this haughty treatment to their legif- 
 lature, the governor fuffered them to fit feveral 
 weeks without doing bufinefs ; and at laft 
 compelled them to give way to an armed force, 
 by adjourning the general afTernbly to Cam- 
 bridge. 
 
 The internal ftate of the province required 
 the attention of the houfe at this critical exi- 
 gence of affairs. They therefore on their firft 
 meeting at Cambridge, refolved, " That it was 
 " their opinion that the Britifh conftitution ad- 
 " mits no armed force within the realm, but 
 " for the purpofe of offenfive or defenfive war. 
 " That placing troops in the colony in the midil 
 " of profound peace was a breach of privilege, 
 " an infraction on the natural rights of the peo- 
 " pie, and manifeftly fubverfive of that happy 
 " form of government they had hitherto enjoy- 
 " ed. That the honor, dignity, and fervice 
 " of the fovereign mould be attended to by 
 " that afTembly, fo far as was confiflent with 
 " the juft rights of the people, their own digni- 
 " ty, and the freedom of debate ; but that pro- 
 
 VOL. i. K 
 
74* THE RISE AND PROGRESS Otf 
 
 CHAP. m. " ceeding to bufinefs while an armed force 
 ,. " quartered in the province, was not a derelic- 
 
 " tion of the privileges legally claimed by the 
 " colony, but from neceffity, and that no undue 
 " advantage mould be taken from their com* 
 " pliance." 
 
 After this, they had not time to do any other 
 bufinefs, before two meflages of a very extraor- 
 dinary nature, in their opinion, were laid before 
 them.* The firft was an order under the iign- 
 manual of the king, that Mr. Bernard mould 
 repair to England to lay the ftate of the prov- 
 ince before him. To this meflage was tacked a 
 requeft from the governor, that as he attend- 
 ed his majefty's pleafure as commander in chief 
 of the province, his falary might be continued, 
 though abfent. The fubftance of the other 
 meflage was an account of general Gage's ex- 
 penditures in quartering his troops in the town 
 of Bofton ; accompanied by an unqualified de- 
 mand for the eftablifhment of funds for the dif- 
 charge thereof. The governor added, that he 
 was requefted by general Gage to make requi- 
 iition for future provifion for quartering his 
 troops within the town. 
 
 The fubfequent refolves of the houfe on 
 thefe meflages were conformable to the ufual 
 fpirit of that aflembly. They warmly cenfured 
 
 .* Journals of the firft feffion at Cambridge. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 
 
 both governor Bernard and general Gage for 
 wantonly acting againft the conftitution ; char- ^ 
 ged them with making falfe and injurious rep- 
 refentations againft his majefty's faithful fub- 
 jects, and difcovering on all occafions a moft in- 
 imical difpofition towards the colonies. They 
 obferved that general Gage had rafhlyand imper- 
 tinently intermeddled with affairs altogether out 
 of his line, and that he had betrayed a degree 
 of ignorance equal to his malice, when he pre- 
 fumed to touch on the civil police of the prov- 
 ince. They complained heavily of the arbitrary 
 defigns of government, the introduction of a 
 ftanding army, and the encroachments on civil 
 liberty ; and concluded with a declaration re- 
 plete with fentiments of men confciout of 
 their own freedom and integrity, and deeply 
 affected with the injuries offered their country. 
 They obferved, that to the utmoft of their pow- 
 er they fhould vindicate the rights of human 
 nature and the privileges of Englishmen, and 
 explicitly declared that duty to their conftitu- 
 erits forbade a compliance with either of thefe - 
 meffages. This clear, decided anfwer being 
 delivered, the governor fummoned the houfe 
 to attend, and after a fliort, angry, and threat- 
 ening fpeech, he prorogued the aflembly to 
 January, one thoufand feven hundred and 
 feventy. 
 
 Governor Bernard immediately embarked 
 for Europe, from whence he i>ever more re- 
 
76 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 in. turned to a country, he had, by his arbitrary 
 difpoiition and indifcreet conduct, inflamed to 
 a degree, that required both judgment and pru- 
 dence to cool, perhaps beyond the abilities, and 
 certainly incompatible with the views, of the 
 adminiftration in , being. 
 
 The province had little reafon to fuppofe, 
 that confiderations of the intereft of the people 
 had any part in the recal or detention of this 
 mifchievous emiffary. His reception at court, 
 the fummary proceedings with regard to his 
 impeachment and trial, and the character of 
 the man appointed to fucceed him, ftrongly 
 counteracted fuch a flattering opinion. Not- 
 witfiftanding the high charges that had been 
 alleged againft governor Bernard, he was ac- 
 quitted by the king and council, without allow- 
 ing time to the aflembly to fupport their accu- 
 fations, honored with a title, and rewarded 
 with a penfion of one thoufand pounds fterling 
 per annum on the Irifli eftablifhment. 
 
 Governor Bernard had reafon to be perfectly 
 fatisfied with the fuccefs of his appointment to 
 the government of MafTachufetts, as it related 
 to his perfonal intereft. His conduct there 
 procured him the fmiles of the Britiih court, 
 an honorary title, and a penfion for life. Be- 
 fides this, the legiflature of that province had 
 in the early part of his adminiftration, in a mo- 
 ment of complacency, or perhaps from digefted 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 77 
 
 policy, with a hope of bribing him to his duty 
 andftimulat in ghim to defend their invaded rights, ^ 
 made him a grant of a very large tract of land, 
 the whole of the ifland of Mount Defert. This 
 was afterwards reclaimed by a Madame Gre- 
 goire, in right of her anceftors, who had ob- 
 tained a patent of fome part of that country 
 in the early days of European emigration. 
 But as governor Bernard's property in Amer- 
 ica had never been confifcated, the general af- 
 fembly of Maffachufetts afterwards granted to 
 his fon, Sir John Bernard, who flill poffefles 
 this territory, tw r o townfhips of land near the 
 river Kennebeck, in lieu of the valuable iile 
 recovered by Madame Gregoire. 
 
THE RISE AND PROGRESS OP 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Character of Mr. Hutchinfon. Appointed Governor of 
 Maffachufetts.- The attempted AiTaflinationof Mr. Otis. 
 Tranfaclions on the fifth of March, one thoufand 
 feven hundred and feventy. Arrival of the Eaft India 
 Company's Tea-Ships, Eftablilhment of Committees of 
 Correfpondence. The Right of Parliamentary Taxation 
 without Reprefentation urged by Mr. Hutchinfon. Ar- 
 ticles of Impeachment refolved on in the Houfe of Re- 
 prefentatives again ft Governor Hutchinfon arid Lieu- 
 tenant Governor Oliver. Chief Juftice of the Province 
 impeached. Bofton Port- Bill. Governor Hutchinfon 
 leaves the Province. 
 
 IT is ever painful to a candid mind to exhibit 
 the deformed features of its own fpecies ; yet 
 truth requires a juft portrait of the public de- 
 linquent, though he may poflefs fuch a mare of 
 private virtue as would lead us to efteem the 
 man in his domeftic character, while we deteft 
 his political, and execrate his public tranfac- 
 tions. 
 
 The barriers of the Britim conftitution brok- 
 en over, and the miniftry encouraged by their 
 fovereign, to purfue the iniquitous fyftem a- 
 gainft the colonies to the mdft alarming ex- 
 tremities, they probably judged it a prudent 
 expedient, in order to curb the refractory fpi- 
 rit of the Maffachufetts, perhaps bolder in fen- 
 timent and earlier in oppoiition than fome of 
 the other colonies, to appoint a man to preiide 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION* 79 
 
 over them who had renounced the quondam 
 ideas of public virtue, and facrificed all princi- 
 pie of that nature on the altar of ambition. 
 
 Soon after the recal of Mr. Bernard, Tho- 
 mas Hutchinfon, Efq. a native of Boilon, was 
 appointed to the government of Maflachufetts. 
 All who yet remember his pernicious adminif- 
 tration and the fatal confequences that enfued, 
 agree, that few ages have produced a more 
 fit inftrument for the purpofes of a corrupt 
 court. He was dark, intriguing, iniinuating, 
 haughty and ambitious, while the extreme of 
 avarice marked each feature of his character. 
 His abilities were little elevated above the 
 line of mediocrity ; yet by dint of induftry, 
 exacl temperance, and indefatigable labor^ 
 he became mafter of the accomplifhments 
 neceflary to acquire popular fame. Though 
 bred a merchant, he had looked into the 
 origin and the principles of the Britifh con- 
 flitution, and made himfelf acquainted with 
 the feveral forms of government eltabliflied in 
 the colonies ; he had acquired fome knowledge 
 of the common law of England, diligently flu- . 
 died the intricacies of Macbiavelian policy, 
 and never failed to recommend the Italian maf- 
 ter as a model to his adherents. 
 
 Raifed and diftinguiihed by every honor the 
 people could beftow, he fupported for feveral 
 years the reputation of integrity, and generally 
 
80 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP, iv.' decided with equity in his judicial capacity ;* 
 ~~ and by the appearance of a tenacious regard to 
 
 the religious inftitutions of his country, he 
 courted the public eclat with the moft profound 
 diffimulation, while he engaged the affections 
 of the lower claffes by an amiable civility and 
 condefcenfion, without departing from a certain 
 gravity of deportment miftaken by the vulgar 
 for fanflity. 
 
 The inhabitants of the Maflachufetts were 
 the lineal defendants of the puritans, who 
 had ftruggled in England for liberty as early as 
 the reign of Edward the iixth ; and though ob- 
 fcured in the fubfequent bloody perfecutions, 
 even Mr. Hume has acknowledged that to 
 them England is indebted for the liberty me 
 enjoy s.f Attached to the religious forms of 
 their anceftors, equally difguiled with the hie- 
 rarchy of the church of England, and prejudiced 
 by the feverities their fathers had experienced 
 before their emigration, they had, both by edu- 
 cation and principle, been always led to con- 
 lider the religious as well as the political cha- 
 rafters of thofe they deputed to the higheft 
 truft. Thus a profeffion of their own reli- 
 gious mode of worfhip, and fometimes a tinc- 
 ture of fuperftition, was with many a higher 
 recommendation than brilliant talents. This 
 
 * Judge of probate for the county of Suffolk, and 
 chief juftice of the fupreme court. 
 
 f Hume's Hiftory of England. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 81 
 
 accounts in fome meafure for the unlimited CHA? iv. 
 confidence long placed in the fpecious accom- 
 pliihments of Mr. Hutchinfon, whofe character 
 was not thoroughly inveftigated until fome 
 time after governor Bernard left the province. 
 
 But it was known at St. James's, that in pro- 
 portion as Mr. Hutchinfon gained the confi- 
 dence of adminiftration, he loft the efteem of 
 the beft of his countrymen ; for this reafon, 
 his advancement to the chair of government 
 was for a time poftponed or concealed, left the 
 people ihould confider themfelves infulted by 
 fuch an appointment, and become too fuddenly 
 irritated. Appearances had for feveral years 
 been ftrong againft him, though it was not 
 then fully known that he had feized the op- 
 portunity to undermine the happinefs of the 
 people, while he had their fulleft confidence, 
 and to barter the liberties of his country by the 
 moft fliamelefs duplicity. This was foon after 
 difplayed beyond all contradiction, by the re- 
 covery of fundry letters to adminiftration un- 
 der his fignature. 
 
 Mr. Hutchinfon was one of the firft in Amer- 
 ica who felt the full weight of popular refent- 
 ment. His furniture was deftroyed, and his 
 houfe levelled to the ground, in the tumults 
 occafioned by the news of the ftamp-ad. Am- 
 ple compenfation was indeed afterwards made 
 
 VOL. i, i. 
 
82 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP - IV - him for the lofs of property, but the ftrong 
 1770. prejudices againft his political character were 
 never eradicated. 
 
 All pretences to moderation on the part of 
 the Britifh government now laid afide, the full 
 appointment of Mr. Hutchinfon to the govern- 
 ment of the Maflachufetts was publickly announ- 
 ced at the elofe of the year one thoufand feven 
 hundred and fixty-nine. On his promotion the 
 new governor uniformly obferved a more high- 
 handed and haughty tone than his predeceffor. 
 He immediately, by an explicit declaration, 
 avowed his independence on the people, and 
 informed the legiilative that his majefly had 
 made ample proviiion for his fupport without 
 their aid or fuffrages. The vigilant guardians 
 of the rights of the people directly called upon 
 him to relinquiih the unconstitutional ftipend, 
 and to accept the free grants of the general afTem- 
 bly for his fubfiftence, as ufually praftifed. He 
 replied that an acceptance of this offer would be 
 a breach of his inftructions from the king. This 
 was his conftant apology for every arbitrary 
 ftep. 
 
 Secure of the favor of his fovereign, and 
 now regardlefs of the popularity he had formerly 
 courted with fuch avidity, he decidedly rejected 
 the idea of refponfibility to, or dependence on, 
 the people. With equal inflexibility he difre- 
 garded all arguments ufed for the removal of the 
 troops from the capital, and permiilion to the 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 83 
 
 council and houfe of reprefentatives to return CHAP iv. 
 to the ufual feat of government. He filently " 
 
 heard their folicitations for this purpofe, and as 
 if with a defign to pour contempt on their fuppli- 
 cations and complaints, he within a few days 
 after withdrew a garrifon, in the pay of the 
 province, from a ftrong fortrefs in the harbour 
 of Bofton ; placed two regiments of the king's 
 troops in their ftead, and delivered the keys of 
 the caftle to colonel Dalrymple, who then com- 
 manded the king's troops through the province. 
 
 Thefe fteps, which feemed to bid defiance to 
 complaint, created new fears in the minds of the 
 people. It required the utmoft vigilance to quiet 
 the murmurs and prevent the fatal confequen* 
 ces apprehended from the ebullitions of popular 
 refentment. But cool, deliberate and perfever- 
 ing, the two houfes continued to refolve, re- 
 monftrate, and proteft, again!! the infractions on 
 their charter, and every dangerous innovation 
 on their rights and privileges. Indeed the in* 
 trepid and fpirited conduct of thofe, who flood 
 forth undaunted at this early crifis of hazard, 
 will dignify their names fo long as the public 
 records mail remain to witnefs their patriotic 
 firmnefs. 
 
 Many circumftances rendered it evident that 
 the minifterial party wifhed a fpirit of oppoii- 
 tion to the deiigns of the court might break 
 out into violence, even at the expenfe of blood. 
 This they thought would in fome degree have 
 
84 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. fan&ioned a meafure fuggefted by one of the 
 ~ faction in America, devoted to the arbitrary 
 fyftem, " That fome method muft be devifed, 
 "to take off the original incendiaries* whofe 
 " writings inftilled the poifon of fedition 
 " through the vehicle of the Bofton Gazette."! 
 
 Had this advice been followed, and a few 
 gentlemen of integrity and ability, who had 
 fjririt Sufficient to make an effort in favor of 
 their country in each colony, have been feized 
 at the fame moment, and immolated early in 
 the conteft on the bloody altar of power, perhaps 
 Great Britain might have held the continent in 
 fubjeclion a few years longer. 
 
 That they had meafures of this nature in 
 contemplation there is not a doubt. Several 
 
 * See Andrew Oliver's letter to one of the miniftry, 
 dated February 13, 1769. 
 
 f This gazette was much celebrated for the freedom 
 of its difquiiitions in favor of civil liberty. It has been 
 obferved that " it will be a treafury of political intelligence 
 "for the hiftorians of this country. Otis, Thacher, Dex- 
 " ter, Adams, Warren and Quincy, Doftors Samuel 
 " Cooper and Mayhew, ftars of the firft magnitude in our 
 " northern hemifphere, whole glory and brightnefs diftant 
 " ages will admire ; thefe gentlemen of character and in- 
 " fluence offered their firft effays to the public through 
 " the medium of the Bofton Gazette, on which account 
 " the paper became odious to the friends of prerogative, 
 " but not more difgufting to the tories and high church 
 " than it was pleafing to the whigs." See collection of 
 the Maffachufetts Hiftorical Society. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 85 
 
 inftances of a lefs atrocious nature confirmed CHAP.IV. 
 this opinion, and the turpitude of defign which 
 at this period actuated the court party was 
 clearly evinced by the attempted affailination 
 of the celebrated Mr. Otis, juftly deemed the 
 firft martyr to American freedom ; and truth 
 will enrol his name among the in oft diflinguifh- 
 ed patriots who have expired on the u blood- 
 " ftained theatre of human action." 
 
 This gentleman, whofe birth and education 
 was equal to any in the province, pofieffed an 
 eafy fortune, independent principles, a compre- 
 henlive genius, ftrong mind, retentive mem- 
 ory, and great penetration. To thefe endow- 
 ments may be added that extenfive profeffional 
 knowledge, which at once forms the character 
 of the complete civilian and the able ftatefman. 
 
 In his public fpeeches, the fire of eloquence, 
 the acumen of argument, and the lively fallies 
 of wit, at once warmed the bofom of the ftoic 
 and commanded the admiration of his enemies. 
 To his probity and generofity in the public 
 walks were added the charms of affability and 
 improving converfe in private life. His human- 
 ity was confpicuous, his fincerity acknowledged, 
 his integrity unimpeached, his honor unblem- 
 ifhed, and his patriotifm marked with the dif- 
 intereftednefs of the Spartan. Yet he was fuf- 
 ceptible of quick feelings and warm paflions, 
 which in the ebullitions of zeal for the intereft 
 of his country fometimes betrayed him into 
 
86 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 unguarded epithets that gave his foes an advan- 
 1770. ta e ? without benefit to the caufe that lay near- 
 eft his heart, 
 
 He had been affronted by the partizans of 
 the crown, vilified in the public papers, and 
 treated (after his refignation of office*) in a 
 manner too grofs for a man of his fpirit to pafs 
 over with impunity. Fearlefs of confequences, 
 he had always given the world his opinions 
 both in his writings and his converfation, and 
 had recently publimed fome fevere ftrictures on 
 the conduct of the commiffioners of the cuf- 
 toms and others of the minifterial party, and 
 bidding defiance to refentment, he fupported 
 his allegations by the fignature of his name. 
 
 A few days after this publication appeared, Mr, 
 Otis with only one gentleman in company was 
 fuddenly affaulted in a public room, by a band 
 of ruffians armed with fwords and bludgeons. 
 They were headed by John Robinfon, one of 
 the commiffioners of the cuftoms. The lights 
 were immediately extinguifhed, and Mr. Qtis 
 covered with wounds was left for dead, while 
 the aflaffins made their way through the crowd 
 which began to affemble ; and before their crime 
 was difcovered, fortunately for themfelves, 
 they efcaped foon enough to take refuge on 
 board one of the king's mips which then lay in 
 the harbor. 
 
 * Office of judge advocate in governor Bernard's ad- 
 
 miniftration. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 87 
 
 In a ftate of nature, the favage may throw his CHAP. iv. 
 poifoned arrow at the man, whofe foul exhibits 
 a tranfcript of benevolence that upbraids his 
 own ferocity, and may boaft his blood-thirfty 
 deed among the hordes of the foreft without 
 difgrace ; but in a high ftage of civilization, 
 where humanity is cherifhed, and politenefs is 
 become a fcience, for the dark aflaifin then to 
 level his blow at fuperior merit, and fcreen 
 himfelf in the arms of power, reflects an odium 
 on the government that permits it, and puts 
 human nature to the blufh. 
 
 The party had a complete triumph in this 
 guilty deed ; for though the wounds did not 
 prove mortal, the confequences were tenfold 
 worfe than death. The future ufefulnefs of 
 this diftinguilhed friend of his country was 
 deftroyed, reafon was maken from its throne, 
 genius obfcured, and the great man in ruins 
 lived feveral years for his friends to weep over, 
 and his country to lament the deprivation of 
 talents admirably adapted to promote the high- 
 eft interefts of fociety. 
 
 This cataftrophe mocked the feelings of the 
 virtuous not lefs than it raifed the indignation 
 of the brave. Yet a remarkable fpirit of for- 
 bearance continued for a time, owing to the 
 refpeft ftill paid to the opinions of this unfortu- 
 nate gentleman, whofe voice though always op- 
 pofed to the ftrides of defpotifm was ever loud 
 againft all tumultuous and illegal proceedings. 
 
88 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. He was after a partial recovery fenfible himfelf 
 ~~~ of his incapacity for the exercife of talents 
 that had fhone with peculiar luftre, and often 
 invoked the meiTenger of death to give him a 
 fudden releafe from a life become burdenfome 
 in every view but when the calm interval of a 
 moment permitted him the recollection of his 
 own integrity. In one of thofe intervals of 
 beclouded reafon he forgave the murderous 
 band, after the principal ruffian had afked pardon 
 in a court of juftice ;* and at the interceflion 
 of the gentleman whom he had fo grofsly abuf- 
 ed, the people forebore inflicting that fummary 
 vengeance which was generally thought due to 
 fo black a crime. 
 
 Mr. Otis lived to fee the independence of 
 America, though in a ftate of mind incapable of 
 enjoying fully the glorious event which his own 
 exertions had precipitated. After feveral years 
 of mental derangement, as if in confequence 
 of his own prayers, his great foul was in- 
 ftantly fet free by a flam of lightning, from 
 the evils in which the love of his country 
 had involved him. His death took place in 
 May, one thoufand feven hundred and eighty 
 
 * On a civil procefs commenced againft him, John 
 Robinfon was adjudged to pay five thoufand pounds fter- 
 ling damages ; but Mr. Otis defpifing all pecuniary com- 
 penfation, relmquiflied it on the culprit's alking pardon 
 and fetting his fignature to a very humble acknowledg- 
 ment. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. &9 
 
 three, the fame year the peace was concluded CHAP - 1V - 
 between Great Britain and America.* 1770. 
 
 Though the parliamentary fyftem of colonial 
 regulations was in many inftances fimilar, an<jl 
 equally aimed to curtail the privileges of each 
 province, yet no military force had been ex- 
 prefsly called in aid of civil authority in any of 
 them, except the MafTachufetts. From this cir- 
 
 <* A fitter touched by the tendered feelings, while ihe 
 has thought it her duty to do juftice to a character neg- 
 lected by forae, and milreprefented by other hitlorians, can 
 exculpate herfelf from all fufpicion of partiality by the tefti- 
 mony of many of his countrymen who witneiled his private 
 merit and public exertions. But fhe will however only fub- 
 join a paragraph of a letter written to the author of thefe an- 
 nals, on the news of Mr. Otis's death, by John Adams, 
 Efq. then minifter plenipotentiary from the United States 
 to the court of France. 
 
 " Paris, September TOth, 1783. 
 *' It was, Madam, with -*ery afflicting fentiments I 
 * learned the death of Mr. Otis, my worthy matter. Extra- 
 ** ordinary in death as in life, he has left a character that 
 " will never die while the memory of the American revolu- 
 tion remains ; whofe foundation he laid with an energy, 
 4< and with thofe mafterly abilities, which no other man pof- 
 "feffed." 
 
 The reader alfo may not be dtfpleafed at an extempo- 
 rary exclamation of a gentleman of poetic talents, on hear- 
 ing of the death of Mr. Otis. 
 
 " When God in anger faw the fpot, 
 
 " Oh earth to Otis given, 
 " In thunder as from Sinai's mount, 
 " He fnatch'd him back to heaven." 
 
 VOL. I. M 
 
90 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. cumftance fome began to flatter themfelves that 
 
 ~ more lenient difpofitions were operating in the 
 
 mind of the king of Great Britain, as well as in 
 
 the parliament and the people towards America 
 
 in general. 
 
 They had grounded thefe hopes on the ftrong 
 afiurances of feveral of the plantation governors, 
 particularly lord Botetourt, who then prefided 
 in Virginia. He had in a fpeech to the affembly 
 of the colony, in the winter of one thoufand 
 feven hundred and fixty-nine, declared himfelf 
 fo confident that full fatisfaction would be given 
 to the provinces in the future conduct of ad- 
 miniftration, that he pledged his faith to fupport 
 to the laft hour of his life the intereft of Amer- 
 ica. He obferved, that he grounded his own 
 opinions and his affurances to them, on the inti- 
 mations of the confidential fervants of the king 
 which authorized him to promife redrefs. He 
 added, that to his certain knowledge his fove- 
 reign had rather part with his crown, than pre- 
 ferve it by deception. 
 
 The credulity of this gentleman was undoubt- 
 edly impofed upon ; however, the Virginians, 
 ever fteady and fyftematic in oppofition to 
 tyranny, were for a time highly gratified by 
 thofe aiTurances from their firft magiftrate. 
 But their vigilance was foon called into exer- 
 cife by the mal-adminiftration of a fucceeding 
 governor, though the fortitude of this pat- 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 91 
 
 riotic colony was never fhaken by the frown of CHAV iv. 
 any defpotic matter or matters. Some of the ^ 
 other colonies had liftened to the foothing lan- 
 guage of moderation ufed by their chief execu- 
 tive officers, and were for a fhort time influen- 
 ced by that, and the flattering hopes held up by 
 the governor of Virginia. 
 
 But before the period to which we have 
 arrived in the narration of events, thefe flatter- 
 ing appearances had evaporated with the breath 
 of the courtier. The fubfequent conduct of 
 adminiftration baffled the expectations of the 
 credulous. The hand of government was more 
 heavily felt through the continent ; and from 
 South Carolina to Virginia, and from Virginia 
 to New Hampfhire, the mandate of a minifter 
 was the iignal for the diflblution of their aflem- 
 blies. The people were compelled to refort to 
 conventions and committees to tranfact all 
 public bulinefs, to unite in petitions for relief, 
 or to take the neceffary preparatory fteps if 
 finally obliged to refift by arms. 
 
 In the mean time the inhabitants of the town 
 of Bofton had fuffered almoft every fpecies of 
 infult from the Britim foldiery ; who, counte- 
 nanced by the royal party, had generally found 
 means to icreen themfelves from the hand of the 
 civil officers. Thus all authority retted on the 
 point of the fword, and the partizuns of the 
 crown triumphed for a time in the plenitude of 
 
92 THE RIS3* AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 HAP. iv. military power. Yet the meafure and the man- 
 Ll ner of porting troops in the capital of the prov- 
 ince, had roufed fuch jealoufy and difguft, as 
 could not be fubdued by the fcourge that hung 
 over their heads. Continual bickerings took 
 place in the ftreets between the foldiers and the 
 citizens ; the infolence of the firft, which had 
 been carried fo far as to excite the African 
 flaves to murder their mailers, with the prom- 
 ife of impunity,* and the indifcretion of the 
 laft, was often productive of tumults and difor- 
 der that led the moft cool and temperate to be 
 apprehenfive of confequences of the moft feri- 
 dus nature. 
 
 No previous outrage had given fuch a gen- 
 eral alarm, as the commotion on the fifth of 
 March, one thoufand feven hundred and feventy. 
 Yet the accident that created a refentment 
 which emboldened the timid, determined the 
 wavering, and awakened an energy and deci- 
 fion that neither the artifices of the courtier, 
 nor the terror of the fword could eafily over- 
 come, arofe from a trivial circumftance ; a cir- 
 cumftance \vhich but from the consideration 
 that thefe minute accidents frequently lead to 
 
 * Capt. Wilfon of the 29th regiment was detected in 
 the infamous practice ; and it was proved beyond a doubt 
 by the teftimony of fome refpectable citizens, who declared 
 on oath, that they had accidentally \vitnefled the offer of 
 reward to the blacks, by fome fubaltern officers, if they 
 would rob and murder their rnafters. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 93 
 
 the m6ft important events, would be beneath CHAP. iv. 
 
 the dignity of hiftory to record. 
 
 1770. 
 
 A centinel pofted at the door of the cuftom 
 houfe had feized and abufed a boy, for calling 
 fome opprobrious reflections on an officer of 
 rank ; his cries collected a number of other 
 lads, who took the childilh revenge of pelting 
 the foldier with mow-balls. The main-guard 
 Rationed in the neighborhood of the cuftom- 
 houfe, was informed by fome perfons from 
 thence, of the riling tumult. They immediately 
 turned out under the command of a captain 
 Prefton, and beat to arms. Several fracas of lit- 
 tle moment had taken place between the foldiery 
 and fome of the lower clafs of inhabitants, and 
 probably both were in a temper to avenge their 
 own private wrongs. The cry of fire was raif- 
 ed in all parts of the town, the mob collected, 
 and the foldiery from all quarters ran through 
 the ftreets fword in hand, threatening and 
 wounding the people, and with every appear- 
 ance of hoftility, they rulhed furioully to the 
 centre of the town. 
 
 The foldiers thus ready for execution, and 
 the populace grown outrageous, the whole town 
 was juftly terrified by the unufual alarm. This 
 naturally drew out perfons of higher condition, 
 and more peaceably difpofed, to inquire the 
 caufe. Their confternation can fcarcely be de- 
 fcribed, when they found orders were given to 
 
94 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 fire promifcuoufly among the unarmed multi- 
 tude. Five or fix perfons fell at the firft fire, 
 and fever al more were dangeroufly wounded at 
 their own doors. 
 
 Thefe fudden popular commotions are feldom 
 to be juftified, and their confequences are ever 
 to be dreaded. It is needlefs to make any ob- 
 fervations on the affumed rights of royalty, in a 
 time of peace to difperfe by military murder 
 the diforderly and riotous affemblage of a 
 thoughtlefs multitude. The queftion has fre- 
 quently been canvaffed ; and was on this occa- 
 fion thoroughly difcufTed, by gentlemen of the 
 firft profeflional abilities, 
 
 The remains of loyalty to the fovereign of 
 Britain were not yet extinguifhed in American 
 bofoms, neither were the feelings of compaflion, 
 which fhrunk at the idea of human carnage , ob- 
 literated. Yet this outrage enkindled a general 
 refentment that could not be difguifed ; but ev- 
 ery method that prudence could dictate, was 
 ufed by a number of influential gentlemen to 
 cool the fudden ferment, to prevent the popu- 
 lace from attempting immediate vengeance, and 
 to prevail on the multitude to retire quietly to 
 their own houfes, and wait the decifions of law 
 and equity. They effected their humane pur- 
 poies ; the people difperfed ; and captain Prei- 
 ton and his party were taken into cuftody of 
 the civil rnagiftrate. A judicial inquiry was af- 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 95 
 
 terwards made into their conduct ; and fo far 
 from being actuated by any partial or undue 
 bias, fome of the firft counfellors at law engag- 
 ed in their defence ; and after a fair and legal 
 trial they were acquitted of premeditated or 
 wilful murder, by a jury of the county of Suf- 
 folk. 
 
 The people, not difmayed by the blood 
 of their neighbors thus wantonly fhed, de- 
 termined no longer to fubmit to the infolence 
 of military power. Colonel Dalrymple, who 
 commanded in Bofton, was informed the day 
 after the riot in King Street, " that he muft 
 " withdraw his troops from the town within a 
 " limited term, or hazard the confequences." 
 
 The inhabitants of the town affembled in 
 Faneuil Hall, where the fubjecl: was difcufled 
 with becoming fpirit, and the people unanimoui- 
 ly refolved-, that no armed force mould be fuf- 
 fered longer to refide in the capital ; that if the 
 king's troops were not immediately withdrawn 
 by their own officers, the governor mould be 
 requefted to give orders for their removal, and 
 thereby prevent the necefiity of more rigorous 
 fteps. A committee from the body was depu- 
 ted to wait on the governor, and requeft him to 
 exert that authority which the exigencies of the 
 times required from the fupreme magiftrate. 
 Mr. Samuel Adams, the chairman of the com- 
 mittee, with a pathos and addrefs peculiar to 
 
96 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. himfelf, expofed the illegality of quartering 
 ~ troops in the town in the midft of peace ; he 
 urged the apprehenfions of the people, and the 
 fatal confequences that might enfue if their re- 
 moval was delayed. 
 
 But no arguments could prevail on Mr. 
 Hutchinfon ; who either from timidity, or fome 
 more cenfurable caufe, evaded acting at all in 
 the bufinefs, and grounded his refufal on a pre- 
 tended want of authority.* After which, col- 
 onel Dalrymple, wifhing to compromife the 
 matter, confented that the twenty-ninth regi- 
 ment, more culpable than any other in the late 
 tumult, mould be fent to Caftle Ifland. This 
 conceflion was by no means fatisfactory ; the 
 people, inflexible in their demands, infifted that 
 not one Britim foldier ihould be left within 
 the town ; their requifition was reluctantly 
 complied with, and within four days the whole 
 army decamped. It is not to be fuppofed, that 
 this compliance of Britim veterans originated 
 in their fears of an injured and incenfed people, 
 who were not yet prepared to refift by arms. 
 They were undoubtedly feniible they had ex- 
 ceeded their orders, and anticipated the deligns 
 of their matter; they had rafhly begun the 
 fiaughter of Americans, and enkindled the 
 flames of civil war in a country, where alle- 
 giance had not yet been renounced. 
 
 * See extra&s of Mr. Hutchiiifon's letters, Appendix, 
 No. VIII, 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 97 
 
 After the hafty retreat of the king's troops, CHAP - 1V - 
 Bofton enjoyed for a time, a degree of tranquil- 1770. 
 lity to which they had been ftrangers for many 
 months. The commiffioners of the cuftoms and 
 feveral other obnoxious characters retired with 
 the army to Caftle William, and their governor 
 affected much moderation and tendernefs to his 
 country ; at the fame time he neglected no op- 
 portunity to ripen the prefent meafures of ad- 
 miniftration, or to fecure his own intereft, 
 clofely interwoven therewith. The duplicity 
 of Mr. Hutchinfon was foon after laid open by 
 the difcovery of a number of letters under his 
 fignature, written to fome individuals in 
 the Britifh cabinet. Thefe letters detected by 
 the vigilance of fome friends in England, were 
 procured and fent on to America.* 
 
 Previous to this event there were many per- 
 fons in the province who could not be fully 
 convinced, that at the fame period when he had 
 put on the guife of compailion to his country, 
 when he had promifed all his influence to obtain 
 fome relaxation of the coercive fyftem, that at 
 that moment Mr. Hutchinfon mould be fo loft 
 to the ideas of fincerity, as to be artfully plot- 
 ting new embarraffments to the colonies in 
 general, and the moft mifchievous projects 
 againft the province he was entrufted to gov- 
 ern. Thus convided as the grand incendiary 
 
 * The original letters which detefted his treachery 
 were procured by Doft. Franklin, and publiftied in a pam- 
 VOL. I. N 
 
98 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. who had fown the feeds of difcord, and cher- 
 
 ' ilhed the difpute between Great Britain and 
 i <-]*- r\ 
 
 the colonies, his friends blufhed at the difcove- 
 ry, his enemies triumphed, and his partizans 
 were confounded. In thefe letters, he had ex- 
 preffed his doubt of the propriety of fuffering 
 the colonies to enjoy all the privileges of the 
 parent ftate : he obferved, that " there muft be 
 tmabriclgmentof Englijh liberties, in colonial admin- 
 iftration," and urged with malignant art the 
 neceffity of the refumption of the charter of 
 Maflachufetts. 
 
 Through this and the fucceeding year the 
 Britiih nation were much divided in opinion 
 relative to public meafures, both at home and 
 abroad. Debates and animofities ran high in 
 both houfes of parliament. Many of their beft 
 orators had come forward in defence of Amer- 
 ica, with that eloquence and precifion which 
 
 phlet at Boftoii. They may alfo be feen in the Britifti 
 Annual Regifter, and in a large collection of hiftorical 
 papers printed in London, entitled the Remembrancer. 
 The agitation into which many were thrown by the 
 tranfmidion of thefe letters, produced important confequen- 
 ces. Docl. Franklin was fhamefully vilified and abufed in 
 an outrageous philippic pronounced by Mr. Wedderburne, 
 afterwards lord Loughborough. Threats, challenges, and 
 duels took place, but it was not discovered by what means 
 thefe letters fell into the hands of Docl. Franklin, who 
 (boil after repaired to America, where he was eminently 
 ferviceable in aid of the public caufe of his native 
 ountry. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 
 
 proved their anceftry, and marked the fpirit of CHAP. iv. 
 a nation that had long boafted their own free- 
 dom. But reafon and argument are feeble bar- 
 riers againft the will of a monarch, or the deter- 
 minations of potent ariftocratical bodies. Thus 
 the fyftem was fixed, the meafures were ripen- 
 ing, and a minrfter had the boldnefs to declare 
 publickly, that " America ihould be brought to 
 " the footftool of parliament,"* and humbled 
 beneath the pedeilal of majefty. 
 
 The inhabitants of the whole American con- 
 tinent, appeared even at this period nearly rea- 
 dy for the laft appeal, rather than longer to fub* 
 mit to the mandates of an overbearing minifter 
 of ftate, or the execution of his corrupt deiigns. 
 The mafterly writers of this enlightened age, 
 had fo clearly defined the nature and origin of 
 government, the equal claims and natural rights 
 of man, the principles of the Britilh conftitu- 
 tion, and the freedom the fubject had a right 
 to enjoy thereby ; that it had become a prevail- 
 ing opinion, that government and legiilation 
 were inftituted for the benefit of fociety at large, 
 and not for the emolument of a few ; and that 
 whenever prerogative began to ftretch its rapa- 
 cious arm beyond certain bounds, it was an in- 
 difpenfable duty to refift. 
 
 Strongly attached to Great Britain, not only 
 by the impreffion of ancient forms, and the hal> 
 
 * Lord North's fpeech in the hpufe of commons. 
 
10O THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. its of fubmiffion to government, but by relig- 
 ion, manners, language, and confanguinity, the 
 colonies flill flood fufpended in the pacific hope, 
 that a change of miniilry or a new parliament, 
 might operate in their favor, and reftore tran- 
 quillity, by the removal of the caufes and the in- 
 ftruments of their fufferings. 
 
 Not yet confcious of her own ftrength, and 
 fcarcely ambitious of taking an independent 
 rank among the nations, America ftill cherifhed 
 the flattering ideas of reconciliation. But thefe 
 expectations were finally diflipated, by the re- 
 peated attempts to reduce the colonies to un- 
 limited fubmiilion to the fupreme jurifdiction of 
 parliament, and the illegal exactions of the 
 crown, until by degrees all parliamentary de- 
 cifions became as indifferent to an American 
 ear, as the refcripts of a Turkifh divan. 
 
 The tame acquiefcence of the colonies, would 
 doubtlefs have given great advantages to the 
 corrupt party on one fide of the Atlantic, 
 while their afliduous agents on the other, did 
 not revolt at the meaneft and moft wicked com* 
 pliances to facilitate the defigns of their employ- 
 ers, or to gratify their own inordinate paflion 
 for power and wealth. Thus for a confiderable 
 time, a ftruggle was kept up between the power 
 of one country, and the perfeverance of the 
 other, without a poffibility of calculating confe- 
 quences. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 101 
 
 A particular detail of the altercations between 
 the reprefentatives, the burgeffes, and the pro- 
 vincial governors, the remonftrances of the peo^ 
 pie, the refolves of their legiflative bodies, and 
 the diffolution of their affemblies by thejiat of a 
 governor, the prayers of corporate and occupa- 
 tional focieties, or the petitions of more pub- 
 lic and refpeclable bodies ; the provocations 
 on the fide of government, and the riotous, and 
 in fome degree, unjuftifiable proceedings of the 
 populace, in almoft every town on the conti- 
 nent, would be rather tedious than entertaining, 
 in a compendious narrative of the times. It 
 may therefore, be well to pafs over a year or 
 two, that produced nothing but a famenefs of 
 complaint, and a fimilarity of oppofition, on the 
 one fide ; and on the other, a fyftematic effort, 
 to pufh the darling meafure of an American 
 taxation, while neither party had much reafon 
 to promife themfelves a fpeedy decifion. 
 
 It has already been obferved, that the reve- 
 nue acts which had occafioned a general mur- 
 mur, had been repealed, except a fmall duty on 
 all India teas, by which a claim was kept up to 
 tax the colonies at pleafure, whenever it mould 
 be thought expedient. This was an article ufed 
 by all ranks in America ; a luxury of liich uni- 
 verfal consumption, that adminiftration was led 
 to believe, that a monopoly of the fales of tea, 
 might be fo managed, as to become a productive 
 fource of revenue. 
 
102 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. It was generally believed that governor 
 
 Hutchinfon had ilipulated for the agency for his 
 fons, as they were the firft in comrniflion ; and 
 that he had folicited for them, and obtained this 
 odious employment, by a promife, that if they 
 were appointed fole agents to the Eaft India 
 company, the fales mould be fo executed as to 
 give perfect fatisfaction, both to them and to 
 adminiftration. All communities furnim ex- 
 amples of men fufficiently bafe, to fliare in the 
 fpoils of their country ; nor was it difficult to 
 find fuch in every colony, who were ready 
 enough to execute this minifterial job. Thus 
 in confequence of the infmuations of thofe in- 
 terefted in the fuccefs of the meafure, a number 
 of mips were employed by government, to 
 transport a large quantity of teas into each of 
 the American colonies. The people throughout 
 the continent, apprized of the defign, and con- 
 lidering at that time, all teas a pernicious arti- 
 cle of commerce, fummoned meetings in all the 
 capital towns, and unanimouily refolved to re-i 
 lift the dangerous project by every legal oppo- 
 iition, before they proceeded to any extremi- 
 ties. 
 
 The firft ftep taken in Bofton, was to requeft 
 the confignees to refufe the commiffion. The 
 inhabitants warmly remonftrated againft the 
 teas being landed in any of their ports, and urg- 
 ed the return of the mips, without permitting 
 them to break bulk. The comrniilioners at 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION* 1OS 
 
 New York, Philadelphia, and in feveral other ^_^ 
 colonies, were applied to with fimilar requeils ; 1770. 
 moft of them complied. In fome places the 
 teas were ftored on proper conditions, in others, 
 fent back without injury. But, in Maffachu- 
 fetts, their difficulties were accumulated by the 
 reftlefs ambition of fome of her own degenerate 
 ions. Not the fmalleft impreffion was made on 
 the feelings of their governor, by the united 
 fupplications of the inhabitants of Bofton and 
 its environs. Mr. Hutchinfon, who very well 
 knew that virtue is feldom a mfficient reftraint 
 to the paffions, but that, in fpite of patrotifm, 
 reafon, or religion, the fcale too frequently pre- 
 ponderates in favor of intereft or appetite, per- 
 fifted in the execution of his favorite project. 
 As by force of habit, this drug had become al- 
 moft a neceffary article of diet, the demand for 
 teas in America was aftonifliingly great, and 
 the agents in Bofton, fure of finding purchafers, 
 if once the weed was depofited in their ftores, 
 haughtily declined a refignation of office, and 
 determined when the fhips arrived, to receive 
 and difpofe of their cargoes at every hazard. 
 
 Before either time or difcretion had cooled 
 the general difguil, at the interefted and fuper- 
 cilious behaviour of thefe young pupils of in- 
 trigue, the long expected mips arrived, which 
 were to eftablim a precedent, thought danger- 
 oufly confequential. Refolved not to yield to 
 the fmalleft veftige of parliamentary taxation, 
 
104- THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 however difguifed, a numerous affembly of the 
 moil refpeclable people of Bofton and its neigh- 
 borhood, repaired to the public hall, and drew 
 up a remonftrance to the governor, urging the 
 neceflity of his order, to fend back the mips 
 without fufFering any part of their cargoes to 
 be landed. His anfwer confirmed the opinion, 
 that he was the inftigator of the meafure ; it 
 irritated the fpirits of the people, and tended 
 more to encreafe, than allay the rifing ferment. 
 
 A few days after this the factors had the pre- 
 caution to apply to the governor and council 
 for protection, to enable them to receive and 
 difpofe of their confignments. As the council 
 refufed to act in the affair, the governor called 
 on colonel Hancock, who commanded a com- 
 pany of cadets, to hold himfelf in readinefs to 
 affift the civil magiftrate, if any tumult mould 
 arife in confequence of any attempt to land the 
 teas. This gentleman, though profeffedly in 
 oppofition to the court, had ofcillated between 
 the parties Until neither of them at that time, 
 had much confidence in his exertions. It did 
 not however appear, that he had any inclina- 
 tion to obey the fummons ; neither did he 
 explicitly refufe ; but he foon after refigned 
 his commiflion, and continued in future, une- 
 quivocally oppofed to the minifterial fyftem. 
 On the appearance of this perfevering fpirit 
 among the people, governor Hutchinfon again 
 reforted to his ufual arts of chicanery and 
 deception ; he affected a mildnefs of deport- 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 105 
 
 merit, and by many equivocal delays detained CHAP ' v - 
 the mips, and endeavoured to difarm his coun- 
 trymen of that manly refolution which was 
 their principal fort. 
 
 The ftorage or detention of a few cargoes of 
 teas is not an objecl: in itfelf fufficient to juftify 
 a detail of feveral pages ; but as the fubfequent 
 feverities towards the Maffachufetts were 
 grounded on what the miniftry termed their 
 refractory behaviour on this occaiion ; and as 
 thofe meafures were followed by confequences 
 of the higheft magnitude both to Great Britain 
 and the colonies, a particular narration of the 
 tranfacliions of the town of Bofton is indifpenfa- 
 ble. There the fword of civil difcord was firft 
 drawn, which was not re-fheathed until the 
 emancipation of the thirteen colonies from 
 the yoke of foreign domination was acknowl- 
 edged by the diplomatic feals of the firft powers 
 in Europe. This may apologize, if necefiary, 
 for the appearance of locality in the preceding 
 pages, and for its farther continuance in regard 
 to a colony, on which the bittereft cup of min- 
 ifterial wrath was poured for a time, and where 
 the energies of the human mind were earlier 
 called forth, than in feveral of the fifter ftates. 
 
 Not intimidated by the frowns of greatnefs, 
 nor allured by the fmiles of intrigue, the vigi- 
 lance of the people was equal to the importance 
 of the event. Though expectation was equally 
 
 VOL. i. o 
 
106 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. awake in both parties, yet three or four weeks 
 ~ 1773 elapfed in a kind of inertia ; the one fide flatter-* 
 ed themfelves with hopes, that as the {hips were 
 fuffered to be fo long unmolefted, with their 
 cargoes entire, the point might yet be obtained ; 
 the other thought it poffible, that fome impref- 
 fion might yet be made on the governor, by the 
 ftrong voice of the people. 
 
 Amidft this fufpenfe a rumour was circulated, 
 that admiral Montague was about to feize the 
 fhips, and difpofe of their cargoes at public auc- 
 tion, within twenty-four hours. This ftep 
 would as effectually have fecured the duties, as 
 if fold at the mops of the consignees, and was 
 \ judged to be only a fine (ft ^ to place them there 
 on their own terms. On this report, convinced 
 of the neceffity of preventing fo bold an attempt^ 
 a vaft body of people convened fuddenly and 
 repaired to one of the largeft and moft commo* 
 dious churches in Bofton ; where, previous to 
 any other fteps, many fruitlefs meffages wero 
 lent both to the governor and the coniignees, 
 whofe timidity had prompted them to a feclu- 
 iion from the public eye. Yet they continued 
 to refufe any fatisfactory anfwer ; and while 
 the aflembled multitude were in quiet confulta* 
 tion on the fafeft mode to prevent the fale and 
 confumption of an herb, noxious at leaft to the 
 political conilitution, the debates were inter- 
 rupted by the entrance of the iheriff with an or- 
 der from the governor, ftyling them an illegal af- 
 iembly,and dire&ing their immediate difperfion. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 107 
 
 This authoritative mandate was treated with CHAP. rv. 
 great contempt, and the meriff inftantly hiffed ^ 
 out of the houie. A confufed murmur enfued, 
 both within and without the walls ; but in a 
 few moments all was again quiet, and the lead- 
 ers of the people returned calmly to the point 
 in queftion. Yet every expedient feemed 
 fraught with infurmountable difficulties, and 
 evening approaching without any decided refo- 
 Jutions, the meeting was adjourned without 
 day. 
 
 Within an hour after this was known abroad, 
 there appeared a great number of perfons, clad 
 Jike the aborigines of the wildernefs, with tom- 
 ahawks in their hands, and clubs on their moul- 
 ders, who without the leaft moleftation marched 
 through the ftreets with iilent folemnity, and 
 amidft innumerable fpeclators, proceeded to the 
 wharves, boarded the fliips, demanded the keys, 
 and with much deliberation knocked open the 
 chefb, and emptied feveral thoufand weight of 
 the fineft teas into the ocean. No oppofition 
 was made, though furrounded by the king's 
 fliips ; all was lilence and difmay. 
 
 This done, the proceffion returned through 
 the town in the fame order and folemnity as 
 obferved in the outfet of their attempt. No 
 other diforder took place, and it was obferved, 
 the ftilleft night enfued that Bofton had enjoy- 
 ed for many months. This unexpected event 
 
1O8 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. ftruck the minifterial party with rage and afton- 
 ~~ ifhment ; while, as it feemed to be an attack 
 upon private property, many who wiihed well 
 to the public caufe could not fully approve of 
 the meafure. Yet perhaps the laws of felf-pre- 
 fervation might juftify the deed, as the exigen- 
 cies of the times required extraordinary exertions, 
 and every other method had been tried in vain, 
 to avoid this difaoreeable alternative. Beiides it 
 
 o 
 
 Was alleged, and doubtlefs it was true, the peo^ 
 pie were ready to make ample compenfation for 
 all damages fuftained, whenever the unconfti- 
 tutional duty mould be taken off, and other 
 grievances radically redreffed. But there ap- 
 peared little profpecl: that any conciliatory ad- 
 vances would foon be made. The officers of 
 government difcovered themfelves more vin- 
 dictive than ever : animofities daily increafed, 
 and the fpirits of the people were irritated to a 
 degree of alienation, even from their tendereft 
 connexions, when they happened to differ in 
 political opinion. 
 
 By the frequent diffolution of the general 
 affemblies, all public debate had been precluded, 
 and the ufual regular intercourfe between the 
 colonies cut off. The modes of legiilative com- 
 munication thus obftru&ed, at a period when 
 the neceffity of harmony and concert was ob- 
 vious to every eye, no fyftematical oppofition to 
 gubernatorial intrigues, fupported by the king 
 and parliament of Great Britain, was to be ex- 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 109 
 
 peeled without the utmoft concord, confidence, CHAP. iv. 
 and union of all the colonies. Perhaps no fmgle 
 ftep contributed fo much to cement the union 
 of the colonies, and the final acquifition of in- 
 dependence, as the eftablimment of committees 
 of correfpondence. This fupported a chain of 
 communication from New Hampfhire to Geor- 
 gia, that produced unanimity and energy 
 throughout the continent. 
 
 As in thefe annals there has yet been no par- 
 ticular mention made of this inftitution, it is 
 but juftice to name at once the author, the ori- 
 gin, and the importance of the meafure. 
 
 At an early period of the conteft, when the 
 public mind was agitated by unexpected events, 
 and remarkably pervaded with perplexity and 
 anxiety, James Warren, Efq. of Plymouth firft 
 propofed this inftitution to a private friend, on a 
 vilit at his own houfe.* Mr. Warren had been 
 an active and influential member of the general 
 aflembly from the beginning of the trou- 
 bles in America, which commenced foon after 
 the demife of George the fecond. The prin- 
 ciples and firmnefs of this gentleman were well 
 known, and the uprightnefs of his character had 
 fufficient weight to recommend the meafure. 
 As foon as the propofal was communicated to a 
 number of gentlemen in Bofton, it was adopt- 
 ed with zeal, and fpread with the rapidity of 
 
 * Samuel Adams, Efq. of Bofton. 
 
]1O THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 1773. 
 
 enthufiafm, from town to town, and from 
 province to province.* Thus an intercourse 
 was eilablifhed, by which a fimilarity of opin- 
 ion, a connexion of intereft, and a union of 
 action appeared, that fet oppofition at defiance, 
 and defeated the machinations of their enemies 
 through all the colonies. 
 
 The plan fuggeited was clear and methodical ; 
 it propofed that a public meeting fhould be call- 
 ed in every town ; that a number of perfons 
 fiiould be felecled by a plurality of voices ; that 
 they mould be men of refpectable characters, 
 whofe attachment to the great caufe of Ameri- 
 ca had been uniform ; that they mould be veft- 
 ed by a majority of fuifrages with power to take 
 cognizance of the ftate of commerce, of the in- 
 trigues of toryifm^ of litigious ruptures that 
 might create difhirbances, and every thing elfe 
 that might be thought to militate with the 
 rights of the people, and to promote every thing 
 that tended to general utility. 
 
 The bufinefs was not tardily executed. Com- 
 mittees were every where chofen, who were di- 
 rected to keep up a regular correfpondence with 
 each other, and to give information of all intel- 
 ligence received, relative to the proceedings of 
 
 * The general impulfe at this time feemed to operate by 
 /yrnpathy, before conftiltation could be had ; thus it ap- 
 peared afterwards that the vigilant inhabitants of Virginia 
 ad concerted a fimilar pka about the fame period. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. Ill 
 
 inift ration, fo far as they affected the inter- CKAP. w. 
 eft of the Britrfh colonies throughout America. ^ ^ 
 The truft was faithfully and diligently difcharg- 
 ed, and when afterwards all legiflative authority 
 was fufpended, the courts of juftice {hut up, and 
 the Jail traits of Britifh government annihilated 
 in the colonies, this new inftitution became a 
 kind of juridical tribunal. Its injunctions were 
 influential beyond the hopes of its moft fan- 
 guine friends, and the recommendations of 
 committees of correfpondence had the force of 
 law. Thus, as defpotifm frequently fprings 
 from anarchy, a regular democracy fometimes 
 arifes from the fevere encroachments of defoot- 
 
 x 
 
 ifm. 
 
 This inftitution had given fuch a general 
 alarm to the adherents of adminiftration, and 
 had been replete with fuch important confe- 
 quences through the union^ that it was juftly 
 dreaded by thofe who oppofed it, and ccnlider* 
 ed by them as the moft important bulwark of 
 freedom. A reprefentation of this eftabliih* 
 ment, and its effects, had been tranfmitted to 
 England, and laid before the king and parlia* 
 ment, and Mr. Hutchinfon had received his 
 majefty's difapprobation of the meafure. With 
 the hope of impeding its farther operation, by 
 announcing the frown and the cenfure of roy- 
 alty, and for the difcuffion of fome other im- 
 portant queftions, the governor had thought 
 proper to convene the council and boufe of 
 
112 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 1773. 
 
 reprefentatives, to meet in January one thou- 
 fand feven hundred and feventy-three. 
 
 The affembly of the preceding year had pair- 
 ed a number of very fevere refolves, when the 
 original letters mentioned above, written by 
 governor Hutchinfon and lieutenant-gover- 
 nor Oliver were detected, fent back to the 
 Maffachufetts, and laid before the houfe. They 
 had obferved that " the letters contained 
 " wicked and injurious mifreprefentations, de- 
 " iigned to influence the miniftry and the na- 
 " tion, and to excite jealouiies in the breaft of 
 " the king, againft his faithful fubjects."* They 
 had proceeded to an impeachment, and unani- 
 mouily requefted, that his majefty would be 
 pleafed to remove both Mr. Thomas Hutchinfon 
 and Mr. Andrew Oliver from their public func- 
 tions in the province, forever.f But before 
 they had time to complete their fpirited meaf- 
 ures, the governor had as ufual diffolved the 
 alTembly. This was a ftretch of power, and a 
 manifeftation of refentment, that had been fo 
 frequently exercifed both by Mr. Hutchinfon 
 and his predeceffor, that it was never unexpect- 
 ed, and now totally difregarded. This mode of 
 conduct was not confined to the Maffachufetts ; 
 it was indeed the common iignal of refentment 
 exhibited by molt of the colonial govrnors : 
 
 * See nth refolve in the feflions of one thoufand feven 
 hundred and feventy-two. 
 
 f Journals of the houfe. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 113 
 
 they immediately diffolved the legiflative affem- CHAP. iv. 
 blies on the difcovery of energy, enterprife, or "~~ 
 patriotifm, among the members. 
 
 When the new hoiife of affembly met at Bof- 
 ton the prefent year, it appeared to be compofed 
 of the principal gentlemen and landholders in 
 the province ; men of education and ability, of 
 fortune and family, of integrity and honor ; 
 jealous of the infringement of their rights, and 
 the faithful guardians of a free people. 
 
 Their independency of mind was foon put to 
 the teft. On the opening of the new feflion, 
 the firft communication from the governor was, 
 that he had received his majefty's exprefs difap- 
 probation of all committees of correfpondence ; and 
 to enforce the difpleafure of the monarch^ he 
 very indifcreetly ventured himfelf to cenfure 
 with much warmth this inftitution, and every 
 other ftand that the colonies had unitedly made 
 to miniilerial and parliamentary invaflons. To 
 complete the climax of his own prefumption, he 
 in a long and labored fpeech imprudently agita- 
 ted the grand queftkm of a parliamentary right 
 of taxation without representation ;* he en- 
 deavoured to juftify, both by law and precedent, 
 every arbitrary ftep that had been taken for ten 
 years paft to reduce the colonies to a difgraceful 
 fubjugation. 
 
 * Appendix, No. IX. Extracts from governor Hutchin- 
 fon's letters urging his defigns. 
 VOL. I. P 
 
114 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 This gave a fair opening to the friends of 
 their country which they did not neglect, to 
 difcufs the illegality, injuftice, and impolicy of 
 the late innovations. They entered on the de- 
 bate with freedom of inquiry, ftated their 
 claims with clearnefs and precifion, and fup- 
 ported them with fuch reafoning and perfpicu- 
 ity, that a man of lefs hardinefs than Mr. 
 Hutchinfon would not have made a fecond at- 
 tempt to juftify fo odious a caufe, or to gain 
 fuch an unpopular point by dint of argument. 
 But whether owing to his own intemperate 
 zeal, or whether infHgated by his fuperiors on 
 the other fide the Atlantic, to bring on the dif- 
 pute previous to the difclofure of fome extra- 
 ordinary meafures then in agitation, is uncer- 
 tain. However this was, he fupported his opin- 
 ions with induftry and ingenuity, and not dif- 
 couraged by ftrong oppofition, he fpun out the 
 debate to a tedious and ridiculous length. Far 
 from terminating to the honor of the gover- 
 nor, his officious defence of adminiftration ferv- 
 ed only to indicate the neceility of the moft 
 guarded watchfulnefs againft the machinations 
 of powerful and deligning men ; and fanned, 
 rather than checked the amor patria characlerif- 
 tic of the times. 
 
 Soon after this altercation ended, the repre- 
 fentative body took cognizance of an affair that 
 had given great difguil, and created much unea- 
 iinefs through the province. By the royal 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 115 
 
 charter granted by William and Mary, the gov- 
 ernor, lieutenant-governor and fecretary were 
 appointed by the king ; the council were chofen 
 by the reprefentatives of the people, the gov- 
 ernor being allowed a negative voice ; the 
 judges, juftices, and all other officers, civil and 
 military, were left to his nomination, and ap- 
 pointed by him, with the advice and confent 
 of a board of counfellors. But as it is always 
 neceffary in a free government, that the peo- 
 ple mould retain lome means in their own 
 hands, to check any unwarrantable exercife of 
 power in the executive, the legiilature of Maf- 
 Cichufetts had always enjoyed the reafonable 
 privilege of paying their own officers according 
 to their ability, and the fervices rendered to 
 the public. 
 
 It was at this time well known that Mr. 
 Hutchinfon had fo far ingratiated himfelf as to 
 entitle him to peculiar favor from the crown ; 
 and by a handfome falary from the king, he 
 was rendered entirely independent of the peo- 
 ple. His brother-in-law alfo, the lieutenant- 
 governor, had obtained by mifreprefentations, 
 thought by fome to have been little fhort of 
 perjury,* a penfion which he had long folicited ; 
 but chagrin at the detection of his letters, and 
 the difcovery of his duplicity, foon put a period 
 
 * S3e lieutenant-governor Oliver's affidavit, on the 
 council books. 
 
116 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. to a life that might have been ufeful and exem- 
 plary, had he confined his puriuits only to the 
 domeflic walks of life. 
 
 A ftrong family as well as political connexion, 
 had for fome time been forming among thofe 
 who had been writing in favor of colonial reg- 
 ulations, and urging the creation of a patrician 
 rank, from which all officers of government 
 mould in future be felected. Intermarriages 
 among their children in the near degree of con- 
 fanguinity before the parties were of age for 
 maturity of choice, had ftrengthened the union 
 of interefts among the candidates for prefer- 
 ment. Thus by a kind of compact, almoll every 
 department of high truft as it became vacant 
 by reiignation, fufpenfion or death, was filled 
 by fome relation or dependent of governor 
 Hutchinfon ; and no other qualification was 
 required except a fupplenefs of opinion and 
 principle that could readily bend to the meaf- 
 ures of the court. 
 
 But it was more recently difcovered that the 
 judges of the fuperior court, the near relations 
 or coadjutors of Mr. Hutchinfon, and few of 
 them more fcrupuloufly delicate with regard to 
 the violation of the rights of their country than 
 himfelf, had taken advantage of the times, and 
 fuccefsiully infmuated that the dignity of their 
 offices muft be fupported by an allowance from 
 the crown fufficient to enable them to execute 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 117 
 
 the defigns of government, exclufively of any CHAP. n. 
 dependence on the general affembly. In confe- ^ 
 quence of thefe reprefentations, the judges were 
 appointed to hold their places during the king's 
 pleafure, and a yearly ilipend was granted them 
 to be paid out of the new revenue to be raifed 
 in America. 
 
 The general court had not been convened 
 after the full difclofure of this fyftem before the 
 prefent period ; of courfe no conilitutional op- 
 poiition could be made on the infraction of 
 their charter, until a legal affembly had an op- 
 portunity to meet and deliberate. Uncertain 
 how long the intriguing fpirit of the governor 
 would permit them to continue in exiilence, 
 the fitting affembly judged it neceffary early in 
 the feffion to proceed to a parliamentary in- 
 quiry into the conduct of their judiciary officers. 
 Accordingly the judges of the fupreme court 
 were called upon to receive the grants for their 
 fervices as ufual from the treafury of the prov- 
 ince ; to renounce all unconftitutional falaries, 
 and to engage to receive no pay, penfion or 
 emolument in reward of fervices as juftices of 
 the court of judicature, but from the free grants 
 of the legiflative affembly. 
 
 Two of the judges, Trowbridge and Ropes, 
 readily complied with the demand, and relin- 
 quifhed the ofFenfive ftipend. A third was 
 William Cumin g, Efq. a gentleman rendered 
 
118 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP iv. refpectable in the eyes of all parties by his pro- 
 T7T~ feffional abilities and general integrity. He was 
 a fenfible, modeft man, well acquainted with 
 law, but remarkable for the fecrecy of his opin- 
 ions : this kept up his reputation through all 
 the ebullitions of difcordant parties. He read- 
 ily religned the royal ftipend without any obfer- 
 vations of his own ; yet it was thought at the 
 time that it was with a reluctance that his taci- 
 turnity could not conceal. By this filent 
 addrefs he retained the confidence of the court 
 faction, nor was he lefs a favorite among the 
 republicans. He was immediately placed on the 
 bench of juftice after the affumption of govern- 
 ment in the Maifachufetts.* 
 
 The next that was called forward was Fofter 
 Hutchinfon, a brother of the governor's, a man 
 of much lefs underftanding, and as little public 
 virtue ; in fhort, remarkable for nothing but 
 the malignancy of his heart. He, after much 
 altercation and abufe of the general affembly, 
 complied with a very ill grace with the recjui- 
 fitions of the houfe, 
 
 / 
 
 * The talents, the manners, the probity, and the ur- 
 banity of Mr. Cufhing procured his advancement to the 
 fupreme bench under the new conftitution afterwards 
 adopted by the United States. In this Ration he was 
 ufeful to his country, and refpefted by every clafs through 
 all the changes of party and opinion whjch he lived to fee 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 119 
 
 But the chief feat of juftice in this extraordi- CHAP.IV. 
 nary adminiftration was occupied by a man* 
 unacquainted with law, and ignorant of the 
 firft principles of government. He pofiefied a 
 certain credulity of mind that eafily feduced 
 him into erroneous opinions ; at the fame time 
 a frigid obftinacy of temper that rendered him 
 incapable of conviction. His infinuating man- 
 ners, his fuperficial abilities, and his implicit 
 devotion to the governor, rendered him a fit 
 inftrument to give fanctlon by the forms of law 
 to the moft atrocious afts of arbitrary power. 
 Equally deaf to the dictates of patriotifm and 
 to the united voice of the people, he perempto- 
 rily refufed to liften to the demands of their 
 reprefentatives ; and boldly declared his refolu- 
 tion to receive an annual grant from the crown 
 of England in fpite of the opinions or refent- 
 ment of his country : he urged as an excufe, 
 the depreciation of his private fortune by his 
 judicial attentions. His ftation was important 
 and influential, and his temerity was coniidered 
 as holding a bribe to execute the corrupt meal- 
 ures of the Britim court. 
 
 The houfe of reprefentatives not interrupted 
 in their fyftem, nor intimidated by the pre- 
 iumption of the delinquent, proceeded dire&ly 
 to exhibit articles of impeachment againft Peter 
 Oliver, Efq. accufing him of high crimes and 
 mifdemeanors, and laid their complaints before 
 
 * Peter Oliver, Efq. a brother-in-law of the governor's. 
 
120 tHE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. the governor and council. On a clivifion of 
 the houfe there appeared ninety-two members 
 in favour of the meafure, and only eight againft 
 it. The governor, as was expected, both from 
 perfonal attachment and a full approbation of 
 Mr. Oliver's conduct, refufed to ad or fit on 
 the bufinefs ; of courfe all proceedings were for 
 a time fufpended. 
 
 When a detail of thefe fpirited meafures 
 reached England, exaggerated by the colorings 
 of the officers of the crown, it threw the nation, 
 more efpecially the trading part, into a tempo- 
 rary fever. The miniftry rofe in their refent- 
 ment, and entered on the moft fevere fteps 
 againft the MaiTachufetts, and more particularly 
 the town of Bofton. It was at this period that 
 lord North ufhered into the houfe of commons 
 the memorable bill for (hutting up the port of 
 Bofton, alfo the bill for better regulating the 
 government of the Maffachufetts. 
 
 The port-bill enacted that after the firft of 
 June one thoufand feven hundred and feventy- 
 four, " Every veffel within the points Alder ton 
 * c and Nahant, (the boundaries of the harbor of 
 " Bofton,) ihould depart within fix hours, un- 
 "lefs laden with food or fuel." That no 
 merchandize mould be taken in or difcharged 
 at any of the ftores, wharves, or quays, within 
 thofe limits ; and that any fhip, barge or boat, 
 attempting to convey from other parts of 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 
 
 America, either ftores, goods or merchandize 
 to Bofton, (one of the largeft maritime towns 
 on the continent) mould be deemed a legal 
 forfeiture to the crown. 
 
 This acl was oppofed with becoming zeal by 
 fever al in both houfes of parliament, who ftill 
 inherited the generous fpirit of their anceflors, 
 and dared to Hand forth the defenders of En- 
 glim liberty, in the moft perilous feafons. 
 Though the cruelty and injuflice of this flep 
 was warmly criminated, the minifter and his 
 party urged the neceffity of ftrong meafures j 
 nor was it difficult to obtain a large majority to 
 enforce them. An abftracl of an acl for the 
 more impartial adminiftration of juftice in the 
 province of MaiTachufetts, accompanied the 
 port-bill. Thus by one of thofe fevere and ar- 
 bitrary acts, many thoufands of the beft and 
 moft loyal fubjecls of the houfe of Brunfwick 
 were at once cut off from the means of fubfift- 
 ence ; poverty ftared in the face of affluence, 
 and a long train of evils threatened every rank. 
 No difcriminations were made ; the innocent 
 were equally involved with the real or imputed 
 guilty, and reduced to fuch diflreffes afterwards, 
 that, but from the charitable donations of the 
 other colonies, multitudes mufl have inevitably 
 periilied. 
 
 The other bill direcled, that on an indicT:- 
 jnent for riot, refinance of the magiftrate, or 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
122 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP iv. impeding the laws of revenue in the fmalleft de- 
 ~7T~ g ree ? an 7 perfon, at the option of the governor, 
 or in his abfcnce, the lieutenant-governor, 
 might be tranfported to Great Britain for trial, 
 and there be ordered to wait amidft his foes, the 
 decilions of ftrangers unacquainted with the 
 character of the priforrer, or the turpitude of a 
 crime, that ihould fubject him to be tranfported 
 a thoufand leagues from his own vicinity, for 
 a final deciiion on the charges exhibited againft 
 him. Several of the fouthern colonies remon- 
 ftrated warmly againft thole novel proceedings 
 towards the Maflachufetts, and confidered it as 
 a common caufe. The houfe of burgeffes in 
 Virginia vigorously oppoied this meafure, and 
 pafled refolutions expreffing " their exclufive 
 " right to tax their conftituents, and their 
 " right to petition their fovereign for redrefs 
 " of grievances > and the lawfulnefs of procur- 
 " ing the concurrence of the other colonies in 
 u praying for the royal interpofition in favour 
 64 of the violated rights of America : and that 
 " all trials for treafons, or for any crime 
 " whatfoever, committed in that colony, ought 
 " to be before his majefty's courts within the 
 " faid colony ; and that the feizing any perfon 
 " refidmg in the faid colony, fuipecled of any 
 " crime whatfoever committed therein, and 
 " fending iuch perfon to places beyond the fea 
 " to be tried, was highly derogatory of the 
 " riglits of Britifh fubjeds/' 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 123 
 
 Thefe acls were to continue in full force un- CHAP. iv. 
 til fatisfacUon fho\ild be made to the Eaft India 
 company for the lofs of their teas ; nor were 
 any aiTurances given, that in cafe of fubrmffion 
 and compliance, they mould be repealed. The 
 indignation which naturally arofe in the minds 
 of the people on thefe unexpected and accumu- 
 lated grievances, was truly inexpreffible. It 
 was frequently obferved, that the only melio- 
 ration of the prefent evils was, that the recal of 
 Mr. Hutchinion accompanied the bills, and his 
 leaving the province at the fame period the 
 port-bill was to be pu f t in operation, feemed to 
 imprefs a daw r n of hope from time, if not from 
 his immediate fucceflor. 
 
 Every hiftorical record will doubtlefs witnefs 
 that he was the principal author of the fufferings 
 of the unhappy Boftonians, previous to the con- 
 vuliions which produced the revolution. So 
 deeply riveted was this opinion among his en- 
 raged countrymen, that many apprehended the 
 luminary vengeance of an incenfed populace 
 would not fuffer fo notorious a parricide to re- 
 pair quietly to England. Yet fuch were the 
 generous and compaflionate feelings of a people 
 too virtuous to punifh without a legal procefs, 
 that he efcaped the blow he had reafon to fear 
 would overtake him, when flopped of authority, 
 and no longer acting as the reprefentative of 
 maje/ly. 
 
 Chagrined by the lofs of place, mortified by 
 the neglect of fome, and apprehenfwe from the 
 
124? THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. refentment of others, he retired to a fmall vil- 
 
 in the neighborhood of Bofton, and fe- 
 
 
 17T4 1 
 
 eluded himfelf from obfervation until he em- 
 
 barked for London. This he did on the fame 
 memorable day when, by act of parliament, the 
 blockade of Bofton took place. Before his de- 
 parture, the few partizans that ftill adhered to 
 the man and his principles, procured by much 
 affiduity a complimentary addrefs, thanking 
 him for paft fervices, and held up to him the 
 idea, that by his talents he might obtain a redrefs 
 of grievances, which they well knew had been 
 drawn on their country by the agency of Mr. 
 Hutchinfon. Much derifion fell on the charac- 
 ter of this group of flatterers, who were long 
 diftinguifhed only by the appellation of Hut- 
 ch info n's addreffers. 
 
 Mr. Hutchinfon furniflied with thefe pitiful 
 credentials, left his native country forever. On 
 his arrival in England, he was juftified and ca- 
 reffed by his employers \ and notwithstanding 
 the criminality of his political conduct: had 
 been fo fully evinced by the. detection and re- 
 covery of his original letters, his impeach- 
 ment, which was laid before the lords of the 
 privy-council, was coniidered by them in a ve- 
 ry frivolous light. A profeflional character, by 
 fome thought to have been hired for the pur- 
 poie, was permitted to abufe the petitioners and 
 their agent in the grofTeft terms fcurrility could 
 invent ; and the lords reported, that " the pe- 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 125 
 
 " tition was groundless, vexatious, and fcanda- CHAP iv. 
 " lous, and calculated only for the feditious 
 " purpofes of keeping up a fpirit of difcontent 
 " and clamour in the province ; that nothing 
 " had been laid before them which did or 
 " could, in their opinion, in any manner or in 
 " any degree impeach the honour, integrity, or 
 " conduct of the governor or lieutenant-gover- 
 " nor ;" who had been at the fame time im- 
 peached. 
 
 But the operation of his meafures, while gov- 
 ernor of the Mailachufetts, was fo productive 
 of misfortune to Great Britain, as well as to the 
 united colonies, that Mr. Hutchinfon foon be- 
 came the object of difguft to all parties. He 
 did not live to fee the independence of America 
 eftablifhed, but he lived long enough to repent 
 in bitternefs of foul, the part he had acted 
 againft a country once difpofed to refpeft his 
 character. After his mind had been involved 
 many months in a ftate of chagrin, difappoint- 
 ment and defpair, he died on the day die riots 
 in London, excited by lord George Gordon, 
 were at the height, in the year one thoufand 
 feven hundred and eighty. Thofe of the family 
 who furvived their unhappy father remained 
 in obfcurity in England. 
 
 It muft however be acknowledged that gov- 
 ernor Hutchinfon was uniform in his political 
 conduct. He was educated in reverential ideas 
 
126 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. of monarchic government, and confidered him- 
 "~ ielf the fervant of a king who had entrufted 
 him with very high authority. As a true dif- 
 ciple of paflive obedience, he might think him- 
 felf bound to promote the deiigns of his maf- 
 ter, and thus he might probably releafe his 
 confcience from the obligation to aid his coun- 
 trymen in their oppofition to the encroach- 
 ments of the crown. In the eye of candor, he 
 may therefore be much more excufable, than 
 any who may deviate from their principles and 
 profeilions of republicanifm, who have not been 
 biaffed by the patronage of kings, nor influenced 
 in favor of monarchy by their early preju- 
 dices of education or employment. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION* 127 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 t 
 
 General Gage appointed Governor of Maflachufetts. Gen- 
 eral Aflembly meet at Salem. A propofal for a Congrefs 
 from all the Colonies, to be convened at Philadelphia 
 Mandamus Counfellors obliged to refign. Refolutions of 
 the General Congrefs. Occafional obfervations. The 
 Maflachufetts attentive to the military Difcipline of their 
 Youth. Suffolk Refolves. A Provincial Congrefs 
 chofen in the Maflachufetts. Governor Gage fummons 
 a new Houfe of Reprefentatives. 
 
 1 HE fpeculatift and the philofopher frequently 
 obferve a cafual fubordination of circumftances 177*. 
 independent of political decifion, which fixes 
 the character and manners of nations. This 
 thought may be piouily improved till it leads 
 the mind to view thofe casualties, directed by 
 a fecret hand which points the revolutions of 
 time, and decides the fate of empires. The 
 occafionai inftruments for the completion of the 
 grand fyftem of Providence, have feldom any 
 other ftimulus but the bubble of fame, the luft 
 of wealth, or fome contemptible paflion that 
 centres in felf. Even the bofom of virtue 
 warmed by higher principles, and the man 
 actuated by nobler motives, walks in a narrow 
 fphere of comprehenlion. The fcale by which 
 the ideas of mortals are circumfcribed gene- 
 rally limits his wiflies to "a certain point without 
 confideration, or a juft calculation of extenfive 
 confequences. 
 
128 YHE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 Thus while the king of Great Britain was 
 1774. contending 'with the colonies for a three-penny 
 duty on tea, and the Americans with the bold 
 fpirit of patriotifm refilling an encroachment 
 on their rights, the one thought they only afk- 
 ed a moderate and reafonable indulgence from 
 their fovereign, which they had a right to de* 
 mand if withheld ; on the other fide, the moft 
 fevere and ftrong meafures were adopted and 
 exercifed towards the colonies, which parliament 
 confidered as only the proper and neceflary 
 chaftifement of rebellious fubjefts. Thus on the 
 eve of one of the moft remarkable revolutions 
 recorded in the page of hiftory, a revolution 
 which Great Britain precipitated by her indif- 
 cretion, and which the hardieft fons of America 
 viewed in the beginning of oppofition as a work 
 referved for the enterpriling hand of pofterity, 
 few on either fide comprehended the magnitude 
 of the conteft, and fewer ftill had the courage 
 to name the independence of the American 
 colonies as the ultimatum of their dejigns. 
 
 After the fpirits of men had been wrought 
 up to a high tone of refentment, by repeated 
 injuries on the one hand, and an open refiftance 
 on the other, there was little reafon to expect 
 SL ready compliance with regulations, repugnant 
 to the feelings, the principles, and the inter- 
 eft of Americans. The parliament of Britain 
 therefore thought it expedient to enforce obe- 
 dience by the fword, and determined to fend 
 

 THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 129 
 
 out an armament fufficient for the purpofe, 
 early in the fpring one thoufand feven hundred 
 and feventy-four. The fubjugation of the col- 
 onies by arms, was yet confidered in England 
 by fome as a work of fuch facility, that four or 
 five regiments, with a few mips of the line, were 
 equal to the bufineis, provided they were com- 
 manded by officers who had not fagacity enough 
 to judge of the impropriety of the meafures of 
 adminiftration, nor humanity to feel for the 
 miferies of the people, or liberality to endeavour 
 to mitigate the rigors of government. In 
 confequence of this opinion, admiral Montague 
 was recalled from Boilon, and admiral Graves 
 appointed to fucceed, whofe character was 
 known to be more avaricious, fevere and vigi- 
 lant than his precleceflbr, and in all refpecls a 
 more fit inftrument to execute the weak, indi- 
 gefted and irritating fyftem. 
 
 General Gage, unhappily for himfelf, as will 
 appear in the fequel, was felecled as a proper 
 perfon to take the command of all his majefty's 
 forces in North America, and reduce the country 
 to fubmiflion. He had married a lady of re- 
 fpe&able connexions in New York, and had 
 held with confiderable reputation for feveral 
 years a military employment in the colonies. 
 He was at this time appointed governor and 
 commander in chief of the province of MafTa- 
 chufetts Bay ; directed to repair immediately 
 there, and on his arrival to remove the feat of 
 
 VOL. i. R 
 
THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. v. government from Bofton, and to convene the 
 general affembly to meet at Salem, a fmaller 
 town, iituated about twenty miles from the 
 capital. The governor, the lieutenant-governor, 
 the fecretary, the board of commiffioners, and 
 all crown officers were ordered by fpecial man- 
 date to leave Bofton, and make the town of 
 Salem the place of their future refidence* 
 
 A few days before the annual election for May, 
 one thoufand feven hundred and feventy-four, 
 the new governor of the MaiTachufetts arrived. 
 He was received by the inhabitants of Bofton 
 with the fame refpecl that had been ufually 
 ihewn to thofe, who were dignified by the title 
 of the king's reprefentative. An elegant enter- 
 tainment was provided at Faneuil Hall, to 
 which he was efcorted by a company of cadets, 
 and attended with great civility by the magif- 
 trates and principal gentlemen of the town ; 
 and though jealoufy, difguft and refentment 
 burnt in the bofom of one party, and the moft 
 unwarrantable defigns occupied the thoughts of 
 the other, yet the appearance of politenefs and 
 good humor was kept up through the etiquette 
 of the day. 
 
 The week following was the anniverfary of 
 the general election, agreeable to charter. The 
 day was ufhered in with the ufual parade, and 
 the houfe of reprefentatives proceeded to buli- 
 nefs in the common form : but a fpecimen of 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 131 
 
 the meafures to be expected from the new ad- 
 miniftration appeared in the firft acl of authority ^ 
 recorded of governor Gage. A lift of coimfel- 
 lors was prefented for his approbation, from 
 which he erafed the names of thirteen gentle- 
 men out of twenty-eight, unanimouily chofen 
 by the free voice of the reprefentatives of the 
 people, leaving only a quorum as eftabliflied by 
 charter, or it was apprehended, in the exercife 
 of his new prerogative he might have annihila- 
 ted the whole. Moft of the gentlemen on the 
 negatived lift had been diftinguiflied for their 
 attachment to the ancient conftitution, and their 
 decided oppofition to the prefent minifterial 
 meafures. Among them was James Bowdoin, 
 Efq. whofe underftanding, difcernment, and 
 confcientious deportment, rendered him a very 
 unfit inftrument for the views of the court, at 
 this extraordinary period. John Winthrop, 
 Hollifian pr"ofefTor of mathematics and natural 
 philofophy at Cambridge ; his public conduct 
 was but the emanation of fuperior genius, unit- 
 ed with an excellent heart, as much diftinguifli- 
 ed for every private virtue as for his attachment 
 to the liberties of a country that may glory in 
 giving birth to a man of his exalted character.* 
 Colonel Otis of Barnftable, whofe name has 
 been already mentioned ; and John Adams, a 
 
 * Dr. Winthrop was lineally defcended from the firft 
 governor of the Mailachufetts, and inherited the virtues and 
 talents of his great anceftor, too well known to need any < 
 encomium. 
 
132 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. v. barrifter at law of riling abilities ; his appear- 
 ance on the theatre of politics commenced at 
 
 1 / / 4. 
 
 this period ; we ihall meet him again in ftill 
 
 more dignified ftations. Thefe gentlemen had 
 been undoubtedly pointed out as obnoxious to 
 admin iftration by the predeceffor of governor 
 Gage, as he had not been long enough in the 
 .province to difcriminate characters. 
 
 The houfe of reprefentatives did not think 
 proper to replace the members of council by a 
 new choice ; they filently bore this indifcreet 
 exercife of authority, feniible it was but a pre- 
 lude to the impending ftorm. The affembly 
 was the next day adjourned for a week ; at the 
 expiration of that time, they were directed to 
 meet at Salem. In the interim the governor 
 removed himfelf, and the whole band of revenue 
 and crown officers deferted the town of Bofton 
 at once, as a place devoted to deftruction. 
 
 Every external appearance of refpect was {till 
 kept up towards the new governor. The council, 
 the houfe, the judiciary officers, the mercantile 
 and other bodies, prepared and offered congrat- 
 ulatory addreffes as ufual, on the recent arrival 
 of the commander in chief at the feat of govern- 
 ment. The incenfe was received both at Bofton 
 and Salem with the ufual fatisfaction, except the 
 addrefs from the remaining board of counfel- 
 lors ; this was checked with afperity, and the 
 reading it through forbidden, as the compofi- 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 133 
 
 tion contained fome ftrichures on adminiftra- 
 tion, and cenfured rather too freely, for the 
 delicate ear of an infant magiftrate, the conducl 
 of fome of his predeceilbrs. But this was the 
 laft compliment of the kind, ever offered by ei- 
 ther branch of the legiflature of the MafTachu- 
 fetts to ? governor appointed by the king of 
 Great Britain. No marks of minifterial refent- 
 ment had either humbled or intimidated the 
 fpirits, norfhook the intrepidity of mind necef- 
 fary for the times ; and though it was firft call- 
 ed into action in the MaiTachufetts it breathed 
 its influence through all the colonies. They all 
 feemed equally prepared to fuffer,and equally de- 
 termined to reiift in unifon, if no mean but that 
 of abfolute fubmiilion was tobe the t eft of loyalty. 
 
 The firft day of June, one thoufand feven 
 hundred and feventy-four, the day when the 
 Bofton port-bill began to operate, was obferved 
 in moft of the colonies with uncommon folem- 
 nity as a day of fafting and prayer. In all of 
 them,fympathy and indignation, compaiHon and 
 refentment, alternately arofe in every bofom. 
 A zeal to relieve, and an alacrity to fupport the 
 diftrefled Bqftoniari$ 9 feemed to pervade the 
 whole continent, except the dependents on the 
 crown, and their partisans, allured by intereft 
 to adhere to the royal caufe. There were in- 
 deed a few others in every colony led to unite 
 with, and to think favorably of the meafures of 
 adminiftration, from their attachment tQ 
 
134 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. v. archy, in which they had been educated ; and 
 fome there were who juftified all things done 
 by the hand of power, either from fear, igno- 
 rance, or imbecility. 
 
 The feffion at Salem was of fhort duration, 
 but it was a bufy and an important period. 
 The leading characters in the houfe of reprefent- 
 atives contemplated the prefent moment, re- 
 plete with confequences of the utmoft magni- 
 tude ; they judged it a criiis that required mea- 
 fures bold and decifive, though hazardous, and 
 that the extrication of their country from the 
 defigns of their enemies, depended much on the 
 conduct of the prefent affembly. Their charter 
 was on the point of annihilation ; a military gov- 
 ernor had juft arrived, with troops on the fpot, 
 to fupport the arbitrary fyftems of the court of 
 St. James. 
 
 Thefe appearances had a difagreeable effect 
 on fome who had before co-operated with the 
 patriots ; they began to tremble at the power 
 and the feverity of Britain, at a time when firm- 
 nefs was moft required, zeal indifpenfable, and 
 fecrecy neceffary. Yet thofe who poffeffed the 
 energies of mind requifite for the completion or 
 the defeat of great defigns, had not their ardor 
 or refolution fhaken in the fmalleft degree, by 
 either dangers, threats or careifes. It was a 
 prime object to felect a few members of the 
 houfe, that might be trufted moft confidentially 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 135 
 
 on any emergence. This talk fell on Mr. Sam- CHAP. v. 
 uel Adams of Bofton, and Mr. Warren of Ply- 
 mouth. They drew off a few chofen fpirits, who 
 met at a place appointed for a fecret confer- 
 ence ;* feveral others were introduced the 
 enfuing evening, when a difcuflion of circum- 
 flances took place. Immediate decifion, and 
 effectual modes of a&ion were urged, and fuch 
 caution, energy and difpatch were obferved by 
 this daring and dauntlefs fecret council, that on 
 the third evening of their conference their bu- 
 finefs was ripe for execution. 
 
 This committee had digefted a plan for a 
 general congrefs from all the colonies, to confult 
 on the common fafety of America ;t named 
 their own delegates ; and as all prefent were 
 convinced of the neceffity and expediency of 
 fuch a convention, they eftimated the expenfe, 
 
 * Among thefe the names of Hancock, Cufhing, and 
 Hawley, of Sullivan, Robert Payne, and Benjamin Green* 
 leaf of Newburyport, and many others, fhould not be 
 forgotten, but ought always to be mentioned with refpect, 
 for their zeal at this critical moment. 
 
 f Such a remarkable coincidence of opinion, energy and 
 zeal, exifted between the provinces of Virginia and the 
 MaCichufetts, that their meafures and refolutions were 
 often fimilar, previous to the opportunity for conference. 
 Thus the propriety of a general congrefs had been difcuf- 
 fed and agreed upon by the Virginians, before they were 
 informed of the refolutions of Maflachufetts. Some of the 
 other colonies had contemplated the fame meafure, without 
 any previous confultation. 
 
136 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. v. and provided funds for the liquidation, pre- 
 pared letters to the other colonies, enforcing 
 the reafons for their ftrong confederacy, and 
 difclofed their proceedings to the houfe, before 
 the governmental party had the leaft fufpicion 
 of their deligns. Before the full difclofure of 
 the buiinefs they were upon, the doors of the 
 houfe were locked, and a vote palled, that no 
 one fhould be fullered to enter or retire, until 
 a final determination took place on the impor- 
 tant queftions before them. When thefe de- 
 ligns were opened, the partizans of adminiftra- 
 tion then in the houfe, were thunderftruck 
 with meafures fo replete with ability and vigour, 
 and that wore fuch an afpecl of high and dan- 
 gerous confequences. 
 
 Thefe transactions might have been legally 
 ftyled treafonable,hut loyalty had loft its influence, 
 and power its terrors. Firm and difintcrefted, 
 intrepid and united, they ftood ready to fubmit 
 to the chances of war, and to facrifice their de- 
 voted lives to preferve inviolate, and to tranf- 
 mit to pofterity, the inherent rights of men,con- 
 terred on all by the God of nature, and the priv- 
 ileges of Englifhmen, claimed by Americans 
 from the facred {auctions of compact. 
 
 YvJien the meafures agitated in the fecret con- 
 ference were bid before the houfe of reprefent- 
 atives, one of the members a devotee to all gov- 
 ernors, pretended a fudden indifpofition, and re- 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 137 
 
 quefted leave to withdraw ; he pleaded the ne- CHAP. v. 
 ceflities of nature, was releafed from his uneafy ~ 
 confinement, and ran immediately to governor 
 Gage with information of the bold and high- 
 handed proceedings of the lower houfe. The 
 governor not lefs alarmed than the fycophant, 
 at thefe unexpected manoeuvres, inflantly direct- 
 ed the fecretary to diffolve the aiTembly by pro- 
 clamation. 
 
 Finding the doors of the houfe clofed, and no 
 profpect of admittance for him, the fecretary de- 
 fired the door-keeper to acquaint the houfe he 
 had a meffage from the governor, and requefted 
 leave to deliver it. The fpeaker replied, that 
 it was the order of the houfe, that no one 
 mould be permitted to enter on any pretence 
 whatever, before the bufmefs they were upon 
 was fully completed. Agitated and embar- 
 raffed, the fecretary then read on the ftairs a 
 proclamation for the immediate diffolution of 
 the general affembly. 
 
 The main point gained, the delegates for a con- 
 grefs chofen, fupplies for their fupport voted, and 
 letters to the other colonies requefting them to 
 accord in thefe meafures, ligned by the fpeak- 
 er, the members cheerfully difperfed, and re- 
 turned to their conftituents, fatisfied, that not- 
 withftanding the precipitant diffolution of the 
 aflembly, they had done all that the circum- 
 
 VOL. i. s 
 
138 THE RISE AftD PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. v. fiances of the times would admit, to remedy the 
 " prefent, and guard againft future evils. 
 
 This early fiep to promote the general inte- 
 reft of the colonies, and lay the foundation of 
 union and concord in all their fubfequent tranf- 
 actions, will ever reflect luftre on the characters 
 of thofe who conducted it with fuch firmnefs 
 and decifion. It was indeed a very critical era : 
 nor were thofe gentlemen infeniible of the 
 truth of the obfervation, that " whoever has a 
 " {landing army at command, has, or may have 
 " the flate." Nor were they lefs fenfible, that in 
 the prefent circumftances, while they acknowl- 
 edged themfelves the fubjects of the king of 
 England, their conduct muft be ftyled rebellion, 
 and that death muft be the inevitable confe- 
 quence of defeat. Yet life was then conlider- 
 ed a trivial flake in competition with liberty. 
 
 All the old colonies except Georgia, readily 
 acceded to the propofal of calling a general 
 congrefs ; they made immediate exertions that 
 there might be no difcord in the councils of the 
 feveral provinces, and that their oppofition 
 mould be confiftent, fpirited and fyftematical. 
 Mofl of them had previoufly laid afide many of 
 their local prejudices, and by public refolves and 
 various other modes, had expreffed their difguft 
 at the fummary proceedings of parliament 
 againft the Maffachufetts. They reprobated the 
 port-bill in terms of deteftation, raifed liberal 
 contributions for the fuffering inhabitants of 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 139 
 
 Bofton, and continued their determinations to 
 fupport that province at every hazard, through 
 the conflict in which they were involved. 
 
 In conformity to the coercive fyftem, the 
 governors of all the colonies frowned on the 
 Sympathetic part the feveral legiflative bodies 
 had been difpofed to take with the turbulent 
 defcendants, as they were pleafed to ftyle the 
 Maflachufetts, of puritans, republicans and regi- 
 cides. Thus moft of the colonial aflemblies 
 had been petulantly diflblved, nor could any ap- 
 plications from the people prevail on the fu- 
 preme magiftrate, to fuffer the reprefentatives 
 and burgeffes to meet, and in a legal capacity 
 deliberate on meafures moft coniiftent with 
 loyalty and freedom. But this perfevering 
 obftinacy of the governors did not retard the 
 refolutions of the people ; they met in parifties, 
 and felecled perfons from almoft every town, 
 to meet in provincial conventions, and there 
 to make choice of fuitable delegates to meet in 
 general congrefs. 
 
 The beginning of autumn, one thoufand 
 feven hundred and feventy-four, was the time 
 appointed, and the city of Philadelphia chofen, 
 as the moft central and convenient place, for 
 this body to meet and deliberate, at fo critical 
 a conjuncture. Yet fuch was the attachment 
 to Britain, the ftrength of habit, and the influ- 
 ence of ancient forms ; fuch the reluctant dread 
 
140 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP.V. of fpilling human blood, which at that period 
 " 1774 was univerfally felt in America, that there were 
 few, who did not ardently wifh fome friendly 
 intervention might yet prevent a rupture, which 
 probably might make the empire of Britain, 
 and wafte the inhabitants on both fides the At- 
 lantic. 
 
 At this early period, there were fome 
 who viewed the ftep of their fummoning a 
 general congrefs, under exifting circumftances 
 of peculiar embarraffment, as a prelude to a 
 revolution which appeared pregnant with events, 
 that might affect not only the political fyftems, 
 but the character and manners of a conlidera- 
 ble part of the habitable globe.* 
 
 America was then little known, her charac- 
 ter, ability, and police, lefs underftood abroad ; 
 but me foon became the object of attention 
 among the potentates of Europe, the admira- 
 tion of both the philofophic and the brave, and 
 her fields the theatre of fame throughout the 
 civilized world. Her principles were diffemi- 
 nated: the feeds fown in America ripened in the 
 
 * This obfervation has fince been verified in the re. 
 xnarkable revolution in France ; a ftruggle for freedom 
 on one fide, and the combinations of European monarchs 
 on the other, to deprefs and eradicate the fpirit of liber- 
 ty caught in America, was difplayed to the world ; nor 
 was any of the combination of princes at the treaty of 
 Pilnitz more perfevering in the caufe of defpotifm than 
 the king of Great Britain. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 141 
 
 more cultivated grounds of Europe, and in- CHAP.V. 
 fpired ideas among the enilaved nations that ' ' 
 
 have long trembled at the name of the baftile 
 and the baftinado* This may finally lead to the 
 completion of prophetic predictions, and fpread 
 univerfal liberty and peace, as far at leaft as is 
 compatible with the prefent ftate of human na- 
 ture. 
 
 The wild vagaries of the perfectibility of 
 man, fo long as the pafllons to which the fpe- 
 cies are liable play about the hearts of all, may 
 be left to the dreaming fciolift, who wanders 
 in fearch of impracticable theories. He may 
 remain entangled in his own web, while that 
 rational liberty, to which all have a right, may 
 be exhibited and defended by men of principle 
 and heroifm, who better underfland the laws of 
 focial order. 
 
 Through the fummer previous to the meet- 
 ing of congrefs, no expreflions of loyalty to the 
 fovereign, or affection to the parent ftate, were 
 neglected in their public declarations. Yet the 
 colonies feemed to be animated as it were by 
 one foul, to train their youth to arms, to with- 
 hold all commercial connexion with Great Bri- 
 tain, and to cultivate that unanimity necefTary 
 to bind fociety when ancient forms are relaxed 
 or broken, and the common fafety required the 
 affumption of new modes of government. But 
 while attentive to the regulations of their in- 
 
142 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. v. ternal economy and police, each colony beheld 
 with a friendly and compaflionate eye, the fe- 
 vere ftruggles of the Maffachufetts, where the 
 arm of power was principally levelled, and the 
 ebullitions of minifterial refentment poured 
 forth, as if to terrify the filter provinces into 
 fubmiffion, 
 
 Not long after the diflblution of the laft af- 
 fembly ever convened in that province on the 
 principles of their former charter, admiral 
 Graves arrived in Bofton, with feveral mips of 
 the line and a number of tranfports laden with 
 troops, military {tores, and all \varlike accoutre- 
 ments. The troops landed peaceably, took pof- 
 feffion of the open grounds, and formed feveral 
 encampments within the town. 
 
 At the fame time arrived the bill for new* 
 modelling the government of the Maffachufetts, 
 By this bill their former charter was entirely 
 vacated : a council of thirty-fix members was 
 appointed by mandamus, to hold their places dur- 
 ing the king's pleafure ; all judges, juftices, 
 flieriffs, &c. were to be appointed by the go- 
 vernor, without the advice of council, and to 
 be removed at his fole option. Jurors in fu- 
 ture were to be named by the flierifF, inltead of 
 the ufual and more impartial mode of drawing 
 them by lot. All town-meetings without ex- 
 prefs leave from the governor were forbidden, 
 except thofe annually held in the fpring for the 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 143 
 
 choice of reprefentatives and town-officers. Se- CHAP ' V ' 
 veral other violations of the former compact 1774. 
 completed the fyfteiric 
 
 This new mode of government, though it 
 had been for fome time expected, occafioned 
 fuch loud complaints, fuch univerfal murmurs, 
 that feveral of the newly appointed counfellors 
 had not the courage to accept places which they 
 were fenfible would reflect difgrace on their 
 memory. Two of them* feemed really to 
 decline from principle, and publickly declared 
 they would have no hand in the dereliction of 
 the rights of their country. Several others re- 
 linquilhed their feats for fear of offending their 
 countrymen ; but moil of them, felecled by 
 Mr. Hutchinfon as proper inftruments for the 
 purpofe, were deftitute of all ideas of public 
 virtue. They readily took the qualifying oaths, 
 and engaged to lend their hand to erafe the laft 
 veflige of freedom in that devoted province. 
 
 The people ftill firm and undaunted, aflem- 
 bled in multitudes and repaired to the houfes 
 of the obnoxious counfellors. They demanded 
 an immediate reiignation of their unconftitu- 
 tional appointments, and a folemn affurance 
 that they would never accept any office incom- 
 patible with the former privileges enjoyed by 
 their country. Some of them terrified by the 
 
 * Thefe were James Ruflell, Efq. of Charleftowo, and 
 William VafTal, Efq. of Bofton, 
 
144 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 resolution of the people complied, and re- 
 mained afterwards quiet and unmolefted in 
 their own houfes. Others, who had proftrated 
 all principle in the hope of preferment, and 
 were hardy enough to go every length to fecure 
 it, confcious of the guilty part they had acted, 
 made their efcape into Bofton where they were 
 fure of the protection of the king's troops. In- 
 deed that unhappy town foon became the re- 
 ceptacle of all the devotees to minifterial meaf- 
 ures from every part of the province : they 
 there confoled themfelves with the barbarous 
 hope, that parliament would take the fevereft 
 meafures to enforce their own acts ; nor were 
 thefe hopes unfounded. 
 
 It has been obferved that by the late edict 
 for the better admiriiftration ofjujlice in the Maf- 
 fachufetts, any man was liable on the flighteft 
 fufpicion of treafon^ or mifprifion of treafon^ to be 
 dragged from his own family or vicinity, to any 
 part of the king of England's dominions for 
 trial. It was now reported that general Gage 
 had orders to arreft the leading characters in 
 oppoiition, and tranfport them beyond fea, and 
 that a reinforcement of troops might be hourly 
 expected fufficient to enable him to execute all 
 the mad projects of a rafh and unprincipled 
 minifrry. 
 
 Though the operation of this fyftem in its 
 utmoft latitude was daily threatened and ex- 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 145 
 
 peeled, it made little impreffion on a people 
 determined to withhold even a tacit confent to 
 
 / 
 
 any infractions on their charter. They confid- 
 ered the prefent meafures as a breach of a fol- 
 emn covenant, which at the fame time that it 
 fubjected them to the authority of the king of 
 England, ftipulated to them the equal enjoy- 
 ment of all the rights and privileges of free and 
 natural born fubje&s. They chofe to hazard 
 the confequences of returning back to a ftate of 
 nature, rather than quietly fubmit to unjuft and 
 arbitrary meafures continually accumulating. 
 This was a dangerous experiment, though they 
 were feniible that the neceilities of man will 
 foon reftore order and fubordination, even from 
 confufion and anarchy : on the contrary, the 
 yoke of defpotifm once rivetted, no human fa- 
 gacity can juftly calculate its termination. 
 
 While matters hung in this fufpenfe, the 
 people in all the mire towns collected in prodi- 
 gious numbers to prevent the fitting of the 
 courts of common law ; forbidding the juftices 
 to meet, or the jurors to empannel, and obliging 
 all civil magiftrates to bind themfelves by oath, 
 not to conform to the late afts of parliament in 
 any judiciary proceedings ; and all military offi- 
 cers were called upon to refign their commif- 
 fions. Thus were the bands of fociety relaxed, 
 law fet at defiance, and government unhinged 
 throughout the province. Perhaps this may be 
 
 VOL. i. ? 
 
146 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. v. marked in the annals of time, as one of the moft 
 37~" extraordinary eras in the hiftory of man : the 
 exertions of fpirit awakened by the fevere hand 
 of power had led to that moft alarming experi- 
 ment of levelling all ranks, and deftroying all 
 fubordination. 
 
 It cannot be denied that nothing is more 
 difficult than to reftrain the provoked multi- 
 tude, when once aroufed by a fenfe of wrong, 
 from that fupinenefs which generally over- 
 ipreads the common clafs of mankind. Igno- 
 rant and fierce, they know not in the firft 
 ebullitions of refentment, haw to repel with 
 fiifety the arm of the oppreflbr. It is a work 
 of time to eflablifh a regular oppofition to long 
 eilabliihed tyranny. A celebrated writer has 
 obferved, that " men bear with the defects in 
 66 their police, as they do with their inconve- 
 " niences and hardfhips in living :" and perhaps 
 the facility of the human mind in adapting it-- 
 felf to its circumftances, was never more re- 
 markably exemplified, than it was at this time 
 in America. 
 
 Trade had long been embarrafTed throughout 
 the colonies by the reftraints of parliament and 
 the rapacity of revenue officers ; the ihutting 
 up the port of Boilon was felt in every villa of 
 the New England colonies ; the bill for altering 
 the coiiftitutioh of MaiTachufetts, prevented all 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 147 
 
 legiilative proceedings ; the executive officers CK.\?. v. 
 were rendered incapable of acting in their fev- ~ 
 eral departments, and the courts of juftice fliut 
 up. It muft be afcribed to the virtue of the 
 people, however reluctant fome may be to ac- 
 knowledge this truth, that they did not feel the 
 effects of anarchy in the extreme. 
 
 But a general forbearance and complacency 
 feemed for a time almoft to preclude the necef- 
 fity of legal reftraint ; and except in a few in- 
 flates, when the indifcretion of individuals 
 provoked abufe, there was lefs violence and per- 
 fonal infult than perhaps ever was known in the 
 fame period of time, when all political union 
 was broken down, and private affection weak- 
 ened, by the virulence of party prejudice, which 
 generally cuts in funder the bands of focial and 
 friendly connexion. The people irritated in 
 the higheft degree, the fword feemed to be 
 half drawn from the fcabbard, while the trem- 
 bling hand appeared unwilling to difplay its 
 whetted point ; and all America, as well as the 
 Maffachufetts, fufpended all partial oppofltion, 
 and waited in anxious hope and expectation the 
 decifions of a continental congrefs. 
 
 This refpe&ed affembly, the Amphyftions of 
 the weftern world, convened by the free fuf- 
 frages of twelve colonies, met at the time pro- 
 pofed, on the fourth of September, one thou- 
 fand feven hundred and leventy-fcur. They 
 
148 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP.V. entered on bufinefs with hearts warmed with 
 1 the love of their country, a fenfe of the com- 
 
 mon and equal rights of man, ancUthe dignity 
 of human nature. Peyton Randolph, Efq. a 
 gentleman from Virginia, whofe fobriety, integ- 
 rity, and political abilities, qualified him for the 
 important ftation, was unanimoufly chofen to 
 prefide in this grand council of American peers. 
 
 Though this body was fenfibly affected by the 
 many injuries received from the parent ftate, 
 their firft wiih was a reconciliation on terms of 
 reciprocity, juftice and honor. In confequence 
 of thefe fentiments they cautioufly avoided, as 
 far as was confiftent with the duty due to their 
 conftituents, every thing that might tend to 
 widen the breach between Great-Britain and 
 the colonies. Yet they were determined, if 
 parliament continued deaf to the calls of juftice, 
 not to fubmit to the yoke of tyranny, but to 
 take the preparatory fteps neceffary for a vigo- 
 rous refiftance. 
 
 After a thorough difcuffion of the civil, po- 
 litical, and commercial interefts of both coun- 
 tries, the natural ties, and the mutual benefits 
 refulting from the ftrifteft amity, and the un- 
 happy confequences that muft eniue, if driven 
 to the laft appeal, they refolved on a dutiful 
 and loyal petition to the king, recapitulating 
 their grievances, and imploring redrefs : they 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 149 
 
 modeftly remonftrated, and obliquely cenfur- CHAP.V. 
 ed the authors of thofe mifchiefs, which filled 
 all America with complaint. 
 
 They drew up an affectionate, but fpirited 
 memorial to the people of England, reminding 
 them that they held their own boafted liberties 
 on a precarious tenure, if government, under 
 the fanction of parliamentary authority, might 
 enforce by the terrors of the fword their un- 
 conftitutional edicts. They informed them, 
 that they determined, from a fenfe of juftice to 
 pofterity, and for the honor of human nature, 
 to refift all infringements on the natural rights 
 of men ; that, if neither the dictates of equity, 
 nor the fuggeftions of humanity, were power- 
 ful enough to reftrain a wanton adminiftration 
 from ftiedding blood in a caufe fo derogatory to 
 the principles of juftice ^ not all the exertions of 
 fuperior ftrength mould lead them to fubmit 
 fervilely to the impofitions of a foreign power. 
 They forwarded a well-adapted addrefs to the 
 French inhabitants of Canada, to which they 
 fubjoined a detail of their rights, with obferva- 
 tions on the alarming afpect of the late Quebec 
 bill, and invited them to join in the common 
 caufe of America. 
 
 Energy and precifion, political ability, and the 
 genuine amor patria, marked the meafures of 
 the fhort feffion of this congrefs. They con- 
 cluded their proceedings with an addrefs to the 
 
* 
 
 
 
 150 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 feveral American colonies, exhorting them to 
 union and perfeverance in the modes of oppo- 
 
 17/4. 
 
 ution they had pointed out. Among the moft 
 important of thefe was a ftrong recommenda- 
 tion to difcontinue all commerce with Great 
 Britain, and encourage the improvement of arts 
 and manufactures among themfelves. They ex- 
 horted all ranks and orders of men to a ftricl 
 adherence to induftry, frugality, and fobriety of 
 manners ; and to look primarily to the fupreme 
 Ruler of the univerfe, who is able to defeat the 
 crafty deiigns of the moft potent enemy. They 
 agreed on a declaration of rights, and entered 
 into an affociation, to which the fignature of 
 every member of congrefs was affixed ;* in 
 which they bound themfelves to fufpend all 
 farther intercourfe with Great Britain, to im- 
 port no merchandize from that hoftile country, 
 to abftain from the ufe of all India teas ; and that 
 after a limited time, if a radical redrefs of 
 grievances was not obtained, no American pro- 
 duce mould be exported either to England or 
 the Weft India iflands under the jurifdiclion of 
 Britain. 
 
 To thefe recommendations w r ere added feveral 
 fumptuary refolves ; after which they advifed 
 their conftituents to a new choice of delegates, 
 to meet in congrefs on the tenth of May, one 
 thoufand feven hundred and feventy-five : they 
 
 * See Appendix, No. X. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 
 
 judged it probable that, by that time, they CHAP.V. 
 mould hear the fuccefs of their petitions to the ' 
 throne. They then prudently diflblved them- 
 felves, and returned to their private occupations 
 in their feveral provinces, there to wait the op- 
 eration of their refolutions and addreiTes. 
 
 It is fcarcely poflible to defcribe the influence 
 of the tranfactions and refolves of congrefs on 
 the generality of the people throughout the wide 
 extended continent of America. Hiftory re- 
 cords no injunctions of men, that were ever 
 more religioufly obferved ; or any human laws 
 more readily and univerfally obeyed, than were 
 the recommendations of this revered body. It 
 is indeed a iingular phenomenon in the ftory of 
 human conduct, that when all legal inftitutions 
 were abolifhed, and long eftablifhed govern- 
 ments at once annihilated in fo many diftincl: 
 Hates, that the recommendations of commit- 
 tees and conventions, not enforced by penal 
 fandions, mould be equally influential and bind- 
 ing with the fevereft code of law, backed by 
 royal authority, and ftrengthened by the mur- 
 dering fword of defpotifm. Doubtlefs the fear 
 of popular refentment operated on fome, with 
 a force equal to the rod of the magiftrate : the 
 fingular punifhments,* inflicted in fome inftan- 
 ces by an inflamed rabble, on a few who en- 
 
 * Such as tarring and feathering, Ice. 
 
THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 _ 
 
 deavored to counteract the public .meafures, 
 deterred others from openly violating the pub- 
 lic refolves, and acting againft the general con- 
 fent of the people. 
 
 Not the bittereft foe to American freedom $ 
 whatever might be his wilhes, prefumed to 
 counteract the general voice by an avowed im- 
 portation of a lingle article of Britiih merchan- 
 dize, after the firft day of February, one thou- 
 fand feven hundred and feventy-five. The 
 cargoes of all veffels that happened to arrive af- 
 ter this limited period were punctually deliver- 
 ed to the committees of correfpondence, in the 
 firft port of their arrival, and fold at public 
 auction. The prime coft and charges, and the 
 half of one per cent, was paid to the owners* 
 and the furplus of the profits was appropriated 
 to the relief of the diftrefled inhabitants of Bof- 
 ton, agreeable to the feventh article in the af- 
 fociation of the continental congrefs. 
 
 The voice of the multitude is as the rufliing 
 down of a torrent, nor is it ftrange that fome 
 outrages were committed againft a few obfti- 
 nate and imprudent partizans of the court, by 
 perfons of as little confideration as themfelves. 
 It is true that in the courfe of the arduous 
 ftruggle, there were many irregularities that 
 could not be juftified, and fome violences in 
 confequence of the general difcontent, that will 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 153 
 
 not Hand the teft, when examined at the bar of 
 equity ; yet perhaps fewer than ever took place 
 in any country under fimilar circumftances, 
 Witnefs the convuliions of Rome on the demo- 
 lition of her firft race of kings ; the infurre&ions 
 and commotions of her colonies before the 
 downfal of the commonwealth ; and to come 
 nearer home, the confufions, the mobs, the cru- 
 elties in Britain in their civil convuliions, from 
 William the conqueror to the days of the Stu- 
 arts, and from the arbitrary Stuarts to the ri- 
 ots of London and Liverpool, even in the reign 
 of George the third. 
 
 Many other inftances of the dread effefts of 
 popular commotion, when wrought up to refift- 
 ance by the oppreffive hand of power, might be 
 adduced from the hiflory of nations,* and the 
 
 * France might have been mentioned, as a remarkable 
 inftance of the truth of thefe obfervations, had they not 
 been written feveral years before the extraordinary revolu- 
 tions and cruel convulfions, that have fmce agitated that 
 unhappy country. Every one will obferve the aftonifhing 
 difference in the conduct of the people of America and of 
 France, in the two revolutions which took place within a 
 few years of each other. In the one, all was horror, rob- 
 bery, afiaflmation, murder, devaftation and maffacre ; in 
 the other, a -general fenfe of rectitude checked the com- 
 miffion of thofe crimes, and the dread of fpilling human 
 blood withheld for a time the hand of party, even when 
 the paflions were irritated to the extreme. This muft be 
 attributed to the different religion, government, laws and 
 manners of the two countries, previous to thefe great 
 VOL. I. U 
 
154 
 
 1774. 
 
 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 ferocity of human nature, when not governed 
 by intereft or fear. Confidering the right of 
 perfonal liberty, which every one juftly claims, 
 the tenacious regard to property, and the pride 
 of opinion, which fometimes operates to the 
 diflblution of the tendereft ties of nature, it 
 is wonderful, when the mind was elevated 
 by thefe powerful fprings, and the paffions 
 whetted by oppofition or infult, that riot and 
 confuiion, defolation and bloodfhed, was not 
 the fatal confequence of the long interregnum 
 of law and government throughout the colonies. 
 Yet not a life was loft till the trump of war 
 fummoned all parties to the field. 
 
 Valor is an inftincl: that appears even among 
 favages, as a didate of nature planted for felf- 
 defence ; but patriotifm on the diffufive princi- 
 ples of general benevolence, is the child of 
 fociety. This virtue with the fair acomplifh- 
 ments of fcience, gradually grows and increafes 
 with civilization, until refinement is wrought 
 to a height that poifons and corrupts the mind. 
 This appears when the accumulation of wealth 
 is . rapid, and the gratifications of luxurious 
 appetite become eafy ; the feeds of benevolence 
 are then often deftroyed, and the man reverts 
 
 events ; not to any difference in the nature of man ; in 
 fimilar circumftances, revenge, cruelty, confuiion, and eve- 
 ry evil work, operate equally oa the ungoverned paflioiis 
 of men in all nations. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 155 
 
 back to felfifh barbarifm, and feels no check f IAP v - 
 to his rapacity and boundlefs ambition, though 
 his paffions may be frequently veiled under va- 
 rious alluring and deceptive appearances. 
 
 America was now a fair field for a tranfcript 
 of all the virtues and vices that have illumined 
 or darkened, difgraced and reigned triumphant 
 in their turn over all the other quarters of the 
 habitable globe. The progrefs of every thing 
 had there been remarkably rapid, from the firft 
 fettlement of the country. Learning was cul- 
 tivated, knowledge difleminated, politenefs and 
 morals improved, and valor and patriotifm che- 
 rifhed, in proportion to the rapidity of her 
 population. This extraordinary cultivation of 
 arts and manners may be accounted for, from 
 the ftage of fociety and improvement in which 
 the firft planters of America were educated be- 
 fore they left their native clime. The firft 
 emigrations to North America were not com- 
 pofed of a ftrolling banditti of rude nations, 
 like the firft people of moft other colonies in the 
 hiftory of the world. The early fettlers in the 
 newly difcovered continent were as far advan- 
 ced in civilization, policy, and manners; in their 
 ideas of government, the nature of compacts, 
 and the bands of civil union, as any of their 
 neighbors at that period among the moft poj- 
 ilhed nations of Europe. Thus they foon grew 
 to maturity, and became able to vie with their 
 European anceftors in arts, in arms, in perfpi- 
 
156 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. v. cuity in the cabinet, courage in the field, and 
 ability for foreign negociations, in the fame 
 fpace of time that moft other colonies have re- 
 quired to pare off the ruggednefs of their native 
 ferocity, eftablifh the rudiments of civil fociety, 
 and begin the fabric of government and jurif- 
 prudence. Yet as they were not fully fenfible of 
 their own ftrength and abilities, they wiflied 
 ftill to hang upon the arm, and look up for pro. 
 tedion to their original parent. 
 
 The united voice of millions ftill acknowl- 
 edged the fceptre of Brunfwick; firmly attached 
 to the houfe of Hanover, educated in the prin- 
 ciples of monarchy, and fond of that mode of 
 government under certain limitations, they 
 were ftill petitioning the king of England 
 only to be reftored to the fame footing of 
 privilege claimed by his other fubje&s, and 
 wifhed ardently to keep the way open to a re- 
 union, confiftent with their ideas of honor and 
 freedom. 
 
 Thus the grand council of the union were 
 difpofed to wait the operations of time, without 
 hurrying to momentous deciiions that might 
 in a degree have fanctioned feverities in the 
 parent ftate that would have Ihut up every ave- 
 nue to reconciliation. While the reprefenta- 
 tives of all the provinces had thus been deliber- 
 ating, the individual colonies were far from be- 
 ing idle. Provincial congreffes and conven- 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 15' 
 
 tions had in almoft every province taken place CHAP. v. 
 of the old forms of legiflation and government, ~~ 
 and they were all equally induftrious and unit- 
 ed in the fame modes to combat the intrigues 
 of the governmental faftion, which equally in- 
 fefted the whole, though the eaftern borders of 
 the continent more immediately fuffered. But 
 their inftitutions in infancy, commerce fufpend- 
 ed, and their property feized ; threatened by 
 the national orators, by the proud chieftains of 
 military departments, and by the Britifli fleet 
 and army daily augmenting, hoftilities of the 
 moft ferious nature lowered on all fides ; the 
 artillery of war and the fire of rhetoric feemed 
 to combine for the deftru&ion of America. 
 
 The minds of the people at this period, 
 though not difmayed, were generally folemniz- 
 ed, in expedation of events, deciiive both to 
 political and private happinefs, and every brow 
 appeared expreilive of ibber anxiety. The peo- 
 ple trembled for their liberties, the merchant for 
 his intereft, the tories for their places, the whigs 
 for their country, and the virtuous for the man- 
 ners of fociety. 
 
 It muft be allowed that the genius of Amer- 
 ica was bold, refolute and enterprifing ; tena- 
 cious of the rights their fathers had endured 
 fuch hardfliips to purchafe, they determined to 
 defend to the laft breath the invaluable poffef- 
 fion. To check this ardent charaderiftic it 
 
158 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 had, previous to the time we are upon, been 
 
 confidered, as if by common confent among 
 the plantation governors, a ftroke of policy to 
 deprefs the militia of the country. All mili- 
 tary difcipline had for feveral years been totally 
 neglected ; thus untrained to arms, whenever 
 there had been an occafional call in aid of Brit- 
 iih operations in America, the militia were 
 confidered as a ruftic fet of auxiliaries, and 
 employed not only in the leaft honorable, but 
 the moft menial fervices. Though this indig- 
 nity was felt, it was never properly refented ; 
 they had borne the burthen of fatigue and fu- 
 bordination without much complaint : but the 
 martial fpirit of the country now became con- 
 fpicuous, and the inclination of the youth of 
 every clafs was univerfally cheriflied, and mili- 
 tary evolutions were the interludes that moft 
 delighted even children in the intermiffion of 
 their fedentary exercifes at fchool. 
 
 Among the manoeuvres of this period of ex- 
 pectation, a certain quota of hardy youth were 
 drawn from the train-bands in every town, who 
 were flyled minute men. They voluntarily de- 
 voted a daily portion of their time to improve 
 themfelves in the military art, under officers of 
 their own choice. Thus when hoftilities com- 
 menced, every diftricl could furnilh a number 
 of foldiers, who wanted nothing but experience 
 in the operations of war, to make them a match 
 for any troops the fovereign of Britain could 
 boaft. 
 
THE AMERICAN HE VOLUTION. 159 
 
 This military ardor wore an unpleafant af- CHAP v. 
 peel: in the eyes of adminiftration< By a letter " ~ 
 from lord Dartmouth to general Gage, foon 
 after he was appointed governor of the MafTa- 
 chufetts, it appeared that a project for difafm- 
 ing certain provinces was ferioufly contemplated 
 in the cabinet.* The parliament actually pro- 
 hibited the exportation of arms, ammunition 
 and military ftores to any part of America, ex- 
 cept for their own fleets and armies employed 
 in the colonies ; and the king's troops were 
 frequently fent out in fmall parties to difmantle 
 the forts, and feize the powder magazines or 
 other military ftores wherever they could be 
 found. The people throughout the colonies 
 with better fuccefs, took limilar meafures to 
 fecure to themfelves whatever warlike ftores 
 were already in the country. Thus a kind of 
 predatory ftruggle almoft univerfally took place ; 
 every appearance of hoftilities was difcoverable 
 in the occafional rencontres, except the draw- 
 ing of blood, which was for a time fufpended j 
 delayed on one fide from an appreheniion that 
 they were not quite ripe for the conflict ; on 
 the other, from an expectation of reinforce* 
 
 * General Gage in his reply to the minifter upon the 
 above fuggeftion, obferves, " Your lordfhip's idea of 
 " difarming certain provinces, would doubtlefs be confift- 
 " ent with prudence and fafety ; but it neither is, nor has 
 " been practicable, without having recourfe to farce : we 
 " mud firft become matters of the country." 
 
J60 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP v. ments that might enfure victory on the eafieft 
 terms ; and perhaps by both, from the recollec- 
 tion of former connexion and attachment. 
 
 A difunion of the colonies had long been zeal- 
 oufly wiihed for, and vainly attempted by ad- 
 miniftration ; as that could not be effected, it 
 was deemed a wife and politic meafure, to make 
 an example of one they judged the moil refrac- 
 tory. Thus refentment feemed particularly 
 levelled at the Maffachufetts ; confequently 
 they obliged that colony firft to meafure the 
 fword with the hardy veterans of Britain. 
 
 The fpirited proceedings of the county of 
 Suffolk, foon after the arrival of governor 
 Gage, and his hafty diffolution of the general 
 affembly, in fome meafure damped the expecta- 
 tion of the miniftry, who had flattered them- 
 felves that the depreffion and ruin of the Maf- 
 fachufetts would ftrike terror through the 
 other provinces, and render the work of con- 
 queftmore eafy. But the decifion and energy 
 of this convention, compofed of members from 
 the principal towns in the county, difcovered 
 that the fpirit of Americans at that time was 
 not to be coerced by dragoons ; and that if one 
 colony, under the immediate frowns of govern- 
 ment, with an army in their capital, were thus 
 bold and determined, new calculations muft be 
 made for the fubjugation of all. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 161 
 
 The convention met in Suffolk, at once unani- CHAP. v. 
 rnoufly renounced the authority of the new ^ n 
 legiilature, and engaged to bear harmlefs all 
 officers who mould refufe to act under it. They 
 pronounced all thofe, who had accepted feats at 
 the board of council by mandamus, the incor- 
 rigible enemies of their country. They recom- 
 mended to the people to perfect themfelves in 
 the art of war, and to prepare to reiift by force 
 of arms, every hoftile invafion. They refolved, 
 that if any perfon mould be apprehended for 
 his exertions in the public caufe, reprifals mould 
 be made, by feizing and holding in cuftody the 
 principal officers of the crown, wherever they 
 could be found, until ample juftice mould be 
 done. They advifed the collectors and receiv- 
 ers of all public monies, to hold it in their hands, 
 till appropriations mould be directed by autho- 
 rity of a provincial congrefs. They earneftly 
 urged an immediate choice of delegates for that 
 purpofe, and recommended their convening at 
 Salem. 
 
 Thefe and feveral other refolves in the fame 
 fcyle and manner, were confidered by govern- 
 ment as the moft overt acts of treafon that 
 had yet taken place ; but their doings were 
 but a fpecimen of the fpirit which actuated the 
 whole province. Every town, with the utmpft 
 alacrity, chofe one or more of the moft refpecta- 
 ble gentlemen, to meet in provincial congrefs, 
 
 VOL. i. w 
 
162 1HE RISE AND PROGRESS OP 
 
 HATVV. agreeable to the recommendation on the 
 fifteenth of October, one thoufand feven hun- 
 dred and feventy-four. They were requefted 
 by their conftituents, to take into confideration 
 the diftreffed ftate of the country, and to devife 
 the moil practicable meafures to extricate the 
 people from their prefent perplexed fituation. 
 
 In the mean time, to preclude the appearance 
 of neceflity for fuch a convention, governor 
 Gage iiTued precepts, fummoning a new general 
 aflembly to meet at Salem, the week preceding 
 the time appointed for the meeting of the con- 
 vention. The people obeyed the order of the 
 governor, and every where chofe their repre- 
 fentatives ; but they all chofe the fame perfons 
 they had recently delegated to meet in conven- 
 tion. Whether the governor was apprehenfive 
 that it would not be fafe for his mandamus 
 council to venture out of the capital, or 
 whether confcious that it would not be a con- 
 ftitutional aiTembly, or from the imbecility of 
 his own mind, in a iituation altogether new to 
 him, is uncertain ; but from whatever caufe it 
 arofe, he difcovered his embarraffment by a 
 proclamation, dated the day before he was to 
 meet them at Salem, to diffolve the new houfe 
 of reprefentatives. This extraordinary diffolu- 
 tion only precipitated the pre-determination of 
 the delegates ; they had taken their line of 
 conduct, and their determinations were not 
 eafily fhaken. 
 
^^teJ^lr 
 
 -THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 163 
 
 The council chofen by the houfe on the day CHAP v. 
 of their laft election had alfo, as requefted, re- _ 
 paired to Salem. The defign was, to proceed 
 to bufmefs as ufual, without any notice of the 
 annihilation of their charter. Their determi- 
 nation was, if the governor refufed to meet 
 with or countenance them, to confider him as 
 abfent from the province. It had been ufual 
 under the old charter, when the governor's 
 fignature could not be obtained, by reafon of 
 death or abfence, that by the names of fifteen 
 counfellors affixed thereto, all the acts of 
 affembly were equally valid, as when iigned by 
 the governor. But by the extraordinary con- 
 duct of the chief magiftrate, the general affem- 
 bly was left at liberty to complete meafures in 
 any mode or form that appeared moft expe- 
 dient ; accordingly they adjourned to Concord, 
 a town fituated about thirty miles from Salem, 
 and there profecuted the bufinefs of their con- 
 ftituents. 
 
 As it was not yet thought prudent to affume 
 all the powers of an organized government, 
 they chofe a prefident, and acled as a provincial 
 congrefs, as previoufly propofed. They recom- 
 mended to the militia to choofe their own 
 officers, and fubmit to regular difcipline at 
 leaft thrice a week, and that a fourth part-of 
 them mould be draughted, and hold themfelves 
 in readinefs to march at a moment's warni- 
 
 o 
 
 to any part of the province. They recc; 
 
164 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 mended to the feveral counties to adhere to 
 1-74 their own refolves, and to keep the courts of 
 common law Ihut till fome future period, when 
 juftice could be legally adminiftered. They ap- 
 pointed a committee of fupplies to provide 
 ammunition, provifions, and warlike ftores, and 
 to depofite them in fome place of fafety, ready 
 for ufe, if they mould be obliged to take up 
 arms in defence of their rights. 
 
 This bufinefs required talents and energy to 
 make arrangements for exigencies, new and 
 untried. Fortunately Elbridge Gerry, Efq. was 
 placed at the head of this commiffion, who exe- 
 cuted it with his ufual punctuality and indefati- 
 gable induflry. This gentleman entered from 
 principle, early in the oppofition to Britifla en- 
 croachments, and continued one of the moft 
 uniform republicans to the end of the conteft. 
 He was the next year chofen a delegate to the 
 continental congrefs. Firm, exacl, perfpicuous, 
 and tenacious of public and private honor, 
 he rendered effential fervice to the union for 
 many years that he continued a member of 
 that honorable body.* 
 
 * Mr. Gerry's fervices and exertions to promote the 
 public intereft through every important ftation which he 
 filled, from this period until he was appointed to negociate 
 with the republic of France in the year one thoufand fe- 
 ven hundred and ninety-eight, were uniform. There his 
 indefatigable zeal, his penetration, and cool perfeverance, 
 when every tiling appeared on the eve of a rupture between 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 165 
 
 The provincial congrefs appointed a commit- CHAP. v. 
 tee of fafety, confifiing of nine members, and 
 vefted them with powers to acl: as they mould 
 fee fit for the public fervice, in the recefs, and to 
 call them together again, on any extraordinary 
 emergence ; ad before they feparated, they 
 chofe a new fet of delegates, to meet in general 
 congrefs the enfuing fpring. After this they held 
 a conference with the committees of donation 
 and correfpondence, and the feledhnen of the 
 town of Bofton, on the expediency of an effort 
 to remove the inhabitants from a town block- 
 aded on all fides. They then feparated for a 
 few weeks, to exert their influence in aid to th$ 
 refolutions of the people ; to ftrengthen their 
 fortitude, and prepare them for the approach^ 
 ing ftorm, which they were fenfible could be at 
 no great diftance. 
 
 Though the inhabitants of Bofton were fliut 
 up in garrifon, infulted by the troops, and in 
 many refpecls felt the evils of a fevere military 
 government ; yet the difficulty of removing 
 thoufands from their refidence in the capital, to 
 feek an afylum in the country on the eve of 
 winter, appeared fraught with inconveniencies 
 too great to be attempted ; they were of confe- 
 quence, the moft of them obliged to continue 
 
 the two republics, laid the foundation and formed the out- 
 lines of an accommodation, which foon after terminated in 
 an amicable treaty between France and the United States 
 of America. 
 
166 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. v. amidft the outrages of a licentious army, and 
 * - ' wait patiently the events of the enfuing fpring. 
 
 The principal inhabitants of the town, though 
 more immediately under the eye of their op- 
 preffors, loft no part of their determined fpirit, 
 but ftill acted in unifon with their friends more 
 at liberty without the city. A bold inftance of 
 this appeared, when Mr. Oliver, the chief juf- 
 tice, regardlefs of the impeachment that lay 
 againft him, attempted with his affociates to 
 open the fuperior court, and tranfatt bufinefs 
 according to the new regulations. Advertife- 
 ments were pofted in feveral public places, for- 
 bidding on their peril, the attornies and barrif- 
 ters at law, to carry any caufe up to the bar. 
 Both the grand and petit-jurors refufed attend- 
 ance, and finally the court was obliged to ad- 
 journ without day, 
 
 Thefe circumftances greatly alarmed the par* 
 ty, more efpecially thofe natives of the coun- 
 try who had taken fanchiary under the ban- 
 ners of an officer, who had orders to enforce 
 the acts of admimftration, even at the point of 
 the bayonet. Apprehenfive they might be 
 dragged from their afylum within the gates, 
 they were continually urging general Gage to 
 more vigorous meafures without. They affur- 
 ed him, that it would be eafy for him to exe- 
 cute the defigns of government, provided he 
 would by law-martial feize, try, or tranfport 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 167 
 
 to England, fuch perfons as were moft partial- CHAP. v. 
 larly obnoxious ; and that if the people once 
 faw him thus determined, they would facrifice 
 their leaders and fubmit quietly. 
 
 Theyaffociatedjand bound themfelves by cov- 
 enant, to go all lengths in fupport of the proj- 
 ects of adminiftration againft their country ; 
 but the general, allured of reinforcements in 
 the fpring, fufficient to enable him to open a 
 bloody campaign, and not remarkable for ref- 
 olution or activity, had not the courage, and 
 perhaps not the inclination, to try the dan- 
 gerous experiment, till he felt himfelf ftrong- 
 er. He was alfo fenfible of the ftriking iimi- 
 larity of genius, manners, and conduct of the 
 colonies in union. It was obfervable to every 
 one, that local prejudices, either in religion 
 or government, taile or politics, were fuf- 
 pended, and that every diftinction was funk, 
 in the coniideration of the neceffity of con- 
 nexion and vigor in one general fyftem of 
 defence. He therefore proceeded no far- 
 ther, during the winter, than publifhing proc- 
 lamations againft congreiTes, committees, and 
 conventions, ftyling all aflbciations of the kind 
 unlawful and treafonable combinations, and 
 forbidding all perfons to pay the 4malleft re- 
 gard to their recommendations, on penalty of 
 his majefty's fevereft difpleafure. 
 
168 T HE RISE AND' PROGRESS o 
 
 Thefe feeble exertions only confirmed th<* 
 people in their adherence to the modes point- 
 ed out by thofe, to whom they had intrufted 
 the fafety of the commonwealth. The only 
 a&ive movement of the feafon was that of a 
 party commanded by colonel Leflie, who de-^ 
 parted from Caftle William on the evening of 
 Saturday, February twenty-feventh, one thou- 
 fand feven hundred and feventy-five, on a fe- 
 cret expedition to Salem. The defign was 
 principally to feize a few cannon on the enfu- 
 ing morning. The people apprized of his ap- 
 proach, drew up a bridge over which his 
 troops were to pafs. Leflie, finding his paffage 
 would be difputed, and having no orders to 
 proceed to blows, after much expoftulation 
 engaged, that if he might be permitted to go 
 on the ground, he would moleft neither public 
 nor private property. The bridge was imme- 
 diately let down, and through a line of armed 
 inhabitants, ready to take vengeance on a for- 
 feiture of his word, he only marched to the 
 extreme part of the town, and then returned 
 to Bofion, to the mortification of himfelf and 
 of his friends, that an officer of colonel Leflie's 
 acknowledged bravery Ihould be fent out on 
 fo frivolous an errand. 
 
 This incident clifcovered the determination 
 of the Americans, carefully to avoid every 
 thing that had the appearance of beginning 
 hoftiiities on their part ; an imputation that 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION* 169 
 
 might have been attended with great incon- CHAP - v 
 venience ; nor indeed were they prepared to 1775. 
 precipitate a conflict, the confequences and 
 the termination of which no human calcula- 
 tion could reach. This manoeuvre alfo dif- 
 covered that the people of the country were 
 not deficient in point of courage, but that 
 they flood charged for a reliftance, that might 
 fmite the fceptred hand, whenever it mould 
 be ftretched forth to arreft by force the inher- 
 itance purchafed by the blood of anceftor*, 
 whofe felf-denying virtues had rivalled the ad- 
 mired heroes of antiquity. 
 
 . i. 
 
170 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Parliamentary Divifions on American Affairs curfory Ob- 
 fervations and Events, Meafures for raifmg an Army of 
 Obfervation by the four New England Governments of 
 New Hampfnire, MafTachufetts, Rhode Ifland, and Con- 
 necticut. Battle of Lexington. Sketches of the Con- 
 duel and Characters of the Governors of the fouthem 
 Provinces. Ticonderoga taken. Arrival of Reinforce- 
 ments from England. Profcription and Characters of 
 Samuel Adams and John Hancock, Efquires. Battle of 
 Bunker-Hill. Death and Character of General Jofeph 
 Warren. Maflachufetts adopt a ftable Form of Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 ctirAy rc . Vv E have feen feveral years pafs off in doubt- 
 1775. fal anxiety, in repreffion and repulfion, while 
 many yet indulged the pleaiing hope, that fome 
 able genius might arife, that would devife mea- 
 fures to heal the breach, to revive the languifh- 
 ing commerce of both countries, and reftore the 
 bleffings of peace, by removing the caufes of 
 complaint. But thefe hopes evanifhed, and 
 all expectations of that kind were foon cut off, 
 by the determined fyftem of coercion in Britain, 
 and the actual commencement of war in Ame- 
 rica, 
 
 The earlieft accounts from England, after the 
 beginning of the year one thoufand feven hun- 
 dred and feventy-five, announced the ferments 
 of the Britifh nation, principally on account of 
 American meafures, the perfeverance of the 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 1?I 
 
 miniftry, and the obftinacy of the king, in flip- 
 port of the fyftem ; the fudden diffolution of 
 one parliament, and the immediate eleftion of 
 another, compofed of the fame members, or 
 men of the fame principles as the former. 
 
 Adminiftration had triumphed through the 
 late parliament over reafon, juftice, the human- 
 ity of individuals, and the intereft of the nation. 
 Notwithftanding the noble and fpirited oppo- 
 fition of feveral diftinguiihed characters in both 
 houfes, it foon appeared that the influence of 
 the miniftry over the old parliament was not 
 depreciated, or that more lenient principles per- 
 vaded the councils of the new one. Nor did 
 more judicious and favorable decifions lead to 
 the profpeci of an equitable adjuftment of a, dif- 
 pute that had interefted the feelings of the 
 whole empire, and excited the attention of 
 neighboring nations, not as an object of curi- 
 oiity, but with views and expectations that 
 might give a new face to the political and com- 
 mercial fyftems of a considerable part of the 
 European world, 
 
 The petition of the continental congrefs to 
 the king, their addrefs to the people of England, 
 with general Gage's letters, and all papers 
 relative to America, were introduced early in 
 the feilion of the new parliament. Warm 
 debates enfued, and the caufe of the colonies 
 was advocated with ability and energy by the 
 
172 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vi. moft admired orators among the commons, 
 ~T~" and by feveral very illuftrious names in the 
 houfe of lords. They defcanted largely on 
 the injuftice and impolicy of the prefent fyf- 
 tem, and the impracticability of its execution. 
 They urged that the immediate repeal of the 
 revenue acts, the recal of the troops, and 
 the opening the port of Bofton, were necef- 
 fary, preliminary fteps to any hope of reconcil- 
 iation ; and that tliefe meafures only would 
 preferve the empire from confequences that 
 would be fatal to her inter efts, as well as dif- 
 graceful to her councils. Bui, pre-determined 
 in the cabinet, a large majority in parliament 
 appeared in favor of flrong meafures. The 
 minifterial party infilled that coercion only 
 could enfure obedience, reftore tranquillity to 
 the colonies, repair the infulted dignity, and 
 re-eftabliih the fupremacy of parliament. 
 
 An act \vas immediately paffed, prohibiting 
 New Hampmire,MafTachufetts, Rhode Ifland, and 
 Connecticut from carrying on the fiihingbufinefs 
 on the banks of Newfoundland. By this arbitrary 
 ftep 5 thoufands of miferable families werefudden- 
 ly cut off from all means of fubiiftence. But, as 
 if determined the rigors of power mould know 
 no bounds, before parliament had time to cool, 
 after the animoiities occafioned by the bill juft 
 mentioned, another* was introduced by the 
 
 * Parliamentary proceedings in one thoufand feven hun- 
 dred and feventy-five. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 173 
 
 minifter, whereby the trade of the fouthern CHAP. vi. 
 colonies was reftrained, and in future confined ~ 
 entirely to Great Britain. The minority ftill 
 perfevered in the moft decided oppofition both 
 againft the former and the prefent modes of 
 feverity towards the colonies. Very fenfible 
 and fpirited protefts were entered againft the 
 new bills, figned by fome of the firft ndbility. 
 A young nobleman of high rank and reputa- 
 tion predicted, that " rneafures commenced in 
 "iniquity, and purfued in refentment, muft 
 " end in blood, and involve the nation in im- 
 " mediate civil war."* It was replied, that the 
 colonies were already in a ftate of rebellion ; 
 that the fupremacy of parliament muft not even 
 be queftioned ; and that compulfory meafures 
 muft be purfued from abfolute neceffity. Nei- 
 ther reafon nor argument, humanity or policy, 
 made the finalleft impreflion on thofe determin- 
 ed to fupport all clefpotic proceedings. Thus 
 after much altercation, a majority of two him- 
 dred and eighty-two appeared in favor 01 
 augmenting the forces in America, both by fea 
 -and land, againft only feventy in the houfe of 
 commons, who oppoied the meaiure. 
 
 All ideas of courage or ability in the colonifts 
 to face the dragoons and refill the power of 
 Britain, were treated v.ith the great eft derifion ? 
 
 * Debates in ~ ,;t. (;>ie il,.- .- . ^S-LM 
 
 and fever*. . . 
 
174 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vi. and particularly ridiculed by a general officer,* 
 ~ then in the houfe, who foon after delivered his 
 ftandards, and faw the furrender of a capital 
 army under his command, to thofe undifci- 
 plined Americans he had affe&ed to hold in fo 
 much contempt. The firft lord of the admiralty 
 alfo declared, " the Americans were neither dif- 
 ciplined, nor capable of difcipline." 
 
 Several mips of the line and a number of 
 frigates were immediately ordered to join the 
 fquadron at Bofton. Ten thoufand men were 
 ordered for the land fervice, in addition to 
 thofe already there. A regiment of light-horfe, 
 and a body of troops from Ireland, to complete 
 the number, were directed to embark with all 
 poffible difpatch to reinforce general Gage. 
 
 The fpeech from the throne, approving the 
 fanguinary conduct of the minifter and the 
 parliament, blafted all the hopes of the more 
 moderate and humane part of the nation. Sev- 
 eral gallant officers of the firft rank, difgufted 
 with the policy, and revolting at the idea of 
 butchering their American brethren, reiigned 
 their commiffions. The earl of Effingham was 
 among the firft, who, with a franknefs that his 
 enemies ftyled a degree of infanity, aflured his 
 majefty, " that though he loved the profeffion 
 " of a foldier, and would with the utmoft 
 
 * General Burgoyne, afterwards captured at Saratoga., 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 175 
 
 " cheerfulnefs facrifice his fortune and his life CHAP vi. 
 
 " for the fafety of his majefty's perfon, and the ~~~ 
 
 " dignity of his crown ; yet the fame princi- 
 
 " pies which infpired him with thofe unalter- 
 
 " able fentiments of duty and affection, would 
 
 " not fuffer him to be inftrumental in depriv- 
 
 " ing any part of the people of their liberties, 
 
 " which to him appeared the beft fecurity of 
 
 " their fidelity and obedience ; therefore with- 
 
 " out the fevereft reproaches of confcience he 
 
 " could not confent to bear arms againft the 
 
 " Americans." 
 
 But there is no age which bears a teftimony 
 fo honorable to human nature ; as mews man- 
 kind at fo fublime a pitch of virtue, that there 
 are not always enough to be found ready to aid 
 the arm of the oppreffor, provided they may 
 fhare in the fpoils of the oppvefied. Thus 
 many officers of ability and experience courted 
 the American fervice as the readieft road to 
 preferment. 
 
 Adminiftration not fatisfied with their own 
 fevere reftriclions, fet on foot a treaty with 
 the Dutch and feveral other nations, to prevent 
 their aiding the colonies by fupplying them 
 with any kind of warlike ftores. Every thing 
 within and without wore the moft hoftile ap- 
 pearance, even while the commercial intereft of 
 Great Britain was clofely interwoven with that 
 of America ; and the treafures of the colonies, 
 
176 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vi. which had been continually pouring into the 
 ~~ lap of the mother country, in exchange for 
 her manufactures, were ftill held ready for her 
 ufe, in any advance to harmony. 
 
 The boundaries of the king of England's 
 continental domains were almoft immeasurable, 
 and the inhabitants were governed by a ftrong 
 predilection in favor of the nation from whom 
 they derived their origin : hence it is difficult 
 to account on any principles of human policy, 
 for the infatuation that inftigated to the abfurd 
 project of conquering a country, already their *s 
 on the moil advantageous terms. But the 
 feeds of feparation were fown, and the ball of 
 empire rolled weftward with fuch aftoniflring 
 rapidity, that the pious mind is naturally ex- 
 cited to acknowledge a fuperintending Provi- 
 dence, that led to the period of independence, 
 even before America was confcious of her ma- 
 turity. Precipitated into a war, dreadful even 
 in contemplation, humanity recoiled at the 
 idea of civil feuds, and their concomitant evils. 
 
 When the news arrived in the colonies that 
 the Britifh army in Bofton was to be reinforced, 
 that the coercive fyftem was at all hazards to be 
 profecuted, though aftoniihed at the perfevering 
 feverity of a nation ftill beloved and revered 
 by Americans, deeply affeded with the calami- 
 ties tlrit threatened the whole empire, and 
 {hocked at the profped of the convulfions and 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 177 
 
 the cruelties ever attendant on civil war, yet 
 few balanced on the part they were to act. The 
 alternative held up was a bold and vigorous re- 
 iiftance, or an abject fubmiilion to the ignoble 
 terms demanded by adminiftration. Armed 
 with refolution and magnanimity, united by 
 affection, and a remarkable conformity of opi- 
 nion, the whole people through the wide ex- 
 tended continent feemed determined to relift 
 in blood, rather than become the Haves of ar- 
 bitrary power. 
 
 Happily for America, the inhabitants in gen- 
 eral pofleffed not only the virtues of native 
 courage and a fpirit of enterprife, but minds 
 generally devoted to the beft affections. Ma- 
 ny of them retained this character to the end 
 of the conflict by the dereliction of intereft, 
 and the coftly facrifices of health, fortune and 
 life. Perhaps the truth of the obfervation, that 
 " a national force is beft formed where num- 
 " bers of men are ufed to equality, and where 
 " the meaneft citizen may confider himfelf def- 
 " tined to command as well as to obey," was 
 never more confpicuous, than in the brave re- 
 fiftance of Americans to the potent and conquer- 
 ing arm of Great Britain, who, in conjunction 
 with her colonies, had long taught the nations 
 to tremble at her ftrength. 
 
 But the painful period haflened on, when the 
 connexion which nature and intereft had long 
 
 VOL. I. Y 
 
178 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vi. maintained between Great Britain and the colo- 
 ' j_ 7 nies, muft be broken off; the fword drawn, 
 and the fcabbard thrown down the gulf of 
 time. We muft now purfue the progrefs of 
 a war enkindled by avarice, whetted by am- 
 bition, and blown up into a thirfl for revenge 
 by repeated difappointment. Not the fplen- 
 dor of a diadem, the purple of princes, or the 
 pride of power, can ever fanction the deeds of 
 cruelty perpetrated on the weftern fide of the 
 Atlantic, and not unfrequently by men, whofe 
 crimes emblazoned by title, will enhance the 
 infamy of their injuftice and barbarifm, when 
 the tragic tale is faithfully related. 
 
 We have already obferved on the fupplica- 
 tory addreffes every where offered to the old 
 government, the rebuffs attending them, the 
 obftru&ion to legal debate, and the beft poffi- 
 ble regulations made by the colonies in their 
 circumftances, under the new modes eftablifli- 
 cd by themfelves. 
 
 The authority of congreffes and committees 
 of correfpondence, and the fpirit which per- 
 vaded the united colonies in their prepara- 
 tions for war, during the laft fix months 
 previous to the commencement of hoftil- 
 ities, bore fuch a refemblance, that the detail 
 of the tranfacdons of one province is an epit- 
 ome of the ftory of all. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 179 
 
 The particular refentment of Great Britain 
 levelled at the Maflachufetts, made it neceflary 
 for that province to act a more decided part, 
 that they might be in fome readinefs to repel 
 the ftorm which it appeared probable would 
 firft burft upon them. Their provincial con- 
 grefs was fitting when the news firft arrived, 
 that all hope of reconciliation was precluded 
 by the hoftile refolutions of parliament. This 
 rather quickened than retarded the important 
 ftep, which was then the fubjecl: of their delib- 
 erations. Perfuaded that the unhappy conteft 
 could not terminate without bloodfhed, they 
 were confulting on the expediency of railing 
 an army of obfervation, from the four New 
 England governments, that they might be pre- 
 pared for defence in cafe of an attack, before 
 the continental congrefs could again meet, and 
 make proper arrangements for farther opera- 
 tions. They proceeded to name their own 
 commanding officers, and appointed delegates 
 to confer with New Hamplhire, Connecticut, 
 and Rhode Ifland, on the proportion of men 
 they would furnilh, and their quota of expenfe 
 for the equipment of fuch an armament. 
 
 Connecticut and New Hampfliire readily ac* 
 ceded to the propofal, but in Rhode Ifland fev- 
 eral embarraffments were thrown in the way, 
 though the people in that colony were in gen- 
 era! as ready to enter warmly into meafures 
 for the common fafety as any of the others ; 
 
ISO THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 nor had they lefs reafon. They had long been 
 
 exafperated by the infolence and rapacity of 
 the officers of a part of the navy ftationed 
 there to watch their trade. Thefe had, with- 
 out color of right, frequently robbed New- 
 port, and plundered the adjacent iflands. 
 They had feized the little fkiffs, in which a 
 number of poor people had gained a fcanty 
 fubfiftence ; and infulted, embarrafied and 
 abufed the inhabitants in various ways through 
 the preceding year. 
 
 It is the nature of man, when he def- 
 pairs of legal reparation for injuries re- 
 ceived, to feek fatisfadion by avenging his 
 own wrongs. Thus, fome time before this 
 period,* a number of men in difguife, had 
 riotouily aflembled, and fet fire to a {loop of 
 war in the harbour. When they had thus 
 difcovered their refentment by this illegal 
 proceeding, they difperfed without farther 
 violence. For this imputed crime the whole 
 colony had been deemed guilty, and inter- 
 di&ed as acceffary. A court of inquiry was 
 appointed by his majefty, veiled with the 
 power of feizing any perfon on fufpicion, 
 confining him on board a king's fhip, and fend- 
 ing him to England for trial. But fome of the 
 gentlemen named for this inquifitorial bufi- 
 nefs, had not the temerity to execute it in the 
 
 * See Appendix, Note No. XI. governor Hutchin- 
 fon's reprefentation of this affair. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 181 
 
 latitude defigned ; and after fitting a few days, CHAP. vi. 
 examining a few perfons, and threatening ma- ^ 
 ny, they adjourned to a diftant day. 
 
 The extraordinary precedent of erecting fuch 
 a court* among them was not forgotten ; but 
 there was a confiderable party in Newport, 
 ftrongly attached to the royal caufe. Thefe, 
 headed by their governor, Mr. Wanton, a man 
 of weak capacity, and little political knowledge, 
 endeavoured to impede all meafures of oppoli- 
 tion, and to prevent even a difcuflion on the 
 propriety of railing a defenfive army. 
 
 The news of an aftion at Lexington on the 
 nineteenth of April, between a party of the 
 king's troops and fome Americans haftily col- 
 lected, reached Providence on the fame even- 
 ing, a few hours after the gentlemen entrufted 
 with the miflion for conference with the colony 
 had arrived there ; they had not entered on 
 buiinefs, having been in town but an hour or 
 two before this intelligence was received by a 
 fpecial meflenger. 
 
 On this important information, James War- 
 ren, Efq. the head of the delegation, was of 
 
 * The gentlemen who compofed this court, were Wan- 
 ton, governor of Rhode Ifland, Horfemanden, chief juf- 
 tice of New York, Smith, chief juftice of New Jerfey, 
 Oliver, chief juftice of Maflachufetts, and Auchmuty, 
 judge of admiralty. 
 
182 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 HAP. vi. opinion, that this event not only opened new 
 """ T"" profpe&s and expectations, but that it entirely 
 changed the object of negociation, and that 
 new ground muft be taken. Their miffion was 
 by the Maffachufetts deiigned merely as a de- 
 feniive movement^, but he obferved to the prin- 
 cipal inhabitants collected to confult on the 
 alarming afpecl: of prefent affairs, that there 
 now appeared a neceffity, not only for defen- 
 five but for offeniive operations ; he urged his 
 reafons with fuch ability and addrefs, that an 
 immediate convention of the affembly was ob- 
 tained. They met at Providence the enfuing 
 day, where, by the trifling of the governor and 
 the indifcretion of his partizans, the bufinefs 
 labored in the upper houfe for feveral .days. 
 But the reprefentative branch, impatient of 
 delay, determined to ad without any confider- 
 ation of their governor, if he continued thus 
 to impede their deiigns, and to unite, by au- 
 thority of their own body, in vigorous meafures 
 with their iifter colonies. A majority of the 
 council however, at lail impelled the governor 
 to agree to the determinations of the lower 
 houfe, who had voted a number of men to be 
 raifed with the utmoil difpatch ; accordingly a 
 large detachment was fent forward to the Maf- 
 fachufetts within three days. 
 
 When the gentlemen left congrefs for the 
 purpofe of combining and organizing an army 
 in the eaftern ftates, a fhort adjournment was 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 185 
 
 made. Before they feparated they felefted a 
 {landing committee to refide at Concord, where 
 a provincial magazine was kept, and vefted 
 them with power to fummon congrefs to meet 
 again at a moment's warning, if any extraordi- 
 nary emergence fliould arife. 
 
 In the courfe of the preceding winter, a 
 iingle regiment at a time had frequently made 
 excurfions from the army at Bofton, and recon- 
 noitred the environs of the town without com- 
 mitting any hoftilities in the country, except 
 picking up cannon, powder, and warlike ftores, 
 wherever they could find and feize them with 
 impunity. In the fpring, as they daily expedfc- 
 ed frefh auxiliaries, they grew more infolent ; 
 from their deportment, there was the higheft 
 reafon to expedl they would extend their re- 
 fearches, and endeavour to feize and fecure, as 
 they termed them, the faflious leaders of re- 
 bellion. Yet this was attempted rather fooner 
 than was generally expected. 
 
 On the evening of the eighteenth of April, 
 the grenadiers and light infantry of the army 
 ftationed at Bofton, embarked under the com- 
 mand of lieutenant colonel Smith, and were 
 ordered to land at Cambridge before the dawn 
 of the enfuing day. This order was executed 
 with fuch fecrecy and difpatch, that the troops 
 reached Lexington, a fmall village nine miles 
 beyond Cambridge, and began the tragedy of 
 the day juft as the fun rofe. 
 
184 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 HA p. vi. An advanced guard of officers had been fent 
 
 Out by land, to feize and fecure all travellers 
 
 
 
 who might be fufpected as going forward with 
 intelligence of the hoftile afpecb of the king's 
 troops. But notwithstanding this vigilance to 
 prevent notice, a report reached the neighbor- 
 ing towns very early, that a large body of 
 troops, accompanied by fome of the moft vir- 
 ulent individuals among the tones ^ who had 
 taken refuge in Bofton, were moving with de- 
 fign to deftroy the provincial magazine at Con- 
 cord, and take into cuftody the principal per- 
 fons belonging to the committee of fafety. 
 Few fufpected there was a real intention to 
 attack the defencelefs peafants of Lexington, or 
 to try the bravery of the fur rounding villages. 
 But it being reduced to a certainty, that a 
 number of perfons had, the evening before, in 
 the environs of Cambridge, been infulted, abuf- 
 ed, and ftripped, by officers in Britifh uniform ; 
 and that a coniiderable armament might be 
 immediately expected in the vicinity, captain 
 Parker, who commanded a company of militia, 
 ordered them to appear at beat of drum on the 
 parade at Lexington, on the nineteenth. They 
 accordingly obeyed, and were embodied before 
 funrife. 
 
 Colonel Smith, who commanded about eight 
 hundred men, came fuddenly upon them within 
 a few minutes after, and, accofting them in 
 language very unbecoming an officer of his 
 rank, he ordered them to lay down their arms, 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 185 
 
 and difperfe immediately. He illiberally brand- CHAP. vi. 
 ed them with the epithets of rebel and traitor ; 
 and before the little party had time, either to 
 relift or to obey, he, with wanton precipitation, 
 ordered his troops to fire. Eight men were 
 killed on the fpot : and, without any concern 
 for his rafhnefs, or little moleftation from the 
 inhabitants. Smith proceeded on his rout. 
 
 By the time he reached Concord, and had de- 
 ftroyed a part of the {lores depofited there, the 
 country contiguous appeared in arms, as if de- 
 termined not to be the tame fpectators of the 
 outrages committed againft the perfons, prop- 
 erty, and lives of their fellow-citizens. Two 
 or three hundred men aflembled under the 
 command of colonel Barrett. He ordered them 
 to begin no onfet againft the troops of their 
 fovereign, till farther provocation ; this order 
 was punctually obeyed. Colonel Smith had or- 
 dered a bridge beyond the town to be taken up, 
 to prevent the people on the other fide from 
 coming to their afiiftance. Barrett advanced 
 to take pofleflion before the party reached it, 
 and a fmart fkirmifh enfued ; feveral were kill- 
 ed, and a number wounded on both fides. Not 
 difmayed or daunted, this fmall body of yeo- 
 manry, armed in the caufe of juftice, andftrug- 
 gling for every thing they held dear, maintain- 
 ed their ftand until the Britim troops, though 
 far fuperior in numbers, and in all the advan- 
 
 VOL. I. Z 
 
186 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vt tages of military {kill, difcipline, and equipment, 
 ""T7T" gave ground and retreated, without half execut- 
 ing the purpofe defigned > by this forced march 
 to Concord. 
 
 The adjacent villagers collected, and prepared 
 to cut off their retreat ; but a difpatch had been 
 fent by colonel Smith to inform general Gage, 
 that the country was arming, and his troops in 
 danger. A battalion under the command of 
 lord Percy was fent to fuccour him, and arrived 
 in time to fave Smith's corps. A fon of the 
 duke of Northumberland,* previous to this 
 day's work, was viewed by Americans with a 
 favorable eye ; though more from a partiality 
 to the father, than from any remarkable per- 
 fonal qualities difcoverable in the fon. Lord 
 Percy came up with the routed corps near the 
 fields of Menotomy ; where barbarities were 
 committed by the king's army, which might 
 have been expected only from a tribe of fav- 
 ages. They entered, rifled, plundered, and 
 burnt feveral houfes ; and in ibme inftances, 
 the aged and infirm fell under the fword of the 
 ruffian ; women, with their new-born infants, 
 were obliged to fly naked, to efcape the fury of 
 the flames in which their houfes were enwrap- 
 ped. 
 
 * The duke of Northumberland, father of earl Percy, 
 had been uniformly oppofed to tire late meafures of ad- 
 miniRration, in their American fyftem. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 187 
 
 The footftcps of the moft remorfelefs nations CHAP. vi. 
 have feldom been marked with more rancorous 
 and ferocious rage, than may be traced in the 
 rranfacUons of this day ; a day never to be for- 
 gotten by Americans. A fcene like this had 
 never before been exhibited on her peaceful 
 plains ; and the manner in which it was exe- 
 cuted, will leave an indelible ftain on a nation, 
 long famed for their courage, humanity, and 
 honor. But they appeared at this period fo 
 loft to a fenfe of dignity, as to be engaged in a 
 caufe that required perfidy and meannefs to 
 iupport it. Yet the impreffion of juftice is fo 
 ftrongly ftamped on the bofom of man, that 
 when confcious the fword is lifted againft the 
 rights of equity, it often difarms the firmeft 
 heart, and unnerves the moft valiant arm, when 
 impelled to little fubterfuges and private cruel- 
 ties to execute their guilty deiigns. 
 
 The affair of Lexington, and the precipitant 
 retreat after the ravages at Menotomy, are tef- 
 timonies of the truth of this obfervation. For, 
 notwithftanding their fuperiority in every re- 
 fpecr., feveral regiments of the beft troops in the 
 royal army, were feen, to the furprife and joy 
 of every lover of his country, flying before the 
 raw, inexperienced peafantry, who had ran 
 haftily together in defence of their lives and 
 liberties. Had the militia of Salem and Mar- 
 blehead have come on, as it was thought they 
 might have done, they would undoubtedly have 
 
188 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vi. prevented this routed, difappointed army, from 
 reaching the advantageous poft of Charleftown. 
 But the tardinefs of colonel Pickering, who 
 commanded the Salem regiment, gave them an 
 opportunity to make good their retreat. 
 Whether Mr. Pickering's* delay was owing to 
 timidity, or to a predilection in favor of Britain, 
 remains uncertain ; however it was, cenfure at 
 the time fell very heavily on his character. 
 
 Other parts of the country were in motion ; 
 but the retreat of the Britifh army was fo rapid, 
 that they got under cover of their own fliips, 
 and many of them made their efcape into Bof- 
 ton. Others, too much exhaufted by a ^quick 
 march and unremitting exercife, without '* time 
 for refrefhment from funrife to funfet, were 
 unable, both from wounds and fatigue, to crofs 
 the river. Thefe were obliged to reft the 
 night, nor were they miftaken in the confidence 
 they placed in the hofpitality of the inhabitants 
 of Charleftown ; this they reafonably enough ex- 
 pefted,both from motives of companion andfear. 
 
 Intimidated by the appearance of fuch a for- 
 midable body of troops within their town, and 
 touched with humanity on feeing the famifhed 
 condition of the king's officers and foldiers, fev- 
 eral otvhom, from their wounds and their fuf- 
 
 * Timothy Pickering, afterwards fecretary of ftate un- 
 der the prefidency of Mr. Adams, by whom he was dif- 
 znifled from public bufmefs. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 189 
 
 ferings, expired before the next morning ; the CHAP vi. 
 people every where opened their doors, receiv- T" 
 ed the diftrefied Britons, dreffed their wounds, 
 and contributed every relief: nothing was ne- 
 glected that could affrft, refrefli, or comfort the 
 defeated. 
 
 The victorious party, fenfible they could gain 
 little advantage by a farther purfuit, as the 
 Britim were within reach of their own {hips, 
 and at the fame time under the protection of 
 the town of Charleftown ; they therefore re- 
 treated a few miles to take care of their own 
 wounded men, and to refrefh themfelves. 
 
 The action at Lexington, detached from its 
 confequences, was but a trivial manoeuvre when 
 compared with the records*of war and flaugli- 
 ter, that have difgraced the page of hiftory 
 through all generations of men : but a circum- 
 ftantial detail of lefler events, when antecedent 
 to the convuliions of empire, and national revo- 
 lution, are not only excufable, but necefTary, 
 The provincials loft in this memorable action, 
 including thofe who fell, who were not in arms, 
 upwards of fourfcore perfons. It was not eafy 
 to afcertain how many of their opponents were 
 loft, as they endeavoured by all poilible means to \ 
 conceal the number, and the difgrace of the 
 day. By the beft information, it was judged, 
 including thofe who died foon after of wounds 
 and fatigue, that their lofe was very inucii great- 
 
19O *THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vi. er than that of the Americans. Thus refent- 
 - ^ _ - ment ftirnulated by recent provocation, the col- 
 onies, under all the difadvantages of an infant 
 country, without difcipline, without allies, and 
 without refources, except what they derived 
 from their own valor and virtue, were compel- 
 led to refort to the laft appeal, the precarious 
 deciiion of the fword, againft the mighty power 
 of Britain, 
 
 The four New England governments now 
 thought proper to make this laft appeal, and re- 
 folved to ftand or fall together. It w r as a bold 
 and adventurous enterprife ; but confcious of 
 the equal privileges beflowed by Heaven, on all 
 its intelligent creatures on this habitable ball, 
 they did not heiitate on the part they had to 
 act, to retain them. They cheerfully engaged, 
 fure of the fupport of the other colonies, as foon 
 as congrefs mould have time to meet, deliberate, 
 and refolve. They were very feniible, the mid- 
 dle and fouthern colonies were generally pre- 
 paring themfelves, with equal induftry and 
 ability, for a deciiion by arms, whenever hoftil- 
 ities fhould feriouily commence in any part of 
 the continent. 
 
 As foon as intelligence was fpread that the 
 iirft blow was ftruck, and that the fhrill clarion 
 of war actually refounded in the capital of the 
 eaftern ftates, the whole country rofe in arms. 
 Thoufands collected within twenty-four hours, 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 191 
 
 in the vicinity of Bofton ; and the colonies of CKAP. vi. 
 Connecticut, Rhode Ifland, and New Hamplhire ^ 
 
 feemed all to be in motion. Such was the re- 
 f entment of the people, and the ardor of enter- 
 prife, that it was with difficulty they were re- 
 ftrained from ruming into Bofton, and rafhly 
 involving their friends in common with their 
 enemies, in all the calamities of a town taken 
 by ftorm. 
 
 The day after the battle of Lexington, the 
 congrefs of Mafiachufetts met at Watertown. 
 They immediately determined on the number 
 of men neceflary to be kept on the ground, ap- 
 pointed and made eftablimments for the officers 
 of each regiment, agreed on regulations for all 
 military movements, and ftruck off a currency 
 of paper for the payment of the foldiers, mak- 
 ing the bills a tender for the payment of debts, 
 to prevent depreciation. They drew up a fet 
 of judicious rules and orders for the army, to 
 be obferved by both officers and foldiers, until 
 they mould be embodied on a larger fcale, un- 
 der the general direction of the continental con- 
 grefs. 
 
 In the mean time, the confternation of gene- 
 ral Gage was equalled by nothing but the rage 
 of his troops, and the difmay of the refugees un- 
 der his protection. He had known little of the 
 country, and lefs of the difpofition and bravery 
 of its inhabitants. He had formed his opinions 
 entirely on the mifreprefentations of men, who, 
 
192 THE RISE AND PROGRESS O? 
 
 CHAP. vi. judging from their own feelings more than 
 from the general conduct of mankind, had 
 themfelves no idea that the valor of their coun- 
 trymen could be roufed to hazard life and prop- 
 erty for the fake of the common weal. Struck 
 with aftonimment at the intrepidity of a people 
 he had been led to defpife, and ftung with vex- 
 ation at the defeat of fome of his beft troops, he 
 ordered the gates of the town to be fhut, and 
 every avenue guarded, to prevent the inhabit- 
 ants, whom he now conlidered as his beft fecu- 
 rity, from making their efcape into the country. 
 He had before caufed entrenchments to be 
 thrown up acrofs a narrow ifthmus, then the 
 only entrance by land : ftill apprehenfive of an 
 attempt to ftorm the town, he now ordered the 
 environs fortified ; and foon made an entrance 
 impracticable, but at too great an expenfe of 
 blood. 
 
 The Boftonians thus unexpectedly made pri- 
 foners, and all intercourfe with the country, 
 from whence they ufually received their daily 
 fupplies, cut off; famine ftared them in the 
 face on one fide, and on the other they beheld 
 the lawlefs rapine of an enraged enemy, with 
 the fword of vengeance ftretched over their 
 heads. Yet, with a firmnefs worthy of more 
 generous treatment, the principal citizens aflem- 
 bled, and after confultation, determined on a 
 bold and free remonftrance to their military 
 governor. They reminded him of his repeated 
 
TitE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 193 
 
 aflurances of perfonal liberty, fafety,- and pro- CHAP. vi. 
 teclion, if they would not evacuate the town, ~ K 
 
 as they had long been folicited to do by their 
 friends in the country. Had this been feafona- 
 bly done, the Americans would have reduced 
 the garrifon by withholding provifions. The in- 
 habitants of the town now earneftly requefled, 
 that the gates might be opened, that none who 
 chofe to retire with their wives, families, and 
 property, might be impeded. 
 
 Whether moved by feelings of companion, 
 of which he did not feem to be wholly deflitute, 
 or whether it was a premeditated deception, 
 yet remains uncertain ; however, general Gage 
 plighted his faith in the flrongefl terms, that if 
 the inhabitants would deliver up their arms, 
 and fuffer them to be depofited in the city hall, 
 they mould depart at pleafure, and be afiifted 
 by the king's troops in removing their proper- 
 ty. His mameful violation of faith in this in r 
 fiance, will leave a {lain on the memory of the 
 governor, fo long as the obligations of truth 
 are held facred among mankind. 
 
 The infulted people of Boflon, after perform- 
 ing the hard conditions of the contract, were 
 not permitted to depart, until after feveral 
 months of anxiety had elapfed, when the fcarcity 
 and badnefs of provifions had brought on a pef- 
 tilential diforder, both among the inhabitants 
 VOL. i. 2....A - 
 
194- THE RISE AND PROGRESS O 
 
 CHAP. vi. and the foldiers. Thus, from a reluctance 16 
 dip their hands in human blood, and from the 
 dread of infult to which their feebler connexions 
 were expofed, this unfortunate town, which 
 contained near twenty thoufand inhabitants, 
 was betrayed into a difgraceful relignation of 
 their arms, which the natural love of liberty 
 mould have infpired them to have held for their 
 own defence, while fubjected to the caprice of 
 an arbitrary matter. After their arms were 
 delivered up and fecured, general Gage denied 
 the contract, and forbade their retreat ; though 
 afterwards obliged to a partial compliance, by 
 the difficulty of obtaining food for the fubfift- 
 ence of his own army. On certain ftipulated 
 gratuities to fome of his officers, a permit was 
 granted them, to leave their elegant houfes, 
 their furniture, and goods, and to depart naked 
 from the capital, to feek an afylum and fupport 
 from the hofpitality of their friends in the coun- 
 try. 
 
 The iilands within the harbour of Boflon 
 were fo plentifully flocked with fheep, cattle p 
 and poultry, that they would have afforded an 
 ample fupply to the Britifh army for a long 
 time, had they been fuffered quietly to poffefs 
 them. General Putnam, an officer of courage 
 and experience, defeated this expectation by 
 taking off every thing from one of the princi- 
 pal iflands, under the fire of the Britifli fliips ; 
 at the fame time, he was fo fortunate as to burn 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 195 
 
 feveral of their tenders, without lofing a man.* CHAP. vr. 
 His example was followed : and from Chelfea T ' 
 
 1 77.5 
 
 to Point Alderton, the iflands were ftripped of 
 wheat and other grain, of cattle and forage ; 
 and whatever they could not carry off, the 
 Americans deftroyed by fire. They burnt the 
 light-houfe at the entrance of the harbour, and 
 the buildings on all the iflands, to prevent the 
 Britim availing themfelves of fuch convenient 
 appendages for encampments fo near the town. 
 
 While thefe tranfaclions were paffing in the 
 eaftern provinces, the other colonies were equal- 
 ly animated by the fpirit of refiftance, and equal- 
 ly bufy in preparation. Their public bodies 
 were undifmayed ; their temper, their conduct, 
 and their operations, both in the civil and mili- 
 tary line, were a fair and uniform tranfcript of 
 the conduct of the MaiTachufetts ; and fome of 
 them equally experienced thus early, the rigor- 
 ous proceedings of their unrelenting governors, 
 
 New York was alarmed foon after the com* 
 mencement of hoftilities near Bofton, by a ru- 
 mor, that a part of the armament expected from 
 Great Britain, was to be ftationed there to awe 
 the country, and for the protection of the nu-p 
 merous loyalifts in the city. In fome inftancas, 
 
 * General Putnam was an old American officer of dif- 
 tinguifhed bravery, plain manners, and fober habits ; nou- 
 riihed in agricultural life, and thole fimple principles, that 
 excite the virtuous to duty, in every department. 
 
196 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vi. the province of New York had not yet fully 
 ._.. acceded to the doings of the general congrefs ; 
 but they now applied to them for advice, and 
 {hewed themfelves equally ready to renounce 
 their allegiance to the king of Great Britain, 
 and to unite in the common caufe in all re- 
 fpecls, as any of the other colonies. Agreeable 
 to the recommendation of congrefs, they fent 
 off their women, children, and effects, and or- 
 dered a number of men to be embodied, and 
 hold themfelves in readinefs for immediate fer* 
 vice. 
 
 Tryon was the laft governor who prefided at 
 New York under the crown of England. This 
 gentleman had formerly been governor of 
 North Carolina, where his feverities had ren- 
 dered him very obnoxious. It is true, this dif- 
 pofition was principally exercifed towards a fet 
 of diforderly, ignorant people, who had felt 
 themfelves oppreffed, had embodied, and ftyling 
 themfelves regulators, oppofed the authority of 
 the laws. After they had been fubdued, and 
 ieveral of the ringleaders executed, governor 
 Tryon returned to England, but was again fent 
 out as governor of the province of New York. 
 He was received with cordiality, treated with 
 great refpecb, and was for a time much efleem- 
 ed, by many of the inhabitants of the city, and 
 the neighbouring country. Very foon after the 
 fonteft became warm between Great Britain 
 and the inhabitants of America, he. like all the 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION, . 1Q7 
 
 .* CHAP. VI. 
 
 other governors in the American colonies, tena 
 cious of fupporting the prerogatives of the 
 crown, laid afide that fpirit of lenity he had pre- 
 vioufly affected to feel. 
 
 Governor Tryon entered with great zeal into 
 all the meafures of adminiftration ; and endeav- 
 oured with art, influence, and intrigue, of 
 which he was perfectly m after, to induce the city 
 of New York, and the inhabitants under his 
 government, to fubmit quietly, and to decline 
 a union of opinion and action with the other 
 colonies, in their oppofition to the new regula- 
 tions of the Britifh parliament. But he foon 
 found he could not avail himfelf fufficiently of 
 the intereft he pofTeffed among fome of the firft 
 characters in the city, to carry the point, and 
 fubdue the fpirit of liberty, which was every 
 day appreciating in that colony, 
 
 On the determination of the provincial con* 
 grefs to arreft the crown officers, and difarm 
 the perfons of thofe who were denominated to- 
 rics, governor Tryon began to be apprehenfive 
 for his own fafety. The congrefs of New York 
 had refolved, " that it be recommended to the 
 " feveral provincial aflemblies, or conventions, 
 " and councils, or committees of fafety, to arreft 
 " and f ecure every peribn in their refpcclive col- 
 " onies, whofe going at large may, in their opin- 
 " ion, endanger the fafety of the colony, or the 
 ^ liberties of America." 
 
198 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vr. Though governor Tryon was not particularly 
 ' JY75 named, he apprehended himfelf a principal per- 
 fon pointed at in this refolve. This awakened 
 his fears to fuch a degree, that he left the feat 
 of government, and went on board the Halifax 
 packet ; from whence he wrote the mayor of 
 the city, that he was there ready to execute 
 any fuch bufinefs, as the circumftances of the 
 times would permit. But the indifference as to 
 the refidence, or even the conduct of a planta* 
 tion governor, was now become fo general 
 among the inhabitants of America, that he foon 
 found his command in New York was at an 
 end. After this he put himfelf at the head of 
 a body of loyalifts, and annoyed the inhabitants 
 of New York and New Jerfey, and wherever 
 elfe he could penetrate, with the affiftance of 
 fome Britifh troops that occaiionally joined 
 them, 
 
 The governors of the fever al colonies, as if 
 hurried by a confcioufnefs of their own guilt, 
 flying like fugitives to fcreen themfelves from 
 the refentment of the people, on board the 
 king's mips, appear as if they had been compet- 
 ed of iimilar characters to thofe defcribed by a 
 writer of the hiftory of fuch as were appointed 
 to office in the more early fettlement of the 
 American colonies. He faid, u it unfortunately 
 " happened for our American provinces, that a 
 cc government in any of our colonies in thofe 
 " parts, was fcarcely looked upon in -any other 
 < c light than that of a hofpital, where the fa- 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 
 
 ** vorites of the miniflry might lie, till they had 
 " recovered their broken fortunes, and often- 
 " times they ferved as an afylum from their 
 " creditors."* 
 
 The neighbouring government of New Jerfey 
 was for fome time equally embarrafled with 
 that of New York. They felt the effeds of the 
 impreffions made by governor Franklin, in fa- 
 vor of the meafures of adminiilration ; but not 
 fo generally as to preclude many of the inhab- 
 itants from uniting with the other colonies, in 
 vigorous fteps to preferve their civil freedom. 
 Governor Franklin had, among many other ex- 
 preffions which difcovered his opinions, obferv- 
 ed in a letter to Mr. fecretary Conway, " it 
 " gives me great pleafure, that I have been able 
 " through all the late difturbances, to preferve 
 " the tranquillity of this province, notwith- 
 " Handing the endeavours of fome to ftimulate 
 " the populace to fuch a&s as have difgraced 
 " the colonies.'* He kept up this tone of re- 
 proach, until he alfo was deprived by the peo- 
 ple of his command ; and New Jerfey, by the 
 authority of committees, feized all the money 
 in the public treafury, and appropriated it to 
 the pay of the troops railing for the common 
 defence. They took every other prudent mea- 
 fure in their power, to place themfelves in read* 
 inefs for the critical moment. 
 
 * Modern Univerfal Hiilory, vol. uxix. p. 357. 
 
200 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OB 1 
 
 Pennfylvania, though immediately under the 
 eye of congrefs, had fome peculiar difficulties to 
 flruggle with, from a proprietary government, 
 from the partizans of the crown, and the great 
 body of the quakers, moft of them opporfed to 
 the American caufe. But the people in general 
 were guarded and vigilant, and far from ne- 
 glecting the moil neceilary fteps for general de- 
 fence. 
 
 In Virginia, Maryland, and the Carolinas, 
 where they had the greateft number of African 
 Haves, their embarr ailments were accumulated, 
 and the dangers which hung over them, pecu- 
 liarly aggravated. From their long habit of 
 filling their country with foreign flaves, they 
 were threatened with a hoil of domeftic ene- 
 mies, from which the other colonies had noth- 
 ing to fear. The Virginians had been difpofed 
 in general to treat their governor, lord Dun- 
 more, and his family, with every mark of re- 
 fpeft ; and had not his intemperate zeal in. 
 the fervice of his mafter given univerfal dif- 
 guft, he might have remained longer among 
 them, and finally have left them in a much lels 
 difgraceful manner. 
 
 However qualified this gentleman might have 
 been to prefide in any of the colonies, in more 
 pacific feafons, he was little calculated for the 
 times, when ability and moderation, energy and 
 condefcenfion, coolnefs in decifion, and delicacy 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 2t>l 
 
 in execution, were highly requifite to govern a 
 people ftruggling with the poniard at their ' '" 
 throat and the fword in their hand, againft the 
 f>otent invaders of their privileges and claims. 
 
 He had the inhumanity early to intimate his 
 defigns if oppoiition ran high, to declare free- 
 dom to the blacks, and on any appearance of 
 hoftile refiftance to the king's authority, to arm 
 them againft their matters. Neither the houfe 
 of burgefles, nor the people at large, were dif- 
 pofed to recede from their determinations in 
 confequence of his threats, nor to fubmit to any 
 authority that demanded implicit obedience, on 
 pain of devaftation and ruin. Irritated by op- 
 pofition, too ram for coniideration, too haughty 
 for condefceniion, and fond of diftinguifhing 
 himfelf in fupport of the parliamentary fyftem, 
 lord Dunmore difmantled the fort in Williamf- 
 burg, plundered the magazines, threatened to 
 lay the city in afhes, and depopulate the coun- 
 try : As far as he was able, he executed his ne- 
 farious purpofes. 
 
 When his lordfliip found the refolution of 
 the houfe of burgefles, of committees and con- 
 ventions, was no where to be fhaken, he imme- 
 diately proclaimed emancipation to the blacks, 
 and put arms into their hands. He excited dif- 
 turbances in the back fettlements, and encou- 
 raged the natives bordering on the fouthern CQ- 
 
 VOL. i. 2....B 
 
202 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vi. lonies, to rum from the wildernefs, and make 
 
 " inroads on the frontiers. For this buiinefs, he 
 
 177 *> 
 
 employed as his agent one Connolly, a Scotch 
 
 renegado, who travelled from Virginia to the 
 Ohio, and from the Ohio to general Gage at 
 Bofton, with an account of his fuccefs, and a de- 
 tail of his negociations. From general Gage 
 he received a colonel's commiffion, and was by 
 him ordered to return to the favages, and en- 
 courage them, with the aid of fome Britim 
 fettlers on the river Ohio, to penetrate the 
 back country, and diftrefs the borders of Vir- 
 ginia. But fortunately, Connolly was arrefted 
 in his career, and with his accomplices taken 
 and imprifoned on his advance through Mary- 
 land ; his papers were feized, and a full dif- 
 clofure of the cruel deligns of his employers 
 fent forward to congrefs. 
 
 By the indifcreet conduct of lord Dunmore, 
 the ferments in Virginia daily increafed. All 
 refpect towards the governor was loft, and his 
 lady terrified by continual tumult left the 
 palace, and took fanchiary on board one of the 
 king's mips. After much altercation and dif- 
 pute, with every thing irritating on the one 
 iide, and no marks of fubmiilion on the other, 
 his lordmip left his feat, and with his family 
 and a few loyalifts Retired on board the Fowey 
 man of war, where his lady in great anxiety 
 had refided many days.* There he found fome 
 
 * Lady Dunmore foon after took pafTage for England. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 203 
 
 of the moft criminal of his partizans had refort. CHAP. vi. 
 ed before he quitted the government ; with 
 thefe and fome banditti that had taken Shelter 
 in a considerable number of veflels under his 
 lordfhip's command, and the ailiftance of a few 
 run-away negroes, he carried on a kind of pre- 
 datory war on the colony for feveral months. 
 The burning of Norfolk, the beft town in the 
 territory of Virginia, completed his difgraceful 
 campaign.* 
 
 The administration of lord William Camp* 
 bel, and Mr. Martin, the governors of the two 
 Carolinas, had no distinguished trait from that 
 of moft of the other colonial governors. They 
 held up the fupreme authority of parliament in 
 the fame high flyle of dignity, and announced 
 the refentment of affronted majefty, and the fe- 
 vere punilhment that would be inflicted on con- 
 grefles, conventions and committees, and the 
 miferable Situation to which the people of Amer- 
 ica would be reduced, if they continued to ad- 
 here to the faftioifs demagogues of party. With 
 the fame fpirit and cruel policy that inftigated 
 lord Dunmore, they carried on their negocia- 
 tions with the Indians, and encouraged the 
 Snfurrections of the negroes, until all harmony 
 
 * -See Appendix, Note, No. XII. relative to Virginia, 
 It has been afTerted by fome that the inhabitants them- 
 felves affifted in the conflagration of Norfolk, to prevent 
 lord Dunmore's retaining it as a place of arms. 
 
204- THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vi. and confidence were totally deilroyed between 
 * ~ themfelves and the people, who fupported their 
 own meafures for defence in the higheft tone 
 of freedom and independence. Both the gov- 
 ernors of North and South Carolina foon began 
 to be apprehenfive of the effects of public re- 
 fentment, and about this time thought it necef- 
 fary for their own fafety to repair on board the 
 king's flups, though their language and manners 
 had not been equally ram and abufive with that 
 of the governor of Virginia. 
 
 Henry Laurens, Efq. was prefident of the 
 provincial congrefs of South Carolina at this 
 period ; whofe uniform virtue and indepen- 
 dence of ipirit, we mail fee confpicuouily dif- 
 played hereafter on many other trying occafions, 
 It was not long after the prefent period, when 
 he wrote to a friend and obferved, that " he 
 meant to finiih his peregrinations in this world, 
 by a journey through the United States ; then 
 to retire and learn to die." But he had this 
 important leffon to learn in the ordeal of afflic- 
 tion and difappointment, that he feverely ex- 
 perienced in his public life and domeftic for- 
 rows, which he bore with that firmnefs and 
 equanimity, which ever dignifies great and good 
 characters. 
 
 Sir Robert Eden, governor of Maryland, a 
 rnan of focial manners, jovial temper, and hu- 
 rnajie difpoiition, had been more difpofed to 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 205 
 
 Jenity and forbearance, than any of the great 
 officers in the American department. But fo 
 high wrought was the oppofition to Britilh 
 authority, and the jealoufies entertained of all 
 magiftrates appointed by the crown, that it was 
 not long after the departure of the neighbouring 
 governors, before he was ordered by congrefs 
 to quit his government, and repair to England. 
 He was obliged to comply, though with much 
 reluctance. He had been in danger of very 
 rough ufage before his departure, from general 
 Lee, who had intercepted a confidential letter 
 from lord George Germaine to governor Eden. 
 Lee threatened to feize and confine him, but by 
 the interference of the committee of fafety, and 
 fome military officers at Annapolis, the order 
 was not executed. They thought it wrong to 
 confider him as refponfible for the fentiments 
 contained in the letters of his correfpondents ; 
 and only defired Mr, Eden to give his word of 
 honor, that he would not leave the province 
 before the meeting of a general congrefs of that 
 ftate ; nor did they fuffer him to be farther mo- 
 lefted. He was permitted quietly to take leave 
 of his friends and his province, after he had 
 received the order of the continental congrefs 
 for his departure ; and in hopes of returning in 
 more tranquil times, he left his property behind 
 him, and failed for England in the fummer, one 
 thoufand feven hundred and feventy-fix.* 
 
 * See the conduft relative to fir Robert Eden, and the 
 traniaftioiis between the fouthern governors and the peo* 
 
206 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vr. The influence of fir James Wright the gov* 
 
 77 crnor of Georgia, prevented that ftate from 
 acceding to the meafure of a general con- 
 grefs, in one thoufand feven hundred and 
 feventy-four. Yet the people at large were 
 equally difaffected, and loon after, in an ad- 
 drefs to his excellency, acknowledged them- 
 felves the only link in the great American 
 chain, that had not publicly united with the 
 other colonies in their oppofition to the claims 
 of parliament. They called a provincial con- 
 grefs, who refolved in the name of their con-. 
 ftituents, that they would receive no merchan- 
 dize whatever from Great Britain or Ireland 
 after the feventh day of July, one thoufand, 
 feven hundred and feventy-five ; that they ful- 
 ly approved and adopted the American decla- 
 ration and bill of rights, publilhed by the late 
 continental congrefs ; that they mould now 
 join with the other colonies, choofe delegates to 
 meet in general congrefs ; and that they meant 
 invariably to adhere to the public caufe, and 
 that they would no longer lie under the fufpi- 
 cion of being unconcerned for the rights ancj 
 freedom of America, 
 
 Indeed the torch of war feemed already to 
 have reached the moft diftant corner of the con- 
 pie, this year, at large in the Britifli Remembrancer, which 
 is here anticipated to prevent interrupting the narration by 
 any further detail of general Lee's tranfaclions in Mary- 
 land relative to governor Eden, 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION* 207 
 
 tinent, the flame had fpread and penetrated to 
 the laft province in America held by Great 
 Britain, and a way opened to the gates of Que- 
 bec, before adminiftration had dreamed of the 
 fmalleft danger in that quarter. Soon after the 
 action at Lexington, a number of enterprifing 
 young men, principally from Connecticut, pro- 
 pofed to each other a fudden march towards 
 the lakes, and a bold attempt to furprize Ti- 
 conderoga, garrifoned by the king's troops. 
 Thefe young adventurers applied to governor 
 Trumbull, and obtained leave of the aflembly 
 of Connecticut to purfue their project ; and fo 
 fecretly, judicioufly, and rapidly was the expe- 
 dition conducted, that they entered the gam- + 
 fon, and faluted the principal officer as their 
 prifoner, before he had any reafon to apprehend 
 an enemy was near.* This enterprife was 
 conducted by the colonels Eafton, Arnold, and 
 Allen ; the invaders pofleffed themfelves of a 
 confiderable number of brafs and iron cannon, 
 and many warlike ftores, without fuffering any 
 lofs of life. 
 
 It had been proved beyond a doubt that the 
 Britifh government had fpared no pains to en- 
 courage the inroads of the favages ; of confe- 
 quence this coup de main was deemed a very me- 
 
 * On the furprife of Ticonderoga, the commanding of- 
 ficer there inquired by whofe authority this was done ? 
 Colonel Allen replied, " I demand your furrender in the 
 name of the great Jehovah and of the continental congrefs." 
 
20$ THE RISE AND PROGRESS Ofr 
 
 CHAP. vi. ritorious and important ftep. Ticonderoga 
 commanded all the pafies between Canada and 
 the other provinces. The pofleffion of this im- 
 portant fortrefs on the lake Champlain, in a 
 great meafure fecured the frontiers from the 
 incuriions of the favages, who had been excited 
 by the cruel policy of Britain to war, which, by 
 thefe ferocious nations, is ever carried on by 
 modes at which humanity fhudders, and civiliz- 
 ation blufhes to avow.* 
 
 Thus was the fword brandifhed through the 
 land, and hung fufpended from cruel execution 
 of all the evils attendant on a ftate of civil con- 
 vulfion, only by the faint hope, that the fove- 
 reign of Britain might yet be foftened to hold 
 out the olive-branch in one hand, and a redrefs 
 of grievances in the other. But every pacific 
 hope was reverfed, and all profpect of the refto- 
 ration of harmony annihilated early in the fum- 
 mer, by the arrival of a large reinforcement at 
 Bofton, commanded by three general officers of 
 high consideration. 
 
 All former delufive expectations now extiiv 
 guifhed, both the ftatefman and the peafant, 
 actuated by the feelings of the man and the pat- 
 riot, difcovered a moft unconquerable magna- 
 
 * A few months after this expedition, colonel Allen ex- 
 perienced a reverfe of fortune, by falling into the hands of 
 the Britifh near Montreal, was loaded with irons, and im 
 mediately fent to England. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 209 
 
 nimity of fpirit. Undifmayed by the neceffity 
 of an appeal to the fword, though unprovided 
 with fufficient refources for fo arduous a con- 
 flict, they animated each other to fuftain it, if 
 neceflary, until they mould leave their foes on- 
 ly a depopulated foil, if victory fliould declare 
 in their favor. Nature revolts at the idea, 
 when the poniard is pufhed by defpair ; yet 
 preferring death to thraldom, the Americans 
 were every where decifive in council, and de- 
 termined in action. There appeared that kind 
 of enthufiafm, which fets danger at defiance, 
 and impels the manly arm to reiift, till the 
 warm current that plays round the heart, is 
 poured out as a libation at the fhrine of freedom. 
 
 On the other hand, the fears of the depend- 
 ents on the crown were diflipated by the aug- 
 mentation of the Britifli army, their hopes in- 
 vigorated, and every artifice ufed, to fpread ter 
 ror and difmay among the people. The turpi- 
 tude of rebellion, and the dread confequences 
 of defeat, were painted in the moft gloomy 
 colours ; the merits and the abilities of the 
 principal officers extolled, their diftinguifhed 
 names and characters enhanced, and every 
 thing circulated that might tend to weaken the 
 refolution of the people. 
 
 It was faid, general Burgoyne commanded a 
 fquadron of light-horfe, which was to fcour die 
 VOL. i. 2....e 
 
21O THE RISE .AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. VF. country, and pick up the leading infurgents in 
 every quarter. The capacity, bravery, and vir- 
 tues of general Clinton were every where an- 
 nounced by the votaries of adminiftration ; and 
 the name of Howe was at that time, at once re- 
 vered, beloved, and dreaded in America. A 
 monumental tribute of applaufe had been rear- 
 ed in honor of one brother, who had fallen in 
 that country in the late war between Great 
 Britain and France ; and the gratitude of the 
 people had excited a predilection in favor of 
 the other, and indeed of every branch of that 
 family. But this partiality was foon fucceeded 
 by an univerfal difguft towards the two fur- 
 viving brothers, lord and general Howe, who 
 undertook the conqueft of America ; a project 
 held reproachful, and which would have reflect- 
 ed difhonor on the perpetrators, even had it 
 been crowned with fuccefs. 
 
 In the beginning of June, one thoufand feven 
 hundred and feventy-five, general Gage 
 thought proper to act a more decided part than 
 he had hitherto done. He publifhed a procla- 
 mation, denouncing martial law in all its rigors 
 againft any one who mould fupply, conceal, or 
 correfpond with, any of thofe he was pleafed to 
 itigmatize by the epithets of traitors^ rebels, 
 or Infurgents. But as an act of grace, he offer- 
 ed pardon in the king's name to all who mould 
 lay ddwn their arms and fubmit to mercy, only 
 excluding by name* Samuel Adams and 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION- 211 
 
 John Hancock ; lie alleged that their crimes 
 were of too flagitious a nature to hope for par- 
 don. 
 
 This profcription difcovered the little knowl- 
 edge which general Gage then pofleffed of the 
 temper of the times, the difpofition of the people 
 at large, or the character of individuals. His 
 difcrimination, rather accidental than judicious, 
 fet thefe two gentlemen in the moft confpicuous 
 point of view, and drew the particular atten- 
 tion of the whole continent to their names, 
 diflinguifhed from many of their compeers, 
 more by this tingle circumftance, than by fu- 
 perior ability or exertion. By this they be- 
 came at once the favorites of popularity, and 
 the objects of general applaufe, which at that 
 time would have been the fortune of any one, 
 honored by fuch a mark of difapprobation of 
 the Britifh commander in chief. 
 
 Mr. Adams was a gentleman of a good edu- 
 cation, a decent family, but no fortune. Early 
 nurtured in the principles of civil and religious 
 liberty, he poflefled a quick underftanding, a 
 cool head, ftern manners, a fmooth addrefs, and 
 a Roman-like firmnefs, united with that fagaci- 
 ty and penetration that would have made a 
 figure in a conclave. He was at the fame time 
 liberal in opinion, and uniformly devout ; focial 
 with men of all denominations, grave in de- 
 portment ; placid, yet fever e ; fober and inde- 
 
212 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vi. fatigable ; calm in feafons of difficulty, tran- 
 quil and unruffled in the vortex of political al- 
 tercation ; too firm to be intimidated, too 
 haughty for condefcenfion, his mind was re- 
 plete with refources that diffipated fear, and 
 extricated in the greateft emergencies. Thus 
 qualified, he ftood forth early, and continued 
 firm, through the great ftruggle, and may juftly 
 claim a large mare of honor, due to that fpirit 
 of energy which oppofed the meafures of admin- 
 iftration, and produced the independence of 
 America. Through a long life he exhibited on 
 all occaiions, an example of patriotifm, religion, 
 and virtue honorary to the human character. 
 
 Mr. Hancock was a young gentleman of for- 
 tune, of more external accomplifhments than 
 real abilities. He was polite in manners, eafy 
 in addrefs, affable, civil, and liberal. With thefe 
 accomplimments, he was capricious, fanguine, 
 and implacable : naturally generous, he was 
 profufe in expenfe ; he fcattered largeffes with- 
 out difcretion, and pur chafed favors by the 
 wafte of wealth, until he reached the ultima- 
 tum of his wifhes, which centered in the focus 
 of popular applaufe. He enlifled early in the 
 caufe of his country, at the inftigation of fome 
 gentlemen of penetration, who thought his am- 
 ple fortune might give confideration, while his 
 ficklenefs could not injure, fo long as he was un- 
 der the influence of men of fuperior judgment. 
 They complimented him by nominations to com- 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 213 
 
 mittees of importance, till he plunged too far to CHAP. vi. 
 recede ; and flattered by ideas of his own con- 
 fequence, he had taken a decided part before 
 the battle of Lexington, and was prefident of 
 the provincial congrefs, when that event took 
 place. 
 
 By the appearance of zeal, added to a certain 
 alacrity of engaging in any public department, 
 Mr. Hancock was influential in keeping up the 
 tide of oppoiition ; and by a concurrence of 
 fortuitous circumftances, among which this pro- 
 fcription was the moft capital, he reached the 
 fummit of popularity, which raifed him after- 
 wards to the moft elevated ftations, and very 
 fortunately he had the honor of affixing his 
 iignature as prefident, to many of the fubfe- 
 quent proceedings of the continental congrefs, 
 which will ever hold an illuftrious rank in the 
 page of hiftory. 
 
 Mr. Hancock had repaired to Philadelphia., 
 to take his feat in congrefs, immediately after 
 he made his efcape from Lexington. Part of 
 the objeft of the excurfion of the eighteenth of 
 April, was the capture of him and Mr. Adams; 
 they were both particularly inquired for, and 
 the houfe in which they lodged furrounded by 
 the king's troops, the moment after thefe gen- 
 tlemen had retreated half-naked. Had they 
 been found, they would undoubtedly have been 
 fhut up in Bofton, if nothing more fatal had 
 
214 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. V I. 
 
 been inflicted, inftead of being left at liberty 
 77 to purfue a political career that will tranfmit 
 their names with applaufe to pofterity. 
 
 The abfence of the late worthy prefident of 
 congrefs, Mr. Randolph, and the arrival of Mr. 
 Hancock at Philadelphia, at the fortunate mo- 
 ment when the enthuliafin infpired by Gage's 
 proclamation was at the height, both concur- 
 red to promote his elevation. He was chofen 
 to prefide in the refpeclable aflembly of dele- 
 gates, avowedly on the fole principle of his hav- 
 ing been profcribed by general Gage. It was 
 uncouthly faid, by a member of congrefs, that 
 they would mew mother Britain how little 
 they cared for her, by chooiing a Maffachu- 
 fetts man for their prefident, who had been 
 recently excluded from pardon by public pro- 
 <c clamation." The choice was fuddenly made, 
 and with rather too much levity for the times, 
 or for the dignity of the office. Mr. Hancock's 
 modefty prompted him for a moment to hefitate 
 on the unexpected event, as if diffident of his 
 own qualifications ; when one of the mem- 
 bers,* of a more robuft conftitution, and lefs 
 delicacy of manners, took him in his arms, and 
 placed him in the presidential chair, 
 
 * A Mr. Harrifon, from Virginia, the fame who made 
 the above fpeech. Thefe circumftances were verbally de- 
 tailed to the author of thefe annals by a refpeftable mem- 
 ber of congrefs then "prefent. 
 
 " 
 
 " 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 215 
 
 This fudden elevation might place the for- CHAP. vi. 
 tunate candidate in a iimilar fituation with the 
 celebrated pope Ganganelli, who obferved of 
 himfelf, that after putting on the triple crown, 
 he often felt his own pulfe, to fee if he was the 
 fame identical perfon he was a few years be- 
 fore. Mr. Hancock continued in the prefiden- 
 tial chair until October, one thoufand feven 
 hundred and feventy-nine, when he took a 
 formal leave of congrefs, and never again re- 
 joined that refpeclable body. His time however 
 was fully occupied in his own ftate in the vari- 
 ous employments, to which he was called by a 
 majority of voices in the Mafllichufetts, where 
 his popular talents had a commanding influence, 
 during the refidue of his life.* But in the 
 progrefs of the revolution, feveral men of lefs 
 confequence than Mr. Hancock, and far inferior 
 claims to patriotifm, were raifed to the fame 
 dignified ftation. 
 
 In the effervefcence of popular commotions, 
 it is not uncommon to fee the favorites of for- 
 tune elevated to the pinnacle of rank by trivial 
 circumftances, that appear the refult of acci- 
 dent. 
 
 Thofe who mark the changes and the progrefs 
 of events through all revolutions, will frequent- 
 ly fee diftinclions beftowed, where there are no 
 
 See Appendix, Note, No. XIII. 
 
216 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 commanding talents, and honors retained, more 
 
 from the ftrong influence of popular enthu- 
 fiafrn, than from the guidance of reafon, which 
 operates too little on the generality of man- 
 kind. 
 
 It may be obferved, that public commotions 
 in human affairs, like the Ihocks of nature, 
 convulfe the whole fyflem, and level the lofty 
 mountains, which have arifen for ages above the 
 clouds, beneath the vallies ; while the hillock, 
 unnoticed before, is raifed to a pitch of eleva- 
 tion, that renders it a land-mark for the eye of 
 the weary feaman to reft upon. 
 
 All revolutions evince the truth of tfie ob- 
 fervation of a writer, that " Many men great 
 " in title, have the fpirit of flaves, many low in 
 " fortune, have great fpirits, many a Cicero 
 " has kept fheep, many a Caefar followed the 
 " plough, many a Virgil folded cattle."* 
 
 The fudden rotations in human affairs are 
 wifely permitted by Providence, to remind 
 mankind of their natural equality, to check 
 the pride of wealth, to reftrain the infolence of 
 rank and family diftin&ions, which too fre- 
 quently opprefs the various claffes in fociety. 
 
 The late proclamation of general Gage was 
 confidered as a prelude to immediate a&ion, 
 
 * Sir Francis O/borne's Memoirs. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 21? 
 
 and from all intelligence that could be obtained CHAP, vi. 
 from the town, there appeared the ftrongeft ^_ 
 reafon to expect a fecond fally from the troops 
 lying in Bofton, Uncertain on which fide the 
 florin would begin, the provincials thought it 
 neceffary to guard againft furprife, by fortifying 
 on both fides of the town, in the beft manner 
 they were able. They threw up fome flight 
 entrenchments at Roxbury, and feveral other 
 places on the fouth fide of Boflon ; at the fame 
 time, on the night of the fixteenth of June, 
 they began fome works at the extreme part of 
 a peninfula at the north, running from Charlef- 
 town to the river, which feparates that town 
 from Bofton. They executed this bufinefs with 
 fuch fecrecy and difpatch, that the officers of a 
 fhip of war then in the river, expreflfed their af- 
 tonifhment in the morning, when they faw 
 fome confiderable works reared and fortified in 
 the compafs of a few hours, where, from the 
 contiguous fituation,* they leaft expected the 
 Americans would look them in the face. 
 
 The alarm was immediately given, and or- 
 ders ilfued, that a continual fire mould be kep& 
 
 * Thefe works were erected on Breed's hill. This was 
 the fpot that 09(1 tbe Britiih army fo dear through the glo- 
 rious action of that cfay, generally ftyled the battle of Bunker 
 hill. After the Americans retreated, the Britifh left Breed's 
 hill, took their ftand, and ftrongly fortified Bunker hill, 
 about a fourth of a mile diftant. Thus has the name of 
 the place of action been frequently confounded. 
 VOL. I. 2....D 
 
21 8 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vi. playing upon the imfmifhed works, from the 
 ihips, the floating batteries in the river, and a 
 fortified hill on the other fide ; but with unpar- 
 ralleled perfeverance, the Americans continued 
 to flrengthen their entrenchments, without re- 
 turning a fhot until near noon, when the Brit- 
 ifh army, confuting of ten companies of grena- 
 diers, four battalions of infantry, and a heavy 
 train of artillery, advanced under the command 
 of general Pigot and major general Howe. A 
 fevere engagement enfued : many men and fev- 
 eral brave officers of the royal army fell on the 
 firft fire of the Americans. This unexpected 
 falute threw them into fome confufion ; but by 
 the firmnefs of general Howe, and the timely 
 afliftance of general Clinton, w r ho, with a frefli 
 detachment arrived in feafon, the troops were 
 immediately rallied, and brought to the charge 
 with redoubled fury. They mounted the ram- 
 parts with fixed bayonets, and notwithstanding 
 the mofl heroic refiilance, they foori made 
 themfelves mafters of the difputed hill. 
 
 Overpowered by numbers, and exhaufted by 
 the fatigue of the preceding night, and all hope 
 of reinforcement cut off by the incefTant fire of 
 the mips acrofs a neck of land that feparated 
 them from the country, the provincials were 
 obliged to retreat, and leave the ground to the 
 Britim troops. Many of their moft experienced 
 officers acknowledged the valor of their oppo- 
 nents ; and that in proportion to the forces en- 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 
 
 gaged, there had been few actions in which the 
 military renown of Britifh troops had been 
 more feverely tried. Their chagrin was mani- 
 feft, that the bravery of Britifli foldiers, which 
 had been often iignalized in the nobleft feats of 
 valor, mould be thus refitted ; that they mould 
 be galled, wounded, and flaughtered, by an 
 handful of cottagers, as they termed them, under 
 officers of little military fkill, and lefs experi- 
 ence, whom they had affected to hold in ineffa- 
 ble contempt. 
 
 There is a certain point of military honor, I I 
 that often urges againft the feelings of human- 
 ity, to dip the fword in blood. Thus, from the , 
 early maxims of implicit obedience, the firil 
 principle of military education, many men of 
 real merit hazarded fortune, life, and reputa- 
 tion, in the inglorious work of devaftation and 
 ruin, through the fields and villages of America. 
 Yet fuch was the reluctance (hewn by fome to 
 engage with fpirit in the difagreeable enterprife 
 of this day, that their officers were obliged to 
 ufe the utmoft feverity towards them, to ftimu- 
 late others to perfevere. The town of Charlef- 
 town was reduced to afhes by the fire of the 
 {hipping, while the land forces were ftprming 
 the hills. Thus, in concert, was this iieurifh- 
 ing and compact town deilroyed, in the moft 
 wanton difplay of power. There were about 
 four hundred dwelling-houfes in the centre of 
 Charleftown, which, with the out-houfes adja- 
 
220 THE RISE AND' PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vi. cent, and many buildings in the fuburbs, were 
 alib funk in the conflagration. The fate of 
 this unfortunate town was beheld with folem- 
 nity and regret, by many even of thole who 
 were not favorably difpofed to the liberties of 
 the weftern world. The ingratitude which 
 marked the tranfaction aggravated the guilty 
 deed. We have recently feen the inhabitants 
 of that place, prompted by humanity, opening 
 their doors for the relief, and pouring balm in- 
 to the wounds, of the routed corps on the nine- 
 teenth of April. This in the eye of juftice muft 
 enhance the atrocity, and forever ftigmatize the 
 ingratitude, which ib foon after wrapped the 
 town in flames, and lent out the naked inhabit- 
 ants, the prey of poverty and defpair. 
 
 There are few things which place the pride 
 of man in a more confpicuous point of view, 
 than the advantages claimed in all military ren- 
 contres that are not deciiive. Thus, though 
 at the expenfe of many lives, and the lofs of 
 fome of their braveft officers, the Britifh army 
 exulted much in becoming matters of an unfin- 
 iihed entrenchment, and driving the Americans 
 from their advanced poft. Upwards of one 
 thoufand men, including the wounded, fell in 
 this action on the royal fide. Among the flain 
 was lieutenant colonel Abercrombie, an officer 
 much efteemed by his friends and his country, 
 and a major Pitcairn, a gentleman of fo much 
 merit, that his fall was lamented even by his 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 22] 
 
 enemies. His valor on this occafion would CHAP - VI - 
 have reflected glory on his memory, had it been 
 iignalized in a more honorable caufe.* 
 
 While tl^is tragedy was acting on the other 
 fide of the Charles river, the terror and con- 
 fternation of the town of Bofton are fcarcely de- 
 fcribable. In the utmoft anxiety, they beheld 
 the fcene from the eminences. Appreheniive 
 for themfelves, and trembling for their friends 
 engaged in the bloody conflict, they were not 
 lefs affected by the hideous flirieks of the wo- 
 men and children connected with the king's 
 troops, who beheld their hufbands, their friends, 
 and relations, wounded, mangled, and flain, 
 ferried over the river in boatloads, from the 
 field of carnage. 
 
 On the other fide, though the Americans 
 were obliged to quit the field with very confid- 
 erable lols, yet they gloried in the honor they 
 had this day acquired by arms. They retired 
 only one mile from the fcene of action, where 
 they took pofl eflion of an advantageous height, 
 and threw up new works on Profpect hill, with 
 the enthufiafm of men determined to be free* 
 
 * It may be obferved, that his zeal in the caufe in which 
 he was engaged, had hurried htm previous to this aclion 
 to feme fteps that could not eafily be forgiven by Ameri- 
 cans, particularly by thofe who believed him to have been 
 tl^c officer, who firft gave the order for the king's troops to 
 fire on the militia a'Tembling at Lexington, on their appear* 
 
222 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vr. They foon environed the town of Bofton on all 
 77 fides with military parade, and though they 
 wept the fall of many brave men, they bade 
 a daily challenge to their enemies. 
 
 But a cloud was caft over every face by the 
 death of the intrepid major general Jofeph War- 
 ren, who, to the inexpreflible grief of his coun- 
 trymen, loft his life in the memorable action 
 ufually ftyled the battle of Bunker hill. He fell 
 covered with laurels, choofmg rather to die in 
 the field, than to grace the victory of his foes 
 by the triumph they would have enjoyed in his 
 imprifonment. He had been chofen prefident 
 of the provincial congrefs, when Mr. Hancock 
 repaired to Philadelphia, and was an active vol- 
 unteer in feveral fkirmiflies that had taken place 
 fince the commencement of hoftilities, which in 
 the minds of his enemies would have fanction- 
 ed the fevereft indignities their refentment 
 might have dictated, had he fallen into their 
 hands at this early period of the war. 
 
 This gentleman had been appointed a major 
 general only four days previous to the late ac- 
 tion : he was educated in the medical line, and 
 was much refpected for his profefiional as well 
 as his political abilities. He pofTefled a clear un- 
 derftanding, a ftrong mind, a difpoiition hu- 
 mane and generous, with manners eafy, affable, 
 and engaging ; but zealous, a6tive, and fan- 
 guine, in the caufe of his opprefled country, it 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 223 
 
 is to be lamented, that he rather incautioufly 
 courted the pofl of danger, and rufhed precip- 
 itately on his fate, while more important oc- 
 caiions required his paying fome regard to per- 
 fonal fafety. Yet, if the love of fame is the 
 ftrongeft paflion of the mind, and human nature 
 pants for diftinclion in the flowery field, per- 
 haps there was never a moment of more un- 
 fading glory, offered to the wiflies of the brave, 
 than that which marked the exit of this heroic 
 officer. 
 
 He was the firft victim of rank that fell by the 
 fword in the conteft between Great Britain and A- 
 merica : and the conflagration of Char left own, 
 enkindled by the wanton barbarity of his enemies, 
 lighted his manes to the grave. Thefe circunv- 
 ftances enfure a record in every hiftorical annal, 
 while his memory will be revered by every lo- 
 ver of his country, and the name of Warren 
 will be enrolled at the head of that band of pat- 
 riots and heroes, who facrificed their lives to 
 purchafe the independence of America. 
 
 After the late adion, the Britifli troops ap- 
 peared to be in no condition for further opera- 
 tions ; weakened by the fevere engagement 
 near Bunker hill, fickly in the camp, and dif- 
 heartened by unexpected bravery, where they 
 had feared no refiftance ; ftraitencd for provi- 
 fions, and deftitute of forage, except what was 
 piratically plundered from the neighbouring 
 
224 THE RISL AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vi. fhores, they kept themfelves {hut up in Bofton 
 "-j ,.,.,. the remainder of the fummer. Here they con- 
 tinued in fo quiet a manner, that had they not 
 fometimes for their own amufement faluted the 
 country with the found of a ufelefs cannon- 
 ade, or the burfting of a mell, the people might 
 have forgotten, that the monarch of Britain 
 had feveral thoufand foldiers cooped up within 
 the walls of a city that ftill acknowledged him 
 as their fovereign. The inhabitants of the 
 town were held in durefs, but their military 
 mafters did not prefume to enlarge their own 
 quarters. 
 
 While this interefting fcene had been acting 
 in the field, the congrefs of the Maflachufetts 
 had fent on to Philadelphia for the opinion 
 of the united delegates relative to their aflump- 
 tion of a regular form of government. Articles 
 of confederation had been agreed to in general 
 congrefs, in which a recapitulation of grievan- 
 ces, and the reafons for taking up arms were 
 fubjoined in terms little fhort of a declaration 
 of war. Thefe had been publimed in May, 
 one thoufand feven hundred and feventy-five ; 
 but their ratification by legiflative bodies, or 
 provincial congreiles, had not yet generally 
 taken place. But as the independence of Ame- 
 rica was not yet formally declared, it was in 
 contemplation with many members of congrefs, 
 as well as others of equal judgment, that 
 when all fhould be convinced, that the breach 
 
TrfE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 
 
 between the two countries was totally irrecon- CHAP, 
 cileable, that the fame modes of legiiiation and _^ 
 government fhould be adopted in all the colo- 
 nies. It was then thought that a fimilarity of 
 manners, police, and government, throughout 
 the continent, would cement the union, and 
 might iupport the fovereignty of each individu- 
 al ihite, while yet, for general purpofes, all 
 ffiould be in fubordination to the congreflional 
 head. 
 
 An elegant writer has obferved, that it is no 
 eafy matter to render the union of independent 
 flates perfect and entire, unlefs the genius and 
 forms of their refpective governments are in 
 fome degree fimilar. The judicious body aflem- 
 bled at Philadelphia were fully convinced of 
 this ; they were not infeniible that a number of 
 dates, under different conftitutions, and various 
 modes of government and civil police, each reg- 
 ulated by their own municipal laws, would foon 
 be fwayed by local interefts that might create 
 irreconcileable feuds tending to disjoint the 
 whole.* It was therefore judged beft$ to re- 
 
 * Congrefs had about this time adopted the refolution 
 to advtfe each of the colonies explicitly to renounce the 
 government of Great Britain, and to form conftitutions of 
 government for themfelves, adequate to their exigencies, 
 and agreeable to their own modes of thinking, where any 
 variation of fentiment prevailed. This was a<5ted upon, 
 and a reprefentative government, confiftingof one or more 
 branches, was adopted in each colony. 
 VOL. I. 2....E 
 
THE RISE AND PROGRESS O* 
 
 commend to the Maffachufetts, the refumptioi* 
 of a regular form of government in the pre- 
 fent exigence, on the plan of the old charter of 
 William and Mary, which gave authority to 
 the majority of counfellors, chofen by an houfe 
 of reprefentatives, to exercife all governmental 
 acts, as if the governor was really abfent or 
 dead* 
 
 On this recommendation, James Warren, Efq, 
 prefident of the provincial congrefs, by their 
 authority, ilTued writs in his own name, requir- 
 ing the freeholders in every town to convene, 
 and elect their reprefentatives, to meet at Wa- 
 tertown on the twentieth of July, one thou- 
 fand feven hundred and feventy-five. This 
 fummons was readily obeyed, and a full houfe 
 appeared at the time and place appointed ; the 
 late preiident of the provincial congrefs was 
 unanimouily chofen fpeaker of the new houfe. 
 Regardlefs of the vacant chair, they fele&ed a 
 council, and the two branches proceeded to le- 
 giflation and the internal police of the province, 
 as ufually had been the practice in the abfence, 
 of the governor and lieutenant governor.* 
 
 Thus, after living for more than twelve 
 months without any legal government, with- 
 out law, and without any regular adminiftra- 
 tion of juftice, but what arofe from the inter- 
 nal fenfe of moral obligation, which is feldom a 
 
 * See Appendix, Note, No. XIV. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 22? 
 
 fufficient reflraint on the people at large, the j CHAP. vi. 
 Maflachufetts returned peaceably to the regular ; ZIT" 
 and necefTary fubordination of civil fociety. 
 Reduced nearly to a Hate of nature with regard j 
 to all civil or authoritative ties, it is almoft in- 
 credible, that the principles of rectitude and 
 common juftice mould have been fo generally 
 influential. For, fuch is the reillefs and hoftile 
 difpolition of man, that it will not fufFer him to 
 remain long in a ftate of repofe, whether on the 
 fummit of human glory, or reclined on his own 
 native turf, when probable contingencies prom- 
 ife him the acquisition of either wealth or fame. 
 From the wants, the weaknefs, and the ferocity 
 of human nature, mankind cannot fubfift long 
 in fociety, without fome ftable fyftem of coer- 
 cive power. Yet amidft the complicated diffi- 
 culties with which they were furrounded, the 
 horrors of anarchy were far from prevailing in I 
 the province' : vice feemed to be abafhed by 
 the examples of moderation, difintereftednefs, 
 and generofity, exhibited by many of the pa- 
 triotic leaders of prefent meafures. 
 
 It has been obferved already, that not a drop 
 of blood had ever been fpih by the people in 
 any of the commotions preceding the com- 
 mencement of war, and that the fear of popular 
 sefentment was undoubtedly a guard on the 
 con4m& of fome individuals. Others, check- 
 ed by the frowns of public virtue, crimes of 
 an atrocious nature had feldom been perpetrat- 
 ed : all claffes feemed to be awed by the mag- 
 
228 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. n. nitude of the objects before them ; private dif 
 " ' . putes were amicably adjufted or poflponed, un- 
 til time and events fliould give the opportunity 
 of legal decifion, or render the claims of in- 
 dividuals of little confcquence, by their being 
 ingulfed in the torrent of defpotifrn, general- 
 ly poured out by the conqueror, who fights 
 for the cftablifhment of uncontrolled power. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 229 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 A Continental Army Mr. Washington appointed to the 
 Command. General Gage recalled fucceedecl by Sir 
 William Howe. Depredations on the Sea Coaft Fal- 
 rnouth burnt. Canadian Affairs Death and Charafter 
 of General Montgomery. 
 
 r REEDOM, long hunted round the globe by 
 a fucceffion of tyrants, appeared at this period, 
 as if about to erect her ftandard in America ; 
 the fcimitar was drawn from principles, that 
 held life and property as a feather in the balance 
 againft the chains of fervitude that clanked in 
 her difgufted ear. The blood of innocence had 
 already crimlbned over the fields which had 
 teemed for the nourifhment of Britain, who, 
 inftead of liftening to the groans of an opprefied 
 country, had recently wrung out the tears of 
 anguifh, until the inhabitants of the plundered 
 towns were ready to quit the elegancies of life, 
 and take refuge in the foreft, to fecure the un- 
 impaired poilefilon of thofe privileges which 
 they confidered as a grant from heaven, that 
 no earthly potentate had a right to feize with 
 impunity. 
 
 The bulk of mankind have indeed, in all 
 countries in their turn, been made the prey of 
 ambitien. Jt is a truth that no one will con- 
 
23O THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vn. teft, though all may regret, that in proportion 
 1 J77( _ to the increafe of wealth, the improvement in 
 arts, and the refinements in fociety, the great 
 body of the people have either by force or 
 fraud, become the flaves of the few, w r ho by 
 chance, violence, or accident, have deftroyed 
 the natural equality of their aiTociates. Sanc^ 
 tioned by time and habit, an indefeafible right 
 has been claimed, that lets fo mifchievous a 
 creature as man above all law, and fubjecls the 
 lives of millions, to the rapacious will of an in- 
 i dividual, who, by the intoxicating nature of 
 power, foon forgets that there are any obliga- 
 tions due to the fubjecl, a reptile in his opinion, 
 made only for the drudgery neceflary to main- 
 tain the fplendor of government, and the fup- 
 port of prerogative. Every ftep taken by the 
 Britiih government, relative to the colonies, 
 confirmed this truth, taught them their dan- 
 ger, and evinced to the Americans the necef- 
 iity of guarding at all points, againft the affum- 
 ed jurifdiction of an aflembly of men, difpofed 
 to innovate continually on the rights of their 
 fellow fubje&s w r ho had no voice in parliament, 
 and whofe petitions did not reach, or h^d no 
 influence on the ear of the fovereign. 
 
 The fuccefs of the laft fupplicatory addrefs 
 offered to the parliament of Britain by the 
 United States, ftill hung in fufpenfe ; yet the 
 crifis appeared fo alarming, that it was thought 
 neceflary by many, to attend immediately to 
 the eftablifliment of a continental army on 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 231 
 
 forae ftable and refpectable footing. But there 
 were fome influential members in congrefs, who 
 dreaded the confequence of a ftep fo replete 
 with the appearance of hoftility, if not with 
 the avowed defign of independence ; they ob- 
 ferved, that fuch a meafure would be an inev- 
 itable bar to the reiloration of harmony. 
 
 Some, who had warmly oppofed the meafures 
 of adminiftration, and ably advocated the 
 rights of the colonies, were of this opinion. 
 The idea of dhTevering the empire, {hocked 
 their feelings ; they ftill ardently wifhed, both 
 from the principles of humanity, and what 
 they judged the foundeft policy, to continue if 
 poflible, the natural connexion with Britain. 
 Others of a more timid complexion, readily 
 united with thefe gentlemen, and urged, not- 
 withftanding the contempt poured on all for- 
 mer fupplications, that even, if their late peti- 
 tion mould be rejected, they mould yet make 
 one effort more for conciliation and relief, by 
 the hitherto fruitlefs mode of prayer and re- 
 monftrance. Men of more enlarged and com- 
 preheniive views, conlidered this propofal as 
 the fncffe of lhallow politicians, defigned only * 
 to prevent the organization of a continental 
 army. 
 
 The celebrated Machiavel, pronounced by 
 fome the prince of politicians, has obferved, 
 " that every ftate is in danger of diffolution, 
 " whofe government is not frequently reduced 
 
TEIE RISE AND PROGRESS Of 
 
 " to its original principles." The conduct of 
 the Britifh adminiftration towards the colonies, 
 the corruption of the government in every de- 
 partment, their deviations from firit principles, 
 and the enormous public debt of the nation, 
 evinced not only the necefiity of a reform in 
 parliament, but appeared to require fuch a ren- 
 ovation of the Britifh conftitution, as was not 
 likely foon to take place. Thus circum (lanced, 
 many thought it the intereft of America, to 
 dhTolve the connexion with fuch a govern- 
 ment, and were utterly oppofed to delay, or 
 any further application to the Britifh king or 
 parliament, by petition or cpnceffion. 
 
 After a long debate on the fubjecc, the laft 
 dcfcription of perfons were obliged reluctantly 
 to accede to a meafure which they thought 
 promifed nothing but delay or difgrace. By 
 k kind of neceflary compromife, a moft hum- 
 ble and loyal petition directly to the king of 
 Great Britain, was again agreed to by the dele- 
 gated powers of the United States. At the 
 fame time, it was ftipulated by all parties, that 
 military preparations mould be made, and an 
 army railed without farther hefitation. A de- 
 cided majority in congrefs, voted, that twen- 
 ty thoufand men mould be immediately equip- 
 ped and fupported at the expenfe of the United 
 States of America. The honorable William 
 Penn, late governor of Pennfylvania, was chofen 
 agent to the court of Britain, and directed to 
 
TIIE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 233 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 deliver the petition to the king himfelf, and to 
 endeavor by his perfonal influence, to pro- 
 cure a favorable reception to this laft addrefs. 1775. 
 
 The command of the army, by the unani- 
 mous voice of congrefs, was vefted in George 
 Wafhington, Efq. then a delegate from the State 
 of Virginia. He received this mark of confi- 
 dence, from his country, with becoming mod- 
 elly, and declined all compenfation for his fer- 
 vices, more than mould be fufficient to defray 
 his expenditures, for which he would regularly 
 account. 
 
 Mr. Wafhington was a gentleman of family 
 and fortune, of a polite, but not a learned 
 education ; he appeared to poffefs a coolnefs of 
 temper, and a degree of moderation and judg*- 
 ment, that qualified him for the elevated fta- 
 tion in which he was now placed ; with fome 
 confiderable knowledge of mankind, ti fup- 
 ported the referve of the ftatefman, with the 
 occafional affability of the courtier. In his 
 character was blended a certain dignity, united 
 with the appearance of good humour ; he pof- 
 feffed courage without rafhnefs, patriotifm and 
 zeal without acrimony, and retained with uni- 
 verfal applaufe the firft military command, un- 
 til the eftablifhment of independence. Through 
 the various changes of fortune in the fubfequent 
 conflict, though the flownefs of his movements 
 was cenfured by fome, his character fuffered lit- 
 tle diminution to the conclufion of a war, that 
 VOL. i. 2....F 
 
THE RISE AND PROGRESS OP 
 
 CHAP. vi. from the extraordinary exigencies of an infant, 
 republic, required at times, the caution of Fa- 
 bius, the energy of Cxfar, and the happy facili- 
 ty of expedient in diftrefs, fo remarkable in the 
 military operations of the illuftrious Frede- 
 rick.* With the firi! of thefe qualities, he was 
 endowed by nature ; the fecond was awakened 
 by neceffity ; and the third he acquired by ex- 
 perience in the field of glory and danger, which 
 extended his fame through half the globe. 
 
 In the late war between England and France, 
 Mr. Wafhington had been in feveral military 
 rencounters, and had particularly fignalized 
 himielf in the unfortunate expedition under 
 general Bracldock, in the wildernefs on the bor- 
 ders of the Ohio, in the year one thoufand fe- 
 ven hundred and fifty-five. His conduct on 
 that occafion raifed an eclat of his valor and 
 prudence; in confequence of which many young 
 gentlemen from all parts of the continent, al- 
 lured by the name of major Wafhington, volun- 
 tarily entered the fervice, proud of being en- 
 rolled in the lift of officers under one eileemed 
 fo gallant a commander. 
 
 General Wafhington arrived at the camp at 
 Cambridge in the neighbourhood of Bofton, 
 the beginning of July, one thoufand, feven hun- 
 
 * The late king of PrufTia, well known for this trait in 
 his character, by all who are acquainted with the hiftory 
 of his reign. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 235 
 
 dred and feventy-iive. He was accompanied 
 
 by feveral officers of diftin&ion from the fouth- 
 
 1TT5. 
 ern ftates, and by Charles Lee and Horatio 
 
 Gates, both natives of Great Britain, appointed 
 now to high rank in the American army. 
 There appeared much expectation from his abil- 
 ities, and a general fatisfa&ion in the appoint- 
 ment of Mr. Wafhington to the chief com- 
 mand. A congratulatory addrefs, exprefiive of 
 their efteem, with the ftrongeft aflurances of 
 their aid and fupport, to enable him to dif- 
 charge the duties of his arduous and exalted 
 ftation, was prefented him from the provincial 
 congrefs of Maflachufetts, through the hand of 
 their prefident, James Warren. To this gentle* 
 man, general Wafhington brought letters of 
 importance, and to him he was referred for ad- 
 vice by the delegates of the Maflachufetts, 
 as " a judicious, confidential friend, who would 
 " never deceive him." 
 
 In his reply to this addrefs, general Waming- 
 ton obferved, " That in leaving the enjoyments 
 " of domeftic life, he had only emulated the 
 " virtue and public fpirit of the whole province 
 " of MaiTachufetts Bay ; who with a firmnefs 
 " and patriotifm without example in hiftory, 
 " had facrificed the comforts of focial and pri- 
 " vate felicity, in fupport of the rights of man- 
 " kind, and the welfare of their country, 5 ' In- 
 deed all ranks were emulous to manifeft their 
 refpecl to the commander of the army. Multi- 
 
236 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vn. tudes flocked from every quarter to the Ameri- 
 can ftandard, and within a few weeks the envi- 
 rons of Bofton exhibited a brave and high fpi- 
 rited army, which formed to order, difcipline, 
 and fubordination, more rapidly than could have 
 been expected from their former habits. Fired 
 with an enthuiiafm arifing from a fenfe of the 
 juftice of their caufe ; ardent, healthy, and vig- 
 orous ; they were eager for action, and impa- 
 tient to be led to an attack on the town of Bof- 
 ton, where the Britim army was encamped. 
 But they were ftill ignorant that both private 
 and political adventurers, had been fo negligent 
 of their own and the public fafety, as to pay 
 little attention to the importation of powder, 
 arms, and other warlike ftores, previous to the 
 prohibition of Britain, reftricting the fhipment 
 of thofe articles to America, but for the imme* 
 diate ufe of the king's troops. 
 
 Thus when hoftilities commenced, and a war 
 was denounced againft the colonies, they had 
 innumerable difficulties to furmount. Several 
 of the moft formidable powers of Europe had 
 been invited by Britain to aid the cruel pur- 
 pofes of admiriiflration, either by the loan of 
 auxiliaries, or by a refuial of fupplies to the in- 
 fant dates, now itruggling alone againft a foe, 
 whofe power, pride and fuccefs, had often made 
 the nations tremble. On a retrofped: of the 
 . critical lituation of America, it is aflonifhing 
 * ihe did not fall at the threihold ; flie had new 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 237 
 
 governments to erect in the feveral ftates, her 
 legiflatures to form, and her civil police to reg- J ^ 
 ulate on untrodden ground. She -had her ar- 
 mies to eftablifti, and funds to provide for their 
 payment : me had her alliances to negociate, 
 new fources of trade to ftrike out, and a navy 
 to begin, while the thunder of Britain was 
 alarming her coafts, the favages threatening her 
 borders, and the troops of George the third, 
 with the fword uplifted, puihing their execrable 
 purpofe to exterminate the laft veftige of free- 
 dom. 
 
 But as Providence had led to the period of 
 
 independence, the powers of induftry and in- 
 
 vention were called forth. Not difcouraged 
 
 by the magnitude of the work, or the number- 
 
 lefs obftacles to the completion of their defign, 
 
 no difficulties damped the ardor and unanimi- 
 
 ty of their exertions, though for a time it ap- 
 
 peared, as if their magazines muft be furnimed 
 
 by the nitre from heaven, and the ore dug by 
 
 their own hands from the bowels of the earth. 
 
 The manufacture of falt-petre, at firft confider- 
 
 ed as the ideal project of fome enthufiaft for 
 
 freedom, was not only attempted, but became 
 
 the eafy occupation of women and children. 
 
 Large quantities were furnifhed from many 
 
 parts of America, and powder-mills were erect- 
 
 ed, which worked it with fuccefs. Sulphur, 
 
 lead, and iron ore, are the natural productions of 
 
 the country, and mountains of flint had recently 
 
238 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vii. been discovered and wrought for ufe. As nature 
 7 had thus furnifhed the materials, every hand 
 that was not engaged in arms was employed in 
 arts, with an alacrity and cheerfulnefs that dif- 
 covered a determination to be free. Precipi- 
 tated into a conflict that probably might light 
 half Europe in flames, the demand was too 
 great, and the procefs too flow, to rely entirely 
 on the efforts of genius and induftry. 
 
 When general Wafhington became fully ap- 
 prized of the aflonifhing deficiency in the arti- 
 cle of powder, having been led into a iniiappre- 
 henfion of the ftock on hand, by irregular re- 
 turns, his embarrafTment was great ; he imme- 
 diately applied for advice-to the fpeaker of the 
 houfe of reprefentatives, who judged that the 
 moft prompt meafures were indifpenfably necef- 
 fary. They agreed that the Beaker mould com- 
 municate the circumftance to a few members who 
 might be confidentially entrufted : the remit 
 was, that committees were immediately fent by 
 the affembly to many towns in the province, in 
 a cautious, guarded manner, to require the 
 ftocks of powder on hand in their feveral mag- 
 azines. This was expeditioufly effected, and 
 with little difficulty ; but the coflection was 
 very inadequate, yet fufficient to relieve the 
 anxiety of the prefent moment. Happily they 
 were not apprized within the walls of Bofton, 
 of the poverty of their antagonifts without, 
 particularly in this article, until they had time 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 239 
 
 fo colled the fmall itocks from the neighbour- CHAP.VH. 
 ing towns, and to receive lame, though far 7" 
 
 from an ample iupply, from the fouthern colo- 
 nies. At this mils, had general Gage ventur- 
 ed without his entrenchments, both the Ameri- 
 can army and the people, muft have been in- 
 volved in extreme diftrefs. 
 
 Several veflels had been privately fent'both 
 to the Dutch and Engliih iflands to procure 
 arms and ammunition ; but fo narrowly were 
 they watched by the Britifli cruifers, that 
 they had returned with little fuccefs. 
 
 Thefe circumftances ^accelerated a fpirited mea- 
 fure, before contemplated only by a few ; the 
 arming and equipping of mips to cruize on 
 Britifh property, was a bold attempt, that 
 ftartled the appr ehenlions of many, zealoufly 
 oppofed to the undue exercife of Britifh power ; 
 but neceffity impelled, and the enterprize was 
 purfued. The general aflembly of the Mafla- 
 chuietts foon refolved to build, equip and arm, 
 a number of veflels fuitable for the purpofe, to 
 cruize and capture any Britiih mips that might 
 be found on, or near their coafts. They grant- 
 ed letters of marque and reprifal to feveral ad- 
 venturers, and appointed courts of admiralty 
 for the trial and condemnation of any captures 
 within thofe limits. By thefe means, the fea- 
 fonable capture, in the beginning of this enter- 
 prife, of a Britifli (hip, laden with ordnance, 
 and an afforted cargo of warlike ftores, fuffi- 
 
240 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vii. dently fupplied the exigencies of the army, arid 
 ~~ diffipated the fears of thofe, who had fuffered 
 
 the moft painful apprehenfions for the fafety 
 
 of their country. 
 
 Thefe naval preparations may perhaps be 
 faid, not to have been merely of a defenfive 
 nature, the line yet avowedly obferved by the 
 Americans ; but they had advanced too far to 
 recede ; fophiftical diftinftions of words, or 
 names, were laid afide. It is a facl, of which 
 every one is fenfible, that fuccefsful oppoiition 
 to arbitrary fway, places a civic crown on the 
 head of the hero that refills ; when contin- 
 gencies that defeat confer an hempen cord in- 
 ftead of a wreath of laurel. The fuccefs and 
 cataftrophe of the infant navy of America, will 
 be fhewn in the fucceeding pages. 
 
 The naked ftate of the magazines had been 
 
 o 
 
 kept as fecret as poffible, and every prepa- 
 ration for attack or defence, had been made, 
 as if no deficiency was felt, while there 
 were not three rounds of powder in the 
 American camp. Lines of circiimvallation 
 had been formed from Myftick river to 
 Roxbury and Dorchefter. But, notwithftand- 
 ing the appearance of ftrerigth, the collec- 
 tion of numbers, and the hoftile difpofition of 
 both parties, nothing of confequence was at- 
 tempted by either, after the action of the feven- 
 teenth of June, during the remainder of Gage's 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 241 
 
 adminiftration. This inactivity was heavily CHAP. vn. 
 cenfured by the more ardent fpirits both with- - 
 
 in and without the camp ; it was thought dif- 
 graceful on the one fide, nor would it have 
 been lefs dishonorable on the other, had not 
 their inability from the caufes juft mentioned 
 prevented more vigorous movements. Yet, 
 from the circumftances of the colonies, their 
 petition to the king ftill pending, and their al- 
 legiance not formally renounced, it was judged 
 by many, moft prudent for the American ar- 
 my, to remain for the prefent only on the de- 
 fenfive. 
 
 Governor Gage obtained leave to repair to 
 England in the autumn of one thoufand feven 
 hundred and feventy-five. It was indeed un- 
 fortunate for him, that he had been appointed 
 to the command of an army and the govern- 
 ment of a province, without the talents that 
 qualified for the times. He 1 was naturally a 
 man of a humane difpofition, nor had his cou- 
 rage ever been impeached ; but he had not the 
 intrigue of the ftatefman to balance the par- 
 ties, nor the fagacity neceffary to defeat 
 their defigns ; nor was he poflefled of that 
 foldierly promptitude that leaves no interval 
 between the determination and the execution 
 of his projects. Glad to quit the thorny field, 
 he bade adieu to a country he had not the abil- 
 ity, and perhaps not the inclination to fubdue t 
 and the command of the army devolved on Sir 
 William Howe. 
 
 voi,. i. 2~*.e 
 
242 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP vn. General Oglethorpe, his fenior in office, an 
 
 ' experienced veteran, grown old in military 
 
 fame without fullying his laurels, had the prior 
 offer of this command. He agreed to accept 
 the appointment on condition the miniftry 
 would authorize him to aifure the colonies, 
 that juftice Ihould be done them. His propofal 
 at once appeared the refult of humanity and 
 equity ; he declared, that " he knew the peo- 
 " pie of America well ; that they never would 
 " be fubdued by arms, but that their obedi- 
 " ence would be ever fecured by doing them 
 " juftice."* A man with thefe ideas was not 
 a fit inftrument for the defigns of the Britiih 
 government : he was therefore, agreeable to 
 his own requeft, permitted to remain at home, 
 where he was a quiet fpeftator of the folly of 
 his country through a feven years war with 
 the colonies.! On his declining the appoint- 
 ment, the important and hazardous, command 
 was given to general Howe, a man of pleafure 
 and a foldier ; but the predominancy of the 
 
 * Britiili Annual Regifter. 
 
 f Ceneral Oglethorpe had beefn diftinguifhed for the 
 benevolence of his difpofitlon through all his tranfactions 
 in America, where he had refided feveral years. His 
 mildnefs and equity towards the natives in the early fet- 
 tlement of the ftate of Georgia, and his conduct both in 
 a civil and military capacity, had won the efteem and af- 
 fection of the inhabitants of the fouthern colonies, the appro- 
 bationof hisfovereign,and theapplaufe of hisnative country. 
 ^ Modern Univerfal Hiflory, vol. XL, 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 243 
 
 firft trait in his character often interfered with CHAP.VH. 
 the vigour and deciiion neceffary to complete ^T" 
 the laft. Early on his promotion, his feverity 
 and indifcretion erafed the favorable impreflion 
 which many in America yet cherifhed for his 
 
 name and family. 
 
 t 
 
 In the beginning of his adminiftration, he 
 publilhed a proclamation condemning to mili- 
 tary execution any of the remaining inhabit- 
 ants of Bofton, who mould attempt to leave 
 the town ; he compelled them to form them- 
 felves into bodies under officers he fhould ap- 
 point, and to take arms in cafe of an attack, 
 againft their brethren in the country. Yet for 
 a certain fura of money, he promifed an ex- 
 emption from the cruel talk of imbruing their 
 hands in the blood of their friends. But the 
 moft memorable eve/nt that took place, while 
 he prefided in the province, previous to the 
 evacuation of Boiton, was the cannonade and 
 deftrudion of Falmouth, a flouriming and 
 well-built town in the eaftern parts of the Maf- 
 fachufetts. 
 
 Alarm and depredation had fpread from more 
 to more through all the fea coafts of America ; 
 their {hipping were feized, their iflands plun- 
 dered, their harbors infefted by the landing of 
 marauding parties, and many places threatened 
 with immediate conflagration. Briftol, near 
 Rhode liland, had been attacked in a dark 
 
5244 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vii. ftormy night, and an hundred and twenty can- 
 ' ~ non fired on that defencelefs town within an 
 hour. Many houfes were injured, arid fome fet 
 on fire ; a remarkable iicknefs had raged in the 
 town for fome time, and the languiftiing inhab- 
 itants were now hurried into the ftreets in their 
 beds, to preferve them from immediate death 
 in the conflagration of their houfes.* This 
 was an uncivil mode of demanding a tax of 
 cattle, fheep, and hogs, for the fupply of the 
 fquadron of captain (afterwards) Sir James 
 Wallace, who had for many months harafled 
 and diftreffed the ftate of Rhode Ifland. 
 
 This rude attack upon Briftol, took place on- 
 ly eight days previous to the wanton defolation 
 which on the eve of winter ftripped the inhab- 
 itants of Falmouth, both of flicker and provi- 
 fions, and drove them "naked into the wilder- 
 nefs, uncertain of any accommodations to fecure 
 them from the inclemency of the feafon. One 
 captain Mowatt, who had recently been a prif- 
 onr there, and had received the moft hof- 
 pitable treatment from the inhabitants, was 
 the inftrument to execute this deed of unpro- 
 voked barbarity. It is true he notified the 
 town, that " he would give them two hours 
 
 * The Rev. Mr. Burt, diftinguifned for his piety, be- 
 nevolence, and attachment to the liberties of his country, 
 was fouod dead in a field the morning after the confla- 
 gration. He had fled from his bed where he was confined 
 by ficknefs, to efcape the flames that ctmfumed his houfe. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 
 
 " to remove the human fpecies^ at the period of CHAP. 
 " which term, a red pendant would be hoifted ~ . 
 " at the main-top-gallant-mail head, and that 
 " on the leaft reiiftance he mould be freed from 
 " all humanity di&ated by his orders or his in- 
 " clination."* 
 
 Three gentlemen repaired on board his ftup 
 to inquire the reafon of this extraordinary fum- 
 mons. Mowatt replied, that " he had orders 
 " to fet on fire all the fea-port towns from Bof- 
 " ton to Halifax, and that he fuppofed New- 
 " York was already in aflies." He faid, " he 
 " could difpenfe with his orders on no terms 
 " but the compliance of the inhabitants to de- 
 " liver up their arms and ammunition, and their 
 " fending on board a fupply of proviiions, four 
 " carriage-guns, and the fame number of the 
 " principal perfons in the town, as hoftages, that 
 " they mould engage not to unite with their 
 " country in any kind of oppofition to Bi'i- 
 u tain." He affured them that on a refufal of 
 thefe conditions, he mould lay the town in afhes 
 within three hours. 
 
 Unprepared for fuch an attack, and intimi- 
 dated by the roar of cannon, which began to 
 play on the town, the people fupplicated a fuf- 
 penfion till the morning before they replied to 
 the humiliating propofal. They improved the 
 
 * The above Is an exatf copy of Mowatt's letter. See 
 Britifh Remembrancer. 
 
246 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. VH. fliort reprieve which with difficulty they ob- 
 I tained, in removing their families and effects ; 
 after which they made no further reliftance, 
 not even to the marines who landed with light- 
 ed torches to make the devaftation complete. 
 In this defencelefs fituation, the inhabitants 
 / confidered oppofition only as a ufelefs wafte of 
 human life, and many of them flood on the 
 heights, the paflive fpeclators of the fire that 
 played on the town through the day. They 
 beheld with various emotions, a conflagration 
 that reduced many of them to penury and def- 
 pair ; thus, were they prepared for the occu- 
 pation of foldiers, and driven to the field from 
 the double motive of refentment and the necef- 
 fity of immediate fubfiftence. 
 
 New York, Stonington, Newport, and many 
 other places were threatened, but did not expe- 
 rience a fimilar fate. The laft, lituated on an 
 ifland, was obliged to ftipulate for a weekly fup- 
 ply ,to fave their town from the fury of the pirati- 
 cal corfairs that furrounded them, who proud- 
 ly boafted of the civility and generofity of their 
 nation. England has indeed J)een long cele- 
 brated for magnanimity, clemency, and human- 
 ity ; but it is with nations as with individuals, 
 when human nature falls from virtue, it gen- 
 erally finks into the extremes of vice, in propor- 
 tion as it was before confpicuous for fuperior 
 excellence. :* 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 247 
 
 Thus, the monarch divefted of compaffion, 
 and the miniftry of principle, the naval ftrength 
 of Britain, the miftrefs of the feas, and the ter- 
 ror of Europe, was employed to interrupt the 
 commerce, lay wafte the cities, deftroy the 
 towns, and plunge the inhabitants of America 
 in mifery and defpair ; forgetful that me was 
 ever contributing by the acquifitions of her in- 
 duftry to the ftrength of Britain. Nor wag 
 America yet fufficiently irritated, to renounce 
 her allegiance to the king, or relinquish her 
 connexion with England, cemented by the 
 ftrong ties of habit and confanguinity, language, 
 religion, and manners. Yet, though there was 
 no formal diffolution of the legal bands that- 
 that had united them, the frequent outrages 
 experienced by Americans, convinced them of 
 the neceflity of fome effectual naval prepara- 
 tions on their part. This was fo obvious, that 
 Congrefs no longer delayed atHng with decifion 
 on a meafure that had been balanced by vari- 
 ous opinions. They directed general Warning- 
 ton to contract for a number of armed vefiels 
 to cruife abroad, to defend the fea coafts at 
 home, and as far as it was practicable, to cap- 
 ture Britifh property wherever it might be 
 found. 
 
 Many gentlemen, fanguine in opinion, that 
 an American navy was no Utopian project, but 
 that her marine might rapidly rife to a refpect- 
 able height, engaged with an energy that fel- 
 
248 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vn. dom fails of carrying inio execution any at> 
 T~7"" tempt the human mind, on principles of reafon, 
 is capable of forming. They accordingly built 
 on the large rivers from Portfmouth to Penn- 
 fylvania, a number of veflels, row-gallies, and 
 frigates, from four to forty guns ; fitted, man- 
 ned, and completely equipped them for fea in 
 the courfe of a few months. All encourage- 
 ment was given both to public and private ad- 
 venturers who engaged in the fea fervice ; fuc- 
 cefs was equal to expectation ; many very valu- 
 able prizes, and a vaft number of provision vef- 
 fels from England, Ireland, and Nova Scotia, 
 were captured, and by this means the Americans 
 were foon fupplied, not only with the neceffa- 
 ries for war, but with the conveniences and the 
 luxuries of life. 
 
 While things remained in this lituation in 
 Bofton, and along the Atlantic more, a very 
 bufy and important fcene was acting in another 
 quarter of America. The conqueft of Quebec 
 by the immortal Wolfe, in conjunction with the 
 bold and hardy New Englanders, is a ftory well 
 known in the annals of Britain. On the peace 
 concluded with France at Fontainbleau, in the 
 duke of Bedford's adminiftration, the whole 
 province of Canada was ceded to the crown of 
 England, in lieu of more valuable acquifitions 
 relinquiihed to France. Moft of the inhabitants 
 of the country were French, fome of them no- 
 bleffe, and all of ttem attached to their former 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 249 
 
 mafter. The Roman Catholic faith was the ef- CHAP.VH. 
 tablifhed religion of the country, yet the Cana- 
 dians were in all refpecls to be governed ac- 
 cording to the kws of England, until the Que- 
 bec bill, the fubject of much political difunion 
 m England, paffed into an act, in one thoufand 
 feven hundred and feventy-four. This acl cut 
 the Canadians off from the privileges of Englifh 
 fubjedts, denied them an afTembly of their own 
 on the principles of the Britiih conftitution, de- 
 prived them of the trial by jury in civil pro- 
 ceiTes ; the laws of France were reilored, and 
 the boundaries of the province were extended 
 far beyond the juft limits : the Roman Catholic 
 religion alfo was not only to be tolerated, but 
 was eftablifhed by acl of parliament. This was 
 very offenfive both to the French and the Eng- 
 lifh inhabitants, who found their interefts in- 
 feparably connected. Thefe new regulations 
 weFe made with a view of fixing the Canadians 
 more firmly in the intereft of the miniftry ; but 
 as they had tafted the advantages of a lefs def- 
 potic government, the people ic general had 
 adopted more liberal modes of thinking, both 
 in civil and religious matters ; and moft of the 
 inhabitants were equally diflatisfied with the 
 late parliamentary regulations. 
 
 The Quebec acl:, unpopular in England, and 
 alarming in America, was particularly dif- 
 gufting to all th,e Englifh fettlers in Canada, ex- 
 
 VOL. j. 2....H 
 
23O TriE RISB AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vn. cept a few individuals employed by the crown. 
 Neither the authority of adminiftration, nor 
 the addrefs of governor Carleton, was fufficient 
 to quiet the diforders that arofe, or to induce 
 the Canadians in this early ftage of the difpute^ 
 to take arms to aflift in the fubjugation of the 
 other colonies. They murmured loudly at the 
 meafures of the Britifli government ; they re- 
 fufed peremptorily to act againft the United 
 States, and feveral of the principal Englilh in- 
 habitants correfponded with fome of the mem- 
 bers of Congrefs, and encouraged the meafures 
 that were taken to bring the province of Can- 
 ada into an union with the thirteen colonies. 
 
 Thus it required no fmall intrigue to inftigate 
 even the favages who delight in blood, to the 
 commiilion of unprovoked hoftilities, which 
 would interrupt the traffic carried on between 
 them and the frontiers of the other provinces. 
 It has been juftly obferved, " that the introduc- 
 " tion of barbarians and favages into the con- 
 " tefts of civilized nations, is a meafure preg- 
 " nant with fhame and mifchief, which the 
 " intereft of a moment may impel, but which 
 " is reprobated by the beft principles of hu- 
 " manity and reafon."* But thefe were not the 
 principles on which the American war was con- 
 dueled. Congrefs had authentic information, 
 that every method was ufed to induce thefavages 
 
 * Gibbon on the decline and fall of the Roman empire. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 251 
 
 to take up the hatchet againft the Americans. CHAP. MI. 
 Several conferences had been held the preceding _V a 
 fummer, with many of their chiefs affembled at 
 Montreal. This was in confequence of the 
 machinations of colonel Johnfon, a famous In- 
 dian partifan in the laft war, whofe influence 
 among them was very extenfive. In thefe con- 
 ferenc;es he gave each of them a war belt and a 
 tomahawk ; invited them to drink the blood, 
 and feaft on the body of a Bo/Ionian, and to iing 
 the war-fong over a roafted bullock and a pipe 
 of wine he had prepared for the purpofe ; but 
 feveral of them declined either to eat, drink, or 
 fing the barbarous fong. They afterwards de- 
 livered up the black belt with the hatchet de- 
 pictured thereon, to fome of the American 
 officers.* 
 
 Thefe tranfa&ions were confidered as incon- 
 teftable proof, that adminiftration was determin- 
 ed to employ as their allies, the fierce and nu- 
 merous hordes of the wildernefs, to fubdue and 
 butcher the Americans, even before they had 
 thrown off their allegiance to the crown of Bri- 
 tain. It had alfo been recently difcovered, that 
 governor Carleton had received a commiffion, 
 authorizing him to mufter and arm all perfons 
 refiding within the province of Canada, and, 
 " as occafion fliould require, to march and em- 
 " bark the levies to any of the provinces of 
 
 * General Schuyler's letter, Dec. i4th, 1775, published 
 by order of congrefs. 
 
252 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vii. " America, to purfue and profecute either by 
 
 "" "~ " fea or land, all enemies, pirates, or rebels, 
 
 " either in or out of the province ; and if it 
 " fhould fo pleafe God, them to vanquim, to 
 " take, and fo apprehended, according to law, 
 " them to put to death, or to preferve alive, at 
 " his difcretion."*' 
 
 A detail of the fufferings of one family will 
 evince the wretched fituation of all in that 
 province who had the courage to complain of 
 the meafures of adminiftration, or indulged a 
 favorable opinion of the exertions of the other 
 colonies. The fingular mode of bending the 
 minds of men of liberal opinions to the deligns 
 of government, was firft experimented on Mr. 
 Walker, an Englifli gentleman of fortune and 
 abilities, who had been many years a refident 
 at Montreal. His avowed diflike of the Quebec 
 bill, drew on him the refentment of the officers 
 of government, and involved him in altercation 
 and danger. He had, in anfwer to the fervile 
 maxim " Qui le rot, eft maitre" repeated by 
 one Rouvelle, coolly replied, that " with regard 
 " to monfieur Rouvelle, it might be fo, as he 
 " ate his majefty's bread ;" but added, " I deny 
 " that the king is my nuifter : I refpecl: him as 
 *' my lawful fovereign, and am ready to pay 
 
 * The whole of general Carleton's extraordinary cora- 
 miffion may be feen in the parliamentary regifter of Nov. 
 ?d, in the fecond feilions of the then parliament. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 25S 
 
 " due obedience to his lawful commands ; but 
 " I cannot acknowlege any one as my mafter 
 " while I live by my own induftry ; when I re- 
 " ceive pay from the king, perhaps my ac- 
 " knowledgments may be equally fubmiffive." 
 Rouvelle immediately informed general Carle- 
 ton of this converfation ; his prudence was 
 commended, and he was foon after appointed 
 one of the judges of the fupreme court at Mon- 
 treal. This appointment was equally aftonifh- 
 ing to the French inhabitants, as it was difguft- 
 ing to the Engliili. Men of all del criptions had 
 a very ill opinion of Rouvelle. The recent con- 
 verfation between him and Mr. Walker was 
 mifreprefented and exaggerated. The partifans 
 of the crown and the officers of the army were 
 highly exafperated againft him ; and foon after, 
 refentment was carried fo far a,s to attempt the 
 aflaffination of Mr. Walker. 
 
 A number of foldiers under the command of a 
 captain Difney, entered his houfe in the eve- 
 ning, when at fupper with a few friends. On 
 a fudden noife at the door of the hall, Mrs. Walker 
 imagined it to be ibme Canadians, who had been 
 the preceding day on bufmefs^with Mr. Walker, 
 as an officer of juftice. Without any hefitation 
 ihe pronounced entrez ; but to her inexpreffible 
 furprife, the next moment me faw through the 
 glafles of the inner door, a number of faces, fome 
 of them blacked, others covered with a vizard 
 of crape, all rifing on the fteps, and rufliing with 
 
5254 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vir. precipitation ( Jnto the room : in an agony of 
 177 furprife flie exclaimed, " Good God, this is 
 " murder !" Mr. Walker fat with his back to 
 the door, and before he had time to rife, he re- 
 ceived from one of the ruffians, a violent ftroke 
 of a broad fword on his head \ he attempted to 
 recover his arms and defend himfelf, but wound- 
 ed in a moft cruel manner, he funk motionlefs 
 on the floor, when one of the villains kneeled 
 on his breaft, and cut off his right ear, while he 
 fo far retained his fenfes as to hear one of them 
 fay, " damn him, he is dead." 
 
 After recovering from his wounds, he com- 
 menced a civil procefs againft Difney and hig 
 party. The crime was proved with all its atro- 
 cious aggravations, but juftice had not its ope- 
 ration, either in compenfation to the fufferer, 
 or punilhment of the guilty. Mr. Walker find- 
 ing himfelf unfafe in the city, retired to his 
 country-houfe, determined to amufe himfelf 
 with his books and his farm, without farther 
 attention to political or public fcenes ; but his 
 perfecution was not at an end ; he had not long 
 relided in his villa, before he was molefled in a 
 ftill more barbarous manner. 
 
 A party of thirty foldiers was fent by gover- 
 nor Carleton, to bring him dead or alive to 
 Quebec* They furrounded his houfe juft be- 
 fore day, and fummoned him to furrender. In- 
 ftead of a compliance, he courageouily endea- 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 255 
 
 voured to defend himfelf and his family, until 
 the party without fet fire to his houfe in feve- 
 ral places, when he was obliged to efcape the 
 flames by throwing himfelf from the third ftory. 
 In the fall from a window of fuch a height, one 
 of his legs was broken, which left him to the 
 mercy of his antagonills, who made him their 
 prifoner, and conducted him to Quebec, where 
 he was loaded with irons, denied the ufe of pen, 
 ink, and paper, and forbidden even the light of 
 a taper in his darkfome cell. 
 
 IVffs. Walker, a lady of great elegance and 
 fenfibility, had in the terror of the night, leap- 
 ed from a fecond ilory window, and walked 
 through the fnow till exhaufted by fear and fa- 
 tigue, Ihe was overtaken by one of the party, 
 who had the companion to throw his cloak over 
 her, and conduct her to a neighbouring houfe. 
 She foon after made her efcape from that part 
 of the country over the lakes, accompanied by 
 the commiflioners, congrefs had fome time be- 
 fore fent on, to confer with and fecure the in- 
 tereil of the Canadians. The boat in which fhe 
 crofled one of thofe inland leas, pafled another 
 sJmoft within call, which conveyed her hufband 
 a prifoner to Quebec. 
 
 It has already been obferved, that an addrefs 
 had been fent by Congrefs to the inhabitants 
 of Canada, couched in nervous, friendly and 
 pathetic terms, reminding them of their com- 
 
256 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vn. mon danger, and urging them to a union with 
 
 ~ the other colonies in defence of their common 
 
 rights. But the mixture of French, Britifli, 
 American, and favage inhabitants of that coun- 
 try, rendered it very uncertain how far the 
 other colonies might depend on the aid or 
 friendfhip of the Canadians. Congrefs appriz- 
 ed of the iituation of affairs there, judged it 
 prudent to endeavour to engage the people of all 
 defcriptions in that quarter, more firmly to the 
 Uitereft of the union. It was thought a favora- 
 ble criiis for this purpofe, when the flower of 
 the Britim troops then in America, were fhut 
 up in Bofton ; and when the governors of the 
 fouthern provinces, interrupted in their nego- 
 ciations with the Indians, had taken refuge on 
 board the king's mips, either from real or im- 
 agined perfonal danger. This was an impor- 
 tant bufinefs, as whoever poffeffes Canada will 
 in a great mcafure command the numerous 
 tribes beyond the lakes. A refpectable delega- 
 tion was fent to Montreal, to treat with the 
 white inhabitants, and as far as poffible to con- 
 ciliate or fecure the copper-colored nations. 
 
 The importance of poffeffing Canada, ftrong- 
 ]y impreffed the minds at this time, of gentle- 
 men of the firft penetration. A very refpecla- 
 ble committee was fent by congrefs into the 
 country, with Dr. Franklin at the head of the 
 miffion ; whofe talents as a ftatefman, perfect 
 knowledge of the French language, extenfrve 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 257 
 
 literary acquaintance with that nation, urbanity 
 of manners, courteous deportment, united with 
 a pfudent referve, marked him as a fuitable 
 character to negociate with, and endeavour to 
 attach the Canadians of all defcriptions to the 
 American union. Mr. Carrol of Maryland, a 
 clergyman of the Roman Catholic profeflion, 
 was fent on with the delegation, to adminifter 
 the ordinances of religion, baptifm, abfolution, 
 &c., which they had been denied for feme time 
 by their clergy under BritMh influence ; who, 
 inftead of beftowing the bleflings of the church, 
 had denounced their anathemas, to the great 
 grievance of many tender confciences, and 
 threatened the vengeance of heaven, as well as 
 earth, on failure of due fubmiffion to parliamen- 
 tary mandates. 
 
 Thefe efforts to engage and fix the Canadians 
 to a certain point failed ; the committee return- 
 ed with little fuccefs. Words and profeflions 
 are of little avail when the fword is, or is about 
 to be, lifted for decifion. Congrefs now found 
 that a force fufficient to ftrengthen the hands 
 of their friends in that province, was the only 
 mode to be relied on. In coufequence of this 
 neceffity, they directed two regiments of New 
 York militia, and a body of New Englanders, 
 confifting in the whole of about three thoufand 
 men, to proceed under the command of the 
 generals Schuyler and Montgomery, by the lake 
 
 VOL. I. 2....I 
 
258 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vn. Champlain to the river Sorel, which empties it- 
 ~~~ felf into the St. Lawrence, and immediately at- 
 tempt the reduction of Quebec. They arrived 
 at the IJle Noix, which lies at the entrance of 
 that river, in the autumn of one thoufand 
 feven hundred and feventy-five. 
 
 The commander there publifhed a declaration 
 announcing the reafons of this movement, and 
 inviting the inhabitants of every defcription to 
 arrange themfelves under the banners of liberty, 
 and unite in the common caufe of America. 
 After this, they immediately pufhed on through 
 woods, fwamps, and moraffes, to a fort about 
 twelve miles diftance : here, an unexpected at- 
 tack from a large body of Indians, obliged them 
 to retreat to their former poft, and wait the ar- 
 rival of reinforcements. 
 
 On this retreat to the IJle Noix, general Schuy- 
 ler immediately returned to Albany ; the often- 
 fible reafon was, the broken ftate of his health, 
 which indeed was fo impaired, as to render him 
 unfit for the fatigue of fuch a fervice. Thus 
 the whole weight of the war in that quarter, 
 was left to the intrepid Montgomery ; who 
 though qualified by his courage, capacity, and 
 military experience, was not in force fufficient 
 for fo great an undertaking. He, however, not- 
 withftanding the vigilance of general Carleton, 
 made himfelf matter of the forts of Chamblee 
 and St. John's, and with various other fucceffes 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 259 
 
 arrived at Montreal, about the middle of No- CHAP. vn. 
 vember. General Carleton had arrived there 
 fome time before, and had made every exertion 
 for the prefervation of all the pofts in the neigh- 
 bourhood, as well as thofe above mentioned ; 
 but the people difaffe&ed, and his army weak, 
 his efforts were blafted, and he thought himfelf 
 happy to efcape the vigilance of Montgomery ; 
 who had placed guards at every poft for his in- 
 terception : he, however, in a dark night, in 
 an open boat, fortunately palled them all, and 
 arrived at Quebec in fafety. 
 
 When general Montgomery arrived at Mon- 
 treal, the inhabitants, both French and Englifh, 
 wiihed to furrender by capitulation ; but with a 
 fpirit and dignity confiftent with his ufual char- 
 acter, he refufed this, though at the fame time 
 he gave them the ftrongeft affurances of juftice, 
 fecurity, and perfonal fafety. He pledged his 
 honor for their peaceable polfeffion of their 
 property, and the free exercife of their religion : 
 he expreffed in liberal terms, his difpofition to 
 protect the inhabitants on the fame footing with 
 the other American colonies. He then demand- 
 ed the poffeflion of the gates, and the keys of 
 all the public flores, and ordered them to be de- 
 livered by nine o'clock the enfuing morning. 
 Accordingly the gates were thrown open, and 
 his troops entered at the appointed hour : thus 
 without the fmalleft reiiilance, he took poiTef- 
 fion of this important poft. He treated every 
 
260 THE RISE AND PROGRESS O* 
 
 clafs of inhabitants with that lenity and polite- 
 nefs, which at once attached them to his perfon, 
 
 1 ** *7 tf 
 
 ftrengthened their prejudices againfl the Britifh 
 government, and cherimed the favorable ideas 
 many had before imbibed, both of the Ameri- 
 cans, and the caufe in whkh they were en- 
 gaged. 
 
 When Montgomery had made all proper ar- 
 rangements for the fecurity and peace of Mon- 
 treal, he prepared immediately to go forward 
 and inveft Quebec, then in a weak, defencelefs 
 condition, their governor abfent, the inhab- 
 itants difaffected, and but an handful of troops 
 in the garrifon. When general Carleton left 
 the neighbourhood of Montreal, he made the ut- 
 moft difpatch to reach and put the capital of 
 Canada in a proper ftate of defence ; but he 
 found Quebec in the greateft conilernation and 
 danger, from a quarter not apprehended, and 
 fcarcely conceived poilible, from the novelty 
 ?ind hazard of the undertaking. 
 
 A detachment of upwards of one thoufand 
 men had been marched from the army near 
 Bofton. The command of this little band had 
 been given to colonel Arnold, a young foldier 
 of fortune, who held in equal contempt both 
 danger and principle. They took paffage at 
 Merrimack, and arrived at the mouth of the 
 Kennebeck on the twenty-fecond of September. 
 There, finding it probable their provifions 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 261 
 
 might fall fhort, when there could be no poffi- CHAP. vn. 
 bility of a frefh fupply, Arnold fent back three 
 hundred of his men.* Moft of the remainder 
 embarked in batteaux prepared for the purpofe : 
 a fmall diviiion of the troops marched flpwly, 
 and kept the banks of the river. 
 
 They encamped together every night, though 
 frequently interrupted in their progrefs, by 
 rocks, falls, rapids, and carrying-places, where 
 they were obliged to carry their boats for feve- 
 ral miles together on their moulders. With in- 
 credible perfeverance, they traverfed woods, 
 mountains,fwamps,and precipices, and were obli- 
 ged alternately to cut their way where no human 
 foot had trodden, to ford hallows,or attempt the 
 navigation of a rapid ftream, with a rocky bot- 
 tom, which feemed not defigned as a paflage 
 for any human being to attempt. At the fame 
 time their proviiions were fo reduced, that they 
 were obliged to eat their own dogs, and con- 
 vert their fhoe-leather into food. 
 
 But with ailoniming refoiution, they fur- 
 mounted every obftacle, and near two thirds of 
 the detachment completed a route of feveral hun- 
 dred miles, through an hideous wildernefs, un- 
 explored before but by the beafts and favages 
 of the foreft. It was at the time thought, that 
 if the hiftorian did juftice to the heroic firmnefs 
 
 * Thefe appeared ready to defert with a field officer at 
 their head, if they had not been permitted to return. 
 
262 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vn. of this little party, that it would be as honorable 
 a teftimony of the exertions of human intre- 
 pidity, as the celebrated march of the renown- 
 ed Hannibal : but the enterprifing fpirit of 
 America has fince taught her fons to tread over 
 a track of the forlorn defert fo much more ex- 
 tenfive, that this now appears but an epitome 
 of their hardihood. 
 
 Colonel Arnold with his little army almoft 
 exhaufted by hunger and fatigue, reached the 
 Canadian fettlements on the third of Novem- 
 ber. He was received in a friendly manner, 
 and a liberal fupply of provifions was collected 
 for his relief. By the alacrity of the inhabit- 
 ants, he was in a few days furnifhed with boats 
 to crofs the St. Lawrence, and by favor of the 
 night he effected his paffage, in fpite of the vigi- 
 lance of feveral frigates that lay in the river. 
 When he fat down before Quebec, he found all 
 the batteries manned from the {hipping ; but 
 having no artillery, he could do little more than 
 parade before the city, and wait the arrival of 
 general Montgomery. 
 
 In the mean time, general Carleton was not 
 idle ; every preparation that courage or vigi- 
 lance could dictate, was made for the reception 
 of Montgomery. He ordered by proclamation, 
 all who refufed to take arms, immediately to 
 quit the city with their wives and children, on 
 peril of being treated with the utmoft feverity, 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 263 
 
 as rebels and traitors to their king. Many of 
 them obeyed, and abandoned their refidence 
 and property. The Scotch inhabitants and the 
 French nob/efle, he could at that time firmly rely 
 on j all others, difgufted with the Quebec act, 
 and alienated by the feverity of the governor, 
 were in a temper to renounce their loyalty, and 
 join the Americans. Yet the fear of loiing 
 their property in the confuiion that might en- 
 fue, if the city was obliged to change its matters, 
 operated on fome, and caufed them to arm, 
 though with great relu dance. The coniidera- 
 tion of pecuniary lofles will always have a pow- 
 erful influence on the minds of men : thus, the 
 zeal which had been nurtured for the defence 
 of liberty, foon began to abate ; and both En- 
 glim and Canadians, actuated by the principle of 
 immediate felf-intereft, concealed their former 
 defection to the Britiih government. Many of 
 them were wealthy and opulent, and became 
 daily more difpofed to unite in defence of the 
 town, which contained more families in opulent 
 circumttances, than all the province befides. 
 
 After placing a garrifon in Montreal, new 
 clothing his troops, and ftationing fome fmall 
 detachments in the out-potts in the neighbour- 
 hood, general Montgomery fent a few troops 
 to different parts of the province, to expedite 
 farther fupplies of provifions, clothing, and 
 other neceffaries. He then puihed on his 
 march beneath the fall of fnows, embarrafled 
 
264 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vn. with bad roads, a fevere winter, an inhofpitable 
 ~~" ' climate, and the murmur of his little army. 
 The term of their enliftment was nearly expir- 
 ed j nothing kept them together but their at- 
 tachment to their commander, and that zeal in 
 the public caufe, which had already prompted 
 them to encounter perils and endure hardfhips, 
 which the human conftitution feems not calcu- 
 lated to furmount, after being foftened by the 
 habits of civilized life. But by the addrefs of 
 the commander, and the refolution of the 
 troops, they with incredible expedition arrived 
 at Quebec, notwithftanding the impediments 
 that lay in their way. 
 
 The foldiers in garrifon, with the marines 
 from the king's frigates, that had been placed 
 therein, and the armed militia, both French 
 and Englifh, did not amount to more than two 
 thoufand men when the army arrived from 
 Montreal \ but by the intrepidity of general 
 Carleton, and the activity of his officers, they 
 had prepared for defence with the fpirit of vet- 
 erans. They rejected with difdain a fummons 
 from Montgomery to furrender the town, to 
 prevent the fatal confequences of its being tak- 
 en by florin ; fired on the flag that offered to 
 convey letters with propofals for capitulation, 
 obliged it to retire, and all communication was 
 forbidden by the inflexible Carleton. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 265 
 
 General Montgomery after this, fent a fecond CHAP. vi. 
 letter* by colonel Arnold and Mr. Macpherfon, 
 his aid-de-camp, to general Carleton. He up* 
 braided him with perfonal ill-treatment, with 
 the cruelty exercifed towards the prifoners that 
 had fallen into his hands, and with the unparal* 
 lelled conduct, except among favages, of firing 
 at a flag of truce. He warned him not to de- 
 ilroy either public or private ftores, as he had 
 done at Montreal, and kept up a tone of fupe- 
 riority as if fure of fuccefs. The meflengers 
 reached the walls of Quebec, but were ordered 
 to decamp with fpeed, and informed that the 
 governor would receive no letters pr hold any 
 intercourfe with rebels. 
 
 Thus circumftanced, general Montgomery 
 judged that immediate and decided action, was 
 the only means of ferving his country, and fe- 
 curing to himfelf that renown, which the luftre 
 of his former conducl: had acquired. Thus, 
 depending too much on his own good fortune, 
 and too little acquainted with the arrangement 
 and vigor within the walls, he refolved on the 
 dangerous and defperate meafure of an effort to 
 take the city by efcalade. He made his difpofi- 
 tions accordingly, and under the cover of a vio- 
 lent fnow-ftorm, his army in four feparate divi- 
 
 * See general Montgomery's letter, December 6,1*775. 
 Appendix, Note No. XV. 
 
 VOL. 1. 2....K 
 
5460 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CAP. vii. fions, began the arduous work at the fame mo- 
 P~- ment, early on the morning of the thirty-firft of 
 December. 
 
 But the enemy had gained intelligence of his 
 movements, the alarm had been given, and a 
 lignal made for a general engagement in the 
 lower town, fome time before Montgomery had 
 reached it. He however pufhed on through a 
 narrow pafTage, with a hanging rock on the one 
 fide, and a dangerous precipice of the banks of 
 the river on the other, and with a refolution . 
 becoming his character, he gained the iirft bar- 
 rier. Warmed with the fpirit of magnanimity 
 and a thirft for glory, the infeparable compan- 
 ions of exalted minds, he met undaunted the 
 fire of his enemies, and accompanied by fome 
 of his braveft officers, he rumed on to attack a 
 well-defended barricade. But to the regret of 
 the army, the grief of his country, and the in- 
 expreflible forrow of his numerous friends, the 
 valiant Montgomery, with the laurels frefh 
 blooming on his brow, fell at the gates by a ran- 
 dom mot from the frozen walls of Quebec. 
 
 Conne&ed with one of the firft families in 
 New York,* happy in the higheft enjoyment of 
 domeftic felicity, he was led by principle to quit 
 the occupations of rural life ; and animated with 
 an ardent zeal for the caufe of human nature, 
 the liberties of mankind, and the glory of Amer- 
 
 * He married a daughter of judge Livingfton. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 267 
 
 ica, both his aclive life, and his heroic death, 
 verified his laft expreflion to his amiable lady.... 
 never bluff) for your Montgomery** 
 
 * 
 
 His philofophic tafte, his pleafing manners, 
 his private virtues, and his military abilities, 
 \vere acknowledged and revered even by his 
 enemies,who cannot but pronounce the Canadian 
 fields are marked with peculiar glory. It is there 
 the choiceft flowers of fame may be culled to 
 crown the memory of a Wolfe and a Montgom- 
 ery. Yet, while one of thofe illuftrious names, 
 written in characters of blood, reflects luftre on 
 the glory of a Britilh monarch, the other will 
 announce to pofterity, the efforts of virtue to 
 refift the tyranny of his fucceffor. 
 
 General Montgomery was juftly confidered as 
 an early martyr in the caufe of freedom, and 
 the premature ftroke that robbed his country 
 of an officer of tried bravery and decided merit, 
 was not only bewailed by his friends, but excit- 
 ed the tear of generous companion from all 
 thofe who were fufceptible of the nobler feelings 
 of the foul, among fuch as were oppofed to him 
 in political opinion. The ammofities of war, 
 and the enmities created by different fentiments, 
 or rivalry in fame, mould ever expire with the 
 life of a hero. Yet the obfequies of this great 
 
 * The writer of thefe annals had the particulars of his 
 laft adieu, in a letter from his lady immediately after his 
 death. 
 
268 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vn. and amiable man, were not attended with thofe 
 ~"~ honorary marks of refpeft, ufually paid to illuf- 
 trious military characters, when victory has fa- 
 tiated refentment : his body was thrown into 
 a fledge, and without even a coffin, conveyed to 
 the place of burial. The manner of general 
 Montgomery's interment, was at firft reported 
 much more to the honor of governor Carleton ; 
 but the above account is from the teftimony of 
 feveral refpe&able American officers then in 
 Quebec.* By the perfuaiion of a lady who af- 
 terwards married the lieutenant governor of 
 Quebec, who had formerly ferved in the Britifh 
 army with general Montgomery, the body of 
 this worthy officer was taken up, and again in- 
 terred in a rough coffin, but without any par- 
 ticular marks of refpeft. The other officers 
 who fell, were indifcriminately thrown with 
 their clothes on, into the fame grave with their 
 foldiers. 
 
 The death of general Montgomery decided 
 the fate of the day, though colonel Arnold and 
 his party with great bravery kept up the at- 
 tack ; nor did they quit the field until after Ar- 
 nold was obliged to retire, having received a 
 dangerous wound. Notwithftanding this acci- 
 dent, added to the unfpeakable lofs of their 
 brave commander, this fmall refolute party kept 
 
 * Particularly captain, afterwards general, Dearborn ; 
 taken prifoner at the attempt on the fecond barrier. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 269 
 
 their ground, until galled on every fide, attack- CHAP vn. 
 ed in the rear, and their retreat cut off by a 
 Britifh party, who found means to fecure a paf- 
 fage that prevented even the attempt, yet they 
 kept up an obftinate defence for feveral hours, 
 but at laft were obliged to furrender themfelves 
 prifoners of war.* 
 
 Though the manes of their commander in 
 chief had not been treated with that generofity 
 which is ufually the refult of true magnanimity, 
 yet general Carleton treated the prifoners that 
 afterwards fell into his hands, with more hu- 
 manity ; their wounds were drefled, their wants 
 relieved, and his own phyiicians fent to vifit 
 the fick. He alfo endeavoured to recal thofe, 
 who, after the defeat, had taken fhelter in the 
 woods, or fuch as had been left fick or wounded 
 on the way, after the retreat ; and by procla- 
 mation, he promifed liberty to all the unhappy 
 ftragglers, when they mould be cured of their 
 wounds and difeafes. 
 
 After the death of Montgomery, the retreat 
 of Arnold, and a furrender of a conliderable 
 
 * Moft of the American officers diftinguifhed themfelves 
 by their intrepidity and vigilance on this fated day ; but 
 none more than colonel Morgan, who feemed to be adapt- 
 ed by nature, by his ftrength of body, vigor of mind, and 
 unconquerable refolution, for the fevere conflicts of war. 
 This was afterwards exemplified in the many rencounters 
 he met in the ravage of the Carolinas. 
 
27O THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vn. part of his troops, the broken forces collected 
 ~^7" and retired about three miles from the city. 
 There they kept up a kind of blockade through 
 the winter ; and by the fpirit of Arnold, on 
 whom the command had devolved, and the vig- 
 ilance of his party, they prevented in a great 
 meafure, additional recruits and fupplies for the 
 relief of the city. This there was every reafon 
 to expect would be attempted, not only from 
 the difficulties of their lituation within the 
 city, but from the ficklenefs of the Cana- 
 dians without, and their manifeft difpofi- 
 tion to enlift under the banners of fuccefs. 
 From their local circumftances, this change of 
 temper might from the beginning haye been 
 apprehended, from thofe pretended allies of the 
 United States. Their neighbourhood and con- 
 nexion with the favages, their long habit of of- 
 cillating between England and France, and their 
 ignorance in general of the grounds of the dif- 
 pute, muft naturally render their fidelity to the 
 ftates, under the jurifdidion of Congrefs, very 
 uncertain. 
 
 But we leave the lakes, the wildeniefs, the 
 favages, and their employers in that quarter, for 
 the prefent, to obferve for a time, the intereft- 
 ing movements on the borders of the Atlantic, 
 and the difpofition difcovered by the ancient 
 parent of the colonies, which foon produced 
 confequences of the higheft moment. It may, 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 271 
 
 however, be proper to obferve here, that gene- CHAP. VH. 
 ral Arnold extricated himfelf in a remarkable - 
 
 1 *7 *7 
 
 manner from his embarraffments in this quar- 
 ter ; and lived to be confpicuoufly diftinguifli- 
 ed through the American war, for his bravery 
 and addrefs, his activity, and his villany. 
 
272 THE RISE AND PROGRESS Ol- 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 DifTenfions in the Britifh Parliament. Petition of Gover- 
 nor Penn rejected. Bofton evacuated. Sir Henry 
 Clinton fent to the Southward Followed by General 
 Lee His Character. Sir Peter Parker's Attack on 
 Sullivan's Ifland. General Howe's Arrival at Sandy- 
 Hook. General Wafhington leaves Cambridge. Ob- 
 fervations on the Temper of fome of the Colonies. 
 
 CHAP - vm - WHILE as above related, a bufy and impor- 
 1775. tant f cene was exhibited at the northward, the 
 fouthern colonies were parrying the embarraff- 
 ments created by the royal governors, fome of 
 whom had recently left America. The people 
 were gradually laying aiide the prejudices which 
 mankind generally imbibe for old eftablilhed 
 governments, and were preparing themfelves 
 for new modes, if neceffity mould impel, when- 
 ever the delegates with whom they had entruft- 
 ed their rights, mould judge affairs fully ripen- 
 ed for a declaration of independence, and a final 
 feparation from Britain. The American con* 
 grefs was yet waiting the refult of their late pe* 
 tition to the throne, with a degree of temper 
 and moderation fcarcely paralleled, among 
 men poflefling the unlimited confidence of their 
 country on the one fide, and on the other irri- 
 tated by the neglect and contempt of their op- 
 preffors, and the rude infults qf minifteriai 
 menace. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 2?3 
 
 Thus fufpended on the wing of expectation, CHAP. vm. 
 or rather an unfounded and fruitlefs hope, every 
 thing remained quiet at head-quarters, through 
 the winter of one thoufand feven hundred and 
 feventy-fix. No attempt was made againft Bof- 
 ton by the American army, nor did general 
 Howe mew any difpoiition to fally from the 
 town, and interrupt the tranquillity of the 
 camp. In fhort, the Britifli army, engrofied by 
 the pleafures of the town, and the exhibition 
 of farces compofed by one of their general offi- 
 cers,* became fo inactive, and appeared fo inof- 
 feniive, that the Americans (little lefs difpofed 
 to indulge in the pleafures of peace) enjoyed at 
 Cambridge the conviviality of the feafon. The 
 ladies of the principal American officers repair- 
 ed to the camp. Harmony and hofpitality, 
 united with that iimplicity which had hitherto 
 been chara&eriftic of the domeftic tafte, ftyle, 
 and manners of the moft refpeclable Americans, 
 reigned among them for feveral months, with- 
 out the fmalleft interruption. Civility and mu- 
 tual forbearance appeared between the officers 
 of the royal and continental armies, and a fre- 
 quent interchange of flags was indulged, for the 
 gratification of the different partifans. 
 
 * General Burgoyne, whofe genius for thefe lite- 
 rary prodr.&ions was afterwards difplayed more to his 
 honor. 
 
 VOL. I. 2....L 
 
274 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vin. But notwithftanding the relu dance to action, 
 * obfervable in two powerful and contiguous ar- 
 mies, the wheels of revolution were rolling on 
 in fwift progreffion. The approach of fpring 
 lowered with the fate of empire, the birth of 
 nations, and the painful convuliions experienced 
 by every flate, ftruggling to retrieve and per- 
 manently fecure the rights of nature, feized or 
 curtailed by the ftrong hand of power. 
 
 Through the laft ten years, the Britifli minik 
 try had been repeatedly changed, and though 
 none of them, except the duke of Grafton and 
 the marquis of Rockingham,* who had figured 
 at the head of adminiftration, had fhewn any dif- 
 pofition to do juftice to America, yet the coun- 
 fels of the cabinet had been kept in continual 
 fluctuation. From the retirement of lord Bute, 
 in one thoufand feven hundred and lixty-ftx, 
 there had been an extraordinary variety and 
 fucceffion of characters in the colonial depart- 
 -ment. The lords Grenville, Rockingham, 
 North, Hillfborough, and Dartmouth, had al- 
 ternately taken the lead in this thorny path : 
 feveral others had labored in the road for a 
 time, and retired equally fuccefslefs and cha- 
 grined ; particularly the duke of Grafton.f 
 
 * The marquis of Rockingham was through his whole 
 life uniformly oppofed to the American war. 
 
 t The duke of Grafton was very explicit with his ma- 
 jefty in his reafbns for refignation. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 275 
 
 From the religious deportment of lord Dart- 
 mouth, he had fecured the partiality of a party ; 
 but it foon appeared from the inefficacy of his 
 meafures, and the want of liability in his con- 
 duct, that he was a very unfit perfon for a place, 
 that required deeper intrigue, more energy, 
 and ftronger abilities than he pofleffed. Tired 
 of the burthen himfelf, and his employers weary 
 of his adminiftration, he refigned his office in 
 the fummer of one thoufand feven hundred 
 and feventy-five. 
 
 On his refignation, lord George Germaine, 
 " the hero of Minden" entered a field which 
 did not brighten his laurels, though he engaged 
 with a boldnefs and temerity of fpirit, that he 
 had not on all occafions difcovered. Zealous 
 for the honor of his fovereign, the intereft and 
 fuperiority of his nation, the dignity and fu- 
 premacy of parliament, he undertook the con- 
 duct of the American war, and the fubjugation 
 of the colonies, with a temper and refolution 
 more fanguine than difcreet. Early in his ad- 
 miniftration, and through the whole courfe of 
 this eventful year, propofals for an accommoda- 
 tion with the colonies, were offered from vari- 
 ous quarters ; but conciliation with America, 
 had no place in the fyftem of the new minifter. 
 
 The firft bill that appeared for this purpofe, 
 was from the hand of lord Chatham, whofe en- 
 ergetic abilities and dignified policy, had re- 
 
276 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 H. cently refcued the empire from ruin. But not 
 ~ even the talents of a man who had been courted 
 by his fovereign, admired by his enemies, and 
 adored by the nation, had any influence on a 
 miniftry, deaf to every thing but an American 
 revenue, and the fupremacy of parliament. 
 After the failure of the efforts of this diftin- 
 guiflied ftatefman, Burke, Franklin, Fothergill, 
 Hartley, and others, anxious to prevent the 
 wanton wafte of human blood, brought for- 
 ward their propofals to procure a reconciliation 
 with the colonies, either on the terms of equity, 
 or partial conceffion. They fupported them 
 with the moft interefting pathos, and with great 
 ftrength of argument : but neither the perfua- 
 iive eloquence of the orator,* the reafoning 
 powers or conclulive arguments of the philofo- 
 pher,f nor the mild fimplicity and humane in- 
 terference of the upright quaker,| were liftened 
 to with the fmalleft attention, by a predetermi- 
 ned adminiftration, fanclioned by the approba- 
 tion of royalty. Every fuggeftion that wore 
 any appearance of lenity, or re-union with the 
 colonies, was rejected on the principle of the fu- 
 premacy of parliament. Tenacious of their 
 power, and the right to alter, or refume at plea- 
 fure, all colonial charters, and to regulate and 
 tax as confiftent with the convenience of the 
 
 * Edmund Burke. f Dr. Franklin. 
 
 J Dr. Fothergill All well known in the literary world. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 277 
 
 parent ftate, the late petition from congrefs, 
 met the ufual neglect that had been fhewn to 
 every former application. 
 
 Before it was totally rejected, the duke of 
 Richmond fuggefted the propriety of queftion- 
 ing governor Penn, who prefented the petition, 
 relative to the ftrength, the refources, the dif- 
 pofition, and the deiigns of America. Mr. Penn 
 was a gentleman whofe talents were equal to the 
 buiinefs he was fent to negociate. When called 
 on the floor of the houfe of commons for ex- 
 amination, he gave a. clear and decided ftate- 
 ment of the fituation and the views, the ex- 
 pectations, the wifhes, and the final determina- 
 tion of his countrymen, if they failed in their 
 prefent attempt to be heard by their fovereign.* 
 But it was immediately aflerted, that congrefs 
 was an illegal body ; that no parley could be 
 held with rebels ; that while the Americans in 
 hoftile array were preparing armies for oppofi- 
 tion to parliamentary authority, it was beneath 
 the dignity of the fupreme legiflative, to hold 
 treaties with men who denied their fupremacy ; 
 that coercion alone was the proper line of action / 
 for the nation ; and that it was neceflary this I 
 fyftem mould be pufhed with redoubled vigor. 
 Confequently, after much debate, it was agreed 
 in the houfe, that foreign auxiliaries Ihould be 
 
 * When the petition was prefented by Mr. Penn and 
 Arthur Lee, Efq. they were told by the Minifter that no 
 notice would be taken of it. 
 
278 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 HAP. vni. hired, at an immenfe expenfe, to aflift in the 
 ~ complete fubjugation of the colonies. A treaty 
 with the landgrave of Heffe, and a price for pay- 
 ment for the loan of his flaves was voted, and 
 feveral other fimilar fteps adopted to facilitate 
 the defigns againft America. 
 
 Thefe meafures appeared to many in the 
 houfe, replete with abfurdity, particularly the 
 calling in of foreign mercenaries, to afftft in a 
 work that difcovered little liberality, lefs hu- 
 manity, and no wife policy. It was obferved, 
 that no language or ad could juftify the authors 
 or fupporters of this project. It was replied, 
 ct that foreign troops, infpired with military 
 " maxims and ideas of implicit obedience, 
 66 would be lefs liable to be Mailed by that falfe 
 " lenity, which national foldiers might indulge 
 " at the expenfe of national intereft."* This 
 was an unufual and bold aiTertion to be made 
 in a Britiih houfe of commons, and feemed tinc- 
 tured with a fpirit of defpotifm, that had not al- 
 ways been chara&eriftic of Englifhmen : and in- 
 deed now, the minority in oppolition to this 
 and feveral other high-handed meafures, was 
 too refpeclable to be frowned into iniignificance, 
 even by the difapprobation of kings.f 
 
 The noble names of Rockingham, Scarbo- 
 rough, Abingdon, Effingham, and Poafonby j 
 
 * Britifn Annual Regifter. 
 f See Appendix, Note No. XVI. 
 
" 
 
 THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 279 
 
 the dukes of Mancheiler, Devonfhire, Rich- 
 mond, and Grafton, with many others of equal 
 rank and confideration, appeared on the pro- 
 tefts againft the fanguine, fummary, and dan- 
 gerous proceedings of parliament. Their opin- 
 ions were fupported even by fome of the royal 
 family: the efforts of the duke 'of Cumberland 
 were ftrenuous ; he reprobated in the moft ex- 
 plicit terms, the whole American fyftem ; he 
 lamented in pathetic language, the employing 
 of foreigners ; he obferved, that he much re- 
 gretted " that Brunfwickers, who once to their 
 " honor, had been employed in defence of the 
 liberties of the fubjecl, mould now be fent to 
 fubjugate a diftant part of the Britifli em- 
 " pire."* 
 
 But in fpite of protefts, arguments, reafon, or 
 humanity, the parliament of Britain proceeded 
 as expreffed in the diffent of the lords, to " a 
 " refinement in tyranny. 91 Towards the clofe of 
 the year, they interdicted all trade with Amer- 
 ica, declared the colonies out of the royal pro- 
 tection, licenfed the feizure of their property on 
 the high feas, and by an act of parliament, gave 
 the forfeiture to the captors, and directed an in- 
 difcriminate compulfion of all perfons taken on 
 board any American veflel, to ferve as common 
 failors in his majefty's navy. 
 
 * See the fpeech of his royal highnefs at large in the 
 Britifli Annual Regifter, 
 
280 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vm. This mode of procedure was oppofed and 
 criminated with all the powers of language, by 
 fome members of the firft confequence in the 
 houfe of commons. They pronounced it the 
 laft degree of wretchednefs and indignity to 
 which human nature could be fubjugated. They 
 obferved that " this was an inftance of tyranny 
 " worfe than death, thus to compel the unfor- 
 " tunate captives who might fall into their 
 " hands, after being plundered themfelves, to 
 " ailift their enemies in plundering their breth- 
 " ren." They afferted " that fuch modes of fe- 
 " verity were without example, except among 
 " pirates, outlaws, and the common enemies of 
 " civil fociety." Yet, notwithftanding thefe 
 feniible remonftrances, there were fome of the 
 moft diftinguifhed characters in England, fo 
 heated by party fpirit, national pride, and the 
 high claims of parliamentary dignity and fupe- 
 riority, as mamelefsly to avow the neceflity of 
 leaping over the boundaries of equity, and wink- 
 ing out of fight the immutable laws of juftice. 
 It is painful to record, as an evidence of this 
 afTertion, a fmgle inftance, that muft caufe a 
 blulh for the weaknefs or wickednefs of man. 
 Even the great lord Mansfield, whofe fuperior 
 talents, profound erudition, law knowledge, and 
 philofophical abilities, mould have elevated him 
 above all local or party prejudices, declared pub- 
 Hckly, " that the original queftion of right ought 
 " no longer to be confidered ; that the juftice 
 " of the caufe muft give way to the prefent fit- 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 281 
 
 " uation ; that they were engaged in a war, 
 " and muft ufe every effort to obtain the end 
 "propofed thereby."* If the politician can 
 juftify this fophiflical reafoning, the dictates of 
 juftice muft lead the upright to revolt at the 
 idea : a declaration fo devoid of the principles 
 of rectitude, from a man of his lordfhip's celeb- 
 rity, at once mocks the feelings of equity and 
 wounds the fenfations of humanity. 
 
 The pafEons of fome were irritated by this 
 extraordinary fpeech of lord Mansfield, and the 
 judgment of others convinced, that America 
 had nothing to expect either from the juftice 
 or clemency of parliament, under the influence 
 of men of fuch abilities and principles. Yet ftill 
 the chimerical project of conqueft and fubjuga- 
 tion, continued to be uniformly oppofed by the 
 diflenting lords in one houfe, and a melioration 
 of the American fyftem urged in the other, on 
 the ftrongeft grounds of reafon, juftice, policy, 
 and humanity ; but a minifterial majority was 
 aftonilhingly kept up in both, and on a divilion 
 on every queftion relative to the colonies, the 
 minority bore no proportion to the names in 
 the other fcale. 
 
 A war with America did not at this period 
 appear to be the general wifh of the nation at 
 
 * Debates in parliament, and lord Mansfield's fpeech in 
 the houfe of lords, December, 1775. 
 
 VOL. I. 2....M 
 
282 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vni. large ; but engaged in their own pleafures and 
 I~7~ purfuits, they feemed rather inattentive to the 
 object in difpute, as a matter that very little 
 concerned them. There was indeed fome clam- 
 or among the great body of the merchants, on 
 the total deftruction of the American trade, and 
 fome of the manufacturing towns were difpofed 
 to be riotous on the occaiion ; but the danger 
 of a foreign war, or a final difmemberment of 
 the empire, was not generally apprehended by 
 the people, though thefe confequences were pre- 
 dicted by fome fagacious heads, and the hearts 
 of the patriotic and compaffionate were hurt by 
 the anticipation of the impending evils. 
 
 Calling in the aid of foreigners, and intro- 
 'ducing a large body of German mercenaries in 
 Britifh pay, to fettle a domeftic quarrel with 
 the colonies, was mortifying to the pride and 
 valor of every uncorrupted Englishman. But 
 the torrent of fecret influence was irreiiftible ; 
 the expeniive fyftem was precipitated : preroga- 
 tive and conqueft was the minifterial creed ; 
 power the princely object : and on the approba- 
 tory fpeech of the monarch, when all was at 
 hazard, there appeared a coolnefs that bordered 
 on apathy. Silence and fubmiffion were enjoin- 
 ed on the friends of America in the houfe of 
 commons ; and the liberty of writing' their 
 names, and witnefling their uneafmefs by their 
 own lignature, was all the confolation of the 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 283 
 
 protefting lords, while thefe important quef- 
 tions were in agitation.* 
 
 The debates in parliament relative to colonial 
 meafures, the king's fpeech, and the rejection 
 of the late petition of the continental congrefs, 
 arrived in America before the month of March, . 
 one thoufand feven hundred and feventy-fix. 1776. 
 Thefe were accompanied with the intelligence 
 of the Heffian treaty, and that foreign auxilia- 
 ries from various other nations were to be em- 
 ployed in the compulfory fyftem, and that the 
 barbarous ftrangere were to affift in the entire 
 fubjugation of the colonies, if not otherwife re- 
 duced to unworthy fubmiffion. 
 
 On this information, the indignation of all 
 ranks can fcarcely be defcribed. The king's 
 fpeech was condemned, and ordered to be burnt 
 in the centre of the camp at Cambridge. The 
 wavering were refolved, the timid grew bold, 
 the placid and philofophic lovers of peace left 
 the retired haunts of literary felicity, and be- 
 neath the helmet and the buckler, courted the 
 poft of danger : vigorous action was now the 
 
 * On the prohibitory, the retraining aft, the interdic- 
 tion of trade, and all other coercive bills, the ufual rate of 
 voices in favor of them, was from an hundred and twenty 
 to an hundred and fifty the number of the minority fel- 
 dom more than thirty or forty ; when they amounted to 
 forty, it was thought a confiderable acquifition. 
 
284 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vin. only line of conduct to be obferved through ev- 
 " ~ ery department. Previous to any other move- 
 
 ment, it was judged important that the Britifh 
 forces mould be immediately removed from 
 their flrong hold in the town of Bofton, left 
 the work mould be rendered more difficult on 
 the arrival of frefh 'troops from Great Britain, 
 now daily expected. 
 
 General Wafhington, fenfible of this neceflity, 
 and that no more time was to be loft, opened 
 a fevere cannonade on the weftern fide, not far 
 diftant from the town, on the evening of the 
 fourth of March. This was defigned rather to 
 divert attention within the walls, than for any 
 important confequences expected from this ma- 
 noeuvre without* The Americans kept up a 
 conftant lire through the night, while feveral 
 fmaller works were erected for the annoyance 
 of the befieged ; but the principal effect was 
 expected from the heights of Dorchefter. By 
 the great eft induftry and difpatch, a ftrong bat- 
 tery, very unexpectedly to the enemy, appear- 
 ed there on the morning of the fifth, from 
 whence the Americans played their artillery 
 with eafe on the town. The aflailants under 
 the direction of general Thomas, erected and 
 extended their works in fuch a judicious man- 
 ner, as to command the peninfula leading to 
 Bofton, Caffle- William, and at the fame time a 
 confiderable part of the harbor. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 285 
 
 General Howe, mortified that fuch an ad- 
 vantageous poft mould have been fo long ne- 
 glected by himfelf, and aflonifhed at the appear- 
 ance of fuch ftrong and defenfible works, riling 
 as it were in a night, without noife or alarm in 
 that quarter, did not long hefitate on the part 
 neceflary for him to act in this critical conjunc- 
 ture. There remained no alternative between 
 a bold and vigorous attempt to diilodge the 
 Americans, or an immediate evacuation of the 
 town. To fly on the firft appearance of dan- 
 ger, was humiliating to the pride of the foldier, 
 leflening his military honor, and finking the dig- 
 nity of the commander in chief. 
 
 A choice of difficulties lay before him. He 
 was fhort of provifions ; the foldiers had be- 
 come difcontented with the fervice, and fa- 
 tigued with continual watching : an immediate 
 retreat might appear to him lefs difgraceful, 
 than the confequences of refiftance under many 
 apparent difad vantages. On the other hand, 
 chagrined at the idea of drawing off feven or 
 eight thoufand of the beft troops the king his 
 mafter had in fervice, without ftriking a blow, 
 and relinquifhing the only American town they 
 then had in pofleflion, to the undifcipiined -pea- 
 fantry of the country, was (till a more humilia- 
 ting thought. From thefe confiderations he 
 made all poflible preparation to diilodge the 
 American troops, the evening after they were 
 difcovored on the heights of Dorchefter. But 
 
286 fHE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vm. the intervention of the elements difconcerted 
 his operations : a tremendous ftorm of wind 
 and rain prevented the dangerous enterprife, 
 and faved the expenfe of much blood. 
 
 General Howe finding his deiign impractica- 
 ble, in confequence of this difappointment, or- 
 dered an embarkation to begin as foon as the 
 tempeft fhould fubfide. But embarraffed by a 
 crowd of refugees and other delinquents, who, 
 confcious they could not rely on their country 
 for fafety, had thrown themfelves on his protec- 
 tion } encumbered with women, children, fur- 
 niture, foldiers, officers, and camp equipage ; 
 the inconveniences and dangers of a voyage at 
 the equinoctial feafon ; the iterility of the coun- 
 try* and the coldnefs of the clime to which he 
 muft repair, with a difcontented army and a 
 group of miferable, difappointed tories, render- 
 ed the iituation of the Britifh commander in 
 chief truly pitiable. To add to the confufion 
 of the fcene, the ftricteft harmony did not exift 
 between the officers of the army and navy ; 
 this increafed the difficulty of accommodation 
 on this unexpected emergency, when fo many 
 ufelefs perfons claimed protection and fub- 
 fiitence. 
 
 When the Americans faw the Britifli troops 
 about to depart, they did not offer to impede 
 
 * General Howe went from Bofton to Halifax, Nova 
 Scotia. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 287 
 
 their defign in the fmalleft degree ; the cannon- 
 ade was fufpended, and they beheld with an eye 
 of compaflion, the extraordinary emigration of 
 fome hundreds of difaffected Americans, whom 
 they fuffered to depart with the fuccefslefs ar- 
 my, without a wim to retard their flight. 
 Thefe unhappy people took with them fuch of 
 their effects as the hurry of the occaiion and 
 their military mailers would permit. General 
 Wafhington with a few troops entered Bofton, 
 with the enfigns of triumph difplayed, and be- 
 held the rear of the panic-ftruck army of Britain, 
 precipitately flying from a town that had long 
 been the object of minifterial vengeance. 
 
 This bloodlefs victory on the one fide, and the 
 difgraceful flight on the other, was viewed with 
 pleafure and furprife, or with aftonifhment and 
 grief,in proportion to thepolitical hopes andfears 
 that agitated the various parties, who all confider- 
 edthe tranfactions of the day replete with impor- 
 tant confequences. Every mark of refpect was 
 externally>fliewn to general Wafhington, even 
 by thofe who were not well affected to the caufe 
 in which he was engaged. Many of this clafs, 
 more culpable than fome who went off with the 
 Britifh army, chofe to ftay and caft themfelves 
 on the mercy of their countrymen, rather than 
 to hazard the danger of a voyage, the lofs of 
 property, and a feparation from their families. 
 
 Some, much lefs criminal than thefe, and 
 many really inoffenfive perfons, fuddenly ftruck 
 
288 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 HAP. VHI. with imaginary fears, abandoned their habita- 
 tions and their country, which by a little ad- 
 drefs they might quietly have poffefTed. Seve- 
 ral very doubtful characters not only acted with 
 decent civility and condefcenfion, but confi- 
 dently affumed merit to themfelves as friends 
 of the revolution : fome of thefe were after- 
 wards promoted to places and offices of high 
 truft. Indeed the loyalifls in general who flay- 
 ed in Bofton, and chofe to run all hazards rather 
 than quit their native country, experienced 
 much clemency from the oppofite party ; yet, 
 perhaps not in the full latitude that policy might 
 have dictated : but the impreffions of danger 
 and infult to which the victors had long been 
 expofed, operated more powerfully in the minds 
 of many, than the laws of forgivenefs, or the 
 diflant view of political confequences. 
 
 Thus a kind of inquifitorial court was erect- 
 ed in Bofton, and fome perfons more warm than 
 difcreet, and, more zealous than judicious, were 
 appointed to decide on the criminality of ftate 
 delinquents, fever al of whom were adjudged to 
 punimments rather ridiculous than fevere. 
 This ftep tended only to ftrengthen the aliena- 
 tion of thofe who had, either from intereft, 
 treachery, timidity, or a paffion for the fplen- 
 dor of monarchy, enlifted under the banners of 
 royalty, without any fixed principles in religion 
 or politics. Had the new government at this 
 period, pafled an act of indemnity and oblivion. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 289 
 
 and proclaimed pardon to all who had incurred 
 the public refentment, excepting a few who had 
 notorioufly deferved profcription, it is probable 
 many would have returned to the bofom of 
 their country, and become faithful fubjecls to 
 the United States, when they could have done 
 it without the imputation of being rebels to 
 their fovereign. This conlideration before the 
 declaration of independence, fiad a confcientious 
 influence on the minds of Tome -who difapprov- 
 ed of the minifterial encroachments, yet fcru- 
 pled the right of refiftance while the legal fub- 
 jecls of the firitim crown ; but the line of fep- 
 aration foon after drawn, the doubts of many 
 well-difpofed perfons were entirely diflipated. 
 
 After the evacuation of Bofton, the fucceilion 
 of important events was too rapid for the mind 
 to dwell long on fingle incidents. It remained 
 for fome time uncertain where the Britiih army 
 and navy would next direct their operations. 
 Though they failed immediately for Halifax, it 
 was only to difembark their ufelefs hands, and 
 fecure a rendezvous until freih reinforcements 
 fliould arrive from England. 
 
 The fituation of the fouthern colonies at this 
 time commanded the attention cf every well- 
 wifher to the American caufe. Some time be- 
 fore the Britifh troops left Bofton, general Clin- 
 ton had been fent fouthward to the affiftance af 
 
 VOL. i, 2....N 
 
290 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. via. governor Martin and lord William Campbell. 
 
 ""~ We have feen that before they left their gov- 
 ernments, they had inftigated a number of the 
 back fettlers in the Carolinas to create difturb- 
 ances. Thefe people formerly aggrieved by 
 their own government, had ftyled themfelves 
 Regulators , had embodied for oppolition, had re- 
 fifted authority, and had fuffered fever ely. 
 They were now perfuaded, that the fame per- 
 fons who had fome years before oppreffed them, 
 were at this time in rebellion againft their fove- 
 reign. This opinion was ftrengthened by gov- 
 ernor Martin, who kept up a correfpondence 
 with their leaders, and invited them to repair 
 to the royal ftandard at Brunfwick, where they 
 mould be fupported by a large body of the 
 king's troops. 
 
 Though as obferved, thefe people had been 
 compelled to fubmiffion, and had remained quiet 
 a number of years, yet their old antipathies 
 were not obliterated. Ignorant of the caufes 
 of the general uneaiinefs of the colonies, and 
 miftaken in character, they united under the 
 very men who had formerly exercifed every fe- 
 verity againft them and their leaders.* Thefe 
 were joined by the Highlanders, who had mi- 
 
 * Particularly a colonel Fanning, a violent partifan of 
 the crown, who had been in the former infurreclion, the 
 executioner of moft of their principal leaders, without even 
 the form of a trial. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 291 
 
 grated in fhoals after the rebellion in Scotland, CHAP.VHI. 
 in one thoufand feven hundred and forty-five : ~~ 
 they had fuffered too much not to dread a fec- 
 ond oppofition to the authority of the king of 
 England. Thefe defcriptions of men were for 
 a time very troublefome on the fouthern bor- 
 ders, more particularly of North Carolina ; but 
 by the fpirit and activity of fome continental 
 troops, under the command of brigadier gene- 
 ral More, the whole party was defeated. Their 
 commanding officer Macdonald, and moft of 
 their other officers imprifoned, the unhappy 
 remnant who efcaped imprifonment or death, 
 retreated xto the woods ; and all hope or fear 
 from this quarter, was extinguilhed before the 
 arrival of Sir Henry Clinton at Cape Fear. 
 
 As foon as it was difcovered at Cambridge, 
 that general Clinton had left Bofton, general 
 Lee was ordered to fet forward to obferve his 
 manoeuvres, and prepare to meet him with ad- 
 vantage in any part of the continent he might 
 think proper to vifit. No man was better 
 qualified at this early ftage of the war, to pene- 
 trate the defigns, or to face in the field an ex- 
 perienced Britifh veteran, than general Lee. He 
 had been an officer of character and rank in 
 the late war between England and France.* 
 Fearlefs of danger, and fond of glory, he was 
 
 * He had ferved with reputation in Portugal, under the 
 command of the count de la Lippe. 
 
'292 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP.VUX. calculated for the field, without any of the 
 graces that recommend the foldier to the cir- 
 cles of the polite. He was plain in his perfon 
 even to uglinefs, and carelefs in his manners to a 
 degree of rudenefs. He poffeffed a bold genius 
 and an unconquerable fpirit : his voice was 
 rough, his garb ordinary, his deportment mo- 
 rofe. A confiderable traveller, and well ac- 
 quainted with moil of the European nations, 
 he was frequently agreeable in narration, and 
 judicious and entertaining in obfervation. Dif- 
 gufted with the minifterial fyftem, and more fo 
 with his fovereign who authorifed it, he cheriih- 
 ed the American caufe from motives of refent- 
 ment, and a predilection in favor of freedom, 
 more than from a juft fenfe of the rights of 
 mankind. 
 
 Without religion or country, principle, or 
 attachment, gold was his deity, and liberty the 
 idol of his fancy : he hoarded the former with- 
 out tafte for its enjoyment, and worihipped the 
 latter as the patronefs of licentioufnefs, rather 
 than the proteclrefs of virtue. He affected to 
 defpife the opinion of the world, yet was fond 
 of applaufe. Ambitious of fame without the 
 dignity to fupport it, he emulated the heroes of 
 antiquity in the field, while in private life he 
 funk into the vulgarity of the clown. Congrefs 
 did wifely to avail themfelves of his military 
 experience in the infancy of a confederated ar- 
 my, and ftill more wifely in placing him in a de- 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 295 
 
 grce of fubordination. He was on the firft lift 
 of continental officers, and only the generals ^ 
 Washington and Ward were named before him ; 
 but though nominally the third in rank, as a 
 foldier he was fecond to no man. The abilities 
 of general Ward were better adapted to the 
 more quiet difquifitions of the cabinet, th^on 
 the hoflile and dangerous fcenes of the field or 
 the camp, both which he foon left and retired 
 to private life, when nothing remained to pre- 
 vent this iingular ftranger from taking the com- 
 mand of the armies of the United States, but 
 the life of Walhington. 
 
 General Lee with his detachment from Cam- 
 bridge reached New York, and put. it in a ftate 
 of defence, before iir Henry Clinton arrived 
 there, though he had failed from Bofton feveral 
 days previous to its being known at Cambridge. 
 While at NewYork, Lee drew up a lift of fufpecl- 
 ed perfons, and difarmed them. He carried 
 his military authority fo high, that the congrefs 
 of that ftate thought proper to check his career : 
 they informed him, that the trial and punifh- 
 .ment of their citizens belonged to themfelves, 
 and not to any military character. He apolo- 
 gized by obferving, that " when the enemy 
 " were at the door," forms muft be difpenfed 
 " with ; that his duty to them, to the continent, 
 " and to his confcience, dictated the meafure ; 
 " that if he had done wrong, he would fubmit 
 " himfelf to the fliame of being imputed rafli ; 
 
294 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. VUL " but that he fhould ftill have the confolation in 
 
 " his own breaft, that pure motives of ferving 
 
 \ " the community, uncontaminated by individ- 
 
 " ual refentment, had urged him to thofefteps." 
 
 The movements of general Lee were fo rapid, 
 wai to the furprife of Sir Henry Clinton, he 
 was in Virginia before him. But as the object 
 of the Britifh armament was flill farther fouth, 
 Lee with uncommon celerity, traverfed the con- 
 tinent, met general Clinton in North Carolina, 
 and was again ready for the defence of Sulli- 
 van's Illand, near Charlefton in South Carolina, 
 before the arrival of the Britifh troops under 
 the command of general Clinton. 
 
 Sir Peter Parker had appeared off Cape Fear 
 }n the month of May, one thoufand feven hun- 
 dred and feventy^fix, with a coniiderable fquad- 
 ron of line-of-battle mips, and a number of 
 tranfports containing feveral regiments of land 
 forces, and a heavy train of artillery. A body 
 of troops commanded by lord Cornwallis and 
 general Vaughan were foon after landed on 
 Long Ifland : the defign was to unite with gene- 
 ral Clinton, and reduce Charlefton, the rich 
 capital of South Carolina. This ftate had 
 thrown off their allegiance, aifumed a govern- 
 ment Of their own, and chofen John Rutledge, 
 Efq. their chief magiftrate, under the ftyle and 
 title of Prefident*. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 
 
 Notwithftanding the parade of immediate at- CHAP 
 tack, near a month elapfed in total inaction, be- 
 fore the aflault on Sullivan's Ifland was begun 
 by the Britifli naval commander : in the mean 
 time, the Americans were ftrongly pofted there. 
 The engagement took place on the twenty- 
 ninth of June, and was conducted with great 
 fpirit and bravery on both fides ; the higheft en- 
 comiums are juftly due to the valor and intre- 
 pidity of the Britifli officers and feamen ; and 
 notwithftanding the courage and ability of gen- 
 eral Gadfden, the vigor, activity, and bravery 
 of general Moultrie, and the experience and 
 military knowledge of general Lee, it is proba- 
 ble the action would have terminated more to 
 the honor of the Britifli navy, had they been 
 properly fupported by the land forces. 
 
 It remains yet to be inveftigated, why no at- 
 tempt was made by the troops on Long Ifland, 
 to caufe a diverfion on the other fide, which 
 would doubtlefs have altered the whole face of 
 the action. But whether from a feries of un- 
 expected refiftance, their imaginations had be- 
 come habituated to view every thing through 
 the medium of danger, or whether from a de- 
 gree of caution that fometimes betrays the 
 brave into the appearance of timidity, or from 
 any jealoufies fubfifting between the com- 
 manders, is uncertain. However, this neglect 
 occafioned loud complaints among the officers 
 of the navy ; nor was it eafy for lord Cornwallis 
 
296 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 . and general Clinton, though high on the rolls 
 
 of military fame, to wipe off the afperiions 
 thrown on their conduct. Even their apolo- 
 gies for their own inactivity, inftead of excul- 
 pating themfelves, were rather a teftimony of 
 the fkill, ability, and vigor of their antagonifts ; 
 who, in fo mort a time, were prepared to bid 
 defiance to the combined force of Britain, though 
 commanded by fea and land, by officers of ac- 
 knowledged merit in the line of their profeffion. 
 
 Many brave officers of the navy fought with 
 valor and fpirit, that would have been truly glo- 
 rious in a more honorable caufe. One inftance 
 of this, among many others of the unfortunate 
 who fell on the occaiion, was the valiant and 
 fpirited captain Morris of the Briftol : he loft an 
 arm by a ball in the beginning of the engage- 
 ment, and while retired to drefs his wounds, 
 two of his furgeons were killed by his lide, be- 
 fore they had finimcd the operation. On this, 
 the captain with his ufual intrepidity, refumed 
 his command ; when he immediately received 
 a fhot through the body, and had time only to 
 obferve before he expired, that " he coniigned 
 " his family to his God and his country." Af- 
 ter an obftinate engagement of ten or twelve 
 hours, the faiiors difheartened, and their offi- 
 cers wounded,* the fhattered fleet with diffi- 
 
 * Lord William Campbell, governor of South Carolina, 
 who had taken refuge on board one of the king's fhips, 
 was mortallv wounded in the attack on fort Moultrie. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. '297 
 
 culty retired to the diftance of three or four 
 miles from tlxe fort, and in a few days put 
 themfelves in a condition to withdraw to the 
 general rendezvous before New York. 
 
 The triumph of the Americans in this fuc- 
 
 cefs, who had always juftly dreaded the naval 
 
 power of Britain, was in equal proportion to 
 
 the chagrin of their enemies, thus repulfed in a 
 
 quarter where, from the locality of circumilan- 
 
 ces, they leaft , expected it. The multitude of 
 
 manumitted Haves, and the ariftocratic fpirit of 
 
 many of the principal planters, had flattered 
 
 them with the idea, that in the fouthern colo- 
 
 nies they mould meet but a feeble refiftance. 
 
 Lord Dunmore, who had joined in the expedi- 
 
 tion, continued feveral weeks after the repulfe, 
 
 to cruife about the borders of Virginia, and the 
 
 Carolinas, with his little fleet of fugitives and 
 
 Haves. But, as the mid-fummer heats increafed, 
 
 a peflilential fever raged on board, which car- 
 
 ried off many of the refugees, and fwept away 
 
 moft of the miferable negroes he had decoyed 
 
 from their matters. Forbidden admittance 
 
 wherever he attempted to land, and fuffering 
 
 for proviiions, he burnt feveral of his veflels ; 
 
 the remainder, except one in which he flickered 
 
 himfelf and family, and two other fliips of 
 
 war for his protection, he fent laden with the 
 
 wretched victims of his folly and cruelty, to 
 
 VOL. I. 2....O 
 
298 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 1776. 
 
 feek fome kind of fubliftence in the Floridas, 
 Bermudas, and the Weft Indies. 
 
 Lord Howe had been long expefted with his 
 motley mercenaries from HefTe, Hanover, and 
 Brunfwick. His brother Sir William, after a 
 difagreeable reiidence of two or three months 
 at Halifax, did not think proper to wait longer 
 there the arrival of his lordfhip. Miferably ac- 
 commodated, and painfully agitated by the re- 
 collection of his difgraceful flight from Bofton, 
 anxious for intelligence from Europe, and dif- 
 treffed by the delay of recruits and fupplies, 
 without which little could be done to retrieve 
 his fuffering fame, he quitted that ftation, ac- 
 companied by admiral Shuldham, and arrived 
 at Sandy Hook the twenty-ninth of June. On 
 his paiTage to New York, he accidentally fell in 
 with a few fcattering tranfports from England, 
 which he took under his protection, while ma- 
 ny lefs fortunate were captured by the Ameri- 
 can cruifers. 
 
 General Howe was, foon after his arrival at 
 New York, joined by the repulfed troops from 
 the fouthward, and the broken fquadron under 
 the command of Sir Peter Parker ; by a regi- 
 ment from St. Auguftine, another from Penfa- 
 cola, alfo by a few troops from St. Vincents, 
 fome fmall additions from other pofts, and a 
 conliderable party of loyalifts from New Jerfey, 
 and from the environs of Philadelphia and New 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 299 
 
 York, which by great induflry had been collect- CHAP. vm. 
 ed and embodied by governor Tryon. Not- 
 withftanding this acquifition of ftrength, he 
 found the continental army fo ftrongly pofted 
 on Long Ifland and New York, that he did not 
 immediately attempt any thing of confequence. 
 
 Immediately after the evacuation of Bofton, 
 general Wafhington had fent on the army in 
 detachments, and when he had made fome ne- 
 ceffary arrangements for the future defence of 
 the eaftern Hates, he haftened on himfelf to New 
 York, where he had made all poflible prepara- 
 tion for the reception of general Howe. It has 
 juft been obferved, that the Britifh commander 
 had collected all his ftrength, and called in the 
 forces from every quarter of America except 
 Canada, where, under the direction of the gen- 
 erals Carleton and Burgoyne, meafures were ri- 
 pening for a junction at Albany, with the ex- 
 pelled conquerors of the more fouthern colo- 
 nies. But in the prefent circumftance of affairs, 
 general Howe thought proper to land his troops 
 at Staten Ifland, and wait more favorable ap- 
 pearances, which he had reafon to expect on the 
 arrival of his brother, an event hourly and anx- 
 iouily looked for. 
 
 His lordfhip was confidered by many in 
 America, as the harbinger of peace, though ad- 
 vancing in all the pride and pomp of war, ac- 
 companied by the ready executioners of every 
 
300 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. vm. hoftile defign. It was reported, that the com* 
 "~^ mander of a formidable equipment both for fea 
 and land fervice, came out in a double capacity ; 
 that though prepared for offenfive operations, 
 lord Howe had yet a commiffion from his royal 
 mailer to accommodate the difputes, and to re- 
 ftore tranquillity to the colonies, on generous 
 and equitable terms. The augurs of each party 
 predicted the confequences of this minifterial 
 manoeuvre, and interpreted the deiigns of his 
 lordfhip's corrhniflion, according to their own 
 hopes, fears, or expectations, 
 
 In the infancy of her emancipation, America 
 was not fuch an adept in the fcience of political 
 intrigue, but that many yet flattered themfelves, 
 that an accommodation might take place, and 
 that halcyon days might be reflored by the in- 
 terpofition of the two brothers, lord and gene- 
 ral Howe, joined in the commiflion of peace un- 
 der the fanclion of royal indulgence ; but more 
 judicious men faw through, and defpifed the 
 bubble of policy, which held a pardon in one 
 hand and a poniard in the other, with the de- 
 teftable offer of aflafTmation or flavery. They 
 conlidered the mode of pacification propofed, 
 as at once an infult to the feelings, and an af- 
 front to the understandings of a people, too fe- 
 rious for trifling when all was at ftake, and too 
 wife to be cajoled by fuperficial appearances. 
 Yet, thofe beft acquainted with the lituation 
 and character, the genius and connexions of the 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 301 
 
 inhabitants of the middle colonies, were not fur- CHAP.VIH. 
 prifed to find many among them, who feemed 
 ready to embrace fuch humiliating conditions, 
 as he fafety, the intereft, the honor, and juf- 
 tice of America, were bound to reject. 
 
 It was well known, that from the beginning 
 of the grand conteft, the lamp of liberty had 
 not burnt fo bright in New York, New Jerfey, 
 and Pennfylvania, as in fome other parts of 
 America. Though there was a party in New 
 York ftrongly attached to the caufe of the col- 
 onies, there had been early realbn to fuppofe, 
 that fome men of high confideration in that 
 ftate were not entirely proof againft the influ- 
 ence of minifterial gold. New Jerfey was the 
 retreat of the timid, the difaffecled, and the lov- 
 ers of inglorious eafe, from each corner of 
 America. They there thought they might reft 
 fecure from the ravages of war, as the torch 
 which was lighted at both ends, might be extin- 
 guilhed before it penetrated to the centre. 
 
 The quakers and the proprietary intereft, long- 
 hung as a dead weight on the fpirited meafures 
 of the genuine friends of freedom and of their 
 country, both in Pennfylvania and Maryland ; 
 but the incidents of a few months connected 
 every intereft, and brought almoft every diifen- 
 tient voice into union, and liaftened on an event 
 that every one conlidered as deciiive of the fate 
 of America. The neceffity of a declaration of 
 

 302 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 independence was acknowledged by all : even 
 Maryland, the laft ftate in the union that came 
 into the meafure, and whofe delegates fe- 
 ceded on the queftion of independence, was 
 among the firft who erefted their own govern- 
 ment, and eftablifhed their own modes of legif- 
 lation, independent of proprietors or kings. 
 
 " The dread of flavery in free nations, has at 
 * c all times produced more virtues than the prin- 
 " ciples of their political inftitutions."* This 
 dread hung heavily on the moft fober and judi- 
 cious, the moft wife and virtuous part of the 
 inhabitants of America. They were fenlible 
 that both public and private virtue fink with 
 the lofs of liberty, and that the nobler emula- 
 lations which are drawn out and adorn the foul 
 of man, when not fettered by fervility, frequent : 
 ly hide themfelves in the {hade, or fhrink into 
 littlenefs at the frown of a defpot. They felt 
 too much for themfelves, and feared too much 
 for pofterity, longer to balance between either 
 complete or partial fubmiffion, or an unreferved 
 and entire claim to abfolute independence. 
 
 Thefe ideas precipitated the important era 
 when a connexion was diffolved, the continu- 
 ance of which both nature and affection feemed 
 to require. Great Britain the revered parent, 
 and America the dutiful child, had long been 
 
 *' Travels of Anacharfis. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 303 
 
 bound together by intereft, by a famenefs of CHAP.. 
 habits, manners, religion, laws, and govern- 
 ment. The recollection of their original con- 
 fanguinity had always been cherifhed with an 
 amiable fenfibility, or a kind of mechanic enthu- 
 liafm, that promoted mutual felicity when they 
 met on each other's fhores, or -in diftant lands 
 faluted each other in the fame language. 
 
 A dereliction of old habits of friendfliip and 
 attachment was far from the wifh of many, 
 who had yet ftrongly oppofed the minifterial 
 fyftem : but the period was now arrived, when 
 America felt her wrongs, without hope of re- 
 drefs, and fupported her own rights by aflum- 
 ing her rank as a diftinct nation on the political 
 theatre. We mall fee her relinquiih at once 
 all hopes of protection, or fears of control, from 
 the fovereignty of Britain. The reverential 
 awe with which me had formerly viewed her 
 potent parent, was laid afide, and every effort 
 made to forget her fond attachment for a peo- 
 ple, that from her earlieft infancy me had look- 
 ed up to as fathers, brothers, and friends. 
 
 The feverities of the Britim government to- 
 wards the American colonies, had not yet 
 taught them to exprefs themfelves in any other 
 modes of language, but what indicated their 
 firm attachment to the mother country ; nor 
 had they erafed the habitual ideas, even of ten- 
 dernefs, conveyed in their ufual modes of ex- 
 
304 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP.*, prefllon. When they formed a defign to vifit 
 
 1 England, it had always been thus announced, 
 
 " I am going home." Home, the feat of hap- 
 pinefs, the retreat to all the felicities of the hu- 
 man mind, is too intimately affociated with the 
 beft feelings of the- heart, to renounce without 
 pain, whether applied to the natural or the po- 
 litical parent. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 305 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. me - 
 
 Declaration of Independence. Lord Howe's Arrival in 
 America. Action on Long Ifland. Retreat of the 
 Americans through the Jerfies, and the Lofs of the 
 Forts Washington and Lee. Affairs in Canada. Sur- 
 prife of the Heffians at Trenton. Various Tranfactions 
 in the Jerfies. General Howe's Retreat Makes Head- 
 Quarters at Brunfwick His Indecilion Some Traits 
 of his Character. 
 
 1 HE commiflioners who had been announced 
 as the meflengers of peace, were now hourly ex- 
 peeled ; but the dubious afpecl: of their miffion, 
 and the equivocal character in which they were 
 about to appear, was far from lulling to inatten- 
 tion the guardians of the caufe of America. 
 Their errand was ofteniibly, to reftore peace to 
 the colonies ; but many circumftances combined 
 to evince, that the deiign was in reality, to fur- 
 nifli new pretexts for the profecution of the 
 war, with redoubled vigor. Thus was the con- 
 tinental congrefs fully convinced of the impro- 
 priety of longer holding themfelves in fufpenfe, 
 by delufory hopes, or the uncertain termination 
 of their expectations or their fears. They were 
 fenfible the ftep they were about to take, would 
 either fet their country on the pinnacle of hu- 
 man glory, or plunge it in the abject ftate into 
 which turbulent and conquered colonies have 
 
 VOL. J. 2r..P 
 
306 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. i*. been generally reduced. Yet they wifely judg- 
 ~~ ed, that this was a proper period to break the 
 fhackles, and renounce all political union with 
 the parent ftate, by a free and bold declaration 
 of the independence of the American States. 
 This meafure had been contemplated by fome 
 gentlemen in the feveral colonies, fome months 
 before it took place. They had communicated 
 their fentiments to the individual members of 
 congrefs, but that body had been apprehenfive, 
 that the people at large were not prepared to 
 unite in a ftep fo replete with important confe- 
 quences. But the moment of deciiion had now 
 arrived, when both the congrefs and the inhab- 
 itants of the colonies advanced too far to recede. 
 
 Richard Henry Lee, Efq., a delegate from the 
 ftate of Virginia, a gentleman of diftinguilhed 
 abilities, uniform patriotifm, and unihaken firm- 
 ncfs and integrity, was the firft who dared explic- 
 itly to propofe, that this decided meafure, on 
 which hung fuch mighty confequences, mould no 
 longer be delayed. This public and unequivo- 
 cal propofal, from a man of his virtue and ihin- 
 ing qualities, appeared to fpread a kind of fud- 
 den difmay. A iilent aftonifhment for a few 
 minutes feemed to pervade the whole aflembly : 
 this was foon fucceeded by a long debate, and 
 a conHderable diviiion of fentiment on the im- 
 portant queftion. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 307 
 
 After the fhort iilence juft obferved, the meaf- CHAP. . 
 ure propofed by Mr. Lee was advocated with ~~~~~ 
 peculiar zeal by John Adams, Efq., of the Maf- 
 fachufetts Bay. He rofe with a face of intrepid- 
 ity and the voice of energy, and invoked the 
 god of eloquence, to enable him to do juftice to 
 the caufe of his country, and to enforce this im- 
 portant ftep in fuch a manner, as might filence 
 all oppofition, and convince every one of the ne- 
 ceility of an immediate declaration of the inde- 
 pendence of the United States of America. 
 
 Mr. John Dickinfon, of Pennfylvania, took 
 the lead in ojzjpofition to the boldnefs and dan- 
 ger of this decided meafure. He had drawn 
 the petition to the king forwarded by Mr. Penn, 
 and though no man was more ftrenuous in fup- 
 port of the rights of the colonies, he had always 
 been averfe to a feparation from Britain, and 
 fhuddered at the idea of an avowed revolt 
 of the American colonies. He arofe on this oc- 
 cafion with no lefs folemnity than Mr. Adams 
 had recently done, and with equal pathos of ex- 
 preflion, and more brilliance of epithet, he in- 
 voked the Great Governor of the Univerfe, to an- 
 imate him with powers of language fufficient to 
 exhibit a view of the dread confequences to both 
 countries, that fuch a hafty difmemberment of 
 the empire might produce. He defcanted large- 
 ly on the happy effects that might probaby en- 
 fue from more patient and conciliatory difpoli- 
 
308 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. ix. tions, and urged at leaft a temporary fufpewiiori 
 " of a ftep, that could never be revoked. He de- 
 
 clared that it was his opinion, that even policy 
 forbade the precipitation of this meafure, and 
 that humanity more flrongly dictated, that they 
 ought to wait longer the fuccefs of petitions 
 and negociations, before they formally renoun^ 
 ced their allegiance to the king of Great Britain, 
 broke off all connexion with England, plunged 
 alone into an unequal war, and rulhed without 
 allies into the unforefeen and inevitable dan- 
 gers that attended it. 
 
 The confequences of fuch a folemn act of fep- 
 aration were indeed of ferious and extenfive 
 magnitude. The energy of brilliant talents, 
 and great ftrength of argument, were difplayed 
 by both parties on this weighty occafion. The 
 reafons urging the neceffity of decifion, and the 
 indubitable danger of delay, were clear and co- 
 gent ; the objections,, plaulible, humane, and 
 important : but after a fair difcuffion of the 
 queftion, an accurate llatement of the reafons 
 for adopting the meafure, and a candid fcrutiny 
 of the objections againft it, grounded either on 
 policy or humanity, a large majority of the 
 members of congrefs appeared in favor of an 
 immediate renunciation of allegiance to the 
 crown, or any future fubjugation to the king 
 of Great Britain. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 309 
 
 A declaration* of the independence of Amer- CHAP.IX. 
 lea, and the fovereignty of the United States, 
 was drawn by the ingenious and philofophic 
 pen of Thomas Jefferfon, Efq., a delegate from 
 the ftate of Virginia.! The delegates from 
 twelvef of the American States 2 agreed almoft 
 unanimoufly to this declaration ; the language, 
 the principles, and the fpirit of which, were 
 equally honorable to themfelves and their coun- 
 try. It was iigned by John Hancock, then prefi- 
 dent of congrefs, on the fourth of July, one 
 thoufand feven hundred and feventy-fix. 
 
 The allegiance of thirteen ftates at once with- 
 drawn by a folemn declaration, from a govern^ 
 ment towards which they had looked with the 
 higheft veneration ; whofe authority they had 
 acknowledged, whofe laws they had obeyed, 
 whole protection they had claimed for more 
 than a century and a half was a confideration 
 of fojemnity, a bold refolution, an experiment 
 
 * See Appendix, Note No. XVII. 
 
 f This wife and patriotic ftatefman was afterwards ap- 
 pointed ambaflador to the court of France. On the adop- 
 tion of the prefent conftitution of government, he was ap- 
 pointed fecretary for foreign affairs, was chofen vice-prefi- 
 dent, and afterwards preiident of the United States of 
 America. 
 
 J The members from Maryland feceded, but in a Ihort 
 time after joined the confederation. 
 
31O THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. ix. of hazard : efpecially when the infancy of the 
 1 ~7" colonies as a nation, without wealth, refources, 
 or allies, was contrafted with the ftrength, 
 riches, and power of Great Britain. The timid 
 trembled at the ideas of final feparation ; the dif- 
 ciples of paflive obedience were ihocked by a re- 
 flection of a breach of faith to their ancient 
 fovereign ; and the enemies to the general free- 
 dom of mankind, were incenfed to madnefs, or 
 involved in defpair. But thefe claiTes bore a 
 fmall proportion to thofe who refented the re- 
 jection of their petitions, and coolly furveyed 
 the impending dangers, that threatened them- 
 felves and their children, which rendered it 
 clear to their apprehenfion, that this ftep was 
 neceffary to their political falvation. They con- 
 iidered themfelves no longer bound by any 
 moral tie, to render fealty to a fovereign thus 
 difpofed to encroach on their civil freedom, 
 which they could now fecure only by a focial 
 compact among themfelves, and which they de- 
 termined to maintain, or perifh in the attempt, 
 
 By the declaration of independence, dreaded 
 by the foes, and for a time doubtfully viewed by 
 many of the friends of America, every thing 
 ftood on a new and more refpectable footing, 
 both with regard to the operations of war, or 
 negociations with foreign powers. Americans 
 could now no more be conudered as rebel s^ in 
 their propofals for treaties of peace and concilia* 
 t>ion with Britain ; they were a diftincl people, 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 311 
 
 who claimed the rights, the ufages, the faith, 
 and the refpecl of nations, uncontrolled by any 
 foreign power. The colonies thus irretrievably 
 loft to Great Britain, a new face appeared on all 
 affairs, both at home and abroad. 
 
 America had been little known among the 
 kingdoms of Europe ; me was confidered only 
 as an appendage to the power of Britain : the 
 principles of her fons were in fome refpecls dif- 
 iimilar, and their manners not yet wrought up 
 to the ftandard of refinement reigning in an- 
 cient courts : her ftatefmen in general were un- 
 acquainted with the intrigues necefiary for ne- 
 gociation, and the finejje ufually hackneyed in 
 and about the cabinets of princes. She now 
 appeared in their eyes, a new theatre, pregnant 
 with events that might be interefting to the 
 civil and political inftitutions of nations, that 
 had never before paid much attention to the 
 growth, population, and importance of an im- 
 menfe territory beyond the Atlantic. 
 
 The United States had their ambafTadors to 
 create, or to tranfplant from the bar or the 
 compting-houfe. Their generals were many of 
 them the yeomanry or the tradefinen of the 
 country ; their fubordinate officers had been of 
 equal rank and fortune, and the army to be gov- 
 erned was compofed of many of the old aflb- 
 ciates of the principal officers, and were equally 
 tenacious of perfonal liberty. The regalia of 
 
312 ttlE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. ix. power, orders of nobility, and the fplendor of 
 r courts, had been by them viewed only at a dif- 
 
 "I *7*7 ft 
 
 tance. The difcipline of armies was entirely 
 new ; the difficulty of connecting many diftincl 
 ftates to aft as it were by one will, the expenfes 
 of government in new exigencies, and the wafte 
 of war had not yet been accurately calculated 
 by their politicians and ftatefmen. But their 
 fenators, their reprefentatives, and their magif- 
 trates, were generally fagacious and vigilant* 
 upright and firm j their officers were brave, 
 their troops in fpirits, and with a full confidence 
 in their commander in chief : hope was exhila- 
 rated by the retreat from Bofton, and the re* 
 peated fuccefles of their arms at the fouthward ; 
 while new dignity was added to office, and 
 flronger motives for illuflrious action, by the 
 rank America had now taken among the na- 
 tions. Thug, by the declaration of independ- 
 ence they had new ground to tread ; the fcene 
 of action was changed, genius was called forth 
 from every quarter of the continent, and the 
 public expectation enhanced by the general fa- 
 vorable appearance in all their military opera* 
 tions. 
 
 In this fituation ftood affairs, both in the 
 cabinet and the field, when lord Howe arrived 
 at Staten Ifland, with a formidable fquadron 
 under his command, on the twelfth of July, 
 one thoufand feven hundred and feventy-fix. 
 At the head of this boftile arrangement, his 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 313 
 
 lordfliip came in full confidence of fuccefs : yet CHAP. ix. 
 amidft the fplendor and parade of war, while ~ 
 he held out his potent arm, he ftill cherimed 
 the delufory hope of peace. 
 
 By a pompous declaration, he early announ- 
 ced his pacific powers to the principal rnagiftrates 
 of the fever al colonies, and promifed pardon to 
 all who, in the late times, had deviated from 
 their allegiance, on condition, that they would 
 fpeedily return to their duty, and gave encou- 
 ragement that they mould, on compliance, here- 
 after reap the benefit of royal favor. Lord 
 Howe obferved in his declaration, " that the 
 <c commiflioners were authorized in his majefty's 
 " name, to declare any province, colony, coun- 
 " ty, diftrict, or town, to be at the peace of his 
 " majefty : and that due coniideration mould 
 " be had to the meritorious fervices of any, who 
 " mould aid or aflift in reftoring the public 
 " tranquillity ; that their dutiful reprefenta^ 
 " tions mould be received, pardons granted, 
 " and fuitable encouragement to fuch as would 
 " promote the meafures of legal government 
 " and peace, in purfuance of his majefty 's nioft 
 " gracious purpofes."* 
 
 * This declaration, and the confequent refolves of con- 
 grefs, may be feen at large in the public journals of the 
 feffion of one thoufand feven hundred and feventy-fix. 
 
 VOL. I. '2....Q 
 
CHAP. IX 
 
 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 Congrefs ordered the declaration to be im- 
 mediately publilhed in all the American ga- 
 zettes, that the people of the United States 
 might be fully informed of the terms of peace ; 
 that they might fee for themfelves, that the 
 bufmefs of the commiffioners was to amufe, dif- 
 unite, and deceive them ; and that thofe who 
 ilill continued in fufpenfe, from hopes founded 
 either on the juftice or moderation of the court 
 of Great Britain, might now be fully convin- 
 ced, that their own valor, virtue, and firmnefs, 
 muft refcue and preferve the freedom of their 
 country.* 
 
 The next advance his lordfhip made for the 
 execution of his commiffion, was by a flag fent 
 on more within a few days after his arrival, 
 with a letter directed to George Wafhington, 
 Efq. By, their principles and their profeffions, 
 the Americans were taught at this period, to 
 look down on titles and diftinguilhed ranks ; 
 yet, in this inftance, they did not think proper 
 to pafs over the implicit denial of either, to 
 their commander in chief. It was viewed as a 
 deligned affront, from thofe who confider fuch 
 
 * The American congrefs were not remifs at this time, 
 in exerting their efforts to detach foreigners from the 
 fervice of Britain, and alluring them to become inhabitants 
 of the United States, by promifing them a quiet refidence, 
 an allotment of lands, and a fecurity from all interruptions 
 in the enjoyment of their religious opinions, and the invef- 
 titure of all the privileges of native citizens. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 315 
 
 adventitious circumftances of fo much confe- CHAP.IX. 
 quence, as carefully to avoid all honorary epi- ~ 
 thets in their addreffes to the firft officers of the 
 United States. It was thought more becoming 
 the dignity of his ftation, both as a foldier and 
 a patriot, for the chief commander to refufe an 
 addrefs that tacitly denied the legality of his 
 commiffion, and the right now claimed of nego- 
 ciating on terms of equality : this letter was 
 therefore, by the advice of the principal officers, 
 returned unopened. 
 
 This drew out a fecond advance from the 
 hands of the Britifh commiffioners, when major 
 Patterfon, adjutant general of the army, was 
 charged with a letter directed to George Warn- 
 ington, &c. &c. &c. He was received in mili- 
 tary ftate, and treated with great politenefs in 
 the American camp. His lordfhip in this fec- 
 ond addrefs, exprefled the higheft refpecl for 
 the private character of general Wafhington, 
 but as he did not yet condefcend to acknowl- 
 edge the commander in chief of the American 
 troops, as any thing more than a rebel in arms, 
 this letter was alfo returned without breaking 
 the feal. 
 
 Many civilities paffed in this interview with 
 Mr. Patterfon, who did not forget to infinuate 
 his own wifhes for the reftoration of friendmip 
 and harmony between the two countries. He, 
 with due propriety, made feveral obfervations 
 
316 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. ix. on the extenfive powers veiled in the commif- 
 {loners for this falutary purpofe : this introdu- 
 ced Ibme general converfation relative to the 
 treatment of prifoners on both fides. The con- 
 ference was of foine length, but as no circum- 
 ilance indicated a happy refult from the n'ego- 
 ciation, general Washington in the moil explicit 
 terms, informed the Britim adjutant general, 
 that the inhabitants of the American States 
 were generally of opinion, that a people armed 
 in defence of their rights, were in the way of 
 their duty ; that confcious of no criminality, 
 they needed no pardon ; and as his lordihip's 
 commiffion extended no farther, nothing im- 
 portant could be expected from protracting the 
 negociation. 
 
 In the mean time, reinforcements were daily 
 dropping in to the affiftance of the Britim army. 
 The fcattered divifions of Heffians^ Waldeckers, 
 &c. defigned for the fummer campaign, had 
 been fomewhat retarded by not knowing with 
 certainty, the fpot deftined for head-quarters. 
 They had fome of them failed directly for Hali- 
 fax : this occafioned a delay of any energetic 
 movement, until the latter part of the month 
 of Auguft, when the Britim army began to acl: 
 with vigor. 
 
 General Wafhington had rather incautioufly 
 encamped the bulk of his army on Long Hland, a 
 large and plentiful diftricL about two miles from 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 317. 
 
 the city of New York. This ifland contained CHAP. . 
 many fettlements, through an extent of one 
 hundred and twenty miles in length. It was in- 
 habited principally by loyalifts, and perfpns gen- 
 erally difafFeded to the American caufe. Ma- 
 ny were at a lofs for a reafon, nor indeed could 
 any conjecture, why the commander of the 
 American army Ihould hazard his troops on an 
 ifland, liable at any moment to be furrounded 
 by the Britifh navy. However it was, feveral 
 thoufand Americans were there pofted, under 
 the command of the generals Putnam, Sullivan, 
 and William Alexander, lord Stirling, 
 
 Sir William Howe very wifely judged, that 
 it was a lefs arduous and a more promifing un- 
 dertaking to diflodge the Americans from their 
 encampment on the iiland, than a direct at- 
 tempt to reduce New York. The royal army 
 at that time confided of about thirty thoufand 
 men : thefe he found no difficulty in landing 
 from Staten Ifland, and in detachments pofted 
 them from one end of Long Ifland to the other, 
 feparated from the Americans by a ridge of hills 
 covered with woods. Very fortunately for the 
 enterprife of the Britifh, one of the American 
 out-guards early fell into the hands of general 
 Clinton. In confequence of fome intelligence 
 gained by this accident, he, before day-light on 
 the morning of the twenty-feventh of Auguft, 
 poflefled himfelf of fome very advantageous 
 heights, and made fuch a judicious arrangement 
 
318 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. ix. of his troops, as might have infured fuccefs, 
 ~~~ even had the Americans been better prepared 
 
 for the attack, which at that time was rather 
 
 unexpected. 
 
 The affault was begun by the Heffian general 
 de Heifter. He opened the cannonade in front 
 of the American lines, early on the morning of 
 the twenty-eighth. A general engagement 
 fpeedily enfued. Nearly the whole of the 
 Britiih forces were called into action, under the 
 command of fir Henry Clinton, earl Percy, and 
 lord Cornwallis. By fome fatal neglect, a very 
 important poft was left unguarded by the Amer- 
 ican, which was feized by the Britiih troops, 
 who fought on this occaiion with a fpirit and 
 bravery becoming the experienced commander 
 and the hardy veteran. The American troops 
 were early deranged. Apprized of their dan- 
 ger, they with great refolution endeavoured to 
 recover their camp ; but nearly furrounded by 
 the Britilh, and puihed in the centre by the 
 Heffians, they were fo far from effecting their 
 deiign, that their retreat was nearly cut off: 
 yet many of them defperately fought their way 
 through fome of the Britilh lines, and again 
 bravely ftood on their defence ; others entang- 
 led in the woods and marines through whicfy 
 they endeavoured to efcape, were either captur- 
 ed, or perifhed in the attempt. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 319 
 
 In the midft of the general anxiety for the 
 danger and diftrefs of the little army on Long . 
 Ifland, general Wafhington, undoubtedly anx- 
 ious to retrieve his miitake in thus expoiing 
 them, patted over from New York to endeav- 
 our to iecure the retreat of the furviving troops. 
 This was executed in the nigkt of the twenty- 
 ninth, without noife or tumult. The remain- 
 der of the broken regiments that had outlived 
 the fatal action, abandoned the iiland with a con- 
 fiderable part of their baggage, fome artillery, 
 and military ftores, and without moleftation 
 reached the city of New York. They had 
 made a bold and refolute ftand, againft far fu- 
 perior numbers and difciplinc ; and it may be 
 deemed fortunate that any of them efcaped, as 
 on an iiland they might ealily have been hem- 
 med in by a fmall number of Britim mips. 
 Perhaps the commanders on both fides were af- 
 terwards feniible of their error, the one in haz- 
 arding his troops in fuch an expofed fituation, 
 the other in fuffering a iingle American to ef- 
 cape either captivity or death. 
 
 The lofs of men in this action was not incon- 
 iiderable on either fide, but it fell moft heavily 
 on the Americans. Many brave men perifhed 
 by the fword, others, as was obferved, were loft 
 in the moraffes and fwamps to which they had 
 fled on the defeat. Three general officers, and 
 a large number of inferior rank, were made 
 prifoners. A regiment of valiant young men 
 
320 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. ix. from Maryland, many of them of family and 
 ~ ' fortune, commanded by the gallant colonel 
 Smallwood, were almoft to a man cut off. The 
 misfortune of the day was feverely felt by them, 
 but without checking the ardor of the American 
 army, the people, or the continental congrefs. 
 The fame uniform dignity, and unruffled fupe- 
 riority of mind, appeared in the judicious de- 
 terminations of the united delegates, in the con- 
 duct of the ftate departments, and in the fubfe- 
 quent firmnefs of moft of the military officers, 
 as before this defeat. But the fuccefs of their 
 arms, and the acquifition of Long Ifland, exhil- 
 arated the fpirits of the Britifh, and gave hopes 
 of more compliant difpoiitions, and a more rea- 
 dy acquiefcence in the requifitions of minifters, 
 or the veto of kings : and that the builnefs of 
 the commiffioners might now be brought for- 
 ward without farther impediment. 
 
 Not many days after the retreat from Long 
 Ifland, congrefs was called upon to exhibit a 
 new proof of their lirmnefs. General Sullivan, 
 one of the captured officers, was difpatched on ' 
 parole with a meffage to that affembly, in the 
 joint names of lord and general Howe. The 
 purport of the meffage was, that they had full 
 powers, and that they were difpofed to treat on 
 terms of accommodation and peace. At the 
 fame time they intimated, that as congrefs was 
 not confidered in the eye of majefty, as a legal 
 affembly, they only defired a private conference 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 321 
 
 with a few individuals belonging to that body, CAP.IX. 
 in the charadter and capacity of private gentle- ~~~ 
 men. To this extraordinary requeft, which 
 threw them into a very delicate fituation, con- 
 grefs replied, that as delegates of a free and in- 
 dependent people, they could with no propriety 
 fend any of the members of congrefs in a pri- 
 vate capacity, on an errand fo replete with 
 public confequences ; but they would depute a 
 committee from their body, to inquire by what 
 authority and on what terms, his lordfhip and 
 brother were empowered to negociate. 
 
 The infidious meiTage received had no ten- 
 dency to eradicate the previous opinion of con- 
 grefs, that this was but a minifterial pretext to 
 palliate their injurious defigns. They were 
 convinced, that the commiffion of the agents 
 was derogatory to the great national councils, 
 and to that high authority which had vefted 
 the Britilh commiffioners with no powers, but 
 to pardon thofe who deemed themfelves guilt- 
 lefs, and with no conciliatory propofals at which 
 freemen would not fpurn, unlefs driven to def- 
 pair. Yet they condefcended fo far to this po- 
 litical trilling, as to depute a very refpeclable 
 committee to meet lord Howe, and confer on 
 the fubjecl. The celebrated doctor Franklin, 
 the honorable Mr. Rutledge of South Carolina, 
 and John Adams, Efq. of the MafTachufetts, 
 
 VOL. j. 2....R 
 
THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. ix. were the perfons chofen for this Singular inter- 
 1776. 
 
 On a flipulated day they met his lordmip on 
 Staten Iflancl, accompanied only by Mr. Strachey 
 his fecretary. He received them with much 
 civility, but converfed equivocally ; and though 
 careful not to be explicit, it did not require the 
 penetration of men of far lefs fuperior abilities, 
 to difcover that he was reftricled to very nar- 
 row limits, for a negociator between contend- 
 ing nations. It was evident that he had no plan 
 of accommodation, or any propofals for amity, 
 on any terms but thofe of abfolute and uncon- 
 ditional fubmiilion. Yet thefe gentlemen pa- 
 tiently attended to the circumvolutions of his 
 lordfhip, who obferved neither precifion or 
 perfpicuity in his modes of converfing ; nor 
 could he difguife an apparent embarr affluent, 
 under the difplay of affability and good humor. 
 It was even painful to fee a Britifli nobleman, 
 endowed with talents for the moft honorable 
 employments, thus reduced to ad: under a veil 
 of intrigue, inconfiflent with the character of 
 the gentleman or the man of bufinefs.* 
 
 This conference continued three or four 
 hours, when a fliort and frugal repafl conclu- 
 
 * T^he above detail of the interview on Staten liland, 
 was foon after verbally related to the author of thefe an- 
 nals> by one of the committee of conference. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 323 
 
 ded a negociation that had fed many well- 
 meaning people with delufory hopes, and for 
 feveral months had been the fubjecl of political 
 fpeculation both in Europe and America. This 
 fingular interview had indeed little other effect, 
 than, on the one fide, to rivet that firong dif- 
 guft which before exifted, againft^ the treacher- 
 ous councils of the Britiih miniftry and parlia- 
 ment, and on the other, to convince more per- 
 fectly the agents of monarchy, of the determi- 
 ned fpirit of America, and the ability of the 
 men with whom me had entrufted the fecurity 
 of her rights. However, when the parties took 
 leave of each other, it was not without fome 
 tender emotions. Dr. Franklin had been in 
 long habits of friendfhip and intimacy with 
 lord Howe. They had in England frequently 
 converfed, and afterwards correfponded, on the 
 parliamentary difpute with America. Their 
 regard for each other was mutual, and as there 
 was now every reafon to fuppofe, this would be 
 the laft perfonal interview between them, the 
 idea was painful, that this political ftorm might 
 fweep away all remains of private friendfliip,* 
 
 * In the familiar converfation between lord Howe and 
 doclor Franklin, his lordfhip expreffed a regard for the* 
 Americans, and the pain he felt for their approaching fuf- 
 ferings. Doctor Franklin, in his eafy, fententious manner, 
 thanked him for his regards, and allured him, that " the 
 " Americans would lliew their gratitude, by endeavouring 
 *' to lefTen as much as poffible, all pain he might feel on 
 " their account, by exerting their utrnoft abilities in taking 
 11 good care of themfelves." 
 
324 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. ix. It was not long after all ideas of negociation 
 
 were relinquifhed, before the commiffioners 
 and their fovereign had the moft pofitive proofs, 
 that though the villages might be diftained 
 with the crimfon tide that threatened to deluge 
 the land, yet freedom in her laft afylum, would 
 refifl the defigns of all who had fighed for her 
 annihilation, to the laft moment of her exift- 
 ence. 
 
 The late defeat of the Americans, and the en- 
 tire pofleilion of Long Ifland, threw accumula- 
 ted advantages into the hand of the Britiih 
 commander, who made immediate preparation 
 to attack, and take pofleffion of the city of 
 NewYork. In confequence of thefe movements, 
 general Wamington, advifed by the moft judi- 
 cious of his officers,* thought it prudent to 
 evacuate the city without further delay. It 
 would indeed have been madnefs to have at- 
 tempted a longer defence with his diminimed 
 numbers, againft a potent army fluihed with re- 
 cent fuccefs. The American army was drawn 
 off from above Kingfbridge, on the twenty-firft 
 of October, but a day before the Britim took 
 poffeflion of the city. General Wamington en- 
 camped his retreating troops on the heights of 
 Haerlem, about nine miles diftance from Kingf- 
 
 * General Lee particularly, who had juft arrived from 
 Georgia. He, by urging this advice, may be laid to fliare 
 ifi the merit of faving the American army. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 325 
 
 bridge. When general Howe took poffeflion 
 of the evacuated poft, he muft from this event >, 
 undoubtedly have felt fome confolation for the 
 mortification he had fuffered on recollecting 
 the circumftances of his flight from Boflon. 
 The alternate triumph or chagrin, from the 
 uncertain chances and events of war, are gene- 
 rally of fhort duration : the Americans, now 
 in their turn experienced the pains of anxiety, 
 difappointment, and want, through a rapid 
 flight from poft to poft, before a victorious ar- 
 my, who defpifed their weaknefs, and ridiculed 
 their want of difcipline. 
 
 General Howe placed a ftrong detachment 
 in the garrifon for the defence of the city of 
 New York, and immediately marched with the 
 main body of his army in purfuit of Warning- 
 ton. He croifed Eaft River, feized a point of 
 land near Weft Chefter, and made hirafelf maf- 
 ter of the lower road to Connecticut, with de- 
 fign to impede the intercourfe between the 
 northern and fouthern ftates. By this move- 
 ment, he alfo hoped to impel the American 
 commander, at every hazard, to rifk an engage- 
 ment that might probably have been decifive. 
 But general Washington was too well acquaint- 
 ed with human nature, to fufFcr his troops, 
 though ardent for action, and impatient of de- 
 lay, to truft to the impulfe of conftitutional cou- 
 rage, and expofe the reputation of the Ameri- 
 can arms, and the decifion of the great conteft, 
 

 526 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OP 
 
 CHAP. ix. to the uncertain events of a day, under the 
 prefent difadvantages of number and difcipline. 
 A fecond defeat in fo fhort a time, would un- 
 doubtedly have fpread difmay, and perhaps a 
 defection that might have been fatal to the in- 
 dependence of America.* He was feniible his 
 troops, though naturally brave, were not fuffi- 
 ciently inured to danger, and hardened by ex- 
 perience, to raife the mind to that fublime pitch 
 of enthuiiafm and inflexibility, neceffary to ftand 
 their ground againft fuperior ftrength, difci- 
 pline, and numbers. He therefore determined, 
 by cautious and guarded marches, to keep in 
 flank with the Britifli army, until circumftances 
 might put it in his power to combat on more 
 equal terms. 
 
 He placed a ilrong party in fort Wafhington, 
 a fortrefs near Kingibridge, which, though well 
 provided, was at the time judged not tenable 
 by fome of his befl officers. This opinion was 
 over-ruled, and between three and four thou- 
 fand men were left there. This was confidered 
 by many a fecond fatal miflake of the renowned 
 
 * This opinion was corroborated by the behaviour of 
 the Americans, when the Britifh landed from Kepp's Bay, 
 Sept. 15. They difcovered a timidity that nothing can 
 excufe, but their recent fufferings on Long liland, their in- 
 ferior numbers, and their dread of the fuperior difcipline of 
 troops. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 327 
 
 Walhington.* With the remainder of the ar- CHAP. i*. 
 my the commander in chief decamped, and ~ ~ 
 moved towards the high grounds on the upper 
 road to Bofton. The poffeiHon of this part of 
 the country was an important object ; of con- 
 fequence, the Americans were clofely purfued 
 by general Howe, who did not yet relinquiih 
 his hopes of a decifive action. 
 
 Frequent Ikirmifhes had taken place on the 
 route, without material advantages on either 
 fide ; but on the twenty-eighth of October, the 
 Britifh overtook the American army near the 
 White Plains, thirty miles diftant from New 
 York city, when an action of moment enfued. 
 The attack was begun by the Heilians, the for- 
 lorn hope of the Britifh army. They were 
 commanded by general de Heifter and colonel 
 Rhal. Equal refolution animated both parties, 
 and a considerable (laughter among the troops 
 on both lides took place.f The Americans un- 
 able to bear thefe lofles, fully apprifed of the 
 itrength of their enemy, and that reinforce- 
 ments had recently arrived under lord Percy, 
 both the American commander and the army. 
 
 * General Waftiington, however, was undoubtedly acf- 
 vifed to this Hep, by feveral of his beft officers. 
 
 \ Among the flain was the valiant colonel Smallwodd, 
 whofe regiment was nearly cut to pieces in the aftion on 
 Long I {land. 
 
328 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. ix. were equally willing to take a more diftant po- 
 iition. 
 
 1776. 
 
 The Britifli army had gained feveral very im- 
 portant advantages, among which was the com- 
 mand of the river Brunx, which was paffed by 
 colonel Rhal, who by this means acquired a very 
 important poft, which enabled him effentially 
 to annoy the American army. 
 
 The action on the White Plains was a well- 
 fought battle on both fides ; but the Americans 
 had neither the numbers, the experience, nor 
 the equipments for war, at that time, which 
 rendered them equally able to cope with the 
 ftrength, the numbers, the preparation, and the 
 valor of the Britifh army, under officers whofe 
 trade had long been that of war. And though 
 the American commander made his efcape with 
 his fmall armament, and retreated with all the 
 prudence and firrnnefs of a general who had 
 been longer tried in the field of action, the 
 Britifli had certainly a right in this affair, to 
 boait a complete victory.* 
 
 After the engagement, general Wafhington 
 found it neceffary to quit the field. He drew 
 
 * The town of White- Plains was fet on fire after the ac- 
 tion, and all the houfes and forage near the lines burnt. 
 This the Britifh writers charge to the account of the Amer- 
 ican commander. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 329 
 
 back in the night to his entrenchments, and the CHAP ix. 
 next day took pofleilion of fome higher grounds, 
 about the diftance of two miles. 
 
 General Howe, after parading a few days 
 near the late fcene of action, and indifcrimi- 
 nately plundering the neighbourhood, ordered 
 his tents to be ftruck, and a movement of his 
 whole army to be made towards New York. 
 As his troo,ps had long been kept in continual 
 motion, were fatigued and haraffed by fudden 
 alarms, and the feafon far advanced, it was ra- 
 tionally concluded, that his deiign was to repair 
 immediately to winter-quarters. But by a 
 ftroke of generalfhip, little expected where no 
 remarkable fuperiority in military knowledge 
 had yet been difcovered, affairs took a moft un- 
 favorable turn for the Americans, and reduced 
 the little, refolute continental army to dangers 
 and diftreffes, to exertions and vigor, fcarcely 
 to be paralleled in hiftory. 
 
 The numbers that had already fallen on both 
 fides, by the rapid movements and frequent 
 (kirmifhes for the fpace of three or four months, 
 cannot be afcertained with exactitude. It was 
 computed that not leis than five thoufand, 
 principally Heffians, either periihed or deferted 
 from the minifterial army, after the action of 
 Long Ifland to the middle of November, when 
 general Howe laid the eftimate before lord 
 
 VOL. I. 2....S 
 
330 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. ix. George Germaine.* The Americans undoubt* 
 
 ^ ecfly fuffered in more than equal proportion, 
 
 and from many caufes were much lefs able to 
 bear the reduction. The peculiar mode of 
 raifing troops hitherto adopted by the United 
 States, had a tendency to retard the operations 
 of war, and in fome meafure to defeat the beft 
 concerted plans, either for enterprife or de- 
 fence. The feveral colonies had furnifhed their 
 quota of men for a limited term only ; and the 
 country unufed to ftanding armies, and the con- 
 trol of military power, impatient at the fub- 
 ordination neceffary in a camp, and actuated 
 by a ftrong fenfe of the liberty of the individual, 
 each one had ufually returned to his habitation 
 at the expiration of his term of fervice, in fpite 
 of every danger that threatened the whole. 
 This had occaiioned frequent 'calls on the militia 
 of the country, in aid of the army thus weak- 
 ened, and kept in continual fluctuation by raw 
 recruits, raifed and fent on for a few months 
 at a time. 
 
 In addition to thefe embarraffments, animofi- 
 ties had ibmetimes arifen between the fouthern 
 and eaftern troops, occaiioned by the revival of 
 fome old local prejudices. The ariftocratic fpirit 
 
 * In general Howe's letter to the fecretary for American 
 affairs, he acknowledged he had loft upwards of three hun 
 dred ftaff and other officers, and between four and five 
 thoufand privates. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 331 
 
 that had been formerly charafteriftic of the 
 ibuth, frequently appeared in airs of affumed 
 fuperiority, very difgufting to the feelings of 
 their eaftern brethren, the bold and hardy New 
 Englanders ; the full-blooded Yankees, as they 
 ibmetimes boafted themfelves ; who, having 
 few Haves at their command, had always been 
 ufed to more equality of condition, both in 
 rank, fortune, and education. Thefe trivial 
 caufes fometimes raifed animolities to fuch a 
 height, that in the prefent circumftances of the 
 army, the authority of the commander in chief 
 was fcarcely fufEcient to reftrain them. 
 
 General Wafhington was alfo obliged often 
 in his retreat through the Jeriies, to prefs for 
 provifions, forage, and clothing, in a manner 
 new to the inhabitants of America j who, as 
 their misfortunes feemed to thicken, grew 
 more remifs for a time, in voluntary aids to the 
 army. Their grain was feized and threihed 
 out for the ufe of the troops, their blankets, 
 proviiions, &c. forcibly taken from their houfes, 
 with a promife of payment in paper bills, when 
 the exigencies of the country fhould permit : 
 but it always appeared to the people the act of 
 fome fubordinate officers, rather than the or- 
 der of the commander in chief. Thus was his 
 popularity kept up ; and thus were the inhab- 
 itants of the Jerfies plundered by each party ; 
 while many of them difaffecled to both, were 
 uncertain on which fide to declare. 
 
332 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. ix. General Howe, well acquainted with thefe 
 
 embarrafling circumftances, and apprized that 
 
 Congrefs were taking meafures to remedy the 
 evils in future, wifely judged, that as he could 
 not force Washington to a general engagement, 
 it would be more advantageous for the prefent, 
 to fufpend his purfuit, and diflodge the Ameri- 
 cans from their ftrong holds in the environs of 
 New York. He was too fenfible from the 
 caufes above related, that the continental army 
 would diminifh of itfelf, as foon as the term of 
 their enliftment expired. From thefe confider- 
 ations, he drew back his army y with the deter- 
 mination to inveft fort Wafhington immedi- 
 ately.* This fortrefs on the one fide of the 
 North River, and fort Lee on the oppoiite 
 more, commanded the whole navigation of the 
 river, at the fame time that it impeded the com- 
 munication with New York by land. 
 
 General Wafhington could not rationally fup- 
 pofe, that a pofl of fo much importance would 
 remain long unmolefted, or that the garrifon 
 could be defended againfl the whole force of the 
 Britilh army. General Lee afterwards boafted 
 in a letter to a friend, that he had advifed the 
 evacuation of both fort Wafhington and fort 
 Lee, previous to the main body of the Ameri- 
 can army leaving the neighbourhood of New 
 
 * Near Kingfbridge, fifteen miles from the city of New 
 York. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 333 
 
 York. However this might have been, it was 
 indeed a great miftake that it was not done ; 
 general Wafliington might then have had the 
 afliftance of the brave men who fell there.* 
 
 General Knyphaufen with fix battalions, fud- 
 denly croffed the country from Rochelle to 
 Kinglbridge, where, joined by the light infantry 
 and grenadiers, the one commanded by lord 
 Cornwallis, the other by earl Percy, the fort- 
 was on all fides attacked with vigor, and de- 
 fended with bravery. On the fixteenth of 
 November, colonel Magaw the commanding of- 
 ficer, was fummoned to furrender without far- 
 ther delay. He requefted that he might be al- 
 
 * An officer of the army wrote to general Lee after the 
 furrender of fort Waihington, and expreffed himfelf thus : 
 " We have all additional reafons for moft earneftly vvilhing 
 " to have you where the principal fcene of action is laid. 
 I have no doubt had you been here, the garrifon of 
 " Mount Wuihington would now have compofed a part of 
 " this army ; every gentleman of the family, the officers 
 " and foldiers generally, have a confidence in you ; the en- 
 " emy constantly inquire where you are, and feem to me 
 " to be lefs confident when you are prelent. We are in- 
 " formed by an officer lately liberated, that the enemy have 
 a fouthern expedition in view ; that they hold us very 
 " cheap in confequence of the late affair at Mount Wafli- 
 " ington, where both the plan of defence and execution 
 ** were contemptible : if a real defence of the lines was in- 
 " tended, the number was too few ; if the fort only, the 
 ' g:uriibp. w.is too numerous by half." 
 
 /..', ' /? f.'J t~ -r.-rat Lse. 
 
334' THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 x. lowed to confider till nine o'clock the next 
 morning, before lie gave a decifive anfwer. It 
 was replied, that two hours only were granted*. 
 At the expiration of this fhort parley ^ the adju- 
 tant general of the Britifh army, who wait- 
 ed the reply, was informed, that the fort would 
 be defended to the laft moment. Accordingly 
 a refiflance was made with aftoniming valor 
 for feveral hours ; but to prevent the farther ef- 
 fulion of blood, the Americans yielded to necef- 
 iity, and furrendered themfelves prifoners of 
 war, at the moment when the Heilian and Brit- 
 ifh troops were on the point of ftorming the 
 garrifon. 
 
 Near three thoufand continental troops were 
 loft by this difafter. Theie unhappy victims of 
 war, notwithftanding the inclemency of the 
 feafon, were ftripped of their apparel and 
 thrown naked into the jails of New York ; 
 where, after fuffering the extremes of mifery 
 from cold, hunger, and ficknefs, rrioft of them 
 periflied. The remnant who efcaped immedi- 
 ate death, were after fome months imprifon- 
 ment, fent on parole to vifit their friends, many 
 of them infected with the fmall-pox, and all of 
 them in fuch a languiming, emaciated condi- 
 tion, as proved a ufeful leflbn to their country- 
 men ; who, by this inftance of feverity towards 
 the brave and unfortunate, were univerfally 
 convinced, that death in the field of battle, was 
 much to be preferred to the cruelties they had 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 335 
 
 reafon to expect, if they fell into Britifli hands, 
 though a nation once famed for the virtues of ~ 
 juftice, generoiity, and clemency. 
 
 After the furrender of fort Wafhington, no 
 time was loft ; the advantages gained by the 
 Britiih troops were pulhed with fpirit. With 
 the utmoil eafe they took pofleilion of fort Lee : 
 the American garriibn fled on the firft apprehen- 
 fion of an attack, without offering the fmalleft 
 refiftance. General Howe embraced thefe fa- 
 vorable circumftances to profecute his deiigns, 
 ftimulated by the hope of reaching and furpri- 
 fing Philadelphia, before the American army 
 could be reinforced. Thus, near the clofe of 
 the campaign, when the continental troops 
 were daily dropping off, and a fevere winter 
 fetting in, he had every reafon to cherifh his 
 moft fanguine hopes. He for fome time pufh- 
 ed his purpofes with vigor and alacrity, and 
 obliged general Wamington with an handful of 
 men, to retreat from town to town, until hunt- 
 ed through the ftate of New Jerfey, and even 
 over the Delaware, which he had time to crofs 
 only fix hours before the whole body of the 
 Britifli army, confifting of ten or twelve thou- 
 fand men, were on the oppofite banks. 
 
 The reafons why general Howe did not fooner 
 overtake the diftreffed fugitives, or why he can- 
 toned his troops, without crofling the river and 
 taking ppfleffion of the city of Philadelphia, re- 
 
336 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. ix. main yet to be inveftigated. The retreat was con- 
 ~T~ ducted with ability, but the remnant that ef- 
 caped was too fmall to intimidate the enemy, or 
 to encourage the friends of the American caufe. 
 A great part of the inhabitants of the city, 
 either from fear, affection, or intereft, were at 
 that time difpofed to receive with open arms 
 the T3ritifh commander ; and the confirmation 
 of all parties operated in favor of erecting the 
 king's ftandard in the capital of America. 
 
 Congrefs, by advice of fome military charac- 
 ters, precipitately removed to Baltimore, in the 
 ftate of Maryland. The public concern was al- 
 fo heightened at this critical period, by the re- 
 cent capture of general Lee. He had been col- 
 lecting a number of militia in the neighbourhood 
 of Morriftown, with a defign to fall on the rear 
 of the Britilh army, while in chafe of Wafhing- 
 ton through the Jerfies. It is not known why 
 he was thus unguarded, but he incautioufly 
 lodged at the little village of Baikenridge, four 
 miles from the troops he had collected, and 
 about twenty from the Britilh army. Here he 
 was betrayed, furprifed, and taken prifoner. 
 Colonel Harcourt of the light horfe, conducted 
 the enterprife with fo much addreis, that with 
 a very fmall party, he without noife paffed all 
 the American guards on his way, furrounded 
 the houfe, and took poffeilion of his prifoner 
 without the fmalleft refiftance. In the hurry 
 of the bufinefs, Lee was not fuffered to take 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 337 
 
 either hat or cloak, and thus in a ruffian-like CHAP. . 
 
 manner, was he conducted to the Britilh head- 
 
 1776. 
 quarters. 
 
 A peculiar triumph was enjoyed by his ene- 
 mies in the capture of this {ingle officer. They 
 confidered his fervices at that period, of the 
 greateft confequence to the American army : 
 in addition to this, he was viewed as a rebel to 
 the fovereign of Britain in a double fenfe, both 
 as a deferter from the king's fervice, in which 
 he had long held an honorable rank, and as an 
 abettor of the American defection, and one of 
 the firft officers in their army : he was of courfe 
 confined in the ftricleft manner, and threatened 
 with military execution as a traitor to the king. 
 The Americans at that time had no Britiih pri- 
 foners of equal rank, yet they made the moft 
 ftrenuous efforts for his releafe. A colonel 
 Campbell with five Heffian field-officer s,werefoon 
 after offered for the exchange of general Lee : 
 when this was refufed, general Wafhington ad- 
 vertifed fir William Howe, that their blood 
 muft atone for his life, if Lee fell a facrifice to 
 the refentment of his enemies. 
 
 Humanity recoils at the fufferings of individ- 
 uals, who by the laws of retaliation, are deem- 
 ed the legal victims of policy ; but though the 
 mind of the gentle may be wounded by the ne- 
 ceffity, habit, in time, too often learns it to ac- 
 
 VOL. I. 2....T 
 
THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. ix. quiefce in the cruel policy of nations. Public 
 emergencies may require the hand of feverity 
 
 to fall heavily on thofe who are not perfonally 
 guilty, but companion prompts, and ever urges 
 to milder methods. However, general Lee 
 was not executed, nor fuddenly releafed. Col- 
 onel Campbell was clofely imprifoned, and treat- 
 ed with much feverity, and a confiderable time 
 elapfed before either of them were relieved, ex- 
 cept by fome mitigation in the manner of colonel 
 Campbell's confinement, which was carried to 
 an extreme not warranted even to a notorious 
 felon.* 
 
 Perhaps at no period of the great ilruggle 
 for independence, were the affairs of the United 
 States at fo low an ebb as at the prefent. The 
 footfteps of the Britifh army in their route 
 through the Jeriies, were every where marked 
 with the moil wanton inftances of rapine and 
 bloodfhed : even the facred repertories of the 
 dead were not unmolefted by the facrilegious 
 hands of the foldiery ;f while the licentioufnefs 
 
 * General Lee was alfo treated very feverely until the 
 defeat of Burgoyne. After this he was permitted to re- 
 pair to New York on parole, and foon after liberated by 
 an exchange of prifoners. 
 
 f This ufage of the dead is authenticated by the ac- 
 counts of feveral gentlemen of refpectability near the 
 fcene of a<5tion. 
 
1776. 
 
 THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 330 
 
 of their officers fpread rape, mifery, and def- 
 pair, indifcriminately through every village. 
 
 Thus, while human nature was difgraced, 
 and the feelings of benevolence mocked, by the 
 perpetration of every crime ; when the army 
 fpared neither age or fex, youth, beauty, or in- 
 nocence ; it is obfervable, that the diftrelfes of 
 war had fallen principally on that ftate, which 
 at that time contained a greater proportion of 
 perfons attached to the royal caufe, than could 
 have been found in any other part of America. 
 But fo intermixed and blended were perfons, 
 families, and parties of different political opin- 
 ions, that it was not eafy to diftinguifh, in the 
 wanton riot of victory, their friends from their 
 foes, or the royalifts from the whigs, even had 
 the royal army been difpofed to difcriminate. 
 It was indeed impoffible for their foreign auxili- 
 aries to make any diftinclion among Americans, 
 though fome Britim officers would gladly have 
 checked the infolence of triumph, unbalanced 
 by any principle of religion, honor, or human- 
 ity. A neglect of Uriel: difcipline prevented 
 the melioration of crime and mifery, and filled 
 up the meafure of cenfure which afterwards fell 
 on the commander in chief of the Britim forces, 
 even from thofe who wifhed to give his mili- 
 tary operations the moft brilliant caft.* 
 
 * See ftr William Howe's defence of his condud in his 
 Ictccrs to adrniniftration, published in London. 
 
34O THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 Had general Howe perfevered in his purfuit, 
 and have croiled the Delaware, he would inev- 
 itably have deftroyed even the veftige of an 
 American army. The remnant of the old 
 troops drawn into Philadelphia, was too fmall 
 for refiftance, the citizens were divided and in- 
 timidated, congrefs had retreated to Baltimore^ 
 the country was difpirited, and Wamington him- 
 felf, ready to defpair, had actually confulted 
 fome of his officers, on the expediency of flying 
 to the back parts of Pennfylvania, or even be- 
 yond the Allegany mountains, to efcape the 
 ufual fate of uniuccefsful rebels, or as himfelf 
 exprefled it, " to fave his neck from a halter."* 
 
 Thus, without an army, without allies, and 
 without refources, the gloom of difappoint- 
 ment overfpread not only the brow of the com- 
 mander in chief, but expanded wide, and ruin 
 from every quarter lowered on the face of 
 American freedom. Newport and the adja- 
 
 * This was confidentially faid to an officer, who report- 
 ed, that the general put his hand to his neck, and obferved, 
 that it did not feel as if made for a halter. See Stedmaifs 
 Hi/lory. It is probable if ever general Wafhington re- 
 
 ally exprefled himfelf in this manner, it was uttered more 
 from the momentary ebullition of diftrefs, than from the 
 /erious contemplation of defpair. It difcovered more a de- 
 termination to live free, than any timidity from fudden dif- 
 may. Had general Howe overtaken the American 
 troops, and have fecured their commander, he would 
 doubtlefs have been made a victim of fevere vengeance, 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 341 
 
 cent iilands were taken poiTeflion of by a part 
 of the Britifh army and navy, under the com- 
 mand of commodore fir Peter Parker and fir 
 Henry Clinton. The whole colony of Rhode 
 liland was not able to make the fmalleft refift- 
 ance to the feizure of their capital : and to 
 complete the climax of danger which this mel- 
 ancholy winter exhibited, the irruptions of the 
 natives in various parts, was not the leaft. 
 Many tribes of thofe aborigines, ftimulated by 
 their native fiercenefs, wrought up ftill higher 
 by Britifh influence, and headed by fome 
 American. defperadoes in the^fervice of Britain, 
 were making the moft horrid depredations on 
 the back fettlements of fome of the fouthern 
 ftates : nor did the affairs of America at the 
 northward \vear a more favorable afpect 
 
 General Carleton had conducted the cam* 
 paign of this year, with the ability of the flatef- 
 man, and the courage of the foldier ; and 
 notwithftanding the feverity of his general 
 character, he, with a degree of humanity hon- 
 orable to himfelf, and exemplary to his military 
 affociates, had been difpofed to commiierate the 
 unfortunate. It has been obferved, that all 
 who fell into his hands after the death of gene- 
 ral Montgomery, were treated with lenity and 
 tenderneis. He \vas cloubtlefs feniible, that a 
 \var enkindled more to fathte a ipirit of refentr 
 
CHAP 
 
 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 rnent and pride, than to eftablifh the principles 
 of juftice, required every palliative to mitigate 
 1776. t j ie odium of the difgraceful delign of fubduing 
 America by the aid of favages, who had hutted 
 for ages in the wildernefs beyond the diftant 
 lakes. General Carleton with the moft extra- 
 ordinary vigilance and vigor, had conducted 
 the purfuit of the Americans, until Arnold and 
 his party were chafed out of the province of 
 Quebec : nor did he ever lofe light of his ob- 
 ject, which was to make himfelf mailer of the 
 Hudfon, and form a junction at Albany with 
 general Howe, whole troops in detached par- 
 ties were wafting the middle colonies, and co- 
 operating in the fame delign. 
 
 By uncommon exertions, Carleton obtained 
 a fleet in the wildernefs, of fuch ftrength and 
 fuperiority, as to deftroy the little American 
 fquadron on the Lake Champlain, one of the 
 fmaller navigable bafons in the woods of that 
 aftonifhing. country. The lakes of America 
 are among the wonders of the world. They 
 are numerous and extenfive, deep, and navigable 
 at many hundred miles diftance from the ocean. 
 A view of this part of creation is fublime and af- 
 toniihing. There are five of thofe lakes of prin- 
 cipal magnitude. The fmalleft of them, Lake 
 Ontario, is more than two hundred, and the 
 largeft, Lake Superior, is five hundred leagues 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 343 
 
 in circumference.* Happy might it have been 
 for the Atlantic ftates, had they been content- ^ 
 ed within thefe boundaries of nature, and not 
 at an after period, have wafted the blood of 
 their citizens in attempting to wreft from the 
 natives a vaft extent of territory, which it is 
 very improbable they will be long able to gov- 
 ern, unlefs a remarkable coincidence of events 
 fhould give them a commanding influence, fu- 
 perior to any European power. 
 
 The bravery of Arnold was on his retreat, 
 equally confpicuous with the outfet of his ex- 
 traordinary undertaking : but notwithstanding 
 his vigilance, and the valor of his foldiers, they 
 were reduced to the utmoft diftrefs before he 
 blew up tnfe remainder of his fleet, which 
 Carleton had not* captured, .and run his laft 
 ihip on fliore, without acknowledging fhe fupe- 
 riority of the Britilh flag, by the fervile iignal 
 of ftrildng his colors. Obliged to relinquifh 
 every poft of advantage, Arnold and the rem- 
 nant of his troops,were driven naked, defencelefs, 
 and defpondent, from foreft to foreft, and from 
 lake to lake, until they reached Ticonderoga. 
 The garrifon there had been reinforced by fome 
 
 * The principal of thefe inland feas are, Laks Superi- 
 or, Huron, Michigan, Eric, and Ontario. The de- 
 fcription of thefe and the fmaller Iheets of water fpread 
 over the vaft weftern territory, may be found in every ge- 
 ographical work% 
 
THE RISE AND PROGRESS O# 
 
 CHAP. ix. F militia from the eaftern flates, but they were 
 in no condition to meet general Carleton, whofe 
 advancement they had every reafon to expect, 
 with fuperior numbers, and the double advan- 
 tage of difcipline and fuccefs, and his exertions 
 aided by tribes of copper-colored favages. 
 
 General Thomas had Been fent from 
 bridge in the fpring, one thoufand feven hun- 
 dred and feventy-iix, with a detachment of the 
 continental army, to endeavour in conjunction 
 with the eaftern militia, to retrieve the wretch- 
 ed ftate of affairs in Canada. He was a man of 
 cool judgment, poiTefled of courage the refult 
 of principle, rather than bravery the impulfe of 
 paffion. He was refpeclied by the citizens, be- 
 loved by the foldiers, and well qualified by the 
 firmnefs of his mind, and the ftrength of his 
 conftitution, to face the dangers of a campaign 
 in the wildernefs. But unfortunately for him, 
 he was deputed to the northern command to 
 oppofe the conjoined forces of the native barba- 
 rians and their Britifh allies, at a time when 
 the remains of the American army were dif- 
 mayed by defeat, worn out by fatigue, and in 
 addition to their diflrefTes, a peftilential difor- 
 der, then fatal to New Englanders, had fpread 
 through the camp. The finall-pox, by the ill 
 policy of the country, had been fo long kept 
 from their doors, that there was fcarce a man 
 among them, who was not more afraid of an 
 attack from this kind of peftilence, than the 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 
 
 Fury of the fword : but no caution could pre- CHAP 
 vent the rapidity of the contagion ; it per- 
 vaded the whole army ; and proved fatal to 
 moft of the new raifed troops. 
 
 The character of the military officer who 
 dies in his bed, however meritorious, is feldom 
 crowned by the eclat of fame, which follows- 
 the hero who perifhes in the field. Thus this 
 good man, qualified to reap the faireft laurels 
 in a day of battle, was immediately on his arri- 
 val at the fcene of aclion, cut down by the 
 hand of iicknefs, and his memory almoft ex- 
 tinguifhed by a fucceffion of new characters 
 and events that crowded for attention. By the 
 death of general Thomas, and the reduced ftate 
 of the Americans, they were far from being in 
 any preparation for the reception of general 
 Carleton, whofe arrival they momently expect- 
 ed. They had nothing to hope an immedi- 
 ate furrender to mercy was their only refource. 
 On this they had determined ; when to their 
 furprife and joy they were informed, that all 
 further purfuit was relinquifhed, and that the 
 Canadians and Britiih troops had precipitately 
 retreated. 
 
 Thus the remnant of the broken continental 
 army was left at full liberty to efcape in the 
 beft manner they could from other impending 
 dangers. From the nature of the grounds, 
 
 VOL. I. 2....V 
 
346 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. is. and from the neighbourhood of the favages^ 
 from their weak> fickly, and reduced ftate, 
 their retreat was extremely difficult ; but in 
 fcattered parties they reached Crown Point in 
 a very feeble condition. After this feries of 
 fuccefslefs efforts, all farther thoughts of the re- 
 duction and conqueft of Canada, were for the 
 prefent laid afide. General Carleton had re- 
 paired to Quebec. General Phillips with a con- 
 fiderable force made winter-quarters at Mon- 
 treal ; and general Burgoyne took paflage for 
 England. Both thefe officers had been very 
 active in aid of Carleton, through the campaign 
 of one thoufand feven hundred and feventy-fix. 
 
 The defeat of the Americans in Canada, and 
 the advantages gained by the Britilh arms in 
 the Jerfies, and indeed for fome months in ev- 
 ery other quarter, gave to the royal caufe an air 
 of triumph. The brilliant hopes formed from 
 thefe circumftances, by the calculators of events 
 for the enfuing fpring, led the miniftry and the 
 army, the nation and their fovereign, to flatter 
 themfelves that the completion of the war was 
 at no great diftance ; and that only one more 
 campaign would be neceflary for the entire fub- 
 jugation of America. The viciffitudes of for- 
 tune, that hourly cloud or brighten all human 
 affairs, foon convinced them that this was but 
 the triumph of a day. The new year opened 
 in a reverlive view. A fpirited movement of 
 general Wafhington at this important crifis, 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 347 
 
 had a moil happy effect : a {ingle incident gave CHAP. ix. 
 
 a different face to the affairs of the colonies, in 
 
 .17/6. 
 
 a ihorter time than could have been imagined, 
 after the ruinous appearance of every thing at 
 the clofe of the campaign. 
 
 On the evening of the twenty-fifth of De- 
 cember, general Wafhington in a moil fevere 
 feafon, croiTed the Delaware with a part of his 
 army, then reduced to lefs than two thoufand 
 men in the whole. They very unexpectedly 
 landed near Trenton. Colonel Rhal, an officer 
 of decided bravery, commanded a detachment 
 of twelve hundred Heffians ilationed there, 
 where they lay in perfect fecurity. It was near 
 morning before they were alarmed : the fur- 
 prife was complete ; the reiiilance fmall : Rhal 
 was mortally wounded, and his whole corps 
 furrendered prifoners of war. After the fa^ 
 tigue, the hazards, and the fuccefs of the night, 
 general Waihington with his party and his 
 prifoners, confuting of the three regiments of 
 Rhal, Lofbourg, and Knyphaufen, recroffed the 
 river before eight in the morning, with little 
 or no Jofs. 
 
 This adventure gave an ailonifliing fpring to 
 the fpirits of the American army and people, a 
 fhort time before driven to the brink of def- 
 pair. They had viewed the Heflians as a moil 
 terrific enemy, and in conjunction with the 
 Veterans of Britain, as an invulnerable foe. T 
 
S48 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. ix. fee fuch a body of them furprifed in their 
 ~~~ camp, and yielding themfelves prifoners to the 
 fhreds of an American army, infpired them 
 with a boldnefs that an action of the greateft 
 magnitude might not have awakened in diffe- 
 rent circumftances. General Wamington did 
 not fit down in Philadelphia fatisfied with the 
 eclat of this enterprife, but in a few days again 
 pailed the Delaware, and took poft at Trenton. 
 
 The Britim army elated by fuccefs, had lain 
 carelefsly cantoned in fmall divifions, in a line 
 extending through New Jerfey to New York. 
 General Howe was afterwards feverely cenfu- 
 red by his employers, for his neglect in not 
 croffing the Delaware, while he had the prom- 
 ife of the moil brilliant fuccefs from his own 
 arms. The panic of the Pennfylvanians had 
 infpired mofl of them with a difpoiition to fuc- 
 cumb to any terms he mould irnpofe, which 
 ought to have been an additional ftimulus to 
 have purfued his good fortune. Nor was he 
 lefs cenfured for his unguarded cantonments, 
 through fuch an extenfive line as the whole 
 length of the Jeriies.* 
 
 General Wamington moved on from Trenr 
 ton to Princetown by a circuitous march, to 
 avoid engaging the Britim or being hemmed 
 in near Trenton. He fuddenly attacked the 
 
 t See trial and defence of general Howe. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 349 
 
 Britifli encampment at Princetown, while the 
 main body of the Britifh army had marched to 
 Trenton, with defign to diflodge the Ameri- 
 cans from that poft. From Princetown the 
 American army moved to Elizabethtown. 
 Animated by fuccefs, warmed by bravery, and- 
 fupported by fortitude, they gathered ftrength 
 as they moved, and gained fome fignal ad- 
 vantages in feveral places on the Jerfey fide of 
 the river ; and in their turn purfued the king's 
 troops, with as much rapidity as they had re- 
 cently fled before them ; while the Britifh, as 
 if feized with a general panic, made but a fee- 
 ble refiftance. 
 
 After many marches, counter-marches, and 
 {kirmimes, the ftrength of the Britiih force 
 was collected at Brunfwick, a town in the 
 Jeriies, about iixty miles from Philadelphia, 
 and thirty-five from New York. They con- 
 tinued their head-quarters there the remainder 
 of the winter ; but they were not without 
 apprehenfions for the fafety of their troops 
 and their magazines, even at this diftance 
 from Philadelphia, notwithftanding the con- 
 tempt with which they had but a fhort time 
 before, viewed the broken, difheartened re- 
 mams of a continental army, which they had 
 purfued into the city. 
 
 The Britifli were indeed very far fuperior to 
 llui Americans, in ev^ry refpecl neceffijry to 
 
350 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. ix. military operations, except the revivified cou* 
 ~ rage and refolution, the refult of fudden fuccefk 
 
 after defpair. In this, the Americans at the 
 time yielded the palm to none ; while the con- 
 fidence of their antagonifts apparently dimin- 
 ifhed, and victory began by them to be viewed 
 at a diftance. 
 
 The wafte of human life from various caufes, 
 through the viciffitudes of this winter, was 
 not inconiiderable on either iide : but the fuc- 
 cefs of the American arms through the Jerfies, 
 was in fome meafure damped by the death of 
 the brave general Mercer of Virginia, who fell 
 at Princetovvn, in an action made memorable 
 by the lofs of fo gallant an officer. His diftin- 
 guilhed merit was gratefully acknowledged by 
 congrefs, in the provilion afterwards made for 
 the education and fupport of the youngeft fon 
 of his family. 
 
 The fortunate movements of the Americans 
 at this critical era, had the ufual effect on pub- 
 lic opinion. Such is human nature, that fuc- 
 cefs ever brightens the talents of the fortunate 
 commander, and applaufe generally outruns the 
 expectations of the ambitious. General Wafh- 
 ington, popular before, from this period be- 
 came the idol of his country, and the admira-, 
 tion of his enemies. His humanity to the pri- 
 foners who fell into his hands, was a contraft 
 to the feverities fuffered by thofe captured at 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 351 
 
 fort Wamington, and the victims in other CHAM*. 
 places, that fell under the power of either Hef- 
 fians or Britons. In a book of general orders 
 belonging to colonel Rhal, found after the ac- 
 tion at Trenton, it was recorded, that " His 
 " excellency the commander in chief orders, 
 " that all Americans found in arms, not having 
 " an officer with them, fhall be immediately 
 " hanged."* This inftance may ferve as a fam- 
 ple of the cruel deligns, and fummary modes of 
 proceeding to execution among military maf* 
 ters, who hold themfelves above the cenfure 
 or control of civil authority, or the reftraints 
 of humanity. 
 
 On the contrary, the lenity. fliewn by gen- 
 eral Wafhington towards the loyalifts captured 
 by his foldiers, difarmed the prejudices of ma- 
 ny, and multitudes flocked to the American 
 ftandard, who, in the beginning of the difpute, 
 were favorers of the royal caufe, and within a 
 few months had been ready to throw them- 
 felves into the arms of Great Britain. But 
 every favorable impreflion was erafed, and ev- 
 ery idea of fubmiflion annihilated, by the in- 
 difcriminate ravages of the Heffian and Britim 
 foldiery in their route through the Jerfies. The 
 
 * The intimation of lord Cornwallis afterwards, to the 
 commander of a party fent out, much fuperior to the 
 Americans they expected to meet, was not more humane. 
 His lordfhip obferved, that " he wanted no prifoners." 
 
352 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. ix. elegant houfes of fome of their own mod de- 
 ~ voted partifans were burnt : their wives and 
 
 "I *7*7^> 
 
 daughters purfued and raviftied in the woods 
 to which they had fled for flicker. Many un- 
 fortunate fathers, in the ftupor of grief, beheld 
 the mifery of their femile connexions, with- 
 out being able to relieve them, and heard the 
 flirieks of infant innocence, fubjecled to the 
 brutal lufl of Britilh grenadiers, or HeJJlan 
 Taughers* 
 
 In fliort, it may be difficult for the moft de- 
 fcriptive pen, to portray the fituation of the 
 inhabitants of the Jerfies, and the neighbour* 
 hood of their flate. The confuiion of parties, 
 the difmay of individuals, who were Hill ferv- 
 ing in the remnant of the American army$ 
 whofe dear eft connexions were fcattered 
 through the country, and expofed to the dan- 
 ger of plunder and mifery, from the hoftile in- 
 roads of a victorious army, can be imagined 
 only by thofe whofe fouls are fufceptible at 
 once of the nobleft and the tender eft feelings* 
 Many of this defcription were among the brave 
 officers, -who had led the fragments of a fugi- 
 tive army acrofs the Delaware, and flickered 
 in the city of Philadelphia, had by flight efcap^ 
 ed a total excifion. 
 
 But after efcaping the perilous purfuit, there 
 appeared little on which to ground any rational 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 353 
 
 hope of effectually counteracting the defigns of CHAP. IX 
 their enemies. They found congrefs had re- ~^~~ 
 treated, and that the inhabitants of the city 
 were agitated and divided. Several of the 
 more wealthy citizens fecured their property 
 by renouncing the authority of congrefs, and 
 acknowledging themfelves the fubjects of the 
 crown : others availed themfelves of a procla- 
 mation of pardon, publifhed by the Britifh com- 
 mander, and took protection under the royal 
 ftandard, for perfonal fecurity. 
 
 Several officers of high character and confid- 
 eration, were on the point of purfuing the 
 fame fteps, previous to the action at Trenton, 
 from the anxiety they felt for their families, 
 defpair of the general caufe, danger of the city, 
 or the immediate military executions that might 
 take place, when the victorious army mould 
 crofs the river, which they momently expect- 
 ed. Why this was not done, remains involved 
 among the fortuitous events, which often de- 
 cide the fate of armies, or of nations, as it were 
 by accident. The votaries of blind chance, or 
 indeed the more fober calculators on human 
 events, would have pronounced the fortune of 
 the day was in the hands of the Britilh com- \ 
 mander. Why he did not embrace her tenders 
 while it was in his power, no one can tell ; nor / 
 why he ftoppec} fhort on the borders of the 
 
 VOL. i. 2.../vr 
 
354 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. ix. river, as if afraid the waters of the Delaware, 
 
 "" like another Red Sea, would overwhelm the 
 
 1 77 fi 
 
 purfuers of the injured Americans, who had in 
 
 many inftances as manifeftly experienced the 
 protecting hand of Providence, as the favored 
 Ifraelites. 
 
 The neglect of fo fair an opportunity, by a 
 iingle effort, to have totally deftroyed or dif- 
 perfed the American army, or in the language 
 of adminiftration, to have cut off the hydra head 
 of tebellion, by the fubjugation of the capital 
 city, was viewed in the moft unpardonable 
 light by his employers. They were not yet 
 fully apprifed of the fpirit of Americans : their 
 ideas did not quadrate with thofe of a diftin- 
 guifhed military officer, well acquainted with 
 the country, who obferved in a letter to a 
 friend,* " it was no exaggeration to affert, that 
 " there were two hundred thoufand ftrong- 
 " bodied, active yeomanry, ready to encounter 
 " all hazards and dangers, ready to facrifice all 
 , * c confiderations, rather than fur render a tittle 
 
 " of the rights which they have derived from 
 " God and their anceftors." Subfequent events 
 will prove that he had not formed a miftaken 
 opinion of the refplution and prowefs of the 
 Americans. It will be feen, that they were far 
 
 * See a letter from general Charles Lee to the duke of 
 Richmond, Oftober, one thoufand ieven hundred and fev- 
 enty-four. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 355 
 
 from relinquifhing their claim to independence, CHAP. ix. 
 by the ill fuccefs of a fingle campaign. The ^7~ 
 tardy conduct of fir William Howe was repre- 
 hended with feverity ; nor was he ever able 
 to juftify or vindicate himfelf, either to admin- 
 iftration or to the world. 
 
 From thefe and other circumftances, the 
 character of fir William Howe depreciated in 
 proportion to the rifing fame of the American 
 commander in chief, his rival in glory, and his 
 competitor for the crown of victory, on a thea- 
 tre that foon excited the curiofity, and awaken- 
 ed the ambition of the heroes and princes of 
 Europe. 
 
 Indeed it muft be acknowledged, that gene- 
 ral Howe had innumerable difficulties to fur- 
 mount, notwithftanding the number of his 
 troops. He was at a diflance from his employ- 
 ers, who were ignorant of his fituation, and un- 
 able to fupport him as emergencies required. 
 He was in an enemy's country, where every 
 acquifition of forage or provifions, was procur- 
 ed at the expenfe or hazard of life or reputa- 
 tion. A confiderable part of his army was 
 compofed of difcontented foreigners, who, dif- 
 appointed of the eafy fettlements they had been 
 led to expect, from the conquefl of rebels, and 
 the forfeiture of their eflates, their former 
 poverty not mitigated, nor their yoke of flave- 
 ry meliorated, in the fervice of their new maf- 
 
356 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 ,HAP. ix. ters, they were clamorous for pay, and too 
 eager for plunder, to be kept within the rules 
 
 of difcipline : and their alien language and man- 
 ners difgufting to their Britifh comrades, a 
 conilant bickering was kept up between them. 
 
 Nor was the Britifh commander lefs embar- 
 raffed by the tories, who from every ftate had 
 fled from the refentment of their countrymen, 
 and hung upon his hands for fubfiftence. On 
 their fidelity or their information, he could 
 make little dependence. Many of them had 
 never pofleiTed property at all, others irritated by 
 the lofs of wealth ; bpth were continually urging 
 him to deeds of cruelty, to which he did not 
 feem naturally inclined. At the fame time, he 
 was feniible that the hopes of his nation would 
 link by the protraction of a war, which they 
 had flattered themfelves might be concluded 
 with the utmoft facility and expedition. 
 
 There were many concurring circumflances 
 to lead the world to conclude, that lir William 
 Howe was not qualified, either by education or 
 habits of life, for the execution of an object of 
 fuch magnitude, as the reftoration of the re- 
 volted colonies to obedience, and dependence 
 on the crown of Britain. " He fought as a fol- 
 " dier and a fervant to his king, without other 
 " principle than that of pafiive obedience. The 
 <c immenfity of the profpecl before him, em- 
 * c barrafled his mind, clouded his underftand- 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 357 
 
 " ing ; and> too much engroffed by his bottle CHAP.IX. 
 " and his miftrefs, he frequently left his orders "TTZT 
 " and his letters to be fabricated by fubordinate 
 " officers : and feemed at fome times to fink 
 <c into ftupor or indolence, at others, brave and 
 " cool as Julius Csefar." 
 
 If thefe traits of the character of the Britifli 
 commander are juft and impartial, as faid to be 
 by one of his former affociates,* the world need 
 be at no lofs why fuch inftances of mameful 
 outrage and rapine appeared wherever his army 
 entered ; or why, when he had driven the 
 Americans over the Delaware, he did not pur- 
 fue and complete the bufmefs, by a triumphal 
 entrance into Philadelphia, and the total deftruc- 
 tion of general Walhington and his remaining 
 troops, 
 
 No military character ever had a fairer op- 
 portunity (as obferved above) to place the mar- 
 tial laurel on his brow, than was prefented to 
 general Ho\ve on the banks of the Delaware ; 
 but he fuffered it to wave at a diftance, with- 
 out the refolution to feize it : and inftead of a 
 chaplet of glory, he reaped only the hatred of 
 America, the lofs of efteem and reputation in 
 England, and difgrace and cenfure from his 
 parliamentary mafters. 
 
 * See letter of general Lee, Appendix, Note No. XVIII, 
 which difcoversthe temper and characler of the writer, as 
 well as of fir William Howe. 
 
358 . THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. ix. The negligence of fir William Howe gave an 
 
 ~ opportunity to the Americans, to recover the 
 
 1775. . r t r 
 
 energies of their former courage. The hope- 
 lefs profpect that had beclouded their minds, 
 vanifhed on the fuccefsful termination of a 
 fingle enterprife projected by the commander 
 in chief, and executed with refolution and mag- 
 nanimity, by officers who had been almoft re- 
 duced to defpondency. 
 
 The furprife of Trenton faved the army, the 
 city, and in fome degree, the reputation of the 
 commander in chief, which frequently depends 
 more on the fortunate exigencies of a moment 
 than on fuperior talents. The world ever 
 prone to neglect the unfortunate, however 
 brave, amiable, or virtuous, generally pays its 
 idolatrous homage to thofe elevated by the fa- 
 vors of the ideal deity to the pinnacle of honor : 
 yet real merit ufually commands the plaudit of 
 pofterity, however it may be withheld by con- 
 temporaries, from rivalry or envy. 
 
 Perhaps there are no people on earth, in 
 whom a fpirit of enthufiaftic zeal is fo readily 
 enkindled, and burns fo remarkably confpicu- 
 ous, as among the Americans, Any fortuitous 
 circurnftance, that holds out the moil diftant 
 promife of a completion of their wifhes, is 
 pumed with an ardor and unanimity that fel- 
 dom fails of fticcefs. This characterise trait 
 may in fome meafure account for the rapidity 
 

 THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 359 
 
 with which every thing has been brought to CHAP. ix. 
 maturity there, from the firft fettlement of the 
 colonies. 
 
 The energetic operation of this fanguine 
 temper, was never more remarkably exhibited, 
 than in the change inftantaneoufly wrought in 
 the minds of men, by the capture of Trenton 
 at fo unexpected a moment. From a ftate of 
 mind bordering on defpair, courage was invig- 
 orated, every countenance brightened, and the 
 nervous arm was outftretched, as if by one 
 general impulfe, all were determined to drive 
 the hoftile invaders, that had plundered their 
 villages, and dipt the remorfelefs fword in the 
 bofom of the innocent victims of their fury, 
 from off the American mores. 
 
 But we .mall fee in the fubfequent pages of 
 thefe memoirs, that they had yet many years 
 to ftruggle with the dangers, the chances, and 
 the miferies of war, before an extenfive coun- 
 try, convulfed in every part, was reftored to 
 tranquillity. Agonizing amidft the complica- 
 ted difficulties of railing, paying, and keeping 
 an army in the field, it is eafy to conceive it 
 was not with much facility, that money was 
 drawn from the pockets of the rich, for the fup- 
 port of the public caufe, at the hazard of re- 
 ceiving a fcrip of depreciated paper, in lieu of 
 filver and gold. 
 
360 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. ix. A nominal fubftitute for fpecie has often its 
 
 temporary advantages, and when not extended 
 too far, its permanent ones ; but is oftener at- 
 tended with a great balance of evil. Its decep- 
 tive value often plunges a great part of the 
 community into ruin, and corrupts the morals 
 of the people before they are appreheniive of the 
 danger. Yet without the expedient of a paper 
 currency, the Americans could never have fup- 
 ported an army, or have procured the necefla- 
 ries of life from day to day. Experience had 
 before taught them the pernicious effe&s of a 
 paper medium, without funds fufficient for its 
 redemption ; but the peculiar exigencies of 
 their fituation, left them no other refources. 
 
 The United States had engaged in an hazard- 
 ous enterprize, in which all was at ftake. De- 
 ficient as they were in the means neceflary to 
 fupport a war, againfl a wealthy and potent na- 
 tion, they yet ilood alone, uncertain whether 
 any other power would aid their caufe, or view 
 them with that degree of coniideration, that 
 might obtain a credit for foreign loans. It was 
 an interefting fpeclacle to all fuch nations as had 
 colonies of their own, to view fuch an unexpect- 
 ed fpirit of refinance and revolt in the Ameri- 
 cans, as might be contagious, and probably pro- 
 duce commotions as much to be dreaded by 
 them, as the alienation of the thirteen colonies 
 was by England. The moft judicious ftatefmen 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 
 
 in America were feniible, that much time muft 
 elapfe, and many events take place, before any 
 foreign flipulations could be effected. They 
 were therefore impelled by the peculiar circum- 
 ftances of their fltuation, to refort to this dan- 
 gerous expedient, or relinquim the conteft. 
 No wife legiflator, no experienced ftatefrnan, 
 no man of principle, would have recourfe to a 
 meafure fraught with fuch uncertain confe- 
 quences, but from that neceffity which in hu- 
 man affairs, fometimes precludes all delibera- 
 tion between prefent utility, and diftant events 
 which may accrue. 
 
 In confequence of this dilemma, congrefs had 
 emitted fums to a vail amount in paper bills, 
 with a promife on the face of the bill, of pay- 
 ment in fpecie at fome diftant period. This 
 circumftance was alarming to the avaricious 
 and the wealthy, who immediately withdrew 
 their gold and filver from circulation. This 
 and other combining circumftances, among 
 which the immenfe fums counterfeited in New 
 York by the Britiih, and thrown into the col- 
 onies, produced an immediate and an aftonifh- 
 ing depreciation. At the fame time, the wid- 
 ow and the orphan were obliged to receive 
 the interefl of their property, depofited for 
 fecurity in the public treasuries, according to 
 the nominal fum on the face of the bills ; by 
 which they and other claffes, were reduced to 
 
 VOL. I. 2....X 
 
362 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. ix. extreme neceffity. The operative effects of 
 this paper medium, its ufes, its depreciation, 
 and total annihilation, will be feen hereafter, 
 when the credit of the circulating paper had 
 funk fo low, that no one preiumed to offer it 
 in barter for any commodity. All public de- 
 mands were confolidated by government at a 
 very great difcount, and public fecurities giv- 
 en to thofe who had demands for fervices or 
 loans, and the faith of congrefs pledged for 
 their payment in full value, as foon as practi- 
 cable.* 
 
 The honor and the fate of the commander 
 in chief, had been daily hazarded by the un- 
 reftrained licenfe of foldiers, with whom it was 
 optional to flay a few days longer, or to with- 
 draw after the fhort term of their enliltment 
 had expired, however imminent the dangers 
 might be that threatened their country. Yet 
 the eftabliihment of a permanent army was 
 not more ardently wifhed by general Wafh- 
 ington, than by every judicious man in Amer- 
 ica : but the work, though not infurmounta- 
 ble, was attended with complicated difficul- 
 ties. The reluctance felt through that clafs of 
 men from which jn army was to be drawn, 
 tr, enliit for an indefinite term, was apparent 
 to all. The precarious refources for the fup- 
 port of an army, which at that time depended 
 
 * Appendix, Note No. XIX 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 363 
 
 only on a depreciating medium, could not be 
 concealed, and were difcouraging indeed: at "~V777 
 the fame time, it was a fubjec~t too delicate to 
 expatiate on, as the more it was converfed up- 
 on, the greater was the danger of defeating the 
 deiired object. But, the finnnefs of congrefs 
 unmaken, and the legiflatures of the individ- 
 ual ftates equally zealous, while the people at 
 large were convinced of the utility of the mea- 
 fure, the object was in time obtained, though 
 not fo rapidly as the exigencies of the day re- 
 quired. 
 
364? THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Defultory Circumftances. Skirmifhes and Events. Gen- 
 eral Howe withdraws from the Jerfies Arrives at the 
 River Elk Followed by Wafhington. The Battle of 
 Brandywine General Waftiington defeated, retreats 
 to Philadelphia Obliged to draw off his Army. Lord 
 Cornwallis takes PofTeffion of the City. Action at Ger- 
 mantown, Red Bank, c. The Britifh Army take 
 Winter-Quarters in Philadelphia. The Americans en- 
 camp at Valley-Forge. General Wafhington's Situa- 
 tion not eligible. De Lille's Letters. General Con- 
 way reiigns. The Baron de Steuben appointed In- 
 fpedlor General of the American Army. 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 IN the beginning of the year one thoufand 
 
 feven hundred and feventy-feven, the fpirits of 
 
 the Americans were generally re-animated by 
 freih hopes, in confequence of the meafures tak- 
 en by congrefs to eftablim a permanent army, 
 until the conclufion of the war, and ftill more 
 by their fanguine expectations of fuccefs from 
 the negociations, and profpecls of an alliance 
 with France. 
 
 A folemn confederation, confuting of a num- 
 ber of articles by which the United States 
 fhould in future be governed, had been draft- 
 ed, difcuifed, and unanimouily iigned by all 
 the delegates in congrefs, in the month of Oc- 
 tober, one thoufand feven hundred and feventy- 
 fix. This inftrument was fent to each legiila- 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 365 
 
 ture in the thirteen Hates, and approved and CHAP.X. 
 afterwards ratified by the individual govern- 
 ments. After this, the congrefs of the United 
 States thought proper to appoint commiflioners 
 to the court of France, when fortunately a loan 
 of money was negociated on the faith of the 
 United States, and permiflion obtained for the 
 reception of American mips of war, and the 
 fale of prizes that might be captured by them, 
 and carried into any of the ports of France. 
 They were alfo encouraged to hope for (till fur- 
 ther afliftance from the generofity of that na- 
 tion. 
 
 The growth of the infant marine of the 
 United States had been fo rapid, and fo fuccefs- 
 ful had been the adventurers in this early ftage 
 of the war, that it was rationally concluded, 
 it could not be many years before the navy of 
 America might make a refpeclable figure among 
 the nations. 
 
 It was not expected in Great Britain, that 
 the colonies could thus early have acquired a 
 naval force of the leaft confideration. In con- 
 fequence of this idea, a great number of Brit- 
 iih mips and tranfports, that went out {lightly 
 armed, or not armed at all, were this year cap- 
 tured on their way to America. So bold and 
 adventurous were the American privateers, and 
 their public mips, that the domeftic trade of 
 Britain was rendered infecure ; and a convoy 
 
366 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 became neceffary to protect the linen fliips from 
 1777 Dublin to Newry : a circumftance that never 
 before took place.* The fuccefsful depredations 
 alfo on the Britim Weft India trade, were felt 
 through Great Britain in an alarming degree ; 
 and fhocked their commerce fo far, as to occa- 
 iion fudden and frequent bankruptcies in Lon- 
 don, Briftol, and almoft all the great marts of 
 the nation. 
 
 Thus the colonies were filled with every 
 thing neceiTary for carrying on a war, or that 
 furnifhed them the luxuries of life. But the 
 fudden acquiiition of wealth, which in confe- 
 quence of unexpected fuccefs, flowed into the 
 lap of individuals, fo much beyond their former 
 fortune or ideas, was not indeed very favorable 
 to the virtue or manners of the poflefTors. It 
 had a tendency to contract the mind, and led 
 it to Ihrink into felfifh views and indulgencies, 
 totally inconfiftent with genuine republicanifm. 
 The coffers of the rich were not unlocked for 
 the public benefit, but their contents were lib- 
 erally fquandered in purfuit of frivolous enjoy- 
 ments, to which moft of them had heretofore 
 been ftrangers. 
 
 This avaricious fpirit, indeed, fomewhat re- 
 tarded the meafures contemplated by congrefs, 
 who had determined, that the army in future 
 
 * Britifh Annual Regifler y 1777. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. S6T 
 
 fliould fland on a more ftable footing. They CHAP. *. : 
 had directed that eighty-eight battalions fliould L 
 
 be raifed, and kept in full pay until the clofe 
 of the war ; and as an encouragement to enlift, 
 they promifed a certain allotment of lands to 
 both officers and foldiers, at the commence- 
 ment of peace ; yet the recruiting fervice went 
 on heavily for a time, and at an immenfe ex- 
 penfe to the United States. But among a peo- 
 ple whofe perfonal liberty had been their 
 proudeft boaft, the above was not the fole caufe 
 of the difficulty of railing a permanent army : 
 the novelty of being enchained to a ftanding 
 army was difgufting ; they generally revolted 
 at the idea of enlifting for an indefinite term : 
 thus the army ftill remained incomplete, and 
 the militia were again called out as before. In 
 that mode there was no want of zeal and alac- 
 rity ; great numbers always appeared ready 
 tor any temporary fervice. 
 
 During the winter of this year, the Britifli 
 commander did not attempt any thing of 
 greater magnitude, than the deftruction of the % 
 American magazines. He effected his purpofe 
 at Peekfkill, at Courtland Manor ; and about 
 the middle of April, he fent on a detachment 
 under the command of governor Try on, to the 
 little town of Danbury, on the borders of Con- 
 necticut, where a confiderable quantity of pro- 
 vifions and other articles had been depofited, 
 for the ufe of the American army. lie coniid- 
 
368 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. x. ered it of great importance to cut off thefe re- 
 7 fources, before the opening of the fpring cam- 
 paign. 
 
 In conjunction with fir William Erfkine and 
 brigadier general Agnew, governor Tryon, 
 who had embodied near two thoufand royalifts, 
 was vetted with the principal command, on the 
 trivial expedition to Danbury. He executed 
 his orders with alacrity. They deftroyed a few 
 hogiheads of rum and fugar, a confiderable 
 quantity of grain and other provifions, about 
 feventeen hundred tents, and plundered and 
 burnt a number of houfes in the town of Dan- 
 bury. But their retreat to their ihipping was 
 intercepted by the militia of the country, drawn 
 out by the generals Woofler and Silliman. A 
 fmall detachment of continental troops com- 
 manded by general Arnold, with a party of re- 
 cruiting officers joined them, and a rencounter 
 enfued, when much bravery was exhibited on 
 both fides. General Woofter, an aged and ex- 
 perienced oiEcer, and a very worthy man, was 
 mortally wounded. General Arnold had his 
 horfe fliot under him at the moment a foldier 
 had his bayonet lifted for his deftruction ; but 
 with furprizing agility, he difengaged himfelf 
 from his horfe, and drew a piftol that laid his 
 enemy dead at his feet. On the third day af- 
 ter his landing, governor Tryon again reached 
 the lliipping, and re-embarked his troops with 
 inconfiderable lofs, though exceedingly fatigued 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 369 
 
 by a march of thirty miles, haraffed the whole CHAP. x. 
 time by an enemy arranged on each hand, and 
 preffed in the rear by recruits hourly coming 
 in to the ailiitance of his opponents.* 
 
 Within a fe\v days, reprifals were made for 
 this fuccefsful feat of Tryon, by the more brill- 
 iant enterprife of colonel Meiggs ; who, with 
 only one hundred and feventy men, landed on 
 the fouthern part of Long liland, furprifed 
 the enemy lying at Sag Harbour, burnt twelve 
 armed veffels, captured the failors, deftroyed 
 the forage and ftores on the eafl part of the 
 ifland, and returned to Guilford, about ninety 
 miles diftance, within thirty hours from the 
 time of his departure from thence. He brought 
 with him the trophies of his fuccefs, without 
 the lofs of a man. As no action of importance 
 was exhibited for feveral months, thefe fmaller 
 depredations and inconiiderable fkirmiflies, 
 ferved only to keep the fpirits in play, and pre- 
 ferve the mind from that lethargic ftate, which 
 inaction or want of object creates. 
 
 The plan digefted for the fummer campaign, 
 among the Britifh officers, was, to gain poffef- 
 
 * It has been acknowledged by fome Britifh hiflorians, 
 that their lofs more than counterbalanced the advantages 
 gained in this expedition to Danbury, 
 
 VOI,. L 2....Y 
 
370 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. x. fion of Philadelphia, to command the central 
 . ' ' " colonies, and to drive the Americans from all 
 their pofts in the province of Canada. Some 
 circumftances had taken place that feemed to 
 favor thefe defi^ns. Confident of his fuccefs 
 from his fuperior numbers in the field, general 
 Howe for a time, exercifed all the artifices of 
 an experienced commander, to bring general 
 Waihington to a decifive engagement : but, 
 from a perfect command of his temper, and a 
 judicious arrangement of the few continental 
 troops, and the militia he had in aid, the Amer- 
 ican chieftain defeated every meafure practifed 
 to bring him to a general action. He placed 
 about two thoufand men in Princeton, and with 
 the main body of his army, took his ftand on 
 the high and advantageous grounds in the 
 neighbourhood, and made all poflible prepara- 
 tion for defence. This determined line of con- 
 duct in general Waihington, gave a new turn 
 to Britifh operations. On the nineteenth of 
 June, general Howe decamped from Brunfwick, 
 and removed to Amboy, with every appear- 
 ance of a fpeedy embarkation. His troops as 
 ufual committed every outrage on their way, 
 and as if inftigated by defpair of becoming maf- 
 ters of the country, and envious of the progrefs 
 of arts and fciences in America, the colleges 
 and public libraries were burnt, all public build- 
 ings and places of worihip fwept away, and 
 nothing that had the appearance of diftinguifh- 
 ed elegance efcaped. But the mind and the 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 371 
 
 pen weary of the detail of deflruclion, it is 
 enough to obferve, that the Britiih army in 
 their retreat, left every trait of defolation and 
 barbarifm behind them, 
 
 The manoeuvres of the Britifli commander 
 led to the belief, and every thing wore the 
 ftrongeft appearance, that he was about to take 
 a final leave of the Jerfies. The illufion fuc- 
 ceeded fo far, as to induce general Walhington 
 to fend a body of three thoufand men, com- 
 manded by the generals Maxwell, Conway, and 
 lord Stirling, with defign to attack the rear of 
 their march. General Howe apprifed of this 
 movement, haftily returned to the charge. He 
 difpatched lord Cornwallis on a circuitous 
 route, who foon came up with lord Stirling, 
 ftrongly polled in a wood. 
 
 The Americans determined to difpute the 
 ground with Cornwallis ; but the ardor of the 
 Britifh troops, and the rivalry of the Heffians, 
 obliged them foon to quit their advantageous 
 poft, and retreat with precipitation. The lofs 
 the Americans fuftained was not inconfidera- 
 ble ; they fuffered greatly, both from the ex- 
 treme heat of the feafon, and the valor of their 
 antagonifts. From this and fome other circum- 
 ftances, it was for a time generally believed, 
 that the late movement of general Howe and 
 his army, was but a feint to draw general Wafli- 
 ington to an action, rather than from a fixed 
 
372 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 defign immediately to evacuate the ftate of 
 New Jerfey. Convinced of this, Wafliington 
 drew in his lines, and recovered his camp on 
 the hills, determined to perfevere in his defen- 
 iive fyftern, until fome more advantageous op- 
 portunity fliould juftify the hazard of a general 
 engagement. 
 
 It would undoubtedly have been highly im- 
 prudent for general Howe at this time, to have 
 perfifted in pufhing his way to the Delaware, 
 through a country difgufted and alienated by 
 the barbarity of his troops. Moil of the inhab- 
 itants of this ilate were now armed for defence. 
 Inflamed by refentment from the fufterings of 
 the laft year, impelled by neceffity from the 
 impediments in the way of all private occupa- 
 tions, and fired by a love of glory, they were 
 now ardent for action, in proportion as they 
 had been heretofore remifs ; and'\came to the 
 field prepared to conquer or die in defence of 
 their country. At the fame time, general 
 Wafliington was daily gaining ftrength by the 
 arrival of frelh troops, from various other 
 quarters. 
 
 The Britifli commander accordingly thought 
 proper about mid-fummer, to decamp in ear- 
 neft. He drew off his whole force as privately 
 as poilible to New York ; thence embarked, 
 and failed from Sandy Hook the twenty-third 
 of July. The deflination of the fleet and army 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 373 
 
 was kept fo profoundly fecret, that for fome CHAP. x. 
 time after their embarkation, every capital on 
 the continent was apprehenfive that they 
 fhould be the object of the next vifit from a po- 
 tent armament, that feemed at a lofs where to 
 direct their operations. This expectation occa- 
 iioned a general anxiety until the latter part of 
 Auguft, when the fleet appeared in the Chefa- 
 peak, and the army foon after landed at the 
 head of the river Elk. 'On his arrival there, 
 general Howe immediately publifhed a procla- 
 mation, in which he allured the inhabitants ev- 
 ery where of fafety and protection, provided 
 they were not found in arms, and promifed 
 pardon to all officers and foldiers who mould 
 furrender to the royal army. 
 
 Indeed his difpofition to clemency appeared 
 fo confpicous on his firft arrival, that it prevent- 
 ed the entire depopulation of the adjacent parts 
 of Maryland, Pennfylvania, and the lower 
 counties of Delaware ; the inhabitants of 
 which, on the firft appearance of fo formidable 
 a foe in their neighbourhood, were ftruck 
 with confirmation, and on the point of aban- 
 doning their habitations. 
 
 It was now obvious, that the pofleflkm of the 
 city of Philadelphia was the flake for which 
 both armies played. General Washington had 
 moved with the greateft part of his troops for 
 the defence of that elegant city, and had by de- 
 
374 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 tached parties, embarraffed the march of the 
 Britifli army from the river Elk to the Bran- 
 dywine. In the neighbourhood of the laft the 
 two armies met, and on the eleventh of Sep- 
 tember came to a general engagement. The 
 battle was fought with bravery, and fuflained 
 with fpirit on both fides ; but the fortune of 
 the day declared againft the Americans, yet not 
 fo decidedly as the fanguine expectations of 
 their antagonifls had* led them to hope from 
 fuch an event. But it gave them an aftonifh- 
 ing advantage in the minds of the people 
 through all the diftrict of Pennfylvania ; and 
 enabled general Howe with more facility to 
 complete his enterprife. Many officers of high 
 rank on both fides, fuffered much in the fpirit- 
 ed action at the Brandywine. A few days af- 
 ter this affair, general Wayne, who had con- 
 cealed himfelf in. a wood, with fifteen hundred 
 men, in order to harafs the rear of the Britifh, 
 was difcovered and attacked by brigadier gen- 
 eral Grey, who had given orders that no alarm 
 mould be made by the ufe of fire-arms. He 
 made the onfet about one o'clock in the morn- 
 ing ; and by the more cruel exercife of the 
 bayonet, feveral hundred Americans were kill- 
 ed and wounded : the remainder with difficulty 
 efcaped by flight. 
 
 Among others who fuffered in the battle of 
 Erandywine, the marquis de la Fayette, a young 
 nobleman of France, was dangeroufly wound-. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. S? 
 
 ed. Warmed by an enthufiaftic love of liberty, CHAP. x. 
 and animated by a laudable ambition, this amia- "~~ 
 ble young gentleman had left the court of 
 France without leave of the king : and quitting 
 the pleafures of domeftic felicity, he embarked 
 at his own expenfe, and engaged in the fervice 
 of the United States at an early period of the 
 war, when the affairs of America wore the 
 darkeft afpecl. His zeal and his heroifm to 
 the concluiion of the conteft, placed the well- 
 earned laurel on his brow, and procured him 
 the love, refpecl, and bpft wimes of the people 
 throughout America. Indeed all the French 
 officers in the continental army, among whom 
 were many of high confideration, acquitted 
 themfelves with diftinguifhed gallantry on this 
 and many other occafions, where the courage 
 of the foldier, and the humanity of the officer, 
 were called into exercife. 
 
 General Wafliington obliged to retreat in 
 diforder, and clofely purfued after the action, 
 retired to Chefter. He foon after with his ar- 
 my reached Philadelphia ; but the Britifh com- 
 manders directed their operations with fo much 
 judgment and fuccefs, that before the twenty- 
 fixth of September, Wafliington thought 
 proper to evacuate the city. Lord Cornwallis 
 with the Britifh grenadiers, and two battalions 
 of Heflians, on that day made a triumphal en- 
 try, and took poffeflion of the capital of the 
 United States. 
 
376 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 :HAP. x. The era was truly critical. Congrefs again 
 
 "~" found it neceflary,afecond time to defert the city, 
 
 and now repaired to York-Town for fafety. Dif- 
 feniions ran high among the inhabitants of Phila- 
 delphia. Some of the moft opulent families were 
 difaffefted, and renounced all adherence to the 
 union : and feveral perfons of different defcrip- 
 tions, emboldened by the abfence of congrefs, 
 and the fuccefs of the Britilh arms, took this 
 opportunity to declare in favor of the royal 
 caufe. One of principal confideration among 
 them, went out, and conducted the king's 
 troops into the city. Others declared them- 
 felves zealoufly attached to the meafures of ad- 
 mininration, and equally difgufted with the 
 oppolition of the colonies. Among thefe was 
 Jofeph Galloway, a member of congrefs, and 
 fpeaker of the houfe of reprefentatives in Penn- 
 fylvania. He foon after repaired to England ; 
 where he indefatigably exerted his abilities and 
 his influence againft his native country, on all 
 occafions. 
 
 Beiides thofe individual apoftates, the quaker 
 intereft had long embarrafled every public 
 meafure in that colony. They were a large 
 and powerful body in the flate of Pennfylva- 
 nia ; and, notwithstanding their pacific princi- 
 ples, though not actually in arms, they at this 
 time took a decided part againft the American 
 caufe. Their previous conduct had drawn up- 
 on themfelves many feverities. Several of the 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 577 
 
 principal leaders had been imprifoned, and oth- CHAP. x. 
 crs fent out of the city of Philadelphia, on the 
 approach of the Britifh army. Yet flill they 
 refufed the fmalleft fubmiffion to the prefent 
 government, and appealed to the laws, by 
 which they claimed perfonal fafety. But whe- 
 ther from a confideration of the neceffity of a 
 temporary fufpeniion of law, in times of pub- 
 lic and imminent danger, or whether from the 
 fanguine refolutions which operate on all par- 
 ties, when their favorite fyftem totters on the 
 brink of ruin, little regard was paid even to 
 the legal claims of this body of citizens. Seve- 
 ral perfons of the firft drFdnction and character 
 among them, nofwithftanding their juft and 
 fenfible remonftrances, were fent off to Virgin- 
 ia, to prevent the influence they might have 
 through a ftate, then the principal feat of war. 
 
 From thefe political diffenfions, the partial 
 defeats, the lofs of Philadelphia, the ilownefs 
 of recruits for permanent fervice, the difficulty 
 of obtaining fupplies for the army from various 
 caufes, and particularly from the monopolizing 
 and avaricious fpirit that was faft gaining 
 ground in America, and from delay, " the be- 
 " trayer of all confederations," a lowering af- 
 pect was caft over the operations of America 
 on every lide. On the contrary, the Britifh 
 government, the army, and their adherents, 
 
 VOL. I* 2....Z 
 
378 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. x. had much reafon to flatter themfelves with an 
 TIT""" idea of the fpeedy completion of their defigns 
 againft the United States. They were now in 
 poffeflion of the firft city in the union ; general 
 Clinton was in force at New York ; general 
 Vaughan on the North River, with troops fuf- 
 ficient to fweep away the inhabitants on both 
 fides, and to keep the adjacent country in awe. 
 A large detachment of the Britiih army {till 
 held the poileffion of Newport : colonel Lof- 
 bourg with a Heffian brigade in conjunction 
 with them, was piratically plundering the neigh- 
 bouring coafts, and burning the fcattered villa- 
 ges of the Itate of Rhode Ifland. 
 
 It is proper here to obferve, that foon after 
 the Britifh troops had taken pofleffion of 
 Rhode Ifland, fome animofities had arifen be* 
 tween general Howe and lord Percy, who com- 
 manded there. This was occafioned by a re- 
 quifition from fir William Howe to his lord- 
 fhip, to fend him on fifteen hundred men for 
 the better defence of New York, and to aid his 
 operations in that quarter. 
 
 Lord Percy declined a compliance with this 
 order, alleging as a reafon for this refufal, that 
 the Americans were rapidly collecting and 
 itrengthening themfelves in the town of Provi- 
 dence ; that the number of troops already 
 there, gave them reafon to be apprehenfive for 
 the fafety of Newport. General Howe refent- 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 379 
 
 ed the refufal ; threatened earl Percy with a CHAP. x. 
 trial for difobedience of orders, and reprimand- 
 ed him in language which the earl thought de- 
 rogatory to an officer of his rank, character, 
 and confequence. On this ufage, which lord 
 Percy confidered very affrontive, he immedi- 
 ately wrote to his father the duke of Northum- 
 berland, requefting him, without delay, to ob- 
 tain his recal from the American fervice. Soon 
 after this he embarked for England, having re- 
 figned his command to general Prefcott. 
 
 His advance to the chief command of the 
 troops on Rhode Ifland, was not long enjoyed 
 by general Prefcott, before a circumftance took 
 place which was fufficiently mortifying to him- 
 ielf and the Britifh. . In the beginning of July, 
 one thoufand feven hundred and feventy-feven, 
 colonel Barton, a provincial officer, and feveral 
 others, accompanied by only thirty-eight men, 
 embarked in feveral boats from Warwick Neck, 
 eluding the vigilance of the Britifh mips and 
 guard-boats, he and his party palled them in 
 the dark, and landed on Rhode Ifland about 
 twelve o'clock at night. 
 
 Colonel Barton had received fome intelli- 
 gence, of the infecure fituation in which the 
 Britifh commander frequently lodged on the 
 ifland. On this information, he formed the 
 bold defign of furprifmg and feizing him : this 
 he effected with a facility beyond his own mofl 
 
380 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. x. fanguine expectations. Having firft fecured the 
 " 7 ^ centinel at the door, he furprifed general Pref- 
 cott in his bed. One of his aids leaped from 
 a window in hopes of efcape, but was prevent- 
 ed. Their defign accomplifhed, the little party 
 haftened to their boats with all poilible expedi- 
 tion. Signals w r ere made for an alarm on 
 iliore ; but it was too late : Barton and his 
 party were out of danger. When they reach- 
 ed the fpot from whence they had fet out on 
 this adventure, a chariot was prepared for the 
 reception of general Prefcott, in which he was 
 efcorted fafely from Warwick to Providence. 
 
 Colonel Barton received great applaufe from 
 his countrymen, for his fpirited and well-exe- 
 cuted enterprife. It was not indeed an object 
 of much magnitude ; but the previous circum- 
 ftances of general Prefcott's conduct had been 
 fuch, as to render his capture a fubjecl: of much 
 exultation to the Americans. He had, while 
 in command at Newport, infulted and abufed 
 the inhabitants, ridiculed the American officers, 
 and fet a price upon fome of their heads, par- 
 ticularly on that of general Arnold, which Ar- 
 nold retaliated with the advertifement of a 
 fmall price for the head of general Prefcott. 
 
 The fimilarity of circumftances that attend- 
 ed the capture of the generals Prefcott and Lee, 
 and their rank in the armies to which they re- 
 fpeftively belonged, rendered it highly proper 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 381 
 
 that an exchange fhould have taken place im- CHAP.* 
 mediately. It was however for a time delay- 
 ed ; but finally, general Lee obtained his liber- 
 ty in confequence of this bufmefs,. 
 
 The difcouraging circumftances above rela- 
 ted with regard to tha arrangements, military 
 pofts, and operations of the Britim, from New- 
 port to New York, and from New York to 
 Philadelphia, gave very promifing profpects of 
 fuccefs to the Britim in that part of America. 
 At the fame time general Burgoyne, with the 
 flower of the Britim army, the Canadian pro- 
 vincials, and hordes of favages that poured 
 down from beyond the lakes, was making ad- 
 vances, and in the language of bombaft and 
 felf-confidence, threatened deftruction and ven- 
 geance to any who fhould have hardihood 
 enough, to endeavour to ftop his progrefs, or 
 to oppofe the authority under which he acted. 
 
 But notwithftancling the general wayward 
 appearance of the affairs of the United States, 
 the legillatures as we fhall fee, loft not their 
 magnanimity, the people their ardor, nor the 
 army their valor. Not difheartened by the 
 circumflances of the late action at the Brandy- 
 wine, or the lofs of Philadelphia, general Wafh- 
 ington with his brave troops, in rfumbers com- 
 paratively inconfiderable, kept the Britim army 
 in play, unti 1 the fetting in of winter. Within 
 a few days after the furrcnder of Philadelphia, 
 
382 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 the Americans attacked the royal camp at Ger- 
 mantown, fituated about fix miles from the 
 city, where the main body of the Britifh army 
 had taken their ftand. 
 
 This was a very unexpected manoeuvre. 
 The attempt was bold, and the defence brave. 
 The Americans for a time, feemed to have 
 greatly the advantage ; but the enterprife final- 
 ly failed. They were obliged to retreat in 
 great confufion, after the heavy lofs of many 
 officers and men. The difappointment of the 
 Americans, was in confequence of the addrefs 
 and ability of colonel Mufgrove, who judiciouf- 
 ly 'ftood on the defenfive, and checked the pro- 
 grefs of the continental troops, until general 
 Grey and brigadier general Agnew, with a large 
 detachment, came to his relief. A warm, but 
 fhort action enfued : when the Americans were 
 totally routed, and driven out of the field of 
 action. 
 
 General Lee, who had not the higheft opin- 
 ion* of general Waihington's military abilities, 
 obferved on this occaiion, " that by a {ingle 
 " ftroke of the bathos, the partial victory at Ger- 
 " mantown was corrupted into a defeat."* 
 'This was however, too fevere a cenfure. 
 A number o*f circumftances co-operated to blaft 
 the hopes of the Americans, after the early 
 
 * General Lee's letters. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 386 
 
 promife of fucccfs. The Britons themfelves CHAP. x. 
 
 have given teftimony to the bravery and good ~ :i 
 
 conduct of Wafhington and his army on this 
 
 occafion. One of their writers has attefted, 
 
 " in this action the Americans acted upon the 
 
 " offenfive ; and though repulfed with lofs, 
 
 " fhewed themfelves a formidable adverfary, 
 
 " capable of charging with refolution, and re- 
 
 " treating with order. The hope therefore en- 
 
 " tertained from the effect of any fair action 
 
 " with them, as decifive, and likely to put a 
 
 " fpeedy termination to the war, was exceed- 
 
 " ingly abated." 
 
 The higheft expectation had been formed on 
 the reduction of Philadelphia, both by the fo- 
 reign and internal foes of America. Though 
 both armies were fired with equal ardor, and 
 on all occafions were equally ready for action, 
 yet the repeated fkirmiflies for feveral w^eeks 
 in the neighbourhood of the city, were not pro- 
 ductive of any very important confequences, 
 except the lofs of many brave men, and feveral 
 officers of great merit. None of thcfe were 
 more diftinguifhed and lamented, than general 
 Nafh on the American fide, and brigadier gen- 
 eral Agnew and colonel Bird of the Britifh line, 
 who loft their lives in the battle of German- 
 town. 
 
 It was very important to the Britifh com- 
 mander after the above tranfactions, to open a 
 
384 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. x. free paffage to Philadelphia by the Delaware, in 
 "" ~ order to obtain fupplies of provifions by water 
 for their army. This was impeded by the 
 American {hipping, and by feveral ftrong pofts 
 held by the Americans on the river ; the prin- 
 cipal of which was Red Bank. Here they had 
 an opportunity of retrieving the recent difgrace 
 of their arms at Germantown. The Heilians 
 under the command of colonel Donop, had the 
 principal hand in this bufinefs. He croffed the 
 Delaware with fifteen hundred men, at Coo- 
 per's ferry oppofite Philadelphia, and marched 
 to attack the redoubts at Red Bank. 
 
 A cannonade was opened : the camp was at- 
 tacked with fpirit, and defended with equal 
 gallantry by colonel Greene of Rhode Ifland ; 
 who replied to the fummons of count Donop 
 to fur render, " that he mould defend the place 
 " to the laft extremity." On this, the HefTians 
 attempted to ftorm the redoubts ; but the af- 
 failants were obliged to retreat in their turn. 
 One Heffian brigade was nearly cut to pieces 
 in the action, and count Donop mortally 
 wounded and taken prifoner, as were 'feveral 
 other officers of confideration. The remainder 
 retreated with great precipitation through the 
 night, leaving one half of their party dead, 
 wounded, or prifoners to the Americans ; croff- 
 ed the river the next morning ; arid in this 
 mortified fituation, the remnant who efcaped 
 entered Philadelphia. This important pafs was 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION* 385 
 
 a key to the other pofts on the river ; and for CHAP, x 
 its brave defence the officers and foldiers were 
 juftly applauded, and colonel Greene compli- 
 mented by congrefs, with a prefent of an ele- 
 gant fword. 
 
 After the action at Red Bank, the vigilance 
 and caution of general Washington could not 
 be overcome by the valor and advantages of his 
 foes, fo far as to induce him to hazard any ac- 
 tion of confequence.* The deiign of opening 
 the Delaware, was now the principal object 
 with the Britifh commander. l*his was effect- 
 ed without much difficulty, after the reduction 
 of Mud Ifland. From this flrong poft, the 
 Amerkans were obliged to retreat, after a very 
 manly refiftance. They did not evacuate their 
 v/orks until reduced to defpair, by fome Brit- 
 ifh fhips advantageoufly playing upon them. 
 From the very fuperior advantages of their en- 
 emies in many refpects, they were induced to 
 fet fire to every thing within reach ; and after 
 
 * For this general Wafhington was very feverely cenfu- 
 red by fome ; and even the legiflature of the ilate of 
 Pennfylvania remonftrated to congref^ and exprefled 
 their uneafme.fs, that the American commander fhould 
 leave the capital in poffefllon of the enemy, and retire to 
 winter-quarters. But his little army deftitute of every 
 neceflary, without the poilibility of a fupply at that feafon, 
 was a fufficient apology. 
 
 VQJU I- 3.... A 
 
386 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHA?.*. great flaughter they abandoned a place, which 
 had already coft them too much in its de- 
 fence.* 
 
 In the ftruggle to open the Delaware, the 
 Augufta and the Merlin on the part of Britain, 
 were loft ; but the lofles of the Americans 
 were far beyond thofe of the Britifh. The 
 Delaware frigate and fome others were captu- 
 red, and feveral mips burnt by themfelves, to 
 prevent their falling into the hands of their en- 
 emies. 
 
 Nothing more decided than the above tranf- 
 aftions took place this feafon. The Delaware 
 river thus cleared, and eligible winter-quarters 
 fecured for the king's troops, and the cold fea- 
 fon faft advancing, general Howe gave up the 
 purfuit of the cautious and wary Wafhington. 
 He found it impoflible with all his efforts to 
 bring him to another general aftion, while his 
 own judgment, and that of the moft judicious 
 of his officers, forbade it, and common prudence 
 dictated the probable difadvantages of fuch a 
 movement. His numbers were too fmall, and 
 
 * The writer of this work does not aim at a particular 
 defcription or detail of all the engagements, battles, and 
 rencounters, between the two contending armies. A gen- 
 eral fketch of the moft material military movements, 
 completes her defign ; the primary object of which, is not 
 a dry narrative of military havoc. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. S87 
 
 the wants of the army too many, to hazard CHAP. *. 
 any thing. The moft guarded and prudent de- ~^~~ 
 fence was the only line of conduct left to the 
 American commander. 
 
 Thefe circumftances induced general Howe, 
 about the middle of December, to draw the 
 main body of his army into the city of Phila- 
 delphia. They were indeed unable longer to 
 keep the field, being very deftitute of tents and 
 other epuipage neceflary for the army in a cold 
 climate, at this inclement feafon. 
 
 Thus after the proud vaunts of victory and 
 conqueft, and the lofs of many gallant officers 
 and brave men, the Britifh commander had lit- 
 tle to boaft at the conclufion of the campaign, 
 but the pofleffion of a city abandoned by the beft 
 of its inhabitants, and the command of the ad- 
 jacent country, circumfcribed within the nar- 
 row limits of twenty miles. This was but a 
 fmall cornpenfation for the wafte of life and 
 treafure. It was a gloomy picture of the ter- 
 mination of a campaign, for fir William Howe 
 to convey to his matter and to his countrymen, 
 after the exultation for fome partial fuccefles 
 had flattered them with the higheft hopes of 
 fpeedy and complete victory. Yet, notwith- 
 ftanding thefe vauntings over a people, among 
 whom there did not yet appear a probability of 
 complete fubjugation by the fword, nor the 
 imalleft traces of a difpofition among the peo- 
 
388 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. x. pie of America, to yield obedience to the laws 
 and requifitions, which the government of 
 Great Britain were attempting thus to enforce 
 at the point of the bayonet. 
 
 After fir William Howe had retired and ta- 
 ken winter-quarters in the city, a novel fcene, 
 coniidering the weaknefs of the continental ar- 
 my, was exhibited without. To the furprife 
 and wonder of their foes, and to the admira- 
 tion of all mankind acquainted with the cir- 
 cumilances, the Americans, nearly deilitute of 
 tents, poorly fupplied with proviiions, almoft 
 without flioes, ftockings, blankets, or other 
 clothing, cheerfully erected thernfelves huts of 
 timber and brulh, and encamped for the win- 
 ter, at a place called Valley-Forge, within twen- 
 ty-five miles of the city of Philadelphia. Thus 
 in the neighbourhood of a powerful Britifh ar- 
 my, fearlefs of its numbers and ftrength, a 
 ftriking proof of their intrepidity in fuffering, 
 and their defiance of danger, was exhibited 
 by a kind of challenge bidden to their enemies, 
 not very ufual in fimilar fituations. The com- 
 mander in chief, and feveral of the principal of- 
 ficers of tne American army, in defiance of dan- 
 ger, either to themfelves or to fuch tender con- 
 nexions, fent for their ladies from the different 
 ftates to which they belonged, to pais the re- 
 mainder of the wint er, and by their prefence 
 to enliven the gloomy appearance of a hutted 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 389 
 
 village in the woods, inhabited only by an him- CHAP. x. 
 gry and half-naked foldiery.* 
 
 t 
 
 The refolution and patience of thk little ar- 
 my furmounted every difficulty. They waited 
 long, amidft penury, hunger, and cold, for the 
 neceifary fupplies, which in fpite of the utmoft 
 exertions of the feveral ftates, came in but too 
 ilowly. Such was the deficiency of horfes and 
 waggons, for the ordinary as well as extraordi- 
 nary occalions of the army, that the men in 
 many inftances, cheerfully yoked themfelves to 
 little carriages of their own conftruclion : oth- 
 ers loaded the wood and proviiions on their 
 backs for prefent fupply, in their extreme ne- 
 ceffity. General Wamington informed a com- 
 mittee fent from congrefs to inquire into the 
 ftate of the army, that fome brigades had been 
 fome days without meat, and that the common 
 foldiers had frequently been at his quarters, to 
 make known their diftreffes. Unprovided 
 with materials to raife their cold lodgment 
 from the ground, the dampnefs of the fitua- 
 tion, and the wet earth on which they lay, oc- 
 caiioned ficknefs and mortality to rage among 
 them to an aftonifhing degree : " Indeed, 
 " nothing could, furpafs their fuffering, except 
 
 * >s othing but the inexperience of the American ladies, 
 and their confidence in the judgment of their hufbands, 
 could jnftify this hazard to their perfons, and to their feel- 
 ings of delicacy. 
 
S90 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHA P.X. " the patience and fortitude with which it was 
 endured by the faithful part of the army. 
 Thofe of a diffi 
 great numbers." * 
 
 " Thofe of a different character deferted in 
 
 In this weak and dangerous iltuation, the 
 American army continued encamped at Valley. 
 Forge, from December till May ; while the 
 Britiih troops in high health and fpirits, lay in 
 Philadelphia, without once attempting to mo- 
 left them. For this want of vigor and enter- 
 prife, general Howe was fever ely and juftly cen- 
 fured in Britain, blamed by thofe interefted in 
 his fuccefs in America, and ridiculed by the im- 
 partial obferver in every quarter. By his neg- 
 ligence this winter, he again undoubtedly loft 
 the faireft opportunity of executing the defigns 
 of his mafter^ and acquiring to himfelf much 
 military fame. But by wafting his time in ef- 
 feminate and repreheniible pleafures, he funk 
 his character as an officer ; and few fcrupled to 
 affert, that the man of honor and valor was loft 
 for a time, in the arms of a handfome adulterefs. 
 Many of his officers followed his example, and 
 abandoned themfelves to idlenefs and debauch- 
 ery ; while the foldiers were left to indulge 
 
 their own licentious habits. 
 
 t 
 
 At this period, though not attacked by a fo- 
 reign foe, the fituation of the American com- 
 mander in chief was really not very enviable. 
 
 * See a letter from the committee fent fr.om congrefs. 
 to Mr. Laurens the prefident. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 391 
 
 It required the utmoft prudence and addrefs, CHAP.*. 
 to keep together the appearance of an army, 
 under the complicated miferies they muft feel, ~ 
 in the depth of winter, hungry and barefooted, 
 whofe fatiguing, circuitous marches over the 
 fnowy path, had been marked by their bleed- 
 ing feet, before they, in fuch a deftitute pre- 
 dicament, pitched their tents in the valley. 
 The dilatory fpirit of fome, and the peculating 
 difpolitions of other officers in- the various pub- 
 lic departments, increafed every difficulty with 
 regard to clothing and fubfiftence. The de- 
 plorable ftate of the fick, the corrupt conduct 
 in fome of the hofpitals, the want of difcipline 
 among the foldiers, the inexperience of officers, 
 the flownefs of recruits, and the diminution of 
 the old army from various caufes, were cir- 
 cumftances difcouraging indeed ; and might 
 have been confidered, if not a balance, at leaft 
 a weight in the fcale, againft the advantages 
 and the pride of high ftation. Yet thefe were 
 not all the embarramnents which the com- 
 mander in chief had to encounter ; general 
 Wafhington had his perfonal enemies to com- 
 bat : nor was he without his rivals for power 
 and fame.* 
 
 * Both the conduct and letters of general Lee, had in 
 feveral inftances confirmed the opinion, that he was am- 
 bitious of obtaining the chief command of the army of the 
 United States ; and doubtlefs he had a party that for a 
 ihort time flattered thefe expectations. At this time in- 
 deed he was a prifoner, but his correfpondencies were ex- 
 tent ve. 
 
392 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. x. In all communities there are fome reftlefs 
 
 minds, who create jealoufi.es and foment divi- 
 fions, that often injure the beft caufe, and the 
 moft unimpeachable character : and it may be 
 obferved, that there is ever a fpirit of intrigue 
 and circumvention, that runs parallel with the 
 paflions of men. Thus the fortune of war is 
 frequently changed by dangerous emulations, 
 and the beft fyftems of focial and political hap- 
 pinefs overthrown, by the envy and refentment 
 of little minds., or the boundlefs ambition of 
 more exalted fouls. Nor was it many years, 
 before America difcovered me had in her bo- 
 fom, her Cxfars and her Catilines, as well as 
 her Brutuses and her Catos. 
 
 Many perfons were difgufted with the dictato- 
 rial powers vefted in general Wafhington, af- 
 ter the action at Trenton, which they alleged 
 were at his own requeft. Thefe were ample 
 indeed. He was empowered by congrefs 
 " to reform and new model the military ar- 
 " rangements, in fuch manner as he judged 
 " beft for the public fervice." He was alfo 
 vefted with feveral other difcretionary powers.* 
 Congrefs had indeed limited his power to fix 
 months ; but exigencies of the higheft necef- 
 fity, had urged him fometimes to exercife it 
 in a manner .too arbitrary for the principles 
 and difpofitions of Americans, unufed to the 
 
 * See refolves of congrefs. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 393 
 
 impreimierit of their property for the ufe of CHAP x. 
 
 armies. 
 
 1777. 
 
 In this ftate of affairs, the commander was 
 attacked by anonymous letters, fictitious ligna- 
 tures, and incendiary fuggeftions : he was cen- 
 fured for his cool operations, dereniive move- 
 ments, and Fabian flownefs. Difadvantageous 
 impreffions were made on the minds of fome, 
 and others were led to believe, that general 
 Waihington was not without his weaknefles 
 and his foibles. It was obferved by one of 
 his principal officers :* " That decifion is' 
 " often wanting in minds otherways valua- 
 " ble : That an indeciiive mind in a com- 
 " mander, is one of the greateft misfortunes 
 " that could befal an army : That he had often 
 " lamented this circumftance through the cam- 
 " paign : That they were in a very awful fitu- 
 " ation, in an alarming ftate, that required the 
 " utmoft wifdom and firmnefs of mind." 
 
 A wifh at this time undoubtedly prevailed, 
 among fome diftinguimed characters,! for a fu- 
 
 * See a letter from general Reed to general Lee, after- 
 wards published. 
 
 f Samuel Adams of Bofton, general Mifflin, and feve* 
 ral other chan*5lers of diltincHon, were fufpedled of un* 
 friendly (Hefigns towards the commander in chief. But 
 
394? THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. x. percedence of his command : but Wafhington, 
 cool, cautious, and more popular than any man, 
 his good genius was ever at hand to preferve 
 his character invulnerable : yet, feveral circum- 
 flances confirmed the opinion, that even fome 
 members of congrefs at this period, were in- 
 triguing for his removal. It might indeed at 
 this time, have had a fatal effect on American 
 affairs, had general Wafhington fallen beneath 
 
 there never were fufficient grounds to fuppofe, that Mr. 
 Adams ever harbored any difaffeftion to the perfon of 
 general Walhington : on the contrary, he refpe&ed and 
 efteemed his character, and loved the man. But zealous 
 and ardent in the defence of his injured country, he was 
 ftartled at every thing that appeared to retard the opera- 
 tions of war, or impede the fuccefs of the revolution ; a 
 revolution for which pofterity is as much indebted to the 
 talents and exertions of Mr. Adams, as to thofe of any- 
 one in the United States. 
 
 General Mifllin was a young gentleman of a warm and 
 (anguine difpofition. Aftive and zealous, he engaged 
 early in oppofition to the meafures of the Britifh parlia- 
 ment. He took arms, and was among the firft officers 
 commiflioned, on the organization of a continental army. 
 For this he was read out of the fociety of quakers, to 
 which himfelf and his family had belonged. But Mr. 
 Mifflin's principles led him to corifider himfelf under a 
 moral obligation, to acl offensively as well .as defenfively, 
 and vigoroufly to oppofe the enemies of his country ; and 
 from his character and principles, he undoubtedly wifhed 
 to fee a commander in chief of the united armies, who 
 would admit of no delay in the acceleration of the object 
 in which they were engaged. 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 395 
 
 a popular difguft, or the intrigues of his en- 
 
 einies - 
 
 Perhaps few other men could have kept 
 together the fhadow of an army, under 
 fuch a combination of difficulties as the 
 young republic had to encounter, both in 
 the field and the cabinet. Many men of a 
 more active and enterpriling fpirit, might 
 have put a period to the war in a fhorter fpace 
 of time ; yet perhaps not ultimately fo much in 
 favor of America, as the flow, defenfive move- 
 ments of the officer then veiled with the chief 
 command. 
 
 This line of conduct was thought by fome, 
 to be not fo much owing to his fuperior faga- 
 city and penetration, as to a conftitutional want 
 of ardency, at times when energy appeared 
 moft neceffary to many perfons. A predilection 
 in favor of a connexion with Britain, feemed 
 united with this difpofition. It had appeared 
 clearly by many circumftances in converfation 
 with his confidential friends, that he was not 
 in the beginning of oppofition, fond of a final 
 ieparation from the parent Rate ; and that he 
 wilhed to move defenfively, until fome events 
 might take place, that would bring back, and 
 with honor and dignity re-unite, the revolted 
 colonies to the bofom of their ancient parent.* 
 
 * In the early period of the war, many very worthy 
 characters oppofed to the Britiih fyftem, befides general 
 
396 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 But the public opinion always in his favor, 
 
 . with a happy talent to fecure the confidence of 
 
 the people, he commanded in a remarkable 
 manner, their affections, their refources, and 
 their attachment, to the end of the war ; and 
 had the good fortune to parry every charge 
 brought againft him, with the firmnefs of the 
 foldier, though not without the fenfibility of 
 the man who found his reputation at ftake. 
 He complained heavily to his private friends, yet 
 took no public notice of the vague imputations of 
 {lander, that fell from the pen of a French offi- 
 cer of diftinction, under the fignature of De 
 Lifle. 
 
 Thefe letters were fraught with the moft fe- 
 vere ftrictures on the general's military charac- 
 ter and abilities. Some other letters in the 
 fame ftyle and manner, without a name, were 
 directed to gentlemen of character and conlid- 
 eration in feveral of the ftates. Some addrefied 
 to Patrick Henry, the governor of the ftate of 
 Virginia, he immediately tranfmitted to con- 
 grefs, and to the general himfelf. However 
 boldly fome of the charges were urged, they 
 
 Wafhington, wifhed for a reconciliation with Great Brit- 
 ain, if it could be procured confidently with honor, and 
 with fufficient pledges of fecurity to the juft claims of the 
 colonies, rather than an irrevocable 1'eparation. But 
 time convinced all, that nothing but independence, and a 
 total difmernberjnent, could fecure the liberties of the 
 United States, 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 397 
 
 made little imprefllon on the public mind : the CHAP. *. 
 tranfient tale of the day paiTed as the pathlefs ~ 
 arrow, without leaving a trace behind. His 
 enemies flirunk from the charge ; and general 
 Washington, by the current of applaufe that al- 
 ways fet in his favor, became more than ever 
 the idolof the army and the people. 
 
 General Conway, the reputed author of the 
 letters iigned De Lifle, was a gentleman of great 
 military talents and experience, with an ambi- 
 tion equal to his abilities. He had left France 
 with high expectations of rank in the fervice 
 of the United States. Not fatisfied with the 
 appointment of infpector general of the Amer- 
 ican army, his pride wounded, and difappoint- 
 ed that he did not fuftain a higher grade in of- 
 fice, which he had been led to flatter himfelf 
 with before he left his country, and difgufted 
 by the fuipicions that fell upon him after the 
 publication of De Lifle's letters, he refigned his 
 commiflion, and returned to Europe. 
 
 Conway was not the only officer of his coun- 
 try, that fuffered fimilar mortifications. The 
 credulity of men of talents, family, and merit, 
 had been impofed on by the indifcretion of 
 one* of the American agents, and their imagi- 
 nations fired by ideas of rank and preferment 
 in America, to which no foreigner was entitled. 
 
 * Silus Deane, the firfl; agent font by congrds to France. 
 
398 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 CHAP. x. Thus, chagrined from the fame caufe, it was 
 thought the valiant Coudray, an officer of dif- 
 tinguiflied name and merit, who was a briga- 
 dier general and chief engineer in the French 
 fervice, leaped voluntarily to his watery grave. 
 His death indeed,, was attributed to the fleet- 
 nefs of his horfe, which it was faid he could 
 not command. Having occafion to crofs the 
 Schuylkill, in company with fome other offi- 
 cers, he entered a boat on horfeback. The ca- 
 reer was fwift ; the cataftrophe fatal : he leap- 
 ed in on one fide of the boat, and with equal 
 celerity, out on the other. Thus both horfe 
 and rider were irretrievably loft. Coudray was 
 beloved and lamented by all who knew him : 
 and the lofs of Conway was regretted by many 
 who efteemed him for his literary abilities, and 
 his military talents. 
 
 The important office of infpe&or general re- 
 linquifhed from neceffity by general Conway, 
 was immediately conferred on the baron de 
 Steuben, an officer with the bed credentials, 
 who had recently arrived from Germany. The 
 effential fervices of this celebrated difciplinarian, 
 were in a very fhort time felt throughout the 
 army. New regulations took place, and new 
 arrangements were made in the hofpitals, in the 
 commiflary's, the quarter-mailer's, and other 
 departments, which had been mamefully abu- 
 fed, not from a want of capacity or integrity 
 in the preceding infpedors, but from the igno- 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 399 
 
 ranee, inexperience, or peculation of many of 
 the fubordinate officers. From the date of the 
 baron's advancement, a more thorough knowl- 
 edge of tatties was acquired by the officers ; 
 more fyftem, difcipline, and order appeared in 
 the army ; more equitable and permanent reg- 
 ulations, and a ftricter adherence to the rules 
 and laws of war, took place, than had been ob- 
 ferved at any period before. The merits of this 
 officer, univerfally acknowledged, were after- 
 wards generoufly rewarded by the congrefs of 
 the United States. 
 
 It may not however be improper to obferve, 
 before we pafs on to the fubfequent circum- 
 ftances of the war, that though the baron de 
 Steuben had been promoted to the rank of in- 
 fpeclor general, by the approbation of congrefs 
 and the army, yet general Conway had a con- 
 iiderable party attached to him, among the 
 military officers. Many perfons thought that 
 his difmifTal from office, and permiffion to re- 
 turn to France, under the degradation of char- 
 acter which fell upon him, without any fpeci- 
 fied charges of delinquency in office, or any 
 folid proofs that he really had been the author 
 of the anonymous reproaches thrown on the 
 character of general Wafhington, was at once 
 affrontive both to himfeif and his nation. 
 Thefe ideas are more clearly exhibited in a 
 
40O THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF 
 
 fketch of the life of Conway, by another 
 
 hand -* 
 
 We fhall only further obferve, that the 
 French nation was not difpofed to refent indi- 
 vidual flights, or even public neglects, at this 
 interefting period : a nation who viewed the 
 refiftance of the American colonies to the over- 
 bearing power of Britain, on a broad fcale. 
 They confidered their oppofition, if fuccefsful, 
 as at once redounding to their own intereft, 
 and to the promotion of the liberties of man- 
 kind in general. 
 
 It had for many years been a primary object: 
 with the houfe of Bourbon, to humble the 
 pride and power of Britain. No contingencies 
 that had arifen among the nations for near a 
 century, appeared fo likely to produce this ef- 
 fect, as an alienation from, and a total lofs of 
 their colonies. This confideration heightened 
 the natural ardor, and quickened the conftitu- 
 tional energies of every Frenchman, to lend his 
 hand to the work. Their charafteriftic impet- 
 uoiity always appeared confpicuous in politics 
 and war, as well as in the intrigues of love and 
 gallantry. They were ever reftlefs under any 
 appearance of flownefs that might retard the 
 execution of their object : but the critical lit* 
 
 * See Appendix, Note No. XX, 
 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 401 
 
 uation of the American army at this period, 
 rendered an attempt to leflen the influence and 
 the character of the commander in chief, dan- 
 gerous and inexcufable. 
 
 Notwithftanding the freedom of opinion, 
 and the licenfe of the prefs, which fhould nev* 
 er be too much reftrained in a free country, 
 there are times and circumftances which re- 
 quire filence ; and however difpofed any one 
 might be to cenfure the conduct of general 
 Wafhington, either for the want of enterprife, 
 alacrity, or military {kill, yet perhaps no man 
 in the United States, under the preffure of fo 
 many difficulties, would have conducted with 
 more difcretion and judgment. 
 
 If there was any error in the difmiiTal of gen- 
 eral Conway, it might be in not obferving a 
 due degree of delicacy, or furnilhing any tefti- 
 monials of his having acquitted himfelf well in 
 his military capacity, a point on which all in 
 that line are very tenacious. The difplacing 
 of a ilngle officer of any rank, is not fufficiently 
 important to dwell upon long ; and the apolo- 
 gy for having done it at all, mufl be the dan- 
 ger at this time, of difgufling a foreign corps 
 belonging to a court whofe affiftance was necef- 
 iary, and whole aid had been courted, though 
 their faith was not yet abfolutely pledged to 
 promote the emancipation of the United States. 
 
 VOL. I. 2....C 
 
402 THE RISE AND PROGRESS, &C. 
 
 France however, was looking with too eager 
 and fteady an eye, on the operations and fuc- 
 cefs of the reliftance of the colonies, to the 
 meafures and mandates of the crown and par- 
 liament of England, to be moved by any par- 
 tial conliderations, from the line of political 
 conduct which they had adopted. This was to 
 embrace the firft favorable opportunity, when 
 contingent circumftances might promife fuc- 
 cefs, to fupport the claim of independence, and 
 render the breach complete and durable, be- 
 tween the United States and Great Britain ; 
 and thereby deprive that rival nation of the 
 immenfe advantages they had already reaped, 
 and might again recover by a revival and con- 
 tinuance of the connexion. 
 
 That part of the American army immediate- 
 ly under the command of general Wafhington, 
 muft now be left encamped at Valley-Forge for 
 the winter. Their iituation impels the mind 
 to throw over them that veil of compaflion, 
 which a feafon of perplexity, though not of ab- 
 folute defpair, requires. We muft now look 
 over, and furvey with an anxious eye, and in 
 the fucceeding pages view the humiliating 
 events, which for a time, attended the fortune 
 of war in the northern department ; and trace 
 the footfteps of the ibldier, through the forlorn 
 defert, which was ultimately the path to victory 
 and glory. 
 
 END OF VOL. I. 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 TO VOLUME FIRST. 
 
 NOTE NO. I. Page 9. 
 
 1 HE reader's curiofity may be gratified by the perufal of 
 a few particulars relative to the Plymouth fettlers, from 
 their earlieft memorials. One hundred and one perfons left 
 Holland, all of whom arrived at Plymouth in the month of 
 December, one thoufand fix hundred and twenty. From 
 the fufferings and hardfhips they fuftained, more than half 
 their number died before the end of March, one thoufand 
 fix hundred and twenty-one, 
 
 On the borders of a forlorn wildernefs, without any gov- 
 ernmental reftrictions, they thought it neceffary to adopt 
 fome meafures for order and fubordination. They volun- 
 tarily on their arrival at Cape Cod, entered into covenant 
 for this necefTary purpofe. It was a fhort code, but replete 
 with rules of equity and authority, fufficient to maintain 
 peace among themfelves, in their infant ftate. Forty-one 
 perfons affixed their names to the inftrument } but at the 
 end of four months, only twenty of them were living, 
 Thefe were, John Carver their firft governor, William 
 Bradford the fecond, and Edward Winfiow* the third, cap- 
 tain Miles Standifli, who had been an experienced military 
 
 * Prince's Chronology, where may be found moft of the particulars 
 extant, relative to the firft fettlers at Plymouth. 
 
4<H APPENDIX. 
 
 officer in the Netherlands, Richard Warren, eminently ufe 
 ful in the eftablifhment of the new colony,* (he lived only to 
 the year one thoufand fix hundred and twenty-eight,-)-) John 
 Alden, Samuel Fuller, William Brewfter, Ifaac Allerton, 
 Stephen Hopkins, Gilbert Winflow, Peter Brown, Richard 
 Gardner, John Rowland, Francis Cook, John Billington, 
 Francis Eaton, Edward Doty, George Soule, Edward 
 Leifter. 
 
 Several weeks elapfed after their arrival at Plymouth, 
 before they law any of the natives. About the middle of 
 March, an Indian chief named Samofet appeared, and ab- 
 ruptly exclaimed, " welcome Englifh." This Indian had 
 formerly been a prifoner to fome Europeans, and had learnt 
 a little of their language. By him they found that a pefti- 
 lence had raged among the bordering nations, that had 
 fwept them all off within the limits of Cape Cod and Brain- 
 tree Bay, two or three years before. This was corrobora- 
 ted by the vaft number of graves, and fepulchral mounds 
 and holes they had obferved, in which the dead were inter- 
 red, in all the grounds they had explored. Samofet in- 
 formed them, that MaiTafoit was a neighbouring chief, who 
 held jurifdi&ion over feveral other tribes. This induced 
 the Englifh to fend him a friendly meffage by Samofet, 
 which was faithfully delivered. The great fachem foon 
 came forward in an amicable manner, and entered into a 
 treaty of peace with this handful of flrangers. 
 
 In the next autumn, an addition of thirty-five perfons 
 from the Leyden congregation, arrived at Cape Cod. 
 They foon found their allbciates at Plymouth, patient, 
 pious, and contented, though they could fet nothing on 
 their board but a lobfter ? cold water, and a fcanty pittance 
 
 * Prince's Chronology. 
 
 t The eftares firft purchafed of the natives by Winflow, Warren, 
 and Bradford, remain in the hands of their pofterity to this day : r 
 Warren at Plymouth, Bradford at Duxborough, and W inflow af 
 Marflitield, 
 
APPENDIX. 405 
 
 of Indian bread, for the entertainment of their countrymen 
 recently arrived, to lhare with them the difficulties and dan- 
 gers of planting fettlements in the wildernefs, at a vaft dif- 
 tance from the civili/ed world, and furrounded by hordes 
 of hoftile nations of terrific form and barbarous manners.* 
 
 NOTE NO. II. Page 28. 
 VIRGINIA RESOLVES. 
 
 On the twenty-ninth of May, one thoufand feven 
 hundred and fixty-five, the houfe of burgeiTes of Vir- 
 ginia came to the following refolutions : 
 
 WHEREAS the honorable houfe of commons in En- 
 gland, have of late drawn into queftion, how far the gene- 
 ral alfembly of this colony hath power to enact laws for 
 laying taxes and impofmg duties, payable by the people of 
 this his maiefly's mod ancient colony For fettling and a 
 certaining the fame to all future times, the houfe of bur- 
 gefles of this prefent general afTembly, have come to the 
 feveral following refolutions : 
 
 Refohed, That the firft adventurers and fettlers of this 
 his majefty's colony and dominion of Virginia, brought 
 with them, and tranfmitted to their pofterity, and all 
 others, his majefty's fubjecls fince inhabiting in this his 
 majefty's colony, all the privileges and immunities that have 
 at any time been held, enjoyed, and pofTefTed, by the people 
 of Great Britain. 
 
 Refofoed, That by the two royal charters granted by king 
 James the firft, the colonifts aforefaid are declared entitled 
 to all privileges of faithful, liege, and natural born fubjefts, 
 to all intents and purpofes, as if they had been abiding and 
 born within the realm of England. 
 
 * NV.v Enhnd Menunial. 
 
40 APPENDIX. 
 
 Refohed, That his majefty's liege people of this his moft 
 ancient colony, have enjoyed the right of being thus gov- 
 erned by their own afTembly, in the article of taxes and in- 
 ternal police ; and that the fame have never been forfeited, 
 or any other way yielded up, but have been conftantly re- 
 cognized by the king and people of Great Britain. 
 
 Refohed therefore. That the general aflembly of the col- 
 ony, together with his majefty or his fubftitute, have in 
 their reprefentative capacity, the only exclufive right and 
 power, to levy taxes and impofitions upon the inhabitants 
 of this colony ; and that every attempt to veft fuch a power 
 in any perfon or perfons whatfoever, other than the general 
 a/Terribly aforefaid, is illegal, unconstitutional, and unjuft, 
 and has a manifeft tendency to deftroy Britifh, as well as 
 American freedom. 
 
 The following refolves were not parTed, though 
 drawn up by the committee. They are inferted as a 
 fpecimen of the firft and early energies of the Old Do- 
 minion, as Virginia is ufually called. 
 
 Refohed \ That his majefty 's liege people, the inhabitants 
 of this colony, are not bound to yield obedience to any law 
 or ordinance whatfoever, defigned to impofe any taxation 
 whatfoever upon them, other than the laws and ordinances 
 of the general affembly aforefaid. 
 
 Refofaed, That any perfon who ihall, by fpeaking or 
 writing, maintain that any perfon or perfons, other than 
 the general affembly of this colony, have any right or pow- 
 er, to impofe or lay any taxation whatfoever on the people 
 )iere, fhall be deemed an enemy to this his majefty 's colony. 
 
 NOTE NO. III. Page 30. 
 
 On the twenty-firft of Oftober, the freeholders and 
 mher inhabitants of the town of Plymouth had a meet- 
 
APPENDIX. 407 
 
 ing, and unanimoufly agreed on inftruclions to Thomas 
 Fofter, Efq., their reprefentative in the general aflembly 
 of Maflachufetts Bay. In which, after exprefling the 
 higheft efteem for the Britiih conftitution, fhewing how 
 far the people of America have exerted themfelves in 
 fupport thereof, and detailing their grievances, they 
 proceed as follows : 
 
 YOU, fir, reprefent a people who are not only defcend- 
 " ed from the firft fettlers of this country, but inhabit the 
 very fpot they firft pofTefled. Here was firft laid the 
 " foundation of the Britifii empire in this part of America ; 
 " which from a very fmall beginning, has increafed and 
 " fpread in a manner very furprifing, and almoft incredi- 
 " ble ; efpecially when we confider, that all this has been 
 " effected without the aid or affiftance of any power on 
 " earth ; that we have defended, protected, and fecured our- 
 " felves, againft the invafions and cruelty of favages, and 
 " the fubtlety and inhumanity of our inveterate and natu- 
 " ral enemies the French : and all this without the appro- 
 " priation of any tax by ftamps, or (lamp-acts laid upon 
 " our fellow-fubjects in any part of the king's dominions, 
 " for defraying the expenfes thereof. This place, fir, was 
 " at firft the afylum of liberty, and we hope will ever be 
 " prefervcd facred to it ; though it was then no more than 
 " a forlorn wildernefs, inhabited only by favage men and 
 " beafts. To this place our fathers, (whofe memories be 
 " revered!) poflefled of the principles of liberty in their 
 " purity, difdaining flavery, fled, to enjoy thofe privileges 
 *' which they had an undoubted right to, but were depriv- 
 " ed of by the hands of violence and oppreffion in their na- 
 " tive country. We, fir, their pofterity, the freeholders and 
 " other inhabitants of this town, legally aflembled for that 
 " purpofe, poffeffed of the fame fentiments, and retaining 
 " the fame ardor for liberty, think it our indifpecfable duty 
 * on this occafion, to exprefs to you thefe our fentiments of 
 " the (lamp-aft, and its fatal confequences to this country, 
 '* ^nd to enjoin upon you, as you regard not only the wel- 
 
408 APPENDIX. 
 
 " fare, but the very being of this people, that you, (confifU 
 " ent with our allegiance to the king, and relation to the 
 " government of Great Britain,) difregarding all propofals 
 " for that purpofe, exert all your power and influence in re- 
 " lation to the (lamp-act, at lea ft until we hear the fuccefs 
 "of our petitions for relief. We likewife, to avoid difgra- 
 " cing the memories of our anceftors, as well as the re- 
 " proaches of our own confciences, and the curfes of pofter- 
 " ity, recommend it to you to obtain, if poffible, in the hon- 
 " orable houfe of reprefentatives of this province, a full and 
 " explicit aiTertion of our rights, and to have the fame en- 
 " tered on their public records that all generations yet to 
 " come may be convinced, that we have not only a juft 
 " fenfe of our rights and liberties, but that we never (with 
 " fubmiffion to Divine Providence) will be Haves to any 
 " power on earth. And as we have at all times an abkor- 
 " rence of tumults and diforders, we think ourfelves happy 
 " in being at prefent under no apprehenfions of any, and in 
 " having good and wholefome laws, fufficient to preferve 
 " the peace of the province in all future times, unlefs pro- 
 voked by fome imprudent meafure ; fo we think it by 
 " no means advifeable, for you to intereft yourfelf in the 
 " protection of (lamp-papers or (lamp-officers. 
 
 " The only thing we have further to recommend to you 
 " at this time is, to obferve on all occafions, a fuitable fru- 
 " gality and economy in the public expenfes ; and that you 
 ** confent to no unneceflary or unufual grant at this time 
 " of diflrefs, when the people are groaning under the bur- 
 " then of heavy taxes ; and that you ufe your endeavours 
 " to inquire into, and bear teftimony againft, any pad, 
 " and to prevent any future, unconftitutioaal draughts on 
 " the public treafury." 
 
 NOTE NO- IV. Page 32. 
 
 Names of the gentlemen delegated to meet at New- 
 York, in one thoufand feven hundred and fixty-five, 
 
APPENDIX. 409 
 
 on occaflon of the ftamp-al : with the refolves of this 
 firfl American congrefs. 
 
 { Efquires. 
 
 From the province of the MaJJachufetts Bay. 
 James Otis, -% 
 
 Oliver Partridge, v Efquires. 
 Timothy Ruggles, J 
 
 From the colony of Rhode I/land and Providence Plantations, 
 Metcalf Bowler, 
 Henry Ward, 
 
 From the colony of Connecticut. 
 Eliphalet Dyer, -\ 
 
 David Rowland, t Efquires. 
 
 William Samuel Johnfon, J 
 
 From the colony of New Tork. 
 Robert R. Livingfton, "1 
 John Cruger, 
 
 Philip Livingfton, I Efquires. 
 William Bayard, 
 Leonard Lifpenard, J 
 
 From the colony of New Jerfy* 
 Robert Ogden, -* 
 Hendrick Fifher, L Efquires. 
 Jofeph Borden, J 
 From the province of Pennfylvania. 
 John Dickenfon, -j 
 John Morton, I Efquires. 
 
 George Bryan, j 
 
 From ths government of the counties of Newcaftle, Kent> and 
 on Delaware. 
 
 Csefar Rodney, 1 -or 
 A/r,T/ f Efquires. 
 
 Thomas M'Kean, j 
 
 From the province of Maryland. 
 William Murdock, T 
 Edward Tilghman, J- Efquires. 
 Thomas Ringold, J 
 
 VOL. I. 3.;..D 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 From the province of South Carolina* 
 Thomas Lynch, -\ 
 Chriftopher Gadfden, Efquires. 
 John Rutledge, J 
 
 Saturday, A. M. Oftober 19, 1765. 
 
 The congrefs met according to adjournment, and refum- 
 ed, &c. as yefterday, and upon mature deliberation, agreed 
 to the following declarations of the rights and grievances 
 of the colonifts in America, which were ordered to be in- 
 ferted in their journals. 
 
 The members of this congrefs fmcerely devoted with the 
 warmeft fentriments of aife&ion and duty to his majefty's 
 perfon and government, inviolably attached to the prefent 
 happy eftablifhment of the proteftant fucceffion, and with 
 minds deeply impreffed by a fenfe of the prefent and 
 impending misfortunes of the Britifh colonies on this conti- 
 nent ; having confidered as maturely as time will permit, 
 the circumftances of the faid colonies, efteem it our indif- 
 penfable duty to make the following declarations of our 
 humble opinion, refpecling the moil efiential rights and lib- 
 erties of the colonifts, and of the grievances under which 
 they labor, by reafon of feveral late acts of parliament. 
 
 I. That his majefty's fubjects in thefe colonies, owe the 
 fame allegiance to the crown of Great Britain, that is owing 
 from his fubjefts born within the realm, and all due fubor- 
 dination to that auguft body, the parliament of Great 
 Britain. 
 
 II. That his majefty's liege fubjecls in thefe colonies, 
 are entitled to all the inherent rights and liberties of his nat- 
 ural born fubjecls within the kingdom of Great Britain. 
 
 III. That it is infeparably eilential to the freedom of a 
 people, and the undoubted right of Englishmen, that no 
 taxes be impofed on them, but with their own confent, 
 given perfonaliy, or by their reprefentatives. 
 
APPENDIX. 411 
 
 IV. That the people of thefe colonies are not, and 
 from their local circumftances cannot, be reprefented in the 
 houfe of commons in Great Britain. 
 
 V. That the only reprefentatives of the people of thefe 
 colonies are people chofen by themfelves, and that no taxes 
 ever have been, or can be, conftitutionally impofed on them, 
 but by their refpective legislatures. 
 
 VI. That all fupplies to the crown being free gifts of 
 the people, it is unreufonable and inconfiftent with the 
 principles and fpirit of the Britifh conftitution, for the peo- 
 ple of Great Britain to grant to his majefty the property of 
 the colonifts. 
 
 VII. That trial by jury is the inherent and invaluable 
 right of every Britifh fubject in thefe colonies. 
 
 VIII. That the late aft of parliament, entitled, " An 
 " act for granting and applying certain ftamp-duties, and 
 " other duties, in the Britiflr colonies and plantations in 
 America, &c." by impofing taxes on the inhabitants of 
 thefe colonies, and the fame act, and feveral other acts, by 
 extending the jurifdiction of the courts of admiralty beyond 
 its ancient limits, have a manifeft tendency to fubvert the 
 rights and liberties of the colonifts. 
 
 IX. That the duties impofed by feveral late acls of the 
 Britifh parliament, from the peculiar circumftances of thefe 
 colonies, will be extremely burthenfome and grievous ; and 
 from the fcarcity of fpecie, the payment of them abfolutely 
 impracticable. 
 
 X. That as the profits of the trade of thefe colonies 
 ultimately centre in Great Biitain, to pay for the manu- 
 factures which they are obliged to take from thence, they 
 eventually contribute very largely to all fupplies granted 
 there to the crown. 
 
412 APPENDIX. 
 
 XL That the reflections impofed by feveral late acts 
 of parliament on the trade of thefe colonies, will render 
 them unable to purchafe the manufactures of Great Britain. 
 
 XII. That the increafe, profperity, and happinefs of 
 thefe colonies, depend on the full and free enjoyment of 
 their rights and liberties, and an intercourfe with Great 
 Britain, mutually affectionate and advantageous. 
 
 XIII. That it is the right of the Britifti fubjects in the 
 colonies to petition the king, pr either houfe of parliament. 
 
 LASTLY. That it is the indifpenfable duty of theie 
 colonies, to the bed of fovereigns, to the mother country, 
 and to themfelves, to endeavour by a loyal and dutiful ad- 
 drefs to his majefty, and humble applications to both 
 houfes of parliament, to procure the repeal of the act for 
 granting and applying certain ftamp-duties ; of all claufes 
 of any other acts of parliament, whereby the jurifdiction of 
 the admiralty is extended as aforefaid ; and of the other 
 late acts for the reftriction of American commerce. 
 
 After thefe refolves, they chofe Thomas Lynch, 
 James Otis, and Thomas M c Kean, Efquires, to prepare 
 a petition to the houfe of commons. An addrefs to 
 the king and to the houfe of lords, was alfo prepared 
 and forwarded. 
 
 NOTE NO. V. Page 49, 
 
 Copy from Mr. Dickenfon's original letter to Mr. 
 Otis, accompanying the celebrated Farmer's Letters. 
 
 "Philadelphia^ Dec. 5, 1767. 
 
 *' DEAR SIR, 
 
 " The liberties of our common country appear 
 " to me to be at this moment expofed to the moil imminent 
 
APPENDIX. 41* 
 
 " danger ; and this apprehenfion has engaged me to lay my 
 " fentiments before the public in letters, of which I fend 
 41 you a copy. 
 
 " Only one has been yet publifhed ; and what their ef, 
 " feet may be cannot yet be known. But whenever the 
 " caufe of American freedom is to be vindicated, I look to- 
 " wards the province of Maffachufetts Bay. She muft, as 
 " (he has hitherto done, firft kindle the facred flame, that 
 "on fuch occafions muft warm and illuminate this conti- 
 " nent. 
 
 " Words are wanting to exprefs my fenfe of the vigilance, 
 " perfeverance, fpirit, prudence, refolution, and firmnefs, 
 " With which your colony has diftinguifhed herfelf, in our 
 " unhappy times. May God ever grant her noble labors 
 4C the fame fuccefsful iffue which was obtained by the 
 " repeal of the ftamp-acl:. 
 
 "In my gratitude to your province in general, I do 
 " not forget the obligations which all Americans are un- 
 " der to you in particular, for the indefatigable zeal and 
 " undaunted courage you have ihewn in defending their 
 " rights. My opinion of your love for your country, induces 
 " me to commit to your hands the inclofed letters, to be 
 " difpofed of as you think proper, not intending to give out 
 " any other copy. I have fhewn them to three men of 
 learning here, who are my friends. They think with me, 
 " that the moft deftruclive confequences muft follow, if 
 * thefe colonies do not inftantly, vigoroufly, and unani- 
 " moufly unite themfelves, in the fame manner they did 
 " againft the ftamp-acl:. Perhaps they and I are miftaken : 
 " I therefore fend the piece containing the reafons for this 
 " opinion, to you, who I know can determine its true 
 " worth ; and if you can difcover no other merit in it, per- 
 " mit me at leaft to claim the merit of having wrote it 
 " with the moft ardent affection for the Britifh colonies, the 
 " pureft intentions to promote their welfare, an honeft de~ 
 
414 APPENDIX. 
 
 " fire to aflert their rights, and with a deep fenfe of their 
 *' impending misfortunes, 
 
 " Our caufe is a caufe of the higheft dignity : it is noth- 
 4t ing lefs than to maintain the liberty with which Heaven 
 " itfelf * hath made us free.' I hope it will not be difgm- 
 " ced in any colony by a fmgle rafh ftep. We have confti- 
 " tutional methods of feeking redrefs, and they are the beft 
 " methods. 
 
 " This fubjeft leads me to inform you with pleafure, be- 
 " caufe I think it muft give you pleafure, that the modera r 
 *' tion of your conduct in compofing the minds of your fel- 
 " low-citizens, has done you the higheft credit with us. 
 " You may be aflured I feel a great fatisfaftion in hearing 
 " your praifes ; for every thing that advances your reputa- 
 tion or intereft, will always afford fmcere joy to, dear fir, 
 " Your moft affectionate, and 
 " Moft humble fervant, 
 
 JOHN DICKENSON, 
 " Hon. James Otis,jun. Efq." 
 
 NOTE NO. VI. Pagt 53. 
 
 This meafure had been contemplated by feveral gentle- 
 men, a year or two before it took place ; among others, 
 by the learned and excellent doclor Jonathan Mayhe'w of 
 Bofton : fee the annexed letter, written by him foon after 
 the repeal of the ftamp-acl:. The abilities, virtue, and pat- 
 riotifm of doctor Mayhew, were fo diftinguifhed, that the 
 following fragment may be pleafmg and particularly im- 
 preffive, as it was the laft letter he ever wrote to any one, 
 and within three days after its date, this great and good 
 man clofed his eyes on the politics and vanities o human 
 life. 
 
APPENDIX, 415 
 
 " Lord's day morning) June 8, 1766. 
 HON. JAMES OTIS, JUN. ESQ. 
 
 41 SIR* 
 
 " To a good man all time is holy enough, arid 
 " none too holy to do good, or to think upon it. 
 
 " Cultivating a good underftanding and hearty friend- 
 " (hip between thefe colonies and their feveral houfes of 
 " aflembly, appears to me to be fo necefTary a part of pru- 
 " dence and good oolicy, all things confidered, that no 
 " favorable opportunity for that purpofe ought to be omit- 
 " ted : I think fuch an one now prefents. Would it not 
 " be very proper and decorous, for our aflembly to fend 
 " circular congratulatory letters to all the reft, without 
 " exception, on the repeat, and the prefent favorable afpecl: 
 " of things ? Letters conceived at once in terms of warm 
 " friendfhip and regard to them, of loyalty to the king, of 
 " filial affeftion towards the mother country, and intimat- 
 " ing a defire to cement and perpetuate union among 
 " ourfelves, by all practicable and laudable methods ? A 
 " good foundation is already laid for this latter, by the 
 " late congrefs, which in my poor opinion was a wife 
 " meafure, and actually contributed not a little towards 
 " our obtaining a redrefs of grievances, however fome may 
 " affect to difparage it. Purfuing this track, and never 
 " lofing fight of it, may be of the utmoft importance to 
 " the colonies, on fome future occafions, perhaps the only 
 " means of perpetuating their liberties ; for what may be 
 *< hereafter we cannot tell, how favorable foever prefent 
 " appearances may be. It is not fafe for the colonies to 
 "Jleep, fmce they will probably always have fome wakeful 
 * enemies in Britain ; and if they fhould be fuch children 
 as to do fo, I hope there are at leaft fome perfons too 
 *< much of men, and friends to them, to rock the cradle, or 
 ** fmg lullaby to them. 
 
 " You have heard of the communion of churcha, and I 
 w am very early to-morrow morning to fet out for Rut- 
 
416 APPENDIX. 
 
 " land, to affift at an ecclefiaftical council. Not expefting 
 " to return this week, while I was thinking of this in my 
 " bed, with the dawn of day, the great ufe and impor- 
 " tance of a communion of colonies, appeared to me in a very 
 " ftrong light, which determined me immediately to fe$ 
 ** down theie hints, in order to tranfmit them to you. 
 " Not knowing but the houfe may be prorogued or dif- 
 ** folved before my return, or having an opportunity to 
 " fpeak to you, you will make fuch a ufe of them as you 
 " think proper, or none at all. 
 
 " I have had a fight of the anfwer to the lad very extra- 
 '* ordinary fpeech,* with which I was much pleafed. It 
 " appears to me folid and judicious, and though fpirited, 
 " not more fo than the cafe abfolutely required, unlefs we 
 " could be content to have an abfolute and uncontrollable, 
 
 * e inftead of a limited, conftitutional g r. I cannot 
 
 " think the man will have one wife and good, much lefs 
 " one truly great man at home, to (land by him in fo open. 
 ' and flagrant an attack upon our charter rights and priv- 
 ** ileges. But the lefs afperity in language the better, pro- 
 " vided there is firmnefs in adhering to our rights, in 
 ' oppofition to all encroachments. 
 
 " I am, fir, 
 
 " Your moft obedient, 
 " Humble fervant, 
 JONATHAN MAYHE W." 
 
 NOTE NO. VII. Page 54. 
 
 Copy of the circular letter which was fent from the 
 houfe of reprefentatives of the province of Mafiachu- 
 fetts Bay, to the fpeakers of the refpeclive houfes of 
 reprefentatives and burgefTes on the continent of North 
 America. 
 
 * Speech of governor Bernard. 
 
APPENDIX. 417 
 
 Province of tie Ma/achufitts Say, Feb. 11, 1768. 
 
 "SIR, 
 
 " The houfe of reprefentatives of this province 
 " have taken into their ferious confideration, the great 
 " difficulties that muft accrue to themfelves and their con- 
 " ftituents, by the operation of the feveral acts of parlia- 
 ** ment impofmg duties and taxes on the American col- 
 " onies. 
 
 " As it is a fubject in which every colony is deeply in- 
 " terefted, they have no reafon to doubt but your houfe is 
 u duly imprefled with its importance ; and that fuch con- 
 " ftitutional meafures will be come into as are proper. It 
 " feems to be neceffary, that all poffible care fhould be 
 " taken that the reprefentations of the feveral aflemblies, 
 " upon fo delicate a point, fhould harmonize with each 
 " other : the houfe therefore hope that this letter will be 
 '* candidly confidered, in no other light than as expreffing 
 " a difpofition freely to communicate their mind to a filler 
 " colony, upon a common concern, in the fame manner as 
 * they would be glad to receive the fentiments of your, or 
 " any other houfe of aflembly on the continent. 
 
 " The houfe have humbly reprefented to the miniftry 
 ** their own fentiments ; that his majefty's high court of 
 *' parliament is the fupreme legiflative power over the 
 " whole empire ; that in all free flates the confh'tution is 
 " fixed ; and as the fupreme legiflative derives its power 
 " and authority from the conftitution, it cannot overleap 
 '* the bounds of it, without deflroying its foundation. 
 " That the conftitution afcertains and limits both fove- 
 " reignty and allegiance ; and therefore his majefty's 
 " American fubjects, who acknowledge themfelves bound 
 <( by the ties of allegiance, have an equitable claim to thet 
 " full enjoyment of the fundamental rules of the Britifn 
 " conftitution. That it is an eifential, unalterable right in 
 *' nature, engrafted into the Britifh- conftitution as a funda- 
 
 voi . i- 3....E 
 
418 APPENDIX. 
 
 <* mental law, and ever held facred and irrevocable by the 
 " fubjects within the realm, that what a man hath honeftly 
 " acquired, is abfolutely his own, which he may freely 
 " give, but cannot be taken from him without his confent. 
 " That the American fubjects may therefore, exclufive of 
 " any confideration of charter rights, with a decent firm- 
 " nefs, adapted to the character of freemen and fubjects, 
 *' aifert this natural, constitutional right. 
 
 " It is moreover their humble opinion, which they 
 " exprefs with the greateft deference to the wifdom of the 
 " parliament, that the acts made there, impofmg duties on 
 " the people of this province for the fole and exprefs pur- 
 ** pofe of raifing a revenue, are infringements of their 
 " natural and c'onftitutional rights. Becaufe as they are 
 " not reprefented in the Britifh parliament, his majefty's 
 " commons in Britain, by thofe acts grant their property 
 " without their confent. 
 
 " The hotife further are of opinion that their conftitu- 
 " ents, confidering their local circumftances. cannot by any 
 " poffibility be reprefented in the parliament ; and that it 
 " will forever be impra6ticable that they Ihould be equally 
 " reprefented there, and confequently not at all, being 
 " fep;irafed by an ocean of a thoufand leagues. That his 
 " majefty's royal predecellbrs for this reafon were gra- 
 " cioufly pleafed to form a fubordinate legiflative here, 
 ** that their fubjects might enjoy the unalienable right of 
 " a reprefentation. Alfo that confidering the utter im- 
 " practicability of their ever being fully and equally 
 " reprefented in parliament, and the great expenfe that 
 " muft unavoidably attend even a partial reprefentation 
 " there, "this houfe think that a taxation of their conftitu- 
 ' ents, even without their confent, grievous as it is, would 
 " be preferable to any reprefentation that could be admit- 
 " ted for them there. 
 
 " Upon thefe principles, and alfo confidering that were 
 " the right in the parliament ever fo clear, yet for obvious 
 
APPENDIX. 419 
 
 ** reafons it would be beyond the rule of equity, that their 
 *' condiments ihould be taxed on the manufactures of Great 
 " Britain here, in addition to the duties they pay for the,m 
 " in England, and other advantages arifing to Great Bi> 
 44 tain from the ads of trade ; this houfe have preferred a 
 " humble, dutiful, and loyal petition to our moft gracious 
 " fovereign, and made fach reprefentations to his majefly's 
 " minifters, as they apprehend would tend to obtain redrefs. 
 
 " They have alfo fubmitted to confideration, whether 
 " any people can be f-ud to enjoy any degree of freedom, 
 " if the crown in addition to its undoubted authority of 
 " conftituting a governor, ihould appoint him fuch a fti- 
 " pend as it fliould judge proper, without the confent of 
 " the people, and at their expenfe : and whether while the 
 "judges of the land and other civil officers, hold not their 
 " commiflions during good behaviour, their having falaries 
 " appointed for them by the crown, independent of the 
 " people, hath not a tendency to fubvert the principles of 
 " equity, and endanger the happinefs and fecurity of the 
 " fubjeft. 
 
 " In addition to thefe meafures, the houfe have wrote 
 < a letter to their ageiu, Mr. De Berdt, the fentiments of 
 " which he is directed to lay -before the miniftry ; wherein 
 " they take notice of the hardlliip of the aft for preventing 
 " mutiny and defertion, which requires the governor and 
 '* council to provide enumerated articles for the king's 
 *' marching troops, and the people to pay the expenfe ; 
 *< and alfo the commiflion of the gentlemen appointed 
 " commiflloners of the cuftoms, to reiide in America, 
 " which authorizes them to make as many appointments as 
 " they think fit, and to pay the appointees what iums 
 " they pleafe, for whofe mal-conduft they are not account- 
 *< able. From whence it may happen that officers of the 
 " crown may be multiplied to fuch a degree, as to become 
 " dangerous to the liberty of 'the people, by virtue of a 
 " commiffion which doth not appear to this houfe to de- 
 " rive any fuch advantages to trade as many have been led 
 " to expeft. 
 
420 APPENDIX. 
 
 " Thefe are the fentiments and proceedings, of this houfe ; 
 " and as they have too much reafon to believe that the 
 " enemies of the colonies have reprefented them to his 
 " majefty's minifters, and the parliament, as factious, dif- 
 " loyal, and having a difpofition to make themfelves inde- 
 " pendent of the mother country, they have taken occafion 
 " in the moft humble terms, to afTure his majefty and his 
 minifters, that with regard to the people of this province, 
 " and as they doubt not of all the colonies, that the charge 
 " is unjuft. 
 
 " The houfe is fully fatisfied that your afTembly is too 
 ' generous, and enlarged in fentiment, to believe that this 
 " letter proceeds from an ambition of taking the lead, or 
 " dictating to the other affemblie$ ; they freely fubmit their 
 " opinion to the judgment of others, and ftiall take it kind 
 " in your houfe to point out to them any thing further that 
 " may be thought neceflary. 
 
 " This houfe cannot conclude without expreffing their 
 " firm confidence in the king, our common head and 
 " father, that the united and dutiful fupplications of his dif- 
 " treffed American fubjecls will meet with his royal and 
 " favorable acceptance." 
 
 (Signed by the Speaker.) 
 
 A copy of the above letter was alfo, by order of the 
 houfe, fent to Dennis De Berdt, Efq. agent to the province 
 In London, that he might make ufe of it, if neceflary, to 
 prevent any mifreprefentatio^s in England. 
 
 A T Or. NO- VIII. Page 96. 
 
 A few extracts from the letters of Mr. Hutchinfon 
 to Mr. Jackfon, Bpllan, and others, the year previous 
 to the difturbance in March, one thoufand feven hun- 
 
APPENDIX. 421 
 
 dred and feventy, fully evince his fentiments of ftation- 
 ing and retaining troops in the capital of the Mafia- 
 chufetts. 
 
 Bofton, January, 1769. 
 "DEAR SIR, 
 
 " I fent you under a blank cover, by way of 
 " Briftol and Glafgow, the account of proceedings in New 
 " York aflembly, which you will find equal to thole of 
 " the MafTachufetts. Perhaps if they had no troops, the 
 " people too would have run riot as we did. Five or fix 
 " men of war, and three or four regiments, difturb nobody 
 u but fome of our grave people, who do not love aflem- 
 " blies and concerts, and cannot bear the noife of drums 
 " upon a Sunday. I know I have not flept in town any 
 " three months thefe two years, in fo much tranquillity, as 
 " I have done the three months fmce the troops came." 
 
 Extract of a letter from Mr. Bgllan to Mr. Hutch- 
 infon. 
 
 "Henrietta Street) Augujl 11, 1767* 
 
 " Mr. Paxton has feveral times told me, that 
 you and fome other of my friends were of ppinion, that 
 " (landing troops were neceffar; to fupport the authority 
 " of the government at Bofton, and that he was authorized 
 to inform me this was your and their opinion. I need 
 *' not fay that I hold in the greateft abomination fuch out- 
 " rages that have taken place among you, and am fenfible 
 " it is the duty of all charter, or other fubordinate govern- 
 " ments, to take due care, and punifti fuch proceedings ; 
 " and that all governments mult be fupported by force, 
 " when necefTary ; yet we muft remember how often ftand- 
 " ing forces have introduced greater mifchiefs than they 
 " retrieved, and 1 am apprehenfive that your diftant fitua- 
 " tion from the centre of all civil and military power, 
 " might in this cafe, fooner or later, fubjeft you to peculiar 
 " difficulties. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 " When Malcolm's bad behaviour made a ftir here, sj, 
 *' minifter who feemed inclined to make ufe of (landing 
 " forces, fuppofing this might not be agreeable tP me, I 
 " avoided giving an opinion, which then appeared needlefs 
 *' and improper, but afterwards, when it was confidently 
 " faid, that preparations were making to fend a confidera- 
 (t ble number of ftanding troops, in order to coinpel obedi- 
 " ence, I endeavoured to prevent it." 
 
 Mr. Bqllan goes on to obferve, that " he had informed 
 " fome influential gentlemen in England, that he had the 
 higheft reafon to believe, that whoever mould be inftru- 
 e mental in fending over (landing troops to America, 
 " would be curfed to all pofterity." 
 
 Extract from governor Hutchinfon's letters to gov- 
 ernor Pownal. It is uncertain on what occafion the 
 following alTertion was made, but it difcovers the fpirit 
 and wiihes of the writer. 
 
 Bofton, June 22, 1772* 
 
 " The union of the colonies is pretty well broke ; 
 " I hope I (hall never fee it renewed. Indeed our fons of 
 " liberty are hated and defpifed by their former brethren 
 " in New York and Pennfylvania, and it muft be fome- 
 " thing very extraordinary ever to reconcile them." 
 
 NOTE NO. IX. Page 113. 
 
 Extracts from Mr. Hutchinfon's letters to Mr. Jack- 
 fon, Pownal, and others. 
 
 Bo/ton, Augufi 27, 1772. 
 
 " But before America is fettled in peace, it 
 " would be neceffary to go to the bottom of all the difor- 
 " der, which has been fo long neglecled already. The 
 '* opinion that every colony has a legillature within itfelf. 
 
APPENDIX. 423 
 
 *< the acts and doings of which are not to be controlled by 
 
 parliament, and that no legiflative power ought to be 
 
 * exercifed over the colonies, except by their refpeclive 
 
 " iegiflatures, gains ground every day, and it has an influ- 
 
 " ence upon all the executive parts of government. Grand 
 
 " juries will not prefent ; petit juries will not convict the 
 
 " higheft offenders againft ads of parliament : our news- 
 
 " papers publickly announce this independence every 
 
 " week ; and, what is much more, there is fcarce an aflem- 
 
 " bly which has not done it at one time or another. The 
 
 " affembly of this province has done as much the lad fef- 
 
 " fion by their public votes and refolves, and by an addrefs 
 
 rt which they have fent to doftor Franklin, to be prefented 
 
 " to the king ; fo there is fufficient grounds for parliament 
 
 " to proceed, if there is a difpofition. What, it will be 
 
 " faid, can be done ? A ted as general as the oaths re- 
 
 " quired inftead of the oaths of allegiance and fupremacy, 
 
 " would be moft effectual ; but this there is reafon to fear 
 
 < 4 would thro\v America into a general confufion, and I 
 
 " doubt the expediency. But can lefs be done than affix- 
 
 " ing penalties, and difqualiiications or incapacities, upon 
 
 ' all who by word or writing fhall deny or call in queftion. 
 
 ** the fupreme authority of parliament over all parts of the 
 
 " Britidi dominions . ? Can it be made neceffary for all 
 
 " judges to be under oath, to obferve all acts of parliament 
 
 " in their judgments ? And may not the oaths of all jurors, 
 
 " grand and petit, be fo framed as to include acts of par- 
 
 " liament as the rule of law, as well as law in general 
 
 " terms ? And for aflemblies or bodies of men, who fhall 
 
 " deny the authority of parliament, may not all their 
 
 " fubfequent proceedings be declared to be ipfo fafto null 
 
 " and void, and every member who (hall continue to act in 
 
 " fuch ailembly be fubjecl to penalties and incapacities ? 
 
 <{ I fuggeft thefe things for confideration- Every thing 
 
 * depends upon the fettlement of this grand point. We 
 
 ' owe much of our troubles to the countenance given 
 
 " by fome in England to this doctrine of independence. 
 
 " If the people were convinced that the nation with one 
 
 (t voice condemned the doclrine, or that parliament at aril 
 
424. APPENDIX. 
 
 " events, was determined to maintain its fupremacy, ute 
 " fhould foon be quiet. The demagogues who generally 
 c have no property, would continue their endeavours to 
 '* inflame the minds of the people for fome time ; but 
 " the people in general have real eftates, which they 
 ** would not run the hazard of forfeiting, by any treafona- 
 " ble meafures. If nothing more can be done, there muft 
 *' be further provifions for carrying the act of trade into 
 '* execution, which I am informed adminiftration are very 
 * {enfible of, and have meafures in contemplation, Thus 
 " you have a few of my fudden thoughts, which I muft 
 " pray you not to communicate as coming from me, left I 
 " fhould be fuppofed here to have contributed to any fu* 
 " ture proceedings refpecting America. I have only room 
 " to add that I am, with fmcere refpect and efteem, 
 
 " Your's, &c." 
 
 Bo(lon y December 8, 1772, 
 "TO MR. JACKSON. 
 
 [Private.] 
 "DEAR SIR, 
 
 " They fucceed in their unxvearied endeav- 
 ** ours to propagate the doctrine of independence upon 
 parliament, and the mifchiefs of it every day increafe. 
 " I believe I have repeatedly mentioned to you my opin- 
 " ion of the neceflity of parliament's taking fome meafures 
 " to prevent the fpread of this doctrine, as well as to guard. 
 *' againft the mifchiefs of it. It is more difficult now, 
 " than it was the laft year, and it will become more and 
 *' more fo every year it is neglected, until it is utterly 
 " impracticable. If I confulted nothing but my own eafe 
 " and quiet, I would propofe neglect and contempt of eve- 
 " ry affront offered to parliament by the little American 
 " afTemblies, but I fliould be falfe to the king, and betray 
 " the truft he has repofed in me. ****** * 
 #######***##*### 
 
 ****# You fee no difference between the 
 " cafe of the colonies and that of Ireland. I care not in 
 
APPENDIX. 425 
 
 " how favorable a light you look upon the colonies, if it 
 " does not ieparate us from you. You will certainly find 
 " it more difficult to retain the colonies,, than you do Ire- 
 " land. Ireland is near and under your conftant infpec- 
 " tion. All officers are dependent, and removable at 
 " pleafure. The colonies are remote, and the officers 
 " generally more difpofed to pleafe the people than the 
 *' kinq;, or his reprefentative. In the one, you have always 
 " the ultima ratio ; in the other, you are either deftitute of 
 " it, or you have no civil magiftrate to direct the uie of it. 
 " Indeed, to prevent a general revolt, the naval power 
 " may for a long courfe of years be fufficient, but to pre- 
 " ferve the peace of the colonies, and to continue them 
 " beneficial to the mother country, this will be to little 
 ** purpoie : but I am writing to a gentleman who knows 
 " thcfe things better than I do." 
 
 " Bo/ton, January 1773. 
 JOHN POWNAL, ESQ. 
 
 " MY DEAR SIR, 
 
 " I have not anfwered your very kind and con- 
 " fidential letter of the 6th of October. Nothing could 
 " could confirm me more in my own plan of meafures for 
 " the colonies, than finding it to agree with your fentiments. 
 " You know I have been begging for meafures to maintain 
 * the fupremacy of parliament. Whilft it is fuffered to be 
 ' denied, all is confufion, and the oppofition to govern- 
 " ment is continually gaining ftrength." 
 
 "Bo/ton, April 19, 1773. 
 JOHN POWNAL, ESQ. 
 "DEAR SIR, 
 
 " Our patriots fay that the votes of the town of 
 " Bofton, which they lent to Virginia, have produced the 
 " refolves of the afTembly there, appointing a committee 
 44 of correfpondence ; and I have no doubt it is their ex- 
 
 VOL. I. 3....F 
 
42S APPENDIX. 
 
 " pectation, that a committee for the fame purpofe will be 
 " appointed by mod of the other affemblies on the conti- 
 " nent. If any thing therefore be done by parliament 
 " refpecting America, it now feems necefiary- that it fhould 
 ' be general, and not confined to particular colonies, as the 
 " fame fpirit prevails every where, though not in the like 
 " degree." 
 
 Bofton> Oftober 18, 1773. 
 " JOHN POWNAL, ESQ. 
 
 [Private.] 
 "DEAR SIR, 
 
 " The leaders of the party give out openly that 
 " they muft have another convention of all the colonies ; 
 " and the fpeaker has made it known to feveral of the 
 " members, that the agent in England recommends it as a 
 " meafure neceffary to be engaged in without delay, and 
 " propofes, in order to bring the difpute to a crifis, that 
 " the rights of the colonies fhould be there folemnly and 
 " fully aflerted and declared ; that there fhould be a firm 
 " engagement with each other, that they will never grant 
 " any aid to the crown, even hi cafe of war, unlefs the 
 " king and the two houfes of parliament firft recognize 
 " thofe rights ; and that the refolution fhould be immedi- 
 '* ately communicated to the crown ; and aflures them, 
 41 that in this way they will finally obtain their end. 
 
 " I am not fond of conveying this fort of intelligence ; 
 " but as I have the fulleft evidence of the fact, I do not 
 " fee how I can be faithful to my truft and neglect it ; 
 " therefore, though I coilfider this as a private letter, yet 
 ** I leave it to you to communicate this part of it, fo far as 
 ** his majefty's fervice may require, and as I have nothing 
 u but that in view, I wifli it may go no further. The 
 " meafure appears to me, of all others, the moft likely to 
 44 rekindle a general flame in the colonies." 
 
 The above extracts were taken from governor Hutchin- 
 fon's letter book, found after he repaired to England, de- 
 
APPENDIX. 427 
 
 pofited in a fccret corner of his houfe at Milton. If the 
 reader wifhes a further gratification of his curiofity in 
 regard to the fubtil flratagems of Mr. Hutchinfon, he is 
 referred to the whole collection, as publifhed in England. 
 
 NOTE NO. X. Page 150. 
 
 Names of the members of the American congrefs, in 
 one thoufand feven hundred and feventy-four. 
 
 RANDOLPH, Prefident. 
 NEW HAMPSHIRE. John Sullivan, Nathaniel Folfom. 
 MASSACHUSETTS BAY. Thomas Cufhing, Samuel Adams, 
 
 John Adams, Robert Treat Paine. 
 RHODE ISLAND. Stephen Hopkins, Samuel Ward. 
 CONNECTICUT. Eliphalet Dyer, Roger Sherman, Silas 
 
 Deane. 
 
 NEW YORK. Ifaac Low, John Alfop, John Jay, James 
 Duane, William Floyd, Henry Weiiher, Samuel Bocrum. 
 
 NEW JERSEY. James Kinfey, William Livingfton, Stephen 
 
 Crane, Richard Smith. 
 PENNSYLVANIA. Jofeph Galloway, Charles Humphreys, 
 
 John Dickenfon, Thomas Mifflin, Edward Biddle, John 
 
 Morton, George Rofs. 
 NEWCASTLE, &c. Casfar Rodney, Thomas M'Kean, 
 
 George Read. 
 MARYLAND. Matthew Tilghman, Thomas Johnfon, Wil- 
 
 liam Paca, Samuel Chafe. 
 VIRGINIA. Richard Henry Lee, George Washington, 
 
 Patrick Henry, jun. Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrifon, 
 
 Edmund Pendleton. 
 NORTH CAROLINA. William Hooper, Jofeph Hewes,. R. 
 
 Cafwell. 
 SOUTH CAROLINA. Henry Middleton, Thomas Lynch, 
 
 Chriftopher Gadfden, John Rutledge, Edward Rutledge. 
 
428 APPENDIX. 
 
 NOTE NO. XL Page 180. 
 
 Extract of a letter from governor Hutchinfon to 
 commodore Gambler. 
 
 "Bo/Ion, June 30, 1772. 
 
 Our'laft fhips carried you 
 
 " the news of the burning the Gafpee fchooner at Provi- 
 " dence. I hope if there fhould be another like attempt, 
 " fome concerned in it may be taken prifoners and carried 
 " directly to England. A few punifhed at Execution 
 " Dock, would be the only effectual preventive of any 
 " further attempts. *********** 
 
 <c # * # % # * # 
 
 On the fame fubject, to fecretary Pownal. 
 
 , Augujl 29, 1772. 
 
 "DEAR SIR, 
 
 " I troubled you with a long letter the 21ft of 
 " July. Give me leave now only to add one or two things 
 " which I then intended, but to avoid being too tedious, 
 " omitted. People in this province, both friends and ene- 
 " mies to government, are in great expectations from the 
 " late affair at Rhode Ifland of burning the king's fchooner, 
 " and they confider the manner in which the news of it will 
 " be received in England, and the meaiures to be taken, as 
 " decifive. If it is pafled over without a full inquiry and 
 " due resentment, our liberty people will think they may 
 *' with impunity commit any acls of violence, be they ever 
 " fo atrocious, and the friends to government will defpond, 
 " and give up all hopes of being able to withftand the 
 " f^iclion. The perfons who were the immediate aclors, 
 " are men of eftate and property in the colony. A profe- 
 *' cution "is impofiible. If ever the government of that 
 
APPENDIX. 429 
 
 " colony is to be reformed, this feerns to be the time, and 
 " it would have a happy effect in the colonies which adjoin 
 " to it. Several perfons have been advifed by letters from 
 " their friends, that as the miniftry are united, and oppofi- 
 " tion at an end, there will certainly be an inquiry into the 
 ' ftate of America, the next feffion of parliament. The 
 " denial of the fupremacy of parliament, and the contempt 
 " with which its authority has been treated by the Lilli- 
 " putian aifemblies of America, can never be juftified or 
 " excufed by any one member of either houfe of parliament. 
 #***#*********** 
 **********#****# 
 #**** *." 
 
 "Bofton, September 2, 1772. 
 SAMUEL HOOD, ESQ. 
 
 4i DEAR S I K, 
 
 " Captain Linzee can inform you of the ftate of 
 * Rhode Ifland colony better than I can. So daring an 
 ' infult as burning the king's fchooner, by people who are 
 " as well known as any who were concerned in the lad 
 " rebellion, and yet cannot be profecuted, will certainly 
 " roufe the Britifli lion, which has been afleep thefe four or 
 " five years. Admiral Montague fays, that lord Sandwich 
 " will never leave purfuing the colony, until it is disfran- 
 " chifed. If it is pafTed over, the other colonies will follow 
 " the example." 
 
 NOTE NO. XII. Page 203. 
 
 The fuflerings of the colony of Virginia, under lord 
 Dunmore's adminiftration, and the fpirit and magnanimity 
 of the inhabitants, might claim a larger detail in this nar- 
 rative ; but fo diftingtiiihed have been many of their leading 
 characters, through all the tranfaclions of the great conteft, 
 from the introduction of the refolves by Patrick Henry, in 
 the year one thoufand feyen hundred and fixtv.five, to the 
 
430 APPENDIX. 
 
 elevation of Mr. Jefferfon to the prefidential chair in ono 
 thoufand eight hundred and one, as to be fufficient to fur- 
 nifh ample materials foj- a volume by itfelf. But every 
 hiftorical record of the American revolution and its confe- 
 quences, muft neceflarily introduce the names of many 
 illuftrious characters that h^ive adorned and dignified the 
 ftate of Virginia. 
 
 NOTE NO. XIIL Page 215. 
 
 Mr. Hancock retained his popularity to the end of his 
 life. His death did not take place until the year one 
 thoufand feven hundred and ninety-three. He was chofen 
 governor of the MaiTachufetts in one thoufand feven hun- 
 dred and eighty, and though a remarkable debilitation of 
 body rendered him to appearance little able to difcharge 
 the duties of the firft magiftrate, yet the fuffrages of the 
 people kept him long in the chair, after he was reduced to 
 fuch a ftate of weaknefs as to. be lifted by his fervants into 
 his carriage, and thence into the ftate houfe, to deliver his 
 public fpeeches. In this he acquitted himfelf with a degree 
 of elocution, pleafmg and popular, though his health did 
 not admit of his writing them previously, and feldom had 
 he ftrength to add his fignaturc to the acts of the legifla- 
 ture. But his mental faculties were not much impaired by 
 the infirmities of his bodily conftitution ; they were not 
 indeed compofed of thofe elementary fparks of genius that 
 foon burn themfelves out ; nor were the energies of his 
 mind blunted by induftry and application. 
 
 He had been fo long habituated to ideas of indepen- 
 dence, that after they were thoroughly fixed in his mind, 
 he uniformly retained his principles to the laft. He was 
 againft the confolidation of the general government, and 
 the monarchical views of many who had rien to power 
 before he had finifhed his career of life. He fupported his 
 opinion of the fovereignty of the individual ftates, in a 
 
APPENDIX. 431 
 
 manly manner, in one of his laft tranfa&ions of a public 
 nature ; this was his conducl relative to the fuability of the 
 ftates. An experiment made by a procefs commenced 
 ugainft the MaiTachufetts, in favor of William VafTal, Efq., 
 the governor of the ftate was fummoned by a writ to an- 
 fwei- to the profecuticn. He declined the fmalleft concef- 
 fion that might leiTen the independence and fovereignty of 
 each ftate, and fupported his opinion with firmnefs and 
 dignity equally popular and honorable to himfelf. Litiga- 
 tions of this nature were foon after barred, by an amend- 
 ment in the conftitution of the United States. 
 
 An ample meafure of gratitude was repaid to Mr. Han- 
 cock, both for public fervices and private benefits ; a 
 mantle of love was thrown over his foibles by his country- 
 men, and his memory was embalmed in the affections of 
 his townfmen. 
 
 NOTE NO. XW. Page 226. 
 
 The ftate of Maffachufetts continued this mode of legif- 
 lation and government until the year one thoufand feven 
 hundred and eighty, when a convention was called for the 
 purpofe, and a more liable form adopted : by this, a gov- 
 ernor, lieutenant governor, fenate, and houfe of reprefenta- 
 tives were to be chofen by the free fuffrages of the people ; 
 a council of nine were to be chofen by the legiflative, either 
 from the fenate or the people at large. 
 
 NOTE 'NO. XV. Page 265. 
 
 Copy of general Montgomery's laft letter to general 
 Carleton. 
 
482 APPENDIX. 
 
 Holland Houfe, December 6, 1775. 
 
 " SIR, 
 
 " Notwithftanding the perfonal ill treatment I 
 " have received at your hands, notwithftailding the cruelty 
 " you have fhewn to the unhappy prifoners you have taken, 
 " the feelings of humanity induce me to have recourfe to 
 ' this expedient, to fave you from the deftruftion which 
 " hangs over your wretched garrifon. Give me leave to 
 " inform you, that I am well acquainted with your fitua- 
 " tion ; a great extent of works, in their nature incapable 
 " of defence, manned with a motley crew of failors, moll 
 ' of them our friends and citizens, who wifh to fee us with- 
 " in their walls, a few of the worft troops that call them- 
 " felves foldiers, the impoffibility of relief, and the certain 
 " profpecl of wanting every neceilary of life, fhould ycur 
 ." opponents confine their operations to a fmgle blockade, 
 " point out the abfurdity of refiftance 5 fuch is your fit- 
 " nation. 
 
 " I am at the head of troops aceuftom^d to fuccefs, con- 
 4< fident of the righteous caufe they are engaged in, inured 
 " to danger and fatigue, and fo highly incenfed at your 
 ** inhumanity, illiberal abufe, and the ungenerous means 
 ** employed to prejudice them in the minds of the Cana- 
 " dians, tliat it is with difficulty I reftrain them till my 
 " batteries are ready, from infultmg your works, which 
 " would afford them the fair opportunity of ample ven- 
 " geance and juft retaliation. Firing upon a flag of truce, 
 <{ hitherto unprecedented, even among favages, prevents 
 " my following the ordinary mode of conveying my fenti- 
 " ments ; however I will at any rate acquit my confcience : 
 ** fhould you perfift in an unwarrantable defence, the confe- 
 '* quence be upon your own head. Beware of deftroying 
 " (lores of any fort, public or private, as you did at Mon- 
 ** treal or in the river : if you do, by heavens, there will be 
 " n'o mercy fhewn." 
 
APPENDIX. 433 
 
 NOTE NO. XVI. Page 278. 
 
 The many protefts of a number of the houfe of lords, 
 which appeared from time to time againft the high meaf- 
 ures of a majority in parliament, epitomize the American 
 grievances in a point of view that exhibited the opinion at 
 the time, of a very considerable part of the moft judicious 
 and unprejudiced perfons through the nation, both in and 
 out of parliament. Thefe protefts may be found in a vari- 
 ety of BritiKh publications. 
 
 This general favorable difpofition towards the Americans 
 in the early part of the conteft, was evinced by numberlefs 
 circumftances ; a crimination of the meafures of adminif- 
 tration againft the colonies, exifted on both fides of the 
 Tweed, and indeed throughout the kingdom. Many let- 
 ters, and other excellent writings on the fubjecT: of civil and 
 religious liberty, were tranfmitted from England to Amer- 
 ica, from the year one thoufand feven hundred and fixty- 
 five, until the period when hoftilities commenced. Among 
 the numberlefs inftances that might be adduced, of the 
 fpirit and difpofition of the writers of thofe times, we will 
 here only give the following extract of a letter from the 
 earl of Buchan to Mr. Otis ; this was accompanied by 
 fome very excellent effays on the fubject of liberty, and by 
 feveral portraits of his perfon, adorned at the foot with a 
 cap of liberty in the centre of the annexed motto, " Ubi 
 libertas, ibi patria.**- 
 
 " London, "January 26, 1768. 
 
 " SIR, 
 
 " I take the liberty of tranfmitting to you the 
 ' inclofed reprefentations of a man, ftrongly attached to 
 " the principles of that invaluable liberty, without which 
 " no real happinefs can fubfift any where. 
 
 " My family has often bled in the fupport of k ; aitd 
 defcended as I am, from the Englifh Henrys and Ed- 
 VOL. I. 3....C 
 
434 APPENDIX. 
 
 " wards, I glory more in the banifliinent of my great- 
 grandfather, lord Cardrofs, to Carolina, and the Hand 
 " made by lord Halifax, my anceftor, than in all that title 
 <* and defcent can give me. 
 
 " You may difpofe of the other prints to the lovers of 
 my principles ; and I beg you will be fo good as to 
 " tranfmit four of them to MefTrs. * * * * * * * 
 t ********** as eminent defenders 
 " of thofe doctrines in the church, which are fo intimately 
 connected with liberty in the ftate. ****** 
 ********* Lord Chathamf has forfaken 
 ' you, having loved this world ; but his favorite, your 
 humble fervant, will not, I truft, ever follow his Heps. 
 " I am, fir, with great regard, 
 
 < Your mofl obedient, humble fervant, 
 
 BUCHAN. ' 
 James Otis, Efq. Bojlon." 
 
 NOTE NO. XVIL Page 309. 
 
 In CONGRESS, July 4, 177G. 
 
 A DECLARATION by the REPRESENTATIVES of the 
 
 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA in GENERAL CONGRESS 
 aflembled. 
 
 When in the courfe of human events, it becomes necef- 
 fary for one people to dilfolve the political bands which 
 have connected them with another, and to affume among 
 the powers of the earth, the feparate and equal ftation to 
 which the laws of nature and nature's God entitle them, a 
 'decent refpecl to the opinions of mankind requires, that 
 they fnotild declare the caufes which impel them to the 
 reparation. 
 
 t Lord Chatham afterwards totally reprobated the conduft of ad- 
 mi niftfation towards the colonies. 
 
APPENDIX. 435 
 
 We hold thefe truths to be felf-evident : that all men arp 
 created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator 
 with certain unalienable rights : that among thefe are life, 
 liberty, and the purfuit of happinefs : that to fecure thefe 
 rights, governments are inltituted among men, deriving 
 their juft powers from the confent of the governed : and 
 whenever any form of government becomes deftructive of 
 thefe ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolifh 
 it, and to inftitute a new government, laying its foundation 
 on fuch principles, and organizing its powers in fuch form, 
 as to them fhall feem moft likely to effect their fafety and 
 happinefs. Prudence indeed will dictate that governments 
 long eftablifhed, fhould not be changed for light and tran- 
 fient caufes ; and accordingly, all experience hath fhewn, 
 that mankind are more difpofed to fuffer, while evils are 
 fufferable, than to right themfelves by abolifhing the forms 
 to which they are accuftomed : but when a long train of 
 abufes and ufurpations, purfuing ihvariably the fame object, 
 evinces a defign to reduce them under abfolute defpotifm, 
 it is their right, it is their duty to throw fcfF fuch govern- 
 ment, and to provide new guards for their future fecurity. 
 Such has*been the patient fufferance of thefe colonies, and 
 fuch is now the neceffity which conftrains them to alter 
 their former fyftems of government. The hiftory of the 
 prefent king of Great Britain, is a hiftory of repeated inju- 
 ries and ufurpations ; all having in direct object the eftab- 
 lifhment of an abfolute tyranny over thefe ftates : to prove 
 this, let facts be fubmitted to a candid world. 
 
 He has refufed his a/Tent to laws, the moft wholefome 
 and neceffary for the public good. 
 
 He has forbidden his governors to pafs laws of imme- 
 diate and prcfTmg Importance, unlefs fufpended in their 
 operation till his aflent fhould be obtained ; and when fo 
 fufpended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. 
 
 He has refufed to pafs other laws, for the accommoda- 
 tion of large diftricts of people, unlefs thofe people would 
 
436 APPENDIX. 
 
 uelinquifli the rights of reprefentation in the legiflatur* ^ a. 
 right ineftimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. 
 
 He has called tog-ether legiflativc bodies at places un- 
 ufual, uncomfortable, and diftant from the depofitory of 
 their public records, for the fole purpofe of fatiguing them 
 into compliance with his meafures. 
 
 He has difTolved reprefentative houfes repeatedly, for 
 oppofmg, with manly firmnefs> his invafions on the rights 
 of the people. 
 
 He has refufed, for a long time after fuch diflblution, to 
 caufe others to be erected, whereby the legiflative powers, 
 incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at 
 large for their exercife, the ftate remaining in the mean 
 time, expofed to all the dangers of invafion from without, 
 and convulfions within. 
 
 He has endeavoured to prevent the population of thefe 
 ftates ; for that purpofe, obftru&iug the laws for natural- 
 ization of foreigners, refufing to pals others to encourage 
 their migrations hither, and railing the conditions of new 
 appropriations of lands. 
 
 He has-obftrucled tbe adminiftration of juftice, by refuf- 
 ing his aflent to laws for eftablifhing judiciary powers. 
 
 He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the 
 tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of 
 their falaries. 
 
 He has creeled a multitude of new offices, and fent 
 hither fwarms of officers, to harafs our people, and eat out 
 their fubfiftence. 
 
 He has kept among us, in times of peace, (landing ar- 
 mies, without the confent of our legiflatures. 
 
 He has affected to render the military independent of, 
 atid fuperior to, the civil power. 
 
APPENDIX 4S? 
 
 He has combined with others, to fubject us to a jnrif- 
 diction foreign to our coniYitution, and unacknowledged by 
 our laws, giving his aflent to their pretended acts of legif- 
 lation : 
 
 For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us : 
 
 For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punilhment 
 for any murders which they ihould commit on the inhabit, 
 ants of thefe ft ate s : 
 
 For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world : 
 For impofmg taxes on us without our confent : 
 
 For depriving us, in many cafes, of the benefit of trial 
 by jury: 
 
 For tranfporting us beyond feas, to be tried for pretended 
 offences : 
 
 For abolifhing the free fyflem of Englifh laws in a neigh- 
 bouring province, eftablifhing therein an arbitrary govern- 
 ment, and enlarging its boundaries, fo as to render it at 
 once an example and fit inftrument for introducing the 
 fame abfolute rule into thefe colonies : 
 
 For taking away our charters, abolifhing our moft valu- 
 able laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our 
 governments : 
 
 For fufpending our own legiflatures, and declaring them - 
 felves inverted with power to legiflate for 'us in all cafes 
 whatfoever. 
 
 He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out 
 of his protection, and waging war againft us. 
 
 He has plundered our feas, ravaged our coafts, burnt 
 our towns, and deftroyed the lives of our people. 
 
 He is at this time tranfporting large armies of foreign 
 mercenaries, to complete the works of death, defolation, 
 and tyranny, already begun with circumftances of cruelty 
 and perfidy, fcarcely paralleled in the moft barbarous ages, 
 and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. 
 
438 APPENDIX. 
 
 He has conflrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on 
 the high feas, to bear arms againft their country, to become 
 the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall 
 themfelves by their hands. 
 
 He has excited domeftic infurreclions amongft us, and 
 has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our fron- 
 tiers the mercilefs Indian favages, whofe known rule of 
 warfare is, an undiftinguifhed deftruclion of all ages, fexes, 
 and conditions. 
 
 In every flage of thefe oppreflions, we have petitioned 
 for redrefs, in the mod humble terms : our repeated peti- 
 tions have been anfwered only by repeated injury. A 
 prince, whofe character is thus marked by every aft which 
 may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free 
 people. 
 
 Nor have we been wanting in attention to our Britifh 
 brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of 
 attempts, by their legislature, to extend an unwarrantable 
 jurifdiclion over us ; we have reminded them of the cir- 
 cumftances of our emigration and fettlement here ; we have 
 appealed to their native juftice and magnanimity ; and we 
 have conjured them, by the ties of our common kindred, 
 , to difavow thefe ufurpations, which would inevitably inter- 
 
 rupt our connexions and correfpondence. They too have 
 been deaf to the voice of juftice and confanguinity. We 
 muR therefore acquiefce in the neceflity which denounces 
 our feparation, and hold them, as we hold the reft of man- 
 kind, enemies in war, in peace friends. 
 
 We therefore, the reprefentatives of the United States of 
 America, in general congrefs aflembled, appealing to the 
 Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our inten- 
 tions, do, in the name, and by the authority of the good 
 people of thefe colonies, iblemnly publiih and declare, that 
 thefe united colonies are, and of right ought to be, FREE 
 AND INDEPENDENT STATES ; and that they are abfolved 
 
APPENDIX. 439 
 
 from all allegiance to the Britifli crown ; and that all polit- 
 ical connexion between them and the flate of Great Britain, 
 is and ought to be totally diflblved ; and that, as free and 
 independent ftates, they have full power to levy war, con- 
 clude peace, contract alliances, eftablifh commerce, and to 
 do all other acts and things which independent ftates may 
 of right do. And for the fupport of this declaration, with 
 a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we 
 mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and 
 our facred honor. 
 
 Signed by order and in behalf of the congrefs, 
 
 JOHN HANCOCK, PRESIDENT. 
 Attejl :- 
 CHARLES THOMPSON, SECRETARY. 
 
 NOTE NO. XVIIL Page 357. 
 
 Copy of a letter from general Lee to doctor B. Ru(h 
 See life and memoirs of general Lee. 
 
 Camp at Valley Forge, June 4, 1778. 
 
 " MY DEAR RUSH, 
 
 " Though I had no occafion for frefh affurances 
 f of your friendfiiip, I cannot help being much pleafed 
 " with the warmth which your letter, delivered to me by 
 " Mr. H***, breathes ; and I hope, it is unneceflary to 
 " afiure you, that my fentiments, with refpecl to you, are 
 " correfpondent. 
 
 " You will think it odd, that I fiiould feem to be an 
 " apologift for general Howe : I know not how it happens ; 
 " but when I have taken prejudices in favor, or againft a 
 " man, I find it a difficulty in (baking them off. From my 
 " firft acquaintance with Mr. Howe, I liked him : I thought 
 " him friendly, candid, good natured, brave, and rather 
 " fenfible than the reverfe : I believe ftill that he is natur- 
 " ally fo ; but a corrupt, or more properly, no education, 
 
440 APPENDIX. 
 
 " the fafhion of the times, and the reigning idolatry amongft' 
 " the Englifh, (particularly the foldiery ;) for every fcep- 
 tred calf, wolf, or afs, have fo totally perverted his 
 underftanding and heart, that private friendfhip has not 
 " force fitfficient to keep a door open for the admittance 
 " of mercy towards political heretics* He was befides 
 " perfuaded that I was doubly criminal, both as a traitor 
 " and deferter. In fhoit, fo totally was he inebriated with 
 " this idea, that I am convinced he would have thought 
 " himfelf both politically and morally damned, had he 
 " acled any other part than what he did. He is belides, 
 " the moft indolent of mortals ; never took further pains 
 " to examine the merits or demerits of the caufe in which 
 " he was engaged, than merely to recollect, that Great 
 " Britain was faid to be the mother country, George the 
 " third king of Great Britain, that the parliament was 
 <f called the reprefentatives of Great Britain, that the king 
 " and parliament formed the fnpreme power, that a fu- 
 " preme power is abfolute and uncontrollable, that all 
 " reliftance muft confequently be rebellion ; but above all, 
 " that he was a foldier, and bound to obey in all cafes 
 ' whatever. 
 
 " Thefe are his notions, and this his logic ; but through 
 " thefe abfurditiec, I could diftinguiih, when he was left 
 " to himfelf, rays of friendship and good nature breaking 
 " out. It is true, he was feldom left to himfelf; for never 
 " poor mortal, thru (I into high ftation, was furrounded by 
 fuch fools and fcoundrels. M'Kenzie, Balfour, Gallo- 
 " way, were his counfellors ; they urged him to all his adls 
 " of harihnels ; they were his fcribes ; all the damned ftuff 
 " which was iifued to the aftoniflied world was their's. I 
 " believe he fcarcely ever read the letters he figned. You 
 " will fcarcely believe it, but I can aMure you as a fact, 
 " that he never read the curious proclamation, iiTued at the 
 " Head of Elk, till three days after it was publiihed. You 
 " will fay, that I am drawing my friend Howe in more 
 14 ridiculous colors than he has yet been reprefented in ; 
 ei but this is hio real character. He is naturally good 
 
APPENDIX. 441 
 
 11 humored, coraplaifant, but illiterate and indolent to the 
 " laft degree, unlefs as an executive foldier, in which cap- 
 " city he is all fire and activity, brave and cool as Julius 
 * Csefar. His underftanding is, as I obferved before, rather 
 " good than otherwife, but was totally confounded and 
 " ftupified by the immenfity of the tafk impofed upon him. 
 " He flmt his eyes, fought his battles, drank his bottle, had 
 " his little *****, advifed with his counfellors, received his 
 " orders from North and Germaine, (one more abfurd than 
 " the other,) took Galloway's opinion, fhut his eyes, fought 
 " again, and is now, I fuppofe, to be called to account for 
 u acting according to inftructions. But I believe his eyes 
 " are now opened ; he fees he has been an inftrument of 
 " wickednefs and folly ; indeed, when I obferved it to him, 
 " he not only took patiently the obfervation, but indirectly 
 " aflented to the truth of it. He made, at the fame time, 
 " as far as his mauvais bonie would permit, an apology for 
 " his treatment of me. 
 
 " Thus far with regard to Mr. Howe. You are ftruck 
 " with the great events, changes, and new characters, which 
 " have appeared on the ftage fince I faw you laft ; but I 
 " am more ftruck with the admirable efficacy of blunders. 
 " It feemed to be a trial of {kill, which party fhould outdo 
 " the other ; and it is hard to fay which played the deepeft 
 " ftrokes ; but it was a capital one of ours, which certainly 
 " gave the happy turn which affairs have taken. Upon 
 " my foul, it w r as time for fortune to interpofe, or we were 
 ** inevitably loft ; but this we will talk over another time. 
 " I fuppofe we fhall fee one another at Philadelphia very 
 " foon, in attendance. God blefs you ! 
 
 " Your's, affectionately, 
 
 " CHARLES LEE." 
 
 VOL. I. 3....H 
 
442 APPENDIX. 
 
 NOTE NO. XIX. Page 362. 
 
 The iniquitous conduct of fpeculators and fwindlers, to 
 fecure to themfelves the pofleffion of mod of the public 
 fecurities, will leave a (lain on a large clafs of people, who 
 by every art endeavoured to fmk the faith of congrefs. 
 Indeed their attempts to injure the credit of all public 
 bodies, were attended with the moft pernicious confequences 
 to the honeft and unfufpecting holders of public paper. 
 By every infidious practice, they induced the ignorant and 
 neceflitous, to part with their fecurities for the moft trifling 
 confiderations, to fupply their immediate wants. Thus 
 afterwards, when a new conftitution of government was 
 formed, and a funding fyftem created, no difcrimination 
 was made in favor of the original holders, who had difpof- 
 fefled themfelves of the public fecurities. Thofe who had 
 gained them by their artificial deception, were enriched 
 beyond all calculation by ftibfequent circumftances : they 
 afterwards received the nominal value in fpecie, while many 
 of the former holders were reduced to extreme poverty. 
 
 It was pathetically obferved, by one who felt thefe in- 
 conveniencies, that " the public fecurities, tired of their 
 " humble abodes, had foon fled to the fplendid feats of 
 " wealth and greatnefs ; and that while they remained 
 " with a clafs who had dearly earned them by their fer- 
 ** vices, no intereft was promifed, no time, place, or perfon 
 *' afcertained, to direct our application for payment. They 
 " fell into difgrace, which concurring with our necefllties, 
 " as they could yield no prefent comfort or future hope, 
 '* induced us to part with them for the moft trifling con- 
 " fiderations : but when they had chofen their elevated 
 ** refidence, their credit revived, and provifion was made 
 " for the payment of intereft upon them. We, in event, 
 '* literally fold them for nothing, and are obliged to pay 
 " their prefent holders an annual fum for keeping them in 
 " pofleffion ; for many of us have, or muft foon pay for the 
 
APPENDIX. 44S 
 
 " inter eft of them, a fum nearly or quite equal to the money 
 " given to purchafe them, and ftill be annually taxed to 
 " difcharge the intereit and principal of faid fecurities." 
 
 This is an anticipation of what literally took place after- 
 wards, though it is but juftice to obferve, that Mr. Madifon 
 of Virginia, a diflinguiihed member of congrefs, and fev- 
 eral others of that body, left no rational argument un- 
 tried, to procure a difcrimination, when the funding fyftem 
 was about to be introduced in one thoufand feven hundred 
 and eighty-eight, that would have made fome equitable 
 compenfation to the original holders of public fecurities, 
 and prevented a fudden accumulation of wealth to a clafs 
 of men, who had, many of them, never earned by their 
 own private induflry, or their fervices to the public, fuffi- 
 cient for a competent fupport. They grew rich on the 
 property of thofe who had fuffered in the fervice of their 
 country, 4 who were left to complain, without a poffibility 
 of redrefs. 
 
 NOTE NO. XX. Page 400. 
 
 Extracts of a fhort account of the treatment of major 
 general Conway, late in the fervice of America, from 
 general Lee's letters. 
 
 " On Monday the 23d of November, 1778, the honora- 
 " ble major general Conway fet out from Philadelphia, on 
 " his return to France. The hiftory of the treatment this 
 " gentleman has received, is fo fmgular, that it muft make 
 " a figure in the anecdotes of mankind. He was born in 
 * Ireland, but at the age of fix was carried into Fiance ; 
 " was bred up from his infancy to the profeflion of arms ; 
 " and it is univerfally allowed, by the gentlemen of that 
 " nation, that he has, in their fervice, the reputation of 
 " being what is called un tres brave major d'infanterie, 
 " which is no fmall chajafler ; it implies, if I comprehend 
 
444 APPENDIX. 
 
 " the term aright, a man pofleffed of all the requifite qual- 
 " ities to fill the duties of a general officer in the fecondary 
 " line, but by no rqgans ranks him among thofe favored 
 " mortals, to whom it has plealed God to give fo large a 
 " portion of the etherial fpirit, as to render reading, theory, 
 " and practice unneceflary ; but with the fpe&acle of this 
 " phenomena, Heaven entertains the earth but very feldom ; 
 " Greece, as hiftorians report, had but one ; Rome none ; 
 " England and Fiance, only one each. As to this hem- 
 " ifphere, I (hall be iilent on the fubject, left I ihould be 
 " fufpedted of not being ferious. But be this as it may, it 
 " is paft doubt that general Conway is a man of excellent 
 " underftanding, quick and penetrating, that he has feen 
 " much fervice, has read a great deal, and digefted well 
 " what he has read. It is not lefs certain, that he embark- 
 " ed with the warmed zeal for the great American caufe, 
 " and it has never been infmuated, unlefs by thofe who 
 '* have the talent of confounding caufes, that his zeal has 
 " diminifhed. His recompenfe has been, what ? He has 
 " loft his commiffion ; he has been refufed the common 
 " certificate, which every officer receives at the expiration 
 ' of his fervices, unlefs his delinquencies have been very 
 " fubftantial indeed. And, for what crime ? For none, by 
 " any law, or the moft {trained conftruclion that can be put 
 " on any law. The reafons given are fo far from being 
 " fubftantial, that they really ought to reflect honor on his 
 * c character. It feems he has been accufed of writing a 
 " letter to a confidential friend, communicating an opinion, 
 " that the commander in chief was not equal to the great 
 " tafk he was charged with. Is this a crime ? The con- 
 " trary. If it was really his opinion, it was decent, it was 
 *' honeft, it was laudable, it was his duty. Does it come 
 " under any article of war ? I may venture to affirm that 
 " it does not. God help the community that fhould be 
 *' abfurd enough to frame a law which could be con (trued 
 " into fuch a fenfe ; fuch a community could not long fub- 
 " fift. It ever lias been, and ever ought to be, the c;i flora 
 " in all armies, not abiblutely barbarians, for the (,:=. 
 
APPENDIX. 44$ 
 
 of high rank minutely to canvafs the meafures of their 
 " commander in chief ; and if his faults or miftakes appear 
 " to them many and great, to communicate their fentiments 
 to each other ; it can be attended with no one bad con- 
 " fequence ; for if the criticifms are unjuft and impertinent, 
 " they only recoil on the authors, and the great man who 
 " is the fubject of them, fhines with redoubled luftre. But 
 " if they are well founded, they tend to open the eyes of 
 " the prince or ftate, who, from blind prejudice, or fome 
 " ftrange infatuation, may have repofed their affairs in 
 " hands ruinoufly incapable. Does any man of fenfe, who 
 " is the leaft acquainted with hiftory, imagine that the 
 " greateft generals the world ever produced have efcaped 
 " cenfure ? Hannibal, Cxfar, Turenne, Marlborough, have 
 " all been cenfured ; and the only method they thought 
 " juftifiable, of flopping the mouths of their cenfors, was 
 " by afrefh exertion of their talents, and a perpetual feries 
 " of victories. Indeed it is obfervable, that in proportion 
 " to the capacity or incapacity of the commander in chief, 
 " he countenances or difcountenances the whole tribe of 
 * tale-bearers, informers, and pickthanks, who ever have 
 " been, and ever will be, the bane of thofe courts and 
 " armies where they are encouraged or even fuifered. Al- 
 " lowing general Wafhington to be poiTeiled of all the vir- 
 " tues and military talents of Epaminondas, and this is 
 " certainly allowing a great deal ; for whether from our 
 " modern education, or perhaps the modern ftate of human 
 " affairs, it is difficult to conceive that any mortal in thefe 
 " ages, fhould arrive at fuch perfection ; but allowing it to 
 " be fo, he would dill remain mortal, and of courfe fubject 
 " to the infirmities of human nature ; ficknefs, or other 
 " cafualties, might impair his underftanding, his memory, 
 " or his courage ; and in confequence of this failure, he 
 " might adopt meafures apparently weak, ridiculous, and 
 " pernicious. Supposing this poffible cafe, whether a law, 
 " the letter or fpirit of which ilioukl ablblutely feal up the 
 " lips, and reftrain the pens of every witnefs of the defec- 
 " tion, would it not in facl be denouncing vengeance 
 
446 APPENDIX 
 
 ** againil thofe who alone have the means in their power 
 " of faving the public from the ruin impending, if they 
 " fhould dare to make ufe of thefe means for its falvation. 
 " If there weie fuch a law, its abfurdity would be fo mon- 
 " ftroufly glaring, that we may hardly fay, it would be 
 " more honored in die breach than in the obfervance. In 
 " the Englilh and French armies, the freedom with which 
 * the conduct and meafures of commanders in chief are 
 " canvaffed, is notorious ; nor does it appear that this free- 
 " dom is attended with any bad confequences : it has never 
 *' been once able to remove a real great officer from his 
 " command. Every action of the duke of Marlborough 
 " (every body who has read muft know) was not only 
 " minutely criticifed, but his whole conduct was directed, 
 <* in order to difcover fome crime, blunder, fault, or even 
 " trifling error ; but all thefe impertinent pains and wicked 
 induftry were employed in vain ; it was a court intrigue 
 " alone that fubverted him. 
 
 " General Wolfe, with whom to be compared it can be 
 ' no degradation to any mortal living, was not merely 
 " criticifed, but grofsly calumniated by fome officers of 
 " high rank under him ; but that great man never thought 
 " of having recourfe to the letter or conilruction of any 
 ' law, in order to avenge himielf ; he was contented with 
 " informing his calumniators, that he was not ignorant of 
 " their practices, and that the only method he fhould take 
 " for their punifnment, would be an active perfeverance in 
 " the performance of his duty, which, with the afliftance 
 " of God, he made no doubt would place him beyond the 
 '* reach of their malice. As to what liberties they had 
 " taken with him perfonally, he ihould wait till he was 
 " reduced to the rank of a private gentleman, and then 
 " fpeak to them in that capacity. 
 
 " Upon the whole, it appears that it never was under- 
 " Mood to be the meaning of the Englifh article of war, 
 " which enjbins relpect towards the commander in chief; 
 
APPENDIX. 417 
 
 * and of courfe it ought not to be underftood, that the 
 " meaning of that article of the American code, (which is 
 * a fervile copy from the Englifli,) is meant to prefcribe 
 " the communication of our fentiments to one another, on 
 " the capacity or incapacity of the man on whom the mif- 
 " ery or ruin of the ftate depends ; its intention was, with- 
 " out doubt, in part complimentary, and partly to lay fome 
 " decent reftriclions on the licenfe of converfation and writ- 
 ** ing, which otherwife might create a diffidence in the 
 '* minds of the common ibldiery, detrimental to the public 
 " fervice. But that it was meant to impofe a dead, torpid 
 41 filence, in all cafes whatever, on men, who, from their 
 '* rank, muft be fuppofed to have eyes and underflanding, 
 ' nothing under the degree of an ideot, can perfuade him- 
 " felf ; but admitting, in oppofition to common fenfe and 
 " all precedents, the proceeding to be criminal ; admitting 
 * Mr. Conway guilty of it, to the extent reprefented, which 
 " he can demonftrate to be falfe ; in the name of God, 
 " why inflitf the higheft, at lead negative punifhment, on a 
 " man untried, and unheard ? The refufal of a certificate 
 " of having honeftly ferved, is confidered as the greateft of 
 '* negative punifliments ; indeed in the military idea, it is a 
 " pofitive one. 
 
 '* And I fincerely hope, and do firmly believe, (fuch is 
 " my opinion of the juftice of congrefs,) that when they 
 " have coolly reflected on the merits and fortunes of this 
 " gentleman, they will do him that juftice, which nothing 
 " but the hafty mifconftrudion of a law haftily copied from 
 " another law, never defined nor underftood, has hitherto 
 " prevented." 
 
V>\ 
 

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