(D *H P=i pcj O O BIOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL MEMOIRS OF THE EARLY PIOIEER SETTLERS OF OHIO, WITH NARRATIVES OF INCIDENTS AND OCCURRENCES IN 1775. BY S. P. HILDRETH, M. D. TO WHICH IS ANNEXED A JOURNAL OF OCCURRENCES WHICH HAPPENED IN THE CIRCLES OF THE AUTHOR'S PERSONAL OBSERVATION, IN THE DETACHMENT COM- MANDED BY COL, BENEDICT ARNOLD, CONSISTING OF TWO BATTALIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES ARMY, AT CAMBRIDGE, MASS., IN A. D. 1775 :" BY COLONEL R. J. MEIGS. CINCINNATI: H. W. DERBY & CO., PUBLISHERS, 1852. Entered according to act of Congress, in the year of our Lord, one thousand, eight hundred and fifty-two,by H. W. DERBY & Co., in the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the District of Ohio. P R E F A C K . THIS is the second volume of the Early History of Ohio, prepared by Dr. Ilildrelh of Marietta, and published under the auspices of the Ohio Historical Society. It is composed of a. scries of Biographical Notices of the early settlers of Washington County, who were also the early settler:. of Ohio. Among them are seme names celebrated in American history, 'whose active life commenced amid the most stirring events of the Revolu- tion, and whose evening days were finished amid the frcs!i and forest scenes of a new and rising State. So various ana eventful lives as theirs have scarcely ever fallen to the lot of man. They were born under a monarchy, fought the battle of Independence, arista.! in the baptism of a great republic, then moved into a wilderness, and hid th-T founda- tions of a State, itself almost equaling an empire. Tiieso men nut only lived in remarkable times, but were thorn selves remarkable men. Ener- getic, industrious, persevering, honest, bold, and free they were limited in their achievements only by the limits of possibility. Successful alike in field and forest, they have, at length, gono to their rest, leaving names which ere a part of the fame and the history of their countrv. Among the biographies of such men will ;J.-;o be found notic:s of some women, whose characters deserve to be perpetuated among the mernorie:; of the State. The public and posterity will owe much to Dr. Iliidrcth for having so carefully preserved these memoirs of the earlv tinv. ;;-. Tin- Historical Society deeply regrets that it has no power to do moro than merely introduce this interesting volume to the public. EDW.\RD D. MAXSFIEUI, President of the Ohio Historical Society. CONTENTS. PAGE. INTRODUCTION 3 UUFUS PUTNAM 13 ABRAHAM WHIPPLE 120 JAMES MITCHELL VARNUM 165 SAMUEL HOLDEN PARSONS 1SG BENJAMIN TUPPER 217 EBENEZER SPROAT 230 JONATHAN DEVOL 241 RETURN JONATHAN MEIGS 25? GRIFFIN GREENE 270 PAUL FEARING 291 JOSEPH AND REBECCA GILMAN 302 BENJAMIN IVES AND HANNAH GILMAN 30G MARY LAKE 320 DANIEL STORY 325 JABEZ TRUE 329 WILLIAM DANA 337 NATHANIEL GUSHING 340 JONATHAN IIASKELL 345 EBENEZER BATTF.LLE f 349 ISRAEL PUTNAM 354 NATHAN GOODALE.. . 35P viii CONTENTS. ROBERT BRADFORD 370 AARON WALDO PUTNAM 372 JONATHAN STONE 380 ROBERT OLIVER 391 HAFF IELD WHITE 396 DEAN TYLER 398 WILLIAM GRAY 399 WILLIAM STAGEY 401 THE FIRST SETTLEMENT OF ATHENS COUNTY, OHIO 408 JERVIS CUTLER 414 A HISTORY OF THE FIRST SETrLJiiMENT OF AMESTOWN, IN ATHENS COUNTY, OHIO 421 BENJAMIN BROWN 428 JOSEPH BARKER 433 HAMILTON KERR 464 ISAAC AND REBECCA WILLIAMS 475 HARMAN AND MARGARET BLENNERHASSETT 491 APPENDIX.. . 523 INTRODUCTION. early history of the first settlements in the now great state of Ohio, not only ought to be preserved as an important epoch in the general history of our common country, but also the characters and public services of those men who were eminent in forming these settlements, have a claim to go down to posterity amongst the bene- factors of mankind. The influence of their morals and habits has had a lasting effect on society, and is now perceptible in the general character of the communities in which they resided. The facts thus preserved, will enable the future historian to account for many things in our history which otherwise might appear obscure. The origin of an orderly, well regulated society, in any given district, may often be explained by tracing back its history to the influence exerted over it by some one or more individuals, who have imparted this character to it in its commencement : while the example of a few dissolute men, may have done much in placing a stigma on the name of a place, that will remain for ages." The settlements of the Ohio Company, were fortunate in this respect ; all the leading and influ- ential men were on the side of good order, morality and religion ; and the impress of their character is seen and felt to this day, in the well regulated, quiet habits, of a New England community, worthy the descendants of their Puritan ancestors. While many of the early colonies in the West, were composed of the ignorant, the vulgar, and the rude, those of Washington county, like some of the Grecian, carried with them, the sciences and the arts ; and although placed on the frontiers, amidst the howling wilderness, and tribes of hostile savages, exposed to danger and privation, there ran in the veins of these little bands, some of the best blood of the country. They enrolled many men of highly cultivated minds and exalted intellect. There was at one time, in 1789, no less than ten of these, who had X INTRODUCTION. received the honors of a college course of education : a larger number than can now be found in the same district of country, if the professors in the Marietta College are excluded. The Hon. William Woodbridge, in his remarks before the Senate of the United States, on the question of the annexation of Texas, against which the citi- zens of Marietta, with thousands of others in Ohio, loudly remon- strated, when presenting that paper, gave the following sketch of the character of the men who first founded that place : "It was on the 7th of April, 1783, that this settlement Avas first commenced ; it was then that the first stone, the corner stone, of this great state was laid ; and it was laid by these men, or by their immediate ancestors. The colony then consisted almost entirely of a remnant, and a most revered remnant, of your armies of the Revolution of officers and soldiers, who, at the close of that seven years' term of privation, of suffering, and of battles, found them- selves let loose upon the world with their private fortunes, in gen- eral ruined, estranged almost from their own early homes, and with occupations gone ! If they were of any of the learned profes- sions, and there were many such, their professions were forgotten, and if their pursuits had been agricultural, commercial, or mechanical, why they had lost those business habits so difficult to acquire, but which are yet so indispensable to success; and such of their pay, too, as they may have been enabled to preserve, being old conti- nental certificates, and become almost worthless in their hands, for all available purposes. In circumstances of so much gloom, the thought occurred of establishing themselves once more in a bodv. O O * ' in the untrodden West. During many years they had camped to- gether, and eaten together ; they had fought and bled together ; there O O v J was something pleasing in the plan of continuing still closer, their social and friendly relations. They had warrants which entitled them to public lands ; many of them had continental certificates and other evidences of claim, which would go far to enable them to make their purchase. An association wns formed ; negotiations with the old Continental Congress and with the Board of War were com- menced, and during the year 1787, a purchase was effected; and on the 7th of April, as I have said, 1788, the first and principal detach INTRODUCTION. : i incut of that interesting corps of emigrants, landed at the confluence of the Muskingum with the Ohio river. This was directly athwart the old Indian war path; for it was down the Muskingum arid its tributary branches, that the Wyandolts, the Shawnees, the Ottawas, and all the Indians of the north and northwest, were accustomed to march, Avhen from time to time, for almost half a century before, they made those dreadfid incursions, into western Virginia and wes- tern Pennsylvania, which spread desolation, and ruin, and despair, through all those regions. Being arrived there, they marked out their embryo city, and in honor of the friend of their country, the queen of France, called it Marietta. They surrounded it with pali- sades and abatis ; they erected block-houses and bastions. On an eminence a little above, and near the Muskingum, they constructed a more regular and scientific fortification. Thus did the settlement of that great state commence. Among these colonists were very many of the most distinguished officers of the Revolution, and of all grades. Gen. Rufus Putnam, and Gen. Benjamin Tapper, of the Massachusetts line, were there. Gen. Parsons of the Connecticut, and Gen. Varnum, of the Rhode Island lines, were there. Old Com- modore Whipplc, of Rhode Island, for whom the honor is claimed of firing the first hostile gun from on board a ' Congress ' vessel of war, and who during the whole war, was another ' Paul Jones,' and as active and daring, found his grave there ; as did a near rela- tive of Gen. Nathaniel Green. The sons of the 'Wolf catcher,' Gen. Israel Putnam, and the descendants of Manasseh Cutler, were there. Col. Gushing and Col. Sproat, Col. Oliver and Col. Sargent, and multitudes of others, distinguished alike for their bravery, for their patriotism, and for their skill in war, were there. Some few there arc, some very few, still alive, and whose names I recognize, who constituted a part of this wonderful band of veteran soldiers. The rest, one after another, have dropped off. Many of the things I have adverted to, I personally saw. I was a child then, but I well recollect the regular morning reveille, and the evening tattoo, that o o ' o ' helped to give character to the establishment. Even on the Sabbath, the male population were always under arms, and with their chap- lain, who was willing to share the lot of his comrades, Avere accus- xil INTRODUCTION. tomed to march in battle array, to their block-house church. And I take this occasion to remark, that it was not until the memorable victory of Gen. Wayne, that the war of the Revolution really ended, and Gen. Harrison was right when he made that assertion." There is nothing more noble than to feel a deep interest in the honor of our country, our state, or the community in which we mingle. The history of these men belongs to the United States ; their breasts were often the bulwarks, which, in the "time of trial," saved us from the enslaving power of Great Britain, and we are endeavoring to preserve their names and their characters from oblivion, by erecting this historical monument to their memory. For the materials on which it is founded, the author is indebted to many kind friends, generally the relatives of the persons, but in an especial manner to W. R. Putnam, Esq., Hon. Judge Cutler, Col. Joseph Barker, and William Slocomb : for Com. Whipple, to his grandson, Dr. Com- Btock, of Boston, John Kowland, Esq., of Providence, Rhode Island, and P. G. Robbins, M. D., of Roxbury, Massachusetts. The names of many other prominent men are omitted from a lack of the facts on which to found a written biography ; and the larger number of those here given were obtained with much laborious search, amongst old letters, volumes of history, oral tradition, and numer- ous letters of inquiry written to the relatives of the deceased, in various and distant parts of the country. A full and well written biog- raphy of the late Gov. Meigs, who was one of the early settlers of Marietta, has been published in a posthumous volume of Sketches of the early Settlers of Ohio, by the late Alexander Campbell, Esq., and is not given here.* The present work has many imperfections, but may be the means of preserving some facts not generally known, for the use of a future and more able historian. * That of General II. Putnam iu the same volume, is a brief sketch taken from a newspaper notice at the time of his death ; and that of Paul Fearing, Esq., was written for Mr. Campbell, by the author of this volume, and is now rcpublished with some additions. 11UFUS PUTNAM. 15 and was the cousin of Elisha Putnam, the father of Gen. Ilufug. At the death of his father, Mr. Putnam was seven years old. He was now sent to live with his maternal grand- father in Danvers, and remained in his family until Septem- ber, 1747. During this period he was sent to school a portion of the time, and made some progress in reading. In the course of this year, his mother married Capt. John Sadler, of Upton, Massachusetts, and he went to live with him, and remained under his roof until his death, in 1753. His mother was now again a widow. In 1752, when fourteen years of age, Rufus made choice of his brother-in-law, Jonathan Dudley, of Sutton, as his guardian, and the certificate is signed by the Hon. Joseph Wilder, judge of probate for Worcester county. During the time of his residence with his step-father, all opportunities for instruction were denied him. Capt. Sadler was very illiterate himself, and thought books and learning of very little use, and not worth the time bestowed on their acquire- ment. The world is not destitute of such men to this day ; they think and act as if they believed that the body was the only part to be provided for, and that the mind needed no instruction, or food for its growth, except what is acquired by natural observation and instinct. But young Putnam felt that he had another appetite to supply, besides that of the body; that his mind craved food and instruction, and would not be appeased without it. Notwithstanding the ridicule and obstructions thrown in his way by his step-father, he sought every opportunity for study, and examination of the books that fell in his way. Having no school books of his own, and this parsimonious man refusing to buy them, he soon fell upon a plan to get them himself. Capt. Sadler kept a kind of public house, at which travelers some- times called for refreshment. By waiting diligently upon diem, they sometimes gave him a few pence. These he 16 RUFUS PUTNAM. carefully laid by, until he could purchase some powder and shot : with this ammunition and an old shot gun, he killed partridges, or pheasants, and sold from time to time until the proceeds bought him a spelling book and an arithmetic. With these two invaluable articles, the foundation of all, even the most profound learning, he soon made considerable progress in the rudiments of education, without any teacher but his own patient ingenuity. In the same way he learned to write, and make figures in a legible manner, progressing in a short time to the rule of three, guided only by the directions laid down in the book. How delightful must have been his sensations when he could put his own thoughts into tangible sentences on paper, and understand the rules of calculation, so important in all the concerns of life. In March, 1754, when nearly sixteen years old, he was bound as an apprentice to the mill-wright trade, under Daniel Mathews, of Brookfield. He was a man who had nearly the same opinion of the inutility of learning, as Mr. Sadler, and entirely neglected to send his apprentice to school. He, however, was more favorable in one respect, as he did not refuse him the use of candles for light, when pursuing his studies in the long winter evenings. His atten- tion was chiefly directed to the acquisition of arithmetic, geography and history ; while orthography, etymology, and the rules of grammar were neglected. Having no books in these branches and no one to teach him, his attention was chiefly directed to that which would be more immediately useful in the common affairs of life. In penmanship he had no aid from those nice copperplate engravings, pub- lished in after years, nor any one to guide him in the art of neat handwriting, so that those two important branches, spelling correctly, and writing handsomely, did not receive that attention they otherwise would have done, and left him during all his future life to rcsret his deficiencies in these RUFUS PUTNAM. 17 respects. Could he have looked into futurity, or had the least intimation of the public stations of trust and honor which he was destined by Providence to fill in manhood, he would doubtless have been better prepared for their arduous duties. The greatest wonder of all is, that with the discour- agements and privations which environed him, he had the fortitude and perseverance to overcome these obstacles, and acquire so much really useful learning as he did. Ninety- nine boys in a hundred would never have made the attempt, but have lived and died in ignorance. During this portion of his life, from sixteen to nineteen years, he was busily occupied under Daniel Mathews, in acquiring the practical art of the mill-wright, and in working on his farm. It required some knowledge of geometiy, to form perfect circles, divide them into numerous equal por- tions, and lay out the exact angles necessary in the frame- work of the mill; thus gradually enlarging his knowledge of mathematics, for which he had naturally an ardent attach- ment, and a mind well fitted to comprehend. During this time his physical frame grew full as rapidly as his mind, so that when he was eighteen years old, he possessed the brawny limbs, the muscular power, and the full stature of a man six feet high. In all athletic exercises, he was renowned for his great strength and activity; and thus eminently fitted for the fatigues and privations of the military life he was destined so early to enter. The war between Great Britain and France, in which the colonies were much more deeply interested than the mother country, commenced in the year 1754, when he entered on his apprenticeship. The accounts of the several battles, the defeat of Gen. Braddock, and the exploits of his martial relative, Capt. Israel Putnam, no doubt filled his youthful mind with ardor, and led him while yet only in his nineteenth year to enlist as a private soldier, in the company 2 18 RUFUS PUTNAM. of Capt. Ebenezer Learned, consisting of one hundred men, many of whom must have been his acquaintances or asso- ciates. The term of service was a little short of a year, commencing the 15th of March, 1757, and ending the 2d day of February, 1758. By the 30th of April the de- tachment was ready for marching, and that day left Brook- field, on their route for Kinderhook, on the Hudson river, about eighteen miles below Albany, which place they reached on the 6th of May. In this and his subsequent campaign, he turned the art of writing, which he had with so much difficulty acquired, to a useful purpose, by keeping a regular journal of the events which took place ; and without this precaution would have been lost or forgotten. He remarks that Capt. Learned prayed regularly, night and morning, with his men, and on the Sabbath read a sermon in addition a proof of the gen- eral prevalence of piety amongst the New England people, and which if more common in this day, would suppress much of the profanity and wickedness so universal amongst the soldiery of modern times. On the 18th of May, they left Kinderhook, and marched the same day to Greenbush, opposite the town of Albany. On the 21st of May, the company moved to Seaghticoke, a Dutch settlement on the banks of the Iloosack river, three miles from the Hudson. It was deserted by the inhabitants on account of the Indians, and now lies in the north-westerly corner of Renssellaer county. On the 9th of June, the detachment joined Col. Fry's regiment, at Still water, a spot subsequently famous for the bat- tles at Bemis' Heights, which turned the tide of Burgoyne's success, and finally led to his surrender. On the llth they marched to Saratoga, a place still more celebrated in military history, for the conquest of his army, thirty years after this time, in which Mr. Putnam ac*ted a conspicuous part. UUFTJS PUTNAM. 19 On the 14th of this month, Fry's regiment, composed of seventeen companies of provincials, decamped, and on the following day reached Fort Edward. This celebrated mili- tary post, so often noticed in the events of the old French war, was built two years before this time, and was now in the pride of its strength. It stood on the east or left bank of the Hudson river, about fifty-two miles above Albany, and was constructed by a body of colonial troops under Gen. Lyman, and named after Edward, Duke of York, the eldest son of King George the Second, of England. It is thus described in Mr. Putnam's journal : " The river washed one side of its walls. The form was somewhat irregular; having two bastions and two half bastions. The walls were high and thick, composed of hewed timber a broad rampart, with casements, or bomb-proofs a deep ditch with a draw-bridge a covered way, glacis, &c." In an after note, he says, " I have been particular in this description, because in 1777, there was by no means so great an appearance of there hav- ing been a fortification here as we find in the ancient works at Marietta and other parts of the Ohio country." It stood at the head of the carrying place, between the Hud- son and Lake George, and also Wood creek, a tributary of Lake Champlain. The village of Fort Edward stands near the site of the old fort, and serves to perpetuate its name. The tragical fate of Miss McCrea happened in this vicinity in 1777. White Hall, at the head of the Lake, the port from which steamboats now run to St. John, in Canada, was, in the Revolutionary war, called Skenesborough ; and was named after Moj. Skene, presently noticed by Mr. Putnam in his journal. Being determined to see as much as possible of the adven- tures and hardships of a military life, he joined the corps of Rangers, as a volunteer, and on the 8th of July, marched on a scout under Lieut. Collins, with twenty-two men, to 20 RUFUS PUTNAM. reconnoitre South Bay, the southerly extremity of Lake Champlain, distant about twenty-five miles from Fort Ed- ward. On the 9th, having approached, as they thought, near the bay, the main party was halted, and three men, of whom Mr. Putnam was one, sent forward to learn its situation. Supposing it would occupy but a few hours, they loft their blankets and provisions with the men that remained in camp. It proved to be much further than they had anticipated, and after fulfilling their orders, it was nearly night when they got back to the encampment. Much to their vexation and disap- pointment, they found that the lieutenant and his men, had left the ground, carrying with them their blankets and pro- visions. It seems that the leader had taken alarm at their long absence, supposing them either killed or captured by the Indians, and had hastily retreated in confusion. The deserted Rangers fired their guns, to give notice of their return, but no answering signal was heard. Two nights were thus spent in the woods, exposed, without their blankets, to the annoyance of gnats and musquitoes, which swarmed in vast numbers over this humid region. The dress of the Rangers was similar to that of the Indians, leaving their thighs bare, and exposed to their attacks. They reached Fort Edward on the llth, having been forty-eight hours without food, thus realizing a little foretaste of a rangers life. Lieut. Collins did not get in until the following day, and confessed that he heard their signal guns, but supposed them fired by the Indians. lie, however, by vari- ous excuses, pacified Mr. Putnam and his comrades; yet he remarks on the transaction. "It was extremely unsoldier- like to leave us in the woods in the manner he did. If our long absence gave cause of alarm, he ought to have with- drawn but a short distance, placed himself in ambush, and posted two men under cover to watch for our return, or give notice of the approach of the enemy." RUFUS PUTNAM. 21 On the 23d of July, about eight o'clock in the morning, a large party of Indians fired on the Carpenter*', or Mechanics' Guard, within half a mile of the fort, and killed thirteen men, with one missing. This was the first view he had of Indian butchery; and says, "It was not very agreeable to the feelings of a young soldier, and I think there are few who can look on such scenes with indifference." In the afternoon, two hundred and fifty men, under Capt. Israel Putnam, were sent out in pursuit. They followed the trail until sunset, when the main body was halted, and three men, of whom Mr. Putnam was one, sent forward a mile or more, with orders to secrete themselves near the trail until after dark, watching closely for any scout that might be sent back, "for," said the captain of the Rangers, "if they do not embark to-night in their boats, they will send a party back to see if they are pursued." They went as ordered, but made no discovery. He remarks, "It was a maxim I treasured up in my mind, as applicable, especially in the woods, whether you are pursuing, or are pursued by the enemy," and was the beginning of his military knowledge. CAPTURE OF FORT WILLIAM HENRY. THE Marquis de Montcalm, who commanded the French forces in Canada, was a man of intelligence and vast enter- prise. After one or two ineffectual attempts to surprise the fort without the trouble of a regular siege, he finally con- cluded to collect all the troops in his power, and set about the work by regular approaches. This fort stood near the head of Lake George, distant fourteen miles from Fort Ed- ward, and seventy from Albany, and was built by Gen. Johnson in 1755, who named it after one of the princes of the reigning family. It was a square work, with four bas- tions. The walls were made of timber, filled in with earth 22 RUF US PUTNAM. with a ditch on the outside; and was able, for a time, to re- sist a cannonade or bombardment. Having arranged his plan of operations, Monte aim came up the lake with a for- midable array of boats; and on the 3d of August, 1757, landed an army of ten thousand men, and a large body of Indians, with a heavy train of artillery ; and immediately commenced the siege. Col. Munroe, who commanded the fort, had arrived only the day before, with his regiment, from Fort Edward, to reinforce the garrison. He was a brave man, and made the best defense in his power; but the troops under his command were too few in number, to hold out long against so formidable an attack. Many of his can- non burst, and the ammunition failed. After a spirited de- fense of six days, a capitulation was entered into for the surrender of the fort and troops, on the 9th of August. "About half a mile east of the fort, separated from it by a swamp and creek, lay a body of fifteen hundred Provincials, encamped within a low breastwork of logs. On these Mont- calm made no serious attack; and they might at any time have made their escape, by forcing their way through the enemy posted in that quarter; but the next morning after the surrender, or the 10th of August, as the Provincials were paraded, to march to Fort Edward, agreeably to capitula- tion, the Indians attacked them, and a horrid butchery en- sued. Those who escaped with their lives were stripped almost naked; many were lost in the woods, where they wandered several days without food. One man. in particu- lar, was out ten days; and there is reason to believe, that some perished, especially the wounded. The number mur- dered, and missing, was some hundreds. "Gen. Webb lay, all the time of the siege, at Fort Ed- ward, with not less than four thousand men, and for a con- siderable part of the time with a larger number, by the coming up of the Xcw York militia. He was informed. RUF US PUTNAM. 23 every day of the siege, by an express from Col. Munroe, of the progress of affairs at the lake, and knew that the enemy had made an attempt on the fortified camp of the Pro- vincials. It was the opinion of many officers, that he might have relieved the fort, and that he was much to blame for not attempting it. The general opinion amongst the sol- diers was, that he was a coward; for he took no care to bury the men butchered in the manner mentioned, or to seek for the wounded, should there be any living among the dead. I was on the ground a short time after, and saw the dead bodies as much neglected as if they had been wild beasts.'' (M.-v\. Jouu.) lie remarks, that the Provincials lost all confidence in Gen. Webb, and many of them left the army, and returned home. He was himself, at one time, being under great excitement at the dastardly conduct of Webb, on the point of leaving, but was providentially pre- vented. On the 8th of October, the campaign being closed for that year, the Provincials, who composed the corps of Rangers, were discharged. He, however, continued to do camp duty some days longer, and then attached himself to a company of artisans, who were employed, until the 10th of Novem- ber, in completing the defenses of Fort Edward. On that day, the remnant of Col. Frye's regiment, himself, and the larger portion of his men, having been captured at Fort William Henry, marched down to the Half-moon, a post twelve miles above Albany. His providentially joining the Rangers, no doubt, saved him from participating in this slaughter and captivity. On the 18th of November, three hundred and sixty men of the detachment were drafted into four companies, and ordered to different posts for winter quarters. This was a vexations disappointment, as the Provincials expected to be 24 RUFUS PUTNAM. discharged at the close of the campaign, although, accord- ing to their enlistment, they were to serve until the 2d day of February, 1758. Capt. Learned 1 s company, to which Mr. Putnam be- longed, was ordered up to Stillwater, on the east side of the Hudson; while he and several other mechanics were de- tained and employed in completing the king's works at the Half-moon, until the 29th of December. The 1st of January, 1758, was celebrated by the men in great festivity, with an earnest looking forward to Candle- mas, or 2d of February, as the period of their release from servitude. From the movements of the commander of the stockaded garrison, Capt. Skene, afterward major, and proprietor of Skenesborough, they began to suspect he intended to retain them in service beyond the time of their enlistment. The Provincials were quartered in huts by themselves, a short distance from the post, which was guarded by a com- pany of British regulars. Having decided on making a push for home, as soon as they considered themselves fairly at liberty, previous arrangements were made for the jour- ney, by preparing snow shoes for each man, as there was no possibility of marching through the woods, where the snow was three or four feet deep, without this ingeniously contrived Indian apparatus, which had been adopted by the- Xew Englanders from them. Capt. Learned, who had just returned from a furlough to Massachusetts, when made ac- quainted with the design of his men, approved of their plan, and said he would lead them, unless he could procure their regular discharge. Mr. Putnam observes on this transac- tion, that he thought well of the captain at the time, but had since learned, that for an oflicer to desert his post is unpardonable. On tho 2d of February, Capt. Skene ordered the Provin- RUFUS PUTNAM. 25 cials into the fort, and read a letter from Gen. Abercrombie, directing him to persuade the Massachusetts men under his command, to tarry a few days, until he could hear from that government, and know their intentions in regard to them. To this they replied, that he is a good soldier who serves his full time, and that the province had no farther concern with them; neither would they remain any longer. Capt. Skcne threatened them with death if they departed without a regular discharge, and ordered them back to their bar- racks. He, however, took no forcible measures to detain them, nor did he search their huts for the snow-shoes, which they took the precaution to secrete under the snow. Their huts were sheltered by a high bank, out of sight of the fort, which screened their movements from observation. Firm to their purpose, about three o'clock in the morning of the 3d of February, they marched off as silently as pos- sible, seventy in number, under the command of Capt. Learned and Lieut. Walker; leaving Lieut. Brown, and a few invalids, who did not choose to join them. After leav- ing their barracks, they had a level piece of intervale, bor- dering the Hudson, about half a mile wide to cross, exposed to the artillery of the fort, had they been discovered by the sentinels, which was the reason of their departure in the night. They did not fear any opposition from the men in the garrison in the open field, as they outnumbered them. As to provisions for the march, they had provided as well as they could, by saving a portion of their daily rations for a week or two previous, and had hoarded up in this way, two or three days' allowance. The distance to Iloosack fort, as it was called, a small stockaded garrison belonging to Mas- sachusetts, was thirty miles, and was allotted for two days march. The snow in the woods was deeper than expected, and made the traveling laborious for the leading men of the file, while those who followed after had a pretty firm 26 BUFUS PUTNAM. path. The second day of the march was in a snow storm ; nevertheless, they bore manfully on, directing their course for Hoosack river, which was to be their guide to the fort; but during the snow storm they became bewildered, and fall- ing on a westerly branch, instead of the main stream, it led them far out of their course, and at night they encamped without reaching their desired haven. Two turkeys were killed during the day, which aided their scanty stock of food. On the third day's march, they decamped very early, confi- dent of reaching the fort before noon, but mid-day passed by, and the night arrived without the sight of it. One tur- key was killed, and the camp formed with heavy hearts; which was done by kindling fires against a fallen tree, and lying down on the snow with their blankets, in the open air. Their provision was now nearly spent, and they were led, reluctantly, to believe, that they were actually lost in the woods. Several of the men, from the extreme severity of the weather, had frozen their feet ; and one had lost a snow shoe by breaking through the ice. On the fourth day the march was continued up the stream until noon, when they concluded to alter their course. This branch of the Hoosack, it seems, led up into the Xew Hampshire grants, afterward Vermont, where the town of Bennington was subsequently built. The direction of the march, by the advice of Capt. Learned, was now about south-east, over a hilly broken region, and the sun wont down as they reached the top of a high mountain, which appeared to be the water shed, or dividing ridge between the streams which fell into the Hudson and Connecticut rivers. The weather was excessively cold, and the snow five feet deep. On the morning of the fifth day, after a very uncomfortable night, thirty of the men, IMr. Putnam being one of them, breakfasted on a small turkey, without salt or bread. After traveling about five miles thev fell on a KUFUS PUTNAM. 27 small branch, running south-cast, down which they followed until several tributaries had enlarged it, by night, to a con- siderable river. All this day they had no food but the buds of the beech trees, and a few bush cranberries. At night they encamped, weary and faint, but not disheartened. The sixth day's march was continued along the course of the river discovered the day before, which none of them knew the name of, in a broken, hilly region, not very favor- able to the point of compass they wished to follow. The weather was cold and stormy, while the men were so feeble and lame from frozen feet, that only a few were able to lead the trail, and break the path in the snow. By march- ing on the frozen river, the lame men found a smooth path, or it is probable some of them would have perished. At night they encamped by tens in a mess. As it happened they had with them one dog, and only one. He was large and fat. At night it was concluded to kill him for supper. This was done, and his body divided into seven portions, or one part to every ten men, the entrails falling to the butcher as his fee; and as he belonged to Mr. Putnam's mess, they made their supper on the fat. On the morning of the sev- enth day, his men breakfasted on one of the feet, and a hind leg cut off at the gambrel joint, which being pounded and roasted in the embers, so as to separate the bones of the foot, made quite a palatable viand to a hungry stomach. That day the party confined their march to the river, and about noon came to a spot where some trees had been recently cut for some shingles. This was the first sign of inhabitants they had seen, and it revived their drooping spirits. At sunset one of the men noticed a small stream putting in on the left bank, which he recognized as Pelham brook, and that Hawk's fort, on Decrfield river, was not more than three miles distant. This latter river is a branch of the Connecticut. 28 RUFUS PUTNAM. Their leader now ordered two men to go forward to the fort, and make provision for the arrival of the party in the morning, which was a wise measure, and directed the most active men to make fires for the more feeble and lame ones, as they came up, which happily they all did by dark. That night Putnam's mess supped on the thigh bone of the dog, made into soup, with a small bit of pork and a little ginger, which made a very palatable dish. \Vith respect to the flesh of a dog, he observes, "since the experience of that day, I have believed it to be very good meat, and could cat it at any time without disgust." This goes to confirm the experience of Lewis and Clark's men in their journey over the Rocky mountains, who lived on it for weeks, and pre- ferred it to any other meat. On the eighth day's march, which was the 10th of Feb- ruary, early in the forenoon, they met some men from the fort, coming to their relief with slices of bread and meat, to appease their appetites and enable them to reach the post, where they were received with great kindness. Many of the men were badly frozen, and nearly exhausted with hunger. As a proof of the vigor of his frame, Mr. Putnam carried the pack of a sick man in addition to his own, and was always one of the leaders in breaking the path ; although he felt the cravings of hunger, yet never failed in vigor or activity. One cause of this he attributes to the use of a litlle honey, which one of his mess had in a bottle, about a pound weight. Into this limin] battle, each man dipped the end of a rod and put to his mouth, and not like Jonathan into a Ji'itinj cnmb. On the Ifith of February, he arrived at his former home, very thankful for his preservation amidst so many dangers. Cap!, [.earned was much censured for his conduct, and was not again commissioned during the war. After pas/ing the remainder of the winter at home, and KUFUS PUTNAM. 29 forgetting the sufferings of the last campaign, he again enlisted in the provincial service, for another tour of duty, in Capt. Joseph Whitcomb's company, and Col. Rug- gles' regiment. The war, thus far, had been a continued scene of disasters, and disgrace to the crown; one anny after another had been defeated or captured, and the French were in a fair way of overrunning the British possessions in America; and although the number of inhabitants in the Canadas was not more than one quarter as great as that of the colonies, yet their military commanders were much more able and energetic than the British, and carried con- quest and victory wherever they turned their arms. The regiment to which he was attached, rendezvoused at Northampton, in Massachusetts, and marched for Albany on the 3d of June. On the Gth, they passed Pantoosac fort, a small post on the Hoosack river, then within the boundaries of the province of Massachusetts. This was the station that Capt. Learned expected to reach on the second day after his unmilitary and disastrous desertion of his post at Stillwater, on the 2d of February. On the 8th, the regiment arrived at Grcenbush, opposite to Albany. " From Northampton street to this place was through a wilderness, with but one house in the whole distance, except the little fort above mentioned." This was in the year 1758 ; since that time vast changes have taken place in this region, and the railroad, in a few hours, would transport the whole regiment over the distance which occupied live days of steady marching. On the 12th of June, he was detached with about eighty other artisans from the regiment under Lieut. Pool, and ordered on to the head of Lake George to erect works, in advance of the army. On the 5th of July, the troops being, assembled, embarked in batteaux. amounting to seventeen thousand men, under the command of Gen. Abercrombie, 30 KUFUS PUTNAM. Lord Howe, the second in command, Gen. Gage, the third, and Col. Bradstreet, quarter-master-gencral. The com- mander-in-chief was an old man, and entirely unfit for the post, as was proved by the result of the campaign. The army had but little respect for his abilities; while on the contrary, Lord Howe was their idol, and in him they placed their utmost confidence. He was remarkably easy and affable in his manners, mixing familiarly with the mechan- ics and common soldiers, inquiring into their condition and wants, displaying a real interest in their welfare, very different from those generally in high authority. This won the regard of the troops, and they would undergo any sac- rifice at his bidding. Gen. Gage never acquired much rep- utation as a commander, and the furious Bradstreet was hated by all the army. The batteaux moved down the lake until evening, when the troops landed at Sabbath- day Point for refreshment, and then rowed all night. On the Cth they disembarked at the northern extremity of Lake George, in two divisions, one on each side of the outlet. On the approach of the division on the right bank, a detachment of the enemy stationed there, retired without firing a gun. That division of the army on the left bank, was under the command of Lord Howe, and on its advance was met by a skirmishing party of the French, who, very unfortunately for the British, killed Lord Howe in the early part of the engagement. His death struck a damp on the spirits of the whole army, and no doubt had an influence in causing the defeat which followed. Mr. Putnam was left in charge of the boats, but soon volunteered his service in the attack on the works, and joined his regiment, which was posled with Col. Ly man's, of Connecticut, on the west of the mills, and was busily employed in erecting a breast- work. The attack on the fort at Ticonderoga, began at twelve o'clock, and was continued without intermission for RUFUS PUTNAM. 31 several hours, without making any impression. At length the ammunition of the regular troops was exhausted, and a call was made on the Provincials to forward them a sup- ply. Mr. Putnam again volunteered in this service, \\hen they approached the scene of action, they found that the attacked troops had been effectually repulsed in their attempt to storm the enemy's lines, but did not consider it a total defeat, as it finally proved to be. Col. liugglcs-' regiment remained in their breast-work until midnight unmolested, and then retreated to the shore of the lake, where they had landed on the 6th. On the morning of the 9th, Ruggles found his regiment in the rear of the army, which had retreated in the night, leaving them with the Rangers of the other regiment of Provincials near the French lines. In the forenoon of that day, all the troops embarked and returned to the south end of the lake, closing Gen. Abercrombie's expedition, which commenced with such high hopes, under a cloud of disgrace, and a loss of fifteen hundred men, in killed and wounded. Ticonderoga fort was protected on three of its sides by water, and on the other for some distance in front extended a morass; the remainder w r as fortified with a breast-work, eight feet high, and planted with artillery. In addition to which the ground for one hundred yards in front, was covered with abatis. After reconnoitering the works, the engineer sent on this important duty, was so stupid as to report to the commander that they might be carried by musketry. The difficulty of advancing artillery over the morass and broken ground in front, led to the adopting of this fatal advice, and the defeat of the army. The post was defended by about four thou- sand men, and although their actual assailants amounted to twelve or fifteen thousand, and the attack lasted for more than four hours, yet they could make no impression on the garrison. The loss must have been greater than actually 32 RUFUS PUTNAM. estimated, as twenty-five hundred stands of arms were picked up by the French. Mr. Putnam remarks that " when he subsequently became acquainted with the strength of the works and the mode of attack, he considered it the most injudicious and wanton sacrifice of men, that ever came within his knowledge or reading." Nothing farther of an offensive nature was attempted in that quarter, by Abercrombie, this season. A fort was com- menced 011 the ground occupied by the fortified camp of the Provincials, in 1757, during the siege and capture of Fort William Henry, which was called Fort George, and stood half a mile east of that unfortunate garrison. On the 22d of July, the regiment to which he belonged was ordered to Fort Edward, and the men employed in repairing the roads from that post to Albany, until the 29th of October, when they were discharged. On the 9th of November, he arrived at Sutton, his native place, where he passed the winter. On this campaign, in after life, he has these remarks : " Tims was I carried through a second campaign, enjoy ing uninterrupted health, the friend- ship of my officers, and never charged with a fault. But, alas ! in my journal, I cannot find any acknowledgment to my divine Benefactor and Preserver, nor do I recollect that 1 had any serious reflections on the subject." This is in accor- dance with the natural heart, but when it becomes touched with the influences of the Holy Spirit, it is ready and wil- ling to acknowledge its obligations to its rightful Lord and Benefactor. On the 2d of April, 1759, he decided on again entering the military service, and enlisted into Capt. John Fibley's com- pany, as a substitute for Moses Leland, who had been drafted into the army, but did not wish to serve. For this enlistment he received fourteen pounds, thirteen shillings, Massachusetts currency, or forty-five dollars, fifty cents. The original receipt RUPUS PUTNAM. 33 yet remains in the Leland family. He was finally transferred to Capt. William Page's company, of Ilardvvick, in the bat- talion of Lieut. Col. Ingersol, in Col. Ruggles' regiment ; and was now advanced to the post of orderly sergeant; marching with the army by the old route, to the south end of Lake George. On the 21st of July, they embarked in batteaux under thr- command of Gen. Amherst, " a sagacious, humane and ex- perienced commander." Mr. Putnam notices his kindness and attention to the welfare of the common soldiers, as highly commendable. On the 22d, they landed at the outlet of the lake, in nearly the same numbers, as of last year, without meeting with any opposition. The following day they took possession of the breastworks, where they were so signally repulsed the year before, with little opposition, and thinks the loss of so many lives in the previous attack, attributable to the rashness of Col. Bradstreet. On the 24th, they began to open their trenches for a regular siege and bombardment of Fort Ticonderoga. This was a regu- lar, strongly built, stone fort, erected by the French in 1756. and capable of resisting any common attack. The French had kept up a regular discharge of artillery, since the 23d. while their enemies were erecting their works for the batte- ries. That night, before any serious attack had been made, the garrison silently evacuated the fort, and embarked on the lake for Crown Point, a strong post, ten or twelve miles lower down on the west side of Lake Champlain. About three o 'clock in the morning of the 27th the fort blew up. with a tremendous explosion. The French did not make any resistance at Crown Point, but proceeded on down the lake to Montreal. The cause of their sudden desertion of these strong posts, was the news of General Wolf's approach to Quebec, so that no aid could be sent them from below ; and rather than be captured they abandoned their positions. 3 34 RUtf US PUTNAM. Thus terminated the third campaign, in which Mr. Putnam had been engaged, with the total demolition of the French power on the lakes George and Champlain, leading to their final expulsion from North America. This was a glorious conquest for the British arms, in which the Provincials shared largely ; but the greater good to them was the check it gave to the incursions of the savages, who for more than a century had invaded their frontier, assisted and encouraged with supplies of arms and ammunition from the French, plundering, murdering, and carrying into captivity their exposed inhabitants, from Maine to Pennsylvania. As the army was about to leave Ticonderoga in pursuit, greatly to his disappointment and vexation, he was ordered by the brigadier-general to remain and superintend the building of a saw-mill, at the lower falls on the outlet of Lake George, where it debouches into a bay of Lake Cham- plain. After the mills were completed, he obtained a pass to go to Crown Point, where his regiment then lay. When he arrived there, instead of going into the lines, he was or- dered by Maj. Skene, the superintendent of the works then building for the enlargement of the garrison, to labor as a carpenter on the block-houses, promising him the full wages for such work. After a few days he was ordered back to oversee the operations of the saw-mills, and retained until the 1st of December, some months after the discharge of his regiment. The engineer of the army, whose name is not given, when he was finally discharged, would not allow him the dollar a day as had been promised by Col. Robin- son, the quartermaster-general, but turned him off with fifteen pence, the pay of a private soldier ; putting, no doubt, the extra pay justly due him into his own pocket. On the 1st, in company with Col. Miller, Capt. T.ite and others, eleven in number, he embarked on Lake George, to go up to the southerly end, in two batteaux. Expecting to RUFUS PUTNAM. 35 reach Fort George the next day, they took but little pro- vision. But the wind failing them, they passed the night four miles north of Sabbath-day Point, a noted head-land. On the 2d, the wind arose to a perfect storm, with intense cold, so that they were confined to the shore, and could not move at all. On the 3d, their provisions were expended. The wind and cold continued, and their situation was be- coming alarming ; but in rambling along the shore one of the men found an old provision bag, with about a dozen pounds of salted pork, which, with some damaged flour, brought by Col. Miller to feed two horses he had on board, made into dumplings, served well for that day. The 4th day was calm and they again embarked, but one of the boats being leaky, the ice formed so thick and heavy in it, that it was abandoned and the whole party entered the single boat. This additional burthen loaded her down within two or three inches of the top of her sides, and the least agitation of the water would have filled her. But, providentially, it remained calm all day, and they reached the fort at sunset without any accident. From thence he returned to Brookfield, in Massachusetts, on the 16th of December. Disgusted with the treatment he had received in the ser- vice, in removing him from the duties of an orderly sergeant and placing him among the artisans, without any extra pay for his labor, he concluded not to engage any further in the army. The post of orderly sergeant is well calculated to improve the soldier in a knowledge of military duty, which appears to have been his object and aim that he might finally be promoted. It was a good school to prepare him by these trials, for the life intended for him by Providence. Beginning thus in the ranks, when he finally became a commander, he knew well what to require from the private soldier. Nearly all the famous marshals of Napoleon rose to this distin- guished honor from privates, solely by their merit. He seems 36 EUFUS PUTNAM. early to have acquired the respect and confidence of those under his command, and several anecdotes are related of their implicit obedience to his orders. The winter of 1759 was passed in New Braintree, working on a small farm of fifty acres, which he had purchased from the avails of his wages and bounty. In March, 1760, orders were issued by the Provincial Gov- ernment to raise troops for another campaign. At the first muster of the militia he enrolled himself in the company of that town, and was by Capt. Page, presented with recruiting orders from Col. Ruggles. His well known character for bravery and soldierly conduct, enabled him to recruit very successfully. While occupied in this service he received a commission as ensign, in Col. Willard's regiment, Ruggles having been promoted to a brigadier. On the 2d of June he left recruiting and set out for the army, taking with him one of the men as a waiter, and joined his company, which had marched some time previous, under Capt. Thomas Be- man, at Ticonderoga, on the 18th. Here he found four com- panies of Provincials. His own was stationed at the land- ing on the outlet of Lake George, where they remained to the end of the campaign, and he was thus deprived of the honor of partaking in the fatigues of the siege and capture of the garrison at Isle au Noix, which opened the way for the junction of the three British armies before Montreal, and caused its surrender on the 8th of September, thus com- pleting the conquest of Canada. On the 19th of November his company was discharged at Ticonderoga, and on the 20th they crossed Lake Champlain, and began their march through the wilderness, by way of Otter creek, to Number Four, on the Connecticut river, a place often noticed in the early history of the country, and distant eighty miles from the lake ; which place they reached on the 25th. On the 1st of December he arrived at his home in New Braintree. KUFUS PUTNAM. 37 In 1761, there being no further call for military service, he resumed his old employment of building milla and farming, which he followed for seven or eight years. After which time, to the period of the Revolution, he was engaged in prac- tical surveying for the neighboring landholders in that and the adjacent towns. This art he acquired under the direction of Col. Timothy Dwight, of Northampton, the father of Presi- dent Dwight, of Yale College. The book chiefly, and perhaps only studied, was Love's Art of Surveying, printed in Lon- don in 17G8, and now in the family. He was one of the best writers on that subject. Geometry was acquired from the same source, to which he also added the study of navi- gation. His own natural mechanical cast of mind, and habits of close observation, soon enabled him to practice the art of surveying with great accuracy and deserved credit. Mr. Putnam was a practical, matter-of-fact man, in whatever branch he engaged. First a mill-wright, then a soldier, next a surveyor, and finally an engineer; the principles of all which he acquired from a very few books, with but little in- struction, and intent, close study of the subject before him. When a soldier, he stored his mind with military maxims, and a strict observance of discipline, which enabled him in after life to win the approbation of his superiors, and the love and good will of his equals, as well as of all under his charge. In April, 1761, he was married to Miss Elizabeth Ayers, daughter of William Ayers, Esq., of Brookfield, an exten- sive landholder, and one of the first families in the place. In November following his wife died in childbed, leaving to the sorrowing father a little son, which God in his providence saw fit also to remove the following year. Nevertheless he bore these privations without murmuring against his Maker, and was enabled to ascribe righteousness to the Lord. In January. 1765, he was again married to Miss Pcivis 38 RUFUS PUTNA.M. Rice, daughter of Zebulon Rice, of Westborough, Massachu- setts, with whom he lived in great harmony and happiness more than fifty-five years, and raised a numerous family of children. After this marriage he settled in the north parish of Brookfield, on a small farm of fifty acres, where his family resided during the war, until the year 1780, when he pur- chased a large farm and capacious dwelling-house in the town of Rutland. It was one of those confiscated estates belonging to the Tories, who had deserted their country and joined in league with the enemy for the subjugation of the Whigs. However we may now consider the justice of the policy pursued by our forefathers in those turbulent days, there is no doubt they considered it strictly honest and right to devote to the use of the country, the property of those who had thus unnaturally deserted the land which gave them birth; and turned their hands, like parricides, against their own fathers and brothers. Many enormities were then prac- ticed by the Whigs as well as the Tories, under the excitement of party feelings, which time, and a more cool consideration of right and wrong, leads us to condemn. In the year 1772, Gen. Lyman, one of the Provincial officers, returned from England, where he had been detained several years, in soliciting the British government for a grant of land to the colonial officers and soldiers, who had served in the late war against France. Soon after this, a meeting of the adventurers was notified to be held at Hart- ford, Connecticut, the same year. At this meeting the general informed them that an order was passed by the king in council, authorizing the governor of W T est Florida to grant lands in that province in the same proportion and manner as given to his majesty's regular troops. Soon after the war was closed, in the year 1763, three new gov- ernments, or provinces, were established in their newly acquired American possessions, called by the names of RUFUS PUTNAM. 39 Quebec, East Florida and West Florida; and an order was passed by the king and council, giving to the British troops engaged in the war, grants of land in these provinces; and the governors were ordered to make the donations in the following proportions, of any unoccupied tracts, viz.: To a person of the rank of a field officer, five thousand acres; to a captain, three thousand acres; to a subaltern or staff officer, two thousand acres ; to a non-commissioned officer, two hundred acres; and to a private man, fifty acres. The same was also granted to the officers and men in the navy; but nothing was said of any grant to the Provincial officers and soldiers, many of whom had served during the whole war, and were as justly entitled to the benefit as the regular troops. But the crown seems always to have felt a coldness and want of regard for the interests of the colonists ; treating them much more like menials and aliens than real subjects and children of the realm. One reason of this might have been their great distance from home, and the consideration of their dissenting and Puritan principles, no way in accordance with the established religion of the king- dom. It was with reluctance that the promise was made to Gen. Lyman, or they would not have been so long in grant- ing it, and even then he brought no written document to substantiate the grant ; but his word was so far credited that the. meeting resolved to explore the lands, and appointed a committee for that purpose, of which Mr. Putnam was one. On the 10th of December he left home on the mission to Florida, passing through Brookline. Connecticut, to accom- pany Col. Israel Putnam, who was another of the exploring committee. They took shipping at Norwich, and arrived at New York on the 20th of the month. The 10th of January. 1773, they sailed from the city on board the sloop Missis- sippi, chartered by the associates of The Military Company 40 RTJFUS PUTNAM. of Adventurers, as the company was styled. The exploring committee consisted of Col. Israel Putnam, Capt. Enos, Mr. Thaddeus Lyman and Rufus Putnam, accompanied by Dan- iel Putnam, a son of the colonel, and a hired man. On the 30th of January they arrived at Cape JNichola Mole, a port in the north-west part of the island of Hispaniola. The harbor is an open bay, exposed to the north winds. The town contained about three hundred houses, situated in a mountainous portion of the island, with no plantations near it. He gives no particulars of the voyage, from the effects of sea sickness. Leaving the port, they sailed to Montego bay, on the north side of Jamaica; and the 9th took their departure for the bay of Pensacola, steering a westerly course. On the llth Mr. Putnam took an observa- tion of the latitude, and found it to be 19 10' north. On the 12th, at night, they narrowly escaped shipwreck, by run- ning on to a low sandy island, called the Grand Command- ers. On the 18th, doubled Cape Antonio, the west end of Cuba, and steered north-west. From the 21st to the 25th, the weather was very stormy, and on the latter day extremely cold for this climate ; and when he returned to New England, found that this day was called " the cold Tuesday," showing the extensive range of this great depression of temperature. On the 28th they had soundings at forty -five fathoms, and soon after the first land made was their desired port, which was rather extraordinary after such tempestuous weather. On the 1st of March they entered the bay of Pensacola, and anchored at some distance from the town, the water being very shoal, and landed from their boat. Gov. Chester and his council treated them very kindly, but no order for granting lands to the Provincials had yet arrived. This was a discouraging circumstance, but the hope that it might yet arrive, and a proposal being made of granting lands to the company on terms already within the governor's power, RUFUS PUTNAM. 41 induced the committee to decide on proceeding to reconnoi- ter the country on the Mississippi, and make such surveys as they thought proper. For this purpose Mr. Putnam was commissioned by Gov. Chester, as a deputy surveyor of the province of West Florida, which commission is now in the possession of his son. The town of Pensacola, he says, contained about one hundred and fifty houses ; and the country around, when viewed from the top of the state- house, is covered with a pitch pine forest. The surface of the earth is a white sand, and a few miles back bears a scanty supply of scrubby oaks, walnut and sassafras. On the 18th of March they left the bay of Pensacola, and steered for the mouth of the Mississippi. As they approached the father of American rivers, the broad surface of turbid, clay-colored, fresh water, floating for many leagues on the top of the salt water, led them to think they were running on to a sandy beach. However, they soon discovered their mistake, and continued their course into the clay-colored water. The surface was fresh for several feet down, but on sinking the bucket beyond a certain depth it brought up salt water. On the 20th of March, at five o'clock, P. M., the sloop anchored just off the mouth of the river, with the block-house, on Mud island, bearing north-west. In the night a gale from the north drove the .sloop from her anchorage, and she did not regain her position under twenty-four hours. Soon after a Spanish schooner anchored near them, and sent her boat on board asking for provisions. They stated that forty days ago, they were lying at anchor near where the sloop now lay, when a north wind drove them to sea as far as the bay of Campeche. and they had not been able to regain their lost ground until now. On this he remarks, " How different our fortune ! In the passage from Cape St. Antonio to Pensacola, in crossing the same bay, we had to conflict with storms and contrary winds for 42 RUFUS PUTNAM. five days, lying at the mercy of the currents to carry us we knew not whither ; yet Providence conducted us directly to our desired port!" Thus acknowledging the kindness of that God in whom he trusted all the days of his life. On the 22d of March they entered the Mississippi river, and proceeded up about ten miles from the mud bank at the mouth of the ship channel, called the French Balize. On the bar they found twelve feet of water. Here they were wind-bound for several days, and Mr. Putnam occupied the time in surveying the delta at the mouth, with the several outlets. As it will be very interesting to compare this survey with the present condition of the delta, and see the encroach- ment it has made on the gulf in the period of seventy- three years, which is doubtless very great, a plan of that survey is annexed, copied from the one made by Mr. Putnam, and preserved among his manuscripts relating to that explora- tion. There is also a plan of the Mississippi, as high up as they ascended, taken by measurement of each day's progress, and the meanders of the river. His well known accuracy in surveys of this kind, would make his old sketches a valuable acquisition to science, to show the changes that have taken place in this ever wandering stream. On the 26th they passed the first plantation, thirty-five miles from the mouth, on the left bank. On the 28th, passed the plantation of Mons. de la Loira, about sixty-five miles above the mouth, which in the largest yet seen, and contained three hundred and twenty acres, French measure, and sixteen negro slaves. This man, while under the French govern- ment, valued his possession at twelve thousand pounds ; but now. under the Spanish rule, was not worth more than one- third of that sum. lie was seventy-two years old, and said he was the first man born in Louisiana. He also stated that Ihe river at that place never rose or fell over eight feet, and commonly only Jive or six feet, but that higher up it was RUFUS PUTNAM. 43 different. Mr. Putnam observed that the French inhabitants looked as healthy in this settlement as the people of the northern colonies. On the 30th of March, they passed the English reach, and came to against a high bank, three miles below New Orleans, where they found several English and other vessels, waiting for trade ; not being allowed by the Spaniards to lie at, or opposite the town. In coming up he took the courses and estimated the distances, making from the mud bank at the mouth, eighty-five and three-fourth miles to the English reach, and from thence fourteen miles to New Orleans, which, added together, make ninety-nine and three-fourth miles. Thus far, he says, the river was about half a mile wide, with a gentle current. With the wind in a southerly quarter, a vessel could make the passage to Eng- lish reach in a short time. At this point the river was seven hundred and fifteen yards wide, and seventy fathoms deep. On the 8th of April, the captain of the sloop refused to pro- ceed any further up the river, and the committee embarked in a small bateau; making use of oars, and a sail when the wind was favorable. He still continued, as they proceeded, every day, to take the courses and distances as before. On the llth, they reached the Acadia settlement, seventy-one miles above New Orleans. It was composed of the inhabit- ants of Nova Scotia, removed to this place by the English in 1754, on the conquest of that country. They passed one day with the Acadians, and were treated hospitably. On the 13th, passed an Indian village of twenty warriors. On the 15th, they passed the river Iberville, so called in the treaty of 17G3, at the head of the island of Orleans; and is one hundred, eighteen and a half miles from the town of New Orleans. It is a small outlet of the Mississippi, and was dry at the time of their passage. In high water it fills, and runs eastward, discharging its waters, with the river Amite, into the lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain, forming the island of 44 RUFUS PUTNAM. Orleans. This outlet was subsequently called Bayou Man- chac. On the island side of the outlet was a Spanish garrison, with an officer and ten men. On the English side, called Manchac, was a small village, with good gardens, but no soldiers. A mile and a half above, was a village of Ala- bama Indians, on the left bank. On the 18th they passed Baton Rouge, fourteen miles above Manchac. On the 19th, came to the fort and church of Point Coupee, a French set- tlement, extending about seven leagues on the river, and said to be as old, or older than New Orleans. On the 20th, passed a village of the Tonica Indians, of about forty huts. On the 22d passed the outlet of the Opelousas, which flows into the Gulf of Mexico ; at that time it was about forty perches wide, and by Mr. Putnam's measurement, three hundred, fif- teen and a half miles from the balize, or mouth of the river, and ninety-seven and a quarter above the Iberville, or head of the island of Orleans. The mouth of the Red river was then three miles above the outlet of Opelousas, and ap- parently about two hundred yards wide. On the 23d, passed Loftus' Heights, now Fort Adams. The next day, a few miles above the mouth of the Homochitto creek, they coasted a curious bend in the river, of eleven and a half miles, wliich at the isthmus or neck was only forty-seven yards across ; and by a water level he ascertained the fall in the river to be two and a half feet in that distance. Their average progress against the stream was from twelve to fourteen miles a day. On the 26th, they arrived at Fort Rosalia, at the Natches, and half a mile below, he notes, " is the first gravel stones we have seen on the shores of the river." Fort Rosalia, or rather its ruins, was seated on the margin of an elevated plain or bluff, nearly eighty perches from the river, and was approached by a winding road, not difficult of ascent. It was a regular heptagon, capable of containing four or five hundred men, built by the French in 1714. The English, BUFUS PUTNAM. 45 after the peace of 17G3, kept a garrison here until about four years before this visit; since which the barracks and out- buildings were burnt by the Indians in a drunken frolic. Here he took the latitude of the place with one of Davis' quadrants, and made the fort to be in latitude 31 deg. 50 rnin. N., and the variation of the needle 5 deg. E. The lands for several miles adjacent, appeared to be old, \vorn-out, Indian planting grounds. The buildings were only one trader's hut, near the old fort. How vast the changes since that period ! no appearance of civilized man but one solitary trader's hut, where the large and flourishing town of Natchez now stands. It had formerly been populated with a numerous tribe of In- dians, who more nearly approached the Mexicans in civiliza- tion, at the time of the conquest, than any other tribe in North America, but they were totally exterminated by the French about the year 1729. On the 27th, the party visited a small settlement on Catharine's creek, three miles from the river, and were informed that on Homochitto creek, about twenty miles distant, were a number of settlers. They had now ascended the river by Mr. Putnam's esti- mate, three hundred and eighty-eight miles, and in all that distance had seen no spring, or creek water, fit to drink. On the 28th they left the Natchez, and on the 3d of May, arrived at the mouth of Bine river, or Stone creek, forty-six and a half miles above. About eight miles below is the Petit gulf, where now is the village of Rodney. The river is bounded for nearly a mile by a solid rock, at an angle of forty-five degrees, and about three hundred feet high. All the valua- ble lands on the Mississippi, below Bine river, having been already located, they here commenced their reconnoissance of the country on the left bank, or east side of the river, for a tract of land suitable for farming. They ascended Stony creek in their boat, seventeen miles to the forks. The lands on the left side were low and subject to the river floods, and 46 RUFUS PUTNAM. on the right broken, with soil rather thin and gravelly. About one hundred rods below the forks, they marked a tree, for the commencement of the location. On the 5th, they retiirned down the creek to the Mississippi. The town of Gibsonport now stands on this creek, which is known by thfl name of Bayou Pierre, and is in the midst of a rich, cotton growing country. The same day they ascended the river to Grand gulf, to the residence of Thomas James, an Indian trader. The following day he engaged a Choctaw Indian to accompany them as a guide, and also to notify the Indians they might meet in the woods, who they were. Three miles above Mr. James' station, was the mouth of the La Four- chetto, or Big Black river. At this point two of the committee, with the Indian guide, left the boat, and proceeded across the country to the Walnut hills, while the others in the boat pro- ceeded on to that place by water. The distance from Big Black, was estimated to be fifty-five and a half miles, and the boat reached there on the 8th of May. On the way up passed several high, handsome bottoms, as well as some that were flooded in high water. Here they met the party by land, who reported that their route was over a flat country, with some cypress swamps, and cane brakes so thick that it was impossible to explore any distance from the path. On this camping ground is now located the commercial and thriving town of Vicksburg, the second for population and business in the state, and will probably soon be the first. On the 9th, they proceeded on to the mouth of the Yazoo river, the same two gentlemen going by land as on the 6th, for the pur- pose of exploring the high grounds on this river, distance seventeen and a half miles. On the 10th, the boat ascended the Yazoo river nine miles to a high land, said to have been formerly a French post, where they met their companions, who had traversed the woods, at a fine spring, issuing from under the rocks. KUFUS PUTNAM. 47 By calculation Mr. Putnam ascertained that they were now north of the provincial line of West Florida, which was further confirmed by the angry looks of several Indians, who had met them there, and disapproved of their visit; this induced them to return without further examination. The Yazoo, he says, is about twenty-five perches wide, a dead stream, abounding in alligators. The Mississippi in floods, backs high up this river. They descended that day six miles, and encamped. It was intended by Mr. Lyman and Col. Israel Putnam, to have gone by the Chickasaw path from Yazoo, across the country, to Big Black river, but their Indian guide refused to pilot them. From the llth to the 13th, they explored the lands on the left bank, or south side of the Yazoo, and on the latter day Col. Putnam, Mr. Ly- man and M. Putnam set out by land, to explore more care- fully the ridge of high land stretching from the old French post to Walnut Hills. They traveled as near the hills as possible, on account of the cane brakes, discovered several small streams issuing from the high grounds, and found the soil very rich. " In the afternoon they were taken up by a mighty cane brake. Here Col. Putnam climbed a tree, and saw high land about one hundred rods distant, which we were two hours in gaining, on account of the difficulty of getting through the cane." At this place, Mr. Putnam mounted a tree, and had a fine prospect of the country. The lands from the north-east round to the south, appeared hilly, but not mountainous or very broken. They descended part way down the hill, and encamped by a fine spring. This mount of vision must have been in the north-west por- tion of what is now Warren county, fifteen or twenty miles north of Vicksburg, in the midst of the present rich cotton plantations. On the 14th, they came, by a zigzag course, through the flat lands to then- boat, which had descended to within one mile of the Walnut hills. This region was 48 RUFUS PUTNAM. much injured by ponds, cypress swamps and overflowings of the river. The cane was chiefly confined to the uplands. On the 15th, Mr. Putnam and Lyman ascended to the top of the hills, where the former climbed two trees, and found the country still rising toward the north, and toward the east and south-east, soil rich, and covered with cane on the highest ridges, which extended over on to Big Black. Some miles above the mouth, near the foot of the hills, are some cypress swamps and dead water, but no brooks or running streams. Having completed the exploration in that quar- ter, they dropped down the river, landing several times to examine the bottom lands. They had intended to send a part of the committee by land, across the bend of the Mis- sissippi above the mouth of Big Black, but were told it was impassable by reason of ponds and swamps. On the 16th of May the}- returned down the river to Mr. James' station, who spoke the Indian language, and through him their guide in- formed them, that on the Yazoo, he met two of his chiefs, Chickasaws, who were opposed to the whites exploring any of the country above the Big Black, and that was the reason why he had refused to pilot them from the Yazoo to that river. The following day, Col. Putnam, Mr. Lyman, and Mr. Putnam commenced a further survey of the lands on the Big Black, in reference to a location. They found this stream from six to eight rods wide, and ascended it twenty - five miles, with the boat, to a rocky rapid, over which the water falls about a foot, and is a good mill scat. They saw much fine land on and near the creek, with several springs of water; on the left bank, it was hilly, but rich land. On the 20th, they returned again to Mr. James', and there found Capt. George, a Chickasaw chief, waiting to see them. He showed them his commission from Gov. Chester, in which he is called Mingo Oumee, or Snake head. He informed them, that at a congress of his people, it had been decided BUFUS PUTNAM. 49 that no whites should settle on the Yazoo, but that they might do so on the Big Black, but not higher up the Missis- sippi. The Chickasaws have their towns on the Yazoo, and the Choctaws east of them. On the 21st they left the Indian traders' post, on their return down the river, and on the 24th of May reached the Natchez, where Mr. Putnam again took the latitude, and found it as before, to be 31 deg. and 15 min. N., and by an observation at sunsetting, found the variation of the needle to be 5 deg. and 30 min. E. Here they were told that the country on the heads of the Homo- chitto, now in Franklin county, Mississippi, were hilly, much broken, and badly watered ; therefore they did not explore that region, as formerly intended. On the 2d of June, arrived at Manchac, being delayed by explorations of the country at various points on the left bank of the river. A description of the region examined, is given by Mr. Putnam with minuteness. The climate in winter is so temperate, that cattle need no fodder, but live abroad all the season in the woods, and yet the summer heat is by no means great. The intervals or bottoms he describes as very rich, but subject to be overflowed, and in- terspersed with ponds and cypress swamps, which will be difficult to drain. That the uplands back of the bottoms, are rich, but broken, and from several views taken from the tops of trees, continue so for several miles into the country. The soil rather thin, but rich, based on clay; the under- growth cane. The timber hickory, and oaks of various kinds ; while on the bottoms he found locust, willow, cotton- wood, copalm?, ash, mulberry, the royal magnolia, or high laurel, with cypress in abundance. As to the streams of water, he saw but few small ones, and none suitable for mills ; and the only mill-seat he saw or heard of, was on the Big Black. The feathered race consists of some turkeys, plenty of ducks, and in winter, geese and wood pigeons (columba 4 50 RUFUS PUTNAM. migratoria.) The wild game were deer and bears chiefly. Reptiles not abundant, and those he saw, harmless. Fish of various kinds were plenty in the rivers, the chief of which were catfish and sheep's-head. Alligators swarmed in the Mississippi, and w r ere found in all the streams they visited. On the 3d of June they met the sloop, which brought them out three leagues below Manchac, and were detained until the 9th, by Mr. Ladle, the supercargo, in taking in lading. On the 12th, came to, at four miles above New Orleans, and remained until the 28th, repairing the vessel. On Thurs- day, the 1st of July, at 4 P. M., they passed the Balize, and sailed for Pensacola, but on account of head winds, did not arrive there until the morning of the 5th. On the Gth, the committee waited on the governor, who informed them that he had received letters from England by way of Jamaica, since their absence, but nothing further re- lating to a grant of lands to the Provincials. The following day they presented a petition to Gov. Chester and council, with a plan of the townships they proposed to locate ; but so many objections were made to it, that the decision of the matter was laid over to the 9th. In the meantime, the sur- veyor-general requested Mr. Putnam to make out a new draft of the proposed townships. On that day the council presented the committee with their decision as to the lands, which limited the time of their taking actual possession, to the 1st of March, 1774. They appealed to the governor for an extension of the time, but without success. On the llth, they left the town of Pensacola, and fell down to Rose island, from which place, on advice from Mr. Jones, one of the council, Col. Putnam and Mr. Lyman went up to town, to engage Mr. Livingston, the secretary, to make one more effort in council, for lengthening the time, but the result is not recorded. Owing to head winds, they did not sail until the 15th of RUFUS PUTNAM. 51 July. The latitude as observed that day was 29 deg. 11 min. N. From thence to the 22d, he kept a regular journal of the progress of the voyage, giving the daily latitude, currents, &c., with the tact of an old navigator. On that day, he was so prostrated by sea-sickness, that the observations are omitted until the 6th of August, when they arrived at New York. Frora thence he returned down the sound to Nor- wich, and from thence by land, to his home in Brookfield, having been absent over eight months. As to the result of this exploration, he says, " So favorable was the report of the committee, as to the quality of the land, climate, &c., and moderate terms on which the gov- ernor and council had engaged to grant them, that at a meeting of the military land company in the fall of 1773, at Hartford, they resolved to prosecute the settlement; and during that autumn, winter, and spring following, several hundred families embarked from Massachusetts, Connecticut, and other places, for the purpose of settling on the lands we had explored. But they were sadly disappointed. On the 6th of October of that year, Gov. Chester received an order from the king in council, prohibiting him from grant- ing any more lands, either on family rights, or on purchase, until the king's pleasure be further signified to him. Thus the land office was shut before the emigrants arrived, and indeed I believe before any of them sailed, and never opened afterward ." The poor Provincials were greatly disappointed, but were permitted to occupy any vacant land they could find. The emigrants of 1774 arrived generally so late in the season, that many of them sickened and died in this new climate, and the war which soon followed, put a stop to any further attempts to prosecute the settlement Thus early had that spirit of roaming and change of place infected the New Englanders, which appears to be natu- ral to their Saxon blood, descending from their Puritan 52 RUFUS PUTNAM. forefathers, who wandered early in the seventeenth century from their native land to find a new home in North America. Mr. Putnam received only eighty dollars for all his ex- penses and loss of time in this trip to the Mississippi. The annexed plan is an interesting relic of this affair, and shows the boundaries and forms of the townships located for the company, which was drawn by Mr. Putnam, and ap- pended to the report of the committee. In his orders froni' Elias Dunford, Esq., the surveyor-general of West Florida, preserved amongst his papers, minute directions are given as to his manner of conducting the survey, requiring notices of important places on the river for landings, wharves, towns, &c. The townships were in no case to exceed in width one third of their length, so that their base on the water courses should not occupy an over proportion of their banks, which accounts for their unusual shape. They were nineteen in number, and intended to contain about twenty thousand acres each, making the whole grant from Gov. Chester amount to three hundred and eighty thousand acres. The cost to the company was no more than the fees claimed by the officers of the government, amounting to five pounds sterling, or eighteen dollars, twenty cents, for every thousand acres. In the Boston Weekly News-Letter, of December 4th, 1772, there is published a full account of the meeting of the Company of Military Adventurers, held at Hartford in No- vember, with the origin of the company, their previous doings, and the names of all the various committees. In the preamble to this meeting, it is stated that Gen. Phinehas Lyman was chosen as their agent to solicit the Court of Great Britain for a grant of land, in 1703, and that he had been detained at that court for nine years, to the great expense of the company in obtaining the grant. This was a fair specimen of the manner in which the mother country RUFUS PUTNAM. 53 dealt with her colonies ; and even then the pretended gift was a delusion, as they promised Gen. Lyman that the order to Gov. Chester, authorizing the grant, should be sent out so as to reach him by the time he arrived at Boston. Several letters are preserved amongst Gen. Putnam's pa- pers, from the adventurers who went out to West Florida. Amongst them one from Capt. Michael Martyn, on the river Amite, August 17, 1774. He had settled forty-five miles up that stream. His family had been sick, but he was pleased with the country. Gen. Lyman, with several other families, had moved on to the Big Black river, in the surveyed terri- tory, and one man was about erecting a mill at the little falls on that stream ; but that the prospect of making money by shipping lumber to New Orleans was blasted by the Spaniards forbidding that trade. In the year 1802, the survivors of that company, about one hundred in number, re-organized themselves, and peti- tioned Congress for a confirmation of their old grant, but it does not appear that anything was done for them ; and thus ended this famous land adventure, which at the time caused a good deal of excitement in New England. The revolutionary storm, which had been gathering for several years, burst upon the colonies, the second year after liis return from this expedition. Ever active to the service of his native country, he joined the army in the capacity of a lieutenant-colonel, in the regiment of Col. David Brewer. His regiment was stationed at Roxbury, in Gen. Thomas' division of the army, soon after the affair at Lexington. In a short time after the battle of Bunker hill, the general and field officers of the Roxbury division, met in council on the best course to pursue, in their present defenseless situa- tion, exposed at any time to the attack of the enemy without any better protection than a board fence. It was decided 54 RUFUS PUTNAM. that lines should be thrown up for the defense of the town. When this was determined, the difficulty arose where to find a man capable of directing the works in a military manner. Engineers were rare amongst a people who had never car- ried on a war but under the direction of mother Britain, who iilled such posts with her own sons. At length it was men- tioned to the general by some of Col. Putnam's friends, that in the late war against Canada, he had seen some service in this line ; but on being solicited by the commander to under- take the work, he frankly told him that he had never read a word on that branch of science, and all his knowledge was acquired by working under British engineers. The general would take no denial, and Col. Putnam reluctantly set about tracing out lines in front of Roxbury, toward Boston, and various places in the vicinity, especially at Sewel's Point. It so happened that he was occupied at the latter post, when Gen. Washington and Gen. Lee, first came over to examine the situation of the troops, and state of the defenses on that side of Charles' river. The plan of the works met the entire approbation of Gen. Washington, and Lee spoke in high terms of that on Sewer's Point, when compared with those at Cambridge, which animated and encouraged him to per- severe in his efforts. All the defenses at Roxbury, Dorches- ter and Brooklyne, were of his construction, and especially the fort on Cobble Hill. In the course of this campaign, at the request of Gen. Washington, he surveyed and delineated a map of the courses, distances, and relative situation of the enemy's works in Boston and Charleston, with the American defenses in Cambridge, Roxbury, &c., which must have been of great importance to him in arranging his plans for an attack on the former place. In December, he accompanied Gen. Lee to Providence and Newport, Rhode Island, and at the latter place planned a battery that commanded the harbor; also, RUFUS PUTNAM. 55 a work on an elevation at Howland's feriy, which secured the communication of the island with the main land. In the new organization of the army, made in the fall of 1775, he was appointed a lieutenant-colonel in the twenty-second regiment, commanded by Col. Samuel Wyllis. He, however, did not actually join that regiment, but was continued in the engineer department. In the winter of 1776, Gen. Washington was deeply en- gaged in planning an attack on the British army in Boston, by crossing the troops on the ice, or else to draw them out from their stronghold, by erecting works on Dorchester neck, that would not only annoy the town, but destroy their ship- ping in the harbor. In constructing the latter work, Col. Putnam, with his usual modesty, and constant reliance on an overruling Power, in directing the affairs of man, thus speaks : " As soon as the ice was thought to be sufficiently strong for the army to pass over, a council of general offi- cers was convened on the subject. What their particular opinions were I never knew, but the brigadiers were directed to consult their field officers, and they to feel the temper of the captains and subalterns. While this was doing I was invited to dine at head-quarters; and while at dinner, Gen. Washington invited me to tarry after the company had de- parted. When we were alone he entered into a free con- versation on the subject of storming the city of Boston. That it was much better to draw the enemy out to Dorches- ter, than to attack him in Boston, no one doubted ; for if we could maintain ourselves on that neck of land, our command of the town and harbor would be such as would probably compel them to leave the place. But the cold weather, which had made a bridge of ice for our passage into Boston, had also frozen the earth to a great depth, especially in the open country, like the hills on Dorchester neck, so that it was impossible to make a lodgment there in the usual way, (tha* 56 KUFUS PUTNAM. is, by excavating the earth.) However, the general directed me to consider the matter, and if I could think of any- way by which it could be done, to make a report to him immediately." He then describes the events which he calls providential, and may evidently be referred to him who created, as well as rules the destiny of man, but which thoughtless and blind mortals attribute to the freaks of chance. "I left head- quarters in company with another gentleman, and on the way came by those of Gen. Heath. I had no thought of calling until I came against his door, when I said, let us call on Gen. Heath, to which the gentleman agreed. I had no other motive than to pay my respects to the general. While there I cast my eye on a book which lay on the table, lettered on the back Muller's Field Engineer. Immediately I requested the general to lend it to me. He denied me. I repeated my request. He again refused, saying, he never lent his books. I then told him that he must recollect, that he was one, who at Roxbury, in a manner compelled me to undertake a business on w r hich, at the time, I confessed I had never read a word, and that he must let me have the book. After a few more excuses on his part, and pressing on mine, I obtained the loan of it." He arrived at his quarters about dark, but w r as so much engaged in receiving reports of the progress of the works until a late hour, that he did not examine Muller until morning. On looking over the contents of the book, he came to the word chandelier. This was a new phrase to him, but on turning to the page where the article was described, and reading it carefully over, he was soon ready to report a plan for making a lodgment on Dorchester heights. In a few minutes after he had decided on the fea- sibility of the plan, Col. Gridly, who had planned the works at Cambridge, and Col. Knox of the artillery, who RUFUS PUTNAM. 57 had been directed to consult with Col. Putnam on this diffi- cult subject, entered his room and acquiesced in his plan. The report was approved by Gen. Washington, and prepa- rations immediately made to carry it into operation. The chandeliers were made of stout timbers, ten feet long, into which were framed posts, five feet high and five feet apart, placed on the ground in parallel lines, and the open spaces fitted in with bundles of fascines, strongly picketed together; thus forming a movable parapet of wood, instead of earth, as heretofore done. The men were immediately set to work in the adjacent apple orchard and woodlands, cutting and bundling up the fascines, and carrying them with the chan- deliers on to the ground selected for the work on the night of the 4th of March, and on the morning of the 5th, the British troops were astonished to see a formidable battery, erected by their industrious Yankee foes in one night, where the evening before no appearance of such a defense was to be seen. The ground was so deeply frozen that the intrench- ing tools made no more impression on it than on a solid rock, and their old mode of excavating trenches, and throw- ing up parapets of earth, was utterly at a nonplus. The providential visit of Col. Putnam at Gen. Heath's quarters, was both the remote and immediate cause of the sudden withdrawal of the British troops from Boston. On the first sight of this barrier, mounted with artillery and frowning defiance, Gen. Howe decided on landing troops and carrying it by storm, and would have probably been another Bunker hill adventure or something worse. The ice broke way soon after, and his boats being dispersed by a gale of wind, when the troops had embarked, he gave up the design, and sent word to Gen. Washington that he would leave the town with his army unharmed,' if he would not molest the shipping while the men and stores were remov- ing. The evacuation of the place, and the relief of the 58 RUFUS PUTNAM. inhabitants from British thraldom and abuse, being all that Washington sought, the terms were complied with, and this desirable object accomplished without bloodshed. On the last day of March, 1776, he was ordered by Gen. Washington to proceed to New York, by way of Providence, Rhode Island, to aid Gov. Cook with his advice and assistance, in constructing works for the defense of that town. While on this tour of duty, he again visited New- port, and made additional defenses there. On the 6th of April he had an interview with Washingto i, at Providence, who felt a deep interest in his welfare, not only for his suc- cessful efforts on Dorchester hights, but also for the integ- rity, uprightness, and straightforward patriotism of the man ; and not only during the war, but during his whole life, treated him with marked respect and friendship. He reached New York about the 20th of April, and was imme- diately authorized as chief engineer, to lay out and oversee the works of defense during that campaign at New York, Long Island, and their dependencies, with Fort Washington, Fort Lee, Kingsbridge, &c., the larger portion of which appears in the plan of New York island, attached to Mar- shall's Life of Washington. This was a service of great fatigue, as it occupied all his time from daylight in the morning until night, and sometimes all night. On the 10th of July, Gen. Washington, in a letter to Con- gress, notices the services of Col. Putnam : ' Gen. Mercer is now in the Jerseys, for the purpose of receiving and ordering the militia coming for the flying camp, and I have sent over our chief engineer to view the ground in the neighborhood of Amboy, and to lay out some necessary works for the encampment, and such as may be proper at the different passes in Bergen Neck and other places." In August, Congress appointed him engineer, which was announced by Gen. Washington to him, as follows : RUFUS PUTNAM. 59 "NEW YORK, August 11, 1776. SIR : I have the pleasure to inform you that Congress have appointed you an engineer, with the rank of colonel, and pay of sixty dollars a month. I beg of you to hasten the sinking of vessels and other obstructions in the river at Fort Washington, as fast as it is possible. Advise Gen. Putnam constantly of the kind of vessels you want and other things, that no delay that can possibly be avoided may happen. I am sir, your assured friend and servant, G. WASHINGTON. P. S. Congress have just sent two French gentlemen here as engineers. Will either of them be of use at Fort Washington or Kingsbridge ?" A vast deal of labor and expense was bestowed by the Americans early in the war, in placing obstructions in the North river, such as chains, booms, chevaux-de-frise, sunken vessels, &c., to prevent the ascent of the enemy's ships of war to the highlands ; but all of it was useless expenditure, for with a leading wind their large frigates and seventy-fours could with ease break through any obstruction of this kind, and only excited their derision. After a year or tw0 of trial, this mode of defense was abandoned. Their entire control of all our harbors and mouths of rivers by their vast fleets, gave them a great advantage over their foes, in the transport of troops, munitions of war, &c.,from one point to another. On the 8th of September, 1776, a council of general officers had determined on holding possession of the city of New York. On the 12th, by order of Gen. Washington, Col. Putnam went out with Gen. Mifflin to reconnoiter between Kingsbridge and Morrisania, and on their return Washington met them near Harlem hights, where they made their report. This led to a council of general officers, in which it was decided to abandon the city, and this measure was based on their 60 KUPUS PUTNAM. report, being the means of saving the army from total destruction. Col. Putnam remarks that his appointment by Congress as engineer, was wholly unexpected. That his first attempts in that department arose from pure necessity, in place of a better man, and that his continuance in that service was more out of respect to Gen. Washington, than a sense of his own qualifications. After his arrival at New York he had greatly improved his knowledge, by the study of writers on that subject; and his daily practice in that profound art for more than a year, had now made him a much more skillful engineer, yet his natural modesty had never led him once to think of being appointed to the first post in a corps of engi- neers. His observations on the deficiencies and difficulties which attended that department, led him, in September, to draw up a plan for a distinct engineering corps, which was presented to Gen. Washington, and by him laid before Con- gress, with the following letter, of November 5 : " I have taken the liberty to transmit a plan for establish- ing a corps of engineers, artificers, &c., sketched out by Col. Putnam, and which is proposed for the consideration of Congress. How far they may incline to adopt it, or whether they may choose to proceed on such an extensive scale, they will be pleased to determine. However, I conceive it a matter well worthy of their consideration, being convinced from experience, and from reasons suggested by Col. Put- nam, who has acted with great diligence and reputation in the business, that some establishment of the sort is highly necessary, and will be productive of the most beneficial consequences." In his letter which accompanied the project, Col. Putnam disclaimed all pretensions to being placed at the head of the corps, but expressed a desire to serve in the line of the army. In this modest rejection of so distinguished a post, RUFUS PUTNAM. 61 he was, no doubt, in some measure influenced by the well known deficiencies of his early education, but his love of country being greater than the love of self, led him to prefer the appointment of some better educated man. His judg- ment and practical skill in this branch, was no doubt equal or superior to that of any other man in the army, while his knowledge of surveying and drafting, with his mechanical turn of mind and sound judgment, rendered him a far better master of this branch of science than he \vas willing to admit. On the 19th of October the enemy landed their army on Pells point, and some skirmishing took place between a part of Glover's brigade and the advance of the British troops, near East Chester. The following morning Gen. Washing- ton directed Col. Putnam to reconnoiter their position. For this purpose he left Kingsbridge, in company with Col. Reid, the adjutant-general, and a foot-guard of twenty men. From the hights of East Chester they saw a small body of the enemy near the church, but could learn nothing from the inhabitants, as the houses were all deserted. Col. Reid now left him to attend to other duties, and Col. Putnam requested him to take back the guard, as he thought he Could better succeed in reconnoitering by himself. He then disguised his appearance as an officer, and set out for White Plains, a place he had never visited, nor did he know the road which led to that place. Directly a highway turned off to the right, which he followed a short distance, and came to a house, where a woman informed him that the road he was now on led to New Rochelle ; that the enemy were there, and had posted a guard at a house then in sight. He now turned his course, and proceeded toward White Plains, approaching within three or four miles of the place, when he discovered a house a little ahead with men about it. Before advancing, he carefully examined their appearance 62 RUFUS PUTNAM. with his spy-glass, and ascertained that they were not British soldiers. He then advanced and entered the house, which was a tavern; calling for some oats for his horse, and sitting quietly down, listened to their conversation. He soon discovered that they were Whigs, and ascertained the following valuable facts, viz.: that the main army of the British were lying near New Rochelle, distant from White Plains about nine miles, with good roads and an open level country between, and that at the latter place was a large quantity of American stores under the guard of about three hundred militia. That a detachment of the enemy was posted at Mamaronec, only six miles from the Plains, while on the other side was the Hudson river, in which lay five or six of the enemy's armed vessels at a distance of only five miles, so that the main depot of provisions for the American army, which Gen. Washington had ordered here as a place of safety, was inclosed on three sides by his adversaries. Col. Putnam saw at a glance their hazardous position, and hastened back with his all important discoveries. The road from Ward's tavern where he then was, led across the Braux, and was the most direct route for his return, but it passed so near the positions occupied by the enemy that it required great watchfulness to avoid detection. As he approached the highland west of the little river Braux, he saw it was already occupied by armed men, but on applying his spy- glass, ascertained they were American troops, and on his arrival found, it to be Lord Stirling's division, who had taken a position there since he passed in the morning. He announced his discoveries to the general, refreshed himself and horse, and set out for head-quarters, ten miles distant, by the mouth of Saw-mill river, a road he had never traveled before, leading through a noted Tory settlement. It was now dark, but he dare not inquire the way, lest he should be arrested. An overruling Providence guided his steps, and RUFUS PUTNAM. 63 he arrived in safety at Gen. Washington's quarters, near Kingsbridge, about nine o'clock. He found him alone, and ready to receive his report, with a sketch of the country, which he hastily made, showing the relative positions of the different British detachments, and the stores at White Plains. This, like the clue of the labyrinth, at once led him to see the difficulties and dangers of his position, and the path by which he could be extricated. Gen. Washington complained very feelingly of the gentlemen of New York, from whom he had never been able to obtain a plan of the country : that it was by their advice he had ordered the stores to White Plains, as a place of safety. This was a serious dif- ficulty under which he labored through the first years of the war, the lack of correct topographical descriptions of the country in which he was acting, often leading him into the toils of the enemy, when he thought he was escaping or out of danger. Such a man as Putnam was then an invaluable treasure; who was fearless, but cautious in scanning the positions of the foe, and could delineate on paper, what he had seen with his eyes, making his descriptions both intelli- gent and practical. Washington immediately sent a mes- senger for Gen. Greene and Gen. George Clinton, since Vice President of the United States. W'hen the latter entered, Putnam's sketch and report were laid before him, and the question asked as to the correctness of the topographical sketch. He confirmed its accuracy. In a short time he was charged with a letter to Lord Stirling, and orders to proceed immediately to his camp, which he reached by the same route, about two o'clock in the morning. Before daylight his division was in motion, in full march for White Plains, where they arrived about nine o'clock on the morning of the 21st of October, " and thus was the American army saved by an interposition of Providence, from a probable total destruction." 64 RUFUS PUTNAM. " It may be asked wherein this interposition of Providence appears ? I answer first, in the stupidity of the British gen- eral,, in that he did not early in the morning of the 20th, send a detachment, and take possession of the post and stores at White Plains ; for had he done so, we must then have fought him on his own terms, and at such disadvan- tage on our part as must, in all probability, have proved our overthrow." "Again, when I parted with Col. Reid, on the 20th, I have ever thought I was moved to so hazardous an undertaking by foreign influence. On my route I was liable to meet with some British or Tory parties, who would probably have made me a prisoner, as I had no knowledge of any way of escape across the Braux, but the one by which I came out ; hence, I was induced to disguise myself, by taking out my cockade, lopping the sides of my hat, and securing my sword and pistols under my overcoat; and then had I been taken under this disguise, the probability is that I should have been hanged for a spy." It was as late as the 29th, before the enemy advanced in front of the American lines at White Plains. About 10 o'clock, A. M., Col. Putnam had arrived on Chatterton hill, intending to throw up some defenses, just as they came in sight. As soon as they discovered the Americans, they opened a severe cannonade, but without much effect. Gen. McDougal now arrived with his brigade, and seeing the enemy crossing the Braux below in large bodies, placed his men in an advantageous position behind the stone walls and fences to receive them. They were twice repulsed with great loss ; but by bringing up fresh detachments, they so greatly outnumbered the Americans as to turn their right flank, and cause them to retreat. Our loss was great, but it was afterward ascertained that the British loss was much greater; they receiving the same pay as at Bunker hill. After the battle of the 29th, Col. Putnam was employed in RUFUS PUTNAM. 65 examining the topography of the country in the rear of White Plains, toward North Castle, Croton river, &c., with a view to military operations, when, on the 5th of Novem- ber, he received the following letter from Gen. Washington : "HEAD QUARTERS, WHITE PLAINS, Nov. 5, 177(5. SIR : You are directed to repair to Wright's mills, and lay out any work there you conceive to be necessary, in case it is not already done. From thence you arc to proceed to- ward Croton bridge, and post the two regiments of militia in the most advantageous manner, so as to obstruct the enemy's passage to that quarter. You are also to give what directions you think proper to those regiments, re- specting the breaking up the roads leading from the North river eastward. After this you are to go up to Peekskill, and direct Lasher's detachment to break up the roads there ; you are likewise to lay out what works will be advisable there, and order them to be set about. Given under my hand, GEO. WASHINGTON. To Col. Putnam, engineer." On the llth of November, Gen. Washington visited Peekskill, and Col. Putnam accompanied him to Fort Wash- ington. On the following day he crossed the North river, instructing him to ascertain the topography of the country, with the roads and passes through the Highlands, which re- port he soon after made. A copy of this report is among his papers, and gives a minute description of the different passes ; pointing out such as would need protection, with a skeleton map, containing valuable information for the de- fense of the passes in the Highlands of the Hudson^a point so important in the contest with Great Britain. On the 8th of December, he addressed a letter to the commander-in- chief, informing him that he had accepted the command of a regiment in the Massachusetts line, of the continental 66 RUFUS PUTNAM. army, with his reasons for so doing, assuring him at the same time of his attachment and readiness to execute any service he should be ordered on. The following is an ex- tract from hij answer : " BUCKS COUNTY, NEAR CAYFLL'S FERRY, Dec. 17, 1776. DEAR SIR: Your letter of the 8th, from Peekskill, came duly to hand. Your acceptance of a regiment, to be raised on continental establishment, by the state of Massachusetts bay, is quite agreeable to me, and I sincerely wish you suc- cess in recruiting, and much honor in commanding it. Your professions of attachment are extremely gratifying to, dear sir, your most obedient servant, GEO. WASHINGTON.'' In a letter to Congress, of December 20th, he thus speaks of Col. Putnam : " I have also to mention, that for want of some establishment in the department of engineer.-?, agree- able to the plan laid before Congress in October last, Col. Putnam, who was at the head of it, has quitted, and taken a regiment in the state of Massachusetts. I know of no other man tolerably well qualified for the conducting of that busi- ness. None of the French gentlemen whom I have seen with appointments in that way, appear to know anything of the matter. There is one in Philadelphia who I am told is clever, but him I have not seen." After closing his accounts as engineer, in January, 1777. he returned to Massachusetts to recruit and fill up his regi- ment. In this he was quite successful. As early as May. three companies were filled, and marched from "Worcester to Peekskill ; and in June were ordered up the North river to Fort A$n. Off the 3d of July, Col. Putnam followed with the rest of me regiment, and joined his brigade, at a point four miles above Fort Edward. This gave him an opportu- nity to examine the condition of the old fort, whu-h he had so often visited and worked on in the former war. He found RUFUSPUTNAM. 07 that in the last seventeen years, it had greatly decayed, and \vas quite untenable as a work of defense ; nevertheless it was shortly after occupied by the troops of Gen. Burgoyne for a few days, probably the last time the British flag will ever float near its walls. The campaign of 1777, was big with events deeply inter- esting to the United States. Burgoyne with a large army had invaded New York from the north, pursuing the old route so often traversed in former years by the hostile bands of France and Great Britain. The hordes of savages which accompanied his army made the resemblance still more striking. A numerous body of men and shipping, under Clinton, assailed the same state on the south, by the way of the North river, intending to unite the invading armies at Albany, and thus divide the eastern from the middle and southern states. Ticonderoga, considered the key to the northern portion of the union, had fallen into the hands of the enemy ; but the lives and the liberty of the army which occupied it, were saved from the hands of the conqueror, by tihe good sense of Gens. St. Clair and Schuyler, who thought it useless to defend an untenable post, and thus served as a nucleus, around which to rally the militia and continentals, who hastened from all parts to arrest the progress of the enemy. New England was electrified at the threatened danger, and poured forth the thousands of her hardy yeo- manry from her granite hills, to meet the coming storm. Col. Putnam, with his brave Massachusetts men, again traversed the grounds he had so often visited in the " old French war ; " familiar with every part from Fort Edward to Stillwater, while few if any of his officers or men had seen this part of the country before. Although he was busily engaged in all the military operations of September, in the contests with Burgoyne, his regiment being the earliest on the ground, yet he has left no record of these events, except 68 RUFUS PUTNAM. to correct some misstatements made by the historians of that period, in relation to the storming the works of the German reserve, on the 7th of October, and a few other matters. In front of those works was an open field, bounded by a wood, at the distance of one hundred and twenty yards. In the skirt of this wood Col. Putnam was posted with the fifth and sixth regiments of the Massachusetts line, under his command. Both the right and left of their work was cov- ered by a thin, open wood, and the rear by a thick wood. The moment that orders were given to storm, he moved rapidly across the open field, amidst a murderous fire of grape and musketry, and entered the works in front, at the same moment that Learned's brigade, in which Jackson's regiment was stationed, entered on the left and rear. Col. Putnam immediately formed his two regiments, and moved out of the works, which were not inclosed in the rear, and advanced into the wood, toward the enemy's inclosed re- doubts, on the right flank of their main encampment. Gen. Learned, as soon as he had secured and sent off the plun- der taken in the German camp, withdrew all the other troops, without notifying Col. Putnam of his design, leaving him unprotected in the occupancy of the wood. Here he remained until toward morning, when he was reinforced with three regiments from the right wing of the army, under Gen. Glover. The historian Marshall's account, varies materially from this. He says, "Jackson's regiment of Massachusetts, led by Lieut. Col. Brooks, turned the right of the encampment, and stormed the works. "' In this account no mention is made of Brig. Learned, who stormed at the same time with the other corps of the brigade, as well as Jackson's ; nor of the two regiments under Col. Putnam, who stormed in front, under much greater exposure than Jackson. Again, Mar- shall says, " Brooks maintained the ground he had gained;" RUFUS PUTNAM. 69 which is entirely contrary to the truth ; for, except the two regiments commanded by Col. Putnam, the troops which entered the works were in great disorder, so far as fell un- der his observation ; nor did he see any of them formed in order for action, before he moved out with the fifth and sixth regiments, as above stated. At page 288, of the 3d volume, is a note from the histo- rian Gordon, who says that, " On the morning of the llth of October, a report was spread in the American camp, and believed by the officers, that the main body of Burgoyne's army had marched away in the night for Fort Edward, leav- ing only a rear-guard in the camp, which was to march as soon as possible, leaving only their heavy baggage. On this, it was decided to advance, and attack the camp in half an hour; and the officers repaired to their respective com- mands. Gen. Nixon's being the oldest brigade, crossed the creek first. Unknown to the Americans, Burgoyne had formed a line behind a parcel of brushwood, to support the park of artillery, where the attack was to be made. Gen. Glover was on the point of following Nixon ; just as he en- tered the water, he saw a British soldier making across, whom he called and examined." This soldier was a de- serter, and communicated the important fact, that the whole British army was in their encampment. Nixon was imme- diately stopped, and the intelligence conveyed to Gen. Gates, who commanded the order for the assault, and called back the troops, not without sustaining some loss from the British artillery. Col. Putnam's account of this affair is as follows : " Nix on's brigade was put in motion, and marched in close col- umn to the creek, just as the fog broke away, when the whole park of British artillery opened upon us, at not more than five hundred yards distance. Finding we were halted, I rode forward to the head of the brigade, to inquire why we 70 RUF US PUTNAM. stood there in that exposed situation. But Nixon was not to be found, and Col. Greaton, who commanded the leading regiment, said he had no orders. I then advised the cross- ing the creek, and covering the troops under the bank, which was done. I then, at the request of Col. Stephens, advanced with my regiment across the plain, and posted them under cover of the bank of an old stockade fort, while Stephens advanced with two field pieces, to annoy the British, who were attempting to take away some baggage wagons stand- ing about midway between us and the British battery. We remained in this situation about an hour, when I had or- ders to retreat, and found Nixon near the church, and after some debate, obtained leave to send a party and cut away the British boats, which lay above the mouth of the creek. Capt. Morse, Goodale, and Gates, with seventy or eighty volunteers, started on this service, and effected it without any loss." This plain statement puts the affair in a differ- ent position, and shows that but for the promptness and bravery of Putnam in this unexpected dilemma, the loss of the Americans must have been much greater. The bold act of cutting loose Burgoync's store-boats, in the face of his army, was of his suggesting, and accomplished chiefly through the fearless activity of Capt. Goodale, who was noted for daring exploits. Kosciusko, the philanthropic and brave Polander, who volunteered his services in the cause of American freedom, was placed at the head of the engineering corps in Gates' army, and often consulted Col. Putnam in planning the works of defense and offense, so necessary in the operation.- of hostile armies. lie remained in the northern department until the surrender of Burgoyne, which took place a feu- days after the last adventure, on the 16th of October; thus closing the career of this haughty Briton, who fancied he could march his invincible* from Ticonderoga to Albany, in RUFUS PUTNAM. 7J defiance of all the efforts of "the rebel*," the common name for the American?, and there unite his triumphant columns with those of Sir Henry Clinton. This was the most glo- rious event that had yet attended the arms of the United States, and infused new life into the desponding portion ol' the community. They learned, by actual experience, that British regulars were not invincible, while their enemies were taught to respect a foe they had heretofore despised. After the cessation of hostilities in this quarter, Nixon's brigade, to which Col. Putnam belonged, went into winter quarters at Albany. In January, 1778, he received a message from Gov. Clin- ton and Gien. Israel Putnam, requesting him to repair to West Point, and superintend the fortifications proposed to be erected at this American Gibraltar. He declined the offer, unless his regiment was allowed to go with him, ex- cept at the express orders of Gen. Washington. A French engineer had been sent by Congress, to plan and execute the works proposed to be erected; but his views were not approved by Gov. Clinton and the general officers, as suited to what they deemed necessary, and hence arose the con- fusion and delay, noticed in Gen. Washington's letter to Congress, of the 13th of March, 1778. In February he succeeded Col. Greaton in the command of the troops in the northern department, who went home on furlough. It seems that Congress, without consulting the commander-in-chief, had matured a plan for a winter campaign into Canada, which was now left in a manner, defenseless. The chief duty of Col. Putnam was to forward provisions and military stores to Coos, on the Onion river. by which route the army of invasion was to pass, as early as the 20th of February. The sound mind of the Colonel at once perceived the fallacy and impossibility of the project. The country was covered with a deep snow, and the soldiers 72 RUFUS PUTNAM. as usual, only half clothed, and entirely unprepared for a winter campaign. This was always a serious difficulty during the whole w r ar ; our armies w T ere never decently clad, and the poverty of the country was seen in their tattered garments and shoeless feet. When men were required by Col. Hazelet, the quarter-master-general, to open a road, he had the firmness to refuse him, on account of the inclem- ency of the weather, and the destitute condition of his men. About this time, the 10th or 12th of February, the Marquis Lafayette, who was to command the army of invasion, arrived at Albany, with the Baron de Kalb. After a careful inspection of the troops, he confirmed the views of Col. Putnam, and the expedition was abandoned ; and fortunate for the country was it that they did so, for this was not a war of offense, but of defense ; and whenever the Americans left their own soil, disaster and defeat followed their steps ; but so long as they confined their operations to justice and to right, the God of armies and of justice was on their side. In March following, he was ordered with his regiment down to West Point, where his valuable services were re- quired to lay out and superintend the construction of fortifi- cations at that important place, and Gen. McDougal, who had been appointed to the command, arrived about the same time. Of all the foreign engineers who had been sought out and employed, riot one had yet been found, with the .sound judgment and practical skill of this untaught American. The strong mind and calm considerate reflection of Putnam took in at once the commanding points of the positions to bo fortified, and his practical skill soon accomplished what his genius had projected. He found the foreign engineers' main fort laid out on an extreme point next the river, and commanded by the adjacent high grounds. It was aban- doned for this purpose, and a simple battery placed there to annoy the enemy's shipping, should they attempt to turn the RUFUS PUTNAM. 73 point and force the boom placed a little higher up As a defense against an attack by land, a chain of forts and redoubts was laid out on the high ground, bordering the plain, which forms the point that gives name to the place. The principal fort was built by Putnam's own regiment, and named by Gen. McDougal, " Fort Putnam." It stands on an elevated rocky eminence, which commands both the plain and point. This rock slopes gradually on to the plain, on one side, while to the assailants it presents a mural front of fifty feet perpendicular. It was subsequently strengthened with additional works and made a very formidable place. These defenses occupied him until June, when he joined the division of the army under Gen. Gates at Peekskill, and on the 24th of July united with the grand army under Gen. Washington, at White Plains. By his orders he reconnoi- tered the country about Frcdericksburg, Quaker hill, &c., making plans and sketches for the use of the commander. On the IGth of. September, the main army was broken into divisions and posted at different places. The division to which he was attached under Gen. Gates, marched to Danbury, Connecticut. While here he was directed by Gen. McDougal to examine the roads and passes from New Mil- ford, leading eastward, which service he accomplished, and made his report to him. Soon after this he received the following letter from Gen. Washington : "HEAD QUARTERS, Oct. 9th, 1778. SIR: I have perused your report of this day to Gen. Mc- Dougal. You will continue your examination of the differ- ent roads, &c., reconnoitcr the most convenient halting olaces on each; allowing the interval of one day's march from one to the other, and make report of the whole to me, that I may be enabled to regulate the different routes. The road toward Litchfield offers, from your account of it, to be 74 RUFUS PUTNAM. worth attention, and Col. Hall should be directed to proceed on it accordingly. I am, sir, your obedient servant, G. WASHINGTON. Col. Putnam." In answer to this letter he made a lengthy and very par- ticular report, exhibiting his tact and sound judgment in such services, for which he was naturally constituted. Previous to making the final arrangements for winter quar- ters, he made a tour of reconnoisancc with Gen. Greene, in the vicinity of the Hudson river. Late in December Nixon's brigade took up their winter station in the Highlands, on the road from Peekskill to Fishkill. Nixon left the brigade on furlough, and it was placed under Col. Putnam for the winter. Early in February the brigade was ordered to leave their quarters. Col. Putnam's regiment was directed to march to Croton river, and build a bridge across that stream, which was completed about the last of March, and was all extra service, for which no additional pay was given. At this time he had a furlough to visit his family, where he had not been since December, 1777. This was an in- convenience under which the most useful officers labored ; they could not be spared from the service, while the less valuable procured leave of absence more readily. The families of many of the New England officers, high in com- mand, were in poor circumstances, and required all the in- dustry and foresight of their calculating wives to keep then- families in comfortable circumstances during their absence. Mrs. Putnam and the children, the oldest not more than twelve or fourteen years, lived on a small farm of fifty acres of rather sterile land ; while so poor and uncertain was the pay of the soldier, and in 1779, so depredated in value, that had it not been for the assiduous application of the needle RUFUS PUTNAM. 75 by this patriotic woman, her children would sometimes have been very poorly supplied with food. It was common in those days, which tried the souls of women as well as of men, for females in some of the best families, to make gar- ments gratuitously for the soldiers sent from their vicinity, while many of them made also for their neighbors less skilled in the art, for which they received produce or conti- nental paper in exchange. Mrs. Putnam was one of this class ; and let it be remembered to her honor and praise, that she labored diligently with her hands, both at the distaff and needle, like the virtuous woman of old, for the support of her household, while he who should have been their pro- vider was absent, devoting his time to the cause of freedom, and fighting the battles of his country. Many interesting anecdotes are yet remembered and related by the family, of the frugality and industry practiced during this cruel war, for their support. During his absence, Fort Fayette, on Yerplank's Point, was taken by the British. It was commanded by Capt. Armstrong, and surrendered to overwhelming numbers. Toward the last of June, Col. Putnam returned to camp, and in a few days received the following order from Gen. Heath : "HIGHLANDS, DANFORTH'S HOUSE, June 29, 1779. SIR: I am very desirous, if possible, to obtain the exact situation of the enemy on Verplank's Point, and of the ves- sels in the river. As you are well acquainted with the ground on both sides of the river, I would request that you would, to-morrow, reconnoiter the enemy with clue precau- tion, and make such remarks as you may think proper. You will take a part, or the whole of your own light infantry company as a guard. Your knowledge of the country, and abilities, render particular instructions unnecessary. Yours, &c., WM. HEATH. Col. Putnam." 76 RUFUS PUTNAM. To execute this order, he had to march through the moun- tains about twenty miles, by an unfrequented route, and to prevent discovery, conceal his men in the woods. This duty was successfully performed; but the report is mislaid. Soon after his return, he received the following note from his ex- cellency, the commander- in-chief : "Col. Putnam has permission to take as many men as he chooses, of his own regiment, or any other, for special ser- vice, and to pass all guards. G. WASHINGTON. July 9, 1779." The "special sen-ice" here intended, was to reconnoiter the posts on Verplank's and Stony Points, previous to the meditated assault on those places. For this purpose, Col. Putnam left Constitution island, opposite to West Point, in the afternoon of the 10th, with fifty men, and landed at Continental village about sunset. Soon after dark, he pro- ceeded, by a back road, to a point near the scene of his intended observations, and concealed his men, as before, in the woods. In a short time it began to rain, and continued all the next day, a part of which time they lay in a barn. On the 12th it was fair, but their ammunition was all wet, and he retired a little distance, to a deserted house, built a fire, and dried their powder, which occupied nearly all day, leaving the party, had they been attacked, entirely de- fenseless. That evening he approached nearer the works, concealed his men, and commenced reconnoitering their condition. With one or two soldiers, who were familiar with the location, he continued his labor until near morn- ing, creeping on his hands and knees, to avoid detection by the sentries, when very near the works. lie ascertained the time of night by the aid of fire-flies, which are abundant at that season, and whose phosphorescent light enabled him to distinguish the hours on his watch. By the approach of RUFUS PUTNAM. 77 early dawn, he had completed his observations, and returned undiscovered to camp, on the 13th. The following day, a full and very intelligent report of the service was made to Gen. Washington; a copy of which is now among his manu- scripts, and no doubt contributed greatly to the success of the attack on Stony Point, which immediately followed. In relation to the statement made by Marshall, that " two brig- ades under the command of Gen. McDougal, had been or- dered to approach the enemy on the cast side of the river, &c.," he doubts whether such an order was ever given, for the reason, that McDougal commanded the post of West Point, and would not be allowed to leave so important a station. He further says, that when he waited on Gen. Washington, to make his report of the reconnoisance on the 14th, he told him that he had relinquished the plan of an actual attack on Verplank's, simultaneously with that on Stony Point, but intended only to make a feint; and for that purpose had ordered Nixon's brigade to march, that day, to Continental village. He then instructed Col. Putnam to take as many men from the brigade as he thought proper, and make arrangements to be on the ground, ready to fire on the enemy at Verplank's, the moment he discovered that Wayne had begun his attack on Stony Point. At the same time, he told him that no one was aware of the intended attack, but those who w r ere intrusted with its execution, and that but one of his own family was in the secret. From some error in the orders, Nixon's brigade did not march as expected; but on the evening of the 15th, Col. Putnam left Continental village, with Lieut. Col. Smith, and a detach- ment of men, for Verplank's, and made the feigned attack, by firing on the outer block-house and the guard stationed at the creek, which alarmed the garrison of Fort Fayette for their own safety, and prevented their turning their guns on the Americans in their attack on Stony Point. This was 78 KUFUS PUTNAM. all that was intended to be done on that night. On the morning of the 16th, he remained in full view of the enemy until eight or nine o'clock, and then returned to Continental village. In the course of that day, Nixon's and Patterson's brigades arrived at the village, but without field pieces, ar- tillery men, axes, or tools. About ten o'clock at night, Gen. Howe arrived, and took the command. He called on Col. Putnam for information, who told him of the need of artil- lery, &c., to attack the block-house in advance of the main works, and that they could not cross the creek without re- building the bridge, which had been destroyed. On the 17th, two twelve pounders arrived; but before any attack was made, the approach of a numerous body of the enemy, for the relief the post, caused the Americans to retreat, and Fort Fayette remained in the hands of the British. Stony Point was also abandoned in a short time, and fell into their possession; so that no advantage was gained, but the cap- ture of six hundred prisoners, and the glory of the victory. It infused fresh spirits into the country, and convinced their enemies that no danger was too great, or achievement too difficult for them to overcome. In a short time after these events, Col. Putnam was ap- pointed to the command of a regiment of light infantry, in the brigade of Gen. Wayne, composed of four regiments. This body of men was the elite of the army, and the officers selected by the advice of Gen. Wayne, composing as effi- cient a corps as the world ever saw. He continued in ser- vice this year, until the army had generally gone into winter quarters, and did not reach the station in the Highlands, where his regiment was cantoned, until January, 1780; marching through the ice and snow from near Newark, in New Jersey, being a very tedious and fatiguing journey. During 1779, he was ordered on extra service, to erect a battery on the ground of old Fort Montgomery, for the IIUFUS PUTNAM. 79 annoyance of the enemy's ships on the Hudson ; and again, in December, by order of Gen. Wayne, he reconnoitcred the position of a British fleet at South Amboy, accompanied by eight dragoons, to learn the time of their sailing. This was promptly performed arnidat the cold and inclemency of December weather, and returned to camp by the way of New Brunswick. A number of letters from Gen. Wayne are on his file. The latter part of the winter 1780, he had leave of ab- sence to visit his family, and returned to camp in April. As early as the 6th of May he w y as on command with an ad- vanced detachment on Croton river, watching the movements of the enemy. This was a fatiguing, hazardous duty, re- quiring the utmost vigilance in the commanding Oilicer, and is only intrusted to men of tried courage and cautious watchfulness. It is considered an honorable post, and the ofllcer selected by special appointment of the commanding general. During the early years of the war the Americans suffered severe losses in their detachments on this service, not only at Paoli, but at various other places, from the light dragoons under Tarlton and De Lancy, who acquired great honor by their surprisalb of our advanced posts, although it was not a little lessened by their cruelty. The constant watchfulness of Col. Putnam saved him from any disaster of this kind, as may be seen in his correspondence with Gen. Howe, which is full, minute, and voluminous, and sometimes accompanied with plans and drafts, showing the positions of the different detachments of the enemy. The following letter will serve as a specimen of his style and manner in this line : U CAI.L.U;UK<;,* July 1, 1780. DEAR GENERAL: By an ofllcer returned from scout laL't * This was a station on the cast of the Hudson, near the Hiithhuids. 80 RUFUS PUTNAM. evening, and other intelligence, I am informed that the enemy some day this week advanced in force by land from New York, and are noiv encamped, having their left on the North river, one mile above Phillips', and their right on the road from Stephen Wards to Elberts. By this position their right and left wings are about five rniles distant, and from the nature and situation of the country, their camps are detached or separated; their left division being on Phillips' hill between North river and Saw-Mill river; their center division on Valentine's hill, between Saw-Mill river and the Braux ; and their right division between the Braux and East Chester. A sketch of the country which I sent you ; and what I have said, will give you a correct idea of their position. It is said, and I believe it to be a fact, that a number of wagons, with scythes for cutting forage, came out yesterday. I think if it be true that a French fleet is really in the way, Mr. Clinton has come out to give his troops an airing, after their fatigue and other sufferings in a southern climate ; and at the same time, has a design to secure or destroy all the forage in his power, which might otherwise be of advantage to us ; and I should not be surprised if he attempted a general ravage of the country as far as Salem or D anbury. I am, dear general, with respect, your humble servant, RUFUS PUTNAM. To Gen. Howe." During the campaign of 1780, no great battle was fought in the northern department. The events along the North river were mostly skirmishes. An invasion of New Jersey was-; made in June, by Gen. Knyphausen, in which he was so valiantly opposed by the American troops, that he retired without accomplishing much but the destruction of buildings and the murder of Mrs. Caldwell, the wife of a clergyman, which foul deed was done by some of the Tory troops of RUFUS PUTNAM. 81 Gov. Try on, who was in the expedition. Early in July, Sir Henry Clinton returned with his army from the conquest of Charleston, S. C., and made demonstrations of an attack on West Point, but nothing was accomplished. In September, the foul treason of Arnold took place, by which the enemy thought to obtain possession of this im- portant post, in a more easy way than by hard fighting, but not half so honorable. A kind Providence, which over- looked and directed the American affairs, caused this wicked plan to be discovered in time to prevent its execution ; and the country was thus saved from threatened ruin. Soon after this affair, Col. Putnam had leave of absence, and re- turned to camp early in December. On the 6th of July, 1781, the French army, which had been sent to aid us, formed a junction with the Americans near Dobb's Ferry, preparatory to marching for Virginia. On the 21st of July, Col. Putnam was ordered by Gen. Heath to take the command of a detachment of three hun- dred light infantry, Col. Sheldon's legionary corps, with two companies of the New York levies, and one piece of light artillery, with which to cover that part of the country. On this duty he was continued until the last of October, and thus did not witness the surrender of Cornwallis at York- town. While here employed, he received the following let- ter from Gen. Waterbury, of Connecticut : " HORSE NECK, September 13, 1781. SIR: After my compliments, I would inform you that I have received orders from his excellency, Gov. Trumbull, to build some places of security for my troops to winter in, and, at the same time, to ask the favor of your assistance, in counseling with me where to build, &c." This service he performed as requested. In November, he joined his regiment at West Point, and on the 14th of that month, received the following order from Gen. McDougal : 82 RUFUS PUTNAM. "Sin: Gen. McDougal requests you to repair to Stony and Verplank's Points, and examine minutely into their state in every respect. The sentry boxes at those advanced works should be destroyed ; every building within cannon range of either of those posts, and any cover that would afford a lodgment for the enemy, must be taken down, and removed before you leave the ground. You will please to have the garrisons paraded, and note every person, and the regiments they belong to, unfit for this service, &c." This duty was faithfully performed, and was about the last of his military labors; as after this period, hostilities, in a manner, closed between the two nations, in the northern states. The capture of Lord Cornwallis, and the victories of Gen. Greene in South Carolina, discouraged Great Brit- ain from farther attempts at the subjugation of the United States. He was, however, still busily employed, as agent for his brother officers, in interceding with Congress and the Legislature of Massachusetts, for a redress of their griev- ances, which had become very serious. For this duty, his stern integrity, candor, honesty of purpose, and well known character for usefulness in the service of the country, emi- nently fitted him. His first employment of this kind was in 1778. and on the following occasion : "At a meeting of the field and other officers of Gen. Nix- on's brigade, September 9, 1778, Col. Rufus Putnam was unanimously chosen representative, to meet in a general convention of the army, to state our grievances to the hon- orable Continental Congress, and endeavor to obtain redress of the same. Per order of the meeting : TUGS. NIXON, Col., Moderator." In the winter of 1778-9, the sufferings of the officers and men had become so intolerable, from the want of pay, clothing, and provisions, that the patience and patriotism of RUFUS PUTNAM. 83 even the Massachusetts men, was put to so severe a trial, that they had well nigh failed under it. Gen. Nixon's brig- ade, then in winter quarters in the Highlands, had formed articles of mutiny, by which, on a certain day, they were to march off in a body. A copy of those articles was some- how obtained by Col. Putnam, and transmitted to Mr. Davis, a member of the Legislature, and an influential man in Boston. Finding his own personal efforts, and those few who assisted him, unavailing in checking this disgraceful design, Col. Putnam made a confidential communication to Gen. McDougal, of their intentio-ns, and requested him to order the several regiments composing the brigade, to sepa- rate, and occupy distant and distinct posts, toward New- York. This the general immediately complied with, and thus put it out of their power to execute the plan they had formed, or at least not so readily as they could have done, when all in a body; and thus, by the integrity and faithful- ness of this honest and upright man, was this sad calamity averted ; and a foul blot on the fair escutcheon of his native state prevented. In the winter of 1780, while on a furlough, the larger por- tion of his time was spent in Boston, soliciting the General Court, or Legislature of Massachusetts, for relief in aid of their troops, and especially for the officers who were prisoners on Long island. For the latter a small sum was obtained, for which he received their thanks in a letter of acknowledg- ment, through Col. Thompson, dated May 1st, 1780. While for the officers of the line no provision was made. For this reason, at the close of the year, a committee was appointed to repair to Boston and lay their claims before the Legisla- ture, with the following instructions, which are given, in part, that posterity may judge of the justice of their cause. After stating a number of their grievances, as to the man- ner of their pay, clothing, small stores, &c.. under three 84 RUFUS PUTNAM. distinct heads, they say, " You will pointedly represent to the Legislature, the great inconveniences and losses, accrued and accruing to great part, nay almost the whole, of both offi- cers and soldiers, from the notes we received the last year, not being negotiable in any manner for any kind of property, on which account many were, for want of almost every kind of clothing, obliged to sell their notes at a very great dis- count, from their nominal value when given ; and by this representation you will endeavor to procure an act that w T ill make the notes already, and those that shall be given, a tender for the confiscated estates when sold ; or that will in some way be equally beneficial to the army and state make them of such value that those who wish it may convert them into current money without loss." The whole of these instructions fill two or three pages, and seem to have been signed by all the officers of the Mas- sachusetts line. It is dated West Point, January 1st, 1781. The names of the committee were as follows : Brig. Gen. Glover, Col. Putnam, Lieut. Col. E. Brooks, Col. H. Jackson, Col. J. Graton, Maj. Samuel Darbey, S. Lamed and T. Edwards. To fulfill this embassy the committee left West Point early in January and passed two or thee months in Boston, prose- cuting their claims. On their arrival, the recent alarm grow- ing out of the mutiny of the Pennsylvania and Jersey lines had created such an alarm in the minds of the General As- sembly, that they listened favorably to the committee and actually sent on two months' pay in specie to their line of the army, which was about the result of their efforts. It relieved their most pressing wants and pacified the distressed soldiers for a time, and the favorable prospects of a speedy termina- tion of the war closed any further serious difficulties with the Massachusetts men. In February, 1782, the state of New York having applied RUFTJS PUTNAM. 85 to Congress for remuneration for the forage consumed by the allied army in West Chester county, while encamped near Dobb's Ferry in 1781, he was appointed by Gen. Heath and Gov. Clinton one of the commissioners for set- tling the claim. It was a difficult and troublesome affair, but was closed in July, and shows the confidence of those eminent men in his character, for sound judgment and love of justice. After this, he obtained leave of absence for a short time, and while on furlough, heard of the intention of Congress to reduce the army. Being tired and disgusted with much of the treatment he had received in regard to promotion in the Massachusetts line, which had not been made in accordance with common usage in such matters, especially as to the brigadiers, two of which were vacant and neither of them filled, viz: Gen. Learned's in 1777, and Nixon's in 1780, added to which the desire he felt to be w r ith his family which greatly needed his presence, he concluded to quit the service, and made an ar- rangement with Lieut. Col. Brooks, the youngest commander of a regiment in the line, and would of course be deranged in the reduction, to remain, and let Col. Putnam retire, a a mode of exchange heretofore practiced. Under these cir- cumstances he did not return to the army until the receipt of the following letter from Gen. Washington, who had been informed of his intentions by some of his friends. "HEAD QUARTERS, NEWBURG, Dec. 2, 1782. SIR: I am informed you have had thoughts of retiring from service, upon the arrangement which is to take place on the 1st of January. But as there will be no opening for it, unless your reasons should be very urgent indeed ; and as there are some prospects which may perhaps make your continuing more eligible than was expected, I have thought proper to mention the circumstances, in expectation they might have some influence in inducing you to remain in the 86 RUFUS PUTNAM. army. Col. Shepherd having retired and Brig. Gen. Pat- terson being appointed to the command of the first brigade, you will of consequence be the second colonel in the line and have the command of a brigade, while the troops con- tinue brigaded as at present. Besides I consider it expedi- ent you should be acquainted, that the question is yet before Congress, whether there shall be two brigadiers appointed in the Massachusetts line. Should you continue you will be a candidate for this promotion. The secretary at war is of opinion the promotion will soon take place whether it will or not, I am not able to determine, and, therefore, I would not flatter you too much with expectations, which it is not in my power to gratify but if upon a view of these circumstances and prospects, the state of your affairs will permit you to con- tinue in the present arrangement, (which must be completed immediately,) it will be very agreeable to Sir, your most obedient servant, G. WASHINGTON. Col. Putnam." On the receipt of this letter, and one from Gen. Potter, he repaired immediately to camp ; but being determined not to remain in a situation approaching disgrace, as some of his senior officers had done, when Congress neglected to pro- mole them to actual vacancies, on his arrival he wrote a very interesting letter to Gen. Washington, explaining all his views and thanking him for the interest he took in his welfare, but is too lengthy for insertion here. On the Sth of January following, he was commissioned as a brigadier- general in the army of the United States, and then left without any excuse to leave the service until the declaration of peace, which happily took place on the 9th of April, 1783. Iu June the Massachusetts line was reduced to two regi- ments of which, Gen. Patterson or the oldest officer took the HUFUS PUTNAM. 87 command, and the officers and soldiers retired on furlough, and were finally discharged in November. During his continuance in the army, he shared largely in the confidence of Gen. Washington, who continued his friendship during his political life, appointing him to various posts of honor and profit, as will appear in the progress of this biography. During this year he was consulted by Gen. Washington, as to the best plan of arranging " a military peace establish- ment," for the United States. Into this subject he entered quite largely, drafting a system embracing about thirty manuscript pages, giving in detail the whole arrangement, and must have been quite useful to the commander-in-chicf in forming his final report to Congress. In it is embraced, besides the regular troops, a plan for twenty-four regiments of continental militia, selected from the several states, of- ficered and armed like the standing troops, and ready to be called into service when needed. Also a plan for a chain of military posts, or forts for the defense of the frontiers, in the west, one of which is at the mouth of the Muskingum and was established in 1785. And, as in case of war with Great Britain, they would probably have the ascendancy on the northern lakes, he points out the most eligible routes for supplying the posts with provisions. It is an elaborate work and displays the genius of a great and calculating mind : the original draft of which is now among his manu- script papers. In June, 1783, before the final reduction of the army took place at New Windsor, the officers of the army, to the num- ber of two hundred and eighty-three belonging chiefly to the northern states, petitioned Congress for a grant of land in the western country, and Gen. Putnam, in their behalf, ad- dressed a letter to Gen. Washington on the subject, request- ing his influence with Congress in the matter. It explains 88 RUFUS PUTNAM. the views and expectations of the officers, and the good results that would accrue to the* United States, in a clear and masterly manner, and being now a rare document is given in full as justly due to his character and name. "NEW WINDSOR, June 16th, 1783. SIR : As it is very uncertain how long it may be before the honorable Congress may take the petition of the officers of the army, for lands between the Ohio river and Lake Erie, into consideration, or be in a situation to decide thereon, the going to Philadelphia to negotiate the business with any of its members, or committee to whom the petition may be referred, is a measure, none of the petitioners will think of undertaking. The part I have taken in promoting the peti- tion is well known, and, therefore, needs no apology, when 1 inform you, that the signers expect that I will pursue measures to have it laid before Congress. Under these circumstances I beg leave to put the petition in your excellency's hands, and ask with the greatest assurance your patronage of it. That Congress may not be wholly unacquainted with the motives of the petitioners, I beg your indulgence while I make a few observations on the policy and propriety of granting the prayer of it, and making such arrangements of garrisons in the western quarter, as shall give effectual protection to the settlers and encourage emigration to the new government, which, if they meet your approbation, and the favor not too great, I must request your excellency will give them your support, and cause them to be forwarded with the petition, to the President of Congress, in order that when the petition is taken up, Congress or their committee, may be informed on what principles the petition is grounded. I arru, sir, among those who consider the cession of so great a tract of territory to the United States, in the western world, as a very happy circumstance, and of great conse- quence to the American empire. Nor have I the least doubt RUFUS PUTNAM. 89 but Congress will pay an early attention to securing the allegiance of the natives, as well as provide for the defense of the country, in case of a war with Great Britain or Spain. One great means of securing the allegiance of the natives I take to be, the furnishing them with such necessaries as they shall stand in need of, and in exchange receiving their furs and skins. They have become so accustomed to the use of fire-arms, that I doubt if they could gain a subsis- tence without them, at least they will be very sorry to be reduced to the disagreeable necessity of using the bow and aiTow as the only means for killing their game ; and so habituated are they to the woolen blanket, &c., &c., that absolute necessity alone will prevent their making use of them. This consideration alone is I think, sufficient to prove the necessity of establishing such factories as may furnish an ample supply to these wretched creatures : for unless they are furnished by the subjects of the United States, they will undoubtedly seek elsewhere, and like all other people, form their attachment where they have their com- merce ; and then in case of w r ar, will always be certain to aid our enemies. Therefore if there were no advantages in view but that of attaching them to our interest, I think good policy will dictate the measure of carrying on a com- merce with these people ; but when we add to this the con- sideration of the profit arising from the Indian trade in general, there cannot, I presume, be a doubt that it is the interest of the United States to make as early provision for the encouragement and protection of it as possible. For these, and many other obvious reasons, Congress will no doubt find it necessary to establish garrisons at Oswego, Niagara, Detroit, Michilimackinac, Illinois, and many other places in the western world. The Illinois, and all the posts that shall be established 90 RUFUS PUTNAM. on the Mississippi, may undoubtedly be furnished by way of the Ohio, with provisions at all times, and with goods whenever a war shall interrupt the trade with New Or- leans. But in case of a war with Great Britain, unless a communication is open between the river Ohio and Lake Erie, Niagara, Detroit, and all the posts seated on the great lakes, will inevitably be lost without such communication ; for a naval superiority on Lake Ontario, or the seizing on Niagara, will subject the whole country bordering on the lakes to the will of the enemy. Such a misfortune will put it out of the power of the United States to furnish the na- tives, and necessity will again oblige them to take an active part against us. "Where and how this communication is to be opened, shall next be considered. If Capt. Hutching and a number of other map-makers are not out of their calculations, provis- ions may be sent from the settlements on the south side of the Ohio, by the Muskingum or the Scioto, to Detroit, or even to Niagara, at a less expense than from Albany by the Mo- hawk, to those places. To secure such communication, (by the Scioto. all circumstances considered, will be the best.) let a chain of forts be established : these forts should be built on the bank of the river, if the ground will admit, and about twenty miles distant from each other : and on this plan the Scioto communication will require ten or eleven stockaded forts, flanked by block-houses; and one company of men will be a sufficient garrison for each, except the one at the portage, which will require more attention in the construction, and a larger number of men to garrison it. But besides the supplying the garrisons on the great lakes with provisions, &c. ; we ought to take into consideration the protection that such an arrangement will give to the front- iers of Virginia. Pennsylvania, and New 1 ork. I say New York, as we shall undoubtedly extend our settlements and RUFUS PUTNAM. 91 garrisons from the Hudson to Oswego. This done, and a garrison posted at Niagara, whoever will inspect the map must be convinced that all the Indians living on the waters of the Mohawk, Oswego, Susquehanna, and Alleghany rivers, and in all the country south of the lakes Ontario and Erie, will be encircled in such a manner as will effectually secure their allegiance, and keep them quiet, or oblige them to quit their country. Nor will such an arrangement of posts, from the Ohio to Lake Erie, be any additional expense ; for, unless this gap is shut, notwithstanding the garrisons on the lakes, and from Oswego to the Hudson, yet the frontier settlers on the Ohio, by Fort Pitt to the Susquehanna, and all the country south of the Mohawk, w r ill be exposed to savage insult, un- less protected by a chain of garrisons, which will be far more expensive than the arrangement proposed, and at the same time the protection given to these states, will be much less complete ; besides, we should not confine our protec- tion to the present settlements, but carry the idea of extend- ing them at least as far as the lakes Ontario and Erie. These lakes form such a natural barrier, that when con- nected with the Hudson and Ohio by the garrisons pro- posed, settlements in every part of the state of New York and Pennsylvania, may be made with the utmost safety; so that these states must be deeply interested in the measure, as well as Virginia, who will, by the same arrangement, have a great part of its frontier secured, and the rest much strengthened ; nor is there a state in the Union, but will be greatly benefited by the measure, considered in any other point of view; for, without any expense except a small allowance of purchase-money to the natives, the United States will have within their protection, seventeen million, five hundred thousand acres of very fine land, to dispose of as they may think proper. But I hasten to mention some of 92 RUF US PUTNAM. the expectations which the petitioners have, respecting the conditions on which they hope to obtain the lands. This was not proper to mention in the body of the petition, es- pecially as we pray for grants to all members of the army, who wish to take up lands in that quarter. The whole tract is supposed to contain about seventeen million, four hundred and eighteen thousand, two hundred and forty acres ; and will admit of seven hundred and fifty- six townships, of six miles square, allowing to each town- ship, three thousand and forty acres, for the ministry, schools, waste lands, rivers, ponds, and highways ; then each town- ship will contain, of settlers' lands, twenty thousand acres, and in the whole, fifteen million, one hundred and twenty thousand acres. The land to which the army is entitled, by the resolves of Congress, referred to in the petition, ac- cording to my estimate, will amount to two million, one hundred and six thousand, eight hundred and fifty acres, which is about the eighth part of the whole. For the survey of this, the army expect to be at no expense ; nor do they expect to be under any obligation to settle these lands, or do any duty to secure their title in them; but in order to induce the army to become actual settlers in the new gov- ernment, the petitioners hope Congress will make a further grant of lands on condition of settlement; and have no doubt but that honorable body will be as liberal to all those who are not provided for, by their own states, as New York has been to the officers and soldiers that belong to that state; which, if they do, it will require about eight million of acres to complete the army, and about seven million acres will remain for sale. The petitioners, at least some of them, arc much opposed to the monopoly of lands, and wish to guard against large patents being granted to in- dividuals, as, in their opinion, such a mode is very injuri- ous to a country, and greatly retards its settlement; and RUFUS PUTNAM. 93 whenever such patents are tenanted, it throws too much power into the hands of a few. For these and many other obvious reasons, the petitioners hope no grant will be made but by townships of six miles square, or six by twelve, or six by eighteen miles, to be subdivided by the proprietors to six miles square, that being the standard on which they wish all calculations to be made ; and that officers and soldiers, as well as those who petition for charters on purchase, may form their associations on one uniform principle, as to num- ber of persons or rights to be contained in a township, with the exception only, that when the grant is made for reward of services already done, or on condition of settlement, if the officers petition, with the soldiers, for a particular town- ship, the soldiers shall have one right only, to a captain's three, and so in proportion with commissioned officers of every grade. These, sir, are the principles which gave rise to the pe- tition under consideration; the petitioners, at least some of them, think that sound policy dictates the measure, and that Congress ought to lose no time in establishing some such chain of posts as has been hinted at, and in procuring the tract of country petitioned for, of the natives ; for, the mo- ment this is done, and agreeable terms offered to the set- tlers, many of the petitioners are determined, not only to become adventurers, but actually to remove themselves to this country ; and there is not the least doubt, but other val- uable citizens will follow their example ; and the probability is, that the country between Lake Erie and the Ohio will be filled with inhabitants, and the faithful subjects of the United States so established on the waters of the Ohio and the lakes, as to banish forever the idea of our western territory falling under the dominion of any European power; the frontiers of the old states will be effectually secured from 94 RUFUS PUTNAM. savage alarms, and the new will have little to fear from their insults. I have the honor to be, sir, with every sentiment, your excellency's most obedient and very humble servant, RUFUS PUTNAM. Gen. Washington." From the suggestions in this communication of Gen. Put- nam, originated the system of laying out and surveying the public lands in townships of six miles square, continued in all the surveys of United States lands to this day. The townships of six miles square, and subdivided among the proprietors, about the average size of the New England farms, as well as the provision made for the support of schools and the ministry, could only have originated with a Puritan mind ; although the latter was confined to the Ohio Company's and Symm's purchase, and not adopted by Congress. Gen. Washington, in a letter addressed to the President of Congress, advocated the measure strongly, as advantageous to the United States as well as to the petitioners. Nothing, however, was done by them in the matter as to making any additional grant for United States securities, further than that of September, 1770, and this movement was finally the origin of the Ohio Company. After his discharge from the army in 1783, he joined his family in Rutland, Mass., where they then lived, and re- sumed the occupations of farming and surveying. In April, 1784, he addressed the following letter to Gen. Washington, on the subject of the projected settlement to be made by the officers and soldiers of the army in the Ohio country, which subject seems to have entered deeply into his heart, and occupied a prominent place in his attention; R U F U S PUTNAM. 95 he may therefore well be called the projector and father of the settlements northwest of the Ohio river. " RUTLAND, April 5th, 1784. DEAR SIR : Being unavoidably prevented from attending the general meeting of the Cincinnati at Philadelphia, as I had intended, where I once more expected the opportunity in person of paying my respe-cts to your excellency, I cannot deny myself the honor of addressing you by letter, to ac- knowledge with gratitude the ten thousand obligations I feel myself under to your goodness, and most sincerely to con- gratulate you on your return to domestic happiness ; to inquire after your health, and wish the best of Heaven's blessings may attend you and your dear lady. The settlement of the Ohio country, sir, engrosses many of my thoughts ; and much of my time, since I left the camp, has been employed in informing myself and others, with respect to the nature, situation, and circumstances of that country, and the practicability of removing ourselves there ; and if I am to form an opinion on what I have seen and heard on the subject, there are thousands in this quarter who will emigrate to that country, as soon as the honorable Congress make provisions for granting lands there, and locations and settlements can be made with safety, unless such provision is too long delayed ; I mean till necessity turn their views another way, which is the case with some already, and must soon be the case with many more. You are sensible of the necessity, as well as the possibility cf both officers and soldiers fixing themselves in business some- where, as soon as possible, as many of them are unable to lie long on their oars, waiting the decision of Congress, on our petition ; and, therefore, must unavoidably settle themselves in some other quarter ; which, when done, the idea of re- moving to the Ohio country will probably be at an end, with respect to most of them ; besides, the commonwealth of 90 RUFUS PUTNAM. Massachusetts have come to a resolution to sell their eastern country for public securities ; and should their plan be formed, and propositions be made public before we hear any- thing from Congress respecting our petition, and the terms on which the lands petitioned for are to be obtained, it will undoubtedly be much against us, by greatly lessening the number of Ohio associates. Another reason why we wish to know, as soon as possi- ble, what the intentions of Congress are respecting our pe- tition, is the effect such knowledge will probably have, on the credit of the certificates we have received on settlement of accounts : those securities arc now selling at no more than three shillings and six pence, or four shillings on the pound; which, in all probability, might double, if no more, the moment it was known that government would receive them for lands in the Ohio country. From these circum- stances, and many others which might be mentioned, we are growing quite impatient; and the general inquiry now is, when are we going to the Ohio? Among others, Brig. Gen. Tupper, Lieut. Col. Oliver, and Maj. Ashley, have agreed to accompany me to that country, the moment the way is open for such an undertaking. I should have hinted these things to some member of Congress, but the delegates from Massachusetts, although exceeding worthy men, and, in general, would wish to promote the Ohio scheme, yet, if it should militate against the particular interest of this state, by draining her of inhabitants, especially when she is form- ing the plan of selling the eastern country, I thought they would not be very warm advocates in our favor; and I dare not trust myself with any of the New York delegates, with whom I was acquainted, because that government arc wisely inviting the eastern people to settle in that state; and as to the delegates of other states, I have no acquaintance with anv of thorn. R U F U S P U T N A M . 97 These circumstances must apologi/c for my troubling you on this subject, and requesting the favor of a line, to inform us in this quarter, what the prospects are with re- spect to our petition, and what measures have, or are likely to be taken, with respect to settling the Ohio country. I shall take it as a very particular favor, sir, if you will be kind enough to recommend me to some character in Con- gress, acquainted with, and attached to the Ohio cause, with whom I may presume to open a correspondence. I am, sir, with the highest respect, your humble servant, RUFUS PUTNAM. Gen. Washington." In June, he received the following reply from Gen. Wash- ington : " MOUNT VERNON, June 2d, 1784. DEAR SIR : I could not answer your favor of the 5th of April, from Philadelphia, because Gen. Knox, having mis- laid, only presented the letter to me in the moment of my departure from that place. The sentiments of esteem and friendship which breathe in it, are exceedingly pleasing and flattering to me, and you. may rest assured they are reciprocal. I wish it was in my power to give you a more favorable account of the officers' petition for lands on the Ohio, and its waters, than I am about to do. After this matter, and information respecting the establishment for peace, w r ere my inquiries, as I went through Annapolis, solely directed : but I could not learn that anything decisive had been done in either. On the latter, I hear Congress are differing about their powers ; but as they have accepted of the cession from Vir- ginia, and have resolved to lay off ten new states, bounded by latitudes and longitudes, it should be supposed that they 98 BUFUS PUTNAM. would determine something respecting the former, before they adjourn; and yet I very much question it. as the latter is to happen on the 3d, that is to-morrow. As the Congress who are to meet in November next, by the adjournment will be composed from an entire new choice of delegates in each state, it is not in my power, at this time, to direct you to a proper correspondent in that body. I wish I could ; for per- suaded I am, that to some such cause as you have assigned, may be ascribed the delay the petition has encountered; for surety, if 'justice and gratitude to the army, and general policy of the Union were to govern in this case, there would not be the smallest interruption in granting its request. I really feel for those gentlemen, who, by these unaccountable de- lays, (by any other means than those you have suggested.) are held in such an awkward and disagreeable state of sus- pense ; and wish my endeavors could remove the obstacles. At Princeton, before Congress left that place, I exerted every power I was master of, and dwelt upon the argument you have used, to show the propriety of a speed}- decision. Every member with whom I conversed, acquiesced in the reasonableness of the petition. All yielded, or seemed to yield to the policy of it. but plead the want of cession of the land, to act upon; this is made and accepted; and yet mat- ters, as far as they have come to my knowledge, remain in etatu quo.*' After speaking of his own lands on the Ohio and Ken- awha, he closes with, " I am, dear sir, with very sincere esteem and regard, your most obedient servant, G. WASHINGTON." The project of an immediate establishment in the wilder- ness, northwest of the river Ohio, having failed, he, on the ( 2d of August of this year, left his home once more, to sur- vey a tract of land for the state of Massachusetts, bordering RIIFUS PUTNAM. 99 on tlic hay of Passamaquoddy, and returned from that ser- vice in November. Iti the course of this year, the Leicester academy, one of the earliest and most respectable in the state, was incorpo rated, and Gen. Putnam became one of its principal friends and benefactors; giving', for its support, one hundred pound.-, or three hundred and thirty-three dollars, and thirty-three cents, a liberal sum for one in his circumstances. He \vas appointed one of the trustees, in company with the Hon. Moses Gill, Hon. Lcvi Lincoln, Joseph Allen, Seth Wash- barn, Samuel Baker, and several respectable clergymen of the vicinity; thus showing his regard for such institutions as would benefit his country. In 1785, the Legislature being well satisfied with his la- bor, and the correct, intelligent report, made to them, of his doings in the preceding year, appointed him on the committee for the sale of their eastern lands, and also superintendent of the surveys to be made this year. In June, while he was in Boston making preparations for the voyage, he received notice of his appointment, by Congress, as one of the sur- veyors of their lands, northwest of the river Ohio, recently ordered to be surveyed for sale, being seven ranges of town- ships, immediately west of the Pennsylvania line. As he could not honorably relinquish his engagement with Massa- chusetts, and also wished to accept the office, he wrote to the secretary an affirmative answer, and at the same time, a letter to the Massachusetts delegation, requesting them to get Congress to appoint Gen. Tuppcr temporarily, in his place, until his present contract was fulfilled. This object was accomplished, and Gen. Tupper proceeded on to Pitts- burg, for this purpose, in 1785. On the 1 1th of June, he sailed, with his company of surveyors, from Beverly, and arrived at Blue Hill on the 20th. This season was occupied 100 EUFUS PUTNAM. in surveying the coast, islands, and towns westward of Pen- obscot bay, and laid the foundation for a correct chart of that stormy sea-board. He returned late in December, and spent the winter in protracting the results of his labors, for the use of the state. In January, 1785, a treaty was made with the Indians claiming the lands now in Ohio, at Fort Mclntosh, but with conditions so repugnant to the Delawares and Shawnoes, who considered themselves as cheated and deceived by the com- missioners on the part of the United States, that they threat- ened with death any who attempted to execute the surveys, and were so manifestly hostile, that it was deemed impru- dent to make the attempt, and the work was abandoned for that year. When Gen. Tupper returned in the winter, he made a very favorable report of the fertility and beauty of the country, and as there was no expectation of Congress doing anything more favorable for the officers and soldiers of the late arrny than wsa contained in their ordinance of the 20th of May, 1785, Gen. Putnam concluded to join with Gen. Tupper in proposing an association for the purchase of lands in the western country. Accordingly on the 10th of Jan- uary, 1786, after nearly a whole night spent in conferring on this momentous subject, they issued a public notice ad- dressed to the officers and soldiers, as well as other good citizens disposed to become adventurers in the Ohio country, to meet at Boston, by delegates chosen in the several coun- ties, on the 1st day of March, for the purpose of forming an association by the name of '-The Ohio Company." From that night's conference of these two men, who had long been close, and firm friends, on the 9th of January, 1786. proceeded the first germ of the present great state of Ohio. A full detail of the formation and progress of the company, RUFUS PUTNAM. 101 will be found in " The History of the first Settlement of Wash- ington county, and the Transactions of the Ohio Company," a work which precedes the volume of Biographies. In March, 178G, the United States purveyors were ordered to proceed west; and as Gen. Tupper had been at veiy se- rious expense in the last year's journey, without any profit, Gen. Putnam kindly continued him as his substitute, while he occupied the summer in closing the business of the Mas- sachusetts lands. In addition to this, he was appointed by the state a commissioner, in conjunction with Gen. Lincoln, and Judge Paine, of Wiscassct, to treat with the Penobscot Indians, which was accomplished in August and Septem- ber of that year. During the severe weather of January, 1787, he joined Gen. Lincoln at Worcester, as a volunteer aid to suppress the Shay insurrection, and continued to as- sist him with his advice and personal presence during this trying period, until the final dispersion of the insurgents at Petersham, in February. In April he was appointed a jus- tice of the peace by Gov. Bowdoin, and in May chosen by the town of Rutland, a member in the General Assembly, and attended the spring and autumn sessions of that year. In November, 1789, the directors of the Ohio Company appointed him superintendent of all their affairs relating to the settlement of their lands northwest of the river Ohio. The first division of their pioneers left Danvers, in Massa- chusetts, under the direction of Maj. Haffield White, on the 1st day of December. The second assembled at Hartford, Conn., on the 1st of January, 1788, and were led by Col. Sproat; Gen. Putnam being obliged to go by the way of the city of New York, on the business of the company. On the 24th of that month he joined the division at Swatarra creek, Pa., which they crossed with much difficulty, on ac- count of the ice. On that night there fell a deep snow, which blocked up the roads, and with their utmost exertions 102 RUFUS PUTNAM. they could get their wagons no further than Cooper's tav- ern, now Strawsburg, at the foot of the Tuscarawas moun- tain, on the 29th of January. Here they ascertained thai no one had crossed the mountains since the last fall of snow, which, with that on the ground before, made about three feet. They therefore abandoned their wagons, built four stout sledges, to which they harnessed their horses in single file, preceded by the men on foot, who broke a track for the teams, and thus, after two weeks of incessant labor, they overcame the mountain ranges, and the numerous dif- ficulties of the way, reaching Simrel's ferry on the Ybugh- iogheny on the 14th of February, where they found the party under Haj. "White, who arrived the 23d of January. By the 1st of April, having completed their boats and taken in their stores of provisions, they embarked on the western waters for the mouth of the Muskingum, which place they reached on the 7th of April, and landed at the upper point, where they pitched their camp among the trees. The next day Col. Sproat and John Mathews commenced the survey of the eight acre lots, and in a few days after the city lots and streets, of the town of .Marietta. On his way out, Gen. Putnam procured copies of the several treaties heretofore made with the western Indians, from which he became impressed, that they would not long remain at peace, when they .saw the whites taking actual possession of the country north of the Ohio river, which had for many years been considered the boundary line between their lands and those of the United States. For this reason he directly com- menced the erection of a strong garrison on the margin of the plain, near the Muskingum river, for the protection of themselves and the emigrants soon expected to follow. This fort was called " Campus Alartius," and is fully do- scribed in the preceding history. The pioneers that year planted about one hundred and thirty acres of corn, on the- RUFUS PUTNAM. 103 plain back of the garrison, after girdling the trees, and de- positing the seed, in the loose earth with a hoe, there being no under brush in the forests at this period. The season was propitious, and the yield about thirty bushels to the acre. lie notes, " We had no frost until winter ; I had Eng- lish beans blossomed in December." Previous to taking possession of their lands, the directors and agents of the company had no correct knowledge of the face of the coun- try, or the quality of the soil, on the Muskingum, at and near its confluence with the Ohio, where they had determined on locating their capital, to cover, including commons, four thousand acres ; and contiguous to this, to lay off one thou- sand lots of eight acres each, for the convenience of the proprietors. In June, Gen. Parsons and Gen. Varnum, two of the di- rectors, with a sufficient number of the agents, arrived, to form a meeting, on the 2d day of July. On examining the location of the eight acre lots, they were much disappointed to find that no one of them had drawn a lot so near the town as to make it prudent to cultivate them. To remedy this evil, they voted to divide three thousand acres of the land reserved for city commons, into three acre lots; but this unwise division did not mend the difficulty : they were still as little accommodated as before. The project of laying out eight acre lots had been opposed from the first by Gen. Putnam and a few others, who advocated the plan of laying oil' small farms of sixty-four acres of the best lands, to each share bordering on the Ohio or Muskingum ; of which the first actual settlers might take their choice; but they were overruled and the eight acre lots having been drawn, it was too late to adopt the other plan. In July, Gov. St. Glair arrived, and a code of laws for the government of the territory promulgated. In September the Court of Common Pleas and Quarter Sessions held their 104 EUFUS PUTNAM. first session. Of the latter Gen. Putnam was the presiding officer, and gave the charge to the grand jury, in a very ap- propriate and impressive manner. It was an august and ever-to-be-commemorated occasion the iirst opening of the halls of civil justice in a region destined to be filled with millions of happy human beings. Much to the credit of the moral and peaceful habits of the first settlers of Ohio, no suit of a civil or criminal kind was entered on the docket of the session. In the course of the year 1788, in addition to the first forty-eight who landed on the 7th of April, there arrived eighty-four men, with several women and children, embra- cing fifteen families, making at its close nearly two hundred souls ; and let it be remembered that at the beginning of the year 1789, there was not a single white family within the present bounds of Ohio, but those in this settlement. Col. Harmer and many of his officers were proprietors in the Ohio Company. Judge Symmes passed down the Ohio during the summer, to his purchase, with a few families, but they spent the winter in Kentucky. The directors and agents early saw the necessity of providing some way to furnish actual settlers not proprietors, with lands, for the prosperity of the settlement. Emigrants were constantly passing down the Ohio river for Kentucky, many of whom were desirous of settling in the Ohio Company's purchase, if they could get lands. For this reason they resolved to donate one hundred acres from each share of land, to any actual settler who would take possession thereof; and a committee was appointed to reconnoiter the purchase, and select suitable spots for the settlements. la 1780. the additions to the colony were one hundred and fifty-two men, and fifty-seven families, and settlements wen; commenced at Belpre, Waterford and Wolf creek mills. In this year Gen. Putnam was appointed, by the RUE US PUTNAM. 105 governor, judge of probate, for the county of Washington. The insignia on his seal of office was a balance ; an emblem of ihc exact justice that ever balanced his own mind. In 1790, he was commissioned as a judge of the United States Court, filling the place on the bench made vacant by the death of den. Parsons. In November of this year, he removed his family to Marietta, consisting of his wife, six daughters, two sons, and two grandchildren. During the autumn the French emigrants, nearly four hundred in num- ber, arrived, and he was at a good deal of expense, on ac- count of Mr. Duer, of New York, in erecting houses and supplying them with provisions, which was never repaid. On the '2d of January, 1791, the Indians made their first hostile movements on the settlements of the company, sack- ing and destroying the station at Big Bottom, killing four- teen persons, and carrying five others into captivity. The troops had been withdrawn from Fort Harmer. in the unfor- tunate expedition into the country of the Shawnoes, who were greatly exasperated, instead of humbled thereby; and now with the other tribes who sided with them, threatened the destruction of the new establishments on the Ohio and Mus- kingum. By the return of the muster rolls of the militia at the time, it appears that the whole force amounted to two hundred and fifty men, to which may be added thirty-seven old men and civil officers, all that could be mustered for the defense of the three settlements. In this trying emergency , the wisdom and experience of Gen. Putnam were found to be of the utmost value. lie, with the other old officers of the Revolution, devised the plan of erecting strong garrisons at Belpre and Waterford, while ihosc at Marietta were strength- ened with additional works; to all which the Ohio Company lent their ready assistance, and during the four years of the vrar expended above eleven thousand dollars of their money in provisions, pay, clothing, &c., for the militia, which was 10 6 EUFUS PUTNAM. never repaid by the United States, although rightly and justly due them. The plan of appointing a company of rangers to scour the woods in the vicinity of the station?, was the suggestion of Cen. Putnam, who had seen the wis- dom of the system in the old French war, and was one of the principal causes of so little loss by the colonists. The principal events of the Avar are detailed in the History of "Washington county, and will not be recapitulated here. In May, 1792, while in Philadelphia, on business for the Ohio Company, he was appointed by the senate a brigadier- general in the army of the United States, at the suggestion of his old and firm friend, Gen. Washington. This appoint- ment he accepted with great reluctance, as appears by his letter to the secretary of war. In a few days after, he received his instructions from the secretary ; one of the first duties of which was " to attempt to be present at the general council of the hostile Indians, about to be assembled on the Miami river of Lake Erie, in order 1o convince them of the humane disposition of the United States; and thereby to make a truce or peace with them."' lie arrived at Pittsburg on his way home, the 2d of June, and on the 5th sent a speech to the hostile tribes, by two Munsee Indians who had been taken prisoners, and whom lie released for that purpose. The purport of the speech was to notify them of the ob- ject of his mission, and ' to request them to open a path to Fort Jefferson, where he expected to arrive in about twenty days ; and that they should r-end some of their young men, with CVtpt. Ilendricks, to conduct him with a few friends to the place they should name for their meeting." From unexpected delays, he, however, did not arrive at Fort Washington, or Cincinnati, until the ~2d of July, where he learned that on the very dav he had sent word to the In- dians he should be at Fort Jefferson, a bodv of one hundred RUFUS PUTNAM. 107 Indians, dressed in white shirts, and their leader with a scar- let coat, attacked a party of whites who were making hay in a meadow near the fort, and killed and carried into cap- tivity sixteen men. From the extraordinary dress of these Indian?, there is reason to suppose they were sent out, or at least furnished with their clothing, by the British agent at their post on the Miami, for the express purpose of decoying and taking off Gen. Putnam, which was further strengthened soon after by the murder of Col. Hardy and Col. Trupman, who had been sent out with flags of truce, and were to have accompanied him, but the Providential delays of the journey prevented his being killed or captured with them. From these events and other circumstances, he became satisfied that the grand counsel were determined on war, and there- fore it was useless to make any further efforts to induce them to treat of peace at present. By a letter from Maj. Hamtramick, at Post Vincent, ho was led to believe that the Wabash, and more western tribes, would, listen to his proposals of peace. He, therefore, on the 24th, sent a speech to all the western tribes, inviting them to meet him in council, at Post Vincent, on the 20th of September; assuring them that he should bring their friends and relatives with him. now prisoners at Fort Wash- ington. On the IGth of August, he left that post, in his twelve-oared barge, under the escort of Capt. Peters, with t\vo Kentucky boats, the Indian prisoners, sixty in number, with goods, provisions, &c., intending to ascend the Wabash in pirogues. He reached the mouth of that stream in about eighteen days, being retarded by the low stage of the water. Here he met a guard of fifty-one men, and four pirogues, with each a French voyageur, to conduct him to Post Vin- cent, sent on by Maj. Hamtramick, the commander of the post, where they arrived on the 13th of September. At 108 RUFUS PUTNAM. the time he left the falls of Ohio, a large drove of cattle was sent across the country, under an escort from Fort Steu- ben, which stood at the head of the falls, intended to supply food for the Indians at the treaty, who were expected to number seven or eight hundred. The commandant at Vin- cennes had sent the commissioner's speech, of the '24th of July, to all the tribes on the W abash, of which, he received notice, by letter of the 31st of August; and the prospect of a*full attendance at the treaty was very flattering. A reg- ular correspondence was kept up with Gen. Wayne and Gen. Wilkerson, some of which letters are very interesting, detailing the progress of events on the frontiers. One from Wilkerson, of the last of September, gives an account of a reconnoisance, just made by him, to the outposts on the Miami and heads of the Wabash, across the battle ground of Gen. St. Clair, where he found two brass field pieces, left on the field by the Indians. The treaty was opened on the 25th of September, and concluded on the 27th ; and was strictly a treaty of peace and amity, between eight of the W abash tribes and the United States. It was signed by thirty-one of their kings, chiefs, and warriors. It contained seven articles; the pur- port of which was, that these tribes were taken into the pro- tection of the United States, who warranted to them, the peaceable possession of their lands, and promised never to take them from them, without their consent and a just ecmiv- alent paid therefor. Perpetual peace was to be maintained between the contracting parties. All the white prisoners and negroes in their possession, were to be delivered up at Fort Knox, or Vinccnncs, as soon as possible; and they promised to cease from stealing negroes and horses from the whites. It was witnessed by the officers of the post, and the interpreters William Wells, Rene Codine, and the RUFUS PUTNAM. 109 Rev. John Hackenwelder, who accompanied Gen. Putnam in his journey from Marietta, and was well known to many of the tribes. In the journal of the proceedings, several of the speeches of the chiefs are given ; some of which are quite sensible, but none of them equal to those made at the treaty of Greenville, in 1795, by the Shawanoes, Pottawatamies, and Wyandots. Turke, a Wyandot, said, " I now tell you, that no one in particular can justly claim this ground; it be- longs in common to us all; no earthly being has an exclu- sive right to it. The Great Spirit above is the true and only owner of this soil; and He has given us all an equal right to it." He also said, " We will offer our acknowledg- ments to the Great Spirit ; for, it is Him alone who has brought us together, and caused us to agree in the good works which have been done," referring to the treaty. The New Corn, a Pottawatamic chief, and an old man, spoke at this treaty, and at the close, said, "My friends, I am old> but I shall never die. I shall always live in my children, and children's children." A beautiful sentiment, and worthy the best days of Socrates. These few brief specimens of their speeches are given to show that they are not destitute of native genius, brilliant thoughts, and just sentiments. The treaty accomplished by Gen. Putnam was of essen- tial benefit to the country ; as it neutralized, and detached a large body of warriors from the hostile tribes, who lived near to the borders of Kentucky, and thus lessened the strength of our enemies. There were in attendance at the treaty, six hundred and eighty-six men, women and children ; two hundred and forty-seven of which were warriors. After its close, a large quantity of clothing and ornaments was dis- tributed amongst, them, which served to confirm their good intentions. On the IGth of September, nine days before the 110 RUFUS PUTNAM. opening of the treaty, he issued a proclamation, reminding the inhabitants of Post Vincennes of the law prohibiting the sale of spirituous liquors to the Indians; and forbid any one, whether licensed or unlicensed, from selling any during the continuance of the treaty. This was a wise precaution; as when under the influence of its insane effects, no good could have been accomplished with the Indians. On the 8th of October, the inhabitants of the town made a written address to Gen. Putnam, through Maj. Yanderburgh, in which they congratulate and thank him, for the happy manner in which he had accomplished the treaty of peace, with a part of the hostile tribes, and the benefits which would result to the in- habitants of that territory, from it. Amongst other things, they say, " Your happy success in this arduous enterprise affords another proof, how much you merit the honors which government has conferred upon you, and will remain a me- mento of the justice of Congress, and of your integrity, to the latest times." It was signed by Paul and Pierre Gamelin, and the principal French and English inhabitants of the place, and remains a memorial of their gratitude. To this, he returned a polite answer; and among other things, says, 'It must give a man of sensibility, peculiar pleasure, to find that his manner of treating the Indians meets the approba- tion of a people so long acquainted with their customs and manners;"' and closes with wishing them happiness and prosperity, "under a wise administration and the blessings of peace." Amidst all this complication of business, he was suffering with severe illness, an attack of intermittent fever of the tertian type, on the 25th of September, the first day of the treaty. This continued to harass him until the Gth of Oc- tober. On the 29th of September, ten of the Indian chiefs, whorii he had invited to visit their father, the President of RUFUS PUTNAM. Ill the United States, left Post Vincent, under charge of Lieut. Prior and Mr. Hackemveldcr, who accompanied them as far as Marietta. On the 10th of October, Gen. Putnam left the post, by water, being yet weak and feeble. From sickness and va- rious delays, he did not reach his home until the iSth of December. On the way up, he encamped one night in com- pany with some hunters, who had a full supply of bear and other wild meat. This was cooked in their camp-kettle, hunter fashion. Of this, he ate very freely, contrary to the advice of his physician, who had forbidden animal food; and ascribed his recovery to that night's repast, as from that hour, his health was rapidly restored, and ague subdued. As soon as he was able to travel on horseback, he set out for Philadelphia, to make his report to the secretary of war, Henry Knox. Soon after this, he resigned his commission of brigadier-general, he being unfit for actual service, and not wishing to retain an office, the duties of which he could not fulfill with benefit to the government. On the 15th of February, the secretary of war addressed to him the following : "W.\R DEPARTMENT, Feb. 15th, 1793. SIR : Your letter of yesterday has been submitted to the President of the United States while he accepts your resig- nation, he regrets that your ill health compels you to leave the army, as he had anticipated much good to the troops, from your experience as an officer. He has commanded me to tender you his thanks, for the zeal and judgment mani- fested in your negotiation with the W abash Indians, and your further endeavors toward a general pacification. I am, sir, with great esteem, your obedient servant, II. KNOX, Secretary of War. Brig. Gen. Rufus Putnam." In May, 1793, he was appointed by the directors of the 112 RUFUS PUTNAM. Ohio Company, superintendent of the surveys of one hun- dred thousand acres of land, donated by Congress to actual settlers,in the purchase, in lots of one hundred acres to each man, on the 21st of April, 1792. For the encouragement of settlers, the surveys were actually begun and carried on in certain allotments, on and near the Muskingum, in the midst of the war, and it was so ordered that no accident befell the surveyors from the Indians, although constantly liable to their attacks. In 1794, a more safe and effectual mode of conducting the intelligence between the army assembling on the frontiers and the seat of government, than that by express through Kentucky and Carolina, or the chance and uncertain one by travelers up and down the river, had to be devised. Col. Pickering, the post master general, proposed that of send- ing the mails by water, in packet boats, which was submitted to Gen. Putnam, for his advice. He soon arranged a plan that was adopted, of light boats, manned with five men each, to run from Wheeling to Limestone, with regular relays, and stations of exchange, one of which was Marietta. This system was put under the superintendence of Gen. Putnam, and found on experience to be very useful, safe, and expedi- tious. A full account of which is given in the History of Washington county. In 1795, he was appointed by Mr. Walcott, secretary of the treasury, to arrange the distribution and survey of the twenty-four thousand acres of land given by Congress to the French settlers at Gallipolis which tract is known by the name of the " French Grant." The President also, through Mr. Walcott, confided to him the superintendence of the lay- ing out a national road, located by Ebene/.er Zane, from \\ heeling in Va., to Limestone in Ivy. In October, 171)6, he was commissioned by the President Gen. Washington, surveyor-general of the United States RUFUS PUTNAM. 113 lands a post of great responsibility ; requiring a thorough knowledge of the principles of surveying, and the higher branches of mathematics, astronomy, &c., to be able to de- tect any errors that might arise in the returns, of the field notes, plats, &c., of the subordinate surveyors. It also re- quired great industry and constant vigilance, in attending to the duties of the office, which embraced large tracts of coun- try in the Northwest Territory, now first ordered to be sur- veyed. The lands granted to the officers of the army for military services were surveyed under his direction, and platted by himself. In this map the width of the streams is given, as well as their direction. The tract contains one hundred and seventy-four townships or sections, of five miles square, in twenty ranges. The lands given to the Moravian Indians, at Shoenbrun, Gnadenhutten and Salem, lie in this tract. This office he continued to hold, with great credit to himself, and entire satisfaction of the government, until September, 1803, when Mr. Mansfield was appointed to his place, by Mr. Jefferson. Mr. Jefferson, in his reply to a remonstrance of the New Haven merchants, for some of his removals in that place, says, " How are vacancies to be obtained ? Those by death are few : by resignation none. Can any other mode than removal be proposed? I shall proceed with deliberation, that it may be thrown as much as possible on delinquency, oppression, intolerance, and anti-revolutionary adherence to our enemies/' And yet he was well known to have turned out some of the firmest Whigs of the revolution. Gen. Put- nam consoled himself under this mortifying act, by saying, " I am happy in having my name enrolled with many others who have suffered the like political death, for adherence to those correct principles and measures, in the pursuance of which our country rose from a state of weakness, disgrace, and poverty, to strength, honor, and credit." 114 RUFUS PUTNAM. In 1798, he devised a plan for erecting a building, by a company of proprietors, for the purposes of education, to be called the " Muskingum Academy," which is believed to have been the first in the state, for branches of learning higher than those taught in common schools. The stock amounted to one thousand dollars, of which he was one of the princi pal owners. A building was put up in front of the large commons on the Muskingum, which continued to be occu- pied for the purposes of education for more than twenty years. It also served for a place of public worship until the year 1808, for the first Congregational society, who were the principal owners. In 1801, he was appointed by the Territorial Legislature, one of the trustees of the Ohio University, established at Athens, and spent a great deal of time in bringing the lands for its support into available use ; and in forming rules and regulations for the government of the college. It was a subject in which he felt the deepest interest, and had been one of the principal movers of the plan, appropriating two full townships of land for its support, in the purchase made by the Ohio Company from Congress in 1789. This land, be it remembered, was not a gift of the United States, but a part of the contract made in the bargain by the agents of the company with the Board of the Treasury. The en- dowment of this institution, and seeing it put in actual oper- ation, were subjects which lay near his heart, and which he lived to sec fulfilled, and a number of young men, now among the most eminent in the state, there educated and receive literary degrees. In 1802, he was elected by the citizens of Washington county, then embracing a large territory, a member of the convention to form a constitution for the state of Ohio. It was an arduous and difficult labor, in which many conflict- ing views were to be harmonized, but was finally completed RUFUS PUTNAM. 115 in the best manner the period and times would allow. A history of the parties, and the secret springs put in motion during the formation of this important document, which was to shape the destiny of future millions, for weal or woe, would now be a narrative of peculiar interest, and may be expected from the pen of one the few remaining living mem- bers of that convention, in an article for the Historical Soci- ety of Ohio. In January, 1800, the Rev. Samuel Priuce Robbins was settled as pastor over the church and congregation of which he was a member. In 1807, he drafted the plan of a large frame building for a church, which was executed under his superintendence, the funds being raised by the more wealthy members of the society and his own liberal subscription, amounting to fifteen hundred dollars. It was finished and occupied in 1808, and yet remains a monument of his devo- tion and zeal to the cause of religion. Thirty of the pews were reserved by him, and in his will, the annual rents de- voted to the support of the pastor, and a Sunday school ; equally divided between them. In his latter years, when he had retired from the active pursuits of life, his mind was much occupied in devising plans for the promotion of the gospel. In 1812, he was deeply engaged with several others in forming a Bible Society, the first that was organized west of the mountains, and subscribed very liberally for its support. It has continued to flourish until this day, and has been the means of spreading that blessed book amongst thousands of the destitute in this, and the adjacent counties. A correspondence, by letters, was kept up with his old as- sociates of the Revolutionary war, and in one of the letters from Gov. Strong of Massachusetts, in 1812, he writes, "By your letter, I am convinced that your sentiments with regard to the present war, are similar to my own. Your old ac- quaintances, Gen. Brooks, (afterward Gov. of Massachusetts,) 116 RUFUS PUTNAM. and Gen. Cobb, are of the council. I read to them your letter, and they expressed in the warmest terms their friendship and respect for you." Such manifestations of the regard and friendship of his early associates, served to ani- mate and warm his heart, as old age approached, and console him for the great political changes which were con- tinually going on. In his religious character, he was equally faithful and ener- getic, as in his military and civil. In the year 1816, a gen- tleman removed to Marietta from Massachusetts, who had been engaged as a teacher in Sunday schools, and well acquainted with conducting those seminaries of good prin- ciples, in which that state was ever foremost. At that period it was a new thing 1 in the west, and none were in operation in the valley of the Ohio. Gen. Putnam was quite anxious to have one established in Marietta, and made many in- quiries of the teacher as to the manner of conducting them. After one of these interviews, he sent for him one day, and related to him a dream he had the night before. He thought he was standing by a window in a large public building, and saw a procession of children neatly clad, approaching with music. lie asked a bystander the meaning of the show who answered, " These are the children of the Sabbath school.'" After this relation he remarked to the teacher that he thought he should live to see the dream fulfilled. The following spring, a Sabbath school was commenced in the Muskingum Academy, and continued through the summer. The next year, or in 1818, three schools were opened in dif- ferent parts of the town. In the autumn, when the time for closing them arrived, they then being laid aside in the winter, the three schools were assembled at the academy, and a procession formed, which marched from that building on to the bank of the Muskingum, and thence to the Congrega- tional church. As the teacher, before mentioned, entered IIUFUS PUTNAM. 117 the hou.se, Gen. Putnam was standing at the window from which he had viewed the approach of the procession, and as the tears flowed from his eyes, exclaimed " Here is the fulfillment of my dream! 1 ' In the spring of 1820, a -revival of religion commenced in Marietta, and frequent evening meetings were held for prayer, but being very old and infirm, he was unable to at- tend them. A friend remarked to him that he supposed it was a source of regret to him, that he could not meet with them at this interesting period. " I do meet with you," was his prompt reply ; meaning by this, as was afterward ascer- tained, that he spent the whole time of the meeting in his closet, engaged in secret prayer. About the year 1821, a company of missionaries from New England, arrived at Marietta, on their way to the Osage Indians. Two young ladies, who stayed with Mr. William Slocomb, expressed a strong desire of seeing Gen. Putnam, and he accompanied them to his house. After many inqui- ries as to the prospects of the mission, and expressing his ardent desire for its success, he abruptly asked them if they had any fresh meat on board their boat? Finding they had none, he turned to Mr. Slocomb and said, " I now sec through the whole mystery ; I have an ox that has been fat- ting for more than a year, and for several months past have tried to sell him, but could not. I now understand the rea- son: the Lord has designed him for this mission family. I will have him killed and dressed by eight o'clock in the morning, and do you have barrels and salt ready at the boat, for packing what cannot be used fresh." All was done as he directed. For some time before his death, being unable to attend public worship, a duty he had never failed to perform, in all weather, while able to walk that distance, it was his weekly practice to rehearse in his own mind, the articles of the 118 RUFUS PUTNAM. Assembly's Shorter Catechism, lest from not hearing the preached word, he might lose sight of the great principles and doctrines of the Christian religion : a practice well worthy the attention of modern professors. Many other examples might be given of his devotion to the cause of religion, but these will suffice to show his habitual feelings on this mo- mentous subject. He lost his excellent and faithful wife in the year 1820; but his last years were made comfortable and happy by the unremitting and affectionate attention of his pious maiden daughter, Elizabeth. His final departure was like that of the righteous, and his last end full of hope and heavenly consolation. Although he was for many years the master of a lodge of Masons, to which he became attached during the war, yet he enjoined it upon his son, as one of his last orders, that his burial should be conducted without any of the forms and ceremo- nies common at the funerals of those the world calls great, but in the most simple manner ever practiced on these oc- casions; choosing rather to be buried as a humble follower of Christ, than with the showy forms of military or Masonic pageantry. He died in May, 1824, in the eighty-seventh year of his age. In person, Gen. Putnam was tall, nearly six feet; stout, and commanding: features strongly marked, with a calm. resolute expression of countenance, indicating firmness and decision, so peculiar to the men who figured in the American revolution: eyes grey, and one of them disfigured by an injury in childhood, which gave it an outward, oblique cast, leaving the expression of his face strongly impressed on the mind of the beholder. His manner was abrupt, prompt, and decisive ; a trait peculiar to the Putnam family, but, withal, kind and conciliating. In conversation, he was very interesting; possessing a rich fund of anecdote, and RUFUS PUTNAM. 119 valuable facts in the history of men and things with which ho had been familiar; delivered in a straightforward, impress- ive manner, very instructive and pleasant to the hearer. The impress of his character is strongly marked on the population of Marietta, in their buildings, institutions, and manners; so true it is, that nc\v settlements, like children, continue to bear through life, more or less, the impressions and habits of their early childhood. ABRAHAM WHIPPLE. ABRAHAM WIIIPPLE was a descendant of John Whipple, one of the original proprietors of the Providence plantations, and associate of Roger Williams, who is considered the founder of the colony. He was born in Providence, Rhode Island, in the year 1733. His early education was very imperfect; but possessing a naturally strong mind, and great resolution of purpose, he acquired in the course of the sea-faring life which he fol- lowed at an early period, sufficient knowledge of naviga- tion, and the keeping accounts, to conduct the command of vessels in the West India trade, with credit to himself and profit to his employers. The intercourse of the colonists was restricted by Mother Britain to that of her own posses- sions, with an exception in favor of the Dutch port of Surinam on the main, and the Danish island of St. Croix. This busi- ness he followed for many years previous to the war of the Revolution, and several letters from Nicholas Brown, one of the earliest merchants of Providence, and in whose employ he sailed, are on file amongst his papers, containing instruc- tions for the conduct of the voyage. Toward the close of the old French war, after the king of Spain had taken tip arms against England, he was employed as the commander of a privateer called the Game Cock.* During the cruise * The following notice of an. early cruise of Com. AYhipple, was procured for me by my friend Dr. P. G. Bobbins, of Roxbury, from an old file of the Boston Post- boy and Advertiser, of February 4th, 17 GO, now in the Historical Society roomj, at IBoston. "Last Tuesday returned to Providence, after a successful cruise, Capt. Abraham Whipple, of the Game Cock privateer; who sailed from this place on the 19th of July last, having taken, in said cruise, twenty-three French prizes, many of which ABRAHAM WHITTLE. 121 he captured a valuable Spanish ship, by running alongside, and carried her by boarding without much resistance. It was during this period of his early life that the follow- ing event took place, while in the southerly portion of the Gulf of Mexico, on his return from a West India voyage, in a large armed ship or letter of marque, the larger portion of whose guns, however, were of wood, technically called " quakers." In a severe gale, he was obliged to throw over- board a part of his armament, especially a number of his metal guns, leaving him in quite a .defenseless condition. Soon after this event a French privateer appeared in chase. She was full of men, as he ascertained by his telescope, and far outnumbered him in guns : although but for the late disaster, as his ship was much the largest, and pretty well manned, he might have made a stout defense, but under pres- ent circumstances his only chance for escape was by flight. Capt. Whipplc, after sailing as close to the wind as possible, and trying the speed of the enemy on that course, found him constantly gaining on him, and that his hope of safety must rest on a ruse de guerre, in which he was always ready. He directed his sailors to set up a number of handspikes, with hats and caps on them, looking at a distance like men at their stations ready for action, which, in addition to his ac- tual crew, appeared quite formidable. Being to the windward of the enemy, he directed the man at the wheel to put the ship about, and bear down directly upon him, showing his broad- side of quaker guns and deck full of men to great advan- tage. The privateer was taken all aback ; and thinking the former attempt at flight only a stratagem to entice her within reach of her shot, instantly put about, and with all haste were valuable. Capt. "W. on his passage home on the 2Gth of January, spoke with Capt. Robert Brown, in a sloop from Monte Christo. bound to New York, in lat. 39 dcg. 30 min., and long. 72 deg. 40 mm. in great distress for want of water and pro- visions, which he generously supplied him." 122 ABRAHAM WHIFFLE. escaped from her cunning antagonist. Capt. Whipple kept. on the chase until the privateer had run nearly out of sight, when, with a shrug of the shoulder, and a hearty laugh at the success of his stratagem, he ordered the steersman to up helm, and bear away on the proper course for his des- tined port. His ready and prompt mind was never at a loss for expe- dients in all such emergencies, and generally succeeded in turning them to his own advantage, as will be seen in his after life. This exploit gained him a good deal of credit with his townsmen, and was doubtless the reason of his being selected a few years after to command the company of volunteers who captured and burnt the British schooner Gaspe, the tender of a ship of war, stationed in Narragan- sctt bay, to enforce the maritime laws. These restrictions had become very odious and unpopular to the inhabitants of Newport and Providence: the Gaspe especially, com- manded by Lieut. Buddington, of the navy, with a crew of twenty-seven men, had become the terror of all the shipping entering these ports: not only by overhauling their cargoes, and confiscating the goods, but by pressing the men into the British service. At this time, the commerce of Newport and Providence together, exceeded that of New York, whose retail traders often visited the former town, to purchase dry goods and other merchandise of the importers, as the smaller cities now visit New York. Newport, next to Boston, owned a larger number of vessels than any other port on the coast. The attempts of the king and parliament of Great Britian to enforce the old navigation act, with the stamp act, duties on tea, and quartering large bodies of troops on the colo- nists, to tnrne them into obedience, only served to rouse their jealousy, and excite their disgust. While the inhabit- ants were filled with fears of coming evils, and the public mind roused up to resistance, an event took place in the ABRAHAM WIIIPPLE. 123 waters of Rhode Island, which may be considered as the "overt act" to the Revolution which soon followed. On the 17th of June, 1772, a Providence packet, that plied between New York and Rhode Island, named the Hannah, and commanded by Capt. Linzee, hove in sight of the man- of-war, in her passage up the bay. She was ordered to bring to, for examination; but Linzee refused to comply; and being favored with a fresh southerly breeze, that was fast carrying him out of gunshot of the ship, the tender was sig- naled to follow. In pursuing the chase, the Gaspe was led on to a shoal, which puts out from Nanquit point, but which the lighter draught of the Hannah enabled her to pass in safety. The tender here stuck fast; and as the tide fell, she careened partly on to her side. The packet reached Provi- dence before dark, and soon spread the news of the chase, and the helpless condition of the hated Gaspe. A muster of the sailors and sea-faring people soon followed; who, after choosing Capt. Whipple for their leader, embarked, to the number of sixty, in eight row-boats. The men were without arms, excepting one musket, which was shipped without Whipple' s consent, as he intended no harm to the crew, unless opposed by force, but only to board the vessel, land the crew, and then set her on fire. They, however, put into each boat a large quantity of pebble stones, intending them as articles of offense, if necessary. As they approached the schooner, about two o'clock in the morning, they were hailed by the sentinel, and asked, "Who commands them boats?" Whipple instantly answered, "The sheriff of the county of Kent;" and, " I come to arrest Capt. Buddington." The captain was by this time on deck, and warned the boats not to approach ; which they not heeding, he fired his pistol at them; at this moment, a boy who had possession of the musket, discharged it, and wounded the captain in the thigh : a volley of pebbles followed the discharge, and Whipple, at 124 ABRAHAM WHIPPLE. the head of his men, boarded the schooner, driving the crew below. After securing them, they were taken on shore, and the Gaspe burnt. The party returned in triumph to Provi- dence, and knowing that their conduct amounted to treason against the king, no one said anything about it; and, al- though the secret was confided to not less than sixty per- sons, so deep was the hatred and indignation of the people, that no one disclosed it, or let any hint drop that could be used as proof against their companions. This bold step naturally excited great indignation in the British officers, and all possible means were taken to discover the offenders. Wanton, the colonial governor of Rhode Island, issued his proclamation, offering a reward of one hundred pounds ster- ling, for the discovery of any of those concerned. Soon after, the king's proclamation appeared, offering one thou- sand pounds for the man who called himself the high sheriff, and five hundred pounds for any other of the party ; with the promise of a pardon should the informer have been one of the party. But notwithstanding these tempting offers, so general was the dislike of the community to their oppress- ors, and their patriotism so true, that i; no evidence was ever obtained, sufficient to arraign a single individual ; although a commission of inquiry, under the great seal of England, sat in Newport from January to June, during the year 1773." Coopers Naval History. Capt. Whipple, however, soon after sailed on a trading voyage to the West Indies, and did not return until 1771, when the event was in a manner forgotten. In the meantime, aggressions and restrictions were heaped on the colonists, until they became insupportable, and reac- tion began to take place. After the Boston Port Bill was passed, by which the commerce of that flourishing town was entirely destroyed, as an offset for the destruction of the tea chests of the East India Company, resistance became ABRAHAM WHITTLE. 125 more open, especially subsequent to the passage of the act prohibiting the exportation of military stores from England to the colonies. Fully aware of the approaching contest, and the destitute condition of the inhabitants of the materi- als for resistance, they began, in many places, to seize upon the military stores of the crown. Every garrison, fort, and magazine, being in possession of the king's officers, and many of the inhabitants destitute of arms, and still more so of ammunition, it was absolutely necessary to resort to vio- lence for the purpose of arming themselves. At Portsmouth, N. II., a quantity of powder was taken from the castle in the harbor, and the citizens of Providence seized on twenty- six guns at Fort Island, and carried them up to their town. It was to destroy a magazine of provisions and other stores, collected by the inhabitants for the coming contest, at Con- cord, Mass., that the British made their celebrated inroad on the 19th of April, 1775; and the war fairly opened by the slaughter of the militia at Lexington. From this point, the spirit of resistance flew, like an electric shock, from heart to heart, until it pervaded the land. The little colony of Rhode Island, ever foremost in the cause of liberty, within one year and one month after the blood shed at Lexington, renounced their allegiance to the king of Great Britain, by a solemn act of their Legislature ; thus preceding, by two mouths, the declaration of indepen- dence by the Congress of the assembled colonies. This simple, but resolute document ought to be preserved in let- ters of gold. It is styled, "An Act of May, 177G, renouncing allegiance to the king of Great Britain ;" and thus proceeds : " Whereas in all states existing by compact, protection and allegiance arc reciprocal ; the latter being only due in con- sequence of the former: and whereas George the Third, king of Great Britain, forgetting his dignity, regardless of the compact most solemnly entered into, ratified and confirmed 126 ABRAHAM WHIFFLE. to the inhabitants of this colony, by his illustrious ances- tors, and till of late, fully recognised by him; and entirely departing from the duties and character of a good king, in- stead of protecting, is endeavoring to destroy the good peo- ple of this colony, and of all the united colonies, by sending fleets and armies to America, to confiscate our property, and spread fire, sword, and desolation throughout our coun- try, in order to compel us to submit to the most debasing and detestable tyranny; whereby we are obliged by neces- sity, and it becomes our highest duty, to use every means with which God and nature have furnished us, in support of our invaluable rights and privileges, to oppose the power which is exerted for our destruction." They then go on to repeal a certain act of allegiance to the king, then in force, and to enact a law, whereby, in all commissions of a civil or military nature, the name of the king shall be omitted, and that of the governor and company of the English col- ony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, substituted in its place ; and in all oaths of office, the officers shall swear to be faithful and true to the colony. Moved by the same feelings which produced this declara- tion in 1770, the Legislature, in June, 1775, two days before the battle of Bunker hill, purchased and armed two sloops, one of twelve, and the other of eight guns, appointing Capt. "\Yhipple to the command of the larger, and Capt. Grimes to the smaller, who was to act under the orders of Whipplc. The larger vessel was named the Providence. The object of this armament was to clear the bay of the British tenders to the frigate Rose, under the command of Sir James Wallace, who blockaded the mouths of the har- bors and rivers, preventing the getting to sea of numerous vessel's, and the entry of such as were coming into port. On the 15th of June, AYhipple sailed, with his command, down the bay of Narragansct, and attacked two of the ABRAHAM WIIIPPLE. 127 enemy's tenders, which he disabled, and forced to retire under the guns of the frigate, and took one other a pri/.e ; while by the light draught of his own vessels he could keep out of the reach of the man-of-war. By this bold act the bay was cleared of these nuisances, and a large number of homeward-bound vessels entered the port. Much has been said and written, as to whom was due the credit of firing the first gun on the sea, at the British, in the opening of the Revolutionary war. After the above state- ment, which comes from the pen of Capt. Wliipple himself, in a petition to Congress in the year 1780, little doubt need be felt as to the propriety of assigning to him that honor. It is true that an unauthorized attack was made on the British schooner Margaretta, by the Machias people in May, which for its spirit and bravery deserves great credit, but was a mere private transaction; while Whipplc fired the first gun under any legal or colonial authority. This daring deed was performed at a time, when no other man in the colony would undertake the hazardous employment, lest he might be destined to the halter by Capt. Wallace, who threatened to apply it to all who should be taken in arms against his majesty. The people were not yet ready for open resist- ance to the king, but expected that parliament would finally relent from their rigorous measures, and love and friendship be again restored between their revered parent and her un- dutiful children. Since the prospect of an open rupture daily increased, the old a (lair of the daspc was no longer kept in the dark, but the name of the leader in that daring exploit, came to the ears of Capt. Wallace, who sent him the following plain, if not very polite note : " You. Abraham Whipple, on the ] 7th of June, 1772, burned his majesty's vessel, the Gaspc, and I will hang you at the yard-arm. JAMKS WALLACE." 128 ABRAHAM WHIFFLE. To which the captain returned tliis laconic and Spartan answer : " To SIR JAMES WALLACE : SIR : Always catch a man before you hang him. ABRAHAM WIHPPLE." Notwithstanding these threats, he continued to cruise in the Narraganset bay until the 12th of September; during which period he fought several actions with vessels of supe- rior force, beating them off, and protecting the commerce of the state. These spirited combats infused new courage into the inhabitants of the neighboring colonies, as well as his own, and demonstrated that the British were not invinci- ble on the water. Maritime events like these, with those con- ducted by Capt. Manly, led Congress to the consideration of defending themselves and the country on the ocean, as well as on the land; and in October, 1775, a marine committee was appointed to superintend the naval affairs. About the 20th of September, he was ordered by the gov- ernor of Rhode Island, to proceed, with the sloop Providence, to the island of Bermuda, and seize upon the powder in the magazine of that place ; this article being greatly needed by the country, which depended altogether on foreign sup- plies, not yet having learned to manufacture for themselves. This order was obeyed with due diligence and bravery, but was unsuccessful, from the circumstance of the powder having been removed before his arrival. "While on this ser- vice, he narrowly escaped capture by two of the enemy's ships of war. which were on that station. lie, however, by his daring and nautical skill, escaped; and arrived at Rhode island on the 9th of December, and resumed his former employment of cruising in the bay, until the 19th of that month. \Yhile absent on the voyage to Bermuda, Congress di- rected tin- marine committee to purchase two swift sailing ABRAHAM WHIFFLE. 129 vessels; the one of ten, and the other of twelve guns. Un- der this order the Providence was purchased. Still later in the month, the marine committee were directed to purchase two additional ships, one of thirty-six guns, and the other of twenty. In pursuance of this order, the Alfred and Co- lumbus were bought at Philadelphia, both of them merchant ships. To these were added two brigs, the Cabot, and the Andrea Doria, making a naval force of six vessels, belong- ing to the United States ; of which the little Providence was the only one that had been in active service. At this period of the contest, no regular war ships had been built, and the government had to select such vessels as the mercantile service afforded, until ships of war could be constructed. In the month of December, 1775, Congress directed thirteen warlike vessels to be built, and the marine committee increased to thirteen, or one for each state. In 177G, two navy boards, consisting of three persons each, one for the eastern district, and one for the middle district, were established, subordinate to the marine committee ; by which arrangement a large portion of the executive business was accomplished. Several letters from these boards will be re- ferred to in the course of this biography. On the 19th of December, Capt. Whipple received orders from the marine committee, to proceed with the Providence sloop, now under their direction, to Philadelphia. On his way out, he captured one of the enemy's vessels, and sent her into Providence. On the 22d of tin; month, by a resolution of Congress, Dudley Saltonstall was appointed captain of the Alfred frig- ate, Abraham AYhipple of the Columbus, Nicholas Biddle of the Andrea Doria, and John B. Hopkins of the Cabot. Haysted Hacker, lieutenant of the Providence, was promoted to her command. The celebrated John Paul Jones was first lieutenant of the Alfred, and Jonathan Pitcher, of the 9 130 ABRAHAM WHIFFLE. Columbus : Esek Hopkins, an old man, commandcr-in-chief, as they chose to style the leader of their squadron. During the winter, the young flotilla, while fitting for a cruise, was frozen up in the Delaware river. Com. Hopkins, however, got to sea on the 17th of February, 1770, with seven armed ves- sels under his command, the largest of which was the Alfred of twenty-four guns instead of thirty-six, and bore away southerly, in quest of a small squadron under Lord Dun- more ; but not falling in with him, concluded to make a de- scent on the island of New Providence, for the purpose of cap- turing military stores. This service was performed under the conduct of Capt. Nichols, the senior officer of the marines, at the head of three hundred men, whose landing from the boats of the squadron was covered in gallant style, by Capt. Hacker, of the Providence, and the sloop Wasp. The attack was en- tirely successful, an J possession was taken of the fortifications and the town. The main object of the attempt, a magazine of gunpowder, was in part secreted by the governor; but they brought away four hundred and fifty tons of cannon and other military stores, with the governor and some others as prisoners. Having accomplished this victory, they sailed on the 17th of March, for the United States. At one o'clock in the morning of the Gth of April, the squadron fell in with the Glasgow, British man-of-war of twenty guns, off the easterly end of Long Island. The little Cabot of fourteen guns, Capt. Hopkins, being the nearest to the enemy, ranged manfully along side, discharging her broadsides with great spirit, but was soon obliged to haul off from the superior fire of the Glasgow. The Alfred now came up to the rescue, but after a short running fight, had her wheel ropes cut away, and became unmanageable. The Providence, by this time, had passed under her stern, and fired a number of broadsides with great effect. Capt. Whipplc, in the Colum- bus, could not get into action for want of wind, which was ABRAHAM WIIIPPLE. 131 light and baffling, sufficiently near to afford much aid, or the Glasgow would have been captured. The darkness of night still continued, when seeing the approach of another antagonist, she spread all sail in flight, with the Columbus in pursuit, but was soon signaled by the commodore to give up the chase ; as they were approaching so near the harbor of Newport, where lay a large fleet, that the report of the cannonade would call them out to the rescue, and thus per- haps the whole American force might fall into their hands; as they were so deeply laden with the captured military stores, as to make them all dull sailers. On his way back, Capt. \Vhipple fell in with, and made prize of the bomb ship of the British fleet, which had long been a terror to the people of Newport. The fleet arrived safely into the harbor of New London ; but were soon after removed to Provi- dence by the commodore, the British having left the bay of Narraganset. The escape of the Glasgow from so superior a force, caused no small sensation, with a good deal of censure from the public. As Whipple commanded the second largest ship, and was not actually engaged with the enemy, he was accused of cowardice. This aroused the spirit of the vet- eran, and he demanded a court-martial to inquire into his conduct. It was held in Providence; and after a full exam- ination he was honorably acquitted; it appearing in evi- dence, that his vessel, from the lightness of the wind and her leeward position, could not be brought into contact with the Glasgow, until after her flight, when he pursued her with all the speed in his power, until called off by Com. Hopkins. After the close of the trial, he was ordered to take com- mand of the Columbus again; while Com. Hopkins, on the 16th of October, was formally censured by a vote of Con- gress, and on the, 20th of March, 1777, dismissed from the service, for disobeying their orders. Capt. Hacker, of the 132 ABRAHAM WHIFFLE. Providence, was removed from her command, and the vessel given to John Paul Jones,* who, in the course of the summer, captured no less than sixteen sail of the enemy's ships. In the fall of that year, he was transferred to the Alfred, and sailed, in company with the Providence, on a cruise to the eastward, along the coast. Here they fell in with and cap- tured a number of prizes ; amongst them a transport for Bur- goyne's army, with ten thousand suits of soldiers' uniforms. The Providence was now commanded by Capt. Rathbone : and in 1778, again visited New Providence, unaccompanied by any other vessel, and took possession of the place and six ships lying in the harbor, one of which was a privateer of sixteen guns. On his landing, he was joined by about thirty American prisoners, making with his own crew, eighty men. He kept possession two days, and brought away many valuable stores and four of the prizes. In 1779, the little Providence was restored to her former master, Capt. Hacker, who took the enemy's ship Delinquent, of equal force, after a severe action. In July, with other vessels, she was ordered to convey a body of militia, under Gen. Lowell, to the Penobscot river, where the British had formed a mili- tary station. The expedition proved disastrous ; and the Providence, with the other ships, was lost, by the superior naval force of the enemy, the 15th of August. Capt. Hacker, to keep her from the hands of the enemy, after landing the crew, ordered her to be blown up. Thus per- ished in a blaze of light, the favorite vessel, and first love of Capt. "Whipple. She had been one of the most success- ful cruisers that floated on the ocean, and made more prizes than any other vessel in the service; hurling defiance at Great Britain, in many a well fought action, from June, 1775, to August, 1779. Her name was perpetuated in the * The history of the last years of the Providence sloop, is taken from Cooper's .Naval Historv. ABRAHAM WHIPPLE. 133 navy, by the frigate Providence. In October, 1776, Capt. Whipple was recommended by the marine committee, to the command of the frigate Providence, of twenty-eight guns, then building in Rhode Island, which was confirmed by Congress. In November of the same year, Congress " Resolved that a bounty of twenty dollars be paid to the commanders, of- ficers and men of such continental ships, or vessels of war, as shall make prize of any British ship, or vessel of war ; for every cannon mounted on board each prize at the time of capture ; and eight dollars per head for every man then on board, and belonging to such prize." This was a wise and salutary provision, for the encouragement of our sailors ; but as it relates to Capt. Whipple, he says he never received any compensation for guns and munitions of war captured by himself. At the same time they passed the following order, regu- lating the comparative rank of officers in the navy with the land service; viz. "An admiral as a general; vice-admi- ral, as a lieutenant-general; rear-admiral, as a major general; commodore, as a brigadier-general; the captain of a ship of forty guns and upward, as a colonel; from ten to twenty guns, as a major; a lieutenant in the navy, as a captain." This arrangement was not only for etiquette in their intercourse, but was also intended to apply in ex- changes of prisoners. The pay of the officers and men in the American navy, " under the free and independent states of America," was established as follows. "The captain of a ship of twenty guns and upward, received sixty dollars a month ; that of a ship of ten to twenty guns, forty -eight dol- lars a month; a lieutenant of the larger vessel, thirty dol- lars a month the smaller, twenty-four dollars; a surgeon twenty-five dollars, and the surgeon's mate, iiftcen dollars, and so on in the descending scale to the common seamen 134 ABRAHAM WH1PPLE. whose pay was eight dollars a month." When we look back on those times of trial and adversity, we admire the prudence and economy, which pervaded every branch of the government : when we consider the poor apology for money in which they were paid, the officers might be said " to serve for nothing and find themselves." But if we re- flect on the deep poverty of the country, and that all the expenses were paid by a direct tax on the people, we arrive at the secret of this seeming parsimony. It was the prudent expenditure of the public money which enabled Congress to carry on the war at all; and as it was, they were often bankrupt and on the verge of ruin. In these days when the public expenses are raised by a tariff on commerce, and money is plenty, the pay of naval officers is very different ; some of the older captains get three hundred and seventy- five dollars a month, and the younger captains of frigates, three hundred dollars being just five times as much as they received in the Revolutionary war. On the 10th of August, 1776, he received order? from the navy board to sail on a cruise to the eastward with the Co- lumbus frigate, for the purpose of intercepting the home- ward-bound Jamaica fleet. In his passage out of the bay from Xcwport, he had to "run the gauntlet" through a num- ber of British ships of war, which he fortunately escaped. Off the coast of Newfoundland he fell in with the object of his search, and took five large ships laden with sugar. Two of his prizes reached ports, while the other three were re- taken, as was the fate of more than half of all the Ameri- can pri/.es, which they attempted to run into their own ports, the coast being closely guarded by the enemy's ships. In October, Capt. Whipple returned, with the Columbus, to Providence, at which place Congress had directed two frigates to bo built; the Warren, of thirly-two guns, and the Providence, of twenty-eight guns. On the 10th of that ABRAHAM WIIIPPLE. 135 month, lie was recommended by the marine committee, and appointed, by Congress, to the command of the Providence, and directed to superintend the fitting out of both frigates. While occupied in this employment, with his own ship nearly ready for sea, so rapidly had the work been prose- cuted, on the 7th of December, the enemy's licet took pos- session of the harbor of Newport, where the Providence had been lying, and landed a large army. To preserve his ship from capture, Capt. \Vhipple run her up the river to Provi- dence harbor, where several other vessels had retreated, pro- tected by the batteries and the army of Gen. Spencer, then assembled on the adjacent main, to guard the country from the inroads of the British troops. In this mortifying durance the new frigates were confined during the whole of the year 1777. During this period, several plans were arranged for getting to sea, as appears by the letters of the eastern navy board, composed of James Warren and John Deshon, of September llth and October 28th. In March preceding, there was a plan for burning some of the British vessels by means of fire-ships, in which Capt. Whipple was engaged: as by letter of Esek Hopkins, who was in command at Prov- idence, as late as the 9th of that month. From some cause, it was not successful, although Congress offered large boun- ties to effect it. In October, under the order of Gov. Cook, he dismantled and saved the guns and stores of the ene- my's frigate Syren, which run on shore at Point Judith, K. I., and had been abandoned. While at this employment, he fell over the side of the frigate, amongst the guns and other matters, receiving a serious injury, which caused a lame- ness all his life. On the '20th of March, 1778. orders ar- rived, to fit the Providence for sea with all dispatch, being assigned to carry important dispatches from Congress to our ministers in France. Capt. Whipple made up his crew from the men of the Warren, in addition to his own ship. ABRAHAM WHIPPLE. selecting such as were known to be of tried courage, as the passage out to sea was blockaded by a numerous fleet, as well as the outlets of each of the three passages from Providence river, as the long, deep, narrow inlet was called, which connects Narraganset bay with the harbor of the town. They were guarded by frigates and a sixty-four gun ship, expressly stationed to watch these channels, for the American ships. All movements of any importance, about to be made by either of the belligerent parties, \vere certain to be known to the other within a short time after their con- coction, by means of spies, and secret intercourse constantly kept up by men employed for this purpose. The order for the sailing of the Providence was soon known to the British naval commander at Newport, and every preparation made for her capture. Capt. Whipple was perfectly familiar with all the channels, head lands, shoals, and windings of the outlets from his earliest youth ; so that no man could be better fitted to conduct this hazardous enterprize. His well known character for courage and love of daring exploits, gave additional hope to his prospect of success. It could only be attempted in the night, and that night must be a dark and stormy one, adding still more to the grandeur of the exploit. After every preparation was made for sea, he had to wait until the 30th of April, for one of those gloomy, windy nights, attended with sleet and rain, so common on the New England coast, at this season of the year. At length, on the last day of the month, such a night set in, with rain and wind from the northeast, cheerless and dispir- iting on all ordinary occasions, but now more prized than the brightest starlight, and entirely favorable to his wishes. In making his choice of the three outlets, he selected the west- erly one, which passes down between the island of Conanicut ;md the Narraganset shore, which was guarded by the frigate Lark, rated as a thirty-six, but actually mounting forty guns. ABRAHAM W1IIITLE. 137 This vessel was moored in the channel against the inland, with her stern up stream, and springs on her cables, ready to get under way at a moment's notice. Some distance below her, and nearer the outlet, was moored in the same manner, the Renown, a ship of sixty-four guns; while, in the bay beyond, lay ten or twelve ships and sloops of war, ready to lire upon the Providence, should she by possibility escape the two ships above. The middle passage led through the harbor of Newport, occupied by the ships of the line, and the easterly one was crooked, and not passable in the night. William Jones, subsequently the governor of Rhode Island, was captain of marines under Whipple. He was a very gentlemanly, noble-looking, and brave man. To him was consigned the charge of the dispatches. As the gallant little frigate, under close reefed topsails, so stiff was the breeze, approached the Lark, every light on deck was ex- tinguished, and the utmost silence maintained by the crew, who were stationed at their guns with lighted matches, while the lanterns in the rigging of the enemy served to show ex- actly her position. Instead of sailing wide of his enemy, and avoiding a conflict, he run within half pistol shot, and delivered his broadside, firing his bow guns when against the stern of the ship, determined that she should feel her enemy, if she could not see her. At the same moment Capt. Jones, with his musketry, poured in a destructive lire on her quarter and main deck, killing and wounding a number of the crew. So sudden and unexpected was the attack, that before the Lark could make an)' return of the broadside, the Providence was out of sight, having by this well directed fire dismounted several of her guns, and killed some of the men. The report of Whipple's cannon awa- kened the sleeping crew of the sixty-four, who, hurrying to their quarters, filled the rigging with lights, ready for the coming conflict. As the gallant ship came rushing on the 138 ABRAHAM AY II I PPL E. wings of the wind, enveloped in the mist and darkness of the storm, "Whipple, as he neared the Renown, to put his enemy well on their guard, bellowed forth with his speaking trumpet in a voice louder than the winds, as if addressing the man at the helm, "Pass her on the Narraganset side:" at the same time, as he stood close to the steersman, he bid him luff ship and pass her on the larboard or Conanicut side of the vessel ; thus throwing his antagonist entirely off his guard, on the point he really meant to steer. The order was promptly obeyed, and while the crew were mustered on the Narraganset side of the sixty-four, ready for a discharge of their heavy guns, his starboard broadside was fired into her as he rapidly passed, with great effect ; several shot passing through the cabin, and one directly under the cap- tain's head, as he lay in his berth, knocking his pillow out of place. Another shot unshipped the rudder, and before the Renown was ready to discharge her larboard guns, the Prov- idence was out of reach and out of sight. This very vessel was the leading, or admiral's ship, at the capture of Charles- ton, and the officers related the effects of his lire in a fa- miliar conversation with Capt. V hippie, after the surrender of the place, and he was their prisoner. These two broad- sides aroused the crews of the fleet in the bay below, and put them cm the look out for the rebel frigate, and the Prov- idence received more or less of the fire from eleven different ships of war, before she readied the open sea. Like the king-bird surrounded by a flock of vultures, she glided swiftly among her enemies, veering now to the larboard, and now to the starboard, as fresh ships opposed her way: returning their lire with occasional shots, but anxious mainly to escape too close a contact with any of her foes ; the ob- ject being to run, and not to fight. The day following this perilous night, when he had gained the open ocean, and thought all present danger past, he ABRAHAM WIIIPPLE. 139 narrowly escaped capture by a seventy-four gun ship, which came directly across his course, but by superior management in sailing, luckily escaped. The damages to the rigging of the Providence, although considerable, were soon repaired, and the little frigate, with a flowing sheet, sped on her way to the port of Nantx, where she arrived in twenty-six days, being on the 2Clh of May, 1778. On the voyage out, Capt. Whipplc captured a British brig, laden with one hundred and twenty-five pipes of wine, nine tons of cork and various other articles, which arrived safe in port, near the same time. The names of the officers who so nobly aided in sailing, and lighting the Providence, through that host of enemies, and may well be ranked among the most remarkable feats of bravery and daring, as well as nautical skill that took place during the war of the Revolution, were as follows : Thomas Simpson, first lieutenant, and soon after promoted to the command of the Boston frigate of twenty-four guns. Silas Dcvol, second lieutenant. He was the brother of Capt. Jonathan Devol, and the personification of bravery. In a year or two after, he was taken at sea, and perished miser- ably in the old Jersey prison ship, that den of wholesale murder to the Americans. Jonathan Pitcher, third lieuten- ant, George Goodwin, sailing master, William Jones, cap- tain of marines, and Seth Chapin, first lieutenant. On the third day of their voyage out, the lieutenants and other officers presented a petition to Capt. \Yhipple, asking him to allow them to draw money for the purpose of purchasing proper uniform dresses, as without them they could not maintain the dignity of their stations, and as they say, " That all may appear alike, as brothers united in one cause." From this circumstance it would seem, that no regular uniform for the navy had yet been established by Congress. 140 ABRAHAM WHIFFLE. The appearance of the Providence in the harbor of Nantz, excited a great deal of curiosity, as few if any American frigates had visited that port. On landing, Capt. Jones was charged with the dispatches to the American ministers at the court of Versailles, and proceeded on his way to Paris. Dr. Franklin introduced him to the king and the principal courtiers, who received him with great polite- ness. His noble personal appearance, gentlemanly man- ners, and rich, showy uniform, made him appear to great advantage and highly creditable to the American nation. Owing to unforeseen delays and the cautious policy of the French court, it was as late as August before a cargo was provided and the return dispatches of the American minis- ters ready for Congress. Strange as it may appear, the Providence frigate, was loaded with clothing, arms and ammunition, like a merchantman. Capt. Whipple, although as brave as Caesar, was not too proud to engage in any honest service, which would be useful to his country. He had spent years in the merchant line and felt not that repug- nance to turning Ms ship into a transport, so often expressed by the haughty Britons. The cargo was of immense value and more safe in a frigate than a common ship. On the 13th of July, he received notice from the American commis- sioners, B. Franklin, Arthur Lee, and John Adams, that they had ordered Capt. Tucker, of the Boston frigate, to join him on his return voyage. On the IGth, he received the follow- ing letter and order. "PASSY, July IGth. 1778. CAIT. WIIIFPLK : SIR: We have ordered Lieut. Simpson, to whom the com- mand of the Ranger devolves, by the destination of Capt. Jones, (John Paul.) to another service, to join you and obey your orders respecting his future cruises and voyage to America. We wish you to use all possible dispatch in ABRAHAM WHIPPLE. 141 getting to sea, with the Boston, Providence, and Ranger. You are to use your utmost endeavors to take, burn, sink, and destroy all privateers of Jersey and Guernsey, and all other British cruisers within the command of your force, as you may have opportunity. We are, sir, your most humble servants, B. FRANKLIN, ARTHUR LEK, JOHN ADAMS. P. S. You are to leave all the prisoners in such place and in the custody of such persons as Mr. Shwinghauser shall advise." Mr. Shwinghauser was the naval agent for the United States, making purchases, &c. ; a number of his letters are on file among Com. Whipple's manuscripts. From the time of the date of this letter, giving him the command of three public armed ships, he may fairly take the rank of commo- dore ; although he was, in fact, entitled to that distinction while cruising in the Narraganset bay, in June, 1775, with the two armed sloops under his orders. On the 2Gth of Au- gust, having loaded the Providence with arms, ammunition, clothing, and copper, on account of the United States, and taken on board a number of passengers, ordered by the commissioners, he sailed for America, touching at the har- bor of Brest, where he was joined by the Boston and Ranger. On their voyage out, they took six prizes, but how many got into port, is not ascertained. While on the banks of Newfoundland, in a dense fog, so common to that misty part of the ocean, he had a very nar- row escape from capture. The Providence being the lead- ing ship, for the purpose of notifying her consorts of her position, every five or ten minutes, a few blows were struck on the ship's bell. A British seventy-four gun ship, hearing the signal, bore up in the direction of the sound, and before 142 ABRAHAM WHIFFLE. the crew of the Providence had any notice of her approach, she was close along side. The first appearance of the frig- ate, with her ports all closed, and lying deep in the water, was that of a large merchant ship. On hailing the stranger, the captain, in the usual style of British naval officers, or- dered the " d d rebel to strike his colors, drop under his stern, and send the boat aboard.'' It so happened, that his colors were not up at the time. Capt. "Whipple at once saw his danger, and knew that nothing but a bold maneuver could save him. He, therefore, answered the hail ; as if in- tending no opposition, " Aye, aye, sir." With a readiness of thought which none but a master mind can call to his aid, in emergencies which admit of no delay, his plan was instantly formed, and sending some men aloft, to busy themselves with the sails, and prepare for striking the col- ors, as if about to comply with the order, he, at the same time, passed the word below to make all ready for a broad- side, as he passed under the stern of the seventy-four. As he was rather slow in complying with the order to strike, it was repeated by the Briton in a still more commanding tone, threatening to fire into him. Whipple answered, rather peevishly, that " he could not haul down his colors, until he had run them up/' at the same time swearing at the sailor for his bungling manner of performing the duty, having ordered him, when they were up, not to haul them down again, on pain of death. By the time the stars and stripes were fluttering in the breeze, the gunners were at their posts, the frigate had fallen off under the stern of the enemy, when, with a stamp of his foot on the quarter deck, the ports flew open, and a full broadside was fired into her cabin, the tompions of the guns going in with the shot, there bring no time to remove them. When relating the incident in after life, the commodore used to say, he "heard a terri- ble smashing among the crockery ware in the cabin." The ABRAHAM WIIIPPLK. 143 Briton suspecting no resistance, and being entirely unpre- pared for such an event, was utterly astonished, provoked, and confounded; but before he could make any preparation to avenge this " Yankee trick," the Providence was envel- oped in the fog, and out of sight on another tack. \Vhipple took good care not to tinkle his bell again, for some time, while his consorts being warned of their danger, by his broadside, escaped discovery, and all reached the harbor of Boston in safety. This, however, was accomplished in al- most a miraculous manner, having to pass through a squad- ron of the enemy's ships, which were blockading that port. The cargo thus saved by the presence of mind, and bold stratagem of Com. Whipple, was of immense advantage to the country; furnishing the army with several thousand stands of arms, ammunition, and clothing; articles of more value to the United States, at that time, than a ship-load of gold. Soon after his arrival, which was the 13th of October, Capt. Jones went on to Congress with the dispatches, which were highly gratifying to that body. In November he re- ceived the following congratulatory letter from his excel- lency, Gen. Washington : "HEAD QUARTERS, FREDERICKSBURG, Nov. 25th, 1778. SIR: Maj. Nicholas handed me your favor of the 12th inst. I am greatly pleased with the gallant circumstance of your passage through the blockaded harbor, and much obliged to you for the detail of your voyage. It was agree- able to hear of your safe arrival with the valuable articles of your invoice. "With my best wishes for your future suc- cess, I am, sir, your most humble servant, Gi:o. WASHINGTON". To Capt. Abraham Whipple, I^sq., commander of the continental frigate Providence, at Boston/' 144 ABKAHAjVI WHIFFLE. During this year the influence of the American commis- sioners at the court of France was so great, especially with the queen, who had taken so deep an interest in the welfare of the young republic, and especially in Dr. Franklin, whom, on all occasions, she treated with as much respect as she could her own father, that the king finally came out openly on the side of the United States, sending a fleet of men of war to the American coast, which entered the harbor of Newport, and forced the enemy from Narraganset bay. Before their departure they sunk several of their ships, to keep them from the hands of the French. Among them was Whipple's old antagonist, the Lark. Near the close of the war some of these frigates were raised by the ingenuity of Griffin Greene, Esq. The winter following this never-to-be-forgotten cruise, was passed in refitting his vessel for sea, and in visiting his family. On the 9th of March, 1779, he received orders from James Warren and William Vernon, the navy board in the eastern department, to cruise with the Providence in Boston bay, for the protection of the navigation, and in quest of the enemy's cruisers, which were now numerous on the coast. On the 4th of April he returned to port, and re- mained until the 23d of June, when he again proceeded on a cruise with the Ranger and Queen of France under his command. On this occasion the following letter was ad- dressed to him, giving the outlines of the cruise, and the general orders to be observed while at sea : "NAVY BOARD, EASTERN DEPARTMENT, BOSTON, June 12th, 1779. To AKRAIIAM Wmrru:, Esq., commander of the ship Providence : Your ship being ready for the sea, you are to proceed with the ships Queen of France and Ranger, if the last be ABRAHAM WIIIPPLE. 145 ready, on a cruise against the enemy. You being the .su- perior officer, will, of course, command the whole : and ours will be, that they obey yours accordingly. You are to pro- ceed with these ships immediately, to the southerly parts of the banks of Newfoundland, and there to cruise ; and to the southward of said banks, as the most likely cruising ground to effect the double purpose of intercepting the enemy's outward-bound transports for New York, &c., and the home- ward-bound West India ships. You will keep that ground steadily, so long as is consistent with your security : taking care to alter your station, when you have reason to suppose, from your long continuance on that ground, or other circum- stances, that the enemy may have gained intelligence of you ; in which case you will proceed to such places as you and the commanders of the other ships shall judge most likely to answer the purposes of the cruise: taking care, also, at proper times, to be on the banks, so that any ships we may hereafter send to join you, may be able to find you. During your cruise you are to take, burn, sink, or destroy as many of the encnty's ships as may fall in your way, directing to the continental agent of any port, such prizes as you may think proper to send in. You are to take proper care of your ship and her stores, and to cause proper returns of the expenditures of all pro- visions and stores, to be made on your return. You will observe the greatest frugality and strict discipline on board, taking care at the same time to use your officers and men well, and your prisoners with humanity. You arc to con- tinue your cruise as long as your provisions and other cir- cumstances will admit, and then return into this, or some other convenient port of the United States, leaving you at liberty, nevertheless, if on consulting the other com- manders, it shall be judged practicable to intercept the homeward-bound ships from Hudson's bay, to proceed for 10 146 ABKAHAM WHIFFLE. that purpose toward the end of your cruise ; and if you meet with little success and your ships should remain well manned, you may, when your provisions are near expended, proceed and cruise in the West Indies during the winter: Mr. Stephen Ceronia at Cape Francois, or Mr. William Bingham at Martinico, continental agent, will supply you with the necessaries. On your way out you are to see this coast clear of the enemy's cruisers, and particularly range down the eastern shore, and if the Ranger do not sail with you, rendezvous at for a few days, where she will join you. You are to return lists of your men. and stores on board, and at the end of the cruise cause proper returns to be made of the expenditure. We wish you a successful cruise. And are your servants, &c., J. WARREN, WM. VERNON." In pursuance of the above orders he proceeded on to the eastern coast, to look for the enemy's cruisers, and spend- ing nearly four weeks in cruising on and off the coast of Newfoundland, lie, on the 24th of July, fell in with the homeward-bound Jamaica fleet, of nearly one hundred and fifty sail, convoyed by a seventy-four gun ship and some smaller vessels. He continued with them for two days, under British colors, pretending to be ships from Halifax, joining the convoy. From the first prize captured by board- ing in the night, he got possession of the signals of the commodore, and made use of them to keep up the decep- tion. Some of the prizes were taken possession of by inviting the captain of the Jamaica ship on board the Hali- fax vessels, and while he was below, sending his boat with their own well maimed to secure the balance of the crew, and man the ship with his own men, which wa.s accom- plished without making so much noise as to attract the ABRAHAM WHIFFLE. 147 notice of the convoy. During the night each captured ship slackened sail and altered her course so much as to be out of sight of the (leet in the morning. At night the seventy - four carried a light at her mi///cn-top, as a guide to the course to be pursued by the fleet. \Vhipplc, taking advantage of this, hoisted one at his own mizzcn, and thus decoyed seve- ral ships so far out of their course as to be beyond the reach of aid in the morning, and then took possession of them. This could easily be done amongst one hundred and fifty sail, without their number being missed from the fleet. By these devices he managed to gain possession of ten large Jamaica ships, which were as many as he could man with American crews. Had he attempted their capture in an open manner, by daylight, he might have lost some of his own squadron, and taken less prizes, as he was unable to contend with the seventy-four gun ship w 7 ith all his force. The merchant ships also carried a number of guns, and could have afforded considerable aid in beating him off. His object ever was, like a sensible man, to annoy the enemy as much as he could, with the least possible loss to himself, and gain by ingenuity what he could not do by open force. Eight of his prizes were brought safely into Boston narbor, while two were recaptured. They had on board six thou- sand hogsheads of sugar, besides ginger, pimento, and cotton, being valued at more than a million of dollars. The eight prizes were armed with an average of fourteen guns each, or one hundred and thirteen in the whole. Could these prizes have been sold at their real value, Com. Whipple's share would have been one-twentieth of this sum; the rules adopted by Congress in the distribution of prize money, allowing this portion to the commander of a squadron, and two-twentieths to the captains of single ships, of those cap- tured by them when on a cruise. Yet, from the impoverished condition of the country, and the scarcity of money, it is 148 ABRAHAM WHIFFLE. not probable he actually realized more than a moiety of the amount. lie, however, received sufficient to greatly improve his present condition, which was actually that of a poor man. With the avails of this cruise he bought a handsome house and lot in Providence, and a fine farm in the neigh- boring town of Cranston. On the 20th of November, he received the following order from the navy board : " NAVY BOARD, EASTERN DEPARTMENT, BOSTON, November 20, 1779. To ABRAHAM WHIFFLE, Esq., commander of the ship Providence : Your ship being now ready for the sea, you are, as com- manding officer, to take under your command the ships Bos- ton, Queen of France, and Ranger; and with them you are to embrace the first fair wind, and without any kind of de- lay, proceed to sea; and when the fleet under your com- mand are five leagues to the southward of the light-house, you arc to open the orders inclosed, and follow the direc- tions therein given. If by any misfortune to you, the com- mand of the Providence should devolve on Capt. Hacker, now acting as first lieutenant, he will, as the eldest captain, take command of the fleet, and is to obey the orders given you. We wish you success, and are your servants, &c., WM. VERNON, J. WARREN." What those sealed orders were, does not appear on rec- ord; but doubtless were for him to proceed with all expedi- tion, to Charleston, S. C., and place himself and fleet under the command of Gen. Lincoln, who was charged with the defense of that place. On the 23d of that month, he sailed, with tin 1 , ships under his command, and when united with those at Charleston, formed the largest American squadron, under the command of one officer, ever assembled during ABRAHAM WIIIPPLE. 149 the war. The voyage out was rough and tempestuous, and his ships received considerable damage; nevertheless, he reached the destined port on the 19th of December. On the ',30th of January, being weary of inactivity, he applied to Gen. Lincoln for liberty to make a cruise of observation, and ascertain the position of the enemy's (leet, which had been looked for, a considerable time, on its way from Xew York, with the army of Gen. Clinton, to invest Charleston. On the second or third day out, he fell in with the British fleet, and took four of their transports, laden with troops, provisions, &c., but was himself chased back into port, by four ships of war; and in a short time after, the enemy commenced their preparations for a regular siege of the city. This was his last feat on the ocean ; the brilliant sunshine of success, which had so long brightened his course, now set in clouds and gloomy disaster. Neptune, the ruler of the sea, had befriended him all his life, and when he forsook his service, and entered into battle on the solid land, his good fortune departed, and his beloved ships perished, or fell into the hands of the enemy. Amidst all his exposures and hair- breadth escapes in his numerous sea-fights, he was never wounded ; but, like Washington, bore a charmed life, not to be destroyed by his enemies. The defense of Charleston was the first attempt of the Americans to maintain a town against a besieging army: and its disastrous termination taught them, when too late, that their unwalled, open cities, were poorly calculated for defense. The winter of 1780 proved to be one of great severity, even at the south, and the cold nearly as great as that common to the middle states. The sailors in Com. \Vhipple's fleet had been shipped for a six months' cruise in a southern latitudo; and not knowing their final destina- tion, were entirely unprovided with clothing for the severe winter which followed. There was no clothinsr for them in 150 ABRAHAM WHIFFLE. the vessels, and no other resource to relieve their wants but from his own funds. The generosity of their commander toward sailors was unbounded; and to alleviate their suffer- i"gs, he advanced several thousand dollars from his own funds, to cover their shivering bodies in garments suited to the season. These supplies were delivered to the pursers of the several ships under his command, and the amounts deducted from their wages, as is customary in such cases ; and yet, from the subsequent loss of the fleet, and perhaps, also, the books of the pursers, he had not, in 1780, received a single dollar for this noble and generous expenditure in the cause of his country, nor did he ever obtain a tithe of the amount justly due him. During the siege an almost daily correspondence was carried on with Gen. Lincoln, who constantly consulted him in the disposition of the ships for the defense of the city, and the annoyance of the enemy. A large number of these letters are on the files of his naval manuscripts, pre- served with much care ; but as they relate to no very inter- esting or particular events, they will not be quoted, but the history of the siege given, as related by Dr. Ramsey. From the beginning to the end of this disastrous affair, Com. \Vliipple, with his officers and men, exerted themselves with untiring assiduity and the greatest gallantry, in defending the place, as well after the destruction of their ships as before. The batteries erected from the ship's guns on the banks of the Cooper river, and manned by their crews, were very an- noying to the besiegers, and prolonged the investment until the expenditure of their provisions threatened them with starvation, and did full as much toward their final surrender as tin 1 guns of the enemy. 'The British licet, with their troops on board, six thou- sand in number, under the command of Sir Henry Clinton, sailed from New York on the !20th of December, 1771). ABRAHAM WIIII'FLE. 151 Their outward course was boisterous .and disastrous, losing nearly all their cavalry horses, and it was as late as the 1 1th of February, 1780, before they landed at the distance of thirty miles from Charleston. On the 2<.)th of March, Clin- ton passed over Ashley river, and commenced erecting bat- teries i'or the siege of the town. Gen. Lincoln constructed lines of defense across Charleston neck, from Cooper to Ashley river. On the 12th of April the British batteries were opened. Their fleet under Admiral Arbuthnot, of eight ships, one a sixty-four, crossed the bar on the 20th of March, and anchored in 'five fathom hole;' while the fleet under Com. Chippie, composed of smaller vessels, being unable to prevent their crossing the bar at the mouth of the harbor, retreated up to Charleston, where his ships were disarmed, and the crews and guns of all the fleet but one, were put on shore to reinforce the batteries." Although sailors arc the bravest of men, whether fighting on the land or the water; yet when on shore they are deprived of their favor- ite clement, and lose that esprit de corps so peculiar to them on ship board. The commodore felt the want of sea room, and the fresh breezes of the ocean, by which to ma- neuver hk ships, and to point his guns. When he reluct- antly abandoned his vessels and stepped on to terra firma, he was like an eagle with his wings clipped, unable to soar aloft, or pounce upon his prey; nevertheless, his men be- haved bravely, and did all they could for the defense of the town. u The fire of the British was much superior to that of the Americans ; the former having twenty-one mortars and royals, and the latter only two ; while their battering- cannon were much larger and more numerous, with three times as many men. During the siege Sir Henry Clinton received a reinforcement of three thousand men. making in all nine thousand land forces to oppose, while Gen. Lincoln had less than three thousand. By the 6th of May the 152 ABRAHAM WHIFFLE. provisions of the besieged were nearly exhausted, and the inhabitants of the town became clamorous with the Ameri- can commander for a surrender of the place, as they could sustain the siege no longer. On the llth of May the town was surrendered, and the brave defenders became prisoners of war to a man who proved to be a very ungenerous enemy, and treated his captives with all the rigor so preva- lent at that period, when the Americans were considered as rebels, and not as common enemies, and, therefore, not en- titled to the usages of the laws of nations." On the final results of the siege, he remarks, " I faithfully exerted myself to promote the interest and honor of my country ; and al- though the town was surrendered, American honor was triumphant." After the capitulation, he made an arrangement with Ad- miral Arbuthnot, into whose charge the seamen luckily fell instead of Sir H. Clinton, for their parole; agreeing that the seamen and marines should be exchanged, when an opportu- nity offered. But none, such occurred, as the British govern- rnent decided on keeping in prison all the American seamen which fell into their hands, until the close of the war. Their depredations had been so severe on their commerce, that they considered this the only effectual mode of restraining them. While their seamen amounted to eighty- five thou- sand, the Americans could at no time muster, probably, more than five thousand. The loss of so large a number of the continental ships, at the fall of Charleston, nearly ruined the American navy, and put a stop to any further effective oper- ations by sea. The presence of the French fleet on our coasts, . upplied in some degree the loss of our own, and caused Congress to think there was not so much need of a navy as in the early years of the war, when they had to contend single- handed with the most powerful marine in the world. Ad- miral Arbuthnot was doubtless acquainted with the name ABRAHAM WHIi'l'Li;. 153 and character of Coin. \Yhipple, and i'clt more respect lor a brave man in misfortune than many of the enemy':* com- manders in the land service, who were generally notorious for their cruelty and ungenerous conduct to their American prisoners. Some delay must have taken place in carrying out the capitulation, as he did not reach Chester in Pennsyl- vania, the place of destination for the seamen, until the last of June. 1 Mscase prevailed extensively amongst hi* men, as is almost universally the case in besieged towns, especially the small-pox, which continued to be the scourge of the American troops, from the beginning to the end of the war. At Chester, no regular hospitals were provided for the sick. and with his characteristic generosity, Com. \Vhipple, hired a suitable house for their accommodation at his own ex- pense, furnishing them with all needed supplies for their comfort, whereby he says, " Many useful lives were pre- served to their country.'' At this place he remained two years and seven months, a prisoner, the most dreary of his life, until at the close of the war, he was exchanged for Capt. Gayton, of the Romulus, a forty-four gun frigate. During all this period, he was deprived of the means of earning a subsistence; and himself and family were to be supported out of his former stores, so that at the declaration of peace, he was left in a destitute condition, at the age of fifty years, a period when the energies and ambition of most men begin to fail. In 1?R(5, he petitioned Congress for a redress of his griev- ances ; and that they would do him justice, by repaying the amount they justly owed him. At the close of the petition, after stating his services in the cause of liberty, (a paper which has afforded dates for all the interesting events of his life.) he says, " Thus having exhausted the means of support- ing myself and family, I was reduced to the sad necessity of mortgaging my little farm, the remnant I had left, to 154 ABRAHAM WIIIPPLE. obtain money for a temporary support. This farm is now gone; and having been sued out of possession, I am turned into the world at an advanced age, feeble and valetudinary, with my wife and children, destitute of a house, or a home that I can call my own, or have the means of hiring. This calamity has arisen from two causes; viz. : First, from my disbursing large sums in France and Charleston. In the former, I expended for the service of the United States, to the amount of three hundred and sixty French guineas ; a large part of that sum was appropriated to the pay of a company of marines; the other part for sea stores to ac- commodate a number of gentleman passengers, sent on board by the commissioners, to take passage for America, for which I have never been recompensed. And secondly, my having served the United States from the 15th of June, 1775, to December, 1782, without receiving a farthing of wages, or subsistence from them, since December, 1770. My advances in France and Charleston amount, in the whole, to nearly seven thousand dollars in specie, exclusive of interest. The repayment of this, or a part of it, might be the happy means of regaining the farm I have been obliged to give up, and snatch my family from miser)' and ruin." This sum with the interest would, in 1780, amount to at least ten thousand dollars ; add to this, six years' pay and subsistence, at one thousand dollars a year, and there was sixteen thousand dollars due him for time and money, ex- pended in the service of the United States. On the 10th of October, 1780, the commissioner of accounts in the marine department, to whom was referred the petition, reported in its favor, when Congress directed him to refund the money advanced in France, but say nothing about the disburse- ments at Charleston. What the sum allowed to him was, is not stated, but in on application which he made in 1811, ABRAHAM W II TITLE. 155 for a pension, he says he was paid in '-final settlements, or United States securities, which, owing to his indigent cir- cumstances at that time, he was obliged to sell for t\vo shil- lings and sixpence in the pound, or a discount of more than eight)' per cent. He had but two choices; cither to do this, or to let his family suffer for the necessaries of life." Thus, the government, instead of paying him in specie, or money equivalent to that which he had advanced for them, paid him in their worthless paper, which, purporting to be val- uable for its face, was little better to him than so many rags, Owing to the low credit of the country, it fell into the hands of greedy speculators, who finally realized, and put into their own pockets, the very money due to Com. Whipple. But he, generous man, was not the only one who suffered from his country's poverty; hundreds of others, both of the army and navy, who had spent years in the service of the republic, received nothing in return but these ''final certifi- cate*'^ the mere shadow of a reality. Soon after his ex- change, he received permission from Robert Morris, one of the board of admiralty, to leave the service of the United States. It is as follows: "MARINE OFFICE, PHILADELPHIA, April 23d, 1782. Leave of absence is hereby granted to Capt. Abraham Whipple, of the American navy, to go into private service, until called upon. ROBERT MORRIS." lie now resided, like Cincinnatus, on his little farm in Cranston, and guided a plow instead of a ship. After the peace was fully established in 1781, the merchants of Provi- dence resumed their foreign navigation; and one of the first ships sent to Great Britain, was built and owned by John Brown, of Providence. She was called the " General Wash- ington," and a fine figure of his noble person graced her bows. The command of this vessel was given to Com. 156 ABRAHAM WHIFFLE. Whipple, and he had the honor of first unfurling the Amer- ican flag on the river Thames. Her fine model and attract- ive name excited the notice of the cockneys, and hundreds of persons daily visited her, as a rare sight from the new republic. This notice was not a little flattering to the pride of the commodore, who fully sustained the dignity of his country, and answered their numerous questions with pro- priety and kindness. After his return from this voyage, he continued to live on his farm, and during the stormy period of the paper-money war in Rhode Island, was elected a representative to the Legislature from the town of Cranston, in 1780. The ad- vocates of the paper-money system were then in power, and chose Othniel Gorton, a clumsy old man, for speaker. 3Ir. John Ilowland, who narrates the following anecdote, says, "It was the habit of Gorton to keep a large quid of tobacco in one side of his mouth, which pressed out one of his cheeks. The most of the debaters were on the opposite side of the hall from that on which the commodore sat, and the speakers face was generally turned that wa}-. Once in the course of the debate, Whipple had cogitated a speech, which he waited for a chance to deliver. At last, out of patience, he rose and called, 'Mr. Speaker!' The speaker, whose face was the other way, did not hear him. He then raised his voice to its utmost limit, ' Mr. Speaker!' The speaker started, and turning to the commodore said, 'I hear you, sir,' rather audibly. Whipple then began as follows: 'I wish, 3Ir. Speaker, you would shift your quid of tobacco from your starboard to your larboard jaw, that it might give your head a cant this way, so that you could sometimes hear some- thing from this side of the house.' He then commenced his speech, wliivh was not a long one, and when through, sat down." This anecdote is in character with the man, who often spoke in nautical phrases, and sometimes in language ABRAHAM WHITTLE. 157 rough as the ocean's winds, amidst vvho.se waved he had been cradled. On the formation of the OhioCompany, lie emigrated with hid wife and son to Marietta, in company with the family of Col. Sproat, who had married his daughter Catharine. lie was now lifty-five years old, when he left the land of his fore- fathers, to seek a new home in the valley of the Ohio. The fertility of the new world had been so much lauded by its advocates, that it conveyed to the mind the idea of a second Paradise. The first settlers, however, found that the "briers and thorns" of the curse were there, if not in reality, yet under the semblance of the tomahawk and knife of the In- dian. The first six years of his residence here, were passed in constant danger from the savage foe, although, from his age, he was not exposed so much to their attacks as younger men. lie, however, once had a little taste of the feeling which attends the too near approach of the hostile Indian. Col. Sproat, with whom he constantly resided, during the war, had built a log-house about midway between the gar- rison at the Point and Campus Martins, and cleared a piece of ground for a garden. On this land Com. Whipplc had a fine patch of melons, which somebody stole and carried away for several nights. Supposing the boys of the garri- son were the depredators, he one moonlight night concluded to watch for the rogues, by standing sentry in the log-house, a few yards only from the melons. With his old musket well charged, he took his stand by one of the loop-holes in the logs. About midnight three Indians stepped over the fence and commenced searching for ripe melons. Not expecting depredators of this kind, he looked quietly on, in silence. He could have easily killed one or more of them, with his well loaded musket; but he felt no enmity toward them; they had never injured him nor any of his kindred ; but on *he contrary, himself and countrymen were intruding on 158 ABRAHAM WHIFFLE. them, and taking the land of their fathers and themselves from them. And as to the melons they were not worth the life of a man, even of a savage. He resolved thus with himself. " If they do not attack me, I will not attack them." Had they been his old oppressors, the redcoats, and in time of war, as it then was with the Indians, his conduct would have been very different. lie did not refrain from any fear of the result, for the report of his shot would have brought instant aid from the garrison, not one hundred rods distant, and the Indians would have fled without any attempt on the house, as they would at once conclude it contained more than one man. When they had selected such melons as suited them, they retired ; and the commodore rested quietly the remainder of the night. At sunrise he returned to the garrison, but did not watch the melons again. After the peace in 1790, he moved with his wife on to a small farm of twelve acres, on the bank of the Muskingum river, two miles from its mouth. He was now in his sixty- third year, and had no other means of support than the produce of this land, cultivated with his own hands. On this scanty plantation he continued to live and to labor for fifteen years, raising barely sufficient of the most common necessaries of life to support him and his aged partner in a very frngal manner, but lacking the most of its comforts, especially comfortable clothing, which was scarce and dear in the new settlements. He thus manfully struggled on, without murmuring or complaining, respected and honored by his acquaintance for his perseverance and industry. At length in 1811, when he was seventy-eight years old and the powers of nature has so far failed that he could no longer follow the plow, or delve the earth, he applied to Congress, urged thereto by his friends, for a pension. They granted him half-pay of a captain in the navy, or thirty dollars a month. This relieved him from any further anxiety ABRAHAM WHITTLE. 159 aa to ft support ill the last days of his life, and rendered the remaining years easy and free from care. Once during this agricultural period, he was allowed to visit the sea, snuff its saline, breezes, and again be lulled to sleep in his cot by the dash of the ocean's waves, strangely calling to mind the scenes of his early manhood. In the year 1SOO, some of the enterprising men of Marietta, formed a company for building a small vessel, and actually built, rigged, and loaded with produce, a brig of one hundred and four tons, named the St. Clair, in honor of the governor of the northwest territory. Her cargo was made up of pork and Hour, and she cleared from Marietta in May, 1801, that town having been made a port of clearance. She crossed the falls of the Ohio in safety, and early in July was at New Orleans, then in the occupancy of the Spaniards, where the brig lay some days anchored in the stream, from the extrav- agance of the port charges, while she took on board sonic stores for the voyage. In July he sailed for the town of Havana, with a crew composed chiefly of landsmen. His first mate was a good seaman, but entirely ignorant of navi- gation, not being able to take an observation, or ascertain the latitude, so that if any accident had happened to Com. "Whipple, no one on board could navigate the vessel. The second mate was Bennct Cook, a young, active man, and a good sailor, but ignorant of navigation. The St. Clair, however, reached her destined port in safety. Provisions of all kinds were scarce and dear, affording a fine market for her load. The flour sold for forty dollars a barrel, but was subject to a duty of twenty dollars. This port has aluavs been noted for its high duties, which served to enrich the government, but to impoverish the people. \\ ith the pro- ceeds of the cargo, he bought a load of sugar. It was late in August before the brig left the port of Havana on her voyage to Philadelphia, where she was consigned and finally 160 ABRAHAM \YHIPPLE. sold. In the meantime the yellow fever broke out in the place and attacked several of the cre\v, some of them several days after leaving the island. Fortunately for Com. Whip- pie, he found his son John, who had been several years on the sea, and a finished sailor, at this port, and engaged him for the voyage as his mate. His health remained firm, and with his aid the brig reached Philadelphia, in distress, from sickness and death amongst the crew. The voyage was a productive one to the owners, and encouraged the inhabitants of Marietta to continue the business. Com. Whipple re- turned to his home by land, but did not navigate any more vessels to the sea. The St. Clair was the first rigged vessel ever built on the Ohio river, and he had the honor of con- ducting her to the ocean. In after life he used to claim the distinction of firing the first gun at the British in the Revo- lutionary war on the ocean, and the navigating the first vessel built on the Ohio river, to the sea. On the latter oc- casion Capt. Jonathan Dcvol, who possessed all the imagina- tion of a poet, if he lacked the harmony of measure, wrote the following lines. The scene is laid at the mouth of the Mississippi, and as Com. \Vhipple entered the ocean with the St. Clair, Nep- tune and his Tritons are supposed to welcome him with military honors. " The Triton crieth, ' Who comcth now from shore 'i ' Neptune replieth, ' 'Tis the old commodore.' Long has it been since I saw him before, In the year seventy-five from Columbia he came ; The pride of the Briton on ocean to tame : And often, too. with his gallant crew, Hath he crossed the belt of ocean blue. On the Gallic coast, I have seen him tost, ABRAHAM WHIPPLE. 101 While his thundering cannon lulled my waves, And roused my nymphs from their coral caves ; \\heu he fought for freedom with all hij braves, In the war of the Revolution. But now he comes from the western woods, Descending slow with gentle floods, The pioneer of a mighty train, Which commerce brings to my domain. I'p, sons of the wave, Greet the noble and brave ! Present your arms unto him. His gray hair shows. Life nears its close : Let's pay the honors due him. Sea-maids attend with lute and lyre, And bring your conehs, my Triton sons ; In chorus blow to the aged sire, A welcome to my dominions." For several years after this period, ship-building was car- ried on with great spirit at Marietta; but Com. Whipple, having opened the way to the ocean, left the future guid- ance of the navigation to younger men. Not less than twenty ships, brigs and schooners, from one hundred and fifty to four hundred and fifty tons burthen, were built up to the year 1808, besides some of Mr. Jefferson's gun-boats. Two or three of their number were lost in attempting to tiass the rapids at Louisville, when the water was too low, but at a proper stage no difficulty was experienced. Several of them took in cotton from the plantations on the Mississippi, for Liverpool, in addition to their other lading, as the cotton bales were so loosely packed at that time, that a ship could not be fully loaded with that article. Owing to its bulky nature, ten cents a pound was charged for the freight. As has been observed, in 1811, Com. Whipple received from Congress the hall-pay of a captain in the service, or 11 162 ABRAHAM WHIPPLE. thirty dollars a month; which enabled him to cease from laboring with his own hands for the support of himself and ' wife, which he had been obliged to do for the last twenty- three years. In early life he married Miss Sarah Hopkins, the sister of Gov. Hopkins, of Rhode Island, a woman every way worthy of him, and with whom he lived to enjoy the smiles, or to bear the frowns, of fortune, for more than fifty years. The fruits of this marriage were two daughters and one son. The oldest daughter was married to Col. Ebenezer Sproat, and the younger to Dr. Comstock, of Smithfield, R. I., where she resided after her father's removal to Ohio. John, his only son, continued to follow the sea, after leaving Marietta, and never married, so that the family name perished at the death of its illustrious founder. Several descendants of the female branches are living in the states of Michigan, Rhode Island and Massachusetts, under the names of Sibley, Comstock, and Fisher. In person Com. Whipple was rather short, thickset and stout, with great muscular strength in the days of his man- hood : eyes dark grey, with manly, strongly marked fea- tures, indicating firmness and intrepidity. He was fond of daring exploits, and the more hazardous they were, with so much the greater alacrity he entered into them. For stern, rigid discipline, no man in the American navy exceeded him; and yet from numerous letters on his files addressed to him by his subordinates, he appears to have been loved and highly respected by those under his command. It was often noticed by the sailors, that in fair, pleasant weather, with a smooth sea, he was irritable and surly; but as soon as a severe gale or storm arose, and there was actual clanger, his countenance brightened, while the most cheerful, animated air, took possession of the man. diffusing life and courage ABRAHAM WHIPPJ.E. 1G3 into all around him, so that no crew could be cowardly with such a leader. When in the greatest danger, he was the most at his ease. His benevolence and kind feelings lor those under his charge were often put to severe trials, and always shone with brilliant luster. Thousands of dollars were expended by him ro relieve their wants, which were never repaid by the government, and for which he suffered years of privation and labor, at a period of his life when want bears most heavily on the mind of man. It is pre- sumed that no other one amongst the military or naval com- manders of the Revolution, expended as much for the men under their care, with the exception of that extraordinary and good man, the Marquis Lafayette. His success on the ocean was not exceeded by that of any other in the navy; and, although exposed to the greatest dangers and hazards, was never captured or wounded by his enemies, while at sea : but when he stepped on to dry land, his good fortune forsook him, and at the surrender of Charleston, he became a captive for more than two years. His exploits and character will long be remembered by the inhabitants of Rhode Island and Marietta; while his name and portrait ought to -occupy a distinguished place, instead of being passed by in silence, in The American Portrait Gallery, amongst the celebrated men of the Revolution. He died after a short illness, on the 29th of May. in the year 1S10. aired eighty-five years, at a small farm, three miles from Marietta, where he had resided for several years. near his widowed daughter, Mrs. Catharine Sproat. whose soothing cares and tender assiduities smoothed her parent's progress to the grave. His wife, Mrs. Sarah \Vhipple. died in October, LS18. preceding him but a few months, aged sev- enty-nine years. They lie buried side by side, in the beau- tiful mound square at Marietta, and his tombstone bears the 164 ABRAHAM W HI PPLE. following inscription, written by the Hon. Paul Fearing, his warm friend and admirer : SACRED TO THE MEMORY OF (Hommobore 2lbraljam iUljipple, WHOSE NAME, SKILL, AND COURAGE, WILL EVER REMAIN THE PRIDE AND BOAST OF HIS COUNTRY. IN THE LATE REVOLUTION, HE WAS THE FIRST ON THE SEAS TO HURL DEFIANCE AT PROUD BRITAIN; GALLANTLY LEADING THE WAY TO ARREST FROM THE MISTRESS OF THE OCEAN, HER SCEPTER, AND THERE TO WAVE THE STAR-SPANGLED BANNER. HE ALSO CONDUCTED TO SEA, THE FIRST SQUARE-RIGGED VESSEL EVER BUILT ON THE OHIO, OPENING TO COMMERCE RESOURCES BEYOND CALCULATION. HON. JAMES MITCHELL VARNUM.* " Two brothers of the name of Varnum, emigrated from Wales to Boston, just prior to the year 1000, and from thence to Ipswich, where one died without issue. Samuel, the survivor, purchased a large tract of land of the Indians, in the town of Dracut, county of Middlesex, Mass., and settled on it in 1004. He had issue five sons: John, Thomas, and Joseph, and two who were shot in a boat while crossing the Merrimack with their father. The descendants of John and Thomas reside in Dracut and elsewhere. Jo- seph was colonel of the militia, and wounded in the Indian war of 107G. He erected a garrison house, which is still standing as the family mansion, in a good state of preser- vation. Joseph Varnum left two sons, Joseph and Samuel, who inherited a large estate from their father. Joseph had issue, and several families have descended from him. Sam- uel had four sons : Samuel, James Mitchell, Joseph Bradley, and Daniel Varnum. Samuel died in Maine, about twenty years since ; Joseph B. in 1821 ; and Daniel in 1822, on the patrimonial estate, which has remained in the family since the first purchase from the natives. Most of the brothers held prominent official stations in Massachusetts. Joseph B. was elected a member of Congress from his native district in 1795, and successively re-elected till 1811, and then elected senator one term, making his whole service in Con- gress twenty-two years. From 1807 to 1811, comprising * The following sketch is chiefly extracted from a full and well written biogra- phy of Gen. Varnum, by "Wilkins Updike, Esq., of Kingston. 11. I., and published in the Memoirs of the Bar of Rhode Island, in 1842. 166 J. M. VARNUM. two Congressional terms, he was elected speaker of the House of Representatives. The subject of this memoir, James Mitchell Varnum, was born in Dracut, the residence of his ancestors, in 1749. He entered Rhode Island College, now Brown University, then established in Warren, and was in the first class that grad- uated from that institution, in 1769, at the age of twenty. He received the first honors of his class, and in a forensic discussion, vindicated the rights of the colonists in their re- sistance to British taxation, with signal ability. He kept a classical school for a short period after he graduated, and always spoke highly of its benefit to a student, to plant deeply in the mind those elements accmired in the college hall ; and his whole life demonstrated that he had profited by it. He was deeply attached to mathematical science, and delighted in its pursuits. His whole life was an evi- dence that he was naturally a mathematician. His habits were those of intense study and boisterous relaxation. He was fond of exhibiting his skill in gymnastics, and ever ready to exercise in that ancient art with any one who would engage with him, noble or ignoble. Strong and ac- tive in frame, and ardently attached to such exercises, he gave his inclination for such sports, the fullest range, to a late period of his life. Soon after his college course he entered the office of Oli- ver Arnold, in Providence, then attorney-general of the col- ony. William Channing, Thomas Arnold, John S. Dexter and himself, were students together, at the time of ?Ir. Ar- nold's death, in 1770; and in the succeeding year, Vanium was admitted to the bar. He settled at East Greenwich, where his talents acquired for him an extensive practice ; and he traveled the circuits of the state, reaping the honors and the rewards of his profession. 3Ir. Varnum had a great taste for military life, and early j. M. VAUNT: M. 107 joined the Kentish Guards, and was appointed commander of that company in 1774; a company which, from their ac- quirements in military tactics, became the nursery of so many distinguished officers during the Revolutionary war : Gen. Greene, Gen. Varnum, Col. Greene, Col. Crary, Mnj. Whitemarsh, and others, making thirty-two in all, who en- tered the Revolutionary army as commissioned officers from this company alone. The prominent part Mr. Varnum had taken in the colonial controversy, inspired an ambition to enter the military service of his country. The venerable John Ilowland, president of the Historical Society of this state, in a communication, states, that "When the news of the Lexington battle reached East Greenwich, Yarnum's company mustered, and marched to Providence, on their way to the .scene of action. I recollect seeing them on their arrival ; Nathaniel Greene, of Coventry, afterward the gen- eral, was a private, with a musket on his shoulder; and Christopher Greene, afterward Col. Greene, who defended Red Bank, was also there, a private in the same company. They marched beyond Pawtuckct, and hearing that the enemy had retired to Boston, they returned. The next week, the General Assembly convened, and resolved to raise three regiments of infantry and a company of artillery. Mr. Na- thaniel Greene, then a member of the House of Representa- tives, was appointed brigadier-general, and Varnum, colonel of the regiment to be raised in the counties of Kent and King's ; Daniel Hitchcock to be colonel of the regiment to be raised in Providence, and Church to be colonel of the regi- ment to be raised in the counties of Newport and Bristol. Varnum took rank over Hitchcock and Church, from having commanded in the Kentish Guards, with the rank of colonel. The time for which these troops were called out, expired December 31st, 1775. The state raised two regiments for the year 177(5. Varnum commanded the first, and Hitch- 168 J. M. VARNUM. cock the second. The officers of these troops afterward re ceived commissions from the president of Congress, when Washington was appointed commander-in-chief. They were then styled continental troops. In January, 1776, the state raised a regiment called state troops, to be stationed in New- port. They remained there until the disastrous battle on Long island. This regiment, commanded by Col. Lippitt, was taken into the continental service, and ordered to join Gen. Washington at New York; they arrived at Harlem after the evacuation of the city. This regiment composed part of the brigade commanded by Gen. John Nixon, which consisted of five regiments, commanded by Cols. Nixon and Little, of Massachusetts ; Yarnum, Hitchcock, and Lippitt, of Rhode Island. Toward the close of the year, Gen. Nixon was dispatched, by the commander-in-chief, on furlough, to Massachusetts, to urge the raising of new recruits for the army, to supply the place of those whose term of service would expire on the 31st of December; as without rein- forcements, Gen. Washington would be left without an army at the commencement of the succeeding year. Gen. Yar- num then succeeded to the command of the brigade. But the necessity of the case, and the perilous situation of the country, induced Gen. Washington soon after to send Gen. Yarnum to the Assembly of Rhode Island, for the same pur- pose ; selecting, for this all-important mission, those officers, for their known influence with their respective legislatures. The command of this brigade of five regiments then de- volved on Col. Hitchcock, as the senior officer. lie com- manded it at a period the most important in our Revolution- ary history, and led his brigade with courage and ability, in the memorable battles of Trenton and Princeton ; and for his signal gallantry, received the special thanks of Gen. Wash- ington, in front of the college at Princeton, and which he J. M. VAUNTM. 1G9 was requested lo present to the brigade lie had so ably commanded." In February, 1777, Col. Varnum was j)romoted by Con- gress to the rank of brigadier-general. The appointment was announced to him by Gen. Washington, by letter, under date of March 3d, of that year, \vhich contains ample evi- dence that his military bearing had met ihe full approbation of the commander-in-ehicf. The General Assembly of this state in their December session, 1770. having appointed Gen. Varnum, commander of the state force.-?, at their March ses- sion, 1777. entered the following honorable testimonial of ap- probation on their journal : " "Whereas, the appointment and commission of Brig. Gen. James M. Varnum, in the service of this, state, has been suspended by his being appointed by the honorable continental Congress, to the same rank in the continental army : this assembly do. therefore, in grateful re- membrance of his services, vote and resolve, that he is dis- missed from his said appointment, and that he be paid to the time his pay commenced in the continental service." - Under the latter appointment," continues Mr. Howland, Gen. Varnum commanded all that body of troops on the Jersey side of the Delaware, when the British and Hessians took possession of Philadelphia. Gen. Washington's purpose was to prevent the passage of the enemy's shipping up the river, and for this purpose a strong fort was erected on Red Bank, and a regiment of Marylanders on Mud island. Col. Christopher Greene commanded the two Rhode Island regi- ments : Lieut. Col. Samuel Smith, on Mud island, and Var- num the whole line of the coast of Xew Jersey. In October the enemy made a determined attack; but the battery and fort were so valiantly defended, that the invaders were de- feated and compelled to withdraw, and temporarily abandon the enterprise. The gallant defense of Fort Milllin. or Mud 170 J. M. VARNUM. island, and the defeat of the Hessians at Fort Mercer, on Red Bank, dre\v from Congress, then sitting at Yorktown. a resolution of thanks, and votes of elegant swords to Col. Greene, Lieut. Col. Smith, and Com. Hazlewood, for their intrepid defense of these two forts." " But the British, re- solved on the capture of these posts, so important in their position, renewed the attack in November. They brought up their shipping, the Somerset, of sixty-four guns, and a number of floating batteries, to break up the chevaux de frise, which extended across the river, and our forts opened their fire to prevent it. Col. Smith was wounded on the llth of November, and the command devolved on Lieut. Col. Russell, of the Connecticut line, who, exhausted by fatigue, and destitute of health, requested to be recalled. The moment was critical. The commander -in-chief, Gen. Washington, had no idea of defending the place through the campaign, but wished to retard the operations of the enemy, until the main army should be reinforced by the Massachu- setts brigade, marching from the conquest of Saratoga, when he would be in sufficient force to cover the country, or to meet the enemy's whole force in the field. Upon the 12th, he signified his wish to Gen. Varnum, to defend the island as long as possible, without sacrificing the garrison. Gen. Varnum, considering the imminent danger of the post, im- mediately convened the field officers of Red Brink fort, with a request that one of them would volunteer, as G^en. Washington desired the island to be defended as long as possible, and take command of it in lieu of Smith, who had left. At this momentous crisis, Maj. Simon Thayer imme- diately offered himself, to the inexpressible satisfaction of Gen. Varnum. In the defense, to an officer knowing all the, circumstances, nothing presented itself but death, or an improbable escape, without the possibility of contending on even terms. But Maj. Thayer gallantly defended it day and J. M. VARNUM. 171 night from the 12th, to twelve o'clock at night on the Kilh of November, when the breastworks were beaten down, and no cover left for his men, when the general ordered him to abandon it. By those unacquainted with the transaction, all the glory has been ascribed to Col. Smith. If heroic valor was to be rewarded, who should have had the sword? When the swords which were wrought in France, arrived, and were to be presented, Gen. Yarnum published a letter, dated at East Greenwich, August 3d, 178(5, narrating all the circumstances attending the heroic defense of Mud island by Mnj. Thayer. It is written in a natural, straightforward style, and in justice to the memory of this intrepid soldier of Rhode Island, and of his country, ought to be preserved in some durable form. Gen. Yarnum continued in active service during the year 1778, and commanded a brigade in Sullivan's expedition on Rhode Island. In 1779 he resigned his commission in the army, there being at that time more general officers in the service than were needful, in proportion to the men, and his talents being more congenial with political life than the duties of the camp ; although he was respected and esteemed as a good and gallant officer. The legislature of this state, in consid- eration of his national services, and effectually to secure them in defense of the state, in May, 1771), elected him ma- jor-general of the militia, to which office he was unani- mously re-elected during the remainder of his life. In April, 1780, the people of the state, in grateful recollection of his eminent services in the cause of public liberty, and desirous to throw into the national councils, those distinguished tal- ents which could be spared from the field, elected him their delegate to the confederated Congress of that year. As that body sat with closed doors, his voice could not be heard by the public, but his name appears oftener in the published journals, than many others of that body." Mr. Ilowland 172 J. M. VARNUM. continues to observe, " The old Congress under the confed- eration, had no power to raise money to carry on the war, either by taxes or imposts, and the states had enough to do, to furnish their own treasuries. Congress, on the 3d of February, 1781, requested the several states to grant them power to levy an impost of five per cent., ad valorem, on all imported goods; and all prizes and prize goods, to be appropriated to the discharge of principal and interest of debts contracted, or to be contracted, on the faith of the United States, for the support of the war. This was thought necessary to the salvation of the country, and to maintain our independence. The granting of this power to Congress, to raise a revenue, was a new question, and divided the pol- iticians in its discussion. To place the case, in its urgent necessity, before the respective legislatures of the states, several of the best speakers in Congress requested, or thought proper to return home, and persuade the people to grant the power. Rufus King advocated it in Massachusetts ; Dayton left his seat to advocate the cause in New Jersey; and Varnum came to Rhode Island for the same purpose. The states which had little or no maritime commerce, readily granted the power. This question brought a new man into the field in Rhode Island. David Howell, knowing the im- porters would generally oppose the power, and that the people at large would unwillingly be deprived of a rich source of state revenue, at a crisis so distressing, came out in the Providence Gazette, and in all public places, with violent declamation against the five per cent., as it was called. He argued, if you once grant them five, they will soon take ten, then twenty, &c. Gen. Varnum vindicated the grant, in the same paper, over the signature of ' Citizen;' Howell, over that of 'Farmer,' knowing the majority of every state were farmers. At length the question came be- fore the General Assembly ; Varnum's speech occupied the J. M. VARNUM. 173 forenoon, and, in strength of argument and eloquence, had not been equalled since the settlement of the state. Hovvell occu- pied the afternoon ; the question was then taken, and decided in the negative. It was afterward ascertained, that a ma- jority had predetermined and agreed not to grant the power. Eleven of the states granted the five per cent. New York, headed by George Clinton, never decided one way or the other; and Rhode Island refused. So Congress was defeated in the necessary source of revenue ; all the states not con- curring in the measure. After the war, Gen. Varnum recommenced the practice of law at East Greenwich, with increased reputation, and was promptly engaged in all the important causes in the state. At that period great and important cases arose, growing out of the new position in which the state and na- tion were placed. The great case of Trevett vs. Weeden, was one which stirred the community to its very foundations. Upon its issue was involved the destiny of thousands. Pub- lic feeling and anxiety were intense upon its result. The period succeeding the Revolution was the most eventful in our history. The crisis arose, and the experiment was on trial, whether the people were capable of self-government; and upon its issue depended the fate of the nation. The country was exhausted by a protracted contest ; and disap- pointed in the expectation of sufficient national resources, to meet the embarrassments produced by it; insubordination and misrule showed themselves everywhere. The army returned unpaid and discontented, with certificates upon a bankrupt treasury, instead of money, amidst a state popula- tion as impoverished as themselves. The state itself was insolvent, and wholly unable to pay the bills of credit against it. The stock of the farmer was selling at the auc- tion posts, for the payment of taxes. The old Congress was as embarrassed as the states for pecuniary means to 174 J. M. VARNUM. discharge their engagements. They made requisitions in con- formity to the powers delegated to them under the confeder- ation : owing to inability the states rejected them. The bills which Congress had negotiated in Holland for the payment of the army, were unpaid at maturity, and returned pro- tested : the damages alone amounting to the startling sum of six hundred and thirty-six thousand dollars. At this act of sovereign dishonor and disgrace of the new republic, our ambassadors, Franklin, Jay, and Adams, were in despair. Prompted by exorbitant profit, the merchants shipped to Europe, all the remaining specie that could be obtained to supply the country with fabrics, which the war had ex- hausted. Massachusetts alone exported three millions of specie from the commencement of peace, to July, 1785 ; and we can only judge, by estimation, of the vast amount ex- ported from other seaports for the same purposes : so that in a short period, all the gold brought by the French, and the silver imported from the Spanish West Indies, was drained from the country. The avaricious course pursued by the merchants compelled the borrower to pay twenty per cent, per annum, and some four per cent, per month. Such was the posture of affairs at this momentous crisis. The confederation was powerless. The veteran soldiers, who had exposed themselves to tempests and battles through the whole contest, and whom peace had dismissed with laurels, returned to their families, penniless and clamorous. Neces- sity and distress showed themselves by insurrections and commotions in every quarter. If Shays had possessed cour- age equal to his address and ability, he might have marched in triumph through the nation, gathering to his standard, spirits enough to have insured him victory; such was the perilous condition of the republic. The state threw itself upon its reserved rights ; and the demagogues, who could best live and nourish in turbulent political waters, seizing J. M. V A KM I'M. 175 upon the agitated occasion, roused the distressed ol' every class into a phrenzy, and made them believe, that Midas-like, they could touch paper, and convert it to gold. The paper- money party obtained an overwhelming majority, and ex- pressly instructed their representatives Tor the purpose; and in ]\lay, 1?S(>, emitted the enormous sum ol' one, hundred thousand pounds in paper bills. It \vas further enacted, that said bills ' should be a good and lawful tender for the com- plete payment and final discharge of all lines, forfeitures, judgments, and executions, that had become due and re- covered, of every kind and nature whatsoever.' There was no time fixed when, said bills were to be redeemed, nor was their ultimate payment charged upon any fund, nor was it designated how they were to be paid. They were to be loaned for fourteen years upon mortgage, pro rata, to all the people, at four per cent, interest for the first seven years, and to be repaid in the next seven years, in seven equal instal- ments, without interest, and then they were ' to be consumed by fire ;' thus intending to annihilate the merchants, their fancied opponents, at a blow. These bills fell into imme- diate discredit, and those who had property chose rather to retain, than exchange it. They further enacted, that if any one refused to take it in place of specie, he should be fined one hundred pounds, and stand disfranchised. Every citi- y.en was also to swear that he would use his endeavors to give it currency equal to gold and silver, and sell their prop- erly at the same prices for one, as the other Trials under the law could be had at a called court, and the culprit was denied the privilege of a jury. These curious movements of the public mind goto prove that ' the Inquisition 1 may exist in a republic, in civil affairs, as well as in a Roman Catholic country, in matters, of religion. The paper-money system gave rise to a celebrated law- suit, in which Gen. Varnum was engaged, and where he 176 J. M. \ARNUM. displayed his eloquence and law knowledge in a masterly manner. John Trevett, of Newport, bought meat of John Weeden, a butcher, in the market, and tendered to him bills of the emission of May preceding, in payment, which Wee- den refused. From thence arose this trial, before a special court, in September, 178G. If the complaint was sustained by the judgment of the court, all the commerce and busi- ness of the state would be destroyed, and all previous obli- gations canceled by this irredeemable trash. The whole population were deeply interested, and gathered, in vast numbers, at the court-house. Here Gen. Varnum displayed his vast powers, as an orator, in a manner never developed before, and came fully up to Patrick Henry's famous tobacco case, in exciting the applause and approbation of the people. 'The court adjudged the amended acts of the legislature, unconstitutional, and so void.' The fearless in- dependence of the bench overthrew the tyrrany of the dem- agogues, and the state was saved. But it was eulogium enough on Varnum, that the power of these speeches wrought such a triumphant victory over public opinion, that the dominant party, to save themselves from political pros- tration, were compelled to repeal their arbitrary and uncon- stitutional acts, within sixty days from the time of their passage. Gen. Varnum was not cold and phlegmatic in his eloquence; his temperament was naturally ardent; and when excited or roused by the circumstances or events of his cause, was vehement. None can impart warmth or zeal, that have none of their own ; and to impress an asscmbly wilh the truth or sanctity of our cause, we must ourselves be convinced that it is true. In 1780, Gen. Varnum was again elected a representative to the old Congress, and was an efficient member. At the same session, the distinguished William Samuel Johnson was also a representative from Connecticut; an intimacy J. M. VAKNUM. 177 was contracted between them, which continued during their lives. This, circumstance is mentioned to show why Dr. Johnson spoke of Gen. Varnum, in tlie case of Smith, of Connecticut, against John Brown, of Providence, in such favorable terms. It was a pri/.e cause, of magnitude, and from the parties concerned, and the eminence of the counsel engaged, it excited unusual interest. It was tried before Judge Foster, judge of the State Admiralty Court at Kings- town. Jesse Root, afterward chief justice of the Supreme Court of Connecticut, nnd compiler of Root's reports, opened the case in behalf of Smith, and William Channing, attor- ney-general of Rhode Island, and Gen. Varnum conducted the defense in behalf of Brown, and the distinguished jurist and Christian, Dr. Johnson, of Stratford, closed for the claim- ant. From the splendor of the talents of counsel, unusual attention was attracted to the scene. The neat, concise, and clear openings by Root and Channing, the brilliant language and thundering eloquence of Varnum, and the calm, placid, unostentatious and classical oratory of Johnson, furnished a legal and intellectual banquet, such as was never seen before, and probably never since, in Rhode Island. To sus- tain himself against such power, was victory enough; but Varnum did more ; he not only sustained the high expecta- tions of his friends, and the reputation of the Rhode Island bar, but drove his adversaries finally to a nonsuit. Dr. Johnson, whose heart was too magnanimous for envy, be- side paying to Gen. Varnum, merited compliments in the close, slated, at a party in the evening, 'That he knew Gen. Varnum in Congress, and that he was a man of uncommon talents, and of the most brilliant eloquence.' We feel as- sured that he was justly entitled to this eulogium, or Dr. Johnson would not have given it. The following is a de- scription of the person and dress of Gen. Varnum at the bar : It was the fashion of that day to be very well, or 12 178 J. M. VARNUM. rather elegantly dressed. ' Gen. Varnum appeared with a brick-colored coat, trimmed with gold lace; buckskin small clothes, with gold lace bands; silk stockings, and boots; a high, delicate, and white forehead; eyes prominent, and of a dark hue ; his complexion rather florid ; somewhat corpu- lent; well proportioned, and finely formed for strength and agility; large eyebrgws; nose straight, and rather broad; teeth perfectly white; a profuse head of hair, short on the forehead, turned up some, and deeply powdered and clubbed. When he took off his cocked hat, he would lightly brush up his hair forward, and with a fascinating smile lighting up his countenance, take his seat in court.' This was the last great effort of Gen. Varnum in Rhode Island. At what precise time this trial took place, cannot now be ascertained, as no record of that court can be found. That it was after the confederated Congress of 1787, is presuma- ble ; because he spoke of their intimacy while in Congress together; and Dr. Johnson and Gen, Varnum were not both members of the same Congress before that period. Gen. Varnum was a warm and unwavering advocate for a federal constitution ; he knew the inefficiency of the con- federation, and also the selfish considerations that governed the states. If an instrument cementing the Union, was not speedily adopted, he ' felt that future efforts would be una- vailing.' The legal profession, with Gen. Varnum at their head, the mercantile, and the sound portion of the agricul- tural interests, urged the Legislature of Rhode Island, at their June session, 1787, in the strongest terms, to send del- egates to the federal convention, assembled at Philadelphia. But the advocates of the paper-money system, and the rev- enue accruing to the state from imposts, Rhode Island being then the second or third importing state, defeated the meas- ure. The minority in the Legislature, and those friendly to the federal constitution, addressed the convention on the J. M. VARNUM, 179 subject, and inclosed it to Gen. Varnum, to be delivered to that body." Early in the year 1787, the Ohio Land Company was or- ganized in Boston; it was originated by the disbanded offi- cers of the late army, many of whom were stockholders, while the larger portion was made up from the citizens at large. The ordinance of Congress, establishing the North- west Territory, was passed the 13th of July, 1787; \n August of that year, Gen. Varnum was appointed one of the direc- tors of the Ohio Company. In September, Gen. Arthur St. Clair was appointed governor of the new territory, and, in October following, Gen. Varnum, Samuel H. Parsons, and John Cleves Symmes, judges of the Supreme Court. lie left his home in Rhode Island in the spring of 1788, on his route to the Northwest Territory, by the way of Balti- more, and arrived at Marietta early in June. Gen. Parsons was there on the '26th of May; Gov. St. Clair arrived on the 9th of July, at Fort Harmer, under the escort of Maj. Doughty, who went up with the garrison barge and a party of soldiers to meet him at Fort Mclntosh. On the 4th of July, the American independence was celebrated at Ma- rietta, by the citizens, and the officers of Fort Ilarmer, in a long bowery built near the upper point at the mouth of the Muskingum. Gen. Varnum was invited to deliver an ora- tion, which was done with his usual eloquence. "The ora- tion is short, but contains many beauties both in sentiment and language." ' : It was published at Newport in the same year, by order of the directors and agents of the Ohio Land Company, to which is annexed the speech of Gov. St. Clair, and proceedings of the inhabitants." A copy of the speeches is attached to the appendix of this volume. His health was poor when he arrived at Marietta, having for some time been threatened with a lung complaint. The long journey and change of climate, no doubt led him to 180 J. M. VARNUM. expect would effect a favorable change in his disease ; but his health gradually declined after his arrival, so that by the set- ting in of cold weather, he was quite feeble, and evidently in a deep consumption. During the summer and autumn he was able to attend to the duties of a director in the meetings of that board, and no doubt his fine taste for the beautiful was exerted in promoting the resolution for the preservation of those ancient remains erected on the present site of Ma- rietta, as memorials of that departed race of men who once inhabited the valley of the Ohio. He also had made prepara- tion for opening a farm; and a clearing of several acres, made by him, a mile or two east of the town, was, for many years, known by the name of Varnum's clearing, and now oc- cupies the center of one of the finest farms in this vicinity. He assisted Gov. St. Clair and Gen. Parsons in forming a code of laws for the government of the Northwest Territory, twenty-six of which were promulgated during his life ; the last of them being signed on the 21st of December. About this time he addressed the following letter to his wife. It is written with that entire truth, honesty, and deep sensibility, which all more or less feel at the approach of death; but which few have the ability to express in such fervent and beautiful language. It was published in 1791, in the Amer- ican Magazine, as a fine specimen of elegant composition ; but is now copied from his life, as a memorial of the heart and soul of Gen. Varnum. "MY DKARHST AND MOST ESTIMABLE FRIEND: I UOW address you from my sick chamber, and perhaps it will be the last letter that you will receive from me. My lungs are so far affected that it is impossible for me to recover, but by exchange of air and a warm climate. I expect to leave tliia place on Sunday or Monday next for the fulls of Ohio, if 1 feel myself mend by the tour, I shall go no farther; but if not, and rny strength should continue, I expect to proceed to J. M. YAK NUM. 181 New Orleans, and from thence, by the West Indies, to Rhode Island. My physicians, most of them, think the chances of recovery in my favor; however, I am neither elevated nor de- pressed by the force of opinion, but shall meet my fate with humility and fortitude. I cannot, however, but indulge the hope that I shall again embrace my lovely friend in this world: and that we may glide smoothly down the tide of time for a few years, and enjoy together the more substan- tial happiness and satisfaction, as we have already the de- sirable pleasures of life. It is now almost nineteen years, since Heaven connected us by the tendcrest and the most sacred of ties; and it is the same length of time that our friendship hath been increased by every rational and en- dearing motive ; it is now stronger than death, and I am lirmly persuaded will follow us into an existence of never- ending felicity. But my lovely friend, the gloomy moment will arrive when we must part; and should it arrive during our present separation, my last and only reluctant thoughts will be employed about my dearest Martha. Life, my dear- est friend, is but a bubble ; it soon bursts, and is remitted to eternity. When we look back to the earliest recollections of our youthful hours, it seems but the last period of our rest, and we appear to emerge from a night of slumbers, to look forward to real existence. When we look forward, time appears as indeterminate as eternity, and we have no idea of its termination, but by the period of our dissolution. What particular relation it bears to a future state, our gen- eral notions of religion cannot point out; we feel something constantly active within us, that is evidently beyond the reach of mortality : but whether it is a part of ourselves, or an emanation from the pure Source of existence, or re-ab- sorbed when death shall have linished his work, human wis- dom cannot determine. Whether the demolition of the body introduces only a change in the manner of our being, 182 J. M. VARNUM. or leaves it to progress infinitely, alternately elevated and depressed, according to the propriety of our conduct, or whether we return to the common mass of unthinking mat- ter, philosophy hesitates to decide. I know, therefore, but one source from whence can be derived complete consola- tion in a dying hour, and that is the divine system contained in the gospel of Jesus Christ. There, life and immortality are brought to light; there, we are taught our existence is to be eternal, and, secure in an interest in the atoning merits of a bleeding Savior, that we shall be inconceivably happy. A firm and unshaken faith in this doctrine, must raise us above the doubts and fears that hang upon every other sys- tem, and enable us to view with a calm serenity, the ap- proach of the king of terrors, and to behold him as a kind and indulgent friend, speeding his shafts only to carry us, the sooner, to our everlasting home. But should there be a more extensive religion beyond the vail, and without the reach of mortal observation, the Christian religion is by no means skaken thereby, as it is not opposed to any principle that admits of the perfect benevolence of the Deity. My only doubt is, whether the punishment threatened in the IVew Testament, is annexed to a state of unbelief, which may be removed hereafter, and so a restoration take place; or whether the state of the mind at death, irretrievably fixes its doom forever. I hope and pray that the divine Spirit will give me such assurances of an acceptance with Clod, through the merits and sufferings of his Son, as to brighten the, way to immediate happiness. Dry up your tears, my charming mourner, nor suffer this letter to give too much inquietude. Consider the facts at present as in theory; but the sentiments such as will apply whenever the change shall come. 1 know that humanity must and will be indulged in its keenest griefs, but there is no advantage in too deeply anticipating our inevitable sorrows. If I did not persuade J. M. VARNUM. 183 myself that you would conduct with becoming prudence and fortitude, upon this occasion, my own unhappitless would be, greatly increased, and perhaps my disorder too ; but 1 have so much confidence in your discretion, as to un- bosom my inmost soul. You must not expect to hear from me again, until the coming spring, as the river will soon be shut up with ice, and there will be no communication from belo\v ; and if in a situation for the purpose, I will return as soon as practicable. Give, my sinccrest love to all those you hold dear; I hope to see them again, and love them more than ever. Adieu, my dearest friend; and while I fervently devote, in one undivided prayer, our immortal souls to the care, forgiveness, mercy, and all-prevailing grace of Heaven in time, and through eternity, I must bid you a long, long, long farewell. JAMES M. VARNUM." His fast declining health, and the rapid approach of win- ter, prevented his making the, attempt to remove to a warmer climate. It was fortunate he did not, as he would have died amongst strangers, with no one on whom he could lean in his last moments ; while in Marietta he was surrounded with warm and devoted friends who did all in their power to alleviate his sufferings and make his final passage as easy as mortality will allow. He died on the 10th of Janu- ary, 1789, the day after the signing of the treaty with the Indians at Fort Harmer, which accounts for the attendance of the chiefs at his burial, and in less than eight months after his arrival. The funeral took place on the 13th, and was attended with all the ceremony and respect due to so distinguished a person. On this occasion Dr. Drowne from Rhode Island, delivered a funeral oration, a copy of which is attached to the appendix.* * The following order of procession is copied from the original manuscript, in the handwriting of 'Wiuthrop Sargeant, secretary of the territory, and found among the papers of Griffin Greene, iii 1846. 184 J. M. VARNUM. ''Early in life Gen. Yarnum married Martha, the eldest daughter of Cromwell Childe, of Warren, in Rhode Island, a family of very considerable distinction. Mrs. Varnum was an amiable, virtuous, and high minded lady, and one of the most cheerful, sociable, and best of wives. She sur- vived her husband forty-eight years, and died at Bristol, without issue, October iOth, 1837, at the advanced age of eighty -eight years. The career of Gen. Varnum was active, but brief. He graduated at twenty; was admitted to the bar at twenty-two; entered the army at twenty-seven; resigned his commission at thirty-one; was member of Congress the same year; re- sumed practice at thirty-three, and continued four years, ORDER OF PROCESSION. THE MILITARY. MARSHALS. MARSHALS. Mr. WHEATON, bearing the sword and Mr. LORD, bearing the civil commission military commission, of the deceased on on a mourning cushion. a mourning cushion. Mr. FKARING, bearing the insignia of Mr. MAYO, with the diploma and order masonry on a mourning cushion, of Cincinnati on a mourning cushion. PALL-HOLDERS. GRIFFIN GREEN, Esq., Judge TOPPER, THE SECRETARY. PALL-HOLDERS. Judge CRARY, Judge PUTNAM. Judge PARSONS. PRIVATE MOURNERS. CHARLES GREENE and RICHARD GREENE. FREDERICK CRARY and PHILIP GREENE. Doctor SCOTT and Doctor FARLEY. DEACON STORY and DOCTOR DROWNE. Private citizens, two and two. Indian chiefs, two and two. The militia officers. Officers of the garrison at Fort Ilarmer. The civil officers. The Cincinnati. The Masons. Messrs. Clark and Leech, Mr. Stratton and Mr. Balch, were requested to super- intend the order of the procession. In returning from the grave the order was the same, preceded by the military under Capt. Zeiglcr. J. M. V A II NUM. 185 was elected to Congress again at thirty-seven; emigrated to the west at thirty-nine, and died at the, early age of jvi'ty. From what researches have been made, it conscien- tiously can be stated that he was a man of boundless y.eal, of warm feelings, of great honesty, of singular disinterest- edness; and, as to talents, of prodigal imagination, a dex- trous reasoner, and a splendid orator. He was a man made on a gigantic scale ; his very defects were masculine and powerful, ' and, we shall not soon look upon his like again."' SAMUEL IIOLDEN PARSONS. Y HIS GRANDSON, S. II. PARSONS, ESQ., OF HARTFORD, CONN. MAJ. GEN. SAMUEL HOLDEN PARSONS was born at Lyme, in the county of New London, and state of Connecti- cut, May 14th, 1737, and was the third son of the Rev. Jonathan Parsons, a distinguished clergyman, who removed from Lyme to Newburyport, Mass., in 1746. His mother was the sister of Gov. Matthew Griswold, of Lyme, lineally descended from Henry Wolcot, of Windsor, the ancestor of all of that eminent name in Connecticut. He graduated at Harvard College, in 175G; and after completing his professional studies in the office of his uncle, Gov. Matthew Griswold, he was admitted to the bar of New London county, in February, 1759, and settled at Lyme in the practice of law. [\OTE A.] In September, 1701, he married the daughter of Richard Mather, of Lyme, a lineal descendant of the Rev. Richard Mather, who was born in Lawton, Lancaster county, England, 159G, and set- tled as the first clergyman of Dorchester, Mass., Aug. 23. 1630, where he died, April 22d, 1009. In 1702, at the age of twenty-five, he was elected a member of the General Assembly of the colony of Connecticut, and was succes- sively re-elected until his removal to New London in 1774. During this period he received repeated proofs of public confidence in various appointments of honor and trust. In May, 1708, he was appointed by the General Assembly, auditor, >: to settle and adjust the colony accounts with the treasurer and all others who have received any of the moneys that belong to the colony." In 1709, the same appointment S. II . PARSONS. 187 was continued, with " further powers to renew, and better secure the moneys and estate due on mortgages, bonds, or other securities, belonging to this colony, which are in dan- ger of being lost." In October, 1773, under an act of the general court, "con- cerning the western lands, so-called, lying westward of Del- aware river, within the boundaries of this colony," he was appointed and associated with the lion. Matthew Gris- wold, Eliphalet Dyer, Roger Sherman, Wm. Samuel John- son, Silas Dean, Win. "Williams, and Jedediah Strong, Esqrs., a committee with full power to assist his honor, Gov. Trum- bull, in stating and taking " proper steps to pursue the claim of the colony of Connecticut to said western lands ; and any three of said committee were authorized and directed to proceed to Philadelphia to wait on his honor, Gov. Penn, in the subject, and to treat with Gov. Penn and the agent or agents of the proprietaries of Pennsylvania, respecting an amicable agreement between the colony and the aforesaid proprietaries concerning the boundaries of this colony and the province of Pennsylvania, to agree upon and as- certain the boundaries between this colony, and the claim of said proprietaries, and such agreement to lay before the General Assembly for confirmation : but if said pro- prietaries shall prefer joining in an application to his majesty for commissioners to settle said line, then the said committee are directed to join in behalf of the colony in such application. The committee were likewise empow- ered to treat with said Gov. Penn with respect to the peace of the inhabitants who are settled upon said lands, and to agree upon such measures as shall tend to preserve good order, and to prevent mutual violence and contention while the boundaries between this colony and the said province shall remain undisturbed." In January, 1774, the same committee were " appointed and empowered to assist his 188 S. H. PARSONS. honor, Gov. Trumbull, in collecting and preparing all ex- hibits and documents necessary to pursue and prosecute the claim and title of the colony to the lands lying within the boundaries of the grant and charter of the colony west of the Delaware river, at the court of Great Britain, and to make a proper statement of said cause, to be transmitted to Great Britain for that purpose ; and to report to the General Assembly, from time to time, of their proceedings thereon.'' Mr. Parsons was an active member of this committee, and contributed materially by his abilities and unwearied dili- gence in promoting the important object of the appointment. In May, 1773, he was appointed by the House of Repre- sentatives of the Connecticut colony, one of the " Standing Committee of Correspondence and Inquiry, to obtain all such intelligence, and to take up and maintain a correspondence with our sister colonies respecting the important considera- tions mentioned and expressed in certain resolutions of the patriotic House of Burgesses of Virginia in March last. [XoxE B.] Mr. Parsons was an energetic member of this committee, and entered zealously into the cause of the col- onies. He had previously corresponded on these subjects with the prominent leaders of the sister colony of Massa- chusetts. Among the number was the eminent patriot, Samuel Adams, who, says his biographer, (American Quar- terly Register, February, 1841, p. 2.) originated the sugges- tion of assembling the first Congress, which subsequently met at New York an act which led, at a later period, to the continental Congress, to the confederation, and that great chain of events connected with the war of independ- ence. "The writer of the preceding paragraph was not probably aware that among the manuscripts of Samuel Adams, (in the possession of Hon. Mr. Bancroft.) an orig- inal letter exists, written March 3d, 1773, by Samuel IJolden Parsons to Mr. Adams, originating the suggestion above S. II. PARSONS. 189 stated, the honor of which has been heretofore attributed to Mr. Adams a letter so full of fervent patriotism it may not be amiss to insert entire, as follows : "Siu: When the spirit of patriotism seems expiring in America in general, it must afford a very sensible pleasure to the friends of American liberty to see the noble efforts of our Boston friends in the support of the rights of America, as well as their unshaken resolution in opposing any, the least invasion of their charter privileges. I was called to my father's on a very melancholy occasion, and designed to have seen you before my return, but some unforeseen diffi- culties prevented. I therefore take the liberty to propose to your consideration whether it would not be advisable in the present critical situation of the colonies, to revive an insti- tution which had formerly a very salutary effect 1 mean an annual meeting of commissioners from the colonies to consult on their general welfare. You may recollect this took place about the year 1036, and was continued to 1084, between the united colonies of New England. Although they had no decisive authority of themselves, yet here everything was concerted which will be easily suggested to your mind. If we were to take our connection with Great Britain into consid- eration, it would render the measure convenient, as at pres- ent our state of independence on one another is attended with very manifest inconvenience. I have time only to sug- gest the thought to you, who I know can improve more on the subject than is in my power, had I time. The idea of in- alienable allegiance to any prince or state, is an idea to me inadmissible; and I cannot see but that our ancestors, when they first landed in America, were as independent of the crown or king of Great Britain, as if they never had been his subjects; and the only rightful authority derived to him over this people, was by explicit covenant contained in the 190 S. H. PARSONS. first charters. These are but broken hints of sentiments I wish I was at liberty more fully to explain. I am, sir, in haste, with esteem, your most obedient servant, SAM. II. PARSONS. To Mr. Samuel Adams, in Boston. Forwarded by Mr. Howe." In November, 1773, he was appointed "king's attorney for New London county," and in May, 1774, was also ap- pointed by the General Assembly, " agent for the governor and company of the colony, to receive, sue for, and recover, all such debts or demands as were due to the governor and company of the colony, on bonds, notes of hand, or mort- gages, deeds, from persons residing in the county of New London ; as also to sue for and recover the possession of all such lands within said county of New London, that belonged to said governor and company and detained from them, with full power to appear before any court or courts of judicature, and represent said governor and company for the purpose aforesaid. All these duties were faithfully and satisfactorily performed. The limits of this brief sketch will just permit a detailed view of his arduous labors as a member of the committee of correspondence. The following letter, addressed to the committee of Bos- ton, on the 17th of May, 1774, (original among the manu- scripts of Samuel Adams,) evinces an eagle-eyed vigilance, and a fixed, determined spirit of resistance to oppression, and a bold, daring patriotism, peculiar to the times that tried men's souls. ''HARTFORD, May 17, 1774. G K\TLEMEN : This moment a post from New York arrived here, on his road to Boston, with intelligence of the spirit and firmness with which the inhabitants of that city concur S. II. PARSONS. 191 with the friends of America, in support of the cause of our country : we cannot suffer him to pass, without informing you, who immediately feel the effects of ministerial despot- ism, that the American cause, the state of the town of Bos- ton in particular, and the effect and operation of the late detestable act of an abandoned venal Parliament, were this day brought before our House of Assembly for considera- tion ; and, on discussing the matter, there is no reason lo doubt a hearty, spirited concurrence of our Assembly in every proper measure for redress of our wrongs. A com- mittee is appointed to report proper measures to be pursued, and make drafts for the declaration of our rights, &c., which will probably be reported and passed this week ; a copy of which will be transmitted as soon as possible. We consider the cause the common cause of all the colonies, and doubt not the concurrence of all to defend and support you. Let us play the man for the cause of our country, and trust the event to Him who orders all events for the best good of his people. We should not have written you at this time, and when no more of our committee are present, but that your distressed condition requires the aid of every friend for your relief. We cannot be warranted in having this made pub- lic, as from our committee, there not being a quorum present, but you are at liberty to use it, as from us personally, if it can, in the least, tend to strengthen the hands and encour- age the hearts of those in distress. We are, gentlemen, (the post waiting.) your friends and countrymen, the Committee of Correspondence at Hartford. SAMUEL II. PARSONS. NATHANIEL WALLS, JR. To the Committee of Correspondence, at Boston." [Superscribed to Samuel Adams, Boston.] By a resolution of the House of Representatives of the colony of Connecticut, passed June 3d, 1774, the Committee 192 S. II. PARSONS. of Correspondence were empowered, on application to them made, or from time to time, as might be found necessary, to appoint a suitable number to attend a congress, or conven- tion of commissioners, or committee of the several colonies, in Boston, America, to consult and advise on proper mea- sures for advancing the best good of the colonies ; and such conferences, from time to time, to report to the House of Representatives. [NOTE C.] In pursuance of the above reso- lution, the Committee of Correspondence met on the 13th of July, 1774, at New London, and nominated the lion. Eli- phalet Dyer, the lion. Wm. Samuel Johnson, Erastus Wol- cot, Silas Dean, and Richard Law, Esqs., either three of whom were authorized and empowered, in behalf of the colony, to attend the General Congress of the colonies, pro- posed to be held at Philadelphia, the first day of September. Three of the above-named gentlemen, viz. : Messrs. John- son, Wolcot, and Law, by reason of previous engagements and the state of their health, declined the nomination. The committee met at Hartford, the ensuing month of August, [NOTE D,] and nominated, in their place, the Hon. Roger Sherman and Joseph Trumbull. The first-named gentle- man, with the Hon. Eliphalet Dyer, and Silas Dean, Esq., represented the colony of Connecticut in the first Congress, assembled at Carpenter's Hall, Philadelphia, September 5th, 1775. The passing of the above resolution was immediately communicated, by the Committee of Correspondence, to the committee at Boston and the House of Representatives of Massachusetts; they, therefore, on the 17th of June, adopted a similar resolution, upon the motion of Samuel Adams. [NOTE E.] To the colony of Connecticut, therefore, belongs the honor, (heretofore claimed by Massachusetts,) of first svprrrs/ivzr, mid first acting upon the important subject of the first National Congress of the American colonies. The first S. 11. PARSONS. 103 suggestion having been made by Mr. Parsons, in his letter to Mr. Samuel Adams, March, 1773, and the first action taken by the Connecticut Legislature, June 3d, 1774, of which Legislature Mr. Parsons was a prominent member. Believing that the possession of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, u'.ul the consequent command of lakes. George and Champlain, were objects of essential importance in the ap- proaching conflict, Mr. Parsons, with a few Connecticut gentlemen, formed the bold design of seizing the fortress by surprise. Accordingly, soon after the battle of Lexing- ton, they borrowed on their individual credit the requisite funds from the colonial treasurer to enable them to carry on the enterprise. As success depended upon secrecy and dis- patch, and it would be difficult to march any number of men through the country without discovering their plans, they de- termined to proceed with a small body of volunteers, whom they dispatched immediately on the 27th of April, under Edward JMott, of Preston, a captain in Col. Parsons' regi- ment. He proceeded to Bennington, where he met Col. Ethan Allen, a native of Connecticut, who readily entered into their views, and agreed to conduct the enterprise. After having assembled at Castleton about two hundred and sev- enty men, Col. Allen assumed the command, and success- fully completed the whole plan; capturing the forts, and making prisoners of the garrison without the loss of a single man. This was the first blow- the first offensive blow struck by the colonies. At Concord and Lexington the Americans acted on the defensive, but this was the first act in which our countrymen were the assailants the first attack planned and successfully executed an enterprise highly important in its glorious results, and tending to inspire the Americans with additional confidence in themselves. It was planned by Connecticut, executed under her instructions, and paid for and maintained by her men and treasury. P~OTE F 1 13 S. H. PARSONS. In 1770 Mr. Parsons was appointed major of the four- teenth regiment of militia; and on the 2Gth of April, 1775, was commissioned by the colony of Connecticut as colonel of the sixth regiment, raised " for the special defense and safety of the colony," and soon after marched to and con- tinued at Roxbury, until the British evacuated Boston, when he was ordered to New York. He was actively engaged at the battle of Long Island, August, 177G. In describing this battle, the historian Botta says, " Lord Percy came up with his corps, and the entire columns descended by the village of Bedford from the hights into the plain which lay between the hills and the camp of the Americans. During this time, Gen. Grant, in order to amuse the enemy and direct his at- tention from the events which took place upon the route of Flatland, endeavored to disquiet him upon his right: accord- ingly as if he intended to force the defile which led to it, put himself in motion at midnight, and attacked the militia of New York and of Pennsylvania who guarded it. They at first gave way, but Gen. Parsons being arrived, and having occupied an eminence, he renewed the combat and maintained his position until Brig. Gen. Lord Sterling came to his assistance with fifteen hundred men. The action became extremely animated, and fortune favored neither the one side nor the other. The Hessians, on their part, had attacked the center at break of day, and the Americans commanded by Gen. Sullivan, valiantly sustained their efforts. At the same time, the English ships, after having made several movements, opened a very brisk cannonade against a battery established in the little island of Red Hook, upon the right Hank of the Americans, who combated against Gen. Grant. This, also, was a diversion, the object of which was to prevent them from attending to what passed in the center and on the left, The Americans defended themselves with (x!remc gallantry, ignorant that so much valor was exerted in vain, since victory S. H. PARSONS. 105 was already in the hands of the enemy," &c. In Mrs. Williams' life of Olney, she says, " The militia of New York and Pennsylvania were attacked by Percy, and about giving way, when Parsons arrived to their relief, and re- newed the combat, maintaining his position against fearful odds until Sterling came to his relief." President Stiles, in his diary, says " It was said that Grant, (British colonel,) was slain by our Gen. Parsons." In August, 177(5, he was appointed by Congress briga- dier-general, and was with the army at Harlem hights, Kingsbridge, and in the battle of White Plains. He was sub- sequently stationed at Peekskill with a portion of the army to protect the important posts upon the North river, and from thence was frequently detached on various expeditions. In 1777, about the middle of May, returning to Peekskill from Connecticut with a body of recruits, and learning while passing through New Haven that the enemy had collected a large quantity of forage and provisions at Sagg harbor, for the supply of their army at New York, Gen. Parsons determined to seize the same, and with that view dispatched Lieut. Col. Meigs with about one hundred and sixty men, who completely effected the object of the expedition, and also burnt one of the enemy's armed vessels, took ninety pris- oners, and re-crossed the sound without the loss of a single man. This was the most important operation of the cam- paign of 1777. and proves, by its successful results, great wisdom and judgment in its design, and consummate skill and valor in its execution. It was specially noticed by Congress and by Washington in a very complimentary manner, and is particularly described by Marshall, in his life of Washington, vol. iii, p. 90, as well as in the follow- ing letter from Gen. Parsons to Gov. Trumbull, dated New Haven, May 30th, 1777: 196 S. II. PARSONS. " I sincerely congratulate your honor on the success of our arms at Long Island. Col. Meigs left Sachem's Head on Tuesday, at one o'clock, P. M., with a detachment of one hundred and sixty men, officers included, and landed within three miles of Sagg harbor, about one at night ; and having made the proper arrangements for attacking the enemy in five different places, proceeded in the greatest order and silence within twenty rods of the enemy, when they rushed on with fixed bayonets upon the different barracks, guards and quarters, while Capt. Troop, with a party under his command, at the same time took possession of the wharves, and vessels lying there. The alarm soon became general, and an incessant fire of grape and round shot was kept up from an armed schooner of twelve guns, which lay within one hundred and fifty yards of the wharves, for an hour; notwithstanding which, the party burnt all the vessels at the wharf, killed and captured all the men who belonged to them, destroyed about one hundred tons of hay, large quan- tities of grain, ten hogsheads of rum, and other West India goods, and secured all the soldiers who were stationed there. The prisoners are about ninety, among whom are Mr. Chew and Mr. Bell. I have the satisfaction of being informed that the officers and men, without exception, behaved with the greatest order and bravery, and not a man on our side either killed or wounded. Eleven vessels, great and small, were destroyed in the above affair, and the prisoners taken were about one-third seamen ; the others, generally Ameri- can recruits, arc sent to Hartford.'' See letter to Gen. Washington, May 25. 1777. [XorE C.] In June. 1777, we find him in ?Scw Jersey, reinforcing the army of Gen. Washington, encamped at Middlebrook, an- ticipating an attack from Gen. Howe, who, it was supposed, had designs on Philadelphia. The following letter, written S. II. PARSONS. 197 June 2'2, 1777, by Gen. Parsons, to his wife, describing the locality of a marching army watching the movements of his enemy, may not be uninteresting : " 1 have no way to tell you where I am, but by describing the place which has no name. Our camp is about two miles advanced in front of the mountain where the army is posted, on the road to Quibbletown, about one and a half miles north of that town, about two and a half miles northwest of Samptovvn, about three miles west of Browsetown, and about ten miles northwest of Spanktown, about eight miles northeast from Brunswick, six miles from Middlebrook, about one mile from the stream called Bonn's brook, east- ward, but further distant from the village of that name. If you can find me by this description, I shall rejoice to hear from you. I expect to remove from this place very soon. Our neighborhood with the enemy gives us frequent skir- mishes, though nothing very material has occurred since the rascals retreated in so scandalous a manner from Somerset court-house to Brunswick. Their grand encampment seems now to be extended from Brunswick to Amboy. We are induced to believe they are embarking for some other place, and this state will soon be clear of them ; however, this is at present not certain. I think their retreat must have an exceeding good effect in every point of view. If they advance to Millstone or Somerset to try the credit they may give their friends, and see what number will join them, they must be greatly mortified to find almost every man who had re- ceived his majesty's protection and most gracious -pardon in arms against them. Xot the militia only of this state, but almost every man in it able to bear arms, have voluntarily flown to arms on this occasion. If they designed to pene- trate the country to Philadelphia, they are convinced it is impracticable. If they designed to turn the flank of our army, and draw us from our strong grounds, they are disappointed. 198 S. H. PARSONS. The effect this maneuver will have on their army and our forces, and on the minds of the disaffected in the country, will probably be of great advantage to us. Our army is now respectable, but not such as that we incline to attack them in their strongholds at present; especially as delay is considered as fatal to them, if we prevent their penetrating the country. The general is very well, and in good spirits ; and our affairs have a more promising aspect, than since the war began. Where their next movement will be, is yet uncertain ; perhaps, if I live, I may see you sooner than I expected, when I left home. About one thousand of my brigade have joined us ; more are expected every hour. Col. Butler and Maj. Sill are at Morristown ; I expect they will soon have orders to join their brigades. Every neces- sary of life is exceedingly dear; salt is from ten to twenty dol- lars per bushel, and other things very extravagant. I am in very comfortable circumstances myself, though not very well. Since writing the above, the enemy have evacuated Brunswick, with great precipitation and evident signs of fear, and are fled to Amboy. They left Brunswick at ten o'clock, and Gen. Gaines took possession by the time they were out. They left a considerable quantity of flour and other things, but I have not seen the return yet. We pur- sued them, and attacked their rear emdjlank, to Amboy, where they arc going on board their ships. This state is once more delivered from those pests of society; who will next be in- fested with them, is uncertain, but we are in high spirits, and ready to march to any part of the country. I expect orders to march, very soon, perhaps to the North river again, where I shall write you. I am, my dear, with love to children, your affectionate husband, SAMUEL II. PARSONS." After the retreat of Gen. Howe from ~Vew Jersey, the brigades of Parsons and Varnum were detached froir S. H. PARSONS. 199 Middlebrook to Peekskill ; and those continental troops at Peekskill, which had been ordered by Gen. Washington to join him in New Jersey, and had proceeded as far as Pomp- ton plains, now returned to their former station, with direc- tions to hold themselves in readiness to move on the shortest notice. (Marshall, Vol. iii, p. 119.) It was conjectured that the- British Gens. Burgoync and Howe would endeavor to effect a junction of their two armies at* Albany. Orders were therefore given to Gen. Putnam, who commanded at Peekskill, to prepare for such an event, by concentrating at that post the militia of the country, and to guard against any sudden attempt from New York. The importance of defending the Highlands, and the necessity of large rein- forcements, was strongly urged by Gen. Parsons, in a letter to Gen. Washington, July 30, 1777. [NOTE II.] The result shows the wisdom and foresight which prompted the sug- gestion. Large requisitions were made on the militia of the adjoining states, but before effectual measures were con- summated, Gen. Clinton, with a large force, advanced up the North river, captured Forts Montgomery and Clinton, and proceeding above the Highlands, compelled Gen. Put- nam to evacuate the post at Peekskill, and Forts Inde- pendence and Constitution, and return to Fishkill. In the meantime, he visited Connecticut, to urge upon his country- men the importance of prompt and energetic action. The appeal was not in vain. Always ready in the hour of trial, that patriotic state had not forgotten that on the day suc- ceeding the battle of Long Island, eighty- four companies of her volunteers had marched to the relief of Boston : that she had struck the most offensive and effectual blow for liberty, and had sent one thousand of her brave sons to maintain the conquest of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, planned by her wisdom, and achieved by her valor: that more than four- teen thousand of her brave and hardy yeomanry composed 200 S. H. PARSONS. the army of "Washington at New York, in 1770; yet she was ready, ever ready, with her accustomed energy and undaunted spirit, to shed her best blood in defense of the rights of a bleeding country. A general levy was made, and two thousand men obeyed the call, marched to meet the enemy, and again planted the standard of liberty upon the summit of the Highlands. (P. 30.) Among the several military expeditions during the year 1777, allusion is made by Gen. Parsons in a letter to Gen. Washington, dated December 29, 1777, to a descent on Long Island for the purpose of destroying the timber and boards prepared at the east end of the island, for barracks in New York to decoy the fleet at Southhold from Rhode Island, loaded with wood, attack a regiment stationed about eight miles eastward of Jamaica, and remove or destroy whatever public stores should be found on the island at Shetocket. With this view Col. Meigs was to have landed at Hempstead harbor, to attack the regiment near Jamaica Col. Webb near Huntington to sustain Meigs, and afford such aid to the division eastward as should be wanted, and destroy whatever was collected in that part of the county of Suffolk for the use of the enemy. The easternmost division under Gen. Parsons landed at a place called Ilockaback, about forty miles from the east end of the island. The licet, (ex- cept the Swan and Harlem sloops of war and four other vessels.) had sailed: one sloop had taken in her cargo of timber and boards ; the other three had taken none, but being light, hauled into the bay under cover of the armed vessels. The loaded sloop was captured, and all the limber and boards prepared for New York; also a large quantity of wood cut for another fleet expected from New York. The boats commanded by Capt. Ascough, of the ship Swan, were attacked within twenty yards of the shore: two of the S. II. PARSONS. VQl officers, with their commander, badly wounded, as well as several soldiers, and eight killed. The enemy's ships kept a constant lire, but without execution. The eastern division under Gen. Parsons, after accomplishing their designs, re- turned to the main again, with about twenty prisoners. Col. Aleigs, who was to have crossed irom Sawphs, through the roughness of the water, was unable to pass over in his boats. The other t\vo divisions under Col. Webb, sailed from Norwalk the evening of the i.Hh instant, with fair pros- pects, but unfortunately the next morning, just before light, the sloop in which Col. Webb embarked, fell in with the British frigate Falcon, on her passage from New York to Newport, was forced on shore near a spot called the Old Man's, and captured. This expedition was well planned, and would have been fully and most successfully accomplished, but for the adverse elements which prevented the embarkation of Col. Meigs, and the unfortunate capture of Col. Webb by the frigate Falcon, circumstances which could not have been anticipated nor avoided. In November, 1777, Gen. Parsons learning that the enemy were practicing a system of warfare inconsistent with the common principles of humanity, by burning the dwelling* and imprisoning the persons of peaceful and unoffending citi/.ens, with many outrageous acts, addressed to Gov. Tryon a letter remonstrating against such savage barbarity. It is written with energy, and that fervent patriotism peculiar to the, author, containing sentiments bold, dignified, and un- answerable, while the reply of Gov. Tryon evinces a mind puerile, ignoble, base and cowardly. "MAROXECK, I\ov. ~lst, 1777. SIR: Adding to the natural horrors of war the most wan- ton destruction of property, is an act of cruelty unknown to civilized nations, and unaccustomed in war until the servants 202 S. H. PARSONS. of the king of Great Britain have convinced the impartial world, that no act of inhumanity, no stretch of despotism, are too great to exercise toward those they term rebels. Had any apparent advantage been derived from burning the houses in Phillips' manor last Monday, there would have been some reason to justify the measure ; but when no benefit whatever can be proposed by burning those buildings and stripping the women and children of apparel necessary to cover them from the severity of a cold night, and when captivating and leading in triumph to your lines, in the most ignominious manner, the heads of those families, I know not what justifiable cause to assign for those acts of cruelty, nor can I conceive a necessity for your further orders to de- stroy Tarrytown. You cannot be insensible it is every day in my power to destroy the houses and buildings of Col. Phillips and those belonging to the family of Delancey, each as near your lines as those buildings were to my guards; and notwithstanding your utmost vigilance, you cannot pre- vent the destruction of every house this side of Kingsbridge. It is not fear at is not a want of opportunity has preserved those buildings; but a sense of the injustice and savageness of such a line of conduct, has hitherto saved them; and nothing but necessity will induce me to copy the examples of this sort, frequently set by your troops. It is not my in- clination, sir. to war in this manner, against the inhabitants within your lines, who suppose themselves within your king's protection. But necessity will oblige me to retaliate in kind upon your friends, to procure the exercise of that justice which humanity used to dictate, unless your explicit disa- vowal of the conduct of your two captains Emmerick and Barns, shall convince me that those houses were burned without your knowledge, and against your orders. I am, sir, your humble servant, Gov. Tryon. SAMUEL II. PARSONS." S. H. PARSONS. 203 The following is Gov. Tryon's reply to the foregoing: "KiNGSimiOGK, November 23, 1777. SIR : Could I possibly conceive myself accountable to a revolted subject of the king of Great Britain, I might an- swer your letter, received by the Hag of truce yesterday, re- specting the conduct of the party under Capt. Emmerick's command, upon the taking of Peter and Cornelius Van Tassell. I have, however, candor enough to assure you, as much as I abhor every principle of inhumanity or ungener- ous conduct, I should, were I in more authority, burn every committee-man's house within my reach, as I deem those agents the wicked instruments of the continued calamities of this country ; and in order the sooner to purge this col- ony of them, I am willing to give twenty-five silver dollars for every active committee-man who shall be delivered up to the king's troops. I guess, before the end of the next campaign, they will be torn in pieces by their own country- men, whom they have forcibly dragged, in opposition to their principles and duty, (after fining them to the extent of their property) to take up arms against their lawful sov- ereign, and compelled them to exchange their happy con- stitution for paper-rags, anarchy, and distress. The ruins from the conflagration of New York, by the emissaries of your party last year, remain a memorial of their tender re- gard for their fellow-beings, exposed to the severity of a cold night. This is the first correspondence I have held with the king's enemies, on my part, in America; and as I am immediately undor the command of Sir Henry Clinton, your future letters, dictated with decency, would be more properly directed to his excellency. I am, sir, your most obedient servant, WILLIAM TRYON, major-general. To Gen. Parsons." 204 S. H. PARSONS. Gen. Parsons to the Hon. Mr. Lauren?, President of Congress : " SIR : On the 18th ult, Gen. Tryon sent about one hundred men, under the command of Capt. Emmcrick, to burn some houses within about four miles of my guards, which, under cover of a dark night, he effected, with circumstances of most savage barbarity, stripping the clothing from the women and children, and turning them, almost naked, into the street, in a most severe night: the men were made pris- oners, and led, with halters around their necks, with no other clothes than their shirts and breeches, in triumph to the enemy's lines. This conduct induced me to write to Gen. Tryon upon the subject; a copy of my letter and his answer I have herewith sent you. As the practice of deso- lating villages, burning houses, and every species of unne- cessary distress to the inhabitants, ought to be avoided, I would not wish to retaliate in any instance, but where, in its consequences, the enemy may be injured, or one of our people saved by it. I am aware, if, in any instance, this shall be done, I shall subject myself to censure, unless it is in consequence of some general orders of Congress, by which I may be warranted. As these instances may be fre- quently repeated by the enemy, I wish to know in what, or whether in any instance, Congress will direct a retaliation. I am, sir, your obedient humble servant, SAMUEL II. PARSOXS." Gen. Parsons answer to Gen. Tryon's letter of 23d of November, 1777 : "FisnKiLL, January 1st, 1778. SIR: Since I received yours of the 23d of November, I have till now been employed in matters of importance, which have not left me at liberty to acknowledge the receipt of vour letter before, and lest you should think me wanting in S. II. PARSONS. 205 respect due to your character, I beg your acceptance of this letter, which closes our epistolary correspondence. It will ever be my design 'to dictate with decency' any letters I may send, however remote it may be from my intention to copy the examples of the persons my duty compels me to correspond with. As propriety and decency ought to be observed in every transaction, even with the most infamous characters, I never wish so nearly to assimilate myself to them, as to be found destitute of that respect which is due to my fellow-beings in every station in life. I should not have entertained a thought that you had been deficient in the duty you owe your king m every part of the globe, or that you did not inherit the spirit of his ministry, which has precipitated the present crisis, even if you had omitted to assure me this had been the first correspondence you had held with the king's enemies in America. The conflagra- tion of Xew York you are pleased to charge to Ameri- can troops, under the decent name of a parti/. This de- serves no other answer than to assure you it has not the least foundation in truth, and that we are assured it gains no credit with officers whose rank and candor gives oppor- tunity to know and believe the truth. This, like many other occurrences, is charged to the account of those who were never believed guilty, to excite to rage, and direct the resentment of the ignorant and misruled against very im- proper objects. Perhaps I might with equal propriety and more truth suggest this unhappy event was brought about by your own party, from the same motives which induced them in August, 1770, to mangle the dead bodies of some of the foreign troops, in a most shocking and inhuman manner, and place them in the most conspicuous parts of the road through which their brethren were to pass. A justifiable resistance against unwarrantable invasions of the natural and social rights of mankind, if unsuccessful 206 S. H. PARSONS. according to the fashion of the world, will be termed rebel- lion, but if successful, will be deemed a noble struggle for the defense of everything valuable in life. Whether I am considered as a revolted subject of the king of Great Brit- ain, or in any other light by his subject*, is very immaterial, and gives me little concern. Future ages, I hope, will do justice to my intentions, and the present to the humanity of my conduct. Few men are of talents so very inconsid- erable as to be unalterably excluded from every degree of fame. A Nero and Caligula have perpetuated their memo- ries. Perhaps 'twenty silver dollars' may be motives with those you employ to do great honor to your Machiavelian maxims, especially that which advises never to commit crimes to the halves, and leave lasting monuments of your princi- ples and conduct, which will hand your memory down to the latest posterity in indelible characters. We act on a different scale, and hold ourselves indispensably bound never to commit crimes, but to execute whatever is necessary for our welfare, uninfluenced by sordid, mercenary motives. In the field of conjecture I shall not attempt to follow you. You may have a better talent of 'guessing' than I can boast of. This satisfaction at least you may enjoy, that if you find yourself mistaken in one conjecture, you have an undoubted right to guess again. I shall content myself to wait until the event verifies your prediction, or shows you are mis- taken, assuring you I shall never pursue your measures for restoring peace, whether ' my authority is greater or less,'' fur- ther than necessity shall compel me to retort the injuries the peaceable inhabitants of this country may receive from the hand of violence and oppression. I am, sir, your obedient servant, SAMUEL II. PARSONS. Gov. Try on." During the winter of 1777, Gen. Parsons, suffering under S. II. PARSONS. 207 feeble health, and a constitution broken down in the service of his country, expressed to the commander-in-chief a desire to retire temporarily from the active duties of the army, but in consequence, of the urgent solicitation of Gen. Washing- ton, he relinquished the desire, as may appear by the fol- lowing letter, dated " lIu;in,AMs, ox HUDSON RIVKR, February 18th, 1778. DI:AR GKNKK.U, : 1 had the honor of receiving yours of the l()th of January about eight days since, at this place, where I have returned to take charge of rny brigade. In the present state of the army, I shall continue in my command, lest a different conduct may prove injurious to the cause of my country, at this critical conjuncture of affairs. However my inclination may induce me to retire to the enjoyment of domestic happiness, I cannot think myself warranted to in- dulge my wishes at a time when so many officers under my command are desirous of leaving the toils of war for the pleasures of private life." About this time Gen. Putnam went to Connecticut and left West Point, and all the troops stationed at the High- lands, under the command of Gen. Parsons, with the addi- tional duty (if constructing military works at West Point, which had been delayed in consequence of misapprehension in regard to the several resolves of Congress upon the subject. It seems that on the f>th of November, 1777, Congress ap- pointed (Jen. Gates to command in the Highlands, connect- ing that post with the, northern department, and empowered him to make obstructions in and fortifications on the banks of the Hudson river, but as he was made President of the Board of War, he never entered upon these duties. Again, on the 18th of February, Gov. Clinton was requested to take the superintendence of the works, but the multiplicity of his civil employments made it necessary for him to decline 208 S. II . PARSONS. the undertaking. Meantime, Gen. Putnam went to Con- necticut, and left the post in charge of Gen. Parsons, \vho entered promptly upon the discharge of his arduous and perplexing duty. In a letter of 18th of February, to Gen. Washington, he remarks, "Almost every obstacle within the circle of pos- sibility has happened, to retard the progress of the obstruc- tions in and fortifications on the banks of Hudson river. Preparations for completing them are now in a state which will afford a good prospect of completing them in April, and unless some difficulties yet unforeseen should prevent, 1 think we cannot fail, by the forepart of that month, to have them in a good degree of forwardness. Nothing on my part shall be wanting to put them in a state of forwardness to answer the reasonable expectations of the country, as early as possible." Again, in a letter to Gen. Washington, dated 7th of March, 1778, explaining the perplexities arising under the resolves of Congress of the 5th of November, and 18th of February, in regard to Gen. Gates and Gov. Clinton, whose powers were deemed strictly personal, he remarks, - C I shall exert myself to have the works in a state of defense as early as possible, by the due exercise of such directions as your excellency shall please to give me. Col. Radierc, find- ing it impossible to complete the fort and other defenses intended at this post, in such manner as to effectually with- stand the attempts of the enemy to pass up the river early in the spring, and not choosing to hazard his reputation on works erected on a different scale, calculated for a short du- ration only, has desired leave 1o wait on your excellency and Congress, which I have, granted him. In justice to Col. Radierc, I ought to say he appears to be a gentleman of science and knowledge in his profession, and disposed to S. II. PARSONS. 209 render us every service he is able to do. I shall expedite the building of such works as are most necessary for immediate defense." Again, in another letter, dated "CAMP WEST POINT, March 16th, 1778. On the 14th inst. I had the honor of receiving your letter of the 7th of March, and also one of the 8th, containing a copy of the 5th of March. I shall pay particular attention to forwarding the work of the boats designed for transport- ing over, as well as to those which are to be employed for defense on Hudson river. I have ordered all the boats and other crafts on the river to be collected in different places, and put in the best possible state immediately. When I was last at Poughkeepsie the gun-boats were in such a state as to give hopes of their being fit for use within a few weeks; and as Gov. Clinton has been kind enough to take upon himself the direction of them, I think we may hope to see them completed soon. I will send to Albany, and know the state of the boats there, and as the river will be soon clear of ice, I will order down such boats and other crafts as can be had there, fit for transportation over the river. If the chain is complete, we shall be ready to stretch it over the river next week. A sufficient number of chevaux de frise to fill those parts left open last year, are ready to sink as soon as the weather and the state of the river will admit it to be done. 1 hope to have two sides and one bastion of the fort in some state of defense in about a fortnight. The other sides need very little to secure them. There is a prospect of having five or six cannon mounted in one of our batteries this week. I think the works are going on as fast as could be expected from our small number of men, total want of mate- rials provided, and of money to purchase them. We have borrowed, and begged, and hired money to this time. I have several times advanced my last shilling toward purchasing 14 210 S. H. PARSONS. materials, &c.; and I believe this has been the case with almost every officer here. As we still live, I hope we shall accomplish the works in the river in season, if the en- emy move with their accustomed caution and tardiness; when I hope Congress will repay what has been advanced, and cannot think us blamable if we have been compelled to save the public credit, and forward the business intrusted to our care." From the above correspondence it appears that the forti- fications at West Point, and upon the Highlands, were built under the superintendence of Gen. Parsons, where he was stationed the principal part of the years 1778 and 1779, but was frequently detached upon expeditions to protect the sea-coast of his native state, near Horseneck, Greenwich, New Haven and New London. Time and space, however, will not permit a full statement of his services. It appears also from his numerous opinions, recorded and preserved among the manuscripts of Gen. Washington, that he was frequently consulted in questions of great moment, and in critical times of public danger. On the 23d of June, 1779, Gen. Washington removed his head-quarters in consequence of the enemy having taken possession of Verplank's Point and Stony Point, from Smith's Clove to New Windsor, where he might be contigu- ous to the forts, and better situated to attend to different parts of the army on both sides of the Hudson river. The main body of the army was left at Smith's Clove, under the command of Gen. Putnam. The object now in view was to guard against an attack upon West Point. Gen. 3Ic- Dougall was transferred to the command of West Point. Three brigades were stationed on the east side of the river: Nixon's at Constitution island, Parsons' opposite West Point, with, instructions to assist in constructing the irorks, [Noxi; K,] and Iluntington on the principal road leading to Fishkill. S. II. PARSONS. 211 These three brigades were put under the command of Gen. Heath, who had been recently ordered to repair from Boston to head-quarters. In July, 1771), Gen. Washington, understanding that Gen. Try on had invaded Connecticut with twenty-six hundred British troops, immediately directed Gen. Parsons, (then stationed near the Highlands,) to hasten to the scene of action, with a view of giving confidence to his countrymen, and guiding their efforts. [NOTE L.] Placing himself at the head of one hundred and fifty continental troops who were supported by the militia under Gen. Erastus Wolcott, he at- tacked the British in the morning of the 12th, so soon as they had landed at Norvvalk; and, although too weak to prevent the destruction of that fort, he harassed and annoyed the enemy throughout the day in such a manner that they re- embarked and returned to Huntington bay for fresh supplies of artillery and reinforcements of men; and soon after abandoned the undertaking of penetrating the Connecticut territory, returned to New York. [NOTE M.] Before in- vading Connecticut, Gen. Tryon addressed to Gens. Putnam and Parsons the following letter : "N T E\v YORK, June 18th, 1779. SIR: By one of his majesty's ships of war, which arrived here last night from Georgia, we have intelligence that the British forces were in possession of Fort Johnstone, near Charlestown, the first of June. Surely it is time for rational Americans to wish for a reunion with the parent state, and to adopt such measures as will most speedily effect it. I am your very humble, obedient servant, WM. TRYON*, major-general. To Gen. Putnam, or, in his absence, to Gen. Parsons." The following is Gen. Parson's reply: "CAMP, HIGHLANDS, September 7th, 1779. SIR : I should have paid an earlier attention to your 212 S. II . PARSONS. polite letter of the 18th of June, had I not entertained some hope of a personal interview with you, in your descents upon the defenseless towns of Connecticut, to execute your master's vengeance upon rebellious women and formidable hosts of boys and girls, who were induced, by insidious pro- clamations, to remain in those hapless places, and who, if they had been suffered to continue in the enjoyment of that peace their age and sex entitled them to expect from civil- ized nations, you undoubtedly supposed would prove the scourge of Britain's veteran troops, and pluck from you those laurels with which that fiery expedition so plentifully crowned you. But your sudden departure from Norwalk, and the particular attention you paid to your personal safety, when at that place, and the prudent resolution you took, to suffer the town of Stamford to escape the conflagration to which you had devoted Fairfield and Norwalk, prevented my wishes on that head. This will, I hope, sufficiently apol- ogize for my delay in answering your last letter. By letters from France, we have intelligence that his Catholic majesty declared war against Great Britain in June last; that the combined fleets of France and Spain, amounting to more than sixty sail of the line, having formed a junction with twenty-five thousand land forces, are now meditating a blo\v on the British dominions in Europe ; and that the grand fleet of old England find it very inconvenient to ven- ture far from their harbors. In the West Indies, Admiral Byron, having greatly suffered in a naval engagement, es- caped, with his ships in a very shattered condition, to St. Christopher's, and covered his fleet under the batteries on the shores, and has suffered himself to be insulted in the road of that island by the French admiral; and Count de Estaing, after reducing the islands of St. Vincent and Gren- ada to the obedience of France, defeating and disabling the British licet, has sailed for Hispaniola, where it is expected S. II. PARSONS. 213 he will be joined by the Spanish fleet in those seas, and at- tack Jamaica. The storming your strong works at Stony Point, and cap- turing the garrison, by our brave troops ; the brilliant suc- cesses of Gen. Sullivan against your faithful friends and allies, the savages; the surprise of Paulus Hook, by Maj. Lee; the flight of Gen. Provost from Carolina; and your shamefully shutting yourselves up in New York and the neighboring islands, are so fully within your knowledge, as scarcely to need repetition. Surely it is time for Britons to rouse from their delusive dreams of conquest, and pursue such systems of future con- duct as will save their tottering empire from total destruction. I am, sir, your obedient servant, SAMUEL II. PARSONS. To Maj. Gen. Try on." On the 29th of October, 1780, he \vas appointed, by Gen. Washington, one of the board of general officers at West Point, for the trial of Maj. Gen. Andre, of the British army, as a spy. In the same month he received from Congress, a com- mission as major-general, and succeeded Gen. Putnam in the command of the Connecticut line of the continental army. The defenseless inhabitants between Greenwich and New York, having been much annoyed, and suffered great losses by the frequent incursions of Col. Delancey's corps at Mor- risiana, Gen. Parsons determined to destroy the enemy's barracks, which could not be rebuilt during the winter; and thus afford some protection to the inhabitants in that vicinity. For this purpose, he advanced, with rapid marches, to West Chester and Morrisiana, with a few continentals, attacked the British troops, and effectually accomplished his object. Gen. Washington, in a letter addressed to the President 214 S. H. PARSONS. of Congress, January 31st, 1781, thus alludes to this expe- dition : " Inclosed are two reports of Maj. Gen. Parsons and Lieut. Col. Hull, respecting our enterprise againt Delancey's corps at West Chester ; in which, with a small loss on our side, the barracks of the corps, and a large quantity of for- age were destroyed, fifty-two prisoners and a considerable number of horses and cattle brought off, and a bridge across Harlem river, under one of the enemy's redoubts, burnt. Gen. Parsons' arrangements were judicious; and the con- duct of the officers and men employed on the occasion, is entitled to the highest praise. The position of the corps, two or three miles within some of the enemy's redoubts, required address and courage in the execution of the enterprise." Congress passed a resolution directing Gen. Washington to present to Gen. Parsons and the officers under his com- mand, the thanks of Congress for his judicious arrangements, and for the courage displayed by the officers and men. In the year 1781, he was appointed by the governor and council of Connecticut to command the state troops and coast guards, raised for the protection of the state, and to dispose them in such manner as he should judge expedient to protect the inhabitants from the incursions of the enemy on the sea-coast. At the close of the war he resumed the practice of law in Middletown, whither his family had been removed during the Revolution, and frequently represented that town in the Legislature. In the prosecution of measures for the formation of Mid- dlesex county, he was more engaged and more influential than any other man. He was an active and influential member of the state convention which assembled at Hart- ford, January, 1781, and adopted the constitution of the United States. lie was a member and for some time presi- dent of the society of Cincinnati, in Connecticut. S. II. PARSONS. 215 In the latter part of the year 178f), he was appointed by Congress, a commissioner, in connection with Gens. Richard Butler, of Pittsburg, and George Rogers Clarke, of Ken- tucky, to treat with the Shawanoc Indians, near the falls of Ohio, for extinguishing the aboriginal title to certain lands within the Northwestern Territory. This treaty was held on the northwestern bank of the Ohio, near the mouth of the Great Miami, January 31st, 178G, and the Indians then ceded to the United States a large and valuable tract upon which the flourishing city of Cincinnati now stands. Under the ordinance of Congress of 1787, he was ap- pointed judge in and over the territory of the United States northwest of the river Ohio. The commission is dated Oc- tober 23d, 1787, and signed by Arthur St. Clair, president, and Charles Thomson, secretary of Congress. In 1789 he was nominated by Gen. Washington, by and with the consent of the senate, chief judge in and over the same territory, then embracing the present states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and Michigan, which office he held until his death. His associates were Gen. James Yarnum, of Rhode Island, and the lion. John Cleves Symmes, of New Jersey. In 1789 he was appointed by the state of Connecticut a commis- sioner with Gov. Oliver Wolcott, of Litchfield, and lion. James Davenport, of Stamford, to hold a treaty with the Wyandots and other tribes of Indians, for extinguishing their claim, (the aboriginal title to the lands called the Con- necticut Western Reserve.) and in the fall of 1789 he visited that country with a view to preliminary arrangements for holding a treaty with them. While returning to his resi- dence at Marietta, he was drowned in descending the rapids of the Big Beaver river, the 17th of November, 1789, aged fifty-two years. Among the manuscripts of Gen. Parsons in the possession of his grandson, Samuel H. Parsons, of Hartford, are a 216 S. H. PARSONS. journal of observations and occurrences when he first vis- ited the western country ; a communication to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in October, 1786, describing the western mounds, manners and customs of the aborigines ; original address to the Shawanoes tribes ; besides a volumin- ous correspondence before, during, and after the Revolu- tionary war, with the distinguished men of that period. GEN. BENJAMIN TUPPER.* GEN. BENJAMIN TUPPER was born at Staughton, Mass., in that part now called Sharon, in 1738, but the precise time is unknown to his descendants in this state. He was the youngest of eight children of his parents, seven sons and one daughter. His brothers' names were Mayhew, Levi, Seth, Simeon, Reuben and Judah. His sister, Joanna, was married to Benjamin Estie, of Staughton. His brothers emigrated to different parts of the country. Mayhew went to New York, Simeon lived in Vermont, and with two of his sons, served in the Revolutionary army. Reuben died at Sharon, Judah came to Marietta with Gen. Tupper, where he died in 1793. Gen. Tupper's father died when he was quite young, and he was apprenticed to a tanner in Dor- chester by the name of Witherton, with whom he lived until he was sixteen years of age. After leaving Dorchester, he worked on the farm of Joshua Howard, of Easton, with whom he continued to reside the most of his time until he was married. At the commencement of the French war, he engaged as a private soldier in the army, and was connected with it the most of the time for two or three years, though absent from it during the winter, except in the winter of 1756-7, when he acted as clerk of a company in the eastern army. Whether he was in any engagement during that war, is not known. He kept a district school in Easton two or three winters during the w r ar or soon after. * The sketch of the life of Gen. Benjamin Tupr '' was written by his grandson, Anselm Tupper Nye, of Marietta. 218 BENJAMIN TUPPER. He was married at Easton, November 18th, 1762, to Hul- dah White, who resided in the same town, and with whom he had long been acquainted. She was a woman of no ordinary talents, and was eminently fitted for the trials and difficulties through which they were called to pass in the latter period of their lives. She died at Springfield, now Putnam, Ohio, on the 21st of February, 1812. She was well known to many of the now oldest inhabitants of Ma- rietta, having survived her husband more than twenty years. They resided at Easton for a short time after their mar- riage, when they removed to Chesterfield, in Hampshire county, Mass., which continued to be the residence of his family until they removed to Marietta. At the commencement of our Revolutionary war, Gen. Tupper was a lieutenant of the militia, in Chesterfield. Hia first military duty during that war was in stopping the Su- preme Court acting under the authority of the crown, at Springfield. Under the command of Maj. Halley, of North- ampton, a body of men prevented the sitting of the court, thus manifesting the determination of the people of that state to resist the authority of the British government. In 1775 he held the rank of major of a regiment of six months men, serving near Boston. While there he collected a number of boats and men for an expedition to Castle island, in Boston harbor. They passed with muffled oars close to the British fleet, then in the harbor, to the castle, burnt the light-house, brought off considerable property in light articles, and returned safe to the main land without any loss of men, or perhaps with the loss of one man. The encrny repaired the light-house, and Maj. Tupper in another expedition with boats, burnt it the second time. After his return from one of these expeditions, he wrote the following letter to Gen. Ward: BENJAMIN TUPPEK. " CHELSEA, Wednesday, 10 o'clock, P. M. SIR: By Lieut. Shepherd you will receive two horses and eleven head of cattle taken from the Governor's island. I obeyed my orders in burning the boat. If it should seem that I went too much beyond in burning the house, hope your honor will suspend hard thoughts until I am so happy as to sec you. I was not so lucky as to find any of liberty ; was so unhappy as to leave a number of horses on the island, which I humbly conceive I can give a suflicient rea- son for. My party is all well, in good spirits : the wind very high : shall return to camp as soon as possible : must humbly beg the favor of the sorrel horse, if you judge in your known candor that I deserve him. As the cattle too were not taken in the enemy's camp, I conceive they will belong to the party. I am, with the highest esteem, your honor's most obedient, humble servant, BENJ. TUPPER. To the Hon. Gen. Ward." In Washington's Letters, vol. ii, page 20, the following account of one of these expeditions will be found : "August 4th, 1775. The other happened at the light-house. A number of workmen having been sent down to repair it, with a guard of twenty-two marines and a subaltern, Maj. Tupper, last Monday morning, about two o'clock, landed there with about three hundred men, attacked them, killed the officer and four privates; but being detained by the tide on his return, he was attacked by several boats ; but he happily got through, with the loss of one man killed, and another wounded. The remainder of the ministerial troops (three of whom are badly wounded) he brought off prisoners, with ten Tories, all of whom are on their way to Springfield jail. The rifle- men, in these skirmishes, lost one man, who (we hear) is a prisoner in Boston jail." 220 BENJAMIN TUPPER. In the following winter, an incident occurred, which serves to illustrate the character of Gen. Tupper, for cool, delib- erate courage, which he possessed in an eminent degree. Three men in a boat had been out fishing; while out, the wind shifted, and blew the ice toward the shore, where they must land. The men attempted to return, but found their way completely blocked up with floating ice. Their situa- tion was one of great danger. All their efforts to get their boat through the ice were unavailing; nor were they able to turn back. The wind blew severely cold, and they were in a situation in which they must soon have perished, in view of thousands of spectators, full of consternation, but making no effort to relieve these perishing men. Maj. Tup- per learning their condition, instantly contrived a plan for their relief. Procuring three pair of rackets, or snow shoes, he repaired immediately to the shore, putting one pair on his own feet, and with a pair under each arm, made his way for the boat, over the floating ice. Fixing a pair of rackets to the feet of two of the men, and encouraging the other that he should be relieved in his turn, he succeeded in bring- ing them all to shore. In 1776, Gen., then Col., Tupper, commanded a regiment of six months men. With the other troops, they repaired to New York before the battle on Long Island. Tupper's and Nixon's regiments from Massachusetts, and Sage's from Connecticut, were placed on Governor's island in the har- bor. The next morning after the battle, the Roebuck man- of-war was ordered up to summon the garrison on Governor's island, to surrender. An officer, with a flag of truce from the ship, landed from a boat, and held up his flag. An of- ficer from the fort, Maj. Coburn, was dispatched to answer, that " the fort would not be surrendered at any rate." When these officers met, they found themselves to be old acquaintances, having served together during the French BENJAMIN TUPPEK. 221 war. After shaking hands heartily, and some little conver- sation, the British oflicer made known his errand; Cob urn told him the fort would not be surrendered, and they parted. The ship soon opened her fire upon the American fort, which was returned by the fort, but to little purpose ; their work was not capable of being defended against the fire of the ship ; hence all were in alarm. During the previous night, the American troops on Long Island had been taken off with boats, with all their baggage, light artillery, and entrench- ing tools. Under the superintendence of Col. Rufus Put- nam, acting then as chief engineer of the army, or of Gen. Israel Putnam, boats were sent to Governor's island, and Tapper's and Nixon's regiments were brought to the city of New York, but Sage's regiment was left behind. While the troops were thus landing in the city, the officer in command hoisted his flag to surrender; upon which the firing ceased. The boats were hurried from the city back to the island, and brought off Sage's regiment, with the loss of one killed, and one wounded. The next military event in which Gen. Tupper is known to have been engaged, was in August, 1770, when he was sent in command of a number of gun-boats, or galleys, up the North river. Near Fort Washington an engagement took place between these boats and several ships of war belonging to the enemy. Gen. Washington makes honor- able mention of this engagement, in his letter dated August 5th, 1770, as follows: " The inclosed copy of a letter from Col. Tupper, who had the general command of the galleys, will inform Congress of the engagement between them and the ships of war up the North river, on Saturday evening, and of the damage we sustained. What injury was done to the ships 1 cannot ascertain. It is said they were hulled several times by our shot. All accounts agree that our officers and men, during 222 BENJAMIN T UPPER. the whole of the affair, behaved with great spirit and bra- very. The damage done to the galleys shows, beyond ques- tion, that they had a warm time of it." See Washington's letter, vol. ii, p. 176. In this engagement his eldest son, then thirteen years of age, was with him. In the campaign of 1777, Col. Tupper served with his regiment in the northern army under Gen. Gates. What part he took in the battle of Bemig' hights is not known; but he is mentioned by Wilkinson, In his memoir, as attend- ing a council with Gen. Lamed, Col. Wilkinson, Col. Brooks, and others, the day after that battle, in regard to a retreat of the left wing of the American army, which had been pre- cipitated on the enemy when they held a strong position across the Fishkill. The left wing, according to the sugges- tion of Wilkinson, fell back half a mile, which position was held until the surrender of Burgoyne. In 1778, Col. Tupper served under Gen. Washington, and w r as in the battle of Monmouth, June 28th, on which occa- sion he had his horse killed under him. In 1780, he had charge of the work of preparing and stretching a chain across the Hudson at West Point. The work was completed in April, and placed in the river under his direction. In May, 1781, Col. Tupper returned to his family on fur- lough. While at home he took an important part in dis- persing a mob arising out of the arrest and trial of one Samuel Eli, for high treason, at Northampton. During the campaign of 1781, the Indian and Tory refu- gees threatened the northern frontier of New York, on the Mohawk and Lake George. A regiment from Massachu- setts was sent up into that quarter. In September or Octo- ber an action took place between these troops and some Tories and Indians, in which the major of the regiment was killed. After the action, Gen. Stark, who commanded on BENJAMIN T UPPER. 223 the northern frontier, sent out a scout to Lake George. The officers reported that they had discovered the camp of a large force, by their fire. Stark immediately sent off an express to head-quarters for a reinforcement, and Col. Tapper's regiment, with Col. Kinston's, of New York, went up. While they were waiting for the enemy, the nc\vs from the main army reached them that Cornwallis had sur- rendered at Yorktown. With this event the war was in effect closed. Col. Tupper's regiment, however, remained at the north. About the close of the war he was promoted to the rank of brigadier-general by brevet. After the close of the war he returned to his family at Chesterfield, and soon after was elected by his town as their representative in the Legis- lature of Massachusetts. During the darkest period of the Revolutionary war, Gen. Washington had turned the attention of officers and soldiers to the valley of the Ohio, as a place of refuge to which they might retire, should the British army be successful against them. The result of that war rendered such a re- treat unnecessary ; notwithstanding, many of the officers and soldiers of the army looked to the west as a retiring place for themselves and their families, after a war of eight years. Among the most prominent of this class was Gen. Tupper. Indeed, in the foresight of Gen. Rufus Putnam and himself, the enterprise of the settlement at Marietta had its origin. The ordinance of 1785 provided for a survey of a portion of the lands northwest of the river Ohio. In the summer of that year the first regiment of United States troops, or one battalion of them, had taken post at the mouth of the Muskingum, under the command of Maj. Doughty, and erected a fort, which received the name of Fort Ilarmer. In that year Gen. Rufus Putnam had been appointed to command the survey of a portion of the lands in Ohio, but 224 BENJAMIN TUPPER. being otherwise engaged, Gen. Tupper was appointed in his place. In the summer of that year he came as far west as Pittsburg. The condition of the Indian tribes prevented the execution of that work until the treaty made by Gen. Par- sons, and others, on the Miami, in January, 1786. Gen. Tupper returned to Massachusetts in the winter of 1785-6, but left again for the west in June, 1786, with his eldest son, Maj. Anselm Tupper. That season the survey of the seven ranges was completed, under his direction. During that season he visited Maj. Doughty, at Fort Harmer. On Gen. Tupper's return from his first visit to the west, he visited his friend, Gen. Rufus Putnam, then residing at Rutland. In the language of another, "A night of friendly offices and conference between them, gave at the dawn a development to the cherished hope and purpose of Gen. Tupper. They united in a publication which appeared in the public papers of New England, on the 25th of January, 1780, headed ' Information,' dated January 10th, 1786, signed Rufus Putnam, Benjamin Tupper." As the result of this conference and address, the Ohio Company was formed. Dr. M. Cutter, in connection with Winthrop Sargent, was appointed to negotiate a contract with Congress for land. At the third meeting of the com- pany at Boston, August 29th, 1787, Dr. Cutter reported that the contract had been completed. The spirit of disorganization which had manifested itself in Massachusetts in 1781, was not entirely eradicated; on the contrary, it made its appearance in a more formidable and extensive manner in 178(5-7, in what is termed Shays' insurrection. The only officers of the Revolutionary army engaged in this affair were Shays, who had been a captain in Gen. Putnam's regiment, Capt. Wiley, and Ensign Day. Each of them had a party, and their aggregate force amounted to about two thousand men. "When Gen. Tupper BENJAMIN TUPPER. 225 returned from the west, after completing the survey of the seven ranges, this insurrection had assumed a formida- ble aspect. Immediately on his return he took an active part in putting it down. The duty of calling out the militia to suppress this rebellion, devolved on Gen. Shepard, who acted under the orders of the governor. Gen. Tupper of- fered his services to him, and acted in the capacity of volun- tary aid. By his advice, and through his influence, the plan of calling out the militia by drafts or in mass was abandoned, and that of calling for volunteers adopted. This was a measure of the first importance, as it served to distinguish between the friends of the government and those who were secretly infected with the spirit of rebellion. Under this plan, out of a company in Chesterfield, fifteen to eighteen offered their services. In the northern part of Hampshire county, an entire regiment was organized for this service, to meet at Chesterfield. Gen. Tupper had been appointed a justice of the peace about two years previous. His ef- forts, in connection with an address to the people, which he had made a short time before, combined with the presence of the volunteers, had made a favorable impression on many persons of good standing. While the regiment raised in the northern part of the county were being assembled at Chesterfield, Gen. Tnpper, as magistrate, administered the oath of allegiance, as prescribed by the laws of the state, to many of the people. This was also a measure which served to distinguish the friends of law from the mob. The immediate object of Shays and his party was to get possession of the arms and public stores at Springfield. At that point, therefore, the troops raised by the state were con- centrated. Gen. Tupper, after his arrival at Springfield, acting under the orders of Gen. Shepard, took charge of the organization of the different companies as they arrived. He ordered the different fragments of companies into regular 15 226 BENJAMIN TUPPEE. order, and officered them out of the best officers on the ground, lie also organized a small troop of horse, under Capt. Buffington; and selected all who were in any man- ner acquainted with artillery duty, adding others to them, and had them all regularly trained every day. The men were all armed from the arsenal, the arms being there in good order, and all things were put in the best possible or- der for defense. Shays was not, however, in any hurry to make an attack, as he washed to increase his force. Gen. Shepard's orders from the governor, were simply to defend the stores; however, he made no effort to disturb any of Shays' men. The consequence was that Shays' different parties collected around Gen, Shepard's camp, and cut off his supplies from the country. In the meantime, Gen. Lin- coln had collected a body of men at Bristol, to aid Gen. Shepard. Two weeks elapsed before any movement was made by Gen. Lincoln. An express was sent to him, to in- form him of the situation of Gen. Shepard. \Vhen the express reached Gen. Lincoln, only a part of his troops were ready to march, but he immediately pushed on one division, by forced marches; but before they reached Spring- field, Shays had made his attack, and been defeated. By some means Capt. Buffington had intercepted a letter from Shays to some of his subordinates, directing the manner of attack. On obtaining this letter, Gen. Tuppcr took imme- diate measures to fortify the camp by log forts, commenced like block-houses, at each point of attack, and three brush forts as outworks. This was done with great promptness and dispatch. In the meantime, the troops were supplied with provisions by the people of Springfield. Shays finally advanced to attack Gen. Shepard. He was repeatedly warned not to approach any nearer; but he treated all these messages not only with neglect, but con- tempt. Cannon were first fired over his column, but this BENJAMIN TUftPER. 221 was disregarded. At last, a field-piece wan brought to bear upon Shays' advance, and the first shot killed four of his men. This was a more effectual hint. They immediately recoiled, broke their ranks, and (led. They were rallied by Shays, at Pclham, where he remained for awhile. In con- sequence of the interception of the letter from Shays to some of his officers, which foil into tli hands of Capt. Buf- fington, Wiley and Day, of Shays' party, were not engaged in the affair at Springfield. Gen. Lincoln arrived from Bris- tol on the second day after the defeat of Shays, and took immediate measures to dislodge Day from West Springfield, and Wiley from Chickopee bridge ; but before the movement could be made, they had fallen back, and joined Shays at Pelham. Some of their men were taken prisoners at West Springfield. Such of them as would take the oath of alle- giance, were sent home, and the rest detained as prisoners. Shays retreated to Petersham, where his adherents were finally dispersed by Gen. Lincoln. Before this, however, Gen. Putnam made an ineffectual attempt to withdraw Shays from his party, but failed to accomplish his object. Shays himself appeared disposed to listen to the advice of Gen. Putnam, but he informed the general that his friends would not suffer him to leave them. Within a day or two after the defeat of Shays at Spring- field, Gen. Tapper was discharged, and returned at North- ampton, where he was visited by many of his old friends. Known also as having visited the Ohio country, many per- sons called upon him to inquire about the lands, rivers, 5 thing more than hand cards for its domestic manufacture; some 1 armors owning flocks of several hundred sheep. Still further to aid in the domestic manufactures, he, in 1808, erected works for dressing cloth and fulling, both of which operations are believed to have been the lirst ever carried on in this part of Ohio, if not in the state. The machinery for cloth-dre.-sing was procured at McConnelsville, on the Youghiogheny river; these articles were not then manufac- tured in Ohio. Amidst the latter period of these operations, when about fifty years of age, he began the study of the French lan- guage ; and solely by the aid of Boyer's dictionary, he in a short time learned to read, and translate as he read, with ease and iluency, any book in that tongue, especially works of history. When master of this subject, he commenced, in 1S11 or 181x2, the study of astronomy, and became quite familiar with this sublime branch of science. He had al- ways a relish for the mathematics, and entered readily into the elements of this deeply interesting study. With the aid of a celestial globe, he constructed a -plan of the path and course of the great comet of 1812, and sent it to Josiah Mcigs, Esq., then at the head of the United States land of- fice, for his examination. It excited his admiration at the genius and skill of Capt. Dcvol, in a branch of science so little understood by a great portion of mankind. His knowl- edge of geography was complete, and superior to that of any other man known to the writer of this memoir. For ihis he was partly indebted to his extensive reading, which \vas always accompanied by a map of the region treated of in the book or newspaper before him. Many years before steam had come into general use as a moving power, he directed a letter to the secretary of the navy, on the advan- tages to be derived from steamships of war. Nevertheless. he was a man of peace; and often at the celebration of the 256 JONATHAN DEVOL. Fourth of July was accustomed to say that the reading of certain portions of the Declaration of Independence ought to be omitted on that day, as it served to keep up the old ill-will and hatred, which, as the nations are at peace, ought to be forgotten. His house was open to all his friends and accmaintances ; while the hospitality of himself and good wife were prover- bial. So affable and kind were the manners of this worthy couple, that all visitors were made to feel how very welcome they were, and that their company was a favor bestowed on them, instead of a trouble. For many years preceding his death, he suffered greatly from a disease of the hip joint, the origin of which he traced to the night of his hazardous enterprise in the harbor of Newport. His powers of conversation on nearly all subjects, were unbounded, as well as his magazine of ideas and facts ; of course, when he visited Marietta, as he often did on business matters, he was frequently delayed until long after bedtime, in conversations at the firesides of his friends; nevertheless, he could seldom be persuaded to tarry all night, but climb- ing, with much effort, into his little one-horse wagon, would jog cheerfully along, solitary and alone, the distance of five miles, all the while, if the night was clear, delighting his imagination with studying out the names, and classing the constellations of the heavenly hosts. He had six brothers, several of whom settled in Ohio An early example of his kindness may be seen in his treat- ment of the children of his brother Silas. This brother was a trader, and lived in Boston at the beginning of the war of Independence. He joined the infant navy of the coun- try, and acted as captain of marines, under Abraham Whip- pic, during the first year of the war. He was at length taken prisoner, and died in the murderous British prison JONATHAN D E V L . 257 ships at New York, with thousands of his countrymen. His wile and three children were left destitute at Boston. Capt. Devol, although then poor, and supporting his own family with his labor, brought the three children to his house, and fed and clothed them as his own, till the daughter was mar- ried, and the t\vo sons old enough to take care of themselves. He used sometimes to try his skill in poetry, a small sam- ple of which is given in the life of Com. Whipple. The ideas and imagination of the poet were not wanting, but he lacked one necessary qualification, harmony of verse. In person Capt. Dcvol was of a medium size and hight, muscular, and well-proportioned; quick and rapid in his motions like the movements of his mind ; a well formed head; light complexion; reddish-colored hair; blue, transpa- rent eyes, sparkling with good humor and intelligence ; a well-proportioned nose, of a Roman cast; broad, positive chin, indicative of decision and firmness. In his youthful days, in the full, showy dress of the period of the Revolu- tion, he was said to have been, by one who knew him well, the most perfect figure of a man to be seen amongst a thousand. Mrs. Devol died in 1823, during the great epidemic fever which pervaded all the valley of the Ohio. He died in 1824, aged sixty-eight years, greatly lamented by all who knew him. 17 COL. RETURN JONATHAN MEIGS. Tins excellent man was one of the choice spirits brought out by the stirring. times of the American Revolution, a sea- son which tried men's souls and purified their patriotism in the furnace of affliction. Some of the best blood of the Puritans warmed his heart, and inspired him at an early day to resist the oppressions of the mother country, and to preserve for himself and his posterity the civil and religious liberty purchased at so dear a rate by his forefathers, who had left their country and homes across the Atlantic to en- joy these rights in the wilderness of North America. The subject of this sketch was born at Middletown, Conn., in December, 1740. His early education was such as the public schools of that day afforded, lie was a neat penman ; specimens of his writing are seen in the early records of the Court of Common Pleas of Washington county, Ohio, of which he was prothonotary. His knowledge of mathematics must have been considerable, as he was one of the surveyors of the Ohio Company. The larger portion of the active and prominent men at the period of the Revolution, were bred to farming, or some useful mechanical occupation, which gave them healthy, muscular frames, and vigorous, thinking minds. Col. Meigs was bred to that of a hatter: and the old shop may now be seen in a plan of the ancient town, attached to Barber's History of Connecticut. At the breaking out of the war, he was thirty -five year- old, a period in the life of man. when his physical and mental powers are full}' developed. For one or two years preceding, the people of 3,liddletown had noticed the gathering storm, R . J . M E I S . and like others of their New England brethren, prepared themselves for its coming by forming volunteer military companies, and rolls of minute men, who had for many months been trained in martial exercises. One of these was organi/.ed in this town, well armed and uniformed, which made choice of Mr. Meigs for their captain. At the first news of the blood shed at Lexington, he marched his company of light infantry to Cambridge, and offered lib services for the defense of the country. Soon after this he was appointed a major by the state of Connecticut. En- couraged by the successes of Allen and Arnold, in their attacks on the British Canadian posts, and believing they had many friends amongst the French inhabitants, who had never be- come fully reconciled to the sovereignty of the English since their conquest by Gen. Wolfe, it was thought advisable by Gen. Washington and a committee of Congress, who visited the camp at Cambridge, to send a body of troops into Can- ada by the way of the Kennebec and Chaudiere rivers, to act in concert with the army of Gen. Montgomery, already in the vicinity of Montreal. Benedict Arnold, born iu Xor- wich, Conn., in the same year with Col. Meigs, a bold, active man, was selected to lead the expedition, and commissioned by the commander-in-chief, as a colonel. About eleven hundred men were detached from the main army, composed of ten companies of infantry from the Xew England stale-. and three companies of riflemen from Pennsylvania a:ul Virginia, under Capt. Daniel Morgan. The field oilieers of the infantry were Lirut. Col. Christopher Green, of Rhode Island. Lieut. Col. Enos. and Majs. Higelow and Mei'-xs. The troops left the camp near Cambridge, on the llth of September. 177."). in lii^h spirits, looking forward to a glori- ous result with hope and confidence, and arrived at .\e\v- buryport. where they were to embark the following day. On the ISth they entered on board ton transports, and sailed 260 R. J. MEIGS. that evening with a fair wind for the mouth of the Kenne- bee, which place they reached the next day, without any accident, or meeting any of the enemy's ships. The vessel proceeded up the river to Coburn's ship-yard, opposite the present town of Gardiner, where the troops embarked with their baggage in two hundred bateaux, already prepared by carpenters, sent on from Cambridge, and proceeded up the river to Fort Western, opposite to the present town of Augusta. Before leaving this place, Arnold dispatched a party of eight men, with two guides, under Lieut. Steel, an in- telligent, faithful man, in birch-bark canoes, to mark out the carrying places and water-courses, to be pursued by the army. This was an arduous duty, but promptly executed, and the route marked out over to the head-waters of the Chaudiere, by the 8th of October, or in seventeen days, as appears from the journal of Judge Henry, of Pennsylvania, who was one of the exploring party. The main army did not reach this point in their march, until the 30th, a differ- ence of twenty-two days. Although every exertion was made, their progress was slow, not averaging more than ten or twelve miles a day. The constant recurrence of rip- ples, falls, and carrying places, across which it required the aid of all the men to carry their heavy bateaux, barrels of pork and flour, with their own arms and baggage. One of these carrying places across a bend, from the Kennebec to the Dead river, a westerly tributary, up which the most direct course led, was fifteen miles, with two or three small ponds, which aided a little. Some of the carrying places were so boggy and deep, that causeways of logs had to be made ; while others were rocky and full of bushes and fallen trees. In these Herculean labors the officers were as deeply engaged as the men ; as where they led, the soldiers would follow. It was the most arduous and laborious enterprise performed (luring the war, where the men suffered not only II. J. MEIGS. 1261 from cold and fatigue for nearly forty days, but for the last ten days from actual starvation. As they approached the heads of Dead river, the elevation of the country rendered the nights cold even in summer, and by the 29th of October, so cold as to cover the calm, shallow water, with a thin coat of ice. In proof of the elevation of this region, by referring to a map, it will be seen that the Connecticut, the Andros- coggin, the Kennebcc, and the Chaudiere rivers all take their rise in this vicinity Near the head of the Dead river lived the remnants of an ancient tribe of Indians. The leading warrior was named Natanis. For some reason Col. Arnold concluded they were hostile to the Americans, and directed Lieut. Steel to cap- ture or kill him. He visited his cabin, a neat, small struc- ture near the bank of the river, but he had received notice of the intention, and fled. A few miles above his hut, a large westerly branch puts in, which the exploring party were about to ascend as the right course to pursue, when one of the men noticed a stake driven into the water's edge, on top of which was a piece of folded birch bark, secured in a split; on examining this, it proved to be a map of the route over to Chaudiere, rudely marked on the bark, no doubt left there by Natanis for the benefit of the Americans, as he subsequently proved himself to be friendly, and several of the St. Francis Indians joined Arnold's troops. The progress of the troops and their laborious march, is fully described in the letters of their leader to Gen. Wash- ington and others, as published in the American archives, extracts from which follow. Fort Western was supposed to be only one hundred and eighty miles from Quebec, but sub- sequently proved to be over three hundred. At this place, for the greater convenience of marching, the troops were separated into five divisions, with the distance of one day's 262 K. J. ME1GS. travel between each. The first division was composed of three companies of riflemen, under Capt. Morgan, and was in advance ; second division, three companies of infantry, under Col. Christopher Green; third division, of four com- panies, under Maj. Meigs; fourth division, of two compa- nies, under Maj. Bigelow; fifth, of three companies, under Col. Enos, formed the rear-guard. Norridgewock falls are fifty miles above Fort Western : a little below these falls, was once the seat of a Catholic mission to the Indians, un- der Father Ralle, so basely murdered in the old French war by a party of colonists The river being so full of rapids and falls, together with the leakage, and throwing the water over the sides of the boats, caused great damage, and loss of provisions. Near the heads of the Dead river were many small ponds, abounding in salmon trout. The men caught large quanti- ties for food. They were so abundant that one person could take with a hook eight or ten dozen in an hour. In size, they averaged about half a pound, while in some of the ponds they were much larger. This region has within a few years past become a noted resort for sportsmen in trout-fishing. On the table lands, between the Kenncbec and Chaudiere, there was considerable flat land, very wet and miry, the men sinking six or eight inches deep at every step. Dead river is described by Arnold as a line, deep stream, with a current hardly perceptible, between the falls and ripples. Two or three log-huts were built on the way for the accom- modation of the sick men. ten or twelve in number. Al- though they were constantly wet, and the labors of the inarch excessive, yet very few of them fell sick. ?So doubt the excitement and novelty of their pursuits in this wild, desolate region, gave a stimulus to their minds, which R . J . M E I G S . *2G3 rendered them in a manner insensible to bodily ailment. The moose-deer were quite plenty here, and numbers were killed by Morgan's riflemen. The weather, to the middle of October, was very line, which aided the army in its progress very much. On this river a few Indians were found at their fall hunt, and on< of them, named Kvans, was sent by the commander with a letter to his friends in Quebec, notifying them of his ap- proach, of which the enemy had yet no suspicion. This Indian betrayed his trust, delivering the letter to a British oiiicer. By the "JOth of the month heavy rains set in, and raised the river so high as greatly to impede their progress. On the "J 1th they were thirty miles from Chaudiere, with a stock of provisions only sufficient for fifteen days. From this point he sent back all the sick and feeble men. About this period a party of twenty men were sent forward to clear the four mile portage from the head of Dead river over to Chaudiere. and make it easier to pass by the army. It lies across a mountain or high hill. Over this elevation Mor- gan's men carried all their bateaux : while the other troops took only one for each company, for the transport of their baggage. Provisions they had none, or only five pounds of flour to each man, which was baked into cakes in the ashes of their camp-fires. The distance to Quebec from this portage, was one hun- dred miles. The Chaudiere, or Boiling Cauldron, as named by the French, was too rapid and full of falls for naviga- tion, and nearly all the boats were stove and sunk in the first day's voyage, to the great peril of the men and loss of baggage. The first night passed on the Chaudiere, being the 31st of October, there fell four inches of snow, so that the men in their bivouac were covered with it. when they awoke in the morning. (Henry.) From this time food became more and more scarce. Previous to this, the rear 264 R. J. MEIGS. division had advanced fifty miles up Dead river, where Enos overtook Col. Green's men, entirely out of provisions. Ar- nold had gone forth to seek an interview with the French inhabitants, and get them to furnish supplies for his men. Under these disheartening circumstances, it was concluded by the officers that Col. Enos' men should deliver all their provisions but rations for three days, to Col. Green's di- vision, and return back to the settlements, as they must certainly starve if all went forward. Those who returned suf- fered much from want of food; but those who went on, far more. Several died on the way, from starvation and fatigue, while others barely preserved life, by eating leather, bones, bark of trees, and soup made of the flesh of their dogs. Had not the commander gone on in advance, and purchased provisions of the French, who were very friendly, and got them to carry them up the river to meet the troops, many more would have died. In a letter to Gen. Schuyler, dated 8th of November, at St. Marie, two and a half leagues, from Point Levi, he says, "I was not then apprised, or indeed apprehensive of one- half the difficulties we had to encounter of which I cannot at present give you a particular detail can only soy, we have hauled our bateaux up over falls, up rapid streams, over carrying places, and marched through morasses, thick woods, and over mountains, about three hundred and twenty miles; many of which we had to pass several times to bring over our baggage. These difficulties the soldiers have, with the greatest fortitude, surmounted; and about two-thirds of the detachment are happily arrived here, and within two days- march, most of them in good health and high spirits. The other part, with Col. Enos, returned from Dead river, con- trary to my expectation, he having orders to send back only the sick, and those that could not be furnished with provi- sions. The Chaudiere was amazingly rapid and rocky for 11 . J . M E I G S . about twenty miles, where we had the misfortune to .stave three of our bateaux and lose their provisions, &.C., but happily no lives. 1 then divided the little stock left, and proceeded on with the two remaining boats and six men, and very fortunately reached the French inhabitants the 30th of October, at night, who received us in the most hos- pitable manner, and sent off early the next morning a sup- ply of fresh provisions, flour, &c., to the detachment/' This timely aid, which saved many lives and encouraged the men to proceed, reached them on the 3d of November. In all these privations and hardships, Maj. Meigs bore a conspicuous part, suffering equally with his men. Several females, wives of the soldiers, bore the fatigues of this dreary march, wading through bogs and ponds of water coated with ice. (Henry.) Aaron Burr was a volunteer in this heroic, but calamitous expedition. On the 14th of November, in a letter to Gen. Montgomery, he says he crossed the St. Law- rence with about five hundred and fifty men, between the hours of nine at night and four in the morning, without being discovered until they were nearly all over. This was effected in twenty birch-bark canoes, although the river was guarded by two vessels of war. About one hundred and twenty-five more men subsequently crossed, increasing his little army to six hundred and seventy-five. Nearly three hundred had returned with Col. Enos, leaving one hundred and twenty- five as the number lost and left on the way by sickness and death, as the troops at Fort Western amounted to eleven hundred men. With this small force of resolute soldiers, he immediately invested the walls of Quebec, hoping by cutting of!' the sup- plies to force them to capitulate. One of the officer:? from his camp wrote as follows: "The difficulties that our de- tachment underwent in the woods are beyond description. For forty days I waded in the water, more or less; my feet 26G R. J. ME1GS. constantly wet, except nights ; the most of the time freezing weather. We were at an allowance of half a pint of flour a man for a fortnight, and half that time no meat: passing through morasses, cedar swamps and drowned lands, wading creeks and rivers at the same time. The number that we lost was small, not exceeding three or four, and these with hunger." The result of the attack on the city is well known. Maj. Meigs, with his battalion, was attached to that portion of the army which penetrated within the town, where, with Morgan, Dearborn, and others, he was taken prisoner. " The pris- oners within the city were kindly treated by Gov. Carlton. He sent out Maj. Mcigs for their clothes and baggage, al- lowed them to be supplied with money and other convcn- iencies by their friends; and after they were released, they bore a unanimous testimony to the humanity and good usage of the British commander." (Spark's Life of Arnold.) During the long and dreary winter which followed their captivity, Mr. Meigs did all he could to alleviate the suffer- ings of the men. which arose more from the lack of warm clothing than of food. To relieve their necessities, he, with Col. Christopher Green, advanced money to the amount of two hundred dollars. This was justly chargeable to the American Congress, but was not repaid until three years after the cessation of hostilities, or nearly ten from the time of advancement, when we ilnd on their journals the follow- ing resolution : 'September 28th. 1"S5: on the memorial of II. .1. Meigr and Job Green, son and heir of Christopher Green, deceased. llcxohcd, That the Board of Treasury take order for paying to 11. .1. Meigs. late a colonel in the service of the United States, and to the legal representative of Christopher Green, deceased, late a colonel in said service, the sum of two hundred dollars, the same having been expended fur 11. J. MEIGS. 267 the use and comfort of the unfortunate prisoners in Quebec, in the year 1770." In the course of this, year he was duly exchanged, and re- turned home; soon after which he received from Congress the commission of colonel, and was authorized to raise a regiment of choice men, which was afterward known in Connecticut as the Leather Cap llegiment. "Col.Meigs, having enlisted a part of his regiment, marched to ]\'ew Haven, to carry into execution a plan projected for the sur- prisal of a party of the enemy at iSagg harbor, on Long Island, where a large amount of stores and forage had been collected for the army in A'ew York." The following account of this transaction is from Mar- shall's Life of Washington: " Gen. Parsons intrusted the execution of this, plan to Col. Meigs, a very gallant officer, who had accompanied Arnold in his memorable march to Quebec, and had been taken prisoner in the unsuccessful attempt made on that place by Montgomery. He embarked with about two hundred and thirty men, on board thirteen whale-boats, and proceeded along the coast to Guilford, from whence he was to cross the sound. Here he was de- tained some time by high winds and a rough sea; but on the 23d of May, about one o'clock in the afternoon, he re- embarked one hundred and seventy of his detachment, and proceeded, under convoy of two armed sloops, across the sound to the north division of the island, near Southold. The east end of Long Island is deeply intersected by a bay, on the north side of which had been a small foraging party, against which the expedition was in part directed; but they had marched to Xew York two days before. Here, how- ever, information was received that the stores had not been removed from Sagg harbor, which lies in the northern divis- ion of the island, and that a small guard still remained there for their defense. The boats were immediately conveyed 268 E. J. MEIGS. across the land, a distance of about fifteen miles, into the bay, where the troops re-embarked, and crossing the bay, landed within four miles of Sagg harbor, at two o'clock in the morning; which place they completely surprised, and carried with fixed bayonets. At the same time, a division of the detachment secured the armed schooner and the ves- sels, with the forage which had been collected for the supply of the army at New York. These brigs and sloops, twelve in number, were set on fire and entirely consumed. Six of the enemy were killed, and ninety taken prisoners. A very few escaped under cover of the night. Col. Meigs returned to Guilford with his prisoners, having thus completely ef- fected the object of the expedition, without the loss of a single man, and having moved with such uncommon celerity as to have transported his men by land and water ninety miles in twenty-five hours. Shortly after this brilliant affair, Congress passed the fol- lowing resolution : "July 25th, 1777 Resolved, That Congress have a just sense of the merit of Lieut. Col. Meigs, and the officers and men under his command, who distinguished their pru- dence, activity, enterprise, and valor, in the late expedition to Long Island, and that an elegant sword be provided by the commissary-general of military stores, and presented to Lieut. Col. Meigs." (Jour. Congress.) Col. Meigs continued to sustain an active part in all the privations and sufferings of the American army, during the period of 1778 and 1779 ; and in the latter year was en- gaged in one of the most brilliant events in the course of the war the capture of Stony Point. In this heroic adven- ture, Col. Meigs acted a conspicuous part, his regiment be- ing attached to the right column of the attacking forces. The following description of the locality, and events con- nected therewith, is from Marshall's Life of Washington: II. J. MEIGS. 2G9 " Some miles below West Point, about the termination of the Highlands, id King's ferry, where the great road between the middle and eastern states crosses the North river. The ferry is completely commanded by the two opposite points of land ; the one on the west side, which is a rough elevated piece of ground, is denominated Stony Point ; and the other on the east side, which is a flat neck of land, project- ing far into the water, is called Verplank's Point. The command of this ferry was important to either army : to the British, as it gave them the control of an extensive dis- trict of country in which to forage, and also the advantage of a strong post, which communicated with New York by water : to the Americans it was important, as it afforded a ready and safe intercourse with the stations on both sides of the river, and the loss of it would oblige them to seek a longer and higher route, through a rough and broken coun- try. The last of May, Sir Henry Clinton, strengthened by a large body of British troops from Virginia, under Gen. Vaughan, embarked his army from New York, on the river, and on the 31st landed a numerous division on the east side of the Hudson, eight miles below Verplank's Point, while the remainder landed on the west side, three miles below Stony Point. The works at this place being unfinished, were abandoned. The British, under Gen. Patterson, im- mediately took possession, and erecting a battery of heavy cannon and mortars, were ready next morning to open a fire on Fort Fayettc at Verplank's Point. The river between the two points is about one thousand yards in width. The troops landed below, invested it by land, and some galleys stationed above, prevented the escape of the American gar- rison by water. Capt. Armstrong being unable to defend himself against this superior force, surrendered the post. They immediately proceeded to fortify their acquisitions, and especially Stony Point, in the strongest manner. When 270 II. J. MEIGS. fully completed, Sir II. Clinton left strong garrisons in each, and returned to Xew York. The importance of these posts to the Americans, induced Gen. Washington to attempt their recovery. He also wished to achieve some important action to stimulate the courage of the army, and arouse the dormant energies of the country, sinking under a long course of disaster, from the depredations of the British in Connecticut. After carefully reconnoitering these posts, and getting all the information possible, he was satisfied they could only be taken by surprise. His first plan was to at- tack both posts simultaneously ; but as such operations are very difficult of attainment, he decided to turn all his atten- tion to the attack of Stony Point. As the capture of this, from its elevated position, would give it command over the fort atVerplank's Point. To Gen. Wayne, the commander of the American light infantry, was intrusted the conduct of the enterprise. Twelve o'clock on the night of the 15th of July, was chosen for the assault. Stony Point is a com- manding hill, projecting far into the Hudson, which washes three-fourths of its base; the remaining fourth is, in a great measure, covered by a deep marsh, over which there is only one crossing place; but at its junction with the river is a sandy beach passable at low-tide. On the summit of this hill was erected the fort, furnished with an abundance of heavy ordinance. Several breast-works and strong batteries were advanced in front of the principal works; and about half way down the hill were two rows of abatis. The bat- teries commanded the beach and the crossing place of the marsh, and could rake and enfilade any column approaching the fort from either of those points. Several vessels of war were also stationed in the river, so as to command the ground at the foot of the hill. The fort was garrisoned by six hundred men, under Lieut. Col. Johnson. At noon of the day preceding the night of attack, the light infantry II. J. MKIGS. 271 commenced their march from Sandy beach, distant fourteen miles from Stony Point, and passing over an exceeding rugged and mountainous country, arrived about eight o'clock 1*. M., at Steel's spring, one and a half miles from the- fort, where the dispositions for the assault were made. Jt was. intended to attack the works on the right and left flanks at the same instant. The regiments of Febiger and Meigs, with -Maj. I full's detachment, formed the right column; and Butler's regiment, with the companies under JMaj. 3Iur- free, formed the left; one hundred and iifty volunteers led by Lieut. Col. Fleary and Maj. Posey, constituted the van of the. right ; and one hundred under 3Iaj. Stewart, composed the van of the left. At half past eleven, the two columns moved on to the charge, the van of each with unloaded muskets and fixed bayonets. The)' were each preceded by a forlorn hope of twenty men, commanded by Licuts. (Jibbons and Knox, whose duty it was to remove the abatis and other obstructions, to open a passage for the columns which fol- lowed close in the rear. Proper measures having been taken to prevent notice of their approach, the Americans reached the marsh undiscovered. Here some unexpected difficulties arose, and the assault did not commence until twenty minutes after twelve. Both columns then rushed forward under a tremendous fire of musketry and grape shot; surmounting every obstacle, they entered the works at the point of the bayonet, without discharging a single piece, and obtained complete possession of the fort. The humanity of the enn- querors was not less conspicuous, nor less honorable, ihan their bravery ; not a single individual sulTered after : - e-ist- ance cease;!. All the troops displayed the greaier-t courage, and all distinguished themselves whose situation enabled them to do so. Out of the forlorn hope, led by Lieut. Clib- bons, seventeen were killed or wounded. The loss of the Americans was not in proportion to the apparent danger, 272 R. J. MEIGS. and amounted to only about one hundred in killed and wounded. That of the British was one hundred and thirty- one, of whom sixty-three were killed. It was intended to make an attack on Verplank's as soon as Gen. Wayne got posses- sion of Stony Point, but from some mistake that plan failed. Gen. Washington examined the position of Stony Point, and thought it not advisable to maintain it, as it would re- quire at least fifteen hundred men to garrison it, more than he could spare from the army without weakening his means of defense in the Highlands. It was, therefore, reluctantly abandoned. Sir II. Clinton directly took it in possession and fortified it stronger than before. The success of this enterprise infused new courage into the country, and revived the drooping spirits of the Ameri- can people. It was a proof that the bravery and enterprise of their soldiers was fully equal to that of their enemies, a fact which the British always stoutly denied, but were now obliged to confess. Col. Meigs shared largely in the honors and dangers of the assault, mounting the breast-work at the head of his men, and with his hand clasped in theirs, assisted many to gain the top of this formidable obstruction, who, with fixed bayonets, leaped down into the fort amidst their enemies. Every man engaged in it, through life, was noticed by his countrymen as one of the heroes of Stony Point. From this period to the close of the war, he continued to serve his country \vith fidelity, and at the close shared in the honors and blessings of civil liberty, so dearly bought with the blood and toil of his countrymen. After the war he still lived at Middletown. On the formation of the Ohio Company, in which many soldiers of the Revolution engaged, he was appointed one of th'-ir surveyors, and in the spring of the year 1788 he landed at .Marietta, and entered on the duties of his office. R. J. MEIGS. 273 " A government for the Northwestern Territory had been prepared by an ordinance of Congress, in 1787. Gov. St. Clair and the judges of the territory had not arrived. The emigrants were without civil laws or civil authority. Col. Meigs drew up a concise system of regulations, which were considered by the emigrants as the rule of conduct and preservation, until the proper authorities should arrive. To give these regulations publicity, a large oak, standing near the confluence of the rivers, was selected, from which the bark was cut off, of sufficient space to attach the sheet on which the regulations were written ; and they were ben- eficially adhered to until the civil authorities arrived in July. This venerable oak was to the emigrants more useful, and as frequently consulted, as the oracle of ancient Delphos, by its votaries."* Soon after the arrival of Gov. St. Clair, he was appointed a justice of the peace, and one of the judges of the Court of Quarter Sessions. He was also commissioned as the clerk of this court, and prothonotary of the Court of Common Pleas. The first session of the latter was held on Tuesday, the 2d of September, 1788. This being the earliest court ever assembled in the North- western Territory, it was honored with all the ceremony due to so important an occasion. A procession was formed at the Point, composed of the inhabitants, with the United States officers from Fort Ilarmer, who escorted the judges of the Court of Common Pleas, with the governor and su- preme judges of the territory, to the hall in the northwest block-house of Campus Martins, distant about half a mile. The procession was headed by the sheriff, Col. E. Sproat, a man six feet and four inches high, and large in proportion, with a drawn sword in his right hand, and wand of office in the left; the whole making quite an imposing appearance, * Obituary notice of Col. Mei<;s, by his son, the postmaster-general. 18 274 R. J. MEIGS. and exciting the admiration of the friendly savages, a num- ber of whom were loitering about the new city. When all were assembled within the hall, the services of the day were opened with prayer by the Rev. Manasseh Cutler, one of the directors of the Ohio Company. The court was then organized by reading the commissions of the judges, the clerk and the sheriff, after which the latter opened it for business, by proclamation. The duties of clerk were exe- cuted by Col. Meigs, with accuracy and fidelity, for a num- ber of years. In 1789, he was engaged a part of the summer in survey- ing the meanders of the Ohio river, from the Muskingum down to the mouth of the Big Sandy, which was supposed to be near the line of the western boundary of the purchase. While on this trip by water, in a large flatboat, then in use for traveling up as well as down stream, the Indians made an attack on John Matthews, who was surveying the west- ern range of townships, and killed seven men of his com- pany. He fled to Col. Meigs, who received him on board, and crossed over the Ohio river. A little below Twelve Pole creek he erected a small block-house, for the security of his men, until another party of surveyors, under Mr. Backus, could come in. This they did in a day or two: and having completed his survey of the river, they all returned to Marietta. During the period of the Indian war. the la- bors of the surveyors were suspended: and for several years he suffered all the privations and dangers of that distressing time. During the treaty with the Indians at Greenville, in 1795. Col. Meigs was appointed a commissary of the clothing de- partment; issuing the goods furnished to the Indians as well a~ the troops. Here he exercised his benevolent feelings in brhalf of the whites who were prisoners with the Indians, to see that all were delivered up, as stipulated in one of the R. J. MEIGS. 275 articles. Amongst those who were known to have been captured, was Joseph Kelly, a lad taken from Belville, Va., in 171)1, and whose widowed mother now lived in Marietta, her husband being killed at the same time. In the autumn of 1795, the Indians had brought in and given up all their prisoners ; yet no account could be had of young Kelly, and it was quite uncertain whether he was dead or alive, as no news had ever been received of him since his captivity. But as the Indians seldom or never put boys to death, after they were prisoners, it was probable he was yet living, and kept back by some family who had become greatly attached to him. Although nearly all hope had ceased of his recov- ery, yet Mr. Meigs continued to inquire of every new In- dian face he saw at the store. At length two Indians said they knew of two white boys on the heads of the Auglaise river, who were kept back by their owners. Hoping that one of these boys might be the widow's son, he immediately applied to Gen. Wayne for a messenger to be sent for them. One of these Indians, as a guide, and a white man were sent out. Joseph had been adopted into the family of an old warrior, named Mishalena, who had lost five sons in the wars with the whites, and had now no child left but a daughter ; and yet he adopted this boy, the son of his mor- tal enemies, as his own, and ever treated him as such. What a lesson for the professors of Christianity ! Mr. Kelly says that the old warrior was one of the most kind and be- nevolent men that he ever met with in his life, as well as of a noble and commanding appearance. He was now too old for war, but in great favor with the tribe, as one of their most able counselors. His adopted mother's name was Patepsa. She never accepted him with the hearty good- will and affection of Mishalena, but always gave him plenty to eat, when she had it. Joseph was only six years old when adopted, but was now eleven. He parted with his 276 li . J . M E I G S . Indian parents and the boys of the tribe, with nearly a* much regret as he had formerly done with his white ones. He had lived with them so long, in the wild freedom of the forest, that he had forgotten his native language, and almost his former name ; for his Indian parents had given him a new one, Lalaque, but for brevity, spoken Lala. They accompanied him to Greenville, parting with him very re- luctantly, and poor Mishalena was now left in his old age, like a deadened forest tree, around whose roots no green shoot appears. As a parting gift he presented his son with a beautiful bow and arrows, made with his own hands. The boy who accompanied him was named Bill, from Kentucky, whose family were all killed at the time of his capture. He had forgotten the family name, but had been adopted by a widow woman, who had no children. She loved him with all the tenderness of a natural mother, and parted with him in deep sorrow. On the arrival of the two boys at the fort, Col. Meigs sent for the tailor, and had them fitted out with new warm woolen dresses, after the fashion of the whites, and the blanket and leggins of the Indians laid aside. A short time before, he had written to Mrs. Meigs, that no dis- covery could yet be made of the widow's son, and that he greatly feared he was dead ; cautioning her not to let the afllicted woman know the worst of his fears. Joseph's mo- ther had described his hair, eyes, and looks, so accurately, that at the first glimpse of the two boys, he picked him out. The Indian interpreter soon confirmed his opinion, by talk- ing with him in the Shawanoe dialect. On being ques- tioned, he remembered the names of his brothers and sisters, and that his own name was Joseph Kelly. This satisfied him that he was the lost son of the sorrowing widow, who, for the whole period of his absence, had never omitted him in her daily prayers, or sat down to the table with her other children, without mentioning his name. So anxious was R. J. MEIGS. 277 this good and kind-hearted man to restore him to the be- reaved mother, that he started, in February, across the swamps and pathless forests for Marietta. A young, active Shavvanoe Indian, named Thorn, guided the party, which consisted of six soldiers and six or eight horses, through the wilderness, without deviation, and struck the Muskingum river at Big Rock, a noted Indian landmark, twenty-four miles above Marietta. While on their journey, an incident occurred which places in a strong light the acuteness of their observation and tact in tracing their way through the woods. During a cloudy and snowy day, the party got bewildered in a thick beech swamp. Col. Meigs took out his pocket compass, and after examination, said the course lay east. Indian Thorn pointed to the southeast. The colonel still insisting on the authority of the compass, and the known general direction of the route, the Indian became vexed, and shouldering his rifle, muttered in broken English, "D n compass," and pursued his own course. In a few minutes travel, Thorn's judgment proved to be right, and the colonel and the compass wrong. The party reached Marietta early in March, and the fer- vent, oft-repeated prayer of the widow for the restoration of her lost son, was at length answered, to the great joy and thankfulness of Col. Meigs, by whose unwearied exer- tions and perseverance it had been accomplished, as well as to the delight of the mother. In 1798, he, with Col. Robert Oliver, was elected by the people of Washington county, to represent them in the ter- ritorial Legislature, then assembled for the first time. In this body were several able and talented men. Col. Meigs was not excelled by any of them for sound sense or integrity, and performed his duties with credit to himself and to the people who had elected him. In 1801, he was appointed by President Jefferson. Indian 278 R. J. MEIGS. agent amongst the Cherokees, where he resided until the time of his death, in January, 1823. The inhabitants of Marietta parted with him. very reluctantly, holding his per- son and virtues in the highest estimation. His upright, manly conduct, dignified manners and kind heart, had en- listed all in his favor. " During a long life of activity and usefulness, no man ever sustained a character more irre- proachable than Col. Meigs. He was a pattern of excellence as a patriot, a philanthropist, and a Christian. In all the vicissitudes of fortune, the duties of religion were strictly observed, and its precepts strikingly exemplified* :" In the discharge of his duties among the Cherokees, he acquired their highest confidence. They loved and revered him as a father, denominating him, for his integrity and uprightness, the White Path." The family of Col. Meigs was not numerous. By his first wife he had two sons, Return Jonathan and John. The former was one of the governors of Ohio. Timothy was the son of a second wife, and accompanied his father to Georgia. In person Mr. Meigs was thin and spare, of a medium hight, with a highly intelligent countenance ; nose Grecian, w r ith a lofty, bold forehead; eyes keen and black, sparkling with benevolence, but striking with awe the boldest heart, when bent in anger on the guilty or undeserving; active and graceful in all his motions, even in old age practicing the athletic sports of the young Indians with the buoyancy of youth. He died suddenly, at the age of eighty-three, full of the Christian's hope, surrounded by the sorrowing Cherokees, who mourned his death with deep and heart-felt grief. GRIFFIN GREENE, ESQ. THE little state of Rhode Island, KO fruitful in eminent and brave men, was the birth-place of Mr. Greene, being born on the 20th of February, 1749, in the town of Warwick. His ancestors were from England, and settled in Rhode Island at an early day. Education, at that period, was a minor concern, and he received no other than such as was afforded by the common or public schools. At an early age he was bred to the smith and anchor-making business ; few men of that day being able to live without the aid of some handicraft or agricultural pursuit. It was the age of honest industry. Of his youth and childhood, little has been preserved. At a suitable time of life, he married Miss Sarah Greene, of the same town, but of a family not connected by blood with his own. There were many of this name in the state, who were all wealthy in lands, and ranked high amongst the first citizens of the colony, one of them holding the office of governor. His wife was a sister of Col. Christopher Greene, who commanded the noted black regiment, which was one of the most efficient and brave in the service. The commis- sioned officers were white men, and the privates negroes. By this marriage he had four children, who lived to manhood, viz. : Richard, Philip, Griffin, and Susan. The descendants of Richard are several of them living in Ohio : the others left no issue. Previous to the commencement of hostilities between the colonists and the mother country, Jacob Greene, a cousin, and himself erected a forge for the manufacture of iron. Before the discovery of steam-power, a stream of water was 280 GRIFFIN GREENE. necessary to work the machinery, and for this purpose a spot was selected on the Pawtuxet, distant about five miles from the head of Greenwich bay, the nearest point where pigs could be landed from vessels. In addition to the ex- pense of wagoning them over a rough road to the forge, they had to be transported from the North river, and when man- ufactured into bar iron, returned to the village for sale. It was carried on during the war, and furnished cannon balls and wrought iron for the use of the country, at a period when such articles w r ere scarce in the colony. The site of the old works is now occupied by cotton factories. At the breaking out of hostilities, he acted with his coun- trymen in throwing off the yoke of Great Britain, for which praiseworthy deed he was cast out of the synagogue of the Quakers, to which sect he belonged, at the same time with his cousin, Gen. Nathaniel Greene, and never returned to them again. During the Avar he became acquainted with many leading men of that day, with whom intercourse was kept up in after life. In 1775 he commenced his military career, by serving as commissary to the Rhode Island troops, although, in the previous year, he had been trained to mili- tary exercises, as a volunteer in the company to which Christopher and Nathaniel belonged, with many of the most active and prominent young men in the colony. In 1777 he was paymaster to the regiment commanded by Christo- pher Greene, and during the attack on the fort at Red bank, \vas exposed to the shot of the enemy, in taking a supply of powder to his countrymen. This act he performed with great intrepidity, although not in the line of his duty. In 1778, his cousin, Gen. Nathaniel Greene, with whom he had been brought up and lived in the closest inti- macy, working with him at the same forge in the manufac- ture of anchors, and also engaged with him in various mercantile pursuits connected with the iron business, was GRIFFIN (JRKKNK. 281 appointed, by Gen. Washington, quartermaster-general of the army. Ho found the affairs of that department in the greatest disorder, and needing several deputies, his cousin Griflin Greene was selected as one of them, t'nder their eliicient control, in a few months that branch of the public service, so important to the welfare of an army, was placed in complete order, greatly to the relief and satisfaction of the commander-in-chief. lie was employed in this business until near the time of (Jen. Greene's appointment to the command of the southern army. Connected with his pur- chases of provisions, he also entered into that of merchan- dise : many goods being needed for the use of the troops, large quantities were bought from Clark and Nightingale, a celebrated firm of that day. During the whole period of the war, a correspondence was kept up between him and the general : a number of the letters having been preserved among the family papers, extracts will be given, as interesting specimens of the thoughts of the master minds of that trying era. In them are many sensible remarks on men and measures, especially that trou- blesome one of the currency, which, in 1779, had fallen to its lowest ebb, and had well nigh destroyed the country. In April of that year, one specie dollar was worth twenty dol- lars of the paper-money of Congress. This depreciation of the currency, with the heart-burnings of the soldiery and people thereon, was one of the main reliances of the king and his counselors, for the subjugation of the colonies. Money and credit are the sinews of war, and of both these Qongress was destitute. Had it not been for the timely aid of France, it is more than probable that the independence of America would not, at that time, have been achieved. The policy of Congress in their finances, is thus com- mented on, in one of his letters, dated at camp, May 18th, 1779: "The Congress should appoint a Board for this 282 GRIFFIN GREENE. purpose; but they are very fond of reserving all their powers within their own body. It has been clear to me, for a long time, that the business of that House is too complex and multifarious to be digested into method and order. They are always in a hurry, and never bring anything to perfec- tion, until its advantages are lost. I mean not to arraign their intentions, but I am sure their policy is bad. Two things are essential to the interests of these states ; one is that the proceedings of Congress be more generally known ; and the other is that their authority be more generally acknowledged by the states." In a short time after this, a board of treasury was estab- lished, and by the aid of that eminent financier, and most excellent man, Robert Morris, their monetary affairs were placed in a more propitious train. In the January preceding. Gen. Greene was in Philadelphia, and thus writes to Griffin: "The luxuries and extravagance of this city exceed any- thing you ever saw. There has been nothing going on here, but entertainments, assemblies, and balls. His excellency, Gen. Washington, has been here about a month, and the citizens have exerted themselves to make him as happy as possible. But I can truly say I feel serious amidst festivity, and gloomy amongst the most joyous. The extravagance of the times is very unfriendly to a republican government, and greatly enervates the national strength." How just and true, this sentiment; and not less true now, than then. The thoughts of Gen. Washington and this excellent man were too much occupied with their country's cares, to enter, with satisfaction, into the amusements of the careless and the gay. In April of this year, the French minister visited the American army in their camp at Middlebrook, and was re- ceived with great respect. He is represented as one of the most polite men of the age, and says, "The alliance with GRIFFIN GIIEENE. 283 France is a most happy affair, and alleviates a thousand of our distresses." In September, 1779, Mr. Greene engaged as a partner in a company for fitting out two brigantines as privateers, the coast at that time being pretty clear of British ships of \var. They were called the Black and the Rattle Snake ; but be- fore the one had time to erect its head, and the other to shake its rattles, in defiance of the British lion, they were driven on shore at Sandy hook, in April, 1780, by the enemy's cruisers, and lost. This was the fate of many American privateers, and in the ultimate, it is probable, as much was lost as won, by the colonists, in this nefarious business. It is certain that the loss of these vessels was seriously felt. In the spring of 1780, he writes: " Our public affairs are under great embarrassments. The treasury is entirely with- out money, and the public offices without credit. Our stock of provisions is next to nothing, and the troops frequently upon half allowance for a third part of the time, and many times entirely without. In a word, we are on the high road to starvation, when there is plenty of everything in the country, and only want ways and means to draw it out. Our prospects at the south are in a disagreeable train, and I set down the certain loss of Charleston, unless some very providential intervention occurs, which we have no reason to expect in favor of a people not remarkable for religion or piety." This prognostic proved correct, as the place sur- rendered a short time after. " Upon the whole, our situation in political life is not very eligible, neither will it be soon, unless there is more energy, consistency, and good policy pursued by our civil rulers. We want men of liberality, sound judgment, and attention to business, to conduct our public affairs. Happy is that nation, which has wise and honest men to manage national matters." In July, the Marquis de Lafayette visited Rhode Island. 284 GRIFFIN GREENE. The general wrote to his cousin Griffin and brother Jacob, to pay him every attention due to his rank and merit. "I hope the inhabitants of the state will exert themselves a little to convince the French officers that we give them a most cordial reception. But such is the state of human nature and the caprices of mankind, that it is ten to one if ever we part with the same good-will toward each other, that we came together." Although the treason of Arnold has been written by a hun- dred hands, here is a fresh account of it, not before published. "CAMP TAPPAN, September 29th, 1780. Treason, treason ! of the blackest kind, has been most providentially discovered. Gen. Arnold, who commanded at West Point, was in contract with the British adjutant-gen- eral for delivering into the enemy's hands, all the forts and fortifications of that place. The plan was laid, the condi- tions settled, and the time fixed for the execution. Happily for the cause of America, the whole was discovered before the thing was ripe for execution. The adjutant-general had been up to King's ferry to see Gen. Arnold, and on his re- turn to New York, near the White plains, was taken up by three militia-men, who carried him prisoner to Maj. Jame- son, of Sheldon's light-horse; and on his being searched, plans of the works, the strength of the garrison, and a hun- dred other observations necessary to be known in order to favor an attack, were all made out in Arnold's own hand- writing. They were immediately sent to Gen. Washington, who was then on his return from Hartford. But unfortu- nately, Jameson, from a false delicacy, reported to Gen. Arnold, that he had taken prisoner one Anderson, which gave him time to just make his escape before Gen. Wash- ington got to the Point. The adjutant-general and one Mr. Joseph Smith, are now both prisoners in this camp, and doubtless will be hnn face, the tears were rolling down his cheeks, and wringing his hands in agony, he ut- tered with a broken voice the deep thoughts within him, ' O, ?ny God, must ice give it up!'" 1 How intense must have been the feeling of that great mind, when the physical man thus bowed beneath its sway. Happily for us. the friends of freedom were not long permitted to live in darkness, but the brilliant events which soon followed at Princeton and Trenton, revived their desponding spirits, and covered Washington and his few brave followers with a mantle of glory. 304 JOSEPH OILMAN. When the Ohio Company was formed, Mr. Oilman be- came an associate, and moved his family, consisting of a wife and one son, 13. Ives Gilman, to Marietta, in 1789. The country was then a wilderness, and those who entered it had to partake of the hardships, privations, and dangers which attend the forming of a new settlement several hun- dred miles beyond the borders of civilization. The journey was performed in safety, and the family settled down in their new home, established on the lower Point, near Fort Har- mer, determined to be contented, and do their best for the good of the country. In 1790 Mr. Gilman was commissioned judge of probate, in place of Gen. Putnam, resigned. He also received com- missions from Gov. St. Clair, as judge of the Court of Quar- ter Sessions, and also of the Court of Common Pleas, which posts he continued to fill during the territorial period. In 1796 he was appointed by Congress one of the United States judges for the Northwest Territory, and attended the sittings of this court at Post Vincent, Detroit, Cincinnati, and Marietta. The journeys to these remote points were made through the wilderness on horseback, attended with pack-horses to carry the baggage, in company with the other judges and lawyers, so that the ride through the woods, although tiresome and tedious, was not without many things to make it interesting. The trip to and from Cincinnati was usually made in a canoe or large pirogue, and occu- pied eight or ten days. They slept at night under a hut on the shore, and cooked their food in the woods, there being few cabins at convenient points, for a number of years after the war. He was a man whom every body respected and esteemed, for his candor, honesty, good sense, and social qualities. As a jurist his reputation stood deservedly high. lie was a carffi.il student of the laws of nature, as well as those of REBECCA OILMAN. 305 his country, and kept a meteorological journal, which for that day was rather rare. He died in 180(5, aged seventy years. Mrs. Gilman was Rebecca Ives, the daughter of Benjamin Ives and Elizabeth Hale. Her education was far superior to that of most females of her time, being chiefly acquired under the direction of her grandfather, the Hon. Robert Hale. By him her literary taste was highly cultivated, and a habit acquired for books and useful reading, that attended her late in life. She was familiar with the best British clas- sics of the days of Queens Ann and Elizabeth; could read French authors with facility and ease, and her acuteness was such in polite literature, that when any disputed point arose amongst the learned visitors and circles at her fire- side, she was often appealed to as umpire, and her decisions were usually decisive of the question, and seldom appealed from. This was often done by men of classical education, few of whom, in matters of history, pure English literature, poetry, or belles-lettres, excelled her in general knowledge, or critical acumen. Her early and youthful associates were generally men of superior minds and talents; amongst whom a favorite one w r as Timothy Pickering, a resident of an adjacent town, and a frequent visitor in the family. These acquirements gave a tone and cast to her conversa- tion, very fascinating and engaging to such cultivated minds as came within the sphere of her influence, and her society was much sought, and highly valued by all her acquaint- ances. In person she was tall and commanding, with the most graceful and dignified manners : her countenance open, prepossessing, and intelligent. Children were much attached to her, us .-lie was fond of giving them useful in- struction and advice, in such a pleasant and agreeable man- ner, a-> to win their attention, and impress it deeply on thel minds. One of the early citizens of Marietta, whose pa- rents lived the next door to her in 1796, says, that he 20 306 B. I. GILMAN. received, when a boy, more valuable advice from her, than he ever did from his own mother, and she was a woman of no ordinary capacity. In her domestic concerns she was a pat- tern to all good housewives, for industry, frugality, order, and promptness of execution; practices rather rare in lit- erary females. Her dress was always neat, but plain; indi- cating good taste, and purity of principle. After the death of her husband, she lived in her own house at Marietta, sur- rounded by her grandchildren, until 1812, when she moved with her son to Philadelphia, and died in the year 1820, full of peace, and joyful expectation of a blessed immortality. BENJAMIN IVES OILMAN AND MRS. HANNAH OILMAN. MR. OILMAN was born in Exeter, New Hampshire, in the year 17G5. His early education was strictly attended to, and he had the advantages of the academy established in that place by Mr. Phillips. As his father was engaged in mercantile pursuits, he was brought up to the same employ- ment. When a small boy, he received the instruction and advice of a very intelligent and highly educated mother, who, having but one son on whom to bestow her care, his moral and intellectual culture were highly finished, and his O t> whole after life showed the training of this early period. Richly was she rewarded for her labor of love, for no son ever more venerated and respected a mother than did Mr. Gilman. That "the boy is the father of the man," i? an old, but very true axiom; and nothing is more certain lhan that the impressions, whether for good or evil, made on the rnind B . I . G 1 L M A N . .'H)7 of youth, retain their hold during the remainder of life. Blessed is that son who has an educated, moral, and relig- ious mother: his happiness for time and eternity depends very much on the instruction received while he is more im- mediately under her care. In 17S9 he moved with his parents to .Marietta. In 1790 he returned to Xew Kngland, and married Hannah Robbins, the second daughter of the Rev. Chandler Robbins, 1). D., pastor of the lirst church in Plymouth, Mass., the cere- mony being performed by her father. Soon after, in com- pany with his young bride, they returned across the moun- tains on horseback. At that early period, it was a se- rious and laborious journey, occupying from twenty-five to thirty days. The roads were very poor over the Alleghe- nies, and the accommodations for travelers scanty and coarse. From Red Stone, or Pittsburg, the passage was usually by water, in a flat, or Kentucky boat. About the year 1792 he commenced the sale of merchan- dise, in a store at Fort Harmcr. From small beginnings his business was gradually enlarged to the most extensive in Marietta. During the war Mr. Gilman several times narrowly escaped the rille and tomahawk of the Indians. About eighty rods from the fort, he had commenced a new clearing for agricul- tural purposes. One day, in the spring of the year 1791, he was out in this lot at work with a hired man named Robert Warth. Robert had just cut off a log for rail timber, and was still standing on it. with the axe resting at his feet, when he spoke to Mr. Cilrnan. who was thirty or forty yards distant, but more out of sight, inquiring further about the work. Before he had time to answer, the sharp crack of a rifle caused him to turn quickly in the direction of the shot, when he saw poor Robert falling dead from the log, and t\vo In- dians in the act of jumping over a brush fence, close by. 308 B. I. OILMAN. where they had lain concealed. Being unarmed, he in- stantly ran for the fort, with one of the Indians in close chase, while the other was occupied in taking the scalp of Robert. An intervening fence gave his pursuer some hope of overtaking him, but he cleared it at a single leap. The Indian now stopped and fired at his flying foe, but happily missed his mark. The field was so near the block-house where he resided, that his wife and mother both heard the shots and the yell of the savages. Knowing the exposure of Mr. Gilman, they hastened to the window of the house to ascertain his situation, and as he came running up, eagerly inquired who was killed. The young wife of the backwoodsman was standing by the side of Mrs. Gilman, as he answered, " Robert," and thus suddenly heard the fall of her husband. The Indians were instantly pursued and fired at by the rangers, as they ascended the side of the hill which overlooks the alluvions on which the fort stood, but they escaped, although it was thought one of them was wounded. In traversing the woods for strayed cattle, and in looking at the quality and boundaries of adjacent lands which he wished to purchase, he had many narrow escapes, but would never send a man where he was afraid to venture himself. In walking and running, few men could excel him ; and unless fired at from a hidden enemy, he did not fear a surprise, as he could escape by his own activity. After the close of the war he dealt largely in peltries, especially bear skins, having small trading stations on the Big Sandy and Guyandot rivers, where this animal abounded, and the chief employment of the inhabitants was hunting them for their skins, and the digging of ginseng, a plant which grew in wonderful abundance and great luxuriance on the rich hill-sides of this broken country. Both of these articles, from 1798 to 1S08, were in great demand for B. I. OILMAN. 309 exportation, and many largo fortunes realized by persons who dealt in them. Mr. Cilman was appointed clerk of the Court of Common Pleas of Washington county in the year 179G, and continued in office until the territory became a state. In 1802, he was one of the delegates at the convention for forming a consti- tution, and was a very active and useful man in completing that instrument. In 1801, he commenced the business of ship-building, em- ploying Capt. Devol for the master-builder, and subsequently James Whitney. This was continued from that year to 1808, when the embargo put a stop to all mercantile operations, and ruined a number of the merchants of Marietta, who had embarked in this business. The ships when built were exchanged for merchandise in the Atlantic cities, and were the most profitable returns they could make; and, although the country was thinly peopled, yet the vessels were always loaded with flour, pork, and other produce, in their down- ward voyage, thus yielding a double profit on the investment. But the wisdom of Mr. Jefferson put a stop to all the en- terprising efforts of these western men, and overwhelmed several of them with ruin, especially such as had ships on hand, unsold in 1808. One man who had a ship in New Orleans at the time of the embargo, sunk over ten thousand dollars on her and the cargo. No town in the United States suffered so much as this, according to its capital, by this un- wise measure. Mr. Gilman escaped any serious loss, but all liis plans were deranged, and the place where from four to six vessels were built in a year, giving employment to a large number of men, and increasing rapidly in population, was entirely paralyzed. Three extensive rope-walks, work- ing up large quantities of hemp raised in the country, and furnishing rigging for the ships, were put out of employ, and in a few years fell into ruins. The business of the town did 310 HANNAH OILMAN. not revive for many years; and in 1813, Mr. Gilman moved his family to Philadelphia and entered into merchandise, as a wholesale dealer. For this business his clear, calculating mind, enlarged views and industrious habits, eminently fitted him, and for a number of years it was prosecuted with great success. His business operations often called him to visit the valley of Ohio, for which he always felt a warm regard; two of his sons having settled at Alton, 111., and when on a visit to that place in 1833, he was attacked with a fever, and died at the age of sixty-eight years. In person, Mr. Gilman was rather above the medium size, very erect, graceful and quick in his motions, with the man- ners and address of the most polished gentleman; eyes black, brilliant and expressive ; nose slightly aquiline ; fore- head broad and high; face full and without a fault. The impression made on a stranger, who saw him for the first time, would be, that he was in the presence of a man of more than ordinary capacity and intellect. His powers of conversation were great and varied, and no one left his company without adding something to his stock of useful information. Mrs. Hannah Gilman was the second daughter of the Rev. Chandler llobbins, D. D., for many years the pastor of the first church in Plymouth, Mass. She was brought up with great care and tenderness by her venerable father, and re- ceived as good an education as was customary to bestow on females of the first families in that day. She was a girl of great sprightliness and vivacity; always cheerful, and abounding in kindness to her associates, as well as to her own family. A joyful, kind spirit animated her frame through the whole course 1 of her life. In February, 1790. she was married to 13. I. Gilman, a man every way worthy the hand and the heart of .so excel- lent a woman. Nothing marred the joy of this festive II ANN 7 A II OILMAN. 311 occasion, l>ut the circumstance of her being removed to HO great a distance from her parents; the location of her future home being on the hanks of the Ohio, far toward the setting sun. The. \e\v Knglanders at this time were; an untravcled people : they had not then learnt to roam into all parts of the earth, but a journey of a hundred miles was a great event in the life of that primitive people, and seldom under- taken by the pious, without the public prayers of the church for its success. How formidable then must have seemed to the old people, this journey of eight hundred miles; so far, that the expectation of seeing her again in this world, was almost hopeless, and the final adieu was affecting and solemn. The ancestors of the Robbins family were amongst the first settlers of Massachusetts ; their blood unmixed, and strictly Puritan. On their arrival at Marietta, she found many intelligent and kind friends, to greet her with a warm and hearty wel- come, while the society of her husband's mother, in whose family they lived, was itself sufficient to make her home very pleasant, and the loneliness of the wilderness forgot- ten. From her she received all that love and tenderness she could have expected from her own mother, and which the affection of the female heart only knows how to bestow on a beloved daughter. Before many years, the cares of a growing family in some measure divided her regards be- tween her own household and that of her dear father and mother at Plymouth, so that the separation was more easily borne than at first. A frequent intercourse by letters also solaced her uneasy mind, so that she had often occasion to hies.; the happy inventor of this divine mode of an inter- change of thoughts, so wonderful in itself, and which struck with admiration, the savage and untaught mind of Pow- hattan, when he first saw the effects of these mysterious 312 HANNAH OILMAN. marks in a letter, sent by Capt. Smith to Jamestown, while a prisoner in his dominions. Many of her early letters to her brother, the Rev. Samuel Prince Robbins, while he was a boy, and when in college, also after his settlement as a pastor over the first Congrega- tional church in Marietta, have been preserved by his family. Some extracts from these will be given, to show her talents as a writer, and the amiable and pious feelings which per- vaded her heart, and made her worthy of the parentage of so excellent and noble a stock. The first is written in an easy, playful style, suitable to the subject, when her first child was about six months old, to her brother, then aged ten or twelve years, and dated Marietta, 16th of September, 1791. It was in answer to one he had sent to his sister, with a specimen of his drawing: " I received the picture you sent me, and was much aston- ished to see how much you had improved in drawing. Did you do it all yourself? I can hardly believe it. I suppose by the time I visit Plymouth with your little niece, you will be able to take her picture. If so, and it is a likeness, it will be the prettiest picture you ever saw." To her parents she wrote regularly once a month, when there was an opportunity of sending a letter, which, until 1794, was only by private conveyance. In 1798 her brother Samuel graduated at Cambridge University. Her younger brother, Peter Gilman Robbins, was then a freshman. In writing to Samuel, she speaks of the rapid passage of time in reference to Peter, who, she did not think, could be old enough to enter college, as she had been absent only seven years, and he was then a very small boy. "How fast time flies. The further you advance in life, the faster time will appear to fly. How important it is, that we improve it to the best purpose." In the same letter she sends a mes- sage to Peter, who was rather disposed to be a little wild: HANNAH OILMAN. 313 "charging him to refrain from going to the theater, aa it would be injurious to his morals." At that period it was a fashionable amusement, and practiced by nearly all classes of society. Her nice sense of propriety saw its hidden evils, and her voice was raised against it. After her brother had completed his college course, he studied divinity, under the care of the Rev. M. Hyde, of Stockbridge, in Connecticut. In the spring of 1805, at the urgent request of Mrs. Gilman. he visited Marietta, with an ulterior expectation that he might be settled in the ministry there, over the first Congregational church in this place. The Rev. Daniel Story, who had been their pastor for a number of years, from feebleness, and other infirmities, had resigned his charge, and they were now without a teacher. When he arrived, the society was so small, and the prospect of an adequate support so doubtful, that after preaching a few times he returned to Norfolk, Conn., where he was itin- erating. At that day there was no home missionary society, to aid feeble and newly formed churches, but they had to struggle into existence in the best manner they could. In August, 1S05, she wrote to him a very feeling letter, urging it upon him as a duty to return. "For my own part, I feel as if I could not receive a negative answer from you. It was so long since I had been favored with such preaching as I once lived under, that when you were here I got roused up in some manner; but now we are all asleep, and myself among the rest. However, I desire not to trust too much in an arm of flesh : a sovereign God, who orders all events, will provide." After mentioning the names of several of his acquaintances who had called to inquire after him, amongst whom were Gen. Putnam and Dr. True, she says, "I hope, my dear brother, you will write as often as possible, and O that you may be directed to the path of duty." This 314 HANNAH OILMAN. prayer was soon answered, for the trustees of the society directly after sent him a call to be their pastor, to which he returned a consenting answer, and the following January he was ordained over the first Congregational church and so- ciety of Marietta. Under his faithful and apostolic min- istry it was soon enlarged, embracing many from the adjacent towns of Belpre and Adams, where he preached about one-third of the time. In 1807, chiefly through the efforts of Gen. Ilufus Putnam, aided by the liberality of several other citizens, especially Mr. Oilman, a large and handsome church was erected, at a cost of about seven thousand dollars: avast effort for so small a society ; and it yet remains a monument to their praise. This was the first house erected specially for public worship ; the Muskingum academy having been occupied for this purpose since the year 1799. No man was ever more diligent and faithful in his Master's service than Mr. Robbins, and his sister now felt an addition to her happiness of a spiritual nature, not before experienced. Earthly comforts had boon showered upon her in rich abundance. A most excellent husband, children "like olive plants sprung up around her table, :> with all the wealth she could desire, made her rich in this world's goods ; but the longings of the immortal spirit could only be satisfied with the bread of everlasting life. During a revival in 1811, she united herself with ihe church, under her brother's care, and while she remained in Marietta, was one of its chief ornaments and supports. In 1S90, her soul was tried with one of the sorest afflictions that can befall poor humanity, in the loss of her first-born child, the wife of Mr. J). Woodbridge. This bereavement was sustained with Christian resignation, and by it her spir- itual graces were greatly quickened and refined. The syni- pathy and prayers of her clear brother were now doubly HANNAH OILMAN. 310 consoling, and from him she learned that uncomplaining submission to the divine will, so hard to be practiced by the natural heart. In 1N13, Mr. Oilman moved his family to Philadelphia, where he could enlarge the sphere of his mercantile opera- tions, more in accordance with his capacious mind, so highly iitted for extensive and wide-spread operations. Xcvcrthe- less, he quitted the scenes of his early manhood with regret; the spot where his life had been often endangered, and the place where the foundations of his early wealth were laid. It was still more trying to his wife, who now bid adieu to the home, where she had lived twenty-three years, amidst many dear and excellent female friends ; but, above all, to that brother beloved, whom she cherished with an ardor only known to those who, to a naturally warm temperament, feel the impulses of the Christian's love, in addition to that of the natural heart. This is the love which abideth and en- dureth when life itself vanishes away. The first letter after her arrival, is dated October 20th, 1S13, and addressed to Mr. Robbins and his wife, who was a granddaughter of Gen. Putnam, and explains the references to persons in Marietta. "We arrived here the 25th of September, all well. The dear children were never so hearty. O, what shall I render to the Lord for all his goodness? The city was so healthy, we thought it best to come immediately in. But 0, what noise 1 -what confusion. That evening they had received the intelligence of the victory gained on the lakes : the whole, city was illuminated, and every mark of joy and mirth. I was ready to say, ' God is not in tins place. 1 But surely he is, for the heaven, and heaven of heavens, cannot con- tain him: and I think I can say from sweet experience, since my arrival, ; I have found Him whom my soul loveth,' and I have seen his stately goings in the sanctuary." After de- scribing the public institutions of the the city. Bible society. 316 HANNAH OILMAN. Sunday school for the poor children, &c., she says, "So you see there must be some good people here, but I have not been introduced to many as yet. I have not found your good grandmother, your aunt Bet^y, your mother, and many others with whom I used to hold sweet converse. I feel at times exceedingly at a loss what to do about joining the church; I am much attached to our customs at Marietta, and feel unwilling to be dismissed from them. But there is no Congregational church here, and I feel alone : what shall I do?" It would seem that her brother advised her to unite with Mr. Skinner's church, which she did, and sat for many years under his teaching with great profit to her soul. In November following she writes, " I have received yours of October 20th, which was a cordial to me." Speaking of a dear Christian uncle who was on his death- bed, she says, " O, that it were possible I could see him ; he could teach me how to live, and show me how to die. O, that my last end may be like his. Surely never were religious privileges so great as those which I now enjoy." From this time to 1820, a regular correspondence was kept up with her brother Samuel. Her letters are filled with the reflections of a Christian and pious heart, and the most affectionate expressions for her brother Samuel and his family. In May, 1820, after a visit from one of her Marietta acquaintances, she writes: "Mr. Cram tells me that you have taken a few scholars. Does it not interfere with your studies? It appears to me that clergymen in general, ought to devote more of their time to the cause of Christ : else how can they expect that their preaching will be blessed to the souls committed to their charge?" He, good man, would have been very happy to have given all his time to the work of the gospel ; but the smallness of his salary, a mere pittance, and the increasing wants of a growing fam- ily, compelled him to this extra labor, for their support. HANNAH OILMAN. 217 But his time was short, and in about three years after that period he received a summons from his divine Master, to enter into the joy of his Lord. From 1820 to 1823 the correspondence is continued, am 1 would fill a small volume. They contain evidences of a constant growth in grace, increasing love for her family and all around her, and anxiety for their salvation. During this time many interesting events took place, such as the mar- riage of a beloved daughter, the arrival of her sons to man- hood, and entry into business, in wide and distant parts of the country. "We are all scattered, my dear brother; but, O, if we can all, through grace in the dear Redeemer, meet at last in heaven, what a mercy! When I think of the sep- aration between yourself, Isaac, and myself, it is a comfort to me that we do meet at a throne of grace." The epidemic fever which prevailed along the waters of the Ohio in 1822, again visited that region in 1823, with fatal severity. By this visitation Mrs. Gilman lost one of her sons, and also her dearly beloved and venerated brother Samuel, who died in August. Her letter to his widow is full of ardent piety and heavenly consolation, and breathes a depth of affection for the departed, and calm resignation to the divine will, which only the Christian can feel. Its pe- rusal cannot fail to soften the heart of the most obdurate un- believer, and soothe the sorrows of the desponding mourner. It is dated at Cincinnati, November 3d, 1823, where she then was, to attend on her husband in a dangerous illness. " With a heart filled with anguish, my dear sister, do 1 now address you. My tears had not ceased to (low for the best of sons, when I was called in Providence to weep afresh for the dearest and best of brothers. And is my be- loved brother Samuel gone forever? Shall I never more hear his pleasant voice ? Never more hear him pray ? Never more see him break the bread, bless the cup, and give us all 318 HANNAH OILMAN. to drink? O, no! he has gone forever from our view, and the places which knew him shall know him no more, forever. The loss to me is great; but to you my beloved sister, and the dear fatherless children, is irreparable. Permit me then to tell you, how much we all sympathize with you, on this sorrowful occasion. But for your comfort, remember, that although the affliction is great, your heavenly Father is able to support you, and has said, He would never leave you, nor ever forsake you. He has promised to be the widows' God, and a father to the fatherless. Be grateful to Heaven, that you were blest with his society, comforted with his ad- vice, and consoled by his prayers so many years. You have now, my dear sister, a double part to act, that of a father and mother, to the children committed to your care. For their sakes, sink not under this deep affliction. Spread all your wants and trials before your heavenly Father, who will never lay upon you more than you can bear, and will work all things for good to those who put their trust in him. The Lord will not forsake his dear children, and though He cause grief, yet will lie have compassion according to the multi- tude of his mercies; for whom the Lord lovcth, He chas- teneth. 'The mountains shall depart, and the hills be removed, but my kindness shall not depart from thee, neither shall the covenant of my peace be removed, saith the Lord of hosts.' Take these precious words of your God, my dear sister, to yourself. They belong to you. Live upon them; and may our blessed Redeemer comfort you with the conso- lations of his IIolv Spirit. I ani extremely anxious to hear the particulars of my dear brother's sickness and death. I want to know every word that passed from his lips. What were his views in the near approach of the king of terrors? Was his mind clear, or did he sink down under the weight of his disease, without feeling his situation and sufferings?" In February following, she writes, " I received your HANNAH OILMAN. 319 communication, my dear sister, and thank you kindly for it. But (), my dear Patty, it was not half so particular as I wished. 1 wanted you to write just as if you were talking with me. I feel very anxious about you, but desire to com- mend you to that merciful Being, who is husband of the widow, and father of the orphan. Look daily to Him, my dear, for comfort under this severe and trying aflliction. I wish you would begin a letter to me soon ; and if you re- collect anything of my brother which you have not told me, add it to the letter from time to time, until you have tilled it. Kiss the dear children for their aunt, and tell them never to forget the advice, the prayers, and dying words of their loving father. From your ever affectionate sister, II. Oilman." Mrs. Kobbins was herself sick at the time of her husband's death, and, therefore, could not be so particular in her ac- count of his last moments as Mrs. G. desired. The foregoing extracts are sufficient to show the relig- ious and social character of this excellent woman. Before her own death, which took place at Xew York, in 1836, she was called to mourn the loss of her dear husband and several of her children ; but that God whom she had so faithfully served and trusted in all her life, did not leave her in these trying moments, but was with her and supported her, according to his promise. Like gold tried in a furnace, her Christian graces were purified, and shone brighter and brighter under every new aflliction; and she has gone to in- herit that crown prepared for all those who love and obey him. In person, Mrs. Oilman was of a medium hight, with a handsome, well-formed frame; her manners graceful and very attractive, combined with a dignity that always com- manded respect; face full and round; features of the exactest proportions, with a naturally sweet expression; hair black; eyes dark, and full of intelligence. AYhcn 320 MARY LAKE. engaged in animated conversation, her face ana eyes were radiant with meaning, giving an interest to her expressions very striking and pleasing to the beholder. Her voice was full of harmony, while her powers of conversation were un- rivaled; having a volubility and flow of language which few could equal, whether male or female. Her love and care for her husband and children were unbounded, and no sacrifice of personal comfort too great for their happiness. Her memory is still dear to many who knew her in Mari- etta, and the history of her life and Christian character, are the rightful heritage of that place. MRS. MARY LAKE. AMONGST the early pioneers of Marietta, were many excel- lent women. The times of the Revolution tried the temper and spirit of females, as well as the men, and they, by their example and encouragement in the common cause, often accomplished much good for the country. Some showed their patriotic spirit by manufacturing garments for the half- naked soldiers, while others nursed the sick and wounded, soothing the last moments of the dying by their merciful ministrations. The names of deserving females should be preserved with as much care and veneration as those of the men who fought their country's battles. The scripture bio- graphical sketches of Sarah, Deborah, Miriam, Susannah, and many others, may be ranked amongst the most inter- esting of that species of writing. Mrs. Mary Lake was a native of Bristol, England. Her MA11Y LAKE. 321 father was a silk-weaver, and her maiden name Mary Bird. She was horn in 17-12, and about the year 1702 married Archibald Lake, a sea-faring man, and moved to St. Johns, in Newfoundland. Here lie followed fishing on the Grand Bank, which, at lhat day, was a profitable calling, as the strict observance of lent in Catholic Europe caused a great demand for fish. When that place came into the possession of the French, he moved his family to New York, and worked in the ship-yards. At the period of the American Revolution, he was living in the city, and embraced the cause of liberty. After the disasters of Long Island, when Gen. Washington evacuated the city, the family followed the army into their canton- ments up the North river. The general hospitals being es- tablished, first at Fishkill, and then at New Windsor, she was employed as matron, to superintend the nursing of the sick, and see that they were provided with suitable nourish- ment, beds, &c., and the apartments kept clean. Here. under the direction of the surgeons, she became familiar with all the details of treating the diseased, in fevers, small- pox, and various other ailments, acquiring a tact and confi- dence that remained with her the rest of her life, and was of great use to the poor and destitute sick on the frontiers. The more poverty-stricken was the sick family, the greater was her obligation to wait upon them. Her meek, quiet spirit was once a little tried by a man in the garrison at Marietta, whose \vife had sickened and died, notwithstanding her unremitting care of her. The family had just moved into the country, and was excessively poor, needing all the common necessaries of life to be supplied to them during her sickness, by her neighbors. In examin- ing an old family chest for articles to lay out the dead in a decent manner, Mrs. Lake discovered a large stocking leg, filled with silver dollars, several hundred in number. On 21 322 MARY LAKE. questioning the man why he feigned such extreme poverty,, with all this money in his possession? he replied, quite un- concerned, " O, that is to buy land with." Her husband was appointed a deputy-commissary to the hospital, and ranged the adjacent country, providing vege- tables, and other necessaries suitable for the sick. It is well known that Gen. Washington often visited the hospitals to examine the condition of the sick and wounded soldiers, en- courage those who were in despair by his voice and kind looks, and inquire into their wants, which were always supplied, so far as he had the power to direct. In these benevolent visits, Mrs. Lake more than once received his personal thanks in their behalf, for her tender, vigilant, and unremitting care of the sick ; an evidence that she richly merited praise ; for Washington flattered no one with undeserved commendation. After the peace, when the hospital was broken up, and army disbanded, the family returned to New York, and her husband resumed his former occupation. She became pious when quite young, and united with Dr. Rogers' church, one of the oldest in the city, of the Presby- terian order, and at the close of the war it contained but two churches of this denomination. Her early piety and religious feelings were no doubt the secret impulses which supported and urged her on in this work of charity and mercy; for her pay while thus employed was no better than that of all the others engaged in their country's cause de- preciated, worthless, continental paper. But love for her divine Master, and charity for the sick and distressed, con- strained her, and she felt it a duty to do all in her power for their relief. After the war, ship-building was a poor business, and hearing accidentally from Gen. Putnam, of the new colony forming at Marietta, in the rich country of the Ohio, they became attracted by the glowing descriptions published, of M A II Y LAKE. .'523 its advantages and future prospects. Having 1 little- to expect where they \vere, hope pointed them to plenteous and happy days in the west. In 17H9, he moved, his family, consisting of eight children, to Marietta. Three of the sons, James, Thomas, and Andrew, were young men and able to assist in their support. The spring after their arrival, the small- pox broke out amongst the inhabitants, who were chiefly .living in Campus Martins, in such close quarters that it was very difficult to prevent its spreading by contagion. The larger number of the settlers had never gone through with the disease, and were to be inoculated. This was done by the physician, and Mrs. Lake's skill as a nurse was now in full requisition, and was unsparingly applied. Her experi- ence was of great use, even to the surgeons, who were all young men, and had seen but little of this disease except in books, in directing the regimen and treatment during its course. Her services on this trying occasion, when several who took it by contagion died, were often spoken of by the inhabitants in after years, as well as at the time, with grati- tude. The kind, benevolent heart and Christian feeling of Mrs. Lake, led her constantly to endeavor to do good to the souls, as well as the bodies, of her fellow-crcatiu-es. Probably one of the first Sunday schools in America \vas taught by her in 1791, and continued for several years during the Indian war, at Campus Martins, in Marietta. Having brought up a family herself, and knowing the advantages of early religious instruction, she took compassion on the younger children of the garrison, who were spending their Sabbath afternoons in frivolous amusements, and established a school in the single and only room occupied by the family. After the regular religious exercises of the day by Mr. Story were closed, which consisted of only one service, or half the day, she regularly assembled as many of the children as she could persuade to attend, and taught them the Westminster 324 MARY LAKE. catechism, and lessons from the Bible, for an hour or more. The school usually contained about twenty. She was very kind and affectionate toward them, so that they were fond of assembling and listening to her instructions. Her explana- tions of scripture were so simple and child-like that the smallest of the little ones could understand them, and ren- dered very pleasant by her mild manner of speaking. The accommodations for the children were very rude and simple, consisting only of a few low stools and benches, such an article as a chair being a rarity in the garrison. One of the scholars, then a little boy of four years old, says that one day, being scant of seat, he was placed, by the kind old lady, on the top of a bag of meal that stood leaning against the side of the room. The seed thus charitably sown in faith and hope, was not scattered in vain, as several of her scholars are now prominent members of the church. This school was kept in the lower room of the northeast block-house. Soon after the peace of 1795, she moved with the family on to a farm, eight miles up the Muskingum. She died in 1802, aged sixty years. Her children were all pious, and two of her sons, now very aged men, are reckoned amongst the elders of Israel, adorning that religion instilled into their youthful minds by their pious mother. REV. DANIEL STORY. SOON after the organi/ation of the Ohio Company at Bos- ton, in the year 1787, it seems that the enlightened men who directed its concerns, began to think of making arrangements for the support of the gospel, and the instruction of youth in their new colony, about to be established in the western wilderness. Having been and brought up in a land where more attention was paid to the religious, moral, and literary instruction of the people, than at any other spot on the globe, being the country of the Puritans, and themselves the descendants of the Plymouth colonists, they naturally turned their attention to its vast importance to the settle- ment just budding into existence under their care. Accord- ingly a resolution was passed, at a meeting of the directors and agents, on the 7th of March, 1788, at Providence, R. I., for the support of the gospel, and an instructor of youth ; in consequence of which, the Rev. Manasseh Cutler, one of the directors, in the course of that year engaged the Rev. Daniel Story, then preaching at Worcester, Mass., to go to the west as a chaplain to the settlement at Marietta. Mr. Story was born in Boston, in 1755, and graduated at the Dartmouth College, in Hanover, N. II. He was an uncle of the late Judge Story, of Cambridge, Mass. After a tedious and laborious journey over the Allegheny mountains, he arrived at Marietta, in the spring of 1789. and commenced his ministerial labors. The settlements were just beginning, and situated at various points, a consider- able distance from each other. Nevertheless, he visited them in rotation, in conformity with the arrangement of the di- rectors, by which he was to preach about one-third of the 326 DANIEL STORY. time at the settlements of Waterford and Belpre. His first visit to Waterford was in the summer of that year, and as there was no house large enough to contain all the people, he preached under the shadow of a wide-spreading tree, near the mills of "Wolf creek, a temple not reared by the hands of man. During the Indian war, from 1791 to 1795, he preached the larger portion of the time in the northwest block-house of Campus Martins, in Marietta. The upper story in that building was fitted up with benches and a rude, simple desk, so as to accommodate an audience of a hundred and fifty or two hundred persons. It was also used for a school, which was first taught by Maj. Ansclm T upper. During this period, a committee appointed by the direct- ors, to report on the religious and literary instruction of the youth, resolved that one hundred and eighty dollars be paid from the funds of the company, to aid the new settlements in paying a teacher, with the condition that Marietta sup- port him for one year, Belpre seven months, and Waterford three months. If they complied with this arrangement, that sum was to be divided amongst them in proportion to the time. Near the same period, twenty dollars were appropri- ated to pay Col. Batlellc for his services on the Sabbath, already performed at Belpre. These testimonials sufficiently prove the interest the directors of the company felt for the spiritual welfare, as well as the temporal comfort of the colonists. Mr. Story also preached occasionally at a large room in the upper story of a frame-house in the garrison at the Point, being at the junction of the Muski.ngu.iTi with the Ohio on the left bank ; Fort llarmer being on the right bank. At period- when the Indian-; were quiet, ho \i~iu-d and preached at the settlements of Belpre and Watcrford, iif- i.een ;iiid t'.venly miles from Marietta. These pastoral visits DANIEL STOIiV. 327 were made by \valcr, in a log canoe, propelled by the stout arms and willing hearts of the pioneers. There were no roads at that day, by which lie could travel by land, and be.- .-ide there was less danger in this mode, than by the obscure 1 , paths of the hunters. In the year 171H5 he united and established a Congrega- tional church, composed of members residing in Marietta, Belpre, W aterford, and Vienna in Virginia. In 17U7 he vis- ited his native state, and remained there until he received a call to the pastoral charge of the church he had collected in the ir/l, but also in that of ISl'J. In 1815 he was collector of the United States revenue in the port of New London, Conn., which office he held until his death, in 182^. He is spoken of as a very excellent man. In person, Col. dishing was rather short, but very mus- cular and stout-limbed ; eyes black, and of the keenest lus- ter, piercing and intelligent; face well formed, with an ex- pression of firmness and dignity seldom seen; manners gentlemanly and refined; very courteous and affable in his intercourse with mankind, whether poor or rich. lie was highly esteemed by Mr. Blennerhasset, and both him and Mrs. Gushing treated with marked attention. They died in August, in the year 1814; but their names will be long cherished by the descendants of the early settlers, as amongst the most worthy of that heroic band. MAJ. JONATHAN IIASKELL. MAJ. JONATHAN HASKELL was born in Rochester. Mass., the 19th of March, 1775. Like the larger portion of the New Englanders of that day, lie was brought up on a farm, and received only a common school education, which iitted him for conducting the usual concerns of life to which he might be called. 346 JONATHAN HASKELL. At the commencement of the \var of Independence, when he was twenty years old, he was engaged in agriculture. How early he entered the army is not known. In 1779 he was aid-de-camp to Gen. Patterson, of the Massachusetts line, and was commissioned as a lieutenant. He continued to serve until the close of the war, either as an aid, or in the line of the army. When the Ohio Company was formed, he became an as- sociate, and moved out there in company with Capt. Bevel's family, in the autumn of 1788. In 17S9 he united with the Belpre settlement, and commenced clearing his farm. On the breaking out of the Indian war, in January, 1791, he re- ceived the appointment of captain in the regular service, and went to Rochester, Mass., where he recruited a com- pany, and returned to Marietta in December; where he was stationed for the defense of that, and the adjacent settle- ments ; as the troops had been withdrawn from Fort Ilar- mer in the fall of 1790. After the defeat of Gen. St. Clair. he remained at Marietta until March, 1793, when he was commissioned as a captain in the second sub-legion under Gen. Wayne, and joined the army on the frontiers that sum- mer. He was stationed at Fort St. Clair, where he remained until June, 1794, when he was appointed to the command of the fourth sub-legion, ranking as a major, although his commission was not filled until August, 1795. In a letter to Griffin Greene. Esq., whose relative he married, he gives a sketch of the campaign which defeated the combined forces of the Indians and closed the war. " HEAD QUARTERS, MIAMI OF THE LAKE, August 29th, 1794. SIR : The 2Sth of July the army moved forward, consisting of about eighteen hundred regulars and fifteen hundred militia, from the state of Kentucky, passing by the way of St. Clair's battle-ground, now Fort Recovery. We then turned more to the eastward, and struck the St. Mary's in J O X A T II A X 11 A S K K L I. . 347 twenty miles, where we erected a small fort, and left a sub altcrn's command. We then crossed the St. Clary's, and in four or live days' marching found the Auglai/e river, and continued on down that stream to its junction with the Mi- ami of the lake; distant one hundred miles from Clreenville, by the route we pursued. At this place we built a garrison, and left a major to command it. The army then marched down the river forty-seven miles from the new garrison, and on the 20th inst., at nine o'clbck in the morning, came up with the Indians, who had posted themselves in a position chosen as most favorable for defense. The troops charged upon them with the bayonet, and drove them two miles, through a thicket of woods, fallen timber, and underbrush, when the cavalry fell upon and entirely routed them. Our line extended two and a half miles, and yet it was with dif- ficulty we outflanked them. One of the prisoners, a white man, says the number of the Indians engaged was about twelve hundred, aided by two hundred and fifty white men from Detroit. Our loss in the action was two officers killed, and four wounded, with about thirty privates killed, and eighty wounded. The Indians suffered much; about forty or fifty of their dead fell into our hands. The prisoner was asked why they did not fight better? lie said that we would give them no time to load their pieces, but kept them con- stantly on the run. Two miles in advance of the battle- ground, is a British garrison, established last sprinc'. which we marched round within pistol shot, and demanded a sur- render; but they refused to give it up. Our artillery being too light, and the fort too strong to cany by storm, it was. not attacked; but we burnt their out-houses, destroyed all their gardens, cornfields, and grass, within musket shot of the place, and all below for eight or nine miles, without any opposition. On the 27th we arrived at this place, where we have a fort, and shall halt a few davs to rest. We have 348 JONATHAN HASKELL. marched through the Indian settlements and villages for about sixty miles, destroyed several thousand acres of corn, beans, and all kinds of vegetables, burned their houses, with furniture, tools, &c. A detachment has gone into Fort Re- covery for a supply of provisions for the troops, and when it returns, we shall march up the Miami sixty miles, to where the St. Mary's unites with the St. Joseph's, and destroy all the corn in that country." This letter describes, in plain terms, the ruin and devasta- tion that marked the course of the American army. It might have been considered a wise policy to devote to de- struction the dwellings, cornfields, gardens, and in fact every species of property that belonged to the hostile savages, but it was also a most cruel policy. The British troops, in their inroads amongst the rebel settlements of the Revolutionary war, never conducted more barbarously. The Indian vil- lages on the Miami and the Auglaize, were snugly and comfortably built were furnished with many convenient articles of house-keeping and clothing. They had large fields of corn and beans, with gardens of melons, squashes, and various other vegetables. Mr. Joseph Kelly, of Ma- rietta, then a boy of twelve years old, and for several years a prisoner with the Indians, who treated him kindly, and was adopted into a family as one of their own children, was living at this time with them at the junction of the St. Mary's and Auglaize, the spot where Maj. Haskell says the army would next go, to complete their work of destruction. Mr. Kelly was there when an Indian runner announced that the American troops had arrived in the vicinity of the village, His friends had not expected them so soon, and with the ut- most haste and consternation, the old men, with the women and children, the warriors being absent, hurried aboard their canoe,-, taking nothing with them but a few kettles and blankets, not having time to collect any provisions from EBENEZEll BATTKLLE. 349 their fields and gardens. The sun was only an hour or two high when they departed, in as deep sorrow at the loss of their country and homes, as the Trojans of old when they evacuated their favorite city. Before the next day at noon, their nice village was burnt to the ground ; their cornfields of several hundred acres, just beginning to ripen, were cut down and trampled under foot by the horses and oxen of the invaders, Avhile their melons and squashes were pulled up by the roots. The following winter, the poor Indians de- prived of their stock of corn and beans, which were grown every year and laid up for their winter food as regularly as among the white people, suffered the extreme of want. Game was scarce in the country they retreated to on the west of the Miami, and what few deer and fish they could collect, barely served to keep them alive. It was a cruel policy; but probably subdued their Spartan courage more than two or three defeats, as for many years thereafter, until the days of Tecumseh, they remained at peace. After the close of the war, Maj. Ilaskell returned to his farm at Belpre, where he died in December, 1814. He was considered a brave man and a good officer. Several of his descendants are living in Washington county. COL. EBENEZER BATTELLE. COL. EBENEZER BATTELLK was a descendant of the Puritan race, and the only son of Ebenezer Battelle,Esq., of Dedham, Mass. His father was one of the industrious, honest yeo- manry of the good old bay state, who duly appreciated the 350 EBENEZER BATTELLE. value of learning, more farmers' sons being liberally edu- cated in that state than in any other of the Union. At a suitable age he pursued a full college course at Cambridge, and graduated in the year 1775. He was intended for the ministry, as were a large share of the educated men before the Revolution; but the war breaking out in the last year of his course, his attention was diverted from the study of divinity to that of a martial nature, lie held the commis- sion of a colonel under the governor of Massachusetts, in the militia, during or at the close of the war. In 17S1, he commenced business in Boston, as the active partner in a bookstore, in company with Isaiah Thomas, of Worcester, a man who delighted in being useful, and assisted many young men in their commencement of life. He re- mained in this occupation six years; and during the time, married Miss Anna Darant, the daughter of Cornelius Dar- ant, Esq., a rich merchant of that place. She was a woman of superior intellect, beautiful person, and great excellence of character, the impress of which descended to her children. This bookstore was the second one ever opened in Boston, the first being kept by Mr. Guile, to which was added a cir- culating library to aid in keeping up the establishment. While here he was elected to the command of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company, a noted band of military men, composed of officers of good standing and character. On the formation of the Ohio Company, he became an associate, and was appointed one of their agents. On the sixth of April, 1788, the day before the pioneers landed at Marietta, he left Boston in company with Col. John May and others, by water, for the mouth of the Muskingum, by way of Baltimore. After a six weeks' tour in crossing the mountains, by almost impassable roads, with their heavy- loaded wagon, they reached the place of destination the last of May. During the following summer he was employed E B E N E Z E 11 B A T T E L L E . 351 in erecting a dwelling-house, in the front curtain of Campus Martins, for the reception of his family. The first Court of Quarter Sessions, held the 9th of September, was opened in his house, as appears by the old records of that court. In October, 17SS, he recrossed the mountains to meet his family at Baltimore, and guide them over the Allcghenies. He found them under the care of Mr. Daniel Mayo, a young gentleman who had recently graduated at Cambridge, and became a resident of Newport, Ky., after the close of the Indian war. Their journey, at this late season of the year, was very trying to Mrs. Battelle, who had all her life been nurtured in the comforts of a city. At Simrcl's ferry, a noted place of embarkation for emigrants, they met with several other New England families, amongst them, Isaac Pierce, Charles Green, and Capt. Zebulon King, who, the next spring, was killed by the Indians. The last of November, eight families embarked in one boat, and that not a large one, and arrived at Marietta in December. Here they met with a hearty welcome from the five or six females and heads of families who had come on in August preceding. The winter was passed very pleasantly in Campus Martins, in the company of such men as Gens. Varnum, Parsons, and Putnam, with Gov..St. Clair and the officers of Fort Ilarmer. The Indians were yet all friendly, and an abundance of wild game, with a good stock of provisions from Pittsburg. ren- dered this as delightful a season as any that occurred for many years thereafter. That winter an association was formed for the settlement at Bclpre, composed almost entirely of the old officers of the continental line. Col. Battelle united himself with these enterprising and intelligent men, and in the spring of 1789 proceeded to clear his land and erect a stout block- house for the reception of his family. On the 1st day of May, one of the associates, Capt. King, from Rhode Island. 352 EBENEZER BATTELLE. was killed by the Indians, while peaceably at work on his new land. The following day Col. Battelle, with two of his sons and Griffin Greene, Esq., embarked at Marietta in a large canoe, with farming tools, provisions, &c. On their way down they were hailed by some one from the shore, and informed of this sad event. They landed and held a consultation on what was best to be done. Some were for returning; but they finally decided on proceeding. The block-houses of the two emigrants were near each other, and nearly opposite to the middle of Backus' island, on the spot afterward occupied by Farmers' castle. After landing, the other settlers came and joined them for mutual defense, and through the night kept up a military guard, in the old Revolutionary style, the sentinel calling out every fifteen minutes, " All's well," not thinking this would give the skulk- ing Indians notice where to find them. No enemy, how- ever, molested them during the night, and their fears of attack gradually subsided. They were not again disturbed until the winter of 1791. Early in April, before any families had moved on to the ground, a party of officers from Fort Harmer, with their wives, and a few ladies from Marietta, made a visit to the new settlement, in the officer's barge, a fine, large boat, rowed with twelve oars. These were the first white females who ever set foot on the soil of Belpre. On their return. Col. Battelle, with several others, accompanied them by water in a canoe, and another party by land. While on the voyage, a large bear was discovered swimming across the river. The landsmen fired at him with their muskets and rifles, but without effect. The canoe then ranged along- side, when Col. Battelle seized him by the tail, and when the bear attempted to bite his hand, he raised his hind parts, throwing his head under water, and thus escaped his teeth. One of hid companions soon killed him with an axe. He EBENEZER BATTELLE. 353 weighed over three hundred pounds, and afforded several fine dinners to his captors. In 1790, owing to early frost.-* and late planting the year previous, the inhabitants were left without breadstuff, corn being their chief dependence. Their sufferings were very great, until the crop of 1790 was gathered, which proved to be plentiful, and after that time they did not suffer again for food. During the Indian war his family was sheltered in Farmers' castle, and all escaped injury, though often in danger. Several of the inmates were killed. In the plan of Farmers' castle, his block-house occupied the northeast corner. In their lower room of this building, regularly on the Sabbath, divine worship was kept up by the inhabitants. His son Ebenezer, a lad of fourteen years, was drummer to the garrison, and at the hour of service marched with his drum the whole length of the castle, sum- moning the people to worship. Col. Battelle officiated as chaplain, sometimes delivering his own discourses, and, at others, reading the sermons of a standard divine ; so that the Sabbath was honored and generally respected by the inhabitants. He died at the residence of his son, in Newport, Washing- ton county, Ohio, in the year 1815. He left three sons and one daughter, Cornelius, Ebenezer, and Thomas. Cornelius and Thomas, at the close of the war, went to the West Indies, where a rich uncle put them into lucrative business. Thomas married the daughter of Gov. Livingston, of New York, and Cornelius the daughter of a rich planter. Louisa remained single, and Jived in Boston with her mother's relatives. Ebenezer settled on a farm in Newport, and has a numerous family of children, noted for their intelligence and respectability. 23 COL. ISRAEL PUTNAM. COL. ISRAEL PUTXAM was the eldest son of Gen. Israel Put- nam, of Pomfret, Conn., but was born in the town of Salem, Mass., in 1739. He had three brothers, Daniel, David and Schuyler, whose native place was Pomfret. His early days were passed on the farm, and he was bred to the noble art of agriculture, an art without which all other arts are useless. This gave him a vigorous, healthy frame, and fitted him for the turmoils of the camp or the labors of the field. His education was similar to that of the sons of the sur- rounding yeomanry, equal to all the common concerns of life. As a proof that Gen. Putnam highly valued learning and the cultivation of the mind, he collected a large library of the most useful books ; embracing history, belles-lettres, travels, &c., for the benefit of himself and children, called the Putnam family library. After his death they were divided amongst the heirs, and quite a number of them found their way to Ohio, being brought out by his son and grandchildren. About the year 17G4, he married Miss Sarah Waldo, of an ancient and honorable family in Pomfret, and a woman of excellent qualities, with whom he passed a long and happy life. On the 20th of April. 1775, when the news of the battle of Lexington arrived, flying on the wings of the wind, his father, Col. Putnam, was plowing in the field with four oxen, lie left them standing in their yokes, and hastening to the stable, mounted one of his fleetest horses, without even changing his dress, and started for the scene of action. The distance was one hundred miles, which he accomplished by ISRAEL PUTNAM. 355 a relay of horses, in twenty-four hours. Shortly after his departure, his son Israel raised a company of volunteers, of which he wan the captain, and marched to Cambridge, where he remained under his father's orders until the arrival of Gen. Washington. Soon after this time, Col. Putnam was commissioned by Congress as a major-general, and on the 22d of July, Capt. Putnam and Lieut. Samuel Webb were appointed his aids. He accompanied his father to New York, where he took command of that division of the army, and to the posts on the Hudson river. Having but little taste for military life, to which calling neither his address nor personal appearance fitted him, being diffident and awkward in his manners, but naturally fearless and brave like all his name, after spending about three years in the army, he con- cluded to quit the service and devote his attention to the farm, for which he was eminently fitted, both by inclina- tion and practice. While absent from his home, his wife took charge of the family of six children. She was a woman of great spirit, and as firm a patriot as the general himself, hating, with all her soul and strength, the British oppressors of her country, who were technically called Redcoats, and loving with equal ardor the American soldiers, supplying them with food and clothing to the extent of her abilities. In the winter of 1779, when the patriot troops suffered so much from the want of warm garments, she had spun and wove in her own house, a number of blankets made of the finest wool in the flock, and sent on for their relief. Numer- ous pairs of stockings were also manufactured by her own hands, and contributed in the same way. No one at this day knows or can appreciate the value of the labors of American females in achieving our freedom. They wrought and suffered in silence, bearing many privations in common with their husbands and sons in the days which tried the patriotism of the colonists. She was a woman of elevated 356 ISRAEL PUTNAM. mind and great personal courage, worthy of. the family to which she was allied. In the absence of her husband, when the vultures and hawks attacked the poultry, she could load and fire his light fowling-piece at them, without dodging at the flash. While at Harlem Lights, Col. Putnam purchased two fine bulls, to improve his stock of cattle ; one was black, and a full-blooded English animal ; the other, an American, of a mottled color. From these, crossed with his best native cows, was raised a very superior stock, celebrated for size, and their excellent qualities for the dairy. Oxen of this breed were brought out to Ohio in the year 1788, and cows in 1795, which were as famous for milk as the noted Dur- hams of this day. During the period of the Revolution, amidst all their other cares, intelligent American farmers found time to attend to the improvement of their farming operations, as well as to the calls of military duties. When the Ohio Company was formed, he became an as- sociate; and with two of his sons crossed the mountains, bringing a wagon load of farming utensils ; but left his wife and other children in Pomfret, until a farm was provided for their comfort in the wilderness. His team was composed of two yokes of oxen, sprung from this famous stock. The adventure in crossing the North river, related in the biogra- phy of his son Waldo, took place on this journey; and his life was saved by one of these fine oxen. At the formation of the settlement in Belpre, in the spring of 1789, he joined that community, locating his farm in the broad, beautiful bottom on the Ohio river, opposite to the mouth of the Lit- tle KenawLa. Here he remained, clearing and fencing the land, until the fall of 1790, when he returned to Connecticut tor hi.s family. The Indian war broke out in January fol- lowing, and he did not return until after the peace of 171)5. His wealth, although not great, yet gave him facilities for ISRAEL PUTNAM. 357 improving his lands and erecting buildings, rather superior to most of the other associates, who were generally in very moderate circumstances. He was a practical and intelli- gent agriculturist, who, by his example and precepts, was the means of giving a correct tone to the progress of farm- ing in Belpre, thus conferring a direct benefit on the country. In all public improvements on the roads and bridges, so use- ful in new settlements, he \vas a leading and influential man ; also, in the support of schools and the gospel ; read- ing on the Sabbath, in their social meetings, when they had no preacher, the prayers of the Episcopal church, and a ser- mon from the work of some pious divine ; thus doing all in his power for the good of his fellow men. He was the father of a numerous family ; five sons and three daughters, viz. : Israel, Aaron Waldo, David, William Pitt, and George Washington. These all settled in Ohio, and three of them as farmers. William Pitt Putnam was a physician, and came to Marietta in 1792, in the midst of the war, and practiced medicine. David Putnam also settled in Marietta, in 1798, as a lawyer, and is now the only survivor. The daughters married as follows : Sarah to Samuel Thor- nily, Mary to Daniel Mayo, and Elizabeth to Joel Craig; the two latter settled in Newport, Ky., opposite to Cincinnati, where their descendants now live. Col. Putnam was a man of sound, vigorous mind, and re- markable for his plain, common sense; abrupt and homely in his manners and address, but perfectly honest and up- right in his intercourse with mankind. He was a strict utilitarian; esteeming the useful much more highly than the ornamental. In his life he practiced all the Christian vir- tues, and died in the full hope of a blessed immortality. MAJ. NATHAN GOODALE MAJ. NATHAN GOODALE was born in Brookiield, Mass., about the year 1743. His father died when he was quite young, and his mother married a Mr. Ware, of Rutland, where he was removed to his new home, and passed his early years, to the time of manhood, on a farm, and in learning the trade of a bricklayer ; thus laying the foundation for that vigorous, muscular frame, which enabled him to undergo the fatigues and exposures of a military life, at a time when the army afforded few facilities for the comfort of the soldier. No other set of men could have borne up under the trials of want, famine, and a lack of all the common necessaries of life, for several years in succession, as did the American soldiers, but such as had been inured like the Spartans, in childhood, to bear suffering with patience. His education was rather above that of the common schools of that day, for we find him, at an early period of the war, employed by Gen. Putnam as an assistant engineer. At a suitable age he married Elizabeth Phelps, of Rut- land, on the llth of September, 1765. About the year 1770 he moved his family to Brookfield, where he purchased a farm two miles from the center of the town. His three old- est children were born in Rutland, as we learn from the town records. From this time to the rupture with the mother country, in 177f>, he continued to labor on his farm, and to work at his trade of bricklaying; but as nearly all the houses of that day were made of wood, his mechanical work was chiefly confined to chimneys. For some time previous to the first hostilities, he had, with thousands of his countrvmon, been NATHAN G D A L E . preparing for the day of strife, which every thinking man foresaw must soon arrive, by practicing military exercises, and collecting arms and ammunition. Many of these vol- unteer companies were aptly called, by the New England- ers, who are never at a loss for a phrase to express exactly their meaning, "Minute men." They were, indeed, minute men, and when the first notice of alarm echoed from hill to hill, all over the country, at the bloodshed at Lexington, they were ready, at a moment's warning, to pour their thou- sands on thousands into the vicinity of Boston, the strong- hold of the British, which nothing but the lack of battering cannon and ammunition hindered them immediately from storming. Mr. Goodale here first saw the actual movements of military life, and immediately entered into the service of his country, as a lieutenant. It being uncertain how long he might remain in the army, the homestead of his early manhood was sold, and his family resided, during the war, in rented premises. With what spirit and enterprise he en- tered into the sen-ice, and how well his activity and talents were adapted to the trying exigencies of a partisan officer, the most difficult of all military duties, will be best shown by a letter from Gen. Rufus Putnam to Gen. Washington. near the close of the war : "MASSACHUSETTS HUTS, June 9th, 1783. SIR : I do myself the honor to inclose a letter I received a few days since from Capt. Goodale, of the fifth Massachu- setts regiment. I confess I feel a conviction of neglect of duty in respect to this gentleman; that I have not, till t\\i< moment, taken any measures to bring his services to public view, has been owing to the confidence I had, that Gen. Gates would have done it, as the most extraordinary of them were performed under his own orders, and as he gave re- peated assurances that they should not be forgotten. I am 360 NATHAN GOODALE. sorry that Gen. Gates is no\v out of camp, for we're he not, I should appeal to him on the subject, but as I am sure so worthy a character, and such important services, ought not to be buried in oblivion, or pass unrewarded, I beg your excellency's patience a few moments, while I give a short detail of them. Capt. Goodale was among the first who embarked in the common cause in 1775. He served that year as a lieutenant in the same regiment with me. I had long before known him to be a man of spirit, and his probity and attention to service soon gained him the character of a worthy officer. In 1776, he entered again as a lieutenant, but served with me the most of the year as an assistant engineer, and the public are much indebted to him for the dispatch and propriety with which several of the works about New York were executed. In the dark month of November, 1776, Mr. Goodale entered the service as a captain in the regiment under my command, and was in the field early the next spring; but, although he always discovered a thirst for enterprise, yet fortune never gave his genius fair play till August, 1777. It is well known into what a panic the country, and even the northern army, were thrown on the taking of Ticonderoga. When Gen. Gates took command in that quarter, our army lay at Van Shaick's island; and Mr. Burgoyne, with his black wings and painted legions, lay at Saratoga. The woods were so infested with savages, that for sometime none of the scouts who were sent out for the purpose of obtaining prisoners or intelligence of the enemy's situation, succeeded in either. Gen. Gates being vexed at continual disappointment?, desired an officer to procure him a man that would undertake, at all hazards, to perform this service. Capt. Goodale being spoken to, voluntarily under- took the business under the following orders from Gen. Gates. 'Sir: You are to choose out a sergeant and six NATHAN GO 01) ALE. 301 privates, and proceed with them to the enemy's camp, unless you lose your life or arc captured, and not return until you obtain a full knowledge of their situation.' Capt. Goodale, in hi.s report of this scout, nays it was not performed without great fatigue, as the party was much harassed by the Indians, which occasioned their being in the woods three days without provisions. However, he suc- ceeded beyond expectation; first throwing himself between their out-guards and their camp, where he concealed his party until he examined their situation very fully, and then brought oil' six prisoners, which he took within their guards, and returned to Gen. Gates without any loss. This success induced Gen. Gates to continue him on that kind of service. A full detail of all the art and address which he discovered during the remainder of that campaign, would make my letter quite too long. It may be enough to observe that before the capture of the British army, one hundred and twenty-one prisoners fell into his hands. But as Capt. Goodale is no less brave and determined in the open field, where opposed to regular troops, than he is artful as a partizan of the woods, I beg your patience while I recite one instance of this kind. A day or two after Mr. Burgoyne retreated to Saratoga, in a foggy morning, Nixon's brigade was ordered to cross the creek which separated the two armies. Capt. Goodale, with forty volunteers, went over before the advance guard. He soon fell in with a British guard of about the same number. The ground was an open plain, but the fog prevented their discovering each other till they were within a few yards, when both parties made ready nearly at the same time. Capt. Goodale, in this position reserving 1 his lire, advanced immediately upon the enemy, who waited with a design to draw it from him; but he had the address to intimidate them in such a manner, by threatening immediate death to any one that should fire, 362 NATHAN GOODALE. that not more than two or three obeyed the order of their own officer, when he gave the word. The event was, that the officer and thirty-four of the guard were made prisoners. These, sir, arc the services which Capt. Goodale and his friends conceive have merited more attention than has been paid to them; and, at least, merit a majority as much as Maj. Summers' unsuccessful command of a boat a few months on Lake Champlain. But if the tables are reversed, and the ill luck of a brave man should be the only recom- mendation to promotion, Capt. Goodale, I believe, has as great pretensions as most men, for he is the unfortunate officer who commanded about forty white men, and being joined by about the same number of Indians, fought more' than one thousand of the enemy below Valentine's hill in 1778, until near two-thirds were killed, himself and most of the rest made prisoners. But I mention this not so much to show his bravery, for he takes no merit from that action, but always lamented the necessity he was under from the orders he received, to do what he did. In writing to me on the subject, he says: 'At this time a number of brave men were sacrificed to bad orders; but, as they were not my order.-, I hope the candid will not censure me.' Having stated these facts, I beg leave to request your excellency will lay them before Congress, &c. lie goes on to say, Gen. Washington forwarded my letter to the secretary of war; but as about this time Congress came to a resolution to raise the rank of all officers one grade who had not been promoted since their entrance into service, the 1st of January, 1777, Maj. Goodale received promotion with the rest, and thus never had that justice done him which he so highly merited/' Thus far Gen. Putnam testifies to the valuable services of this brave and noble-minded man. Had Gen. Gates, as in duty bound, given notice to Congress of the heroic exploits NATHAN GOODALE. 363 of Capt. Goodalc, in collecting information of the move- ments of Burgoyne, so essential to the welfare of the Ameri- can army, he would no doubt have received the promotion so justly his due. But Gates was a selfish, proud man, who cared little for the interest of others, provided his own per- sonal wishes were accomplished. From another hand a more detailed account is given of the action at Valentine's hill. It seems that the commander of the troops to which he was attached, had ordered him to keep possession of a certain pass, important to the Ameri- cans, at all hazards, without any discretionary power as to contingencies. His command consisted, as above-stated, of about forty light-infantry and a number of Indians, who stood the attack of a large body of the enemy and a com- pany of cavalry, until there were only seventeen men left alive out of the forty. Near the close of the combat, the officer who led the charge rushed upon him with his sword. Capt. Goodale, with a loaded musket which he had probably picked up from one of his fallen men, shot the Briton dead from his horse as he approached. In a moment, another of the enemy, seeing the fall of his leader, sprung at him in desperation, with full purpose to revenge his death. The musket being discharged, the only resource was to parry the descending blow, aimed at his head, in the best manner he could, with the empty piece. It fell obliquely, being turned a little from its course by the musket, and instead of splitting the skull of its intended victim, glanced on the bone, peeling up a portion of the scalp several inches in length. The stunning effects of the blow felled him to the earth, but di- rectly recovering, he rose to his feet. In the meantime, the cavalry man, who had leaned forward in the saddle further than prudent to give a certain death-stroke, lost his balance, when the heavy sword glanced from the skull and fell to the earth. The bayonet of Capt. Goodale instantly pinned him 364 NATHAN GOODALE. to the ground, and left him dead by the side of his leader. Thus two of the enemy fell by his hand in a space of time less than a minute. Seeing all prospect of further resistance useless, he retreated with the balance of his men to an open woodland, near the scene of action, and secreted himself under a pile of brush. An Indian had hidden under another heap, where they might have remained in safety until dark and then escaped; but the savage having an opportunity to shoot one of the enemy who approached their hiding-place, he could not resist the chance of adding another scalp to his trophies, and shot him. The report of the shot revealed their hiding-place, and being discovered, were made pris- oners. How long he remained in durance does not appear from the imperfect memorials left of his military life. It is probable he was shut up in the old Jersey prison-ship at New York, as his children have a tradition that he was poisoned, from the fact of a long sickness he suffered after his return home. But it is more probable that the poison was that of human malaria, received in that pest-house of British cruelty, which killed more Americans than all those who fell in battle during the whole war, being estimated at twelve or fourteen thousand. It is one of the foulest stains on the English nation, that ever disgraced their character. During the war he received one other wound in the leg, from a musket or grape shot. Could all his adventures be collected they would make one of the most interesting of biographies; but time, and a fire which destroyed his papers at Belpre some years after his death, have put this matter to rest, and these scanty gleanings are all that are left of his military life. At the close of the war he entered into mercantile busi- ness, in company with Col. Gushing, a brother officer. Not succeeding in this to his expectations, he sold out. and bought a farm on Coit's hill, in the north part of the town NATHAN GOOD ALE. 305 of Brookfield. In the pursuits of agriculture he was a.s much at home as in military matters, having a natural taste for cultivation, and engaged in this primitive employment with his characteristic ardor and perseverance, at a time when improvements of all kinds were at a low ebb; the country during the war having retrograded, amidst the trials of that eventful period. Mr. Goodale \vas remarkable for his industry, and thorough, neat manner in which he con- ducted all the operations of the farm. The forecast and wisdom of the man may be seen before setting out on his journey to Ohio, in the course he pursued in preparing for it. Knowing that a superior breed of neat cattle is all-im- portant to the farmer, and more especially to one beginning in a new country, instead of taking a team of oxen, or horses, as all other men did, to haul their wagons, he, after deciding on joining the new colony, selected three of the best cows and one of the finest bulls to be found in that vi- cinity, and trained them to work together in a team. With this novel working power, he drew on the wagon, with a part of his family and household goods, to Marietta, per- forming the journey with as much ease, and in as short a time, as the best of oxen. He had also the profit of their milk for the use of the family along the road. The stock from this breed of cattle has been spread through the county, and is held in high estimation at this day, for their perfect forms, gentle dispositions, and great abundance of rich milk ; constituting them, on all accounts, the best dairy stock ever introduced to the country. They are known as the " Goodale breed," still retaining many of their original characteristics. Maj. Goodale arrived at the mouth of the Muskingum on the 2d of July, 1788, in company with several other families from Massachusetts, descending the Ohio, from \Vheeling, in a ilatboat. In August he was appointed, by Gov. St. 366 NATHAN GOODALE. Clair, who soon organized the militia, captain of a company of light-infantry, selected from amongst the most active men of the colony. This company held regular musters, until the commencement of the war, when each man was con- fined to the defense of his own garrison, in the settlement where he lived. His experience in military affairs rendered him a very able and efficient officer, familiar with all the details of actual service. In April, 1789, he moved his family to Belpre, being a leading associate of the colony. During the short period he was permitted to live in that place, he was considered to be one of the most industrious, persevering, and thoroughly educated farmers in the county; clearing his land in the most rapid manner, fencing and cultivating it in the best style. In the famine of 1790 his family suffered, with the rest of their neighbors, for wholesome bread-stuff. When the war broke out in 1791, he was one of the most active and reso- lute men in planning and erecting the fortified village called Farmers' castle, in which they all resided during the first two years of the war. In making the arrangements for the defense and military government of the garrison, he was the leading man; and the command was, by unanimous con- sent, given to him, as the most experienced in warlike mat- ters. In the winter of 1793 the place had become too strait for the numerous families congregated within its walls, and it was decided to erect two additional stockades; one a mile and a half below, on Maj. Goodale's farm, and one on Capt. Stone's land, just below the mouth of the Little Kenawha, called the "Upper settlement." He had been but a week in his new garrison, when the colony met with the most serious loss it had yet sustained from their Indian enemies, in the captivity and death of Maj. Coodale. On the first day of March, 1793, he was at work in a clearing on his farm, distant about forty or fifty NATHAN GOOD A L E . 30? rods from the garrison, hauling rail timber with a yoke of oxen. Jt lay back oi' the first bottom, on the edge of the plain, in open view of the station. An Irishman, named John Ma gee, was at work, grubbing or digging out the roots of the bushes and small trees, on the slope of the plain, as it descends on to the bottom, but out of sight of Maj. Good- ale. The Indians made so little noise in their assault, that John did not hear them. The first notice of this disaster, was the view of the oxen seen from the garrison, standing quietly in the field, with no one near them. After an hour or more they were observed to be still in the same place, when suspicion arose that some disaster had happened to Mr. Goodale. John was still busy at his work, unconscious of any alarm, when one of the men sent up from the gar- rison, passed him to inquire what was the matter. In the edge of the woods there was a thin layer of snow, on which the messenger discovered several moccasin tracks. It was now apparent that Indians had been there, and taken him prisoner, as no blood was seen on the ground. A small party followed the trail some distance, but soon lost it. The following day a larger body of men, with some of the rang- ers, were sent in pursuit, but returned without making any discovery. The Ohio river at this time, with many of the smaller streams, was at nearly full banks, and less dan- ger was apprehended on that account; it was also rather early in the season for Indians to approach the settlements. The uncertainty of his condition left room for the imagina- tion to fancy every thing horrible in his fate : more terrible to bear, than the actual knowledge of his death. Great was the distress of Mrs. Goodale and the children, overwhelmed with this unexpected calamity. His loss threw a deep gloom over the whole community, as no man was so highly valued amongst them, neither was there any one whose council and influence were equally prized by the 368 NATHAN GOO DALE. settlement. lie was, in fact, the life and soul of this isolated community, and left a vacancy that none of his companions could fill. One of the early colonists thus speaks of him: " His memory was for many years fresh and green in the hearts of his cotemporary pioneers, now all passed away, and is still cherished with respect and affection by their descend- ants." (Judge Barker's notes.) So greatly depressed w r ere the inhabitants at his loss, that they awoke with new feel- ings in regard to their dangerous position on the outer verge of civilization. While he was living amongst them a cer- tain degree of safety was felt, that vanished at his loss. On the 14th of March they forwarded a petition to Gen. Washington, whom they regarded with parental veneration, a copy of which has been preserved, setting forth their ex- posed situation and losses by the Indians. It is stated that six of their number have been killed, besides the recent loss of Maj. Goodale ; that one-third of their cattle, and produce of their lands, had been destroyed by the Indians, and they were fearful of a total breaking up of the settlement, unless the government afforded them a larger number of men for protection, their usual United States guard being only a corporal and four privates, detailed from the post at Mari- etta. The number of the settlers at the three stations were fifty-two men, and one hundred and forty-nine women and children. At the treaty of Greenville, in 1795, when the captives were given up by the Indians, some intelligence was ob- tained of nearly all the persons taken prisoners from this part of the territory, but none of the fate of Maj. Goodale. A deep mystery seemed to hang over his destiny, never to be revealed. At length, about the year 1799, Col. Forrest Meeker, since a citizen of Delaware county, Ohio, and well acquainted with the family of Maj. Goodale, and the cir- cumstances of this event, when at Detroit, fell in company NATHAN G O D A L E . 309 with three Indians, who related to him the particulars of their taking a man prisoner at Belpre, in the spring of 1793. Their description of his person left no doubt on the mind of Col. Meeker, of its being Maj. Goodale. They stated that a party of eight Indians were watching the settlement for mischief; and as they lay concealed on the side of the hill back of the plain, they heard a man driving, or talking to his oxen, as they expressed it. After carefully examining his movements, they saw him leave his work and go down to the garrison, in the middle of the, day. Knowing that he would return soon, they secreted themselves in the edge of the woods, and while he was occupied with his work, sprang out and seized upon him, before he was aware of their presence, or could make any defense, threatening him with death if he made a noise or resisted. After securing him with thongs, they commenced a hasty retreat, intending to take him to Detroit and get a large ransom for him. Some- where on the Miami, or at Sandusky, he fell sick and could not travel, and that he finally died of this sickness. A Mrs. Whitaker, the wife of an Indian trader at Lower Sandusky, has since related the same fact. She says the Indians left him at her house, where he died of a disease like the pleu- risy, without having received any very ill usage from his captors, other than the means necessary to prevent his escape. This is probably a correct account of his fate; and although his death was a melancholy one, amongst strangers, in captivity, and far away from the sympathy and care of his friends, yet it is a relief to know that he did not perish at the stake, nor by the tomahawk of the savages. 24 MAJ. ROBERT BRADFORD. MAJ. ROBERT BRADFORD was born in old Plymouth, Mass., in the year 1750. He was a lineal descendant of Gov. Bradford, of about the fifth remove. His wife was Kezia Little, the daughter of Capt. Nathaniel Little, of Kingston, Plymouth county. He entered early, and with all his heart, into the service of his country during the Revolutionary war, and for the larger portion of that period commanded a company of light-infantry. His military life commenced at the battle of Bunker hill, and ended with the capture of Cornwallis at Yorktown, being actually engaged in nearly all the pitched battles fought in the eastern and middle states. With many others of the American officers, he received the gift of an elegant sword, from the Marquis Lafayette, as a mark of his esteem, which yet remains in the hands of his only sur- viving son, O. L. Bradford, of Wood county, Va. lie also has in his possession, as family relics, some of the old fur- niture that came over in the May-flower. Amongst them was a pair of hand-irons, one only now being preserved; the other was destroyed accidentally a few years since. Being of an ardent temperament, and ambitious to excel in military exercises, and to do his whole duty, Lafayette one day witnessed the exactness of the evolutions of his com- pany, and spoke in the warmest terms of their merits. When he was in Marietta, in the year 182G, he inquired particularly after Maj. Bradford; and when told that he was dead, he expressed his regret with much feeling. The lap.se of more than forty years had consigned the larger portion ROBERT BRADFORD. 371 of his old comrades to their graves, and his inquiries after his Revolutionary associates, were often answered with that short and melancholy phrase, " He is dead!" At the close of the war he received an honorable dis- charge, and the brevet rank of major. With others of his brother officers, he suffered great loss by the depreciation of the United States securities, and the worthlessness of the paper currency, in which his long and arduous services were paid. But the main object of his taking up arms was se- cured, the liberty of his country, which he lived to enjoy for many years. When the Ohio Company was formed, he became an as- sociate, and moved his family to Marietta, in the year 1788. In 1789 he joined the band of old officers who settled Bcl- pre, where he suffered the privations of famine, and the dangers of the rifle and scalping-knife of the Indians, having several narrow escapes from these wily sons of the forest. During the prevalence of the putrid sore throat in 1792, he suffered a greater loss of children than any other family. Out of four or five, all died but one, with that disease. In 1794, during the Indian war, he went out into the Indian country, about eighty miles from the settlements, in com- pany with Griffin Greene, and others, to discover the site of the Scioto Salt Springs, of which vague rumors had been heard from the reports of white prisoners. After sev- eral days' search, they were found by following the Indian and buffalo paths which led to them, and by long use had been worn to a depth of more than a foot, for several miles in extent. Another indication was the remains of the fires, where the squaws had recently boiled the brine collected from a cavity in the rock, cut with their tomahawks, in the bed of the creek, and now full of saline water. On their return, they narrowly escaped pursuit from a large party of 372 A. W. PUTNAM. Indians, who came in sight on the bank of the river, a few minutes after their boat had left the shore. Mr. Bradford and the inmates of Farmers' castle never expected to see them again amongst the living. He died in the year 1823, during the period of the great epidemic fever, which removed a number of the old soldiers, aged seventy-two years. Maj. Bradford was a man of a warm heart, cheerful, lively temperament, and sound judgment. He ranked with the most worthy cultivators of the soil in the settlement. In person he was rather tall, erect, and active; strongly marked and bold features, indicative of courage and resolution; with the bearing of a soldier. He was a man whose virtues and name are worthy of preservation, amongst the defend- ers of an infant colony, and the pioneers of the valley of the Ohio. AARON WALDO PUTNAM. AARON WALDO PUTNAM, the second son of Col. Israel Put- nam, was born in Pomfret, Conn., the 18th of April, A. D. 1767. During his boyhood and youth he assisted his father in cultivating the farm ; the larger portion of that name being tillers of the earth. In the summer of 1788, when he was twenty-one years old, he accompanied his father on his long and tedious journey to Marietta, where the Ohio Company had just commenced a settlement. Col. Putnam did not, at this time, move his family, taking only a few household A. W. PUTNAM. 373 goods, with agricultural implements and mechanical tools, the heavy load being transported by a team of t\vo yoke of oxen, this patient but steady animal being well suited to the difiicult passes of the mountains, and when at the journey's end less likely to be stolen by the Indians than horses . In crossing the A'orth river, at Fishkill, a serious accident happened, which served to display the coolness and pres- ence of mind of the Putnam race, in cases of unexpected danger. The oxen were crossed in a flatboat, separate from the wagon, under the care of young Waldo. The river is here a mile wide, or more. A sudden gale of wind raised such a sea, that the boat filled and began to sink. In this extremity, seeing that the oxen must leave the boat, he un- yoked them, that they might swim more freely, putting the iron pins of the bows carefully into his pocket. Being un- able to swim himself, he selected one of the most active of the oxen, and seizing him by the tail with one hand, and brandishing the whip with the other, he directed him, with his voice and an occasional touch of the lash, to the west- ern shore, distant full half a mile. The wind and the tide carried them down about a hundred rods below the landing, where they reached the solid earth in safety, after a voyage of more than a mile. The other oxen having no mcnm- brance, made the land higher up. Finally all were collected without any loss of yokes, pins, or team. The rest of the journey to the Ohio was accomplished without further accident, but with immense labor and fatigue in crossing the mountain ranges, by roads which, in these days, would be called impassable; but the persevering, bold men of that day, overcame all difficulties but absolute im- possibilities. The following winter was passed in Campus Martins, and in making preparations to begin the settle- ment in Belpre, where they moved the following spring. Waldo Putnam's land fell to him in the Middle settlement, 374 A. W. PUTNAM. where he immediately commenced clearing and putting up a small log-cabin. In the fall of 1790, his father, Col. Put- nam, returned to Pomfret for his family. That winter the war began, and he did not return until after the peace. In 1791, the settlers had to leave their houses and go into garrison, which they all united in building for their common defense. In this Mr. Putnam passed the time during the five years that followed, boarding in the family of Judge Loring, and performing the duties of a soldier in the defense of the castle, every able-bodied man and boy of sixteen years being enrolled. During this period he became ac- quainted with Miss Bathsheba Loring and was united to her in marriage amidst the dangers and perils of the savages who constantly watched the garrison for prey. In the spring of the year 1791, for the better security of their cattle from the Indians, the settlers ferried a part of them across the Ohio into Virginia, above the head of the island, where they roamed in safety. On one of these occasions Mr. Putnam was in a flatboat with his negro boy Kitt, who had been brought up in the family, and two other men. The cattle became alarmed, and running to one end of the flat, sunk it. They directly swam to the shore without his having an opportunity to seize one by the tail, as on North river, leaving him and the others, as the boat party rose to the surface, standing up to their breasts in the water. A small canoe was sent out to their rescue that carried but two persons. The black boy became much alarmed, as the water was up to his chin, and was eager to go first to the shore, but to this the two whites objected. Between the effects of the cold water and fear, Kitt's teeth chattered at a great rate, and he must have perished but for the stern rebukes and encouragement of Mr. Putnam, who bid him rise on to his toes, if the water came too near his mouth, and that he must not disgrace the family A. W. PUTNAM. 375 name by any symptoms of fear, although in the greatest extremity. At the third trip, Kilt, almost exhausted, was helped into the, canoe, with great diiliculty by Mr. Putnam, who, now that the others had left him, felt quite safe, as the boat became more buoyant. He was finally relieved, after floating two or three miles, without, any harm but the chilling effects of the cold water; and thus, by his calm, collected manner, were all saved, while in similar circumstances, many timid men have been drowned. Mr. Putnam's improvement lay about half a mile below the garrison. Here the stacks of grain and fodder for the cattle were deposited, and every day during the winter months lie had to visit the yard to feed them, and to milk the cows. In these trips, one or more men usually went with him for the same object, and for greater safety. On one of these occasions, he had just sat down to milk when Nathaniel Little, who was with him and on the look- out, caught sight of an Indian in the edge of the clearing, in the attitude of firing at him. lie instantly cried out "Indians!" At the alarming sound, Mr. Putnam sprang to one side as the gun cracked, and the ball struck the ground a few feet from him, passing across the spot where he sat. The}" instantly fled to the garrison and escaped, though hotly pursued by two or three other Indians. At the second narrow escape, the year after, he was on the top of the stack, throwing down hay for the cattle. A small dog that they had with them began to growl and show signs of alarm. At this juncture, in the still calmness of a frostv morning, he heard the well-known click of a gun lock. Turning his head in the direction of the sound, he saw, at the distance of forty or lift)' yards, an Indian behind the fence, in the act of re-cocking his gun, it having missed fire. lie instantly sprang to the ground and ran. The In- dian now fired, but missed his mark. With a tremendous 376 A. W. PUTNAM. yell, he gave chase, in which two others joined from the edge of the woods, trying to cut them off at a ravine they had to pass on a log. The fleetness of the whites disap- pointed their hopes, and the log was crossed before their pursuers reached it. A sally was made from the garrison on the report of the Indian's rifle, and a gun fired at them by a spirited little fellow named Bull ; on w T hich they re- treated back to the fodder-yard, and out of sheer spite at their defeat, shot down a fine large yoke of oxen belonging to Capt. Benjamin Miles, from Brookfield, Mass. These cattle were the pride of the settlement, being eight feet in girt, and of proportionate hight, vicing with the best breeds of modern days. Thus were the settlers in constant danger, and their lives in jeopardy, from a skulking, invisible foe, every time they left the walls of the garrison to follow the labors of the farm. In cultivating their crops, for the first years of the war, they worked in common, on each man's land, in parties of thirty or forty men, well armed ; and in the autumn di- vided the crop amongst the laborers, in proportion to the days' work done, of which a regular account was kept by a stated clerk. Generally, before the laborers left the garri- son, the rangers made a circuit in the woods adjacent to the field, or scene of their labor that day. With this precau- tion, it was seldom that Indians came very near the set- tlement, without leaving some signs of their approach, discoverable by the rangers. In the spring of the year 1793, after the green feed had become good in the forests, the oxen and cows of Mr. Put- nam one night failed to come home as they usually did. The following morning he took his gun and sallied out into the woods in search of the absent animals. Expecting' to find them in the adjacent hills, he did not ask the aid of any one to accompany him. After a little examination lie A . VV . I' U T N A M . 'Ml discovered their trail, and followed it that day to Fort Har- mer, distant fifteen miles from Farmer--.' cat-lie. Jlere he as-cortained that lliey had been seen the evening- before, and parsed the night. In the morning he again discovered their trail up the Muskingum, and followed it all that day, alone in the woods, not choosing to ask any one to risk his life with him in this dangerous enterprise. That evening he reached Tyler's block-house, at Waterford, twenty miles from Marietta, where, to his joy, he found the strayed ani- mals. Here he passed the second night, very uneasy at the alarm and distress his young wife and friends would feel at his long absence. In the morning he took the precaution of removing the clapper from the bell of the leading ox, whose noisy tinkle might give notice of his approach to some watchful Indian, and commenced his return to the castle, across the country between the waters of Wolf creek and Little Hocking, by an obscure trail frequented by the ran- gers, and reached home, eighteen or twenty miles, just before dark. His long absence, three days and two nights, had caused him to be given up as a prisoner, or killed by the savages, his well known, daring character rendering the latter the most, probable, and all the agonies of reality were suffered by his young and lovely wife, now the mother of one child, who, in the last sleepless night, had time to give full scope to her imagination, and picture all the cruelties practiced by the savages on their foes. His return was so unlocked for and unexpected, that he was like one risen again from the dead, and all sorrow was turned into joy at his providential preservation. After numerous difficulties and dangers, borne for live years by the stern pioneers of Fanners' castle, with the greatest fortitude and equanimity, peace was at length established; and in 1700 Mr. Putnam was permitted to resume the clear- in ' and cultivating his farm, unmolested; a privilege which 378 A. W. PUTNAM. none in these days can understand, or fairly appreciate. In a few years he had a large plantation under fence, and di- vided into fields, several acres of orchard, composed of the best varieties of the fruits of the New England and Middle- states, sent out in 1795, by his brother Israel, who selected them with great care, and packed them with bees-wax, so that few, if any of the scions failed to grow. A young man named Waldo, and a relative, brought them over the moun- tains on horseback, in a large pair of saddle-bags. Fruit trees in the virgin soil of the Ohio bottoms, grew with astonishing rapidity, and in six or eight years were loaded with apples. The peach often produced the second year from the pit, bear- ing fruit of a size and quality not now seen in Ohio. The depredations of the peach insect, were unknown for more than twenty years, and the tree flourished and grew, undis- turbed by the yellows or any other enemy. Before temper- ance societies were known, large orchards of fifteen or twenty acres, were devoted to the manufacture of peach brandy, which bore a liberal price on the borders of the Mis- sissippi, and was an article of export. As early as 1802, or 1803, the log cabins of several of the farmers at Belpre, were abandoned, and large, commodious houses of wood or brick, built in their place. Mr. Putnam was one of the first to make improvements of this kind; and his capacious, white house, surrounded by orchards, on the margin of the plain, or second bottom, became a conspicuous and beauti- ful object to travelers on the "Belle riviere," who saw little else but the wilderness and the log huts of the new settlers, from Pittsburg to Cincinnati. Belpre, at this period, was like an oasis in the desert, the only spot where the eye could rest with delight. A thriving dairy was added to his other operations, composed of the cows raised from his father's famous Harlem breed, and celebrated for their rich milk. A numerous family of boys and girls grew up around him, A . W. PUTNAM. 379 and every thing prospered under his wise and thrifty admin- istration. After Mr. Blennerhasset settled on the island, he became one of his most intimate and useful friends, giving him much valuable information in the management of his new and untried farming operations. The genteel, easy manners, and beautiful person of Mrs. Putnam early at- tracted the attention of Madam Blennerhassctt, and she became one of her most intimate associates, visiting each other with the familiarity of sisters. When this unfortunate woman, after the flight of her husband, in December, 1800, left the island in the midst of winter, he was the last to visit her in the boat, and furnished her with many necessaries, to make her voyage comfortable, denied her by the military posse from Wood county, who had taken forcible possession of her house. Mr. Putnam and his wife both died in the fatal epidemic of 1822, aged forty-five years, in the midst of his usefulness. In person he was of a medium size, with dark, expressive eyes, and a countenance beaming with intelligence and kind feelings. For public stations he had little inclination, the highest post being a major in the militia. His delight was centered in his domestic relations, and in his farm. The elder son, William Pitt, born in Farmers' castle, possesses the homestead. His children, six of whom are now living, are settled at various points in the valley of the Mississippi, and rank with the most reputable of its citizens. CAPT. JONATHAN STONE. CAPT. JONATHAN STONE was born in New Braintree, Mass., in the year 1751. He was the son of a soldier, Francis Stone, who lost his life in the service of the king during the period of the colonial vassalage, while serving as a pri- vate soldier in the army of Gen. Wolfe, at the conquest of Quebec. Large numbers of the provincials sacrificed their lives for the good of their country during the period of the old French war, and especially at the seige of Havana in 17G2. His father was killed when he was eight years old. After the death of his parent, his mother married a Mr. Pearson, by whom she had several children. Francis, the elder brother, inherited the patrimonial estate, and pursued the occupations of farming and tanning leather, which had been followed by his father before him. The education of Jonathan extended only to reading, writing, and arithmetic, for which latter study he had prob- ably a decided relish, as in after life he became an accom- plished land surveyor. At a suitable age he was bound as an apprentice to his brother Francis. Connections of this kind between near relatives, are seldom fortunate or happy, and are much more likely to be agreeable with a stranger. Dr. Franklin has given us a sample of this kind, with its un- pleasant results, in his apprenticeship to an elder brother. There seems to be a disposition on one side to act the tyrant, and on the other to render obedience with reluctance, as it' the tender tie of relationship was severed when forced bv the indenture of apprenticeship to perform certain duties, whether willing or not. In this they conflicted so roughly with each other, that before the expiration of the term of JONATHAN STONE. 381 service, Jonathan left his brother, and entered on board a whale-ship at Newport, II. I., and was absent two years. What adventures he experienced in this voyage, are un- known ; but, doubtless he learnt one salutary thing, that he must obey his new master, both in foul and fair weather ; and that he could not leave the ship so easily as he did the house of his brother Francis. Soon after his return, hostilities commenced between the colonies and Great Britain, and he entered the service of his country as a volunteer, being an orderly-sergeant in Col. Learned's regiment. By his letters of the 29th of May, 1775, he was then at Roxbury with the army, besieging the town of Boston, then the head-quarters of the king's troops in America. He seems to have possessed the true spirit of patriotism, for he says that himself and each one of the company to which he belonged, "Are animated with the glorious cause in which they are engaged, hoping to deliver the country from vassalage and slavery, tyranny and oppres- sion, that those blood-thirsty hirelings may not again be allowed to imbrue their filthy hands in the innocent blood of our neighbors," referring, no doubt, to the Lexington murders of the 19th of April, which had filled the whole country with the spirit of resistance and revenge. In August of this year he was sick with a fever, and he observes that the "camp distemper," as the dysentery was called, prevailed amongst the troops, and extended into the country towns, as was thought by contagion from the sick soldiers. As a testimony of his bravery and good conduct during the year 1775, he was appointed a lieutenant, for on the llth of March, 1776, in writing to a female correspondent, he directs her to put Lieut, after his name, in Col. Learned's regiment. He also says, " We have had a great deal of cannonading lately. Last Saturday night I was on Dor- chester hights, and of our party, one surgeon and three 382 JONATHAN STONE. soldiers were killed by one shot. They are now firing from Boston, and not less than thirty or forty cannon have been discharged since I have been writing this letter;" and it was but a brief one. It was at this time that the celebrated fascine battery was erected by Col. Putnam, on the hights, that soon after forced the British to evacuate the town, as the American guns commanded the inner harbor, and en- dangered the shipping. In all these stirring scenes. Lieut. Stone took an active part, but the particular incidents are not noticed in his letters, and none of his old comrades are living to narrate them. In the course of the year 1776 he was married to Susan- nah Mathews, of New Braintree, a young lady to whom he had for several years been attached. She was a daughter of Daniel Mathews, and her mother a sister of Gen. Rufus Putnam. She possessed an agreeable person, good, sound sense, plain, country manners, and industrious habits, being the child of a farmer. She displayed great energy of char- acter, and after her husband's death, in 1801. conducted the affairs of a large dairy farm with judgment and profit. On the 1st of January, 1777, Lieut. Stone was commis- sioned as paymaster in Col. Putnam's regiment. In Au- gust of that year he was with the army at Saratoga, and in September at Stillwater, quartering with Capt. Goodale, some of whose partisan exploits are noticed in his letters to his wife. He remained with the troops, partaking in all the dangers of the numerous engagements with the enemy, until the surrender of Burgoyne. In 1778 he was stationed at West Point, attached to Col. Putnam's regiment. In 1779 he received a lieutenant's commission in the fifteenth regi- ment, and in 1781 that of captain, in which post he served to the close of the war. Several of these commissions are signed by John Hancock, in that strong, bold hand so conspicuous among the signatures of the Declaration of JONATHAN STONE. 383 Independence. The .seals attached are remarkable for hav- ing a huge rattlesnake figured over the cap of liberty, a.s if threatening his enemies with death, and to defend it against all opposers ; the other emblems are implements of war. Under the new constitution, of 1788, the United States se- lected the eagle to represent their dignity and .sovereignty to the nations of the earth ; and if less terrific, is a much more beautiful and noble emblem of the grandeur and mag- nanimity of the republic. After the close of the war he returned to the peaceful oc- cupations of agriculture, and purchased a farm, with the remains of his seven years' hard service in the cause of lib- erty, in the town of Brookfield, Mass., then the home of Gen. Putnam, with whom he had been intimate during this long period. Having become familiar with the science of field- surveying, he was employed by (Jen. Putnam, in 178G and 1787, to assist him in surveying the lands of the state of Massachusetts, on the eastern shore of the District of Maine, then a part of her territory. It was during the winter after the first year of this survey, or that of 178G, that he found, on his return, the adjacent counties deeply involved in an insurrection against their own government, commonly known as " Shays' insurrection." It was one of the strangest anomolies in nature, that a peo- ple who had just escaped from the thraldom of a tyrannical monarch, and had established a government of their own choosing, should so turn against it, and like the shark, or the alligator, devour their own progeny. So wide-spread and universal was this spirit of disaffection, that nearly one-third of the inhabitants of the counties of Hampshire, Berkshire, and Worcester, were engaged in it. beside many in all other portions of the state. The saying of our Savior in regard to the reception of the gospel amongst mankind, in the di- vision of families, households, and neighborhoods, was here 384 JONATHAN STONE. exemplified, in relation to their political sentiments, the father being opposed to the son, and the brother against his brother. In the family of Capt. Stone, his brother Francis was a Shays man, and his wife's father was on the same side ; while he enlisted, with all his powers of body and soul, in aid of the government, in opposition to the principles of the insurgents. In support of the laws and good order, were found nearly all the officers of the Revolutionary army, and most of the well-informed and substantial citizens. The cause of this unnatural outbreak seems to have arisen from the general oppression felt from the immense load of public and private debt, contracted dining the war. The debt of the state amounted to more than five million dollars, and their portion of the national debt, to nearly as much more. During the war stay laws had been enacted to prevent the regular collection of debts, by which the amount had greatly accumulated. Paper-money, their hope and stay during the war, had run down to a mere nominal value, and state bonds had depreciated to a few shillings on the pound. "What specie the French troops had left in the country, was gathered up by the merchants, and sent to Europe, to purchase merchandise, of which the states were woefully destitute at the close of the war. The country was so much exhausted by their long struggle, that they had no produce to send abroad to buy either goods or specie. Their fisheries and whaleries, which, before the w r ar, had brought millions into the provinces, were ruined by that event, and had not yet revived. In tins wide-spread distress, a general clamor arose against the merchants, and against the courts ; but more especially against the lawyers who executed the decrees of the courts, in collecting the debts due to the more wealthy portion of the people. Private contracts, as early as 1782, had been made to give place to the payment of public taxes, from an idea JONATHAN STONK. 385 that the scarcity of specie did not admit of the payment of both. The former, therefore, were made payable in oilier property than money, by an act called "the Tender act." By this, executions issued for individual demands, might be satisfied by neat cattle and other personal property, on an appraisement by impartial men. This only suspended the payment of debts; as many would not collect under it, but waited for its expiration, in a year from its origin. It was the first signal for hostilities between creditors and debtors, the rich and the poor, the few and the many. With such high- wrought notions of freedom, in a people just escaped from the fetters of the mother country, it was a difficult matter for their rulers to make laws that satisfied them. They, therefore, commenced holding conventions, of the disaffected, in which they censured the conduct of their public officers. They voted the senate and the judicial courts to be grievances, and called for a revision of the constitution, which they had so lately formed, and was con- sidered one of the best in the Union. Advantage was taken of these commotions to clamor against lawyers, and in their public addresses to say, that this class ought to be abolished, and none of them returned as representatives in the General Court for 1786. So far was this principle carried, that in the House of that year a bill was passed, ' : to admit all per- sons of a moral character into the practice of the law, be- fore the judicial courts;" also to fix their fees, and oblige them to take an oath, previous to their pleading, not to re- ceive more than the lawful fees, of their clients. When the bill came to the Senate, they laid it over, for examination, to the next Assembly. As this body had continued to act with wisdom and dignity, opposed to the wild, Jacobin princi- ples of the disaffected people, they, at a convention of dele- gates from fifty towns in the county of Hampshire, held at ITattield. on the '2'2(\ of August, published a statement of 25 386 JONATHAN STONE. their grievances in twenty articles ; the first of which was "the existence of the Senate," as if this body was one cause of their troubles ; fifth, " the existence of the Courts of Com- mon Pleas and General Sessions of the Peace;" so that every man might do what was right in his own eyes. In the eighteenth they voted that their representatives be instructed to use their influence in the next General Court, to emit paper-money, subject to a depreciation, making it a tender in all payments, equal to silver and gold, to be issued in order to call in the state securities; thinking, no doubt, that an abundance of paper-money would relieve all their embarrassments. The state of Rhode Island was then try- ing this experiment, and its results only added to their trou- bles instead of relieving them. The last of August, a body of more than a thousand of these misguided people, led on by designing demagogues, assembled at Northampton, took possession of the court- house, and prevented the sitting of the court. The same thing was attempted at Worcester, and the courts adjourned without doing any business. Amidst these scenes of com- motion and misrule, the inhabitants of Boston and several of the adjacent counties remained firm and true to their government, constitution, and laws ; supporting their excel- lent governor, Mr. Bowdoin, in all necessary measures for the public weal, and advancing money from their private resources, when the time came for calling out an armed force in aid of the laws. A similar effort was made to put down the court at Springfield, by a body of men under Daniel Shays, but it was prevented by an assembly of six hundred well armed citizens, from the most respectable and influential inhabit- ants of the county of Hampshire, who took possession of the court-house, and protected the judges in their official duties, so that, although this was the stronghold of the JONATHAN STONE. 387 insurrection, there was yet patriotism enough amongst them to save from utter ruin the forms of civil society. The General Court met at Boston in October, and finding that the opposition to the courts of la\v, and the necessary restraints of government were increasing, rather than di- minishing, they authorized the governor to call out the militia for their protection. Accordingly, four thousand four hundred men were assembled and put under the command of Gen. Benjamin Lincoln, who marched to Worcester and protected the sitting of the court. Gen. Shepherd also col- lected nine hundred of the militia at Springfield, where was the arsenal of the state, and principal deposit of arms. On the 25th of January, Shays, with eleven hundred men, well armed, attempted to drive Gen. Shepherd from the town, but was defeated without any serious attack, by discharging one round of artillery amongst the insurgents, by which three men were killed and one badly wounded. Well know- ing the badness of their cause, the main body broke and fled. They were pursued by the state troops a short dis- tance, without overtaking them, and took up their quarters in the town of Hadley, from the inclemency of the weather, being in the midst of a severe winter. A company of men from Brookfield, amongst which was Capt. Stone, vol- unteered in putting down this rebellion, in which was en- gaged his brother Francis Stone, and some of the connections of his wife. " The morning after the arrival of the army at Hadley, information was received that a small number of Gen. Shepherd's men had been captured at Southamp- ton, and that the enemy's party still continued there. The Brookfield volunteers, consisting of fifty men. commanded by Col. Baldwin, were sent in sleighs with one hundred horse, under Col. Crafts, to pursue them. They were soon found to consist of eighty men with ten sleigh?, and at twelve o'clock the same night, were overtaken at Middlefield. 388 JONATHAN STONE, They had quartered themselves in separate places, and about one-half of them, with one Luddington, their cap- tain, being lodged in a house together, were first sur- rounded. It was a singular circumstance, that among the government's volunteers happened to be Gen. Tupper, who had lately commanded a continental regiment, in which Luddington had served as corporal. The general, ignorant of the character of his enemy, summoned the party to sur- render. How astonished was the corporal at receiving the summons in a voice to which he had never dared to refuse obedience ! A momentary explanation took place, which but hightened the general's commands. Resistance was no longer made, the doors were opened, and a surrender was agreed upon. By this time the rest of the party had paraded under arms, at the distance of two hundred yards, where they were met by a number of men prepared for their re- ception. Both sides were on the point of firing, but upon an artful representation of the strength of the government's troops, the insurgents laid down their arms, and fifty-nine prisoners, with nine sleigh loads of provisions, fell into the hands of the conquerors, who returned to the army on the day following."* The insurgents under Shays having taken a strong posi- tion on the hills of Pelham, were summoned by Gen. Lincoln to lay down their arms, and subscribe the oath of allegiance to the state, or he should be obliged to attack them and ap- prehend their leaders, thus occasioning much bloodshed. To this they replied that they were willing to disband, but could not until they heard from the General Court on the matter, to which body they had sent a messenger with a petition. * Minot's History of the Rebellion. JONATHAN STONE. 389 "On the next day three of the insurgent leaders came to head-quarters with the following letter: 'Tin: HONORABLE GKN. LINCOLN: SIR: As the officers of the people, now convened in defense of their rights and privi- leges, have sent a petition to the General Court, for the sole purpose of accommodating our present unhappy affairs, we justly expect that, hostilities may cease on both sides until we have a return from our Legislature. Your honor will, therefore, be pleased to give us an answer. Per order of the committee for reconciliation. FRANCIS STONE, chairman, DANIEL SHAYS, captain, ADAM WHEELER. Pclham, January 31st, 1787.'"* To this communication, Lincoln returned a decided nega- tive. The Legislature met on the 3d of February, and de- clared the commonwealth in a state of rebellion, approved the governor's doings, and proceeded in earnest to put down the insurrection. The insurgents did not wait for the return of their messenger from Boston, but on the 3d of February, left the hills and marched to Pelham, where provisions were more plenty. They were pursued by Lincoln, through a tremendous snow-storm and excessive cold, to Petersham, a distance of thirty miles without halting, a march unequaled in the American annals. About one hundred and fifty were taken prisoners, and the rest dispersed over the country, some to their own homes, but the leaders and the most vio- lent of their followers, fled from the state into Xew York and Vermont. In both these states they found many abettors, and during the following spring, occasionally made inroads into the * Minofs Historv of the Rebellion. 390 JONATHAN STONE. commonwealth for plunder and the capture of persons par- ticularly obnoxious to them. It was late in the year before order was entirely restored in the disaffected portions of the state. The leniency of the government finally pardoned nearly or quite all who were concerned in the rebellion, and thus ended one of the most dangerous and singular insur- rections that ever happened amongst a free people. On the formation of the Ohio Company, Capt. Stone sold his farm in Brookfield, and invested the proceeds in two shares of the Ohio Company lands, being about two thou- sand acres. To this he was doubtless the more readily in- duced from the ill conduct of several of his near connections in the late insurrection, and that he might still be favored with the society of such men as Gen. Putnam, Tupper and Goodale, with whom he had been so long and so intimately associated. In the fall of 1788, he visited Marietta and made preparations for the reception of his family. On the 4th of July, 1789, he left Brookfield with a wagon drawn by four oxen, containing his household goods and three ohil- dren. Two cows were driven on ahead, while his wife traveled the whole distance on horseback to Simrel's ferry, the western rendezvous for emigrants to Marietta. At Buf- falo, or Charleston, he bartered one yoke of the oxen for provisions to support his family until he could raise a crop himself. He reached Belpre the 10th of December, and put up a log-cabin on his lot, drawn the winter before, making the floors and doors from the planks of the boat in which he descended the river. His farm lay in the wide bottom, opposite and a little below the mouth of the Little Kenawha, and is now in the possession of his son, Col. John Stone. In the Indian war he moved his family into Farmers' castle, and was one of the most active and ellicient de- fendi.Ts of that garrison. In the spring of 1793, he, with several others, erected a palisade and several block-houses 110 BERT OLIVER. :} year 1778, and served to the close of the war. At the 400 WILLIAM GRAY. attack on Stony Point, he had been promoted, for his good conduct, to a lieutenant, and was among the first who scaled the walls of that fortress. At the close of the war he returned to his home, and married Miss Mary Diamond, of Salem. His uncle, the rich merchant, William Gray, for whom he was named, lived at that time in Salem, and from a humble situation in life, being bred a shoemaker, rose to be one of the richest mer- chants in Boston. He treated his nephew with great kind- ness ; and for many years, even after he moved to Ohio, annually sent him a sum of money, sufficient to aid very materially in the support of his family. Soon after his mar- riage he resided in Danvers, where his two oldest children were born. In the autumn of 1787 he joined the Ohio Company, and had the charge of one of the wagons that transported the first band of pioneers on to the waters of the Ohio. On this wagon was written, in large letters, "For Ohio.'' 1 His family was left in Danvers, and did not come out until 17'JO, in company with Maj. Ezra Putnam, from the same place. He joined the settlement at Waterford, and when the war of 1791 broke out, was chosen commander of the garrison erected for its defense, called Fort Tyler. By his good con- duct and prudence, this fortress was preserved unharmed, although several times in great jeopardy. The situation was a very exposed one, on the extreme frontier. On the head waters of the Muskingum, which washed its founda- tions, were seated numerous tribes and villages of the hos tile Indians, who, at almost any season of the year, could embark their whole force in canoes, and in forty-eight hours land at the garrison. Their approach might have thus been made in the most secret manner, without even the knowledge of the rangers, who constantly scoured the coun- try, watching for signs of the Indians. But an overruling WILLIAM STACEY. 401 Providence diverted their attention to other quarters, and they pa?.ed the four years of war with hut little loss of life, but much of property. Soon after the peace, and men could till the earth in safety, he bought a farm near the present town of Beverly, and lived there, highly respected, until the time of his death, in July, 1812. He was the father of ten children, nearly all of whom married, and their descendants are living in this county. COL. WILLIAM STACEY. COL. STACEY was a native of Massachusetts, and a propri- etor in the Ohio Company. He came early to the North- west Territory, and settled in Washington county. In the forepart of his life he lived on the sea- coast, proba- bly Salem, and was engaged in sea-faring business. Find- ing himself surrounded by a rapidly increasing family, he removed to New Salem, in the county of Hampshire, Mass., and entered on the life of a farmer. He was much re- spected by his fellow townsmen, and was promoted in the military service. In Barber's Historical Sketches of Mas- sachusetts, is the following notice of Col. Stacey, copied from the Barre Gazette. " The news of the battle of Lexington flew through New England like wild-fire. The swift horseman with his red flag proclaimed it in every village, and made the stirring call upon the patriots to move forward in defen.-c of the rights so ruthlessly invaded, and now sealed with the martyrs' blood. Putnam, it will be recollected, left his plow in the 26 402 WILLIAM STAGEY. furrow, and led his gallant band to Cambridge. Such instances of promptness and devotion were not rare. We love the following instance of the display of fervid patri- otism, from an eye witness, one of those valued relics of the band of '76, whom now a grateful nation delights to honor. When the intelligence reached New Salem, in this state, the people were hastily assembled on the village green by the notes of alarm. Every man came with his gun and other preparations for a short march. The militia of the town were then divided into two companies, one of which was commanded by a Capt. G . This company was paraded before much consultation had been held on the proper steps to be taken in the emergency, and while determination was expressed on almost every countenance, the men stood silently leaning on their muskets, awaiting the movement of the spirit in the officers. The captain was supposed to be tinctured with Toryism, and his present indecision and backwardness were ample proofs, if not of his attachment to royalty, at least of his unfitness to lead a patriot band. Some murmurs began to be heard, when the first lieuten- ant, William Stacey, stepped out of the line, took off his hat, and addressed them. He was of stout heart, but of few words. Pulling his commission from his pocket, he said, ' Fellow soldiers, I don't know exactly how it is with the rest of you, but for one, I will no longer serve a king that murders my own countrymen ; ' and tearing the paper in a hundred pieces, he trod them under his feet. Sober as were the people by habit and natural disposition, they could not refrain from a loud huzza, as he stepped back into the ranks. Capt. G still faltered, and made a feeble en- deavor to restore order, but they heeded him as little as the wind. The company was summarily disbanded, and a re-organization took place on the spot. The gallant Stacey WILLIAM STAGEY. 403 was unanimously chosen captain, and with a prouder com- mission than was ever borne on parchment, he led a small but resolute band to Cambridge. He continued in service during the war, reaching, before it? close, the rank of lieu- tenant-colonel, under the command of Putnam." In 1778, Capt. Stacey had risen by his merits to the rank of a lieutenant-colonel, not in Col. Putnam's regiment, but in Col. Ichabod Alden's, of the Massachusetts line. The first of July, that year, the Indians and Tories sacked and destroyed the settlement of Wyoming, on the Susque- hanna river. They now threatened, and had partly de- populated, the settlement of Cherry valley, which lies on the head waters of the eastern branch of that stream, fifty- two miles northwest of Albany, in the present county of Otsego, but then Tryon county, N. Y. It was a beautiful val- ley, noted for its fertility and picturesque scenery, being first settled as early as 1739, but greatly harassed by the Tories, who formed nearly half of the inhabitants of that county, and were friends to the crown, to which they were partly induced from the popularity and high standing of Sir Guy Johnson, who lived in the northern part of the county, and probably from respect to the governor of the state, while under the king, for whom it was named Late in the sum- mer of 1778, Col. Alden's regiment was ordered up to Cherry valley, for the protection of the inhabitants. A stockaded garrison had been previously built around their little church, and the regiment of about two hundred men took possession of it. Being rather straitened for quarters, several of the officers lodged at the houses of the adjacent inhabitants. Alden and Stacey, with a small guard of sol- diers, quartered in the house of a Mr. Wells, not more than a quarter of a mile from the garrison. On the (5th of Xo- vembcr, Col. Alden received a letter from Fort Schuyler. now in Oneida county, distant about forty miles northwest, near 404 WILLIAM STAGEY. the head of the Mohawk, saying that an Oneida Indian, whose tribe was friendly to the United States, had told them that the Indians and Tories, under a son of Col. Butler, were assembling on the Tioga river, a northerly branch of the Susquehanna, which passes through the country of the Seneca Indians, for the purpose of attacking the fort and settlement of Cherry valley. Butler had been a prisoner with the Americans, and confined in Albany jail, a short time before, but had escaped, and was now seeking revenge. Being notified of this intended attack, he sent out scouting parties to watch their approach, although he did not actually apprehend any danger, even after this timely warning. The inhabitants, better aware of their peril, made application to the commander to be admitted within the fort, but as it was only large enough for his own men, he declined, saying it would be time enough when they were certain of the ap- proach of the enemy. Being unacquainted with Indian warfare, he did not take shelter within the fort himself. The scout, which was sent down that branch of the river which waters the valley, having kindled a fire, were surprised in their camp and taken prisoners, so that they could not give the alarm of the advance of the Indians as he had expected. From these prisoners, Butler and Brant learned the condition of the settlement and the houses where the officers slept, being themselves familiar and acquainted in the valley before the war. Early on the morning of the llth of November, an army of five hundred Indians and two hundred Tories entered the settlement undiscovered, and began the attack on the scat- tered dwellings near the fort. Before they reached Wells', the house where he quartered, a man on horseback gave notice of their approach. He was still persuaded there was only a small body of Indians, but on their coming in sight he directly ran for the fort, closely pursued by an Indian, WILLIAM STAGEY. 405 who after calling on him to surrender, which he refused, snapping his pistol at him, he threw his tomahawk, striking him on the head and felling him to the ground. The Indian then scalped him, " and thus he was the first to puffier from his criminal neglect."* Before Col. Stacey could leave the house, it was surrounded by the Indians, and he was taken prisoner with a few of the guard, while all the women and children were killed, it was a damp, rainy morning, and the powder of the out-door guards was wet, so that their arms vvere useless, which was one reason of there being so little resistance. After a feeble attack on the fort, they de- parted with their scalps and prisoners, killing about forty of the inhabitants. Joseph Brant, who commanded the Indians, saved the lives of a number of families, making them pris- oners, while Butler and the Tories under his command, spared very few that fell into their hands. The Indians, in their return to their own country on the Genesee river, passed down the Cherry valley branch of the Susquehanna to its junction with the Tioga fork, and up that stream over to the Seneca lake, and onward to an In- dian town that stood near the present beautiful village of Geneva, distant more than two hundred miles, by the route they traveled, from Cherry valley. Here the revengeful savages who had taken Col. Stacey prisoner, after holding a council, decided on burning him at the stake. It has for ages been the practice of the Indians in their attacks, to take some prisoners for this purpose, that the young Indians and squaws may shore in their revenge on their enemies. Being devoted to this dreadful death, he was tied to the stake, the fire kindled, and he thought- his last hour was come. Seeing the noble-minded Brant in the throng, and having probably heard that he was a Freemason, he made *Annals of Trvoii countv. 406 WILLIAM STAGEY. the well known sign of the fraternity, which was instantly recognized by the quick eye of the Indian. His influence was almost unlimited amongst the northern tribes of New York, and he persuaded them to release their victim, thus adding one more to the number of lives saved by his humanity. Soon after this he was adopted into an Indian family. At the time of the invasion of the country of the Senecas in 1779, by Gen. Sullivan, when their villages, orchards, and crops of corn, were totally destroyed, many of them retreated to Fort Niagara, then in the hands of the British. Amongst others, Col. Stacey was taken there by the family to which he was attached. While here, Mr. Campbell, the author of the history of Tryon county, from whom some of these events are copied, says, "Lieut. Col. Stacey, who had been taken prisoner at Cherry valley, was also at the fort. Molly Brant, the sister of Joseph, and former mistress of Sir Wil- liam Johnson, had, from some cause, a deadly hostility to him. She resorted to the Indian method of dreaming. She told Col. Butler that she dreamed she had the Yankee's head, and that she and the Indians were kicking it about the fort. Col. Butler ordered a small keg of rum to be painted and given to her. This, for a short time, appeased her, but she dreamed a second time that she had the Yankee's head, with his hat on, and she and the Indians kicked it about the fort for a foot ball. Col. Butler ordered another keg of rum to be given to her, and then told her, decidedly, that Col. Stacey should not be given up to the Indians. Apart from this circumstance, I know nothing disreputable to Molly Brant. On the contrary, she appears to have had just views of her duties. She was careful of the education of her children, and some of them were respectably married. Col. Stacey remained a prisoner over four years, and was then '-x changed. lie returned to his home in New Salem, WILLIAM STAGEY. 407 and in 1789 moved with his family, consisting of liis wife, five sons, and a son-in-law, with their families, to the, Ohio, and settled in Marietta. Two of his sons, John and Phile- mon, joined the settlement in Big Bottom, formed in the fall of 1790. The 'Jd of January, following, the block-house was taken by surprise, and fourteen of the inmates were killed; amongst the slain was his son John, while, Philemon, a lad of sixteen years, was taken prisoner, and died in cap- tivity. Col. Staccy feeling anxious for the safety of the new settlement, and the welfare of his sons, visited the post the day before the attack ; and although the Indians pretended to be friendly, well knowing their wiles from former expe- rience, gave the young men strict orders to keep a regular guard, and strongly bar the door of the house at sunset, and not open it again until sunrise, even although it was the depth of winter. They neglected his advice, and per- ished. During the war he lived in a small block-house, at the Point in Marietta, on the bank of the Ohio, and is figured in the drawing of that place, in the preceding vol- ume. He had the charge of overseeing the construction of these works in January, 1791. His remaining sons and son- in-law settled in this county, and left a numerous posterity, who still reside here. His youngest son, Gideon, settled in New Orleans, and established a ferry across Lake Pontchar- train, and was there lost. After the death of his first wife, Col. Stacey married Mrs. Sheffield, a widow lady from Rhode Island, and owned four shares of land in the Ohio Company. She was the mother of the wife of Maj. Zeigler, Mr. Charles Green, and Isaac Pierce, Esq., a woman of highly cultivated mind, lady-like manners. and agreeable person. He died in Marietta, in the year 1804, and was a man greatly esteemed for his many excellent qualities. THE FIRST SETTLEMENT OF ATHENS COUNTY. WITH BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES OF SOME OF THE EARLY SETTLERS. BY EPHRAIM CUTTER, ESQ. THE Indian war, which was brought to a close by the treaty of Greenville, in August, 1795, had caused an almost entire stop to the wave of population, which, by the settle- ment of Marietta and Cincinnati, had begun to swell and move. It was not until 1797 and 1798, that the symptoms of what has astonished the whole civilized world, began again to appear in the west. In those years, that kind of boats to which the pioneers gave the cognomen of broad- horns, were seen continually floating down the Ohio. Many of these contained the families of persons of strong, adven- turous minds, and hardy frames, but generally of little or no property. They of course sought for opportunities to locate themselves on lands that they could obtain on easy terms. In the early part of 1797, Marietta was crowded with this kind of population, seeking for some place to make a home. It is well known that in the purchase of the Ohio Company's lands, they made it a condition that two town- ships of land should be conveyed which were to be forever for the use and benefit of a university. These lands were in the trust of the directors of the Ohio Company, and were thus to remain until they should resign that trust to the future Legislature. Gen. Putnam, who was the superin- tendent of the surveys of the land of the Ohio Company, had these two townships surveyed into sections in 1796. S E T T L K M E N T () F A T 1 1 i; N S COT N T V . -101) The trustees were convinced that it \vouhl be good policy to early make these lands productive, and thus provide a land to commence an institution, which they foresaw would soon be much needed, and if established, promised most import- ant results. They believed that the public interest would be served by encouraging substantial men to occupy these lands, make improvements, and wait until a more perma- nent title could be made to them by an act of Legislature, which, it was expected, would soon (as was the case.) be acquired as the second step provided for by the ordinance of 1780, providing for the government of the territory north- west of the river Ohio. These lands, with a large surrounding region, were one of the most favorite portions of the hunting ground which the Indians had surrendered in their several treaties ; and the treaty of 1795 seemed to close the last fond hope of ever after enjoying them. Yet the hunters living about Sandusky, and on the difFerent branches of the Muskingum, continued not only to visit there, but until the winter before the last war with Great Britain commenced, they were in large parties during the hunting season, coursing through that extensive range of country, comprising the lands watered by the Raccoon, Monday, Sunday, and the heads of Federal creek. It was here they formerly found the buffalo, the elk, and the bear. The buffalo and elk were not extermi- nated until the year 1800. The bear continued in consid- erable abundance until their last great hunt in the winter of 1810-11. That winter was a favorable season for them to effect the object they seemed to have in view, which was to destroy the game, the weather being cold, with several falls of snow. The carcasses of many deer were found in the woods bordering the settlements in Washington and Athens counties, which appeared to be wantonly destroyed by the savages. A young buffalo, believed to be the last 410 SETTLEMENT OF ATHENS COUNTY. seen in this part of the country, was taken a few miles west of Athens, on a branch of Raccoon, in the spring of 1799, brought to the settlement, and reared by a domestic cow. The summer after it was two years old, it was taken by its owner over the mountains, and for a considerable time ex- hibited from place to place. At first it was easily managed, but at length became ungovernable, and gored its owner, who died of the wounds, and the animal was then killed. Gen. Putnam probably would not, at this time, have en- couraged the commencement of this settlement, had he not foreseen that these lands would soon be occupied, and that it was important, in order to establish a peacable and re- spectable settlement, to select, from the emigrants already at Marietta, men possessing firmness of character, courage, and sound discretion. He accordingly gave every facility in his power, relating to the surveys, &c., to Capt. Silas Bingham, Judge Alvin Bingham, John Wilkins, Esq., Capt. John Chandler, John Harris, Robert Lindsey, Jonathan Wat- kins, Moses Hewit, Isaac Barker, William Harper, Barak, Edmond and William Dorr, and Dr. Eliphaz Perkins. Some of these individuals, with their families, and some others, made their way up the Hockhocking, in pirogues, early in the spring of 1797; and were the first in felling the inter- minable forest, and to erect dwellings. Immediately after the settlement commenced, as was anticipated, large num- bers came to take possession of these lands, many of whom seemed disposed to practice the principle that, might makes right; this soon occasioned a state of things which required much courage and prudence to counteract. Alvin Bingham was commissioned a magistrate, and Silas was appointed a deputy-sheriff. The cases of taking forcible possession of the land and improvements had commenced, and it required no common share of prudence and firmness to keep the peace, and give an effectual check to these outrages. Add SETTLEMENT OF ATHENS COUNTY. 411 to these, a Canadian Frenchman, by the name of Menour, who had resided with the Indians, was in the habit of steal- ing horses from the savages, and bringing them into the set- tlement, on the college lands, where he had men ready to take them and convey them away to some settled region, and dispose of them. The Indians found no difficulty in tracing their horses to this point, but could follow them no further. They, of course with great justice, made their complaints. Menour had collected around him quite a num- ber who were well armed, and showed a determination to defend him. Judge Bingham issued a warrant for his ap- prehension, and intrusted it with Silas, who made an attempt to perform his duty, but found quite a party of des- perate characters in arms to protect him. He very adroitly retired; giving out the idea, that he should not venture to arrest him, unless he could obtain assistance from Marietta. Menour's house was a strong building for those times ; the only access to the chamber was a small opening in the ga- ble-end. Menour and his wife, who used it for a lodging room, ascended a ladder, then drew it up after them, and closed the aperture. The lower part of the house was, at this time, occupied by a large party of desperate men, horse- thieves, and outlaws, who slept on their rifles, and were ready at any moment to do their leader's bidding. In the meantime, Bingham, with the utmost secrecy and dispatch, collected the well-disposed citizens of Athens and Ames, and proceeded that night to make the arrest. The night was very dark, and they approached and surrounded the house, without, being discovered by its inmates. K. Cutler burst open the door, and the citi/.ens rushed in upon the des- peradoes, and secured them before they were fairly awake. Robert Lindsey and Edmond Dorr broke into the opening that formed the entrance to the chamber, and captured Me- nour; who was taken to Marietta, where he was convicted 412 SETTLEMENT OF ATHENS COUNTY. of the offense, on the testimony of the Indians, and pun- ished; he, however, afterward went to Sandusky, and it was said, was there killed by an Indian. Judge Bingham was not lax in punishing breaches of the peace. Some cases of forcible entry and detainer took place, which required a jury and two magistrates to decide them; and at this time there were but two in this portion of the country, Judges Bingham and Cutler. These cases some- times showed a threatening aspect; a certain number of disorderly persons were always ready to attend such courts. At one of these trials the leaders of this class came forward, and threatened violence; the magistrates ordered them to leave the room ; they retired ; but expressed an intention to put a stop to such courts. The magistrates issued warrants, and ordered the sheriff to apprehend them immediately, and take them to Marietta. He was not slow in arresting them. It is not easy to conceive of men more frightened ; the idea of being taken to Marietta, to be tried by a court that had established its character for firmness and strict justice, filled them with terror. Silas Bingham, (who, to great shrewdness and dispatch in business, united an unconquerable love of fun,) did nothing to allay their fears, but told them the bet- ter way would be to come into court, and, on their knees, ask forgiveness, and promise amendment. The prominent man of the offending party replied, that " it was too bad to be compelled to kneel down, and ask forgiveness of two Buckeye justices;" but he would submit rather than be taken to Marietta. This anecdote was often repeated by the facetious Col. Sproat and Bingham, and might have aided in fixing the cognomen on the state. The Binghams were natives of Litchfield county, Conn., and although quite young, they were volunteers at the cap- ture of Ticonderoga, by Ethan Allen, in 1775. Silas was with the army which invaded Canada, and both served most SETTLEMENT OF ATHENS COUNTY. 413 of the time during the Revolutionary war. Judge Bingham was a substantial, clear-headed man, sober and dignified in his manners, stern and uncompromising in his sense of right. Silas was full of anecdote and humor, social and kind in his feelings, a man of excellent sense, and a terror to evil doers. The promptness with which these men acted in enforcing the laws and in protecting the rights of the weak, had the effect to rid the settlement of a large portion of this disor- derly population: and Athens, many years ago, established its character as an orderly and respectable community, em- bracing as much intelligence and refinement as any other town of equal size. For this happy result, it was in no small degree indebted to Dr. Eliphaz Perkins. Few men were better calculated to introduce a mild and refined state of manners and feelings. He was a native of Norwich, Conn., born in 1753, graduated at an eastern college, and removed to Athens in 1800. the time when a disposition to trample on the laws prevailed. The services of a physician were greatly needed in the settlement, and hia arrival was hailed with joy. By his attention to the sick, skill in his profession, and by his urbanity and kindness, he at once be- came popular. The influence thus acquired, he exerted in the most salutary and unostentatious manner, while he frowned upon every breach of law and decorum. His own deportment was a bright and living example of purity and benevolence. He w r as truly a patron of learning. He did much to establish and sustain common schools in that region. He contributed liberally to the Ohio University, was early appointed a trustee, and for many years was treasurer of the institution. lie died, much lamented, on the iiOth of April, 18-28, in the lively exercise of that. Christian faith of which he had been many years a professor. His descend- ants are numerous and highly respectable; seven of them have graduated at the Ohio University. 414 JEKVIS CUTLER. Soon after the settlement of Athens and Ames, the ven- erable Elder Quinn, then a young man, found his way through the wilderness, with little more than blazed trees to guide his steps, induring like a true soldier of the cross, ex- treme toil and privation. He may be regarded as the founder of the Methodist church in that county. MAJ. JEIiVIS CUTLER. " MAJ. JERVIS CUTLER was the son of the Rev. Manasseh Cutler, who for fifty-two years was pastor of the Congre- gational church in Hamilton, Mass. He was also the ne- gotiator with Congress in the year 1787, for the purchase of a million and a half of acres for the Ohio Company, by means of which the settlement of the now great state of Ohio was effected. From the year 1800 to 1804, Dr. Cutler was a representative in Congress from the Lynn district in Massachusetts. Maj. Cutler was born at Edgarton, on Martha's Vineyard, in the year 1768. Being educated for the mercantile busi- ness, he was placed, at the age of sixteen years, under the care of Capt. David Pearce, of Gloucester, who sent him on a voyage to Havre de Grace, in France. If the father deserves the credit of paving the way for the settlement of this then savage wilderness, the son is entitled to be con- sidered a pioneer of the settlement itself. In the year 1788, when only nineteen years old, he joined the little band of forty-eight, who emigrated from New England, under Gen. Ru.fus Putnam, and pitched their tents at JERVIS CUTLEIl. 415 Marietta, in the center of the Indian country. lie ha.> been often heard to say that he was the first to leap on shore at the mouth of the Muskingum, on the se\enth of April, and actually cut the first tree to make a clearing for a habita- tion in the new settlement. Of that little band of hardy pioneers, not more than one or two are now li\ing." The following summer he taught a school about four miles from Simrel'ri ferry, on ilie Youghiogheny river, and was there when his father made his visit to Marietta in Augu-t, 1788. In 1780 lie returned to Marietta, and aided in forming the settlement of Waterford, being one of the first associates, but did not long remain there. In the autumn of that year he joined a party of the Ohio Company land surveyors, not as a regular hand, but out of curiosity to see the country, who were running the cast and west township lines of the fourteenth and fifteenth ranges, between the Big Hockhocking and Raccoon creek. It con- sisted of twelve men, of whom Daniel Mayo, of Boston, was one, and Benoni Hurlburt, afterward killed by the Indi- ans, was the hunter. The following interesting sketch of his being lost in the woods, was taken from his own lips, about three years before his death, and is a specimen of the exposures to which the early settlers were all liable. Having quite a relish for hunting, and expert with the rifle, he one day went out with Hurlburt in quest of provis- ions for the party, whose supply was nearly exhausted. He ascended one side of a large creek, and his companion tha other, which would give them a chance for mutual assist- ance in killing the game, as it crossed from bank to bank. Mr. Cutler, not being accustomed to the woods, presently left the main stream, and followed up a large branch. He soon discovered his mistake, and retraced his steps, but * American Almanac 416 JERVIS CUTLER. could find no signs of his trail. Just at night he met a fine bear, which he shot at and wounded. A small dog, now his only companion, gave it chase, but as the bear declined taking a tree, as they usually do, he soon gave up the pur- suit. Finding that he was actually lost, he fired his gun several times, in hopes the party would hear it and answer his signal of distress.' Night now rapidly approaching, he prepared to encamp, and selected a dead, dry beech-tree, the top of which was broken off about twenty feet from the ground, against which he kindled the fire. He laid down on some leaves before it, and being excessively tired, dropped into a sound sleep. The flame soon ran to the top of the dry beech, and a large flake of the burning wood, aided by the current of air, dropped on to the breast of his hunting-shirt, burning his skin severely. With some effort he succeeded in extinguishing his burning garment, and slept at intervals during the night. He rose at daylight, directing his course eastvvardly, with the hope of striking the Hockhocking, which he knew lay in that direction. All that day he traveled diligently, with the little dog by his side, without discovering the object of his search. That night he encamped near a small stream of water, but without fire, as he dreaded a repetition of the last night's accident; besides, he had nothing to cook for supper, and the weather was not cold. The night was passed quietly, with the little dog coiled up at his feet. The third morning he started early, and saw many signs of buffaloes, but no animals; and traveled all day without seeing any game. Toward evening the little dog, which seemed aware of his masters necessities as well as his o\vn, ranged either to the right or left of the course, in search of game; and toward night, barked vehemently at something he had discovered. Mr. Cutler hastened up to the spot in expectation of at least seeing a fat bear, but only found a little, poor, starved opossum. Thinking this JERVIS CUTLER. 417 better than no meat, he killed and dressed it, roasting it by his camp fire. A part of it was offered to the dog, but he declined partaking such poor fare, and his master consumed the whole of it. It was now three days since he left his companions, and this was his only meal. On the fourth morning, after a sound night's sleep by his fire, he felt quite refreshed, and pushed manfully onward, as he thought on an easterly course, but doubtless making many deviations from a right line. Soon after getting under way, his faithful companion started up a flock of turkeys, the sight of which greatly animated his spirits. His gun was soon leveled and discharged at one of the largest, not more than thirty feet distant. In the agitation and eagerness of the moment, he missed his mark, and the bird flew unharmed away, much to the chagrin of the little dog, which looked quite astonished and mortified at his master. His first impression was that his gun had been bent or injured, and would not shoot with any accuracy. Despair now succeeded to his recent joy, as he thought he must inevitably starve before he could escape from the woods. After shedding a few tears over his hopeless condition, and resting awhile on a log, he carefully wiped out his rifle and loaded it with great nicety. In the mean- time the turkeys had all disappeared but a solitary one, perched on the top of a high tree. He now rested his gur. against the side of a tree, and taking deliberate aim, he fired once more, and to his great joy the turkey came tumbling to the ground. A fire was soon kindled, the feathers pulled, and the bird roasted on the coals. A hearty meal was then made, of which the little dog now readily partook. This food was the sweetest he had ever tasted, and put fresh courage into the wanderers. The remains of the turkey were stowed away in the bosom of his hunting-shirt, and he pursued his solitary way more cheerfully. Soon after, in passing up a ridge, a fine deer 27 418 JERVIS CUTLER. came round the point of the hill, which he shot. From the skin of the animal he formed a kind of sack, which he slung to his shoulders, with strips of leatherwood bark, filled with the choicest pieces of the meat. He now traveled on quite cheerily, in which the little dog also participated, knowing he had food for several days, or until he could reach the settlements. That night he camped by the side of a little run, made a cheerful fire, roasted his venison, and ate his supper with a fine relish. After sleeping soundly, he awoke with renovated strength and spirits. This was now the fifth day of his wandering, and luckily, a little before noon, he came on to the Hockhocking, at a place which he at once recognized as being about a mile and a half below the point from w T hich the surveying party had started out on their work. He felt so much animated at the successful termination of this adventure, that instead of going down stream to the cabin of John Levins, seven miles below, he determined to go up to the line of the surveyors, and follow 7 that until he found them. It was easily distinguished by the blazes, or marks on the trees, and before night reached the camp they had left two weeks before, and found a little fire still smoking in a dry sugar tree, which retains fire longer than any other wood. Feeling weary and low spir- ited, he proceeded no further that night, but slept on the old camping ground. In the morning, knowing where he was, and freed from the harassing feelings known only to those who have been lost in the woods, he started with fresh vigor on the trace. His little companion seemed to understand their more hopeful condition, and capered along ahead, barking heartily for joy. He now killed as much game as he needed, without leaving the trail, and on the eighth day of his solitary ramble, came tip with the sur- veyors. There was great joy in the party at meeting their lost companion, but as they supposed he had gone back to JERVIS CUT LEU. 419 the settlement, not being a regular hand, they were not so much alarmed at his long absence. Soon after this adventure he returned to New England, and resided for some time with his brother Kphraim, at Kil- lingly, Conn., where lie married Miss Philadelphia Cargill, the daughter of Benjamin Cargill, who owned, at that time, valuable mills on the Quinebog river, the site of the present Wilkinson factories and village in Pom fret. His roving pro- pensities led him to spend some months in Carolina and Virginia; but his brother having removed to Ohio, he came again to Marietta, in the year 1802, with the intention of establishing a tin manufactory ; but meeting with little en- couragement at that early day, he went to Chillicothe, and finally established himself at Bainbridge, on Paint creek, and engaged in the fur trade. Tn the years 1806 and 1807 there was great excitement respecting Louisiana, and Aaron Burr's expedition ; the mi- litia were organized, and he was elected a major in Col. McArthur's regiment. His fine personal appearance, and some experience in military affairs in Connecticut, enabled him to fill the post with great credit. When additional troops were raised for the purpose of taking possession of New Or- leans, he received the appointment of captain, and soon enlisted a full company of men. He was stationed at New- port, Ky., and for some time had the command of the post at that place. In the spring of 1809 he was ordered, with his company, to New Orleans. A French gentleman, engaged in the fur trade on the Missouri, and toward the Kocky moimtains, was taken on board his boat, as they descended the Mississippi, as a passenger. Being able to speak the French language fluently, he obtained from him much val- uable information, which he carefully noted down, respect- ing these regions. In 1812 lie published a work, being a a topographical description of that country, including much 420 JEEVIS CUTLER. of Ohio, with an account of the Indian tribes residing therein. His two subaltern officers, Jessup and Cutler, have since attained the rank of general officers in the army of the United States. At New Orleans he had a severe attack of yellow fever, which reduced his strength and health so much, that he left the army, and returned to New England, where he remained until 1818, when he removed his family to Warren, near Marietta. Here he lost his wife, in 1822. Two years after he married Mrs. Eliza Chandler, of Evans- ville, Indiana, and soon after moved to Nashville, Tenn., where he was engaged in engraving copper-plates for bank notes, for the banks of that state, and for Alabama. He possessed great taste for the fine arts ; sketched remarkably well, and made some very creditable attempts at sculpture. With much versatility of talent, he lacked that singleness of purpose, and perseverance in one pursuit, necessary to success. He possessed a well cultivated mind, and was an acute observer of men and things. He died at Evansville, the 25th of June, 1844, aged sev- enty-six years. A HISTORY OF THE FIRST SETTLEMENT OF AMESTOWN, IN ATHENS COUNTY, OHIO, WITH SKETCHES OF THE EARLY INHABITANTS. BY EPHRAIM CUTLER. IN the summer of 1797, Ephraim Cutler, the proprietor of several shares in the Ohio Company's purchase, ascertain- ing that a considerable amount of his lands were situated on the waters of Federal creek, in the sixth township of the thirteenth range, accompanied by Lieut. George Ewing, ex- plored a way through the wilderness, and cut out a pack- horse path, twenty miles in length, from Waterford to Federal creek. They returned, and accompanied by Capt. Benjamin Brown, made a second and more thorough exploration. They found the lands exceedingly fertile, with rich limestone hills and valleys, and chestnut ridges ; which afforded a plen- tiful supply of food for animals of every description, and promised an abundant reward to the labors of the farmer. The Indians had not yet quite exterminated the buffalo and elk ; the bear, deer, wolf, and panther abounded, while the wild turkeys were innumerable. Mr. Cutler proposed to fur- nish them with land, if they would unite with him in form- ing a settlement. They accordingly made their selection ; and about the 1st of March, 1798, Lieut. Ewing removed his family, and in April, 1799, Cutler and Brown went over to build their cabins, and make preparation for the accommo- dation of their families. On their way back to Waterford, they found Wolf creek impassable, from recent heavy rains. 422 AMESTOWN. They cut a large bitter-nut hickory tree, that stood on the bank, peeled thirty feet of bark from the trunk, sewed up the ends with leatherwood, and launched it upon the stream; when themselves, with two young men, who accompanied them, embarked in this frail vessel. They had proceeded bnt a short distance down stream, when they discovered a large bear on the bank of the creek, which was shot, and taken on board. This Indian canoe, with its passengers and freight, performed the voyage of fifteen miles, to \V>.ter- ford, in safety. The goods and furniture of the two families were put on board pirogues, and sent down the Muskingum and Ohio rivers, to the mouth of the Big Hockhocking and up that stream to Federal creek, a distance of eighty miles; while the women and children were taken on horseback, through the wilderness, and over the rough hills, to their woodland abodes. The creeks were much swollen, and dif- ficult to pass. One large stream was crossed on a raft of drift-wood, at great peril. They reached the place of des- tination on the 6th of May. About the year 1800, Deacon Joshua Wyatt and family, with Sylvanus Ames and his ac- complished and intelligent wife, joined them, making a very pleasant addition to the little colony. Other settlers also came, but the increase was small until 1804. After the arrival of Deacon Wyatt, public worship on the Sabbath was established, by reading a sermon, and prayer. The settlers very early entered into an agreement, not to use ardent spirits on any public occasion, such as raisings, 4th of July, &c., which was strictly adhered to for several years. Schools of an elevated character were soon established. Two gentlemen, graduates of Harvard University, Moses Everett, son of the Rev. Moses Everett, of Dorchester, Mass., and Charles Cutler, taught successively for several years. During a number of years, the youth enjoyed no other means of acquiring knowledge. But one newspaper was taken, A M E S T W N . 423 the United States Gazette, and that, except by accident, did not arrive much oftencr than once in three months. In the autumn of 180-1, the settlers of Dover. Sunday creek, and Ames were convened in public meeting, to devise means to improve the roads. At this meeting the intellec- tual wants of the settlement became a subject of remark. In their isolated position, the means of acquiring informa- tion were extremely limited. It was suggested that a library would supply the deficiency. But the difficulty of obtaining money, to make the purchase of the books, presented an insuperable obstacle. Josiah True, Esq., of Dover, proposed that they should collect furs, and send on to Boston, to ef- fect the object. This project was acceded to by acclamation. The young men of the colony had become expert hunters. Surrounded by a vast wilderness, with a boundless ocean of woods and prairies, inhabited by savages, who still re- garded it as their favorite hunting grounds, their fatherland ; amidst dangers and privations, unknown in more cultivated regions, a hardy and adventurous character was early devel- oped. John Jacob Astor employed agents in this country, to purchase furs, especially bear skins. At the commence- ment of winter, the bear seeks a hollow tree, or a cavern amongst the rocks, for his winter's sleep. The entrance of those cavities in which this animal takes refuge, is generally small. These were often entered by the hunters, and the bear dispatched, by shooting, or stabbing with the knife. In one instance the bear being wounded, determined to sur- render his fortress, and retreat. The young man who had entered the narrow aperture, had no other resource than to lie flat upon his face, and let the animal squeeze his passage over him. At the outlet of the den, another hunter stood with his rifle, and shot him through the head ; young Brown soon crawled out, covered with blood from the wounded 424 A M E S T W N . bear, saying, that " Bruin had given him a harder squeeze than he ever had before." In order to obtain the proposed library, the settlers, during the ensuing winter, procured a sufficient quantity of raccoon and other skins to make the desired purchase. Samuel Brown, Esq., who was returning to New England that spring in a wagon, took charge of the skins. He was furnished with letters to the Rev. Thaddeus M. Harris, and the Rev. Dr. Cutler, who accompanied Mr. Brown to Boston, and selected a valuable collection of books. It is worthy of note, that this w r as the first public library in Ohio, and per- haps the first west of the mountains, and certainly was the first incorporated in the state. It has since been divided, after accumulating several hundred volumes, and part taken to Dover. Both branches are still in a flourishing condition. About sixty youth have been reared under these influences, and gone forth to the world with fully developed physical powers, uncorrupted morals, and well cultivated minds ; but as most of them are now in active life, it would appear in- vidious to mention them. It may perhaps be proper to say that ten of them have graduated at the Ohio University. Many others have received more or less instruction at that institution. Two have been professors in colleges, three ministers of the gospel, and five lawyers, of established reputation. All of them occupy respectable, and many of them responsible stations in society. The Hon. Ambrose Rice, son of Mr. Jason Rice, of Ames, attended the institution at Athens in its earlier stages. He manifested great aptness in mathematical science, solving the most difficult problems, almost by intuition. He settled in the northwest part of this state, where he occupied sta- tions of trust and profit. His reputation as a man of pro- bity and talent was high. He died leaving a large fortune. A M E S T O W N . 425 The first physician in Amos was Dr. E/.ra Walker, a na- tive of Killingly, Conn. lie still lives, at an advanced age. Mrs. Cutler was a woman of uncommon fortitude and great excellence of character. Though in feeble health, and reared amidst the quiet and peaceful scenes of a A T ew England village, she never shrunk from the dangers and hardships of frontier life. In the early days of the settle- ment the Indians were in the habit of encamping within a mile of her house. Her husband was obliged to be absent four times in a year, to attend the courts at Marietta. On one of these occasions several Indians came to her house. Two hired men, or striplings, being alarmed, caught up their guns and ran over to Capt. Brown's, leaving her and the children unprotected. One of the Indians ap- proached Mrs. Cutler with threatening gestures, brandishing his tomahawk, and pointed to a decanter of brandy upon the cupboard. She knew if they tasted the liquor her life was in danger. With the spirit of a veteran, she seized the fire- shovel and ordered him to set down the bottle and leave the house. The Indian told her, "She was brave squaw; he would give her some meat." They left the house and re- turned to their camp. She was much relieved by the speedy arrival of Capt. Brown, who came immediately on hearing of the unwelcome visit of the Indians. This incident is mentioned to show the trials and dangers to which the fe- males of this settlement were exposed. She was a member of the Congregational church in Marietta, and an exemplary Christian. She died of consumption, in 1809. Mrs. \Vyatt \vas an intelligent, pious woman. Her maiden name was Shaw. She died some years after Mrs. Cutler. Mrs. Ames was the daughter of a Xc\v England clergy- man. She still lives, honored and cherished by her numerous and respectable family. It may be proper to give some sketch of the lives of Lieut. 426 A M E S T W N . Ewing and Capt. Brown, men whose history belongs to that of their country. It was the efforts of such men, under the blessing of God on their labors and daring, that brought our country into existence as a distinct nation of the earth. They have already been mentioned as the individuals who first commenced the settlement at Ames, a movement which, considering the attendant difficulties and perils, required no little courage and perseverance. It seemed like plucking an inheritance from the mouth of the lion, situated as it was, in the heart of the Indian hunting grounds, much valued and often visited by them in large parties until 1812: lit- erally a frontier settlement, isolated and unsupported. Lieut. George Ewing was a native of Salem county, N. J., and though but a youth at the commencement of the Revo- lutionary war, when his native state was invaded, and the sound of battle heard, he took his stand to defend it to the last. He was soon noticed for his bravery and good con- duct, and received the commission of a first lieutenant in the Jersey line of the army, a proud mark of distinction thus to be placed in that noted corps, the Jersey Blues. He continued in the army until the return of peace, when it was disbanded. He soon, with his wife and young family, left New Jersey for the west, and resided a few years near Wheeling, Ya. In 1793, with other families of that vicinity, he removed to Waterford, the frontier settlement on the Muskingum, in the midst of the Indian war. They were entitled to lands on the tract donated by Congress to those who, at that period, ventured their lives to defend the frontiers from the savage foe, and made a selection about four miles above Fort Frye, at the mouth of Olive Green creek, on the bank of the Muskingum river. They prepared a stockade garrison, to which they removed, and commenced improving their lands. The Indians watched them closely, and one of their number was killed by them, but with AMESTOWN. 427 prudence and vigilance they maintained their post without further loss. As a member of the new settlement of Ames,* Mr. lowing was ever ready to promote schools, the library, and every measure calculated for the general good. He was fond of reading; was intelligent; possessed a fund of sterling sense, combined with lively wit and good humor. He sometimes indulged in a natural propensity for poetic and sarcastic descriptions: often served on juries at the freehold courts, held to settle the conflicting claims on the college lands at Athens. There were one or two individuals sometimes em- ployed as advocates, demagogues, who frequently made sad havoc with the king's English. He could not help versifying some of these bombastic speeches, which he did in a mas- terly manner, but always in a vein of good humor. He finally removed to Indiana, and died about the year 1830. He was the father of the Hon. Thomas Ewing, well known for his talents and Ihe public stations he has held. * The name of the township was suggested by Gen. II. Putnam, in honor of Fisher Ames, of Massachusetts. It is now one of the richest farming townships in the Ohio Company's purchase. CAPT. BENJAMIN BROWN.* CAPT. BENJAMIN BROWN was born in Leicester, Worces- ter county, Mass., on the 17th of October, 1745. He was the son of Capt. John Brown, who served with distinction among the colonial troops in the French war, and before and subsequently to the Revolution, for twenty years, rep- resented the town of Leicester in the General Court of the state. His grandfather, William Brown, while a youth, came from England to America, and was the first settler in the town of Hatfield, on the Connecticut, at the mouth of Deerfield river, and was often engaged in the Indian wars of that early period. The maiden name of his mother was Elizabeth Jones, a near relative of John Coffin Jones, a man somewhat distinguished during and after the Revolution. His father's family was large, numbering nineteen children : five by a former wife. At the age of twenty-seven, he married Jane Thomas, who survived him, and died at Athens, in 1840, aged eighty- six years. Soon after his marriage he settled on a farm in the town of Rowe, then in the northwest corner of Hamp- shire county, but now in Franklin, Mass. In February, 1775, he connected himself with a regiment of minute men, as they were then called, commanded by Col. Barnard, filling the post of quaster-master. This regi- ment, under the command of Lieut. Col. Williams, of Northfield, at the first sound of war at Lexington, marched to Cambridge, on the 21st of April. Here he received a * The sketch of Capt. Brown was furnished by his grandsons, G. Brown and Ephraiui Cutler, Esqs. BENJAMIN BROWN. 429 lieutenant's commission in Capt. Maxwell's company, of Col. Prescott's regiment and Massachusetts line, in which he continued until December, 1770. In June, 1775, he was engaged with a party of Americans in a very hazardous service, removing the stock from Noddle's inland, in Boston bay, to prevent their falling into the possession of the British, and also in burning the enemy's packet, Diana, ashore on Maiden beach. He took an active part in the battle of Bunker hill, on the 17th of June, where his commander, Col. Prescott, highly distinguished himself by his judicious conduct and bravery. In this battle his oldest brother, John Brown, who died in Adams, Washington county, Ohio, in 1821, aged eighty- seven years, was dangerously wounded in two places, by musket shots, one of which ranged the whole length of his foot, shattering the bones in a dreadful manner. He was borne from the field on the shoulders of his brother Pearly to a place of safety, showing the rare spectacle of three brothers engaged in this first of American battles. After the evacuation of Boston, in March, 1770, he marched with his regiment to New York, and was present in several engagements during the retreat from Long Island. At the battle of White Plains, where he took an active part, his brother Pearly was killed; and his brother William died in the hospital at New York. On the 1st of January, 1777, he received a captain's commission in the eighth regiment of the Massachusetts line, of which Michael Jackson was colonel, and John Brooks, afterward governor of Massachu- setts, lieutenant- colonel, and William Hall, subsequently governor of Michigan, major. lie remained in this regi- ment until the close of the year 1771). In December, 1770, he assisted at the capture of Ilackensack, by Gen. Parsons. In the summer of 1777, his regiment was ordered to Albany to check the progress of the enemy under Gen. Burgoyne. 430 BENJAMIN BROWN. About the middle of August, Col. Jackson, with his regi- ment, was detached with a body of troops under Gen. Arnold, to raise the siege of Fort Schuyler, and to check the advance of St. Leger's men down the Mohawk toward Al- bany, of which there was great apprehension, after the defeat of Gen. Herkimer at Oriskany, on the 7th of August. On his arrival at the German flats, he received information that at the stone house of Maj. Tenbreck, near where he was encamped, Maj. Walter Butler, a notorious Tory leader, had hoisted the British flag, and that the house and build- ings contained a large amount of military stores and pro- visions. Tenbreck held unlimited sway over the Tory inhabitants of that region, and all the disaffected were flocking to him for arms and provisions. It was known to be a place of great strength, and in addition to the other difficulties, it was said that Maj. Butler had with him a de- tachment of British troops, besides his Tory allies. But as it was of great importance to get possession of these two men, it was decided to make an immediate attack, before they were aware of the approach of their enemies. The colonel selected Capt. Brown, with a chosen corps, to pro- ceed in advance a little before the break of day. He marched with the utmost caution, until they came near the house, when, halting his men, he silently approached the sentinel, who, on his duty, advanced a few rods from the door, and then turning, marched back toward the house. Brown was a man of great strength and activity, and as he turned round he sprang upon him, securing his arms, and ordered his men to surround the house. lie then with sev- eral of his trusty lads, tore some heavy rails from the fence, and using them as battering-rams, stove- in the stout door and entered the building. He there met the two ma- jors, who surrendered the post without resistance, and when the regiment came up they had nothing to do but take BENJAMIN BROWN. 431 possession, and thus, by this happy device, much bloodshed was prevented, and the troops proceeded without delay to the relief of Fort Schuyler, then in the most imminent danger from the army of Indians and Tories that surrounded the brave Gansevort and his gallant companions. On the ap- proach of Arnold, the siege was raised, and the garrison saved. Soon after this event, his regiment returned to the vicinity of Saratoga, and was engaged in nearly all the battles which preceded the surrender of the army under Gen. Bur- goyne. At the storming of the German redoubts, on the 7th of October, Capt. Brown was eminently distinguished. The events of this day sealed the fate of the British troops. The eighth regiment, under Col. Jackson, led the attacking column. Brown, being the senior captain, commanded the front division; on approaching the redoubt, he found an abatis in front of the works, formed of fallen tree-tops. Being a man of uncommon muscular strength, as was also his armor-bearer, or covering-sergeant, they together almost instantly cleared a sufficient opening for his men, and were the first to enter the redoubt. In doing this they received the full fire of the Germans, which killed his brave sergeant, his lieutenant, and several privates ; but he, with the re- mainder, and a free use of the bayonet, soon drove the enemy from the works, and closed this important day in triumph. Col. Breyman, the commander of the Germans, was killed in this redoubt, and from concurrent circumstances, and his own confession, it is quite certain that he lost his life in a personal contest with Capt. Brown, as he entered the works. After the surrender of Burgoyne, he was not present in any important battles, but was with the army until his resig- nation. The station of aid-de-camp to Baron Steuben, was offered to him a short time before the battle of Camden; but he declined the honor, from a sense of his deficient 432 BENJAMIN BROWN. education to fill the post with credit, being that of all the New England farmers of that period. During his absence in the army, his family, in common with many others, suffered severe privations, incident to the condition of the country. At the time of his resignation, in 1779, the continental currency had so greatly depreciated, that his month's pay would not purchase a bushel of wheat for his family, and he was thus forced to leave the service, and return home, to provide for their wants, by his personal efforts. About the year 1789, he removed from Rome, to Hartford, Washington county, N. Y., then a new settlement, where he remained until September, 1796; when, with several families, he left there, to seek a new home in the territory northwest of the Ohio river; the fertility and beauty of the country having spread, by the voice of fame, through the middle and east- ern states. He reached Marietta in the spring of 1797, and in 1799 moved, with Judge Cutler, to Ames township, and assisted in the first settlement of that place. In 1817, his health being much impaired, he went to live with his son, Gen. John Brown, in Athens. In 1818 he applied for, and received a pension. He was a professor of religion, and died, much lamented, in October, 1821, aged seventy-six years. The descendants of John and Benjamin Brown have multiplied in the west to hundreds. Some of them have occupied highly respectable public offices, with ability. Among the number is our late worthy member of Congress. P. B. Johnson, M. D., whose mother was the daughter of John Brown. Those two old pioneers may well be com- pared to the oaks of our forest, which nothing but the terri- ble tornado that levels all before it, can overthrow. The following is a copy of the certificate of Gov. Brooks, given to Capt. Brown on applying for a pension : JOSEPH BARKER. 433 "MEDFORD, Mass., August 24th, 1818. This is to certify that Benjamin Brown wa.s a captain in the late eighth Massachusetts regiment, commanded by Col. Michael Jackson that he (Brown) ranked as such from January 1st, 1777 that he was with me in the capture of Majs. Tenbreck and Butler, near German flats in raising the seige of Fort Stanwix, and in the several battles which immediately preceded the capture of Gen. Burgoyne and his army, all in the year 1777, and that he always acted as a spirited and brave officer. The time of Capt. Brown's resigning is not within my knowledge, but he continued in service until after the llth of September, 1778, at which time I left the eighth, being promoted to the command of the seventh regiment. I have no doubt of his having continued in service until the time he has mentioned in his declaration. J. BROOKS, late lieutenant-colonel Eighth Massachusetts regiment." COL. JOSEPH BARKER. COL. JOSEPH BARKER was a native of New Market, Rock- ingham county, N. II., and was born on the 9th day of Sep- tember, A. D. 17G5. His father was Ephraim Barker. The maiden name of his mother was Mary Manning, of Ipswich, Essex county, Mass. At the age of six years, he lost his mother, who left six children. A few years after her death, Joseph was sent to Exeter Academy, one of the earliest clas- sical seminaries in New England, and ranking with the best in reputation, for sound scholarship and correct discipline. 28 434 JOSEPH BARKER. He remained in the academy for a considerable time, and laid the foundation of a good English education, which, in after-life, by reading, a clear, discriminating mind, and close observation of mankind, enabled him to appear in the sev- eral posts he occupied, of a public nature, with honor to himself, and the credit of his patrons. His father having married again, in the year 1774, moved his family to Amherst, N. H., where he followed the occupa- tion of a house-carpenter, to which he was bred; few of the New England men of that day being without some in- dustrial pursuit. His oldest son, Jeremiah, was educated as a physician, and settled in Portland, Me., where he be- came one of the most eminent practitioners of his time; furnishing numerous articles on the diseases of that region, for the Medical Repository, from its first establishment by Drs. Mitchell and Miller, of New York city. This work was continued for many years, and was not only the first medical periodical published in America, but is said to have been the first in the world; opening the way to the vast amount of medical literature which is now sent forth to the public. Joseph was continued at Exeter until sometime during the war, probably until he was about fourteen or fifteen years old, when he returned to his father, and commenced the acquirement of the art of a house-joiner and carpenter, under the guidance of his parent. He was a youth of great spirit, courage, and activity; and many stories are related, of his pugilistic feats and wrestling, not only with the boys of his own age, but with those much his superiors in years and size. His father lived near the court-house and jail, and Joseph became a great favorite of the sheriff of the county, who was fond of such sports as were common during the period of the Revolution, and encouraged him in the prac- tice. These athletic exercises invigorated and strengthened JOSEPH BARKEK. 435 his muscular frame, and gave him that manly bearing and contempt of danger, which characterized his after-life. When a boy he possessed a rare fund of wit and humor, with a taste for the ludicrous, which was very amusing to his com- panions. One of his boyish feats was related, a few years since, by an old man of Amherst, to Mr. G. Dana, his bro- ther-in-law, while there on a visit. In the spring of the year, it was common for the nice housekeepers in New England, to have their rooms and door- yards fresh whitewashed annually. Joseph had been set at this work, and when he had about completed the job, an old red mare, that belonged to a crabbed, ill-natured neigh- bor, came up to the gate, as she had been in the habit of doing for some time, giving him considerable trouble in dri- ving her away. The conceit immediately came into his head, that it would be a good joke to metamorphose the old mare, by giving her a coat of the whitewash. She was ac- cordingly tied up to the fence, and the operation commenced, of giving her a white masquerading dress over her red one. When finished, she was turned loose, and went directly home. The owner, seeing a strange horse at the stable door, threw stones at her, and drove her away, not once suspecting that this white horse could be his. The next morning, finding the strange animal still about his premises, he set his dog on her, in great anger, following her with many curses and brickbats, determined to break up her unwelcome visits. Several curious disquisitions were held, by the old man and his wife, on the pertinacity of the animal, while the mare was in the greatest wonder at the strange conduct of her master. One or two of the neighbors, who were in the se- cret, as the man was no favorite among them, enjoyed the joke exceedingly, especially when he began to make in- quiries after his own horse, which had somehow strangely disappeared. It was not until after two or three days, when 436 JOSEPH BARKER. the coat of white was rubbed off in patches, showing the natural red, that he could be convinced of her identity, and that he had been harassing and starving his own beast during all that time. This piece of fun was long remem- bered in the village, and gave Joseph no little eclat in the estimation of the real lovers of a little harmless mischief. After working a year or two with his father, he went to live with a relative of his mother in New Ipswich, where he perfected his knowledge of the carpenter's business, becom- ing a skillful architect. He followed his occupation for several years. In 1788 he worked as a journeyman car- penter in the erection of a meeting-house in New Boston, where he remained until 1789. In the latter year he married Miss Elizabeth Dana, the eldest daughter of Capt. William Dana, of Amherst, with whom" he had long been acquainted. His father-in-law having visited the Ohio country in 1788, and determined on moving his family there, Mr. Barker concluded to join his fortune to theirs, and embark with them in the enterprise of seeking a home in the far west. They left Amherst in September, 1789. The mode of travel was in wagons drawn by oxen. One favorite cow was brought with them, which furnished milk for the children on the way ; and on their arrival at Belpre, their future home was named Old Amherst, in remembrance of their former place of residence. The fatigues of a journey of seven hundred miles, and across the mountains, at that day, cannot be estimated by those born amongst the facilities of steamboats and rail- roads. Such were the difficulties in passing these lofty ranges, that sometimes the wagons were actually taken in pieces, and the separate parts carried by hand over the im- passable barrier of rocks and ledges. On the route one of their oxen became lame, and had to be exchanged for a sound one, and as is usually the case in such events, they JOSEPH BARKER. 437 were sadly cheated, the new ox being nearly valueless for the draught. But the resolution of Capt. Dana and Mr. Barker was equal to any emergency, and surmounted every obstacle. The rugged mountains were finally passed, and in November the party arrived at Simrel's ferry, the grand embarking port of the New England emigrants in their de- scent of the Ohio river. As was usual at this early period, they were detained several days for a boat to be made ready for their use. No facilities of passenger boats of any kind were then known on the western waters, but every traveler furnished his own conveyance, or united with others, his companions, in procuring one. While waiting at this place, Isaac Barker, with his family, from Rhode Island, arrived, and they all lived under the hospitable roof of Thomas Stanley, a citizen of Connecticut then living at that place, and who subsequently became a respectable and valuable citizen of Marietta, and after the Indian war in 1797, erected mills on Duck creek, in the present township of Fearing. As soon as the boat was prepared, the three families em- barked in their unwieldy craft, built after the fashion of a large oblong box, covered half its length with a roof to shelter the people and their goods from the weather, while the open space contained their teams and wagons. The water on the Youghiogheny and Monongahela, as it usually is at this season of the year, was low, and every mile or two the boat grounded on the sand-bars and rocks, requiring the voyagers to leap over the side into the cold water, and pry her off into the current, rendering the passage both slow and painful. When they reached Pittsburg, a favorable rise in. the river accelerated their progress and rendered the rest of the voyage more comfortable. On their arrival at Marietta, where they proposed to pass the winter, they found the few houses then built so crowded with inhabitants, 438 JOSEPH BARKER. that they concluded to pass on to Belpre, a settlement just commenced, where Capt. Dana's land was located. The appearance of Marietta at that time, is thus described by one of the party now living. " On ascending the bank of the river to look at the town we had been nearly three month? toiling to see, a very cheerless prospect was pre- sented to our view. A few log-huts were scattered here and there, raised only a few feet above the tall stumps of the sturdy trees that had been cut away to make room for them. Narrow foot-paths meandered through the mud and water from cabin to cabin; while an occasional log across the water-courses afforded the pedestrian a passage without wetting his feet". The people were very kind and hospitable to the new comers, to the extent of their ability ; but after waiting a day or two, Capt. Dana proceeded on with his boat to his future home, where he arrived late in November. Much to his disappointment, he found that the log-house -he had built the spring preceding, by accident was burned up, and the family had to remain in the boat until another was erected. Mr. Barker, who depended on the proceeds of his mechan- ical labor for the support of his family, concluded to stay for the present in Marietta, where carpenters were in de- mand, and immediately began putting up a cabin on the corner of the square where the postoffice building now stands. Early in January, 1790, the small-pox was intro- duced amongst the inhabitants by a moving family, and it was thought prudent for Mrs. Barker to go to Belpre and live in her father's family, until the danger was passed. Mr. Barker not having had the disease, was inoculated about the middle of January, as were a large portion of the inhabitants of Marietta. For pest-houses, several small J S E r II BARKER. 439 log buildings were put up on the border of the plain. On the 30th of that month he wrote to his wife. " I am living in a little, clean log-cabin that is six feet wide, seven feet long, and four and a half high. We make out to sit up, but can- not stand straight. We lodge very well." This shows the narrow accommodations to which some of the inhabitants had to submit. Those in Campus Martins had larger rooms, but were also very much crowded. He passed through the disease favorably, but was not allowed to visit his wife at Belpre. on account of the danger to the inhabit- ants, until the forepart of March. \ On the 28th of February, Mrs. Barker gave birth to a son, the present honorable Joseph Barker, of Newport. He was the first child born in that township, and has several times represented Washington county in the state Legislature. Some time in the spring of the year 1790, he moved his wife and little son to Marietta, where he remained until the autumn of 1793. The Indian war began in January, 1791, yet, notwith- standing the danger, he lived in his own house during a part of the time, retiring to the stockade at the Point when the rangers reported signs of Indians in the vicinity, and returning to his own domicil when the danger was at a distance. Soon after the war broke out, he was appointed an orderly-sergeant, in the pay of the United States by Col. Sproat, who was the military agent, with the rank of a lieu- tenant-colonel. The condition of the Ohio Company's settlements at the time of his arrival, and for a year or two after, cannot be better described than in his own words. In November, 1789, at the time of my arrival, ninety families had landed, and associations embracing two hun- dred and fifty settlers had been formed, and improvements had commenced in several of them. By May, 1790, there 440 JOSEPH BARKER. were very few lots in Belpre and Newbury without a settler. On a return of all the men enrolled for militia duty in the county, made to the secretary of war in March, 1791, their number amounted to one hundred and ninety-five. But after that I think the number increased, and the one hundred thousand acres granted by Congress for donation purposes, induced many to remain, and many more to come in, to avail themselves of the terms of the donation. In January, 1790, a new arrangement was made in the militia, a company of artillery was formed, commanded by Capt. William Mills, of Marietta, Lieut. George Ingersol, of Belpre, and the late Gen. Joseph Buck, orderly-sergeant. The infantry company was commanded by Maj. Nathan Goodale, of Belpre. and Anselm Tupper, of Marietta, lieu- tenant. Early in the spring, some alterations were made, by which I was transferred from the artillery, and made or- derly-sergeant of the company of infantry, and it became my duty to keep a roll of every person amenable to military service; to attend at the place of public worship, with my roll ; call ever}' man's name, examine his arms and ammu- nition, and see that he was equipped according to law. ] had also to note down and report all delinquencies. The territorial militia law made it the duty of the troops, to as- semble on Sunday morning, at ten o'clock, for inspection ; those who attended public worship, and there were few who did not, after the inspection, marched from the parade ground to the room where service was held, preceded by the clergy- man and Col. Sproat, the commandant at the Point garrison, with his Revolutionary sword drawn, and the drum and fife, and by Gen. Putnam and Gen. Tupper, at Campus Martius. The citizens generally fell into the ranks, and the procession moved, in military array, to wait on divine service ; the fife and drum supplying the place of the church-going bell, in the eastern states. In case of an alarm on the Sabbath, JOSEPH BARKER. 441 that portion of tlic congregation who were armed, rushed out of the meeting, to face the danger, or pursue, the Indians, which several times happened. After the war commenced, the troops under pay, were the special guard for the garris- ons, in the daytime, but were not connected with the citizens in their military duties. The latter were held in prepara- tion, to be called on for .scouts and pursuing parties; while the guard was not allowed to leave- the garrison, or the sen- tinel his post, but they were both inspected at the same hour by their respective ollicers, to see if they were prepared for action at all times. Before the arrival of the Rev. Daniel Story, who was the stated pastor, Thomas Lord, Esq., of Connecticut, who had been educated at Yale college, and studied theology preparatory to the ministry, officiated as clergyman for the settlement. Previous to the commence- ment of hostilities by this weekly inspection on the Sabbath, when the most of the people were at home, but absent on other days, the commandant was informed what proportion of them were armed and equipped to defend the settlement; emigrants frequently arrived without arms, so that the num- ber of guns fell short of the number of men, and the de- ficiency could not be made up in the settlement, and those persons only who were known to have arms, were proceeded against as delinquents. A short time previous to hostilities, Col. Sproat had been authorized by the secretary of war to enlist a company of men into the service of the United States, out of the settlers, to be employed in guarding and defending the settlements, and also to superintend and dis- tribute them at the posts which most needed their aid. He was directed to appoint a commissary to furnish provisions to these troops, and employed Paul Fearing, Esq., Col. Sproat being Commander-in-chief, his aid was solicited in procuring arms for the citizens, who were deficient. lie immediately wrote to the commanding officer at. Fort Pitt, who sent down 442 JOSEPH BARKER. about thirty old muskets which had been laid aside as unfit for use ; they were put into the hands of the blacksmiths, who repaired them as well as they could, and distributed w r here most needed. Powder and lead were furnished, and cartridges made to suit each caliber, and deposited in the block-houses ready to be distributed in case of an attack. In June, 1792, Col. Sproat received two boxes, containing twenty-five stands each of United States muskets with bayo- nets fresh from the factory. These were distributed to the soldiers and citizens on their signing a receipt to return them when called for, to Col. Sproat. The arms were never called for, and are still in the county. The inhabitants \vere now thought to be well armed ; many rifles were procured and brought into the country. The northern men, previous to their coming here, were unacquainted with the rifle and the woods, but by practicing on the example of those who had been edu- cated among the Indians and the forests, they soon became good hunters and expert woodsmen. Those who were well armed and good marksmen, were commonly selected as sentries for the working parties in the fields, and were always ready to start on any discovery of the enemy, or pursue an Indian trail. Thus, by being familiar with dan- ger, and inured to the hazard of a rencounter with their en- emies, they gained that confidence in themselves which promised, in case of meeting an Indian, the odds in their own favor. Several followed hunting continually : others were out with the rangers, or small parties, so that it was difficult for an Indian to make a track within five miles of a garrison without being detected. Thus a large portion of the inhabitants became fearless of danger from the Indians, and preferred some employment or enterprise abroad, to being confined in the garrisons, which is evident from the fact that nearly all the one hundred thousand acres of do- nation land had been taken up, surveyed and deeded away, JOSEPH BARKER. 443 with improvements made on many of the lots, previous to Wayne's treaty. Where the lots bordered on large streams, many had made considerable improvements during the war, and others were ready to do so on the news of peace. All the lots settled along the Ohio river below the Muskingum, belonged to the Ohio Company's purchase, It is an axiom with military men that rangers arc the eyes of an army. It proved true with respect to our settlements. The measure of employing rangers was adopted previous to the com- mencement of hostilities, and they were stationed at Mari- etta and Waterford three months before the massacre at Big Bottom ; and as the safety of the lives and property of the inhabitants depended much on the vigilance and honesty of these men, none were selected but such as possessed these qualities. Their pay, under the Ohio Company, was one dollar a day ; but under the United States, it was eighty- four cents, or twenty-five dollars a month. After naming and describing the persons of a number of the rangers, he says, "Two men, Benjamin Patterson and John Shepherd, from the state of New York, were employed as rangers three of the first years of the war, and then moved down the river. At the time of the controversy be- tween Pennsylvania and Connecticut relative to their con- flicting land claims on the Susquehanna river, the state of Pennsylvania appointed Timothy Pickering, of Salem, Mass., the honest old Federalist, to go upon the ground and meet others to adjust the difference. While there, this same Ben- jamin Patterson was one of two or three men who took Picker- ing from his bed at night, and conveyed him three miles into the woods, and bound him fast to a white-oak sapling and left him there to starve to death; but after two or three days Patterson returned, and went and unbound him, setting him at liberty, for which outrage he fled from Wyoming to the state of Xew York, and from thence to Marietta. It was 444 JOSEPH BARKER. not uncommon for such characters to call at our settlement, but finding neither plunder nor speculation, and their char- acters soon pursuing them, they floated down the river. To the plan early adopted of employing rangers, may be attributed the general safety and success of the settlement of Washington county. It was first proposed by Gen. Put- nam, and aftervVard adopted by Congress. The Indians finding themselves so closely watched by men who were their compeers in their own arts of warfare, as well as more vigilant and untiring soldiers, became indifferent to enter- prises where they were likely to meet with more loss than profit. The hope of reward is the great spring of human action. Men who fire not paid, nor fed nor clothed, may make good partizans for a short emergency, but never make good soldiers. Their patriotism soon cools. The hope of plunder is the main stimulus with the Indians. Therefore they crossed the Ohio river below and above passing by us, went a hundred miles beyond, on to the waters of the Monongahela, where there was more plunder and less watch- fulness. Revenge is sweet, but must not be bought too dear. Parties of fifty or a hundred, who came on to attack us, sel- dom remained about the settlements more than a week; and larger bodies of a thousand or more, such as attacked Gen. St. Clair and Fort Recovery, could not keep together more than four or five days, as they had no means to pro- vide food for the soldier or his family, when fighting the bat- tles of his tribe. It is estimated, that in the seven years previous to the war of 1791, the Indians, along the fron- tiers south of the Ohio river, killed and took prisoners, fif- teen hundred persons, stole two thousand horses, and other property to the amount of fifty thousand dollars. This was the declared object of the party who killed Mr. Carpenter and the family of Armstrong. The first physician who came to settle in Marietta, was JOSEPH I5ARKER. 445 Dr. Jabcz Farley, a son of Gen. Farley, of Old Ipswich, Mass. lie had been educated for a physician, and studied medicine with old Dr. Holyoke, walking with him, as his friends said, three years in the streets of Salem. He was a modest, amiable, young man; always ready to obey the calls of humanity, and had the good-will and confidence of all who knew him. But as there were but few people, and those young and healthy, (except the disease of an empty purse,) his practice was very limited. As he was not fitted for any other business, in the autumn of 1790, his medicine being exhausted, he returned to Ipswich, and did not come out again. In the first settlement of the country, intermittent fever, or fever and ague, was the prevailing disease, among all classes, along the water-courses. It commenced about the 1st of August, and continued at intervals, until sugar-making in February or March. Maple sugar was a valuable article of diet, in families who had little or no salt meat, as this food was scarce and dear. Sugar was a substitute for man}' things, and where they could get it, as most people could, who took the pains of making it, was used freely, and some- time? exhausted their store, before the sickly season, in Au- gust, arrived; when they were almost certain to be sick; while those who had more substantial and solid food, es- caped. Remitting or bilious fevers were not so common, until long after the war. Industry and temperance were preventives of most disorders, and a remedy for many more. Gen. Putnam used to relate an anecdote of his own expe- rience in the fever and ague. After concluding a treaty of peace with the Wabash and Illinois Indians, in September, 1792, he was attacked with the fever and ague, and suffered severely with this disorder, on his voyage up, performed in a superb, twelve-oared barge, rowed by United States sol- diers, lie had a surgeon on board, who prescribed for him, 446 JOSEPH BARKER. but debarred him from the use of stimulating food and drink. His disease continued unabated, under this course, until he reached this side of Gallipolis, when the boat landed at night- fall, at a camp of hunters on the bank of the Ohio. They had a profusion of bear meat, venison, and turkey. They feasted themselves, and made every person welcome; but the general was interdicted the savory contents of the camp- kettle, by his surgeon, the very fumes of which were quite a feast to a hungry stomach. He lay down on his blanket, before the camp-fire, and tried to sleep, but the thoughts of the rich contents of the camp-kettle, only a few feet from him, prevented. As soon as all around him were lost in slumber, he crept up to the side of the kettle, and feasted his craving appetite on the well-seasoned bear meat and venison, as long as he dared to indulge it. He had not a single return of the ague after this night; showing that all he needed, was more stimulating food than he had been al- lowed to use for several weeks preceding. As the Indians came into the treaty at Fort Harmer in the fall of 1788, they employed themselves in hunting and destroying the game, for which they had no use, (as they were supplied with rations from the garrison,) except for the skins of the deer. So great was their industry and per- severance, that in the fall and winter they brought in deer and turkeys, piling them up on the bank of the Muskingum, at the Point, like a stack of hay, until the inhabitants were obliged to assemble and throw them into the river, to abate the nuisance. They left the carcasses about the woods, which brought in the wolves and panthers, but destroyed all the deer. A man by the name of Bagley, who was a fiddler, and lived at Wolf creek mills, on his way to Mari- etta one cold, snow-stormy day in March, was attacked by a gang of wolves, who drove him up a tree, where he had to sit and play the fiddle for them all night, until they left JOSEPH H A K K E It . 447 him in the morning. When the Indians wore asked why they destroyed and wasted the game in .such a manner, they answered they meant to destroy and starve out every white man north of the Ohio. They frequently alluded to the prospect of repossessing their hinds, and recovering their good hunting grounds. One old Indian, when ho drew his blanket at the treaty, threw it over his shoulders, .saying he had got his cornfield on his back, but he would have it to walk on next year. It was said there were lour hundred Indians, men, women, and children; and ,so thoroughly did they destroy the game within ten miles of Marietta, that scarcely a deer could be seen; where, before, a good hunter could kill from fifteen to twenty in a day. 1 have heard Ham- ilton Kerr say, that the hills between Duck creek and Little Muskingum, were the best hunting ground he had ever seen ; that he could easily kill fifteen deer in a clay, and frequently in a morning. The Indians, by burning the woods every year, kept down the undergrowth, and made good pasture for the game and good hunting for themselves/ The famine of 1790 was much aggravated by this destruction of the wild animals. Early in March, 1791, Capt. Joseph Rogers, one of the rangers, was killed by the Indians, lie was a native of Pennsylvania, and about fifty years old; a gentlemanly, brave, humane soldier, and had been an oilicer in Col. Morgan's ritle corps at the capture of Burgoyne. Having served honorably through the Revolution, he, with many an old soldier, marched toward the setting sun, on the forma- tion of the Ohio Company, in the hope of finding a new home in the west. lie was in company with Edward Hen- derson, another of the rangers, on their return from a tour of duty, and was shot by a party of four Indians, on the side of a hill a mile north of Campus Martius. Henderson 448 JOSEPH BARKER. had several balls shot through his clothes, but made his escape after being chased several miles, and reached the garrison at the Point about twelve o'clock at night, where he was recognized by the sentinel on duty, and admitted at the gate on Ohio street. The commander was roused, the cannon fired, and answered at Campus Martius and Fort Harmer. The alarm ran through the garrison that Rogers was killed, and Henderson chased into the post by a large body of Indians, who were now at the gate making an attack. All was consternation in the darkness of night, but every one hastened to his alarm post. Some incidents occurred w T hich marked the propensities of different individ- uals. The first person for admittance into the central block- house was Col. Sproat, with a box of papers. Then came some young men with their arms. Then a woman with her bed and children. Next old Mr. William Moulton, from Newburyport, aged seventy, with his leather apron fall of old goldsmith tools and tobacco. Close at his heels came his daughter Anna, with the China teapot, cups and saucers : Lydia brought the great Bible; but when all were in, their mother was missing. Where was mother? She must be killed ! No, says Lydia, mother said she would not leave the house looking so; she would put things a little more to rights, and then she would come. Directly mother came, bringing the looking-glass, knives and forks, &c. Messengers were soon exchanged with Campus Martius, and no appearance of hostilities was discovered. All re- turned to their homes in the morning, and peace was re- stored to the little anxious community. A strong party of men went out that forenoon, brought in the dead body of Rogers, and buried him in second street, near the brink of the plain." Mr. Barker, as orderly-sergeant, had charge of the block- JOSEPH BARKER. 440 house at the Point, where the inhabitants assembled at the alarm of Indians, and was an eye-witness of the scene described. During the continuance of the war, he was exposed to many dangers and trials, which he met with the fortitude of a brave man, and was ready at all times to lead or to follow wherever duty called him. Soon after the massacre at Big Bottom, he was on the ground with a party of volunteers from Marietta, and assisted in burying the burnt and mu- tilated bodies of his countrymen. Also in the autumn of 1791, when Capt. Carpenter and four others were killed by the Indians seven miles above Marietta, in Virginia, he was early at the spot, and assisted in committing to the earth their mangled bodies, which was a dangerous service, as the savages might still be lurking in the vicinity of the place, watching for their approach. In August, 1793, the small-pox again visited Marietta, and to avoid the infection in his family, he moved to Stone's garrison, in the upper settlement of Belpre, built in the spring of that year. But this enemy of the human race, more subtle than the savage, could not be eluded, and Mrs. Barker took the disease in the natural way. It proved to be of the malignant, confluent kind, ahd she barely escaped with her life, bearing about her person the marks of its vio- lence the rest of her days. All the inhabitants of Belpre who had not previously had the small-pox, were now inocu- lated, turning their garrisons into so many hospitals. Be- tween the Indians without their walls, and disease and want within, they suffered extremely. In the spring of 1794, a family by the name of Armstrong, on the Virginia shore of the Ohio, in sight of Stone's garri- son, was attacked by the Indians, four killed and three taken prisoners. On this occasion he was one of the volunteers who, on the first alarm, turned out from the garrison to 29 450 JOSEPH BARKER. pursue the Indians, bury the dead, and give succor to such of the family as escaped by not being in the house at the time. These melancholy scenes were common during the war, and tried the courage and the hearts of the bravest of the settlers. In the winter of 1793-4, he taught a school in the garri- son. This post was about one hundred yards in length by fifty yards in breadth, and contained five block-houses, and six log dwelling-houses, with a school-house. The whole were inclosed with stout palisades. The inmates consisted of twelve families, and being generally prolific in children, averaging from three or four to eight or ten in a family, they could furnish a school of forty between the ages of four years and twenty years. The heads of families in this garrison w r ere Capt. Jonathan Stone, Capt. William Dana, Capt. Elias Gates, Col. Silas Bent, Stephen Guthrie, Israel Stone, Simeon Wright, Isaac Barker, Joseph Barker, Wan- ton Cosey, Benjamin Patterson, and Stephen Smith. The school was an interesting one, and he spent the winter very pleasantly in teaching the young idea how to shoot. In February, 1795, the inhabitants of this little garrison were doomed to lose one of their own number by the Indians. Jonas Davis, an intelligent young man from New England, and at the time living in Mr. Barker's family, incautiously left the station one morning alone, and went about three miles up the bank of the Ohio, for the purpose of getting the boards and nails from a small boat he had discovered wrecked in the ice on the shore, as he came down from Ma- rietta the day before. Not returning that night, fears were felt for his safety. The following morning all the inhabit- ants of the garrison fit to bear arms, excepting Capt. Dana and Col. Bent, who were rather infirm, were mustered to go out in search of Davis. After cautiously reconnoitering their way, he was found killed and scalped near the mouth of JOSEPH BARKER. 451 Crooked creek, stripped of all his clothing but a shirt. Pre- parations were soon made, for bringing the dead body to the garrison, by lashing it with hickory withes to a pole. In the meantime, one of the party, unused to such scenes, became much alarmed at the sight of the dead and mangled body, together with the surmises of Patterson, the ranger, that the Indians were still lurking in the vicinity, watching their motions, sufTered his fears to get the better of his rea- son, and started, full speed, for home. So much alarmed was the man, that he fancied an Indian in every bush, and thought he could see their dusky forms stalking from tree to tree, ready to intercept him. In the meantime, the inmates of the garrison were waiting, in anxious suspense, the return of the party, and to hear the result of their search. At length the person in the watch-tower gave notice of the ap- proach of a messenger, at his utmost speed. A general rush of the women and children, was made to the gate, to learn the tidings. The man, out of breath, and pale with affright, had hardly strength enough to relate that he had been chased by the Indians, who filled the woods, and barely escaped with his life, and he had no doubt the whole party were either killed or taken prisoners. The gates were immediately closed and barred, while every preparation in their power, was made for defense, by the two old veterans, Dana and Bent, who had both seen service in the American Revo- lution. Grief, anguish, and confusion, for a short time per- vaded this wretched group of mothers, wives, and children, at the false intelligence of the fate of their clearest friends. On more closely questioning the alarmed fugitive, as to the particulars of the fight with the Indians, from his incoherent account, they were led to hope the matter was not so disas- trous as represented, and quiet began to be restored, while they waited, in great anxiety, the return of the party. It was a slow and laborious task, to bring the dead body 452 JOSEPH BA.RKEK. on their shoulders, and not regarding the flight of the run- away as of any importance, or that he might cause need- less alarm to their friends at home, they returned cautiously along, keeping a good look-out for their wily foes, if any were near. They, at length, to the great relief of the in- mates of the garrison, made their appearance with the dead body ; and as it was naked, they halted a few rods from the gate, and called for a blanket to cover it. The article re- quired, was carried out to them by Mr. Barker's little son, Joseph, then only four years old, who, to this day, remem- bers that distressing scene, with the anguish and alarm of the occasion, with all the vividness of a recent event. This was the last trial they had with the savages, as in August following, the peace of Greenville was completed with the western tribes. From the time of his first coming to Marietta, Mr. Bar- ker's intention was, to become the owner of a farm, but had thus far been prevented by the hostilities of the Indians. The donation lands of one hundred acres, had previously been distributed to actual settlers, and his lot fell in Wise- man's bottom, seven miles above Marietta; to this he subse- quently added three other lots, making a fertile and valuable farm, of four hundred acres, the seat of his future home. In April, 1795, he left the garrison, in a canoe, with two of his wife's brothers, William and Edmond Bancroft Dana, to assist him in making the first opening on his wilderness farm, taking with him , in addition to his cooking utensils, farming tools, and provisions fifty young apple, and twelve cherry trees : it being one of the first acts of the thrifty New Englanders, to provide their families with fruit, as well as bread. The name of Wit- e man's bottom originated from a backwoodsman, who, while Virginia claimed the right to all the lands northwest of the Ohio river, had made an entry at this spot, of four hundred acres, called a settlement right. JOSEPH BARKER. 453 It was upon this little improvement, that Mr. Barker began his first clearing. There was yet considerable danger from the Indians, as peace was not yet concluded, and a man was killed by them about ten miles distant, on Wolf creek, in a short time after. Nevertheless, the adventurers proceeded up the Muskingum and commenced their labor. About the time of their arrival a block-house had been built at Rain- bow creek, on the opposite side of the river, by Gen. Put- nam, where he proposed to erect a mill, distant about a mile. In this building, during the time of their stay, the party took shelter every night, returning to their work in the morning with a gun on each one's shoulder, and an axe in the hand. While at their work chopping down the trees, one of the party was constantly kept on the lookout for danger. In addition to their own watchfulness, they had the aid of a faithful old dog, called Pedro, who accompanied them from New Hampshire, and had been with them during the war in Belpre. He would instinctively post himself on some elevation, such as a big log, or the stump of a tree, on the watch for the approach of an enemy, ready to give the alarm on the least sign of its appearance, whether from wild beast or savage. They were thus occupied for three weeks, and made the first permanent improvement in the Wiseman's bottom set- tlement, a tract embracing two or three thousand acres, and which subsequently became one of the most beautiful, well cultivated tracts, and intellectual community on the Mus- kingum river. During this time they had cleared about two acres of ground in the rich bottom, which was thickly cov- ered with immense trees of black-walnut and sugar-ma- ple, the labor of removing and burning which no one can tell, but him who has actually tried it. Holes were dug in the fresh virgin soil, and apple trees planted out amidst the gigantic sons of the forest, whose loftv heads were made to 454 JOSEPH BARKER, bow at the presence of civilized man. The cherry trees were not yet set, as they intended to remain a day or two longer; but old Pedro notified them one afternoon that danger was near. With the hair erect on his back, he would rush into the thick woods on the side of the clearing, threat- ening instant attack on some unseen enemy, but which his acute olfactories enabled him to detect; then returning to his master, seemed to say, " It is time to be off." This was repeated at intervals for several hours, until near night, when the party thought it would be more prudent to go. In the meantime, as the apple-trees were not all set, when the dog began his warning, two of the party stood on the watch with their guns ready, while the third one finished the work by setting the remaining trees near the bank of the river, further from the edge of the woods, and from the concealed danger, whatever it might be. They now stepped on board the canoe with their faithful watch-dog, just at evening, and by the aid of a rapid current and the vigorous application of their paddles, they reached Stone's garrison, a distance of nineteen miles, before ten o'clock that night. In May, Mr. Barker returned to his farm and cleared an additional piece of woodland, making in all about three acres, which was planted in corn. He visited the little field two or three times during the summer, to dress the corn and witness its progress. Once he came alone, and staid three nights, lodging as before in the block-house. These early fields were planted without plowing. The seed-corn being committed to the rich, loose, vegetable soil, grew with as- tonishing vigor ; and where it received plenty of sunshine, yielded fine crops. His little field produced about one hun- dred and twenty-five bushels, which very fortunately escaped the ravages of the squirrels and raccoons, there being an abundant supply of food for them that year in the forest. The final articles of peace were signed in August, 171)5. JOSEPH BARKER. -155 As soon as the intelligence reached the garrisons on the Ohio and Muskingum, their inmates prepared to leave their rude fortresses, where they had suffered much from the three greatest scourges of the human race, war, famine, and pestilence. In December following, Mr. Barker, with his wife and three children, left the garrison and landed at his new home on the 18th of the month. The first thing that attracted the notice of little Joseph on their going ashore at the new farm, now- the old homestead, was the fresh cut stumps of the small willow trees that lined the water's, edge, the work of the half-reasoning beaver. These sagacious animals had a lodge behind an island about a mile below, and another a short distance above, at the mouth of Rainbow creek. They were the last families of the race seen in this part of the coimtr} r , and were in a year or two after caught by that venerable old trapper, Isaac Williams. The new dwelling- house of the Barkers was a log-cabin sixteen feet square. One side of this was occupied by a corn-crib four or five feet in width, made of poles, containing the crop of the little clearing. On entering the future home of the family, in a cold December night, it may be safely said that no future visitors of the dwelling of Mr. Barker, ever met so cold a reception as they themselves did, on that long-remembered evening. The nearest neighbor was at Marietta, seven miles below: the next at Waterford, fifteen miles above. The fortitude and perseverance requisite to meet the hard- ships and privations of a settlement in the wilderness, were found centered in this family. Mrs. Barker possessed pa- tience, resolution, industry, and good sense ; all needed, in no small degree, in trials of this kind. During that winter the clearing was considerably enlarged, and two hundred peach-trees were added to the orchard in the spring. Mills for grinding were scarce and remote ; and the hand-mill at 456 JOSEPH BARKER. the block-house across the river, was their only dependence for meal; but with a good crib of corn, and this resource, famine was kept at a respectful distance. In the following year, or 1796, the families of Capt. J. Devol, John Russel, and Israel Putnam, moved into Wise- man's bottom, and lessened by their vicinity the sense of loneliness, as they were all social and well informed per- sons. During the year, he put up a convenient hewed log- house, with a brick chimney, a degree of refinement to which but few new settlers arrive short of several years. In January, a serious accident befell him, which was sensi- bly felt for a long time. The little cabin which they had recently left, accidently took fire, and was destroyed. It was occupied as a work-shop, store-house, &c., and contained a large stock of carpenter's tools, while in the loft was stored away the crop of well rotted flax, ready for dressing, and on which, before the introduction of cotton, the inhabitants depended for then- domestic cloth, and was a very important article in every family. On one side of the building was the pen containing the fat hogs, and were saved from the flames with difficulty. In their fright they fled across the river on the ice, into the woods, and were not found until they were much lessened in value. All his bread-stuff for the ensuing year was destroyed, as well as his tools brought from New England. The intrinsic value of the articles was not great, but to him was a serious affair, as it took away his whole stay of bread and meat, with his main dependence for clothing, and was a more afflicting loss than the burning of a whole block of buildings, filled with goods, would be to a rich Wall-street merchant. To repair this disaster, Mr. Barker set to work at his trade, like a sensible, resolute man, and followed the business of a house-carpenter for several years in Marietta, erecting dwelling-houses for the Hon. Paul Fearing, William Skinner, JOSEPH HARK. Ell. 457 Rev. Daniel Story, and many others, with the Muskingum academy. In 17SK) and 1800, he built the splendid mansion of Mr. Blennerhassett, on the island since called by his name. About this time, ship-building commenced at Marietta and on the Muskingum river, where many a tall oak which had flourished for ages on its banks, two thousand miles from the ocean, was destined to toss upon its waves, and to visit far distant lands. In this new business, Mr. Barker took an active part, and in 180:2, built two vessels at his farm. One was the Brig Dominic, for Messrs. Blennerhassctt and Woodbridge, and named for Mr. B's. oldest son. The other was a schooner for E. W. Tupper, called the Indiana. In 1803, he built a brig called the Louisa, for the same man. During the autumn of 180G, he was employed by Mr. Blennerhassett to build fifteen large batteaux, to be used in the famous Burr expedition. After having been so exten- sively employed, by the former gentleman, as an architect, and to his entire satisfaction, it was very natural for him to select Mr. Barker for this purpose, of constructing boats so necessary to the enterprise. They were calculated for the ascent of water-courses, and were doubtless intended to transport troops and munitions of war up lied river, to Natchitochcs, from which point a short land journey would reach Xew Mexico, then a province of old Spain. To revo- lutionize the Mexicans, was, beyond controversy, the object of that ardent, bold, and restless man, Aaron Burr. The result is well known to history. As early as 171)9, Mr. Barker was commissioned, by Gov. St. Clair, as a justice of the peace, for Washington county, at that time embracing a large portion of the southern ter- ritory of Ohio. He also received a captain's commission from the same source, and was advanced, from time to time, through the various grades of promotion, to that of colonel 458 JOSEPH BARKER. of the regiment. These were offices of distinction and honor in those days, when every citizen deemed it his duty to ap- pear on parade, armed and equipped according to law. It was during this period in our history, that the present sen- ator, in Congress, from Michigan, Hon. Lewis Cass was or- derly-sergeant in Capt. Burlingame's company of militia at Marietta. In the year 1800 the House of Representatives in the ter- ritorial Legislature, issued an address to the citizens, re- questing them to assemble in county conventions, and instruct their representatives on the question of forming a state government. It was a subject on which there was great division of sentiment. At a meeting of the citizens of Adams township, Col. Barker was chairman of a com- mittee to report on this measure, at a subsequent assembly. He wrote a very full and able report in opposition to the question, which received the approbation of the committee. On the 17th of June, 1801, the delegates met at Marietta, as follows : for Marietta, Paul Fearing, and Elijah Backus; Belpre, Isaac Pearce, and Silas Bent; Waterford, Robert Oliver, and Gilbert Devol; Adams, Joseph Barker; New- port, Philip Witten, and Samuel Williamson; Middletown, (or Athens.) Alvin Bingham; Gallipolis, Robert SafFord. Gilbert Devol was chairman, and Joseph Barker, clerk. Col. Barker presented his views in a well written argument, in opposition to the policy of entering into a state government; especially setting forth the injurious effects, of the measure, to the settlers in the Ohio Company's purchase. They had been struggling with the hardships of first opening the wil- derness, since the year 1788; and for a large part of the time, pressed by the merciless savage to the extremes of want, danger, and even death. The population was sparse, and generally poor. The expenses of government would be heavy in proportion to the inhabitants, while the advantages JOSEPH BARKER. 459 of a state government, over the territorial, would be few, perhaps none, in their present situation. The taxes to sup- port it, would fall on the actual settlers and landholders, as the Ohio Company lands would all be brought on the tax list, while Congress lands, daily becoming more valuable by the improvements of the settlers, were to be free from taxation. These, with various other reasons, were used in support of the position taken, and were so satisfactory to the convention, that the report was unanimously adopted, and the following resolution passed : "Resolved, That in our opinion, it would be highly impol- itic, and very injurious to the inhabitants of this territory, to enter into a state government, at this time. Therefore, we, in behalf of our constituents, do request that you would use your best endeavors to prevent, and steadily oppose the adoption of any measures that may be taken for the purpose." This, with the usual preamble, was signed by the chair- man, and sent to their representatives. In the Legislature as well as among the people, there was a great division on this important question. Those who were fond of office and expected promotion, with a share of the loaves and fishes of the new dynasty, were the leaders in favor of the measure, and clamorous for its adoption, while the sober, judicious, and thinking men, were opposed to it. The advocates of the proposition, however, succeeded in rallying sufficient force in the Legislature, to cany the measure, and the eastern portion of the territory became the state of Ohio. So anxious were the ambitious men of the territory for the change, that they relinquished the right of taxing the lands owned by Congress until five years after they had been sold and in the possession of the purchaser; when, in equity, they should have been liable to taxation as soon as they were in his occupancy. The apprehensions 460 JOSEPH BARKER. of the evil results to the Ohio Company settlers, were soon realized, as the taxes for the support of the new government fell very heavily on them, and were very oppressive on the inhabitants of this district, as well as Symmes' purchase and the Connecticut reserve. This inequality remained until the year 1825, when the ad valorem system took place, and removed this long continued injustice. Although an unaspiring man, yet Col. Barker was called by his fellow citizens to hold many stations of trust and honor during his life. In 1818, he was elected a representa- tive for Washington county, in the state Legislature. He served for a number of years as a county commissioner, and planned the model for the new court-house, built in 1822, which is considered both a convenient and beautiful edifice. He was often called on to deliver Fourth of July orations and agricultural addresses, in all which he acquitted himself with much credit. He possessed a good share of poetic genius, as well as imagination, and wrote a number of pieces quite well adapted to the occasion. One of these, for the Fourth of July, 1815, abounds in humor, and is well worth preserving as coming from the backwoods. It appears much better when sung than in simply reading. THE BIRTHDAY OF UNCLE SAM. TUNE OF GOOD QUEEN BESS. Will you hear me, my friends, if I jingle in rhyme? On the day Uncle Sam was first out of his prime, sir, If I sing of the times, and the deeds he has done, How he dress'd, how he fought, how the tattle was won, sir 1 ! Hail to the memory of old Uncle Sam, Jfcrry be the lirthday of old Uncle Sam 1 The family was young, and the farm rather new ; They had their odd notions like us, not a few, sir, JOSEPH BARKEH. Had full faith in witches, gave conjurors devotion, Aud to the oldest boy they gave a double portion, sir. Proud be the birthday of old Uncle Sam, Long live the memory of old Uncle Sam. Our grandsires wore buckles on their shoes for to please ; Their jackets and their breeches both came to their kuccs, sir, 'With a wig on the head and a cue tail so trim, Nine inches on a hat was a fashionable brim, sir. These were the boyish days of old Uncle Sam, Long live the memory of old Uncle Sam. Our grandmothers, too, were the patterns of good taste, Three-quarters of a yard waa the length of a waist, sir ; A cushion on the head, and a cork on the heel, With a hoop in the gown quite as broad as a wheel, sir. Such were the minor days of old Uncle Sam, Long live the memory of old Uncle Sam. They were tenants at will of the famous Johny Bull, Who demanded high rents and collected them in full, sir ; He tax'd them direct for each article they wore, W r hile his army and his stamp act vcx'd them very sore, sir. These were the sorry days of old Uncle Sam, Merry be the birthday of old Uncle Sam. "He'd a right to tax the colonies," so Johnny Bull declared, "In any case whatever." Uncle Sammy thought it hard, sir, But when he tried to make them pay a tax on their tea, 'Twas steep'd in Boston harbor, for the fishes in the sea, sir. These were the spunky days of old Uncle Sam, Long live the memory of old Uncle Sam. Then Johnny Bull was wrath, and to give his passion vent, He fell on Uncle Sam, and at fisticuffs they went, sir. The squabble lasted long, and it proved very sore, For Johnny Bull was pelted both behind and before, sir. These were the fighting days of old Uncle Sam, Long live the memory of old Uncle Sam. Every farmer owned a short gun, and if he had good luck, Could bring down a redcoat as ensv as a buck, sir. 462 JOSEPH BARKER. And when they fell in with Burgoyne and his men, They took them as easy as turkeys ia a pen, sir. Proud be the birthday of old Uncle Sam, Long live the memory of old Uncle Sam. Every boat was a ship, every ship was a fleet ; Every boy was a sailor, every fisherman a mate, sir ; And then if the British but peep'd from their holes, They hook'd them as easy as cod from the shoals, sir. Proud be the memory of old Uncle Sam, Long live the memory of old Uncle Sam. Uncle Sam now obtained some allies and a fleet, Some bayonets and men, with some rations to eat, sir ; Then in taking Cornwallis, so light was the job, That they shelled him as farmers do corn from the cob, sir. These were the proud days of old Uncle Sam, Long live the memory of old Uncle Sam. At length, Johuny Bull thought 'twas best to make a peace ; 1'or in fighting for the feathers, he had lost all the geese, sir. Then each made a promise they would do no more harm, So he left Uncle Sam and his boys with the farm, sir- Proud be the birthday of old L'ncle Sam, Long live the memory of old Uncle Sam . In the year 1830, Col. Barker was elected an associate judge of the Court of Common Pleas, and at the expiration of the term in 1837, was again re-elected, which post he held until his declining health led him to resign in 1842. The duties of this office were discharged with great dignity and propriety, while his intimate knowledge of the princi- ples of law enabled him to give correct and satisfactory decisions when his opinion was required. His acquaintance through the state of Ohio was extensive, and his friends numerous. In hospitality, he was unsur- passed; fond of social intercourse, gifted with a ready flow of language, and a mind well stored with historical facts, his conversation was both instructive and interesting. This JOSEPH BARKER. 463 rendered hjs society very pleasing to both young and old. From the time of his settlement on the Muskingum, in 1705, to the period of his death, in 1813, nearly half a century, his house was open to receive the weary and destitute emi- grant, the transient traveler, or the familiar friend ; ever delighting in the opportunity of rendering a kindness to his fellow-man. He was the father of ten children, four sons and six daughters, who, all but one, were living at his death, and most of them have large families of children, making nu- merous descendants to bear onward the family name. Mrs. Barker died in 1835. Nearly all those with whom he had " stood shoulder to shoulder" during the Indian war, and the trials incident to a new country, had been called away before him, and he felt that he was somewhat alone in the world, but he still retained the vigor of mind incident to younger days. He died in September, 1843, aged seventy-eight years. In person, Col. Barker was tall and commanding, with a stout, muscular frame ; finely formed features, of rather a Roman cast, indicating manly firmness and intellectual vigor. His manners were easy, naturally graceful and gen- tlemanly, with the appearance and bearing of a man of superior mind and talents; born to lead in the councils, and to command the respect of the community in which he dwelt. HAMILTON KERR. THIS bold, active, and enterprising borderer, was one of the spies, or rangers, employed for the defense of the Ohio Company settlements during the Indian war. Pie was a finished backwoodsman, an adept in all the wiles and craft of the hunter, as well as in the arts of partizan warfare. He possessed the coolness and caution of old Isaac Wil- liams, with the bravery and activity of Lewis Wetzel, having been trained under the instruction and example of both these noted pioneers. Matthew Kerr, the father of Hamilton, was of Scotch de- scent, from one of the northern counties of Ireland. He immigrated to America, before the Revolutionary war, and lived in Philadelphia, where his son Hamilton was born. Soon after the close of the war, he moved his family west of the mountains, and settled on Chartier creek, below Pitts- burg. After staying here a short time, he removed to Wheel- ing, and lived in the vicinity of the Wetzels for several years. In 1787 he transferred his residence to the island, just above the mouth of the Muskingum, and Hamilton, then in the prime of manhood, engaged as a hunter for the garrison of Fort Harmer, supplying them with wild meat. While living on Wheeling creek, he was often the compan- ion of Lewis Wetzel, the most famous hunter, and killer of In- dians, in all that region ; having killed, it is said, thirty-seven in the course of his life. His athletic frame, and bold bear- ing when a boy, won for him the good-will of Lewis, and he promised to give him the first opportunity that occurred, of firing at an Indian, provided he felt certain that he could " draw a sight" at one, without trembling. The well-grown lad, then in his eighteenth year, answered, fearlessly, that HAMILTON KE11R. 405 he would. It was not long before Lewis, in one of his hunt- ing trips, fell on the trail of a party, and traced up their camp. lie directly hastened back for his young friend, whom he found ready and willing for the attack. They crept silently up to within a sure distance of their camp fire, and at the dawn of day, each selecting his man from a party of five or six, who were sitting in a circle round the fire, having just risen from sleep, fired at the same time. Hamilton's victim was sitting on a log, eating a roasted goose egg, and fell dead, into the ashes ; while Wetzel's man was mortally wounded, but fled, and secreted himself in a tree-top. They immediately rushed out from their covert, and with loud yells, calling out, "Come on, boys, come on; why don't you head 'em;" as if there were quite a number of white men in the attack. The remaining Indians took to flight, without waiting to count their foes, and secreted themselves in the thickets. After taking the scalp of the dead Indian, they left the ground; and coming out the next day with a larger party, traced the wounded Indian by his blood, and found him dead in the spot where he had hidden. This was Kerr's first adventure with the Indians, and might be construed as an omen of future success ; although his next rencounter was less propitious. The time of a large portion of the young men who lived on the frontiers, was occupied in hunting and trapping; lit- tle attention being paid to cultivation of the earth, beyond the wants of the family for bread, which was chiefly made from corn meal. There was no market for produce ; while there was a steady demand for skins and peltry, by the traders, who collected them at various points along the wa- ter-courses, and transmitted them, on pack-horses, across the mountains, to Baltimore or Philadelphia. This manner of dealing, made hunting a regular employment, like farming in these days. 30 466 HAMILTON KERE. In the spring of the year 1784, before Fort Harmer was built, or any settlements made by the whites, between Ba- ker's station and the mouth of Big Kenawha, a party of young men left the post in a large canoe on a trapping and hunting expedition. It was composed of Lewis and George Wetzel, John Greene, Hamilton Kerr, and one other man. They dropped down the river as low as Muskingum island, where they encamped. The next day at evening they went over to the mouth of the Muskingum, and set their traps for beaver, returning to the island as a safe place for their camp, against the attack of the Indians. The follow- ing morning they went down again, and thirty or forty rods above the mouth, landed two of their party to reconnoiter, and examine the woods for signs of an enemy, while the other three remained in the canoe, and went into the Mus- kingum to examine their traps. They directly discovered that several of them were missing, and immediately con- cluded that a party of Indians had discovered their marks, and stolen them. George Wetzel soon returned to the canoe, and reported that he had seen no Indians, but plenty of signs of bears, which had been wallowing and tearing .lown the weeds in several places. This confirmed their suspicions that they were in the vicinity of a large party of Indians. Taking George on board, they pushed up the Ohio, and had proceeded twenty or thirty rods on their re- turn, when four Indians stepped on to the bank, and from behind trees fired upon the men in the canoe. George Wet- zel was shot through the head, and fell dead into the boat. Kerr was shot in the left arm above the elbow, splintering the bone, and received a bullet at the Fame time through the fleshy portion of his side. His dog, a noble, large an- imal standing by his master, was also killed. The other two men escaped injury; and pushing out into the stream before they could reload, were soon out of danger. HAMILTON KERR. 407 John Greene, who rambled farther into the woods than George, had returned to within a few rods of the bank, when the Indians fired, and hearing the report of their rifles, rushed up to see what his comrades had shot at. As he ap- [proached within twenty yards of the bank, he saw an In- dian behind a tree, in the act of pushing down a bullet in his rifle. Comprehending at once the condition of the par- ties, he instantly raised his piece, fired, and the Indian fell dead, tumbling headlong down the bank, near the brink of which he was standing, and rolled close to the water's edge. The other Indians, hearing the report of the shot, and see- ing their dead companion, came rushing upon their new enemy before hq could reload. His only safety was now in flight; and running toward the swamp a short distance back from the river, in the windings and turnings of the pursuit, counted not less than ten or twelve Indians, whom the shots and the wa r -cry of the savages had called into the chase. After wading in the water for some time, and seeing no chance for escape by flight, he secreted himself under the tops of a fallen tree, whose leaves and branches shel- tered him from observation. As a further precaution, he buried himself beneath the water, leaving only so much of his face uncovered as allowed of respiration. This was a common mode of eluding pursuit, practiced by the natives, as well as cunning white men. The Indians, a few rods behind, traced him by the turbid appearance of the water, and walked directly on to the trunk, beneath whose top he lay concealed. Looking up through his leafy covert, he plainly saw his enemies, peering into every crevice, and be- hind every twig for their victim, vociferating in angry tones their vengeful thoughts, and pointing with their gun-sticks to the recent signs of his flight. Greene lay perfectly quiet, hardly daring to breathe, fearing lest even the beating of his heart should agitate the water; watching with intense 468 HAMILTON KEKR. anxiety their movements, until finally, to his great relief, they gave up the search as hopeless. As soon as the dark- ness of night concealed his movements, he left his watery bed, wet, weary, and hungry. Having a long journey before him, he instantly commenced his march for home, thankful that he had been able to escape the scalping-knife of his foes. He traveled across the ridges, the nearest route, well known to the hunters of that day. In the course of his journey he passed no less than three deserted Indian hunting camps, so recently left that the fire was still burn- ing, without being discovered. So rapid was his march, that he reached Baker's before his companions in the canoe, who pushed up stream as rapidly as they could, and buried the dead man on an island twenty-five miles above Mari- etta, now known as Williamson's. This mournful work de- tained them some time, as they had no spades but their wooden paddles with which to dig the grave. The favorite dog of Kerr, whose dead body had made a pillow for the head of his wounded master, was buried at the same place. A few miles above this island at the head of the Long reach, a spot well known to old as well as modern boatmen, they discovered just at evening, during a heavy shower of rain, on the Virginia shore, a white horse tied to a stake near the water. On the top of the bank they saw a hickory tree just stripped of the bark. The quick apprehension of the borderers instantly understood these signs as denoting a party of Indians who had stolen the horse, and were pre- paring a bark canoe for crossing the river. The shower coming on when they had finished it, the canoe was turned bottom up, and the Indians had crept under as a shelter from the storm. This prevented the whites from being seen. They directly crossed to the other shore, and pushed rapidly on until a turn in the river hid them from sight. Kerr".- arm was several months in healing, the bone being HAMILTON KERR. 469 splintered, and no remedies but slippery-elm bark and such other simples as the woods afforded. The injuries received in this excursion, kept Hamilton from any other adventures for some time. When able, he hunted deer in the neigh- boring hills and visited the stations at Grave creek, where Isaac Williams lived, and with whom he had become quite a favorite, making various short tours of trapping and hunting in his company, so that his house was as free to him and nearly as much his home as that of his own father. In 1785, the Indian depredations were frequent and de- structive. Notice having been received of a large war party fitting out for the attack of Grave creek, the settlement was abandoned, and Mr. Williams moved his family, with the rest of his neighbors, to Wheeling. Kerr also made this place his home with his father. It was during this period that he had a second narrow escape from death by the Indians. In the summer of 1785, in company with Thomas Mills and Henry Smith, he went up the Ohio a few miles, near the head of the first island above Wheeling, spearing fish by torchlight. While busily occupied with their sport, think- ing of no danger, in a quiet, shallow eddy near the shore, ten or twelve Indians who had been attracted by the light, rose up on the top of the bank, and fired a volley at them. Mills, who was in the bow of the canoe near the torch, re- ceived several balls in his body and limbs, and fell apparently dead, into the bottom of the boat. The others were un- harmed, but also fell down on the bottom of the boat, to screen themselves from a repetition of the shots. The In- dians seeing the effect of their fire, dropped their guns, rushed down the bank, and into the river, with the intention of dragging the canoe ashore, and securing the scalps of their dead enemies. The splashing of the water gave no- tice of their approach ; when Kerr, who was in the waist of 470 HAMILTON KERR. the boat, sprang into the bow, and brandishing his fish-spear, made motions to stab the first man who came within his reach. The long, barbed points of the instrument, made it a formidable weapon to the half-naked bodies of the sav- ages, while the resolute bearing of the man who wielded it, made them cautious of approaching too near. Although he could have plunged it into several of them, he did not think it prudent to do so, lest they should seize it, and drag him ashore, or pull him out of the canoe. After one or two minutes spent in this mimic warfare, the boat gradually re- ceded, by the whirl of the eddy, into deeper water, and the man in the stern, having so far recovered his senses from the first shock, as to begin to apply his paddle, they were soon out of their reach. The Indians, now with loud yells, and aggravated rage at their disappointment and folly, in leaving all their guns on the top of the bank, rushed up to regain them, and running along the sandy beach ahead of the boat, waded into the water, breast-high, to bring them nearer the canoe, which was now in the middle of the stream. While exulting at the prospect of escape, a new enemy sprang up on the opposite side of the river. A party of In- dians on their own shore, hearing the firing and shouts of their countrymen, began to fire at them. The balls passed all around, and through the sides of the canoe, but missed the mark, as they generally dropped into the bottom, at the sight of the Hash, and were hid by the sides of the boat After a pursuit of one or two miles, Kerr concluded that this slow progress would be their destruction, and pushing man full)" ahead, regardless of their shots, was soon out of their reach. \Vhcn the enraged Indians saw that their vic- tims would escape, they fell to taunting them with insulting language and obscene attitudes. Kerr then keenly felt the want of his trusty ride, with which he could have shot sev- eral of them; but no one had taken his arms with him, not HAMILTON KEUIl. 471 expecting to meet an enemy, or to have use for anything, but the fish-spear. When, they reached the garrison at Wheeling, Mills was still alive, and taken into the, town. where, under the care of Mrs. Rebecca Williams, and one other skillful matron, he finally recovered from his hopeless condition, having not less than twelve or fourteen different wounds, with an arm and a leg broken by the shots of the savages. On this occasion, the intrepidity and presence of mind in Kerr, no doubt saved their lives from the toma- hawk, and knives of the Indians ; while his mode of defense, in their condition, was the only one that could have been effectual. The winter after this adventure was passed in Wheeling. Early in the spring of 1780, Kerr, in company with Isaac Williams and a Dutchman named Jacob, made a visit to the deserted plantations at Grave creek, to look after the cattle and hogs that had been left there. They passed the night in an empty cabin at Little Grave creek, about a mile- above the larger stream. Soon after daylight in the morning, they heard a rifle shot in the direction of Mr. Williams' farm. Not thinking of Indians, he attributed the shot to moving boatmen, who sometimes, when short of provision, landed at the deserted clearings and killed a hog. It so happened that a party of four Indians, who had been scouting on Wheeling creek, had that morning reached the Ohio with their plunder, one white prisoner and some horses; seeing Mr. Williams' hogs, they killed one with the rifle and put it into their canoe, which had been secreted in the mouth of the creek. Three of the Indians took possession of the canoe with their prisoner, while the fourth was busied in swimming the horses across the river. At this critical junc- ture, Kerr and his companions started at a rapid gait to arrest the marauders. Being in the prime of life and more active than his companions, he reached the mouth of the 472 HAMILTON KERR. creek first, and looking down the bank, saw the three Indians standing in the canoe. At the feet of the one in the middle of the boat lay four rifles and a dead hog, while a fourth Indian was swimming a horse over the Ohio, a few rods from the shore. An Indian in the stern had his paddle in the water, in the act of shoving the canoe from the mouth of the creek into the river. Before they were aware of his presence, Kerr shot the Indian in the stern, who fell into the river. The crack of his rifle had scarcely ceased when Williams came on to the bank, and shot an Indian in the bow of the canoe, who also fell overboard. At this time Jacob came up, and handing his rifle to Kerr as the better marksman, he shot the other Indian in the waist of the boat, who also fell into the water, but still held on to the side of the canoe with one hand. So amazed was the latter Indian at the fall of his companions, that he never offered to raise one of the rifles at his feet in self-defense, but acted like one deprived of his senses. By this time, the canoe impelled by the impetus given to it by the first Indian, had reached the current of the Ohio, and was some rods below the mouth of the creek. Kerr now reloaded his own gun, and seeing a man in the bottom of the boat, raised it in act of firing, when he, discovering the movement, called out, " Don't shoot, I am a white man." He was directed to knock loose the Indian's hand from 1he side of the canoe, and paddle to shore. In reply, he said his arm was broken. The current, however, set it near some rocks not far from land, on to which he jumped and waded out. Kerr now aimed his rifle at the Indian on the horse, who was near the middle of the river. The shot struck close by him, splashing the water on to his naked skin. Seeing the fate of his companions, the Indian, with the bravery of an ancient Spartan, imme- diately slipped from the horse, and swam for the abandoned canoe, in which were the rifles and ammunition of the whole II A M I L T N K K II R . 473 party. This was in fact an act of necessity, as well a.s of noble daring, for he well knew he could not reach his country without the means of killing game by the way. There was also in this act but little hazard, as his enemies could not cross the creek without a canoe, while the current had now set the object of his solicitude beyond the reach of rifle shot. He soon gained possession of the canoe, crossed with it to the other shore, and taking out the arms and ammunition, mounted the captive horse, and with a shout of defiance, escaped into the woods. The canoe was turned adrift and taken up near Maysville, with the dead hog still in it, which had caused their discovery by their shooting, and been the source of all their misfortunes. The following year he moved with his father to Devol's island, near Fort Ilarmer, where the latter kept several cows and supplied the officers with milk, while Hamilton was employed as a hunter to furnish the garrison with buffalo meat and venison. Isaac Williams and several other families also moved at the same time, being the spring of 1787, and opened a plantation in the forest, opposite the mouth of the Muskingum, on the Virginia shore. In the spring of 1791, after the death of Capt. Rogers, one of the Ohio Company's rangers, he was hired to supply his place, and was esteemed the most active and brave man in that hazardous employ- ment, lie continued to serve during the whole war, and several Indians fell by his hand, as related in the preceding history of the Ohio Company settlements. During this period, his father's family left the island, and lived within the walls of the garrison at the Point. The Indians killed his father early in the war, at the mouth of Duck creek, which still further sharpened his revenge and hate of the red men. At the close of the war he married Susannah, the daugh- ter of Col. John Nighswonger, one of the heroes of the 474 HAMILTON KEEK. battle of Point Pleasant. She was well educated, and could read German and English, while Hamilton could do neither, having never been a day to school in his life. He owned a share of land in the Ohio Company, the purchase money for which was earned in the course of a single fall and winter hunt; so profitable was that business in early times to skillful hunters. With the most intelligent men amongst the Ohio Company's settlers, Kerr was a great fa- vorite, for his manly, upright conduct, vigilance, and bravery in guarding the settlements from the attack of the Indians. In person, he was of a full medium size, being five feet ten inches in hight, as ascertained from one of Col. Sproat's old pay-rolls, with limbs fashioned in nature's finest mould ; form erect, and movements agile as any red man of the forest; of a pleasant, cheerful temperament; light complex- ion, blue eyes, and reddish hair, denoting his Scotch descent; fine, full forehead, with all the marks of a superior mind and intellect. This had received no training but what his own remarks on men and things had produced ; but for re- flection and strong reasoning powers, was far superior to men of his class, causing him always to be looked up to as a leader in any dangerous emergency by his companions. He was born in the year 17G4, making him twenty years old at the time the Indians wounded him at the mouth of the Muskingum. After the war, he settled on his land at the outlet of Leading creek; learned to read and write, became a sub- stantial farmer, a major in the militia, and highly esteemed by all his neighbors. He has been dead several years, leaving a large family of descendants, who live in Meigs and Gallia counties. ISAAC WILLIAMS AND MRS. REBECCA WILLIAMS. To THOSE who are now enjoying the benefits of the toils and dangers of the early explorers and pioneers of the valley of the Ohio, there ought to be no more pleasant em- ployment than that of recounting their exploits and preserv- ing the remembrance of their names. It is a duty we owe to their memory. Amongst that hardy list of adventurers, on the left bank of the Ohio, none are more worthy of pres- ervation than those at the head of this article. Isaac Williams was born in Chester county, Penn., the IGth of July, 1737. While he was yet a boy, his parents moved to Winchester, Ya., then a frontier town. Soon after this event his father died, and his mother married Mr. Buckley. When he was about eighteen years old, the colonial government employed him as a ranger, or spy, to watch the movements of the Indians, for which his early acquaintance with a hunters life eminently fitted him. In this capacity he served in the army of Gen. Braddock, during his short, but disastrous campaign. He was also attached to the party which guarded the first convoy of pro- visions to Fort du Quesne, after its surrender to Gen. Forbes, in 1758. The stores were carried on pack-horses over the rough declivities of the mountains, continually exposed to the attack of the Indians, for which the deep ravines and narrow ridges of the mountains afforded every facility. After the peace made with the Indians, in 170."). by Col. Bouquet, the country on the waters of the Monongahela ISAAC WILLIAMS. began to be settled by the people east of the mountains. The fertility of the soil, and the immense growth of the forest trees, so different from that on the eastern side of the mountain ranges, gave a romantic charm to the new regions on the waters of the Ohio, and made it a desirable abode to the backwoodsmen, especially as it abounded with wild game. Amongst the early emigrants to this region were the parents of Mr. Williams, whom he conducted across the mountains, in 1768, but did not finally locate himself in the west until the following year, when he settled on the waters of Buffalo creek, near the present town of West Liberty, Brooke county, Va. He accompanied Ebenezer and Jon- athan Zane when they explored and located the country at and about Wheeling, in the year 1769. Previous to this period, however, he had made several hunting and trapping excursions to the waters of the Ohio, and was familiar with its topography. In returning from one of these adventurous expeditions in company with two other men, in the winter of 1769, the following incident befell him. Early in December, as they were crossing the glades, or table-lands of the Alleghany mountains, they were over- taken by a violent snow-storm. This is always a stormy, cold region, but on the present occasion the snow fell to the depth of five or six feet, and put a stop to their further progress. It was succeeded by intensely cold weather. While thus confined to their camp, with a scanty supply of food, and no chance of procuring more, one of his compan- ions was taken sick and died, partly from disease, and having no nourishment but the tough, indigestible skins of their peltry, from which the hair was first burned off and then boiled in their kettle. Soon after the death of this man his remaining companion, from the difficulty of pro- curing fuel to keep up their fi're, was so much frozen in the feet that he could render no further assistance. He managed, ISAAC WILLIAMS. 477 however, to bury the dead man in the snow. The feet of the poor fellow were so badly frosted that he lost all his toes and a part of each foot, rendering him unable to walk for nearly a month. During this time their food consisted of their skins, of which they had a good supply, boiled into soup with the water of melted snow. The kind heart of Mr. Williams would not allow him to leave his friend in this suffering condition, while he went to the settlements for as- sistance, lest he should be attacked by the wolves, or perish for want of food. With a patience and fortitude that would have awarded lam a civic crown in the best days of the chival- rous Romans, he remained with his helpless companion until he was so far recovered as to be able to accompany him in his return home. So much reduced was his own strength from the effects of starvation, that it was several months before he was restored to his usual health. In 1709 he became a resident of the western wilds, and made his home on the waters of Buffalo creek, as before noted. Here he found himself in a wide field for the ex- ercise of his darling passion, hunting. From his boyhood, he had discovered a great relish for the hunter's life, and in this employment he for several years explored the recesses of the forest, and followed the water-courses of the great valley, to the mouth of the Ohio, and from thence, along the shores of the Mississippi, to the banks of the turbid Missouri. As early as the year 1770, he trapped the beaver on the tributaries of this river, and returned in safety, with a rich load of furs. During the prime of his life, he was occupied in hunting, and in making entries of lands. This was done by girdling a few trees, and planting a small patch of corn, which operation entitled the person to four hundred acres of land. Entries of this kind were aptly called tomahawk improvements. An enterprising man could make a number of these in a season, and sell them to persons, who, coming 478 REBECCA WILLIAMS. later to the country, had not so good an opportunity to se- lect the best lands, as the first adventurers. Mr. Williams sold many of the rights for a few dollars, or the value of a rifle-gun, which was then thought a fair equivalent ; of so little account was land then considered ; and besides, like other hunters of the day, thought wild lands of little value, except for hunting grounds. There was, however, another advantage attached to these simple claims; it gave the pos- sessor the right of entering one thousand acres adjoining the improvement, on condition of his paying a small sum of money per acre into the treasury of the state of Virginia. These entries were denominated "Pre-emption Rights;" and many of the richest lands on the left bank of the Ohio river are now held under these titles. After the conquest of Kas- kaskias and Post Vincent, by Gen. Clark, in 1778, Virginia claimed the lands on the northwest side of the Ohio ; and many similar entries were made in the present state of Ohio, especially on the Muskingum river, as high up as Duncan's falls. One tract, a few miles above Marietta, is still known as Wiseman's bottom, after the man who made an entry there. While occupied in these pursuits he became acquainted with Rebecca Martin, the daughter of Mr. Joseph Tomlin- son, of Maryland, then a young widow, and married her in October, 1775. Her former husband, John Martin, had been a trader among the Indians, and was killed on the Big Hockhocking, in the year 1770. A man by the name of Hartness, her uncle on the mother's side, was killed with him at the same time. As a striking proof of the venera- tion of the Indians for William Penn, and the people of his colony, two men from Pennsylvania, who were with them, were spared. The two killed, were from Virginia. The fact is referred to by Lord Dunmore, in his speech at the Indian treaty, near Chillicothe, in the year 1774. Mr. REBECCA WILLIAMS. 479 Williams accompanied Dunmorc, in this campaign, and acted as a ranger until its close. By this marriage he was united to a woman whose spirit was congenial to his own. She was born on the Mth of February, 1754, at Will's creek, on the Potomac, in the prov- ince of Maryland, and had removed, with her two brothers, Samuel and Joseph, into the western country, in 1771, and was living with them as their housekeeper, near the, mouth of Crave creek ; and for weeks together, while they were absent on tours of hunting, she was left entirely alone. She was now in her twenty-first year, full of life and ac- tivity, and as fearless of danger as the man who had chosen her for his companion. One proof of her courageous spirit is related by her niece, Mrs. Bakey, now living near Mari ctta, in Wood Co., Ya. In the spring of the year 1774, she made a visit to a sister, Mrs. Baker, then living on the Ohio river opposite to the mouth of Yellow creek. It was soon after the massacre of Logan's relatives at Baker's station. Having finished her visit, she prepared to return home in a canoe, by herself, the traveling being entirely done by water. The distance from her sister's to Grave creek was about fifty miles. She left there in the afternoon, and paddled her light canoe rap- idly along until dark. Knowing that the moon would rise at a certain hour, she landed, and fastening the slender craft to the willows she leaped on shore, and lying down in a thick clump of bushes, waited the rising of the moon. As soon as it had cleared the tops of the trees, and began to shed its cheerful rays over the dark bosom of the Ohio, she prepared to embark. The water being shallow near the shore, she had to wade a fe\v paces before getting into the canoe; when just in the act of stepping on board, her naked foot rested on the dead, cold body of an Indian, who had been killed a short time before, and which, in the gloom of 460 REBECCA WILLIAMS. the night, she had not seen in landing. Without screaming or flinching, she stepped lightly into the canoe, with the re- flection that she was thankful he was not alive. Resuming the paddle, she arrived at the mouth of Grave creek without any further adventure, early the following morning. Walter Scott's Rebecca, the Jewess, was not more cele- brated for her cures, and skill in treating wounds, than was Rebecca Williams amongst the honest borderers of the Ohio river. About the year 1784, while living a short time at Wheel- ing, on account of Indian depredations, she, with the assist- ance of Mrs. Zane, dressed the wounds of Mr. Mills, fourteen in number, from rifle shots. He, with Hamilton Kerr and one other man, were spearing fish by torch-light about a mile above the garrison, when they were fired on by a party of Indians secreted on the shore. Mills stood in the bow of the canoe holding the torch, and as he was a fair mark, received the most of the shots. One leg and one arm were broken, in addition to the flesh wounds. Had he been in the regular service, with plenty of surgeons, he probably would have lost one or both limbs by amputation. These women, with their fomentations and simple applica- tions of slippery-elm bark, not only cured his wounds, at the time deemed impossible, but also saved both his limbs. In a conversation many years after, she said her principal dressings were made of slippery-elm, the leaves of stramo- nium, and daily ablutions with warm water. Many similar cures of gun-shot wounds are related, as performed by her in the first settlement of the country. Their marriage was as unostentatious and simple as the manners and habits of the parties. A traveling preacher happening to come into the settlement, as they some- times did, though rarely, they were married at her brother's house, without any previous preparation of nice dresses, bride-cakes, or bride-maids; he standing up in his hunting REBECCA WILLIAMS. 481 dress, and she in a short gown and petticoat of homespun, the common wear of the people. In the summer of 1774, the year before her marriage, she was one morning busily occupied in kindling a fire prepar- atory to breakfast, with her back to the door, on her knees, pulling away at the coals. Hearing some one step cau- tiously on the lloor, she looked round and beheld a tall In- dian close to her side. He made a motion of silence to her, at the same time shaking his tomahawk in a threatening manner, if she made any alarm. lie, however, did not offer to harm her, but looking carefully around the cabin, espied her brother's rifle hanging over the fire-place. This he seized upon, and fearing the arrival of some of the men, hastened his departure without any further damage. "While he was with her in the house she preserved her presence of mind, and betrayed no marks of fear; but no sooner had he gone than she left the cabin and hid herself in the corn- field until her brother Samuel came in. He was lame at the time, and happened to be out of the way; so that it is probable his life was saved from this circumstance. It was but seldom that the Indians killed unresisting women or children, except in the excitement of an attack, and when they had met with resistance from the men. In 1777, the depredations and massacres of the savages were so frequent that the settlement at Grave creek, now consisting of several families, was broken up. It was the frontier station, and lower on the Ohio than any other above the mouth of Big Kenawha. This year the Indians made their great attack on the garrison and settlement of Wheeling. Mr. Williams, with his wife and the Tomlinsons, moved over on to the Monongahela river, above Red Stone old fort. Here he remained until the spring of the year 1783, when he returned with his wife's relations to their plantations on Grave creek. In the year 1784 he had to 31 482 ISAAC WILLIAMS. remove again from his farm into the garrison at \\ heeling. Some time in the spring of the succeeding year he had the following adventure with the Indians. John Wetzel, a younger brother of Lewis, the noted In- dian hunter and Indian hater, (having killed above thirty of them,) then about sixteen years old, with a neighboring boy of the same age, was in search of horses that had strayed away in the woods on Wheeling creek, where the father of John resided. One of the stray animals was a mare with a young foal, belonging to John's sister ; and she had offered the colt to John as a reward for finding the mare. While on this service they were captured by four Indians, who, having come across the horses in the woods, had taken and placed them in a thicket, expecting that their bells would attract the notice of their owners, and they could then cap- ture them or take their scalps. The horse was ever a fa- vorite object of plunder with the savages, as not only facilitating their own escape from pursuit, but also assisted them in carrying off the spoils. The boys, hearing the well known tinkle of the bells, approached the spot where the Indians lay concealed, and were taken prisoners. John, in attempting to escape, was shot through the arm. On their march to the Ohio, his companion made so much lamenta- tion on account of his captivity, that the Indians killed him with the tomahawk ; while John, who had once before been a prisoner, made light of it, and went along cheerfully with his wounded arm. The party struck the Ohio river early the following morn- ing at a point near the mouth of Grave creek, just below the clearing of Mr. Tomlinson. Here they found some hogs belonging to Mr. Williams, and killing one of them with a rifle shot, put it into a canoe they had secreted when on their way out. Three of the Indiana took possession of the canoe with their prisoner, while the other Indian was ISAAC WILLIAMS. 483 occupied in swimming the horses across the river. Jt so happened, that Mr. Williams, with Hamilton Kerr, and Ja- cob, a Dutchman, had come down from Wheeling, the eve- ning before, to look after the stock left on the plantation, and passed the night at the deserted cabin of Tomlinson. While at the outlet of Little Grave creek, about a mile above, they heard the report of a rifle shot, in the direction of his plantation. "Pod rot 'em," exclaimed Williams, "a Kentuck boat has landed at the creek, and they are shooting my hogs." Immediately quickening their pace to a rapid trot, they, in a few minutes, were within a short distance of the creek, when they heard the loud snort of a horse. Kerr being in the prime of life, and younger than Williams, reached the mouth of the creek first. As he looked down into the stream, he saw three Indians standing in a canoe ; one was in the stern, one in the bow, and one in the middle of the boat. At the feet of the latter lay four rifles and the dead hog ; while the fourth Indian was swimming a horse across the Ohio, only a few rods from shore. The one in the stern was in the act of shoving the canoe from the mouth of the creek into the river. Before they were aware of his presence, Kerr shot the Indian in the stern, who fell into the water. The crack of the rifle had barely ceased, when Mr. Williams came on to the bank, and shot the Indian in the bow of the canoe, who also fell overboard : Jacob was now on the ground, and Kerr seizing his rifle, shot the remaining Indian in the waist of the boat. He fell over into the water, but still held on to the side of the canoe, with one hand. The whole process did not occupy more than a minute of time. The canoe, impelled by the impetus given to it by the Indian first shot, had reached the current of the Ohio, and was a rod or two below the mouth of the creek. Kerr had now reloaded his gun, and seeing another Indian, as he thought, laying in the bottom of the canoe, raised it 484 ISAAC WILLIAMS. in the act of firing, when he called out, "Don't shoot, I am a white man." Kerr told him to knock loose the Indian's hand from the side of the boat, and paddle it to the shore. He said his arm was broken, and he could- not. The cur- rent, however, set it near some rocks not far from land, on to which he jumped, and waded out. Kerr now aimed his rifle at the Indian on horseback, who, by this time, had reached the middle of the Ohio. The shot struck near him. splashing the water on to his naked skin. He, seeing the fate of his companions, with the bravery of an ancient Spartan, slipped from the back of the horse, and swam for the aban- doned canoe, in which were the rifles of the four Indians. This was, in fact, an act of necessity, as well as of noble daring, as he well knew he could not reach his country, without the means of killing game by the way. He also was aware, that there was little danger in the act, as his enemies could not cross the creek to molest him. He soon gained possession of the boat, crossed, with the arms, to his own side of the Ohio, mounted the captive horse, which, with the others, had swam to the Indian shore, and with a yell of defiance, escaped into the woods. The canoe was turned adrift, and taken up near Maysville, with the dead hog still in it, which had led to their discovery by the shot, and was the caii3e of all their misfortunes. It has been stated that Mrs. Williams, before her mar- riage, acted as housekeeper for her brothers several years; in consideration of which service, Joseph and Samuel made an entry of four hundred acres of land on the Virginia shore of the Ohio river, in that broad, rich bottom, directly opposite to the mouth of the Muskingum river, for their sister; girdling the trees on four acres of land, fencing, and planting it with corn, and building a cabin, in the spring of the year 177.'?. They spent the summer on the spot, occu- pying their time with hunting during the growth of the crop. ISAAC WILLIAMS. 485 In this time they had exhausted their small ptock of salt and bread-stuff, and lived for two or three months on the boiled meat of turkeys, which then filled the woods, and was used without salt. So accustomed had Samuel become to eating his food without this condiment, that it was some time before he could again relish the taste of it; a fact that has often been verified in others under similar circum- stances; showing that the use of salt is acquired by habit. The following winter the two brothers hunted on the Great Kenawha, where bears and beavers greatly abounded. Some time in March, 1774, they arrived at the mouth of the river on their return, and were detained some days by a remark- ably high freshet in the Ohio river, which, from certain fixed marks on Wheeling creek, is supposed to have been fully equal to that of February, 1832. This year was long known among the borderers as that of Dunmore's war; serving as a date for domestic events, and noted for Indian depredations. The land entered thus early for Mrs. Williams still re- mains in the possession of her descendants, but was for many years contested, in law, by other more recent claim- ants, like all the Virginia western lands; causing great ex- pense and anxiety to the rightful owners. The renewed and oft-repeated inroads of the Indians, led Mr. Williams to turn his attention toward a more safe and quiet home than that at Crave creek. Fort Harmer. at the mouth of the Muskingum, having been erected in 1780, and garrisoned by United States troops, he decided on occupying the land belonging to his wife, which embraced a large share of rich alluvions, and was in sight of the fort. The piece opened by the Tomlinsons, in 1773, had grown over with young saplings, but could be easily reclaimed. He visited the spot, and put up a log-cabin in the winter, and 486 ISAAC WILLIAMS. moved his family thither the 26th of March, 1787, being the year before the arrival of the Ohio Company. Soon after the removal to his forest domain, his wife gave birth to a daughter; and was the only issue by this marriage. He was now fifty-two years old, so that she might be called the child of his old age. She was named Drusilla; and married Mr. John Henderson ; but died when about twenty years old, leaving no children. Soon after the associates of the Ohio Company had set- tled at Marietta, a very friendly intercourse was kept up between them and Mr. Williams ; and as he had now turned his attention more to farming than hunting, he was pleased to see the new openings made in the forest, and the wilder- ness changing into the home of civilized man. From the destructive effect of an untimely frost in September, 1789, the crops of corn were greatly damaged; and where late planted, entirely ruined. In the spring and summer of 1790, the inhabitants in the new settlements of the Ohio Company, began to suffer from the want of food, especially wholesome bread-stuffs. Many families, especially at Belpre, had no other meal than that made from moldy corn; and were sometimes destitute even of this, several days in succession. This moldy corn com- manded the price of a dollar and a-half, and even two dol- lars a bushel. When ground in their hand-mills, and made into bread, few stomachs were able to digest, or retain it, more than a few minutes. The writer of this article, has often heard Charles Devol, Esq., then a small boy, relate, with much feeling, his gastronomic trials with this moldy meal made into sap-porridge; which, when made of sweet corn meal, and the fresh saccharine juice of the maple, was both a nourishing and a savory dish. The family, then liv- ing at Belpre, had been without food for two days, when his ISAAC WILLIAMS. 487 father returned from Marietta, just at evening, with a scanty supply of moldy corn. The hand-mill was immediately put in operation, and the meal cooked into sap-porridge, as it was then the season of sugar-making. The famished children swallowed eagerly the unsavory mess, which was almost as instantly rejected; reminding us of the deadly pottage of the children of the prophet; but lacking the heal- ing power of an Elijah to render it salutary and nutritious. Disappointed of expected relief, the poor children went sup- perless to bed, to dream of savory food and plenteous meals, not realized in their waking hours. It was during this period of want, that Isaac Williams dis- played his benevolent feelings for the suffering colonists. From the circumstance of his being in the country earlier, he had more ground cleared, and had raised a large crop of several hundred bushels of good, sound corn. This he now distributed amongst the inhabitants at the low rate of fifty cents a bushel, when at the same time he had been of- fered, and urged to take, a dollar and twenty-five 'cents for his whole crop, by speculators ; for man has ever been dis- posed to take advantage of the distresses of his fellows. " Dod rot 'em," said the honest hunter, " I would not let them have a bushel." He not only parted with his corn at this cheap rate, the common price in plentiful years, but he also prudently apportioned the number of bushels to the number of individuals in a family. An empty purse was no bar to the needy applicant, but his wants were equally supplied with those who had money, and a credit given un- til more favorable seasons should enable him to discharge the debt. Capt. Devolj hearing of 3Ir. William's corn, and the low rate at which he sold it, made a trip to Marietta, directly af- ter the adventure, with the sap-porridge,'' to procure some of it. The journey was made by land, and in the night. 488 ISAAC WILLIAMS. traveling on the ridges adjacent to the river, as the stream was so swollen by the spring flood, as to prevent the ascent by water in a canoe. He chose to come in the night, on account of danger from the Indians; and the intrepidity of the man, may be estimated, from his traveling this dis- tance, twelve or fourteen miles, alone. He reached Fort Harmer at daylight; and Maj. Doughty, after giving him a warm breakfast, directed two soldiers to set him across the Ohio, in the garrison boat. Mr. Williams treated him with much kindness; and after supplying him with corn, also furnished him with his only canoe, in which to trans- port it to his home. Capt. Devol was unwilling to take it; but he urged it upon him, saying he could soon make an- other. In after years, when Capt. Devol owned a fine farm and mill on the Muskingum river, Mr. "Williams used often to visit him, and pass a night or two at his house, which was the temple of hospitality, in the most social and pleasant manner, talking of the trials and sufferings of bygone days. He retained a relish for hunting to his latest years; and whenever a little unwell, forsaking his comfortable home, would take his rifle, and favorite old dog " Cap," accompa- nied by one of his black servants, retire to the woods, and encamping by some clear stream, remain there drinking the pure water, and eating such food as his rifle procured, until his health was restored. Medicine he never took, except such simples as the forest afforded. The untrodden wilder- ness was to him full of charms ; and before the close of the Revolutionary war, he had hunted over a large portion of the valley of the Ohio, sometimes with a companion, but oftener alone, leaving his favorite Rebecca to oversee and take charge of the little plantation, which was never very extensive, until he moved to his new home, opposite the mouth of the Muskingum. From his sedate manners and quiet habits, the trapping ISAAC WILLIAMS. 489 of the beaver was a favorite pursuit; and after he was seventy years old, if he heard of the signs of one being seen within fifty miles of his home, would mount his horse with his traps, and not return until he had caught it. This was a great art amongst the hunters of the west, and he who was the most successful in this mystery, was accounted a fortunate man. The proceeds of a few months hunt often realizing three or four hundred dollars to the trapper. He stood high in this brancli of the hunter's vocation, and no man could catch more beavers than himself; being eminently qualified for this pursuit, both by disposition and by prac- tice, lie was a close observer of nature ; taciturn in his manners, and cautious in his movements ; never in a hurry, or disturbed by an unexpected occurrence. In many re- spects he was an exact portrait of Cooper's beau ideal of a master hunter, so finely portrayed in the Pioneer, and other backwoods legends. During the Indian war, from 1701 to 1795, he remained unmolested in his cabin, a view of which is seen in the sketch of Fort Ilarmer, on the opposite shore of the Ohio, protected, in some measure, by the vicinity of that fort, as well as by the stockade around his dwellings, which shel- tered several families besides his own. lie seldom spoke of his own exploits, and when related, they generally came from the lips of his companions. There was only one situation in which he could be induced to relax his natural reserve, and freely narrate the romantic and hazardous adventures that had befallen him in his hunt- ing and war excursions ; and that was when encamped by the evening fire, in some remote spot, after the toils of the day were closed, and the supper of venison and bear meat ended. Here, while reclining on a bed of fresh autumnal leaves, beneath the lofty branches of the forest, with no listeners but the stars and his companion, the spirit of 490 ISAAC WILLIAMS. narration would come upon him, and for hours he would re- hearse the details of his youthful and hazardous adventures by forest, flood, and field. In such situations, surrounded by the works of God, his body and his mind felt a freedom that the hut and the clearing could not give. In this man- ner the late Alexander Henderson, a man of refined taste, and cultivated manners, has said that he passed some of the most interesting hours of his life, when hunting with Mr. Williams on the head waters of the Little Kenawha. In person, he was of the middle size, with an upright frame, and muscular limbs ; features firm, and strongly marked; a mild expression of countenance, and taciturn, quiet manners. In his youth he does not appear to have been addicted to the rude sports and rough plays so con- genial to most of the early borderers, but preferred social converse, and an interchange of good offices with his fel- lows. Although he lived at a time and in a situation where he was deprived of all opportunity for religious instruction, yet he appears to have had an intuitive dread of all vicious words or actions. The writer distinctly recollects hearing him reprove a keel-boatman, a class of men whose language was intermingled with oaths, in the most severe manner, for his profanity, as he passed the boat where the man was at work. Like Isaac and Rebecca of old, this modern Isaac and Rebecca were given to good deeds ; and many a poor, sick, abandoned boatman, has been nursed and restored to health beneath their humble roof. So intimately con- nected are their names with the early settlers of the Ohio Company, that they deserve to go down to posterity to- gether. Many years before his death, he liberated all his slaves, six or eight in number, and by his will left valuable tokens of his love and good feeling for the oppressed and despised African. Full of days and good deeds, and strong in the faith of a II A R M A N B L E X N K R II A S S i: T T . 49 1 blessed immortality, Mr. "Williams resigned his spirit to Him who gave it, the i5th of September, 1 staged eighty- four years, and \vas buried in u beautiful grove, on his own plantation, surrounded by the trees he so dearly loved when living. II A KM AN B L E N NE II II A S S E T T AN I) MRS. MARGARET BLENNER- II A S S E T T * HARMAN BLEXNERHASSETT, Esq., was a descendant of a noble family of Ireland, in the county of Cork lie was born in Hampshire, England, in the year 1707, while his parents were there on a visit. The family residence was Castle Conway, in the county of Kerry, to which they shortly after returned. He was educated with great care, and when a boy attended the Westminster school, celebrated for its classical excellence, completing his studies at Trinity College, Dublin, whose honors he shared in company with his relative, the celebrated T. A. Emmilt. They read Jaw together at the King's Inn Courts, Dublin; were admitted to the bar on the same day in the year 17!H). and between * These celebrated individuals, although not attached to the Ohio Company sealers, yet came into the territory so early as to be ranked aiming i'.s pioneer;. They fill so large and interesting a space in the history of this region, and did so mwh for t!:e pecuniary benefit of the country of their adoption, tha 1 . they deserve n place amongst the settlers of Washington county. 492 HARM AN BLENNERHASSETT. them existed ever after the warmest friendship. Having spent some time in traveling in France and the Netherlands, he returned and practiced at the bar in Ireland. Expecting, however, to fall heir to a large estate in a few years, he made but little effort to excel in the law, rather cultivating his taste for the sciences, music, and general literature. At the death of his father, in 1796, he became possessed of a handsome fortune; but on account of the troubles in Ireland, in which he became politically involved, he sold the estate to his cousin, Lord Yentry, and went to England, where he soon after married Miss Agnew, daughter of the lieutenant-governor of the Isle of Man, and granddaughter of Gen. Agnew, who fell at the battle of Germantown. Lord Kingsale, and Admiral De Courcey, of the navy, both married sisters of Mr. Blennerhassett; who, expressing rather freely his republican principles, in opposition to his relations, finally concluded to visit the United States, and make that country his future home, where he could utter his sentiments, and enjoy the benefits of freedom, undisturbed by spies or informers. Before sailing for America, he visited London and pur- chased a large library of classical and scientific books, with a philosophical apparatus, embracing various branches, and arrived in Xew York in 1797. By the aid of his letters, wealth, and his own personal and literary merit, he became acquainted with some of the first families in the city.* Amongst others of his newly acquired friends, was Mr. Jo- seph S. Lewis, a rich merchant of Philadelphia, who became his business agent, and for many years his firm friend. Mr. Blennerhassett named his youngest son Joseph Lewis, in token of his regard for him. He was finally a considerable loser by this connection, and after Mr. Blennerhassett's * Sec Whig Review, 1844. Article by Mr. Wallace. II ARM AN BLENNERIIASSETT. 493 failure, and the destruction of his house and property, became the owner of the island. His stay in New York was of only a few months' contin- uance; when, hearing of the rich valleys and beautiful country on the Ohio river, he crossed the mountains, and after spending a few weeks in Pittsburg, took passage for Marietta, in the fall of the year 1797. Here he passed the winter, examining the vicinity of that place for a spot on which to make his permanent residence. lie finally decided on purchasing a plantation on an island in the Ohio river, fourteen miles below the mouth of the Muskingum, within the jurisdiction of the state of Virginia. The situation was wild, romantic, and beautiful; and as it was chiefly in a state of nature, a few acres only being cleared, he could reclaim it from the forest, adorn and cultivate it to his own taste. Its location also gave him the privilege of holding colored servants as his own property, which he could not do in the Northwest Territory. The island was, moreover, near the settlement of Belpre, composed chiefly of very intelli- gent and well-educated men, disbanded officers of the American army, whose society would at any time relieve him of ennui. The island itself was a picture of beauty, as well as all of its kind, at that early day, before the hand of man had marred its shores. The drooping branches of the willow laved their graceful foliage in the water, while the more lofty sycamore and elm, with their giant arms, protected them from the rude blasts of the storm, and gave a grandeur and dignity to these primitive landscapes, now only to be seen in the remoter regions of the west. The inland at present known as " Blennerhassett's," was then called " Backus's,'' who had owned it since 1792. It is said to have been located by Gen. Washington, as he owned a large tract of land immediately below, called "Washington's bottom," entered by him in the year 1770. 494 HARMAN BLENNERHASSETT. It was first surveyed in May, 1784, on a land warrant, issued in 1780, and a patent made out by Patrick Henry, governor of Virginia, in 1786, to Alexander Nelson, of Richmond, Va.; who was a member of a mercantile firm in Philadelphia. By a bill in chancery, of the High Court of Virginia, pro- cured by Mr. Blennerhassett, to perfect his title, it appears that Elijah Backus, of Norwich, Conn., bought of James Her- ron, of Norfolk, Va., in the year 1792, two islands in the Ohio river; the principal one being the first below the mouth of the Little Kenawha, then in the county of Monongalia, containing two hundred and ninety-seven acres, for the sum of two hundred and fifty pounds, Virginia currency, or about eight hundred and eighty-three dollars and thirty-three cents. This island is of a very peculiar form, narrow in the middle, and broad at both extremities. In March, 1798, Mr. Blennerhassett purchased the upper portion, containing about one hundred and seventy acres, for the sum of four thousand, five hundred dollars, and soon after moved, with his wife and one child, on to his new pur- chase, living in a large old block-house, standing about half a mile below the upper end of the island, built in the time of the Indian war, by Capt. James. Here he resided while conducting the improvements near the upper end of the island, and building his island mansion, which was com- pleted in 1800. A good deal of labor and heavy expense was necessary in preparing the ground for his buildings and the gardens. It was covered, at this spot, with forest trees, which had to be removed, and stumps eradicated, so as to leave a smooth, level surface, with extensive landings up and down the banks on both sides of the river, for conveni- ent access to and from the island. Boats of various sizes were also to be procured, and a company of eight or ten black servants purchased, as waiters, grooms, watermen, &c. His outlays, when the improvements were completed, II A KM AN BLENNERIIASSETT. 495 amounted to more than forty thousand dollars. This sum, expended chiefly among.st the mechanics, laborers, and fanners of this nc\v region, where money was scarce, and hard to be obtained, was of very great advantage to their interests; and Mr. Blennerhassett may be considered as the greatest benefactor, in this respect, that had ever settled west of the mountains. The island mansion was built with great taste and beauty ; no expense being spared in its construction, that could add to its usefulness or splendor. It consisted of a main build- ing, fifty-two feet in length, thirty in width, and two stories high. Porticoes, forty feet in length, in the form of wings, projected in front, connected with offices, presenting each a face of twenty-six feet, and twenty feet in depth, uniting them with the main building; forming the half of an ellipsis, and making, in the whole, a front of one hundred and four feet. The left-hand office was occupied for the servant's hall ; and the right for the library, philosophical apparatus study, &c. The drawing which accompanies this memoir is a correct likeness of the mansion, taken from the descrip- tion of Col. Barker, one of the principal architects. A handsome lawn of several acres occupied the front ground ; while an extended opening was made through the forest trees, on the head of the island, affording a view of the river for several miles above, and bringing the mansion under the notice of descending boats. Nicely graveled walks, with a carriage-way, led from the house to the river, passing through an ornamental gateway, with large stone pillars. A fine hedge, of native hawthorn, bordered the right side of the avenue to the house, while back of it lay the flower garden, of about two acres, inclosed with neat palings, to which were traced gooseberry bushes, peaches, and other varieties of fruit-bearing trees, in the manner of wall fruits. The garden was planted with flowering shrubs, H A R M A N BLENNERHASSETT. both exotic and native; but especially abounding in the lat- ter, which the good taste of the occupants had selected from the adjacent forests, and planted in thick masses, through which wandered serpentine walks, bordered with flowers, imitating a labyrinth. Arbors and grottoes, covered with honeysuckles and eglantines, were placed at convenient in- tervals, giving the whole a very romantic and beautiful ap- pearance. On the opposite side of the house was a large kitchen garden, and back of these, orchards of peach and apple trees of the choicest varieties, procured from abroad, as well as from the Belpre nurseries. Lower down on the island was the farm, Avith about one hundred acres under the nicest cultivation ; the luxuriant soil producing the finest crops of grain and grass. For the last three or four years of his residence, a large dairy was added to his other agri- cultural pursuits, under the management of Thomas Neal, \vho also superintended the labor of the farm. The garden was conducted by Peter Taylor, a native of Lancashire, Eng- land, who was bred to the pursuit, but under the direction of Mr. Blennerhassett, whose fine taste in all that was beau- tiful, ordered the arranging and laying out the grounds. The mansion and offices were frame buildings, painted with the purest white, contrasting tastefully with the green foliage of the ornamental shade trees, which surrounded it. An abundance of fine stone for building, could have been quarried from the adjacent Virginia shore, but he pre- ferred a structure of wood, as less liable to be damaged by earthquakes. The finishing and furniture of the apartments were adapted to the use for which they were intended. The hall was a spacious room ; its walls painted a somber color, with a beautiful cornice of plaster, bordered with a gilded molding, running round the lofty ceiling; while its furniture was rich, heavy, and grand. The furniture of the drawing- room was in strong contrast with the hall; light, airy, and II ARM AN BLENNERIIASSETT. 497 elegant; with splendid mirrors, gay-colored carpets, rich curtains, with ornaments to correspond, arranged by his lady with the nicest taste and harmonious effect. A large quantity of massive silver plate ornamented the sideboards, and decorated the tables. Yet they had not entirely com- pleted their arrangements, when the destroyer appeared, and frustrated all their designs for comfort and future hap- piness. The whole establishment was noble, chastened by the purest taste, without that glare of tinsel finery, too com- mon among the wealthy. Their style of living was in unison with the house and furniture, elegant, easy, and comfortable. Mr. Blennerhassett was a highly intellectual man, greatly devoted to scientific pursuits, which his ample library and leisure time afforded every facility for pursuing. He was studious, and fond of experimenting in chemistry, electricity, and galvanism. His apparatus, though not extensive, was ample for such experiments as an amateur would wish to make. Astronomy was also a favorite study; for which he had a fine telescope to examine the constellations in their courses, and a solar microscope, to inspect the minuter bodies of the earth. In music, he possessed the nicest taste, and an uncommon genius, composing harmonious and beautiful airs, several pieces of which are now remem- bered and played by a gentleman, who, when a youth, was intimate in his family. His favorite instruments were the base-viol and violoncello, on which he played with admira- ble skill. The spacious hall of the mansion being constructed so as to give effect to musical sounds, the tones of his viol vibrated through it with thrilling effect, calling forth the admiration of his guests. Electricity and galvanism re- ceived a share of his attention, and many experiments were tried in both these wonderful branches of modern science. Amongst his trials in chemical operations, was that of 32 498 HARMAN BLENNERHASSETT. converting beef into adipocere, large pieces of which were submerged in the beautiful little cove between the landing and the sand-bar at the head of the island. He fancied it might be used in place of spermaceti, for light; but the cat- fish and perch interfered so much with his trials, that he could never bring the adipocere to perfection. He was a good classical scholar, and so highly was he enraptured with Homer's Iliad, that it was said he could repeat the whole poem in the original Greek. His manners \vere gentlemanly, and disposition social, hospitable, and kind, especially to those with whom he wished to associate, but rather haughty to others. In mind, he could not be said to be masculine and strong, but was rather wavering and fickle ; easily duped and deceived by the designing and dishonest. He had quite a taste for med- icine, and read many authors on that subject, which, with his natural propensities, often led him to think himself at- tacked with imaginary diseases, and it was sometimes diffi- cult to convince him they were merely ideal. To his sick neighbors and servants, he was kind and attentive, often visiting and prescribing for their complaints ; freely tender- ing his medicines, of which he always kept an ample sup- ply. His own heart being perfectly honest and free from deceit, he was unsuspicious of others, and very credulous in regard to their statements, which often led him into pecu- niary losses in his business transactions. In bargaining with a notorious cheat for a quantity of the shells of the river clam, which, in the early settlement of the country, before quarries of limestone were opened, were calcined in log-heaps, and used for plastering rooms, the fellow said it was a difficult matter to collect them, as he had to dive under the water where it was six or eight feet deep, and must charge fifty cents a bushel, when, in fact, he could collect any quantity, where it was only a few inches. 1IARMAN BLENNERHASSETT. 499 Thinking the man told the truth, he paid him the price, which was at least five times as much as they were worth. He was very kind and charitable to the poor and unfor- tunate backwoodsmen. A Virginian, who had lost his house and furniture by fire, was soon after invited, with his wife, to dine with him. This man owed him a considerable sum of lent money. After dinner he told him he would either cancel the debt, or give him an order on his store at Marietta for an equal sum, and let the debt stand. The sufferer was a man of honorable mind and just feelings. He, therefore, chose not to add to his present obligations, but accepted the canceling of the debt, which was immediately done. This man still lives, and related the incident in 1846. Many such facts were known to have occurred while he lived on the island. His wife was still more charitable to the sick and poor in the vicinity, many of whom felt the benefit of her gifts. With all these kind acts fresh in their memories, several of these men were found among the banditti, who ransacked his house and insulted his wife, after he had been forced to leave the island from the hue and cry of treason, which maddened and infuriated the public mind in the valley of the Ohio. In person, Mr. Blennerhassett was tall, about six feet, but slender, with a slight stoop in the shoulders. His motions were not very graceful, either as an equestrian, or on foot; forehead full, and well formed ; with rather a prominent nose, and good proportioned face ; eyes weak, and sight im- perfect; seeing objects distinctly only when near; so that in reading, the surface of the page nearly touched his nose. They had a nervous, restless agitation, which probably arose from weakness of the optic nerves, requiring the constant aid of glasses. Yet with this permanent and continual an- noyance, he was a great student and operator in experiment?. 500 HARMAN BLENNEEEASSETT. He was also much attached to hunting, shooting quails, and other small game on the island. To enjoy this sport, he had to call in the aid of some other person, whose vision was more acute than his own, who pointed the gun for him at the game, and gave the word when to fire. This person was often his wife, who, with the greatest kindness, attended him in his short excursions, and with the tact of an experi- enced sportsman, pointed out the object, leveled the gun, and stood by with the most perfect coolness, while he discharged the piece. His general habits were sedentary and studious ; prefer- ring the quiet of his library to the most brilliant assemblies. In conversation, he was interesting and instructive; confin- ing his remarks to the practical and useful, more than to the amusing. As a lawyer, his wife, who had probably heard his forensic eloquence, has been heard to say that he was equal to Mr. Emmitt ; and frequently urged him to enter as an advocate at the higher courts of Virginia and Ohio, instead of wast- ing his time in obscurity, at his philosophical pursuits OR the island. His library contained an ample supply of law books. A list of thirty volumes, loaned to James Wilson, a lawyer of Virginia, a few days before he left the island, is now among his papers in the hands of his agent at Marietta. Mr. Blennerhassett dressed in the old English style, with scarlet or buff-colored small clothes, and silk stockings ; shoes with silver buckles, and coat generally of blue broad- cloth. When at homo, his dress was rather careless; often, in warm weather, in his shirt-sleeves, without coat or waist-coat ; and in winter, wore a thick woolen roundabout, or short jacket. In this quiet retreat, insulated and separated from the noise and tumult of the surrounding world, amidst his books, with the company of his accomplished wife and MARGARET BLENNERHASSETT. 501 children, he possessed all that seemed necessary for the happiness of man; and yet he lacked one thing, without which no man can be happy : a firm belief in the overruling providence of God. Voltaire and Rosseau, whose works he studied and admired, had poisoned his mind to the simple truths of the gospel, and the Bible was a book which he seldom or never consulted. At least this was the fact while he lived on the island; whatever it might have been, after misfortune and want had humbled and sorely tried him. Mrs. Blennerhassett was more aspiring and ambitious ; with a temperament in strong contrast to that of her hus- band. Her maiden name was Margaret Agnew ; the daugh- ter of Capt. Agnew, a brave officer in the British service, and at one time the lieutenant-governor of the Isle of Man. Gen. Agnew, who fell at the battle of Germantown, in the American Revolution, was her grandfather, and a monu- ment was erected to his memory by his granddaughter, af- ter her arrival in America. She was educated and brought up by two maiden aunts, who took great care to instruct her in all the useful arts of housewifery, laundry, pastry, sewing, &c., which was of great use to her in after-life, when at the head of a family. They were led to this, in part from their own limited means, teaching them to be frugal, and the need there is, for every woman who expects to marry, to be acquainted with all the useful branches of housekeeping. In person, Mrs. Blennerhassett was tall and commanding, of the most perfect proportions, with dignified and graceful manners, finely molded features, and very fair, transparent complexion ; eyes dark blue, sparkling with life and intelli- gence ; hair, a rich, deep brown, profuse and glossy, dressed in the most elegant manner. When at her island-home, she often wore a head-dress of colored silk stuff, folded very full, something in the manner of an eastern turban, giving a npble and attractive appearance to the whole person. 502 MARGARET B L E N NE RH ASS E TT . These were of various colors, but always composed of a sin- gle one, either of pink, yellow, or white, adjusted in the most becoming manner and nicest taste ; in which particular, few women could equal her. White was a favorite color for dress in the summer, and rich colored stuffs in the winter. Her motions were all graceful, and greatly hightened by the expression of her countenance. No one could be in her company, even a few minutes, without being strongly at- tracted by her fascinating manners. A very intelligent lady, who was familiarly acquainted with her in her best days on the island, and has since visited and seen the most elegant and beautiful females in the courts of France and England, as well as Washington city, says that she has beheld no one who was equal to her in beauty of person, dignity of man- ners, elegance of dress, and in short, all that is lovely and finished in the female person, such as she was, when " queen of the fairy isle." When she rode on horseback, her dress was a fine, scarlet broadcloth, ornamented with gold buttons ; a white beaver hat, on which floated the graceful plumes of the ostrich, of the same color. This was sometimes changed for blue or yellow, with feathers to harmonize. She was a perfect equestrian; always riding a very spirited horse, with rich trappings, who seemed proud of his burthen ; and accom- plished the ride to Marietta, of fourteen miles, in about two hours ; dashing through and under the dark foliage of the forest trees, which then covered the greater part of the dis- tance, reminding one of the gay plumage and rapid flight of some tropical bird, winging its way through the woods. In these journeys she was generally accompanied by Ran- som, a favorite black servant, who followed on horseback, in a neat, showy dress, and had to apply both whip and spur to keep in sight of his mistress. She sometimes came to Marietta by water, in a light canoe, (the roads not being MARGARET BLENNEEH ASSE TT. 503 yet opened for wheel-carriages.) navigated by Moses, an- other of the colored servants, who was the principal water- man, and had charge of the boats for the transport of pas- sengers from the island to the main. Her shopping visits were made in this way, as she directed the purchase of gro- ceries, &c., for the family use, as well as for the clothing. She possessed great personal activity ; sometimes in fine weather, choosing to walk that distance, instead of riding. In addition to her feats in riding and walking, she could vault, with the ease of a young fawn, over a five-rail fence, with the mere aid of one hand placed on the top rail, and was often seen to do so, when walking over the farm, and a fence came in the way of her progress. It was performed with such graceful movement, and so little effort, as to call forth the wonder and admiration of the beholder. She was passionately fond of dancing, and greatly ex- celled in this healthful and charming exercise, moving through the mazes and intricacies of the various figures, with the grace and lightness of the " queen of the fairies." Her tastes in this respect were often gratified in the numer- ous balls and assemblies, given at that day in Marietta and Belpre, as well as at her own house; where the loft}' hall frequently resounded to the cheerful music and lively steps of the dancers. With all this relish for social amusements, Mrs. Blenner- hassett was very domestic in her habits ; being not only ac- complished in all the arts of housewifery, but was also an excellent seamstress ; cutting out and making up with her own hands much of the clothing of her husband, as well as preparing that for the servants, which was then made by a colored female. At that period, when tailors and mantua- makers were rare in the western wilderness, this was an accomplishment of real value. She being willing to prac- tice these servile acts, when surrounded by all ihe wealth 504 MARGARET BLE N NE RH AS SE TT. she could desire, is one of the finest and most remarkable traits in her character; indicating a noble mind, elevated above the influence of that false pride so often seen to at- tend the high-born and wealthy. She was a very early riser ; and when not prevented by in- disposition, visited the kitchen by early dawn, and often man- ipulated the pastry and cakes to be served up on the table for the day; when this service was completed, she laid aside her working dress, and attired herself in the habiliments of the lady of the mansion. At table she presided with grace and dignity, and by her cheerful conversation and pleasant address, set every one at ease about her, however rustic their manners, or unaccustomed they might be to genteel society. Her mind was as highly cultivated as her person. She was an accomplished Italian and French scholar ; and one of the finest readers imaginable ; especially excelling in the plays of Shakespeare, w r hich she rehearsed with all the taste and spirit of a first-rate actor. In history and the English classics, she was equally well read; and was often called upon to decide a disputed point in literature, under discus- sion by her husband and some learned guest. Her deci- sions were generally satisfactory to both parties, because founded on correct reasoning, and delivered in so gracious a manner. Few women have ever lived, who combined so many accomplishments and personal attractions. They strongly impressed, not only intellectual and cultivated minds, who could appreciate her merits, but also the unedu- cated and lower classes. One of the young men, a farmer's son, of Belpre, rented and cultivated a field of corn on the island, near the avenue leading from the house to the river, for the sole purpose of stealing a look at her beautiful per- son, as she passed by, on her way to ride or walk, as she was wont to do every pleasant day. Wilt's celebrated HARM AN BLENNEIUIASSETT. 505 panegyric on this lady was in no way undeserved; although in appearance so much like romance. Eight years had passed rapidly and happily away since they took possession of their island home. Two children, Harman and Dominic, had been added to their domestic blessings, whose lively prattle and cheerful smiles served to make life still more desirable. Parties of the young people from Marietta, Belpre, and Wood county, with occasional visits from more distant re- gions, whom the far-famed beauty of this western Eden had called to see and admire, often assembled at their hospita- ble mansion. Social parties of the older and more sedate portions of the community, were invited 1o visit them, and spend several days and nights on the island; especially fe- males of the families where they visited themselves : so that they were as abundantly provided with social intercourse, as if living on the main land. A large portion of their vis- itors came by water, in row-boats, or canoes ; as the coun- try was so new, and destitute of bridges across the numerous creeks, that carriages were but little used. If travelers came by land, it was on horseback. A gentleman of taste, who visited the island in 1806, describes it as "a scene of enchantment, a western Paradise, where beauty, wealth, and happiness, had found a home." The wild condition of the surrounding wilderness, and the rude log-cabins in which the inhabitants generally lived, by their striking con- trast, added greatly to the marvelous beauty of the im- provements on this remote island. Steamboats were then unknown, and traveling on the western rivers was slow and painful. Each man or family provided their own vessel; usually fitted for the temporary voyage in the rudest man- ner. A journey of one hundred miles was a long one ; more formidable than five hundred or a thousand at this day. The settlement of Belpre was the only one from 506 HARM AN BLENNEEHASSETT. Marietta to Cincinnati, that showed marks of civilization, in its well-built houses, nicely cultivated farms, and blooming orchards ; indicating an intelligent and refined population, who could appreciate the worth of their accomplished neigh- bors. A gentleman who once lived in Marietta, and was a great favorite in the family, from his many personal and mental attractions, says, " I was but a boy when they left the island, but I had been a favorite in the family for years, and had passed many of my happiest days in their society. My intimacy in the family of Blennerhassett, is like an oasis in the desert of life. It is one of those 'green spots in the memory's waste,' which death alone can obliterate ; but the verdure of the recollection is destroyed by the knowl- edge of their ruin and misfortunes." In an evil hour this peaceful and happy residence was entered by Aaron Burr, who, like Satan in the Eden of old, visited this earthly Paradise, only to deceive and destroy. "Like some lost, malignant spirit, going to and fro upon the earth, to harass and sneer at poor humanity; was always so courteous, so polite and decorous; so interesting, nay, fascinating, when he strove to engage the attention, that it was impossible to resist his influence. It was the at- mosphere of his presence that poisoned all who came within its reach." In the spring of the year 1805, this intriguing and artful man first visited the valley of the Ohio, his mind restless and uneasy, a disappointed, vexed man, whose hands were still red with the blood of the great and noble-minded Ham- ilton. No ordinary occupation could satisfy the mind of such a being; but some vast, difficult, and grand scheme of ambition must be sought out, on which he could employ his exuberant faculties. Filled with his future project of found- ing a vast empire in the provinces of Mexico, with a portion of the valley of the Mississippi, then, as he had ascertained, II ARM AN BLENNERIIASSETT. 507 ripe for revolution, (but the plan chiefly confined, at that time, under a cloud of mystery, purporting to be a set- tlement of the lands he had bargained for on the Washita river.) " He descended the Ohio in a boat, landing as a passing traveler, merely to see and admire the far-famed improvements of the island. Mr. Blennerhassett, hearing that a stranger was on his lawn, sent a servant to invite him to the house. The wily serpent sent his card, with an apology ; but Mr. Blennerhassett, with his usual hospitality, walked out and insisted on his remaining a day or two. He, however, made a visit of only a few hours ; long enough to introduce the subject of a splendid land speculation on the Red river, and to allude to the prospect of a war of the United States with Spain, and the ease with which the Mexi- cans might, with a little aid, throw off the foreign yoke which had so long oppressed them. He then proceeded on his way. A large portion of the following winter was spent by Mr. Blennerhassett and his lady, in Philadelphia and New York, on a visit to his old friend Emmitt, where, it is probable, he saw Burr again, and matured the plan for a participation in the purchase of Baron Bastrop's lands on the Washita, as he had addressed a letter to him on that subject before leav- ing home, in December, wishing to become a partner in any purchase he might make of western lands : also offering to aid in the Mexican enterprise, as was afterward ascertained in the trial at Richmond. The next August we find Aaron Burr at Pittsburg, in company with his accomplished daughter, Mrs. Theodosia Alston, on his way down the Ohio river. He again visited the island, with his daughter, where he spent several days ; he, in the meantime, taking up his abode at Marietta, where several of the inhabitants received him with marked atten- tion; while others lookeo upon him with contempt and 508 IIARMAN BLENNERHASSETT. abhorrence, as the murderer of Col. Hamilton; especially the old officers, friends and associates of that excellent man. It was in September, at the period of the annual militia muster; the regiment was assembled on the commons, and Col. Burr was invited by the commander to exercise the men, which he did, putting them through several evolutions. In the evening there was a splendid ball, at which he at- tended, and was long after known as the Burr ball. Early in this month the contract was made for boats to be built on the Muskingum river, six miles above the mouth, for the purpose, as was said, of conveying the provisions and adventurers to the settlement in the new purchase. There were fifteen large bateaux; ten of them forty fee.t long, ten feet wide, and two and a half feet deep; five others were fifty feet long, pointed at each end, to push, or row up stream as well as down. One of these was consid- erably larger, and fitted up with convenient rooms, a fire- place, and glass windows; intended for the use of Mr. Blennerhassett and family, as he proposed taking them with him to the new settlement, and is an evidence he did not then think of any hostile act against the United States. To these was added a keel-boat, sixty feet long, for the transport of provisions. A contract for bacon, pork, flour, whisky, &c., was made, to the amount of two thousand dol- lars, and a bill drawn on Mr. Ogden, of New York, for the payment. The boats cost about the same sum, for which Mr. Blennerhassett was responsible. One main article of the stores was kiln-dried, or parched corn, ground into meal ; which is another evidence that the men engaged in the ex- pedition, were to march a long distance by land, and carry this parched meal on their backs ; of which, a pint mixet* with a little water, is a day's ration, as practiced by the western Indians. Several hundred barrels of this article were prepared; some of which was raised on the island and HARMAN BLENNEKHASSETT. 509 parched in a kiln built for that purpose. The boats were to be ready by the 9th of December; rather a late period, on account of ice, which usually forms in this month; but they were tardy in making the contract. Col. Burr remained in the vicinity three or four weeks, making a journey to Chillicothe. His son-in-law, Alston, came out and joined his wife at the island, and with her and Mr. Blennerhassett, who accompanied them, proceeded on to Lexington, Ky., early in October. Many young men in the vicinity of Marietta, Belpre, and various other points on the river, were engaged to join in the expedition; of which Col. Burr was the leader. They were told that no injury was intended to the United States ; that the President was aware of the expedition and approved it; which was to make a settlement on the tract of land purchased by the leaders in the Baron Bastrop grant, and in the event of a war breaking out between this country and Spain, which had for some time been expected, they were to join with the troops under Gen. Wilkinson, and march into the Mexican provinces, whose inhabitants had long been ready for revolt, and prepared to unite with them. This was no doubt the truth, as believed by Mr. Blennerhassett, and those engaged under him, whatever may have been the ulterior views of Burr. Not one of all that number enlisted on the Ohio, would have hearkened for a moment, to a separation of the western from the eastern states ; and when the act of the Ohio Legislature was passed, to suppress all armed assem- blages, and take possession of boats with arms and pro- visions, followed by the proclamation of the President, they, almost to a man, refused to embark further in the enterprise. The bateaux were calculated to carry about five hundred men; and probably a large portion of that number had been engaged, expecting to receive one hundred acres of land for each private, and more for officers. As to their being required 510 II A EM AN BLENNERHASSETT. to furnish themselves with a good rifle and blanket, it was of itself no evidence of hostility; as it is customary, in making all new settlements, for men to be armed ; as was the case with the forty-eight pioneers of the Ohio Company settlers, in 1788. In the meantime, a rumor had gone abroad, that Col. Burr and his associates were plotting treason on the western wa- ters, and assembling an army to take possession of New Orleans, rob the banks, seize the artillery, and set up a sep- arate government west of the Alleghany mountains, of which he was to be the chief. From the evidence on the trial at Richmond, and other sources, it appears that Mr. Jefferson was acquainted with the plan of invading Mexico, in the event of a war with Spain, and approved it ; so that Burr had some ground for saying that the government favored the project. But when no war took place, and the parties had become deeply involved in building boats, collecting provisions, and levying men, to which the baseness and treachery of Wilkinson directly contributed, it was thought a fitting time to punish the arch-enemy of the President, who, by his chicanery, had well nigh ousted him from the chair of state, and had since taken all opportunities to vil- ify and abuse him. Another evidence that the government was supposed to favor the enterprise, is the fact, that nearly all its abettors and supporters in the west, until the procla,- mation appeared, were of the party called Republicans, or friends of Mr. Jefferson, and was opposed by the Federal- ists, who hated and despised Burr and all in which he was engaged, as, from the character of the man, they thought it boded nothing good. By the last of October, rumor, with her thousand tongues, aided by hundreds of newspapers, had filled the minds of the people with strange alarms of coming danger, to which the mystery which overshadowed the actual object of these II ARM AN BLENNEKIIASSETT. 511 preparations greatly adt'ed, and many threats were thrown out, of personal violence to Mr. Blennerhassett and Col. Burr. Alarmed at these rumors of coming danger, Mrs. Blennerhaseett dispatched Peter Taylor to Kentucky, with a letter requesting her husband immediately to return; where he had gone on a visit with Mr. Alston. The history of thia journey, as related by Peter in his evidence on the trial, is an amusing sketch of simplicity and truth. He was the gardener on the island for several years, and was a single- hearted, honest Englishman, who, after his employer's ruin, purchased a farm at Waterfofd, in Washington county Ohio, where he lived many years, much respected for his industry and integrity. During the month of September, and forepart of Octo- ber, there appeared a series of articles, four or five in num- ber, published in the Marietta Gazette, over the signature of Querist, in which the writer advocated a separation of the western from the eastern states, setting forth the rea- sons for, and advantages of, such a division. These were answered in a series of numbers, condemning the project, over the signature of Regulus. They were well-written, spirited articles. The former were probably written by Burr; and the author of the last has remained concealed. The result, however, was unfavorable to the project, and roused the public mind in opposition both to the man and the cause he had espoused. Some of the articles by Reg- ulns were much applauded by the editor of the Aurora, a leading government paper of that day, who considered the writer a very able and patriotic man. The last of November, Mr. Jefferson sent out John Gra- ham, a clerk in one of the public offices, as a spy, or agent, to watch the motions of the conspirators in the vicinity of the island, and to ask the aid of the governor of Ohio in suppressing the insurrection, by seizing on the boats and 512 II A KM AN BLENNERHASSETT. preparations making on the Muskingum. While at Mari- etta, Mr. Blennerhassett called on the agent once or twice, talking freely with him on the objects of the expedition, and showed him a letter he had recently received from Col. Burr, in relation to the settlement on the Washita, in which he says that the project of invading Mexico was abandoned, as the difficulties between the United States and Spain were adjusted. He also mentioned his arrest and trial before the Federal Court, on charge of "treasonable practices," and "a design to attack the Spanish dominions, and thereby en- danger the peace of the United States ; " of which he was acquitted. But all this would not satisfy Mr. Graham. He visited the governor at Chillicothe, laid before him the sur- mises of Mr. Jefferson ; and the Legislature, then in session, on the second day of December, with closed doors, passed an act authorizing the governor to call out the militia, on his warrant to any sheriff or militia officer, with power to arrest boats on the Ohio river, or men, supposed to be en- gaged in this expedition ; and might be held to bail, in the sum of fifty thousand dollars, or imprisoned, and the boats confiscated. One thousand dollars were placed at the dis- posal of the governor, to carry out the law. Under this act a company of militia was called out, with orders to capture and detain the boats and provisions on the Muskingum, with all others descending the Ohio, under suspicious circumstances. They were placed under the command of Capt. Timothy Buell. A six-pounder was planted in battery on the bank of the Ohio, in Marietta, and every descending boat examined. Regular sentries and guards were posted for several weeks, until the river was closed with ice, and all navigation ceased. Many amusing jokes were played off on the military during this campaign, such as setting an empty tar-barrel on fire, and placing it on an old boat, or a raft of logs, to float by on some dark. II A KM AN BLENNERHASSETT. 513 rainy night. The sentries, after hailing, and receiving no answer, lired several phots to enforce their order; but find- ing the supposed boat escaping, sent out a file of men to board and take possession, who, approaching in great wrath, were still more vexed to find it all a hoax. On the Oth of December, just before the order of the governor arrived, Comfort Tyler, a gentleman from the .state of Ne*.v York, landed at the. island with four boats and about thirty men, fitted out at the towns above, on the Ohio. On the Oth, a party of young men from Belprc went up the Muskingum to assist in navigating the bateaux and pro- visions of parched meal from that place to the island. But the militia guard received notice of their movements, and waylaying the river a little above the town, took possession of them all but one, which the superior management of the young men from Belpre enabled them to bring by all the guards, in the darkness of the night, and reach the island in safety. Had they all escaped, they would have been of little use, as the young men engaged had generally given up the enterprise, on the news of the President's proclama- tion, and the act of the Ohio Legislature. Mr. Blennerhassett was at Marietta on the 6th of Decem- ber, expecting to receive the boats ; but they were not quite ready for delivery. On that day he heard of the act of the assembly, and returned to the island, half resolved to abandon the cause; but the arrival, that night, of Tyler. and the remonstrances of his wife, who had entered with great spirit into the enterprise, prevented him. Had he listened to the dictates of his own mind, and the sugges- tions of prudence, it would have saved him years of mis- fortune and final ruin. In the course of the day of the 9th of December, he had notice that the Wood county militia had volunteered their services, and would that night make an attack on 33 514 HARMAN BLENSTERIIASSETT. the island, arrest him, with the boats and men there as- sembled, and perhaps burn his house. This accelerated their departure, which took place on the following night. They had learned that the river was watched at several points below, and serious apprehensions felt for their future safety; although the resolute young men on board, well armed with their rifles, would not have been captured by any moderate force. The Ohio river, from the Little to the Big Kenawha, is very crooked and tortuous; making the distance by water nearly double that by land. Col. Phelps, the commander of the Wood county volun- teers, took possession of the island the following morning, and finding the objects of his search gone, determined not to be foiled, and started immediately on horseback across the country, for Point Pleasant, a village at the mouth of the Big Kenawha, and arrived there several hours before the boats. He directly mustered a party of men, to watch the river all night and arrest the fugitives. It being quite cold, with some ice in the stream, large fires were kindled, for the double purpose of warming the guard and more easily discovering the boats. Just before daylight, the men being well filled with whisky, to keep out the cold, became drowsy with their long watch, and all lay down by the fire. During their short sleep, the four boats seeing the fires, and aware of their object, floated quietly by, without any noise, and were out of sight before the guard awakened. They thus escaped this well laid plan for their capture, arriving at the mouth of the Cumberland, the place of rendezvous, unmolested. On the 13th, Mr. Morgan Nevill and Mr. Robinson, with a party of fourteen young men, arrived and landed at the island. They were immediately arrested by the militia, be- fore the return of Col. Phelps. A very amusing account of this adventure is given in the "Token," an annual of 1836, HARM AN BLENNERII ASS ETT. 515 written by Mr. Nevill, in which he describes their trial be- fore Justices Wolf and Kincheloc, as aiders and abettors in the treason of Burr and Blennerhassett. So far was the spirit of lawless arrest carried, that one or two persons in Belpre, were taken at night from their beds, and hurried over on to the island for trial, without any authority of law. This was a few days before the celebrated move in the Sen- ate of the United States, for the suspension of the act of habeas corpus, so alarmed had they become ; but was pre- vented by the more considerate negative of the House of Representatives After a detention of three days, the young men were discharged, for the want of proof. Mrs. Blennerhassett, who had been left at the island, to look after the household goods, and follow her husband at a more convenient period, was absent at Marietta, when they landed, for the purpose of procuring one of the large boats that was fitted up for her use, and had been arrested at Marietta; but was unsuccessful, and returned the evening after the trial. The conduct of the militia, in the absence of their com- mander, was brutal and outrageous ; taking possession of the house and the family stores in the cellar, without any authority, as their orders only extended to the arrest of Mr. Bleunerhassett and the boats. They tore up and burnt the fences for their watch-fires, and forced the black servants to cook for them, or be imprisoned. One of them discharged his rifle through the ceiling of the large hall, the bullet pass- ing tip through the chamber, near where Mrs. Blennerhassett and the children were sitting. The man said it was acci- dental : but being half-drunk, and made brutal by the whisky they drank, they little knew or cared for their actions. On the 17th of December, with the aid of the young men, and the kind assistance of Mr. A. W. Putnam, of Belpre, one of their neighbors and a hisrhlv esteemed friend, she. 516 HARM AN BLENNERHASSETT. with her children, was enabled to depart, taking with her a part of the furniture, and some of her husband's choice books. Mr. Putnam also furnished her with provisions for the voyage, her own being destroyed by the militia, in whose rude hands she was forced to leave her beautiful island- home, which she was destined never again to visit. They kept possession for several days after her departure, living at free quarters, destroying the fences, and letting in the cattle, which tramped down and ruined the beautiful shrub- bery of the garden, barking and destroying the nice or- chards of fruit trees, just coming into bearing; and this, too, was done by men, on many of whom Mr. Blennerhas- sett had bestowed numerous benevolent acts. It is due 1o the commander, Col. Phelps, to say that these excesses were mostly perpetrated in his absence, and that on his return he did all he could to suppress them, and treated Mrs. Blen- nerhassett with respect and kindness. This spot, which a short time before was the abode of peace and happiness, adorned with all that could embellish or beautify its ap- pearance, was now a scene of ruin, resembling the ravages of a hostile and savage foe, rather than the visitation of the civil law. Before leaving the island, Mr. Blennerhassett, not expecting to return, had rented it to Col. Gushing, one of his worthy Belpre friends, with all the stock of cattle, crops, &c. He did all in his power to preserve what was left, and prevent further waste. Col. Gushing kept possession of the island one or two years, when it was taken out of his hands by the creditors, and rented to a man who raised a large crop of hemp. The porticoes and offices were stowed full of this combustible article; when the black servants, during one of their Christmas gambols, in 1611, accidentally set it on fire, and the whole mansion was consumed. The furni- ture and library, a portion of which only was removed with HARM AN BLENNERIIASSETT. f>17 the family, were attached, and sold at auction at a great sacrifice, to discharge some of the bills indorsed by him for Aaron Burr, a few months after his departure. With her two little sons, Ilarman and Dominic, the one six, and the other about eight years old, she pursued her way down the Ohio to join her husband. The young men, her companions, afforded every aid in their power to make her situation comfortable ; but the severity of the weather, the floating ice in the river, and the unfinished state of her cabin, hastily prepared for her reception, made the voyage a very painful one. Late in December she passed the mouth of the Cumberland, where she had hoped to find her husband; but the flotilla had proceeded out of the Ohio into the rapid waters of the Mississippi, and landed at the mouth of the Bayou Piere, in the Mississippi territory. The Ohio was frozen over soon after the boat in which she was embarked left it, and was not again navigable until the last of February, the winter being one of great severity. Early in January she joined the boats of Col. Burr, a few miles above Natchez, and was again restored, with her two little boys, to her husband, who received them with joy and grat- itude from the hands of their gallant conductors. The whole country being roused from Pittsburg to New Orleans, and the hue and cry raised on all sides to arrest the traitors, Col. Burr abandoned the expedition as hopeless ; and assembling his followers, now about one hundred and thirty in number, made them a spirited speech, thanked them for their faithful adherence, amidst so much opposi- tion, and closed by saying that unforeseen circumstances had occurred, which frustrated his plans, and the expedition was at an end. All were now left, the distance of one thousand or fifteen hundred miles from their homes, to shift for them- selves. Several of the young men from Belpre, six or eight in number, returned in the course of the spring. 518 HARM AN BLENNERHASSETT. Two brothers, Charles and John Dana, remained and set- tled near the Walnut hills ; purchased lands, and entered into the cultivation of cotton. Some time in January, Col. Burr and Mr. Blennerhassett were arrested, and brought before the United States Court, at Xatchez, on a charge of treason, and recognized to ap- pear in February. Blennerhassett did appear, and was dis- charged ni chief; no proof appearing to convict him of any treasonable design. Burr did not choose to appear; but soon after the recognizance, he requested John Dana, with two others, to take him in a skiff or row-boat, to a point about twenty miles above Bayou Pierre, and land him in the night; intending to escape across the country by land. The better to conceal his person from detection, before starting he exchanged his nice suit of broadcloth clothes and beaver hat with Mr. Dana, for his coarse boatman's dress, and old slouched white wool hat, which would effec- tually disguise him from recognition by his intimate ac- quaintance. He proceeded safely for some days ; but was finally arrested on the Tombigbee river, and with many taunts and insults taken on to Richmond, where he arrived the 26th of March, 1807. No bill was found by the grand jury, until the 25th of June, when he was indicted on two bills ; one for treason and the other for a misdemeanor. After a long and tedious trial, he was acquitted, on a verdict of " not guilty ." Mr. Blennerhassett supposing himself discharged from further annoyance, some time in June started on a journey to visit the island, and examine into the condition of his property ; which, from various letters, he was told was going fast to waste and destruction. Passing through Lexington, Ky., where he had many friends and acquaintances, he was again arrested, on a charge of treason, and for some days confined in the jail; as an indictment had been found II A II M A N B L E N N E R 1 1 A S S E T T . f> 1 against him, us well as Burr, at Richmond. lie employed Henry Clay as his counsel; who expressed deep indignation at the illegality of his client's arrest. " He had been dis- charged already in chief, and why should he be again ar- rested on the same supposed offense ?" But the govern- ment was unrelenting, and nothing but the conviction of the offender could appease their wrath. He was taken, with much ceremony and parade of the law, to Richmond, where he again met Burr, the originator of all his troubles and misfortunes. The magnanimity of the man is well shown, in that he never recriminated or accused his destroyer with deceiving him, inasmuch as lie had entered voluntarily into his plans, and therefore did not choose to lay his troubles on the shoulders of another; although it is apparent, that if he had never seen Aaron Burr, he would have escaped this sudden ruin to his prosperity and happiness. The fol- lowing letter is from the pen of Mrs. Blennerhassett, ad- dressed to her husband at Lexington, and displays her noble and elevated mind, as well as her deep conjugal affection. It is copied from the sketch of Mr. Blennerhassett, by AVil- liam Wallace, published in vol. ii, of the American Review, 1845. "NATCHEZ, August 3d, 1807. MY DEAREST LOVE : After having experienced the greatest disappointment in not hearing from you for two mails, I at length heard of your arrest; which afflicts and mortifies me, because it was an arrest. I think that had you of your own accord gone to Richmond and solicited a trial, it would have accorded better with your pride, and you would have es- caped the imhappincss of missing my letters, which 1 wrote every week to Marietta. Cod knows what you may feel and suffer on our accounts, before this reaches, to inform you of our health, and welfare in every particular; and knowing this, 1 trust and feel your mind will rise superior to every 520 HARMAN BLENNEHHASSETT. inconvenience that your present situation may subject you to ; despising, as I do, the paltry malice of the upstart agents of government. Let no solicitude whatever for us, damp your spirits. We have many friends here, who do the utmost in their power to counteract any disagreeable sensation occa- sioned me by your absence. I shall live in the hope of hear- ing from you by the next mail; and entreat you, by all that is dear to us, not to let any disagreeable feelings on account of our separation, enervate your mind at this time. Re- member that all here will read with great interest, anything concerning you ; but still do not trust too much to yourself; consider your want of practice at the bar, and don't spare the fee of a lawyer. Apprise Col. Burr of my warmest ac- knowledgments for his own and Mrs. Alston's kind remem- brance, and tell him to assure her she has inspired me with a warmth of attachment which can never diminish. I wish him to urge her to write to me. God bless you, prays your M. BLENXERIIASSETT." On Burr's acquittal, Mr. Blennerhassett was never brought to trial, but discharged from the indictment for treason, and bound over in the sum of three thousand dollars, to appear at Chillicothe, Ohio, on a misdemeanor; "for that whereas he prepared an armed force, whose destination was the Spanish territory." He did not appear, nor was he ever called upon again; and thus ended this treasonable farce, which had kept the whole of the United States in a ferment for more than a year, and, like "the mountain in labor, at last brought forth a mouse." After the trial at Richmond, in 1807, he returned to Natchez, where he staid about a year, and then bought, with the remains of his fortune, a plantation, of one thousand acres, in Claiborne county, Mi^., seven miles from Gibson Port, at a place called St. Catharine's, and cultivated it with a small stock of slaves. While here he II A R M A N B L E N N K It II A S S K T T . 52 1 continued his literary pursuits, leaving Mrs. Blennerhassett to superintend both in doors and out. The embargo destroyed all commerce, and the war which soon followed put a stop to the sale of cotton, and blasted his hopes of reinstating his fortune from that source. In a letter to his attorney, at Marietta, in 1808, wherein he proposes the sale of lib? island for slaves, he says, that with thirty hands on his. plantation, he could in five years clear sixty thousand dollars. Cotton was then in demand, and brought a high price. His lady, with her characteristic energy, rose at early dawn, mounted her horse and rode over the grounds, exam- ining each field, and giving directions to the overseer as to the work to be done that day, or any alteration to be made in the plans, which circumstances required. They here had the society of a few choice friends in Xatche/, and among the neighboring planters. On this plantation they passed ten years ; in which time one son and daughter were added to the number of their children. The daughter died when young. Retaining still a fond recollection of his Ma- rietta and Belprc friends, he, in the year 1818, sent one of his sons to the college in Athens, Ohio, under the care of W. P. Putnam, the son of his old friend, A. W. Putnam. Here he remained a year, at the end of which time, find- ing his fortune still decreasing, and means much cramped by his indorsements for Col. Burr, amounting to thirty thou- sand dollars, ten thousand of which were repaid by Mr. Alston, he in 1810 sold his plantation, and moved his family to Montreal ; the governor of the province, an old friend, having given him hopes to expect a post on the bench, for which he was well qualified. Misfortune having marked him for her own, soon after his arrival his friend was re- moved from office, and his expectations frustrated. lie remained here until the year ISO^, when he removed his family to England, under an assurance of a post from 522 HARMAN BLENNERHASSETT. the government, which was never realized, and resided in the town of Bath, with a maiden sister. It was at Montreal, with the prospects of poverty and blighted hopes thickening around her, that she wrote those beautiful and touching lines describing " The Island," and her once happy home, that may well be called her " La- ment," and are given below, as well worthy of preservation. THE DESERTED ISLE. Like mournful echo from the silent tomb, That pines away upon the midnight air, ^ hilst the pale moon breaks out with fitful gloom, Pond memory turns with sad, but welcome care, To scenes of desolation and despair; Once bright with all that beauty could bestow, That peace could shed, or youthful fancy know. To thee, fair isle, reverts the pleasing dream ; Again thou risest in thy green attire ; Fresh, as at first, thy blooming graces seem; Thy groves, thy fields, their wonted sweets respire ; Again thou'rt all my heart could e'er desire. why, dear isle, art thou not still my own ? Thy charms could then for all my griefs atoue. The stranger that descends Ohio's stream, Charm' d with the beauteous prospects that arise, Marks the soft isles, that 'ueath the glistening beam, Dance in the wave, and mingle with the skies; Sees also one. that now in ruin lies, Which erst, like fairy queen, towered o'er the rest, In every native charm by culture dress'd. There rose the seat where once, in pride of life, My eye could mark the queen of rivers flow ; In summer's calmness, or in winter's strife, Svroln with the rains, or baffling with the snow ; Never again my heart such joy shall know. Havoc, and ruin, and rampant war, have past Over that isle with their destroying blast. II A II M A N B L E N N E II 1 1 A S S E T T . 523 The black'niiig fire has swept throughout her halls, The winds fly whistling through tlicin, and the wave No more in spring-floods o'er the sand-hcach crawls; But furious drowns in one o'crwhelining grave, Thy hallowed haunts it watered as a slave. Drive on, destructive flood ! and ne'er again On that devoted Lie let man remain. For many blissful moments there I've known; Too many hopes have there met their decay, Too many feelings now forever gone, To wi;li that thou woukUt e'er again dUplay The joyful coloring of thy prime array. Buried with thee, let them remain a blot; \Vith thce, their sweets, their bitterness forgot. And 0, that I could wholly wipe away The memory of the ills that work'd thy fall : The memory of that all eventful day, When I ret urn' (1 and found my own fair hall Held by the infuriate populace in thrall, My own fireside blockaded by a baud, That once found food and shelter at my hand. My children, (0, a mother's pangs forbear, Xor strike again that arrow through my sonl,) Clasping the ruffians in suppliant prayer, To free their mother from unjust control ; "V\ hile with false crimes, and imprecations foul, The wretches, vilest refuse of the earth, Mock jurisdiction held, around my hearth. Sweet i?\c ! mcthiuks I sec thy bosom torn, Again behold the ruthless rabble throng, That wrought destruction, taste must ever mourn. Alas. I see thec now, shall see thee long, Yet ne'er shall bitter feelings urge the wrong ; That to a mob would give the censure due, To those (hat arm'd the plunder-greedy crew. 524 HARMAN BLENNERHASSETT. To blast the beauty of mild nature's reign, The European stranger, who would fling O'er tangled woods refinement's polishing, May find (expended every plan of taste,) His work by ruffians rendered doubly waste. In addition to the expectation of office in England, he also had hopes of recovering an interest he held in an estate in Ireland. Both of these, however, failed. He ul- timately resided in the island of Guernsey, where he died in 1831, aged sixty-three years. Eleven years after his death, in 1842, when his widow and children were reduced to extreme want, she returned to ]\ T ew York with one of her sons, both of them in very poor health, with the purpose of petitioning Congress for remuneration in the destruction of the property on the island, by the Wood county militia, in December, 1806. The petition is couched in very feeling and appropriate language, in which she sets forth the outrages offered to herself and family, with the damages done to the house and property on the island. " Your memorialist does not desire to exaggerate the conduct of the said armed men, or the injuries done by them; but she can truly say, that before their visit the resi- dence of her family had been noted for its elegance and high state of improvement, and that they left it in a state of comparative ruin and waste; and as instances of the mischievous and destructive spirit which appeared to govern them, she would mention that while they occupied as a guard-room one of the best apartments in the house, (the building of which had cost nearly forty thousand dollars,) a musket or rifle ball was deliberately fired into the ceiling, by which it was much defaced and injured ; and that they wantonly destroyed many pieces of valuable furniture. She would also state, that, being apparently under no II ARM AN BLENNERIIASSETT. 525 subordination, they indulged in continual drunkenness and riot, offering many indignities to your memorialist, and treating her domestics with violence. Your memorialist further represents, that these outrages were committed upon an unoffending and defenseless family in the absence of their natural protector; your memorial- ist's husband being then away from his home ; and that in answer to such remonstrances as she ventured to make against the consumption, waste, and destruction of his pro- perty, she was told by those who assumed to have the com- mand, that they held the property for the United States, by order of the President, and were privileged to use it, and should use it, as they pleased. It is with pain that your memorialist reverts to events, which, in their consequences, have reduced a once happy family from affluence and com- fort, to comparative want and wretchedness ; which blighted the prospects of her children, and made herself, in the de- cline of life, a wanderer on the face of the earth." This memorial was directed to the care of Henry Clay, then in the Senate of the United States, enveloped in a let- ter from R. Emmitt, a son of the celebrated man of that name. He says, " She is now in this city, residing in very humble circumstances, bestowing her cares upon a son, who, by long poverty and sickness, is reduced to utter im- becility, both of mind and body, unable to assist her, or pro- vide for his own wants. In her present destitute situation, the smallest amount of relief would be thankfully received by her. Her condition is one of absolute u-ant, and she has but a short time left to enjoy any better fortune in this world." Mr. Clay presented the memorial to the Senate, with some very feeling and appropriate remarks ; having been formerly well acquainted with the family, and employed as his attor- ney, when arrested at Lexington, Ky. It was taken up, and 526 MARGARET BLE NNE RH AS SETT. referred to the committee of claims ; of which the Hon. William Wooclbridge was chairman. His report on the memorial is a very able and feeling document, in which he advocates the claim as just, and one which ought to be al- lowed, notwithstanding it had now been thirty-six years since the events transpired. He says, " Not to do so, would be unworthy of any wise or just nation, that is disposed to re- spect, most of all, its own honor." This report sets forth all the circumstances attending the " Burr treason," as de- scribed in the foregoing biography. The documents which accompany the report are very interesting, especially the statement of Morgan Neville and William Robinson, jr., two of the young men who were arrested and tried on the island, as partizans of Burr, in December, 1806, and written for the future use of Mr. Blennerhassett, a few days after these events transpired. It is given as a correct history of the outrages on the island. STATEMENT OF MESSRS. NEVILLE AND ROBINSON, AND AFFIDAVIT OF MARGARET BLENNERHASSETT : "On the 13th day of December, 1806, the boat in which we were, was driven ashore, by ice and wind, on Backus's island, about one mile below Mr. Blennerhassett's house ; we landed in the forenoon, and the wind continuing unfa- vorable, did not afford us an opportunity of putting off until after three o'clock in the evening, at which time we were attacked by about twenty-five men, well armed, who rushed upon us suddenly, and we, not being in a situation to resist the fury of a mob, surrendered ; a strong guard was placed in the boat, to prevent, we presume, those persons of our party who remained in the boat, from going off with her, while we were taken to the house of Mr. Blennerhassett. On our arrival at the house we found it filled with militia; another party of them were engaged in making fires, (around the house,) of rails dragged from the fences of Mr. Blenner- MARGARET BLE N NE II II A S S ETT. 527 hassctt. At this time Mrs. Blcnncrhassett was from home. When she returned, (about an hour after,) she remonstrated against this outrage on the property, but without effect; the officers declared that while they were on island, the pro- perty absolutely belonged to them. We were informed, by themselves, that their force consisted of forty men the first night; and on the third day it was increased to eighty. The officers were constantly issuing the whisky and meat, which had been laid up for the use of the family ; and when- ever any complaint was made by the friends of Mrs. 131en- nerhassett, they invariably asserted that everything on the farm was their own property. There appeared to us to be no kind of subordination among the men ; the large room they occupied on the first floor, presented a continued scene of riot aiad drunkenness ; the furniture appeared ruined by the bayonets, and one of the men fired his gun against the ceiling; the ball made a large hole, which completely spoiled the beauty of the room. They insisted that the servants should wait upon them, before attending to their mistress ; when this was refused, they seized upon the kitchen, and drove the negroes into the wash-house. We were detained from Saturday evening until Tuesday morning; during all which time there were never less than thirty, and frequently from seventy to eighty men living in this riotous manner entirely on the provisions of Mrs. Blennerhassett. When we left the island, a cornfield near the house, in which the corn was still remaining, was filled with cattle, the fences having been pulled down to make fires. This we pledge ourselves to be a true statement of these transactions, as impression was made on us at the time. MORGAN XEVILLE, WM. ROBINSON, JR." Charles Fenton Mercer, Esq., also, in September, 1807, soon after the trial at Richmond, made a full statement of 52S MARGARET BLENNERHASSETT. his knowledge of the events on which the accusation against Mr. Blennerhassett was founded ; as they transpired between the 20th of September and 6th of December, 1806, having been himself at the island in November; with his opinion of the objects of the expedition, in which he fully clears Mr. Blennerhassett of any designs against the peace and quiet of the United States. Mr. D. Woodbridge, of Mari- etta, in a letter to the chairman, of the 2d of April, 1842, makes a statement of the loss of property, from the attach- ment of the government, and the riotous conduct of the Wood county volunteers on the island. In August, 1842, while this subject was under consider- ation, news arrived of the death of Mrs. Blennerhassett at New York ; and nothing more was done in the matter. She, who had lived in wealth and splendor, and^imparted charity to hundreds of the poor, was indebted -to others for a grave. She died in the most destitute condition ; and her last days passed under the soothing care of a charitable society of Irish females in New York, by whom she was buried. The reverses in this accomplished woman's for- tune, and in that of her amiable husband, illustrate the un- certainties of human life, and unfold the mysterious doings of Providence with the children of men. More than forty years have passed away since these events were transacted, and not a vestige now remains of the splendid and happy home of Harman and Margaret Blennerhassett. All has passed away like the vision of a pleasant dream ; while the thousands of passengers who annually travel up and down the Ohio on steamboats, still eagerly inquire after, and gaze upon "the inland of Blennerhassett" with wonder and delight. APPENDIX, [NOTE A.] The acquaintances formed during his college residence at Cambridge, ia many cases ripened into close intimacy and friendship. Among his early friends and correspondents, is the name of John Adams. The following extract of a letter, written by this distinguished statesman, at Brnintrcc, Mass., December 5, 1760, exhibits at that early period, their mental character and their insatiable thirst for intellectual improvement, upon which were based their subsequent elevation. The perusal may stimulate others to imitate so laudable an cxairple. BRAINTREE, December 5th, 17CO. SIR : I presume upon the merit of a brother, both iu the academical and legal family, to give you this trouble, and to ask the favor of your correspondence. The science which we have bound ourselves to study for life, you know to be immensely voluminous, perhaps intricate and involved ; so that an arduous application to books at home, a critical observation of the course of practice, the conduct of the older practitioners iu courts, and a large correspondence with fellow students abroad, as well as conversation in private companies, upou legal subjects, arc needful to gain a thorough mastery, if not to make a decent figure in the profession of law. The design of this letter, then, is to desire that you would write me a report of any cause of importance and curiosity, either in Courts of Admiralty or Common Law, that you hear resolved iu your colony. And on my part, I am ready and engage to do the same of any such causes that I shall hear argued iu the province. It is an employ- ment that gives me pleasure, and I find that revolving a case in my mind, stating it on paper, recollecting the arguments on each side, and examining the points through my books, that occur in the course of a trial, makes the impression deeper on my memory, and lets me easier into the spirit of law and practice. Iu view I scud you the report of a cause argued in Boston last term, and should be glad to know if the points, whether the statutes of mortmain were ever stirred iu your colony S and by what criterion you determine what statutes are, and what are not extended to you." (Here follows the case reported, which is too long for insertion.) [NOTE B.] " In the House of Representatives of the colony of Connecticut, Fri- day, 21st of May, 13th, George iii, 1773. Mr. Speaker h.-wkg laid before the House letter from the Speaker of the House of Burgesses of the coloi.y of Virginia, 34 530 APPENDIX. containing certain resolutions entered into by said house on the 1 2th of March last ; this House taking into consideration the contents of said letter, the above-mentioned resolutions, and the reasons on which they are grounded, arc of opinion that they are weighty and important .in their nature and design, calculated and tending to produce happy and salutary effects, in securing and supporting the ancient legal and constitutional rights of this and the colonies in general, do approve and adopt the measure, and thereupon Resolved, That a Standing Committee of Correspondence and Inquiry, to consist of nine persons, viz. : The Hon. Ebcnezer Silliman, Esq., William Williams, Benja- min Payne, Samuel Holden Parsons, Nathaniel Wales, Silas Dean, Samuel Bishop, Joseph Trumbull, and Erastus Wolcott, Esq., whose business it shall be to obtain all such intelligence, and take up and maintain correspondence with our sister colo- nies, respecting the important considerations mentioned and expressed in the afore- said resolutions of the patriotic House of Burgesses of Virginia, and the result of such their proceedings from time to time to lay before this house. Resolved, That the Speaker of this House do transmit to the Speakers of the dif- ferent Assemblies of the British colonies on this continent, copies of these resolu- tions, and request that they would come into similar measures, and communicate, from time to time, with the said committee, on all matters wherein the common welfare and safety of the colonies are concerned. [NOTE C.] In the House of Representatives of the colony of Connecticut, June 3, 1774. Whereas a Congress of Commissioners from the several British colonies in America, is proposed by sonic of our neighboring colonies, and thought necessary : and whereas, it may be found expedient that such Congress should be convened be- fore the next session of the Assembly, Resolved, by this House, that the Committee of Correspondence be, and they are hereby, empowered, on application to them made, or from time to time as may be found necessary, to appoint a suitable number to attend such Congress or Convention of Commissioners, or Committees of the several colonies in British America; and the persons thus to be chosen, shall be, and they hereby are. directed, in behalf ol the colony, to attend such Congress, to consult and advise on proper measures for advancing the best good of the colonies ; and such conferences from time to time to report to this House. [NOTE D.] " NEW LONDON, July 28th, 1774. DEAR SIR : On the refusal of three of our commissioners to attend the Congress, I have received a notification to attend a meeting of the Committee of Correspond- ence, at Hartford, next Wednesday, to make a further appointment, and also a de- sire to notify you of the time and place of our meeting. If you will come to New London on Monday, we will go together. I hope no business of a private nature will divert you from attending this important public business. As tlu; eyes of al". APPENDIX. 531 the continent are upon the Congress for relief, so I think we should be unpardonable, to suffer small things to divert us from attending to make the appointment. I am, sir, your friend, SAMUEL II. PARSONS. Col. Joseph Trumbull, Norwich." [NoTE E.] The following letter, written June 7, 1774, to Samuel Adams, by a member of the Committee of Correspondence, soon after the pasta.zc of the resolution of June 3d, by the Connecticut Assembly, illustrates the ardent patriotism which inspired the gentlemen composing that committee, and their earnest desire and effi- cient influence in promoting the important object of a Convention of the Colo- nies, or General Congress. It alludes to a letter which may be found in Force's Archives. " SIR : You will have received a letter from our General Committee of Corres- pondence before this comes to hand. By that you will find that a General Congress of Commissioners from all the colonies is expected, and that in the opinion of people here, that will be a necessary step to unite the several colonies in the most effectual measures to oppose the designs of Administration ; who doubtless expect that the other governments will sit still, tame spectators, while they wreak their vengeance on Boston, if they are left untouched. This town had a full meeting yesterday, in which it was easily seen that the spirit of our people is as high as ever, and full as determined to oppose, with vigor and resolution, the wicked and unjust attempts of our enemies. The Committee of Cor- respondence have this day written to the Committee of Correspondence for the town of Boeton, on the subject." F.] " To THE HONORABLE GENERAL ASSEMBLY now sitting, the memo- rial of Samuel H. Parsons, humbly showcth : That in April, 1775, the memorialist^ Mr. Silas Dean and Col. Samuel Wyllys, with others, were induced, from the partic- ular situation of public affairs, to undertake surprising and seizing the enemy's post at Ticonderoga, without the knowledge and approbation of the Assembly ; and to prosecute the business, were necessitated to take out a quantity of money from the treasury, for which they gave their promissory receipt ; that the whole moneys were delivered to the gentlemen sent on that service, and were actually expended therein. That said receipts are still held against the promissors, notwithstanding the public fiave taken the post into their own hands, and repaid the expense. Your memorialist therefore prays your honors to order said receipts to be given up ; that the suns thereof be allowed the treasurer in settlement ; and he, as in duty bound, &c. Dated in HARTFORD, the 30th of May, 1777. SAMCEL II . PARSONS. The action of the Legislature, and the original receipts, are recorded in the office of the Secretary of State at Hartford. 532 APPENDIX [NOTE G.] Gen. Parsons to Gen. Washington : "NEW HAVEN, May 25th, 1777. DEAR GENERAL : Having received information that the enemy were collecting forage, horses, &c., on the east end of Long Island, I ordered a detachment from the several regiments then at this place, consisting of one major, four captains, viz. : Troop, Pond, Mansfield, and Savage, and nine subalterns, and two hundred and twenty men, commissioned officers and privates, under the command of Col. Meigs, to attack their different posts on that part of the island, and destroy the forage, &c., which they have collected. Col. Meigs embarked his men here, in thirteen whale- boats, the 21st inst., and proceeded to Guilford, but the wind proving high, and the sea rough, could not pass the sound until Friday, the 23d. He left Guilford, at 10 o'clock on the afternoon of the 23d, with one hundred and seventy of his de- tachment, and under convoy of two armed sloops, and in company with another un- armed, (to bring off prisoners.) crossed the sound, to the north branch of the island, near Southold, where he arrived about 6 o'clock in the evening; the enemy's troops on this branch of the island had marched for New York two days before ; but about sixty of the enemy remaining at a place called Sagg Harbor, about fifteen miles distant, on the south branch of the island, he ordered eleven whale-boats, with as many men as could be safely transported across the bay, over the land to the bay, where they re-embarked, to the number of one hundred and thirty, and at about 12 o'clock, arrived safe across the bay, within about four miles of the harbor; where, having secured the boats in the woods, under the care of a guard, Col. Meigs formed his remaining little detachment in proper order for attacking the different posts and quarters of the enemy, and securing the vessels and forage at the same time. They marched in the greatest order and silence, and at 2 o'clock arrived at the harbor. The several divisions, with fixed bayonets, attacked the guards and posts assigned them, whilst Capt. Troop, with the detachment under his command, secured the ves- sels and forage lying at the wharf. The alarm soon became general, when an armed schooner of twelve guns and seventy men, within one hundred and fifty yards of the wharf, began a fire upon our troops, which continued, without cessation, for three- quarters of an hour, with grape and round shot; but the troops, with the greatest intrepidity, returned the fire upon the schooner, and set fire to the vessels and forage, and killed and captured all the soldiers and sailors, except about six, who made their escape under cover of the night. Twelve brigs and sloops, one an armed vessel with twelve guus. about one hundred and twenty tons of pressed hay, oats, corn, and other forage, ten hogsheads of ruin, and a large quantity of other merchandize, were en- tirely consumed. It gives me the greatest satisfaction to hear the officers and sol- diers, without exception, behaved with the greatest bravery, order, and intrepidity. Col. Meigs, having finished the business on which he was sent, returned safe, with all his men, to Guilford, by 2 o'clock, P. M., yesterday, with ninety prisoners; hav- ing, in twenty-five hours, by land and water, transported his men full ninety miles, APPENDIX. 53.'{ and succeeded in his attempts, beyond my most sanguine expectation!, with.-mt losing a single man, either killed or wounded. It gives me singular pleasure to hear no disposition appeared in any one soldier, to plunder the inhabitants, or violate private property, in the smallest degree ; and tbat even the clothing and othei articles belonging to the prisoners, the soldiers, with a gsnerosity not learned from British troops, have, with great cheerfulness, restored to them, where they have fallen into their hands. Maj. Humphreys, who waits on your excellency, with the account, was in th action, with Col. Meigs, and will be able to give any further necessary inform- ation, &c, : &.c." [NOTE H.] " PEEKSKILL, July 30th, 1777. DEAR GENERAL: The designs of the enemy, and the importance of the posts in the various parts of the country, are, doubtless, better understood by your cicelleucy, than I can pretend to know them. This ought not to prevent my proposing my seu timents to your excellency's consideration : in this I do no more than my duty, and if I am mistaken, it can be no ill consequence to any one but myself. The posts ou the North river have always appeared to me of greater importance to the enemy, than any in America, and the most difficult to obtain, if any considerable body of men were left to defend them. In this light they have been generally viewed, as the communication between the eastern and southern states will be almost wholly cut off, if the enemy hold the passes in or near the river. When I was last at head- 'quarters, it was thought of so much importance, that Gen. Nixon's brigade was 'ordered not to march for Albany, until I should arrive within a day's march of Peckskill, when three brigades and the militia would have then been left at the post. If the post is of so much importance to be held, and the intention of the enemy not fully known, it appears to me very necessary that a body of troops, sufficient for the defense of it, should be left here. The militia are to leave us to-morrow ; two brig- ades are ordered over the river for Philadelphia. About two thousand men are then left to defend the forts, man the ships, and other commands, and to defend the passes through the mountains ; one thousand of which will be necessarily detached over the river, and in the ships, and to other posts ; the remaining number much too small to answer the expected purposes. Tlmt the enemy do not design to attack any other place at present, I think most probable for these reasons : That no object can be of so much importance toward subjugating the country; and if a junction of Mr. Howe's army, with that at the northward, is an evcut they wish to take place, it can no other way be so easily effected, as by this river. The force It- ft in and about York island, is ctrtaiuly much larger than is necessary for the defense of New York. I think there can be doubt but they have six thousand men left there, and unless this army is much greater than I conceive it to be. he cannot have with the fleet, men sufficient to effect anything considerable agaiust the force he would expect to meet at any other place southward of this post. On these grounds, I am still oi 534 APPENDIX. opinion, the enemy are designed here, and the present maneuver is to draw off our troops from this place. The difficulty of carrying the post, if a good body of troops were left here, I think will fully justify the maneuver of the enemy. They have never attempted to obstruct our passage over the river, which was always in their power. This I think strengthens the opinion they design to attack here. Under these circumstances I feel myself exceedingly concerned that so many of the troops are drawn to so great a distance; 'tis not my own reputation only which, gives me so much concern, though I am very sensible the little I have will be forever lost, if the post is not maintained, a>id I think the most sanguine person can have very little hope of it, with no greater force than will remain here ; with the four brigades, and what assistance we can have from the militia, there might be a prospect of maintain- ing it against the main body of the enemy until your excellency's arrival here; otherwise I see very little prospect of holding out one day, However, I hope I may be mistaken in my conjecture ; if I should be, I shall be heartily rejoiced. The two brigades should join you, and I wish I may be added to the number. I am your excellency's obedient servant, SAMUEL II. PARSONS. To Gen. "Washington. [NOTE L.] Gen. Parsons to Gov. Trumbull : THE ATTACK ON FORT MONTGOMERY. Extract. DANBURY, October 7th, 1777. SIR : I came this morning to forward, with all possible expedition, such troops as I should find coming to our aid from Connecticut. I am much pleased to find my countrymen seem again roused from the stupor which had seized them. I think by appearances that we shall soon receive a re-enforcement of tic a thousand men from this Stale. Happy would I have been had the fourth of this body arrived yesterday. I am sorry to inform your excellency that the enemy made a successful attack on Fort Montgomery yesterday. The 5th, they lauded about fifteen hundred men at King's Ferry, on the east side of the river, under cover of their ships and armed ves- sels, and the night after, re-embarked most of them. "Which, with a large additional number, (about twenty-five hundred in the whole,) were lauded on the west side (the Cth) in the morning, keeping a large reserve on board and at King's Ferry. About 10 o'clock the enemy began the attack on the fort, which lasted without cessation, until near half-after six in the evening, when the fort w;.s carried by storm, after eight or ten unsuccessful attempts, in which they were repulsed, with great loss. The courage and bravery displayed by the troops (priuciimlly miliiia from New York) who defended the p';-t, would do honor to the bc-t disciplined regiment. No terms would be accepted, but with fortitude seldom found, they undauntedly stood the shock, determined to defend the fort or sell their lives as dear r.s pussible. The fort was finally taken, merely for want of men to man the lines, and not for want of spirit in th'c r.ien. But about five hundred was afforded toman the post and AIT KM) IX. outworks belonging to them : a number of men not more than sufficient to Jtfcinl the largest fort. The post on the east side was left in a weak, defenseless stMu, am! could afford but little aid. Thus was a post of importance, and the lives and liberties of some of the bravest men, made a sacrifice to the carelc-s inattention of or.r countrymen to objects of great and extensive public importance. The. enemy must have suffered much, a> more than three hours of this attack the musketry was inccs . it of absolute necessity that all who can bear arms, and can lie spared, should bt immediately scut forward to Poughkeepsic, except those on their march for this post who will join us here. Gen. Clinton, who commands the British forces in person; must be defeated c! 536 APPENDIX. Albany, or before he arrives there, or Gen. Gates will be undone. Every exertion is necessary to animate and encourage the people, in this important crisis. That we are embarked in the cause of justice and truth in the cause of God and man- kind is beyond a doubt. That we shall finally succeed, I think equally certain. When public spirit prevails over private interest and injustice (so scandalously prev- alent at this time) is restrained, and religion, and virtue, and a sense of our depend- ence on Heaven for all our mercies, and especially deliverance from imminent dan- ger, takes place of the vain confidence in our own arm and on our own strength : then, and not till then, will our salvation be brought out; but I cannot say that a profound belief of these things, and a careless neglect of using the means put into our hands for our own deliverance, is any evidence of the sincerity of our profession. As Gen. Putnam is exceedingly busy, I have wrote by his desire. I have the honor to be, Your excellency's obedient servant, SAMUEL II. PARSONS. Letter from Gen. Parsons to Gov. Trumbull. THE RETREAT OF GEN. CLINTON DOWN THE KORTH RIVER. PEEKSKILL, Oct. 22d, 1777. SIR : The enemy prevented our designed attack upon them by a very sudden em- barkation of their troops on board their ships, which still lie off Vcrplank's Point. Every favorable opportunity has offered for their going to New York, but no move- ments have taken place. Their Northern Army is more within your excellency's knowledge than mine. If we should soon be ordered toward New York, I think some aid from Connecticut will be much wanted. As I understand fourteen hun- dred men are ordered from the east side of Connecticut river to join Gen. Gates, nnder his present situation would it not be best to order them to join this part of the army as soon as possible. The militia from this post are all returned home. I am your excellency's obedient servant, S. II. PARSONS. [NOTE K.] Gen. Parsons to Gen. "Washington. THE STATE OF THE GARRISON AT "WEST POINT, AND THE CONTINUANCE OF HIS COMMAND AT THAT POST. WEST POINT, June 5th, 1779. DEAR GENERAL : In answer to your questions, by Capt. Christie, of the Pennsyl- vania regiment, I have given him general information of the state of this garrison, whicli will be explained by the proper key. The garrison are in high spirits, and are very desirous to receive the enemy's attack. I cannot promise the post will be successfully defended, but I am certain every exertion will be made by the troops to secure the possession of that honor to themselves and their country, whicli they so A P P E X D I X . 537 frequently anticipate in reflection. If any more troops are ordered here, and should [ continuf in command of the post for any length of time, 1 would beg your eiccl- leucy to order my brigade to compose part of the garrison. Two regiments of that brigade are perfectly acquainted with the country, and in that respect are better able to answer all the purposes expected from the garrison. S. H. PARSONS. [NOTE. M.] Letter from Gen. Parsons to Gen. Washington, IN RELATION TO THE INVASION OF CONNECTICUT BY GEN. TRYON, JULY, 1779. REDDING, July 9th, 1779. DEAR GENERAL : I have this moment arrived here, after a tour of sixty miles since eleven o'clock last night. The few militia at New Haven, behaved exceedingly well, repulsed the enemy several times, aud considerable loss was suffered by the enemy. They burnt a number of houses at East and West Haven, and plundered New Haven. They have destroyed Fairfield almost every house; the abuses of women, children, and old men, are unparalleled. They embarked from Fairfield yesterday aud passed over the sound, but there is reason to think they design an attack on Norwalk and the other towns. Gen. Wolcott has received an express, informing him that fonr thousand of the enemy are in possession of Horscncck, and marching eastward. 1 have wrote to Col. Wayland, and the small number of infantry, desiring them to march, to the coast. I hope it will be agreeable to yonr excellency's intentions. I hear nothing of Glover's brigade. Is it possible to send one thousand continental troops 5 They will serve to steady the militia, and render them a formidable body. I will write you from Norwalk, where I shall be to-night. I am your excellency's obedient servant. SAMUEL H. PARSONS. Gen. Parsons to Gcu. Washington, INFORMING HIM OF GEN. TRYON's LANDING AND BURNING OF NOR- WALK BATTLE WITH TRYON RETREAT OF THE ENEMY, ETC. WILTON, July llth, 1779. DEAR GENERAL : In my last I informed you that the enemy lauded last night. This morning, the enemy, on their advance, were met by the militia, and some skir- mishing ensued, but without any considerable effect on either side. At about six o'olock the troops under Gcu. Wolrott, and my small detachment of about one hun- dred and fifty continental troops joined and took possession of an eminence the north end of the town. The enemy advanced in our front aud on our left flank, until about nine o'clock, when they were checked in their progress by the vigorous exer- tions of the parties of militia and continental troops sent out to oppose them, and in 53S APPENDIX. turn were compelled to retire from hill to hill, sometimes in great disorder. \Ve continued to advance upon them until near eleven o'clock, when a column having nearly gained our right flank, the militia in the center gave way and retreated in disorder. This gave the enemy possession of our ground. Gen. \Volcott, who com- manded, exerted himself upon this occasion to rally the troops and bring them, to ordtir again, but without effect, until they had retired about two miles, when some troops being again formed, returned to the aid of the right and left wings, who had retired but a small distance, and in order. With these the enemy were pursued again, and retreated with precipitation to their ships. I have the pleasure to assure your excellency the continental troops, without exception, they being all engaged, behaved with the greatest bravery. Capt. Betts, who was the first engaged with the enemy, and who continued longest in the action, deserves particular notice for his great fortitude and prudent conduct in the battle. He continued advancing on the enemy until the center of the main body gave way, and he with his party advanced near a mile at the time, by his prudence was able to effect a regular retreat, without any considerable loss. Capt. Eels, on the right, and Capt. Sherman, on the left, were also engaged, and when obliged to retire, kept their order, and retreated with regularity. A body of the militia I think they were commanded by Maj. Porter and another considerable detachment, deserve honorable mention to be made of them. I am not yet able to ascertain our own or the enemy's loss, but in my next shall be able to give a more particular account. In my handful of continental troops I have lost five men killed, a lieutenant and six privates wounded ; I don't know of any missing: some loss the militia have sustained. I am satisfied the loss of the enemy must have been considerable. About twenty boats lauded on the west side of the harbor, at five o'clock, and immediately began to set fire to the buildings. They completed burning the town at about twelve o'clock. This appeared to have been their sole business, as they did not stay to carry off any plunder of considerable value. A few Tory houses are left, which I hope our people will burn, as the burners are here, and have committed no act by which the public can seize them. I imagine Stamford will be the next object to wreak their hellish malice upon. To that place I shall repair to-morrow. I am fully persuaded that five hundred more men, such as the brave militia I have- before mentioned, and the one hundred and fifty continentals, would have given the enemy a total defeat. The numbers of the enemy were about two thousand our numbers between nine and eleven hundred. I am, dear General, your obedient servant. SAMUEL II. PARSONS. A more full and detailed statement of the movements of Gen. Tryon, and the depredations committed by him upon the sea coast, may be found in letters from APPENDIX. 5.TJ Gen. Parsons to Gen, Washington, dated July 1-lth and 20th, 1779, and to Gen. Heath, July 12th. His correspondence with Gen. Washington is large, and detail.-with great precision and minuteness the movements of the enemy, as well as the plans and continued movements of the few under his command; aud likewise exhibits the mutual confi- dence existing between the writer aud th; comiuander-in-chief. Time and space, however, do not admit a transcript. University of California SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 405 Hilgard Avenue, Los Angeles, CA 90024-1388 Return this material to the library from which it was borrowed. 3 1158 00019 9843 A A 000020474 3 ;i