THE BRITISH EMPIRE
 
 Ex Ubria 
 C. K. OGDEK 
 
 THE 
 
 BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 BY 
 
 THE RIGHT HON. 
 
 SIR CHARLES W. DILKE, BART., M.P. 
 
 AUTHOR OF 
 'GREATER BRITAIN," "PROBLEMS OF GREATER BRITAIN," ETC. 
 
 LONDON 
 
 CHATTO & WINDUS 
 1899
 
 THIS VOLUME IS A REPRINT OF A SERIES OF ARTICLES 
 CONTRIBUTED TO SEVERAL NEWSPAPERS 
 DURING 1898
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 I. A BIRD'S-EYE VIEW ... ... ... i 
 
 II. INDIA ... ... ... ... ... 14 
 
 III. THE DOMINION ... ... ... ... 33 
 
 IV. NEWFOUNDLAND AND FRANCE ... ... 46 
 
 V. THE COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA ... 69 
 
 VI. NEW ZEALAND ... ... ... ... 86 
 
 VII. AFRICA ... ... ... ... ... 100 
 
 VIII. CROWN COLONIES ... ... ... 113 
 
 IX. IMPERIAL DEFENCE ... ... ... 127 
 
 X. CONCLUSION ... ... ... ... 135 
 
 XI. How TO STUDY THE EMPIRE ... ... 145 
 
 ST. PIERRE AND MIQUELON : A NOTE ... 152 
 
 INDEX ... ... ... ... ... 153
 
 LIDRARY 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 SANTA BARBARA 
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 A BIRD'S-EYE VIEW 
 
 THE British Empire, with its recent ex- 
 tensions in the form of protectorates and 
 spheres of influence, has an area of nearly 
 four Europes, public revenues of 260 mil- 
 lions sterling (without counting the vast 
 sums raised in the United Kingdom by local 
 rates), a population of 400 millions, and half 
 the sea-borne trade of the world. It stands 
 at the top of almost every scale by which 
 Powers are estimated, except indeed as 
 regards its military strength in land forces : 
 the total war strength of the British Em- 
 pire, apart from armed police, being almost 
 exactly the same as the peace footing of the 
 
 I -t- B
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 Russian Empire, namely, 950,000 men. The 
 British Empire produces almost every re- 
 quirement of man, and stands first among 
 the Powers in wheat, wool, timber, tea (as 
 far as value goes having displaced China), 
 coal and iron (in both of which the United 
 States run us close), and, perhaps now, 
 gold. The doubt as to gold may come as 
 a surprise to some. Our gold-fields in 
 Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, 
 Canada, India, and some of our smaller 
 colonies, are so well advertised that it is a 
 little startling to find that the United States, 
 who do not talk much about their gold in 
 present times, still produce almost as much 
 as we do in our whole Empire, the Trans- 
 vaal running neck and neck with both, and 
 that Russia produces half as much. Not only 
 is there a close race as regards iron between 
 ourselves and the United States, but in 
 steel they have now beaten us out of the 
 field. In silver we are nowhere as com- 
 pared with the United States. In precious 
 stones, and most of the minerals besides 
 2
 
 A BIRD'S-EYE VIEW 
 
 those which I have named, we stand first. 
 In tobacco we stand second to Spain, and 
 in coffee, sugar, and other articles very high. 
 With regard to sugar, the wails of the West 
 Indian planters have made many think that 
 our sugar industry has been destroyed by 
 the bounties of the Protectionist Powers; 
 but, whilst West Indian sugar has been pin- 
 ing, British sugar raised in Fiji, in Queens- 
 land, and in some other colonies, has been 
 increasing fast in bulk, and there is not that 
 falling off in total production which might 
 be expected, to judge from the complaints. 
 
 The colonizing mania which has seized on 
 Germany and France, and had seized on the 
 Italians, who have recovered after a bad fit, 
 cannot confer on France and Germany an 
 empire similar to our own, because the best 
 places were already in British hands. Ger- 
 man colonization has, up to the present time, 
 been singularly unsuccessful ; French colon- 
 ization has at great cost added an enormous 
 African territory to the dominions of the 
 French Republic, but one which is unlikely 
 3
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 to yield a fair return upon the efforts which 
 it has involved. The only country which 
 possesses a domain which can be compared 
 with our own is Russia, who not only has 
 an enormous amount of agricultural and 
 mineral resource in her Asiatic territory, 
 but has the immense advantage over us of 
 possessing that territory in a contiguous 
 form, and being practically impregnable and 
 almost unassailable by her enemies. The 
 position which we should hold, had we, as 
 we ought to have, a fleet absolutely supreme 
 against every possible combination, belongs 
 to Russia without the expenditure of money 
 upon ships. She could not be vitally dam- 
 aged even if her army were far smaller than 
 it is, and as matters stand she could hardly 
 be hurt at all. 
 
 The immense wealth of the United States, 
 and the energy of her people, make her a 
 more formidable rival than mere extent of 
 territory would imply, for in extent of 
 territory the Great Republic is but equal to 
 Canada or to Australia. Of Canada, a large 
 4
 
 A BIRD'S-EYE VIEW 
 
 part is subject to a heavy winter, or is 
 actually barren. On the other hand, the 
 Dominion possesses not only the vast 
 agricultural resources which are known, 
 but mineral resources which we know as yet 
 but little, and which may possibly be found 
 to rival those of the United States. The 
 American Union may in time come to exert 
 a leadership over the whole of Central and 
 South America, and in this way may bring 
 within her orbit a much larger territory, and 
 resources infinitely greater than her own ; 
 but there is a good deal of resistance, and 
 her supremacy in the Americas, although 
 probable, may lie a long way ahead. The 
 development of Russia, though rapid, is 
 not likely to be more rapid than our own. 
 But that Germany and France can continue 
 to go the pace of the other Powers is hardly 
 to be supposed, while no other country is 
 worth naming in the comparison. 
 
 The influence of our laws and race in the 
 future of the world are beyond dispute. 
 They are continued even by the rival Power 
 5
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 of the United States. Whatever might 
 happen to the fabric of the British Empire, 
 Australasia could not be destroyed; and the 
 position of Australia and New Zealand in 
 the southern hemisphere and in the Pacific, 
 must colour the future of half the world. 
 
 The British Empire outside the United 
 Kingdom of which I have to write consists, 
 of course, of the Indian Empire, of the 
 eleven self-governing colonies, and of the 
 Crown colonies, and in addition to these, 
 of many protectorates and spheres of in- 
 fluence, some of which are under the control 
 of the Foreign, some of the Colonial, and 
 some of the India offices. Their strange 
 and divergent forms of government I shall 
 contrast in the next chapter. It is not easy 
 to form any estimate of the cost to us of 
 our empire across the seas. Many of the 
 stations, such as Gibraltar and Malta, are 
 held for military reasons, and can hardly be 
 looked upon in any light except as being on 
 the same footing as our fleets. With regard 
 to many of our coaling stations, it is difficult 
 6
 
 A BIRD'S-EYE VIEW 
 
 to allot the military expenditure which 
 belongs to them as portions of the Empire 
 and that which is expended because they 
 are necessary to the protection of our sea- 
 borne trade, which trade might exist and 
 flourish even if we had no dependencies 
 across the seas. So too with the cost of the 
 French and German colonies ; it is not easy 
 to say what it is. Algeria is in some degree 
 governed as though it were a part of France 
 itself, and military expenditure in Algeria, 
 which is very great, cannot be separated 
 from the expenditure on the French land 
 forces at home, because the army corps 
 which in time of peace is stationed in 
 Algeria, is utilized in Europe in time of war, 
 and its place taken by territorial levies, 
 supposing that the sea communications of 
 France with Algeria are not cut, as they 
 might be cut by a British fleet. The French 
 expenditure upon colonies is on a much 
 higher scale than our own, and money has 
 been poured forth like water by France 
 in the French Soudan or back-country of 
 7
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 Senegal. It has been computed that the 
 French colonies cost over two millions ster- 
 ling, in addition to the expenditure from the 
 Estimates of the War Office and from naval 
 votes. The German colonies, which are 
 mainly new and chiefly African, also cost a 
 large sum of money for very intangible 
 results. The German trade with the Ger- 
 man colonies is very small, and the German 
 civil population in German colonies almost 
 non-existent. 
 
 No country possesses a dominion which 
 in the least resembles India, and a com- 
 parison with the Russian Caucasus and 
 Turkestan, taken together, would more fit 
 the case of India than any comparison with 
 the colonies or dependencies of any Euro- 
 pean nation. 
 
 The moral to be drawn from the circum- 
 stances which have been described, is that 
 the growth in the popular mind of the ideal 
 of what, in his admirable " History of British 
 Colonial Policy," Mr. Hugh Egerton calls " a 
 world-empire, sea-girt, and resting on the 
 8
 
 A BIRD'S-EYE VIEW 
 
 command of the sea," forms, as he says, an 
 answer to the "recrudescence of militarism 
 amongst the Continental Powers." 
 
 To the marvellous Empire, of which I 
 have named the leading statistical facts, the 
 name of Greater Britain is now often given, 
 although in common use it is applied only 
 to that Empire with the deduction of the 
 United Kingdom. When I first used the 
 term in writing, in 1866-67, the book which I 
 published under that title in 1868, I included 
 under Greater Britain the countries inhabited 
 by our race, and having our speech and 
 our common law, which are under a different 
 political flag. Popular usage is, however, 
 too strong to give any support to a possible 
 attempt to use the term Greater Britain, 
 as I first used it, for the countries of Eng- 
 lish speech and English law in addition to 
 those of British rule ; and, as Mr. Egerton 
 says of the British Empire, " Perhaps the 
 words ' Greater Britain ' best describe the 
 new point of view. A world-empire, the 
 separate parts of which are being more and 
 9
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 more closely linked by the discoveries of 
 science, enjoying in each separate part 
 absolute independence, connected not by 
 coercion or paper bulwarks but by common 
 origin and sympathies, by a common loyalty 
 and patriotism, and by common efforts after 
 common purposes, such, amidst much to 
 alarm and to disturb, is the apparent out- 
 come of history, the colonial policy with 
 which Great Britain will enter upon the 
 untrodden paths of a new century." The 
 phrase " Greater Britain," if it is not 
 thoroughly clear to us at home, is still less 
 understood abroad. Those who profess to 
 understand it in foreign countries find it 
 exasperating, and those who are called 
 upon to translate it into a foreign tongue 
 meet with difficulty. Last winter, for 
 example, the Figaro rendered the phrase 
 into French and back again by way of 
 making it clear : " La Plus Grande Bretagne 
 The Highest Britannia." 
 
 The question how far this strange Empire, 
 of which we find ourselves more or less 
 10
 
 A BIRD'S-EYE VIEW 
 
 in possession by a process of historical 
 accretion, can be more closely knit together, 
 is one which has not unnaturally occupied 
 the best minds of the country. The better 
 the impulse and the more poetic the soul 
 of the statesman concerned, the more likely 
 he is to conceive a close union, not only 
 as desirable, but possible. The more he 
 knows the component parts of the Empire, 
 and especially India, on the one hand, and 
 the great self-governing colonies of Australia, 
 on the other, the more inclined he is to 
 doubt the feasibility of a nearer connection, 
 unless it be merely one for purposes of 
 defence. Proposals for a political union, 
 legislative or even administrative, have re- 
 cently declined in favour, and were for a 
 time replaced by plans for a customs union, 
 which themselves seem to have seen their 
 best days, and which we shall discuss in the 
 conclusion. 
 
 The closer union of the Empire for the 
 purposes of defence is well within view, 
 and war would rapidly bring it into shape, 
 ii
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 Why, however, it may be asked, should we 
 wait for that calamity, to take steps which 
 all concerned admit would be taken then? 
 Not only are our military forces unorganized 
 as regards any close connection between 
 the forces of the self-governing colonies, 
 of the home country, and of India, but even 
 in the territories which are administered 
 from home there is an increasing want 
 of unity of action. The Foreign Office for 
 some time has had its armies in British 
 East Africa, in Uganda, and in the Central 
 Africa Protectorate. The Colonial Office 
 has long had some military forces of its 
 own, not under War Office command, and 
 has this year greatly increased them by the 
 creation of the West Africa Frontier Force. 
 Surely the time has come for welding these 
 armies, the Indian army and the armies of 
 the self-governing colonies, into one great 
 force, so far as general direction goes. As 
 for fleets, the Australian colonies contribute 
 towards a local squadron which, however, 
 the Admiralty is not allowed to move upon 
 12
 
 A BIRD'S-EYE VIEW 
 
 intelligible principles of maritime strategy. 
 The Cape has recently offered to contribute 
 an ironclad ship without restriction, and 
 the only counter-proposal in South Africa, 
 which has been made by the Dutch leader, 
 Mr. Hofmeyr, is itself a proposal for large 
 assistance towards a most pressing matter 
 of Imperial defence a British cable to the 
 Cape, instead of the present detached cables 
 which, all of them, touch foreign ground. 
 
 In the next article I shall treat of the 
 Indian Empire; and shall contrast with its 
 autocratic forms the strangely divergent 
 systems of government which flourish in 
 other parts of the Queen's dominions.
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 INDIA 
 
 WHEN we come to deal with the Empire in 
 detail, that kingdom within a kingdom 
 British India first demands attention. The 
 Queen reigns in the United Kingdom as 
 Queen of England, of Scotland, and of 
 Ireland three crowns which she unites 
 with her original or older crown of Nor- 
 mandy, represented by the Channel Islands. 
 In the rest of the Empire, outside of the 
 United Kingdom and of India, she reigns as 
 "of the United Kingdom Queen . . . Em- 
 press of India." In India she reigns as 
 Empress by statute, and has obtained in 
 her lifetime a separate crown which more 
 than represents the nominal power of the 
 Moguls at the height of their Imperial fame.
 
 INDIA 
 
 From the point of view of modes of 
 government, it is not easy to classify the 
 countries within the dominions of the 
 Queen. India is a statutory monarchy, 
 locally autocratic, under legislative securi- 
 ties imposed by the Act of a non-Indian 
 Parliament. But, in practice, the powers of 
 the Indian statutory legislature, which is 
 a non-elective body, are controlled by the 
 Secretary of State (who is himself the 
 creature of our cabinet system), and in 
 the last resort by the House of Commons, 
 The great self-governing colonies enjoy 
 Home Rule, with local cabinets. The 
 Crown colonies, such as those of the West 
 India Islands, Ceylon, and Mauritius, have 
 various forms of government, all of them 
 under the control of the Colonial Secretary, 
 and therefore, also, in the last resort, of the 
 Home Parliament. But Fiji, which is one 
 of them, is included within the Federal 
 Council of Australasia at present a dor- 
 mant institution, though it had for a time 
 a fairly useful existence. Some Crown 
 IS
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 colonies in South Africa are indirectly 
 connected with the self-governing colony 
 of the Cape of Good Hope, through the 
 fact that the Governor of the Cape is also 
 High Commissioner for them, and can 
 hardly dissociate his acts with regard to 
 them from the policy which he pursues 
 under the advice of the Cape Ministers 
 responsible to the Cape Parliament. The 
 protectorates, spheres of influence under 
 chartered companies, and other spheres of 
 influence are also not easily reckoned as 
 a whole in any group, because some of 
 them are indirectly connected with the self- 
 governing Cape Colony, some of them 
 under the Foreign Office, some under the 
 Colonial Office, and some of them under 
 the Government of India. Aden, often sup- 
 posed to be a Crown colony, is in fact, by 
 statute, a portion of the Indian Presidency 
 of Bombay. Several protectorates in the 
 neighbourhood, including British Somali- 
 land, are under Aden. One island among 
 the British possessions, Ascension, defies 
 16
 
 INDIA 
 
 all classification, for it is under the Ad- 
 miralty, and is practically counted as a ship. 
 Cyprus, though under the Colonial Office, 
 is nominally a portion of the Turkish Em- 
 pire, of which the " integrity " was preserved 
 by a lease. The Crown colony of Hong 
 Kong had, for a while, on the neighbouring 
 mainland a lease from China now ended 
 by absorption ; and the curious doctrine of 
 lease recently, in the case of Germany and 
 Russia, supposed by some persons to have 
 been novel was also recognized in the case 
 of Quetta and of the Bolan Pass, and is still 
 recognized, not only in the cases I have 
 named and others, but in the recent treaty 
 with China with regard to territory on the 
 frontier of Burma. 
 
 In all this strange catalogue I have 
 placed India first. However extraordinary 
 may be the progress, however marvellous 
 the future, either of Australasia or of Canada, 
 India ought always to be first in our minds 
 when we are thinking of Greater Britain. 
 Not only are her sacrifices for the Empire, 
 17 c
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 as well as the numbers of her population, 
 overwhelmingly the greatest, but, while ten 
 out of the eleven self-governing colonies can 
 take good care of themselves, and cannot be 
 greatly harmed or benefited by anything we 
 may say or do, the contrary is the case 
 with India. India is virtually ruled by the 
 electorate of the United Kingdom, and will 
 continue to be so the Parliamentary system 
 being inapplicable, even in the opinion of 
 the most advanced Radicals, to such a 
 congeries of peoples, so different among 
 themselves in their stages of civilization, so 
 separated by lingual and racial divisions, so 
 hostile to one another in their creeds. The 
 glory which we may reap from the good 
 government of India is the greatest that we 
 can hope for, and our responsibility towards 
 her people is the highest that we can 
 recognize. 
 
 As we are told in the last annual official 
 
 statement with regard to India, which is that 
 
 for the year 1896-97, distributed to the House 
 
 of Commons in August, 1898 unusually late, 
 
 18
 
 INDIA 
 
 India has been visited by heavy calamities 
 in the shape not only of war, pestilence, 
 and famine, but in the additional form of 
 a destructive earthquake. The war upon 
 the north-west frontier the most serious 
 which British India has had to face 
 is now over, the famine has again been 
 conquered, but the plague is still raging in 
 some parts of India, and causing not only 
 much loss of life, but also much disturbance 
 of trade. The reassuring statements made, 
 in connection with the Budget, by the Indian 
 Minister of Finance, will not bear, perhaps, 
 very close examination, as India borrows 
 even in time of peace. But, nevertheless, 
 the condition of India is less alarming than 
 might be expected under the circumstances 
 of the case. 
 
 It is finance which lies at the base of 
 every difficulty connected with our Indian 
 Empire. India, to a stay-at-home English- 
 man, appears to have a large army. When 
 we consider the numbers of her popula- 
 tion, she has one of the smallest armies in 
 19
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 the world. Among her native troops the 
 number of white officers is confessedly too 
 small. The use of the army in serious war 
 is impossible, unless a certain number of 
 white soldiers are combined with the native 
 force. But such is the costliness of white 
 troops to India upon our present military 
 system, which was adopted against the wish 
 of the Government of India, and which is 
 a system not thoroughly suited to her needs, 
 that it has been found impossible to increase 
 the white army in India since the increase 
 which was effected by Lord Randolph 
 Churchill. A nominal addition to the Indian 
 army has been made by encouraging the 
 native states to set up what are called Im- 
 perial Service Troops. It would, perhaps, 
 have been better to have gradually put down 
 the armies of the native states, which are 
 rather a source of danger than of strength, 
 and to have accompanied that gradual sup- 
 pression by an increased measure of self- 
 government in matters less important. 
 The feudatory states of India differ greatly 
 20
 
 INDIA 
 
 among themselves. One, the State of My- 
 sore, possesses representative institutions 
 and a kind of Parliament. Some of them 
 are autocracies of a mediaeval type. The 
 diversity which exists among them, and 
 the comparative popularity of their rule, 
 in spite in some cases of misgovernment, go 
 to confirm the view that our own govern- 
 ment is too inelastic, too much inclined to 
 treat all parts of India as if they were 
 practically one country, although any unity 
 which exists in India is the mere creature 
 of our rule. There is no matter connected 
 with the government of India which is more 
 interesting than this one of the diversity of 
 the native states, of the uniformity of our 
 rule, and of the popularity of most of the 
 native states as evinced by the choice of 
 residence by those who, living in the neigh- 
 bourhood of the borders, can adopt their 
 rule or ours at will. Few men, except 
 members of the Indian Civil Service, whose 
 interest or whose class feeling is against a 
 change, have the knowledge which enables 
 21
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 them to discuss this question and throw 
 light upon it ; but it is an interesting fact 
 that two distinguished members of the 
 Indian Civil Service, who have written 
 upon the matter in recent years, have both 
 admitted that there is an immense deal to 
 be said in favour of native states. My own 
 opinion has always been that, provided we 
 keep the defence of India in our hands, and 
 keep a general control of her taxation for 
 defence purposes and to prevent the growth 
 of customs barriers, there is, on the whole, 
 more to be said for encouraging what may 
 be called native states of very varying types, 
 than for encouraging the growth of cen- 
 tralization under our direct rule. Since 
 the mutiny, the Queen's proclamation, and 
 the taking over of the government from the 
 East India Company, things have virtually 
 remained in statu quo as regards these 
 largest questions. We have continued to 
 centralize a little, adopting for the whole of 
 India, for example, an excellent code of laws, 
 and we have introduced a representative 
 22
 
 INDIA 
 
 element in a slight degree to Provincial 
 Councils, and created municipalities. On 
 the other hand, we have stereotyped the 
 existing native states of 1858 with little 
 change. The countries which, like the 
 Punjab, had after their annexation been 
 treated as distinct, and governed on a more 
 rough-and-ready system than the rest of 
 India, have gradually and perhaps mis- 
 takenly been brought under the general 
 system. Now there is one terrible draw- 
 back to direct British rule in India, which is 
 admitted by fair-minded members of the 
 Civil Service and even by the Government. 
 The finance of India, just as it does not allow 
 us to keep up a sufficient number of white 
 officers to meet the strain of war, also does 
 not permit the existence in India of a 
 sufficient number of civilian administrators 
 to really govern the country as magistrates, 
 as tax collectors, and as ordinary rulers. 
 The judicial and administrative functions 
 are confused, and they are exercised in dis- 
 tricts which are far too vast for individual 
 23
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 supervision. The government comes home 
 to the rural cultivator and it must be 
 remembered that the overwhelming majority 
 of the people of India are unlearned, quiet 
 villagers of a too submissive Oriental type 
 in the form of the native policeman, 
 employed, for financial reasons, at low wage. 
 The Government have often themselves 
 pointed out that, in Asia where perjury is 
 a deeply rooted institution the getting up 
 of all cases by such a police is full of pos- 
 sibilities of abuse, of which the grave scandals 
 which occur from time to time reveal the 
 fringe. This disastrous condition of affairs 
 is unfortunately inseparable from our direct 
 rule under existing conditions of finance ; 
 and I confess that the remedy appears to me 
 to be to content ourselves with looking after 
 the general taxation, the defence, and the 
 main lines of communication, and leaving 
 the congeries of countries some great and 
 some very small, of which India is com- 
 posedin a large degree, in internal matters, 
 to rule themselves. Of course, any change 
 24
 
 INDIA 
 
 in this direction could but be gradual 
 experimental indeed at first ; and it may be 
 said that such an experiment has already 
 been made and has succeeded, where, as for 
 instance in the case of Mysore, we have 
 handed back to native rule countries which, 
 during long minorities, had been in our 
 charge and to some extent subject to our 
 system. 
 
 One tremendous difficulty is alleged as 
 standing in the way of any such change 
 as that which I recommend. It lies in the 
 fierce religious feuds, especially between 
 Mahommedan and Hindoo, which prevail in 
 some parts of the country. Great towns, 
 however, where they chiefly rage, would 
 not be left without some garrison. Parts of 
 the country peculiarly subject to such feuds 
 would have to be excepted or to be watched, 
 and the paramount Power would always, 
 with her command of the railway system, 
 and her garrisons at strategic points, have 
 troops to be sent into a disturbed district as 
 they are sent now.
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 The most experienced civilians are con- 
 scious of the enormous differences between 
 district and district of India. In a large part of 
 the country, our Government fails to receive 
 the firm support of what is best among the 
 natives, on account of its inability to give 
 sufficient weight to the hereditary and the 
 aristocratic principle, while in other parts, 
 as it has been said, "our weakness is that 
 our Government is unable to be sufficiently 
 friendly to some established system of 
 State religion." The Ameer of Afghanistan 
 is not to our western eyes an enlightened 
 ruler, but, strange though it may seem to 
 us, the Ameer of Afghanistan is, on the 
 whole, perhaps a more popular ruler than 
 an impartial but somewhat cold British Com- 
 missioner of the most modern type. While 
 the greater part of India looks with most 
 affection, as well as awe, to a government 
 which strikes its imagination, and of which 
 the proceedings are intelligible to the people, 
 because of the high birth of the ruler and 
 of his recognized position, there are other 
 26
 
 INDIA 
 
 parts, such as the Presidency towns, in which 
 we have to deal with an educated democracy 
 trained in British ideas, often possessing a 
 considerable mastery of our tongue, and 
 which is fairly represented by the pro- 
 ceedings of the National Congress. This 
 much-abused body does not ask for Par- 
 liamentary government for India, and its 
 leading members would be content if, in 
 some portions of the country, municipalities 
 were more free to run without leading- 
 strings, than is altogether acceptable to our 
 civilians. If we were able to thoroughly 
 develop our own system, excellent as a 
 system, provided its expense would allow it 
 to be so worked that its intention should be 
 carried into effect, there would be no more 
 to be said. There can be no better govern- 
 ment desired for an Oriental world such as 
 India, inhabited by a vast number of races 
 of many tongues and of fiercely conflicting 
 religions, than a perfectly impartial, strong, 
 just, humane government, such as that con- 
 ceived, and in part administered in practice, 
 27
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 by the best men that we have sent to India. 
 There can be no greater glory to a country 
 than to have produced such men, and the 
 life-record of some of our Indian statesmen 
 will, in every respect, bear comparison with 
 that of any rulers that the world has shown. 
 Unfortunately, however, financial considera- 
 tions interfere, and the government, of which 
 these admirable statesmen are the head, is, 
 as we have seen above, brought to the door 
 of the cottage of the cultivator by the native 
 policeman. 
 
 Even as regards the best side of our rule, 
 its impartiality is not, perhaps, so popular as 
 the partiality of the native ruler. A great 
 Indian civilian himself has said, " Every par- 
 tiality of a chief, whether it be founded on 
 class feeling, or political instinct, or religion, 
 is likely to endear him," at all events, to 
 some classes of his subjects. Whatever 
 may be the case in the Presidency towns, 
 when we "hold in India that men and 
 women, Brahmins and Sweepers, . . . are 
 equal before the law, are equal indeed for
 
 INDIA 
 
 any purposes whatsoever, we approach a 
 line on which our acts may easily become, 
 in the eyes of the native community, either 
 positively shocking or positively absurd. 
 The theory of equality cuts right across 
 the grain of a society where the most 
 familiar fact, the one thing that more than 
 any other affects all daily life and social in- 
 tercourse, is the separation of all men into 
 castes and tribes." "Against the danger of 
 enacting rules of law unsuited to Indian 
 societies because they are suited to societies 
 more advanced, the existence of native states 
 is a valuable safeguard." " Many states have 
 adopted some of our laws, or the general 
 spirit of them. For purposes of Indian legis- 
 lation, it would be an exceedingly useful 
 thing to inquire, which of our laws the 
 principal native states have of their own 
 motion adopted, and with what modifications 
 the laws adopted are enforced." "Where 
 native states have voluntarily adopted 
 methods founded on our traditions, we may 
 feel our position greatly strengthened by 
 29
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 the convergence of view. If no unneces- 
 sary pressure be exercised, native states 
 spontaneously tend to become admirable 
 fields for administrative experiment, to 
 which, in our passion for uniformity, we 
 have in British territory too little re- 
 course." 
 
 From the point of view of the picturesque 
 alone, the existence of the native states is, 
 in this colourless modern world, not to be 
 neglected. Elsewhere all is becoming dull 
 and uniform. In India we have still sur- 
 viving, in a thriving and modern life, 
 thoroughly consistent with our rule, and 
 often with real loyalty to the Empress- 
 Queen, communities which in their political 
 institutions recall Italy of the Middle Ages, 
 which in their religious institutions take us 
 back to the early ages of the historical world, 
 and which, in variety of costume and pomp 
 of display, exceed anything which has been 
 witnessed in other parts of the world by 
 those who have lived in more romantic 
 days. 
 
 30
 
 INDIA 
 
 To the traveller India may be commended 
 as, in spite of the dreariness of large parts 
 of its landscape, on the whole, the home of 
 the finest sights and of the most perfect 
 natural pictures that the world can show. 
 A May-day review in St. Petersburg does 
 not exceed in military lustre a cavalry camp 
 of India ; while the scenery both of Southern 
 and Central India, and, in the cold weather, 
 of those portions of the north which are 
 within sight of the Himalayan Range, is 
 not to be met with within the vast do- 
 minions of the Emperor of all the Russias. 
 The architecture of the Taj first of all 
 the buildings of the world in beauty of 
 the pearl mosque of Agra, and of the 
 pearl mosque of Delhi, of the walls of 
 Agra, and some of the palaces of Central 
 India, stands before any of the architecture 
 of the world in charm. Now that China is 
 being, as it is called, " opened to the world," 
 and now that Japan has destroyed, not her 
 scenery, but everything else that was pic- 
 turesque, in her rage for modernity, India 
 3*
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 becomes more and more the one country 
 of the world in which the traveller can 
 find those varied delights, natural and arti- 
 ficial too, which formerly he was able to 
 look for in the Middle Kingdom and in the 
 Land of the Rising Sun.
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 THE DOMINION 
 
 THAT the upper part of the continent of 
 North America should contain side by side 
 two territories of equal size, of which one 
 has fifteen times the population of the other, 
 and more than fifteen times the wealth, 
 would at first sight seem to imply the 
 ultimate absorption of the less rich and 
 populous by the other, and the merger of 
 the Canadian dominion into the neighbour- 
 ing federation of the United States. On the 
 other hand, Canada is a hard morsel to 
 digest. She has two dominant peoples who 
 now live in friendly fashion side by side 
 within her constitution : the intensely Roman 
 Catholic and French population of Lower 
 Canada, and the United Empire Loyalists, 
 the descendants of the men who left the 
 33 D
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 colonies which now form the United States, 
 rather than renounce their allegiance to the 
 British Crown. Neither of these two peoples 
 can look forward with pleasure to absorption 
 in the United States, and sensible citizens 
 of the great American republic are equally 
 unwilling to look forward, on their side, to 
 
 the swallowing of the country upon their 
 
 
 
 north. 
 
 The United States are hardly likely to 
 continue to grow, as compared with Canada, 
 at the same rate in the future as they have 
 grown in the light of this comparison in the 
 past. Take our own emigrants, for example. 
 Although they have left our own shores for 
 Canadian ports in large numbers, the bulk 
 of these emigrants undoubtedly have crossed 
 the border, and have gone to swell the still 
 larger emigration which took place directly 
 to the United States. The attraction of the 
 better labour market, and of the greater 
 towns, the earlier development of the rail- 
 ways of the United States, the greater free- 
 dom of life many attractions concurred to 
 34
 
 THE DOMINION 
 
 draw people to the south. But the better 
 land of the United States has been taken 
 up. The good land of Canada is becom- 
 ing known. The Canadian winter, as it 
 comes to be understood, is less terrifying 
 to immigrants than it was, and Canada, 
 although it can never rival the United States 
 in population or in wealth, will to some, 
 extent gain in the comparisons of the future. 
 The mineral wealth of Canada, which is 
 now believed by the best authorities to be 
 very great, is partly unknown in contrast 
 with the better-known United States ; but 
 probabilities must incline us to the view 
 that mineral development and manufacturing 
 development will, in a not distant future, be 
 rapid on the Canadian side of the border. 
 The Dominion of Canada is not what it 
 might have been if we had known what 
 we now know at the time of the boundary 
 negotiations with the United States; and 
 there is no heavier charge, among all the 
 heavy charges that may be brought against 
 British government in relation to the 
 35
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 colonies, than that which arises from the 
 ignorance and neglect which were shown, 
 both in the negotiations of 1842 and in two 
 other cases which now concern boundaries 
 of the same dominion. 
 
 There probably are few of my readers 
 who need to be reassured upon the subject 
 of the loyalty to the British connection 
 of the French-Canadian people. Until the 
 wretched events which occurred not long 
 ago in South Africa, there was every reason 
 to believe that in that part of the world a 
 colony, of which the bulk of the inhabitants 
 were of a foreign race, would settle down in 
 the happiest relations between British and 
 Dutch, and in perfect attachment to British 
 rule. It is still our hope and belief that 
 this will be so. If we entertain a confident 
 anticipation of the kind, it is largely on 
 account of our historical and personal know- 
 ledge of what has occurred in Canada. We 
 conquered the French-Canadians at the end 
 of a terrific struggle for mastery in the new 
 world between Great Britain and France a 
 36
 
 THE DOMINION 
 
 struggle which raged over Europe, India, 
 and America, as well as the high seas. A 
 great number of years after the conquest of 
 Canada we had so little understood how 
 good relations, which had been brought 
 about for a time, should be preserved, that 
 our French-Canadian subjects actually rose 
 in arms for their liberties, their tongue, and 
 their religion at the beginning of the 
 Queen's reign. They are now, under the 
 admirable institutions which in our late-born 
 wisdom we have conferred upon them, 
 perhaps the most loyal of all the peoples 
 under the British Crown ; and they are so 
 in spite of the fact that they have remained 
 intensely French, proud of their race and 
 of its history, and deeply attached to their 
 tongue and to its literature. So far is this 
 affection carried that both the revolutionary 
 flag and the revolutionary anthem of France 
 are popular in Canada, in spite of the intense 
 Roman Catholic feeling of the population. 
 The problem which we have solved in 
 Canada is even more difficult than that 
 
 37
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 which has been solved by the same means 
 in Switzerland. The Swiss had to bring to- 
 gether fierce Roman Catholics and ferocious 
 Protestants. They had to face religious 
 wars, extending into recent times. They 
 had three races German, French, and 
 Italian and three tongues. But their 
 people were all Swiss in sentiment, or at 
 least not German, for there was no Germany 
 except the Empire, against which they had 
 fought. Their French were not French, for 
 there had always been a French-speaking 
 borderland, in Switzerland, in Savoy, in 
 Franche Comte, in Lorraine, in the bishop- 
 rics, and in the Walloon part of the seven 
 provinces, which had not been historically 
 French. Their Italians were not Italians, 
 for there was no Italy. Our difficulty was 
 equal as regards religion, and vastly greater 
 as regards race and tongue, because the 
 French-Canadians were, as they are, French 
 in nationality. The double allegiance of the 
 French Canadians in the present day on 
 the one hand, to the British Crown, and to 
 38
 
 THE DOMINION 
 
 the liberties which they enjoy under it, and, 
 on the other hand, not to a foreign Power, 
 which they regard as foreign, but to their 
 own race and literature is one of the most 
 interesting spectacles that the world affords. 
 The desire of the French Canadians to 
 remain French in spirit, kept them on our 
 side during our wars with our American 
 colonists, who were their old enemies ; and 
 it is highly probable that the Province of 
 Quebec and the French element in the 
 Canadian north-west will always remain 
 rather British than American in sympathy. 
 Their distinct institutions and their religion 
 virtually established in Lower Canada, 
 and supreme in education would be me- 
 naced by absorption in the United States 
 with its common-school system. But there 
 is something more than this. The French 
 Canadians belong, not to modern or re- 
 publican France, but to France of the old 
 days of the kings and Church, before the 
 Revolution. They are, even when they call 
 themselves Liberals, as do the majority, and 
 39
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 are nicknamed " Les Rouges," Conservative 
 in turn of mind, and this is even a stronger 
 tie to the British Crown than that which has 
 been named above. Their conservatism of 
 spirit forms a bond which would endure 
 even if the common-school system should, 
 under Roman Catholic influence, come to be 
 modified in portions of the United States, of 
 which, however, as yet there seems little 
 probability. Just as the population of 
 Alsace, of purely German race, supplies 
 Paris with its most patriotic " French " or 
 anti-German element, so the French popula- 
 tion of Canada supplies the Dominion with 
 an element as patriotically British as even 
 the United Empire Loyalists themselves. 
 
 Upper Canada was itself settled by men 
 who gave up their homes and a large part of 
 their property to maintain their allegiance 
 to the British flag; who went out into the 
 wilderness, in the shape of unbroken forest, 
 of what was then Western Canada, in order 
 to remain in their own Empire. The sturdi- 
 ness and energy of the United Empire 
 40
 
 THE DOMINION 
 
 original population has been thoroughly 
 maintained, and the rivalry between the 
 Scotch immigrants, the United Empire 
 Loyalists, and the French Canadians, is 
 friendly rivalry of three very distinct groups 
 of men, all equally patriotic and well affected 
 to our rule. 
 
 I should be going somewhat beyond the 
 sphere of these articles, if I were to attempt 
 to draw any analogy between a possible 
 state of things in Ireland and the actual 
 state of things in Lower Canada, but I may 
 be allowed to say that we have shown, 
 under compulsion, a successful liberality 
 with regard to religious toleration, or some- 
 thing more than toleration, in the Province 
 of Quebec, which we have never been 
 willing to display, and are not yet prepared 
 to grant, in the case of Roman Catholic 
 Ireland. It is impossible to deny that the 
 Roman Catholic Church in French Canada 
 is not only predominant, but is actually 
 privileged, and possesses, in fact, a stronger 
 position than in any Roman Catholic country 
 
 r
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 in the world even than in Belgium itself 
 with its clerical administration. The Roman 
 Catholic Church is not nominally established 
 in Quebec, but is more powerful than is any 
 State Church, while remaining wholly un- 
 fettered by ties imposed in Roman Catholic 
 states by the concordat of France, or 
 similar laws. 
 
 It is an interesting fact that the Roman 
 Catholic population has grown gigantically 
 in Canada, as the French there are a prolific 
 race. Since Federation, there has been a 
 great decrease of that friction in the fringes 
 of French Canada, between the Protestant 
 and Roman Catholic population, which for- 
 merly existed ; and since a very long period 
 of Conservative rule has given place to the 
 rule of the Canadian Liberal party under 
 a French-speaking Prime Minister (who is, 
 however, as eloquent in the English as in the 
 French tongue), friction seems still further 
 to have diminished. 
 
 The weak point in the position is that the 
 Dominion takes insufficient military steps 
 42
 
 THE DOMINION 
 
 for its own protection. There is universal 
 liability to military service in a militia, as 
 in the United States ; but, even more than 
 in the United States, this is a mere paper 
 liability, and the organized militia are, con- 
 sidering the immense length of the Canadian 
 frontier, a small, as they are somewhat of a 
 dwindling, force. It has long been the policy 
 of successive British Governments to with- 
 draw all troops from the Dominion except 
 from two extreme points Halifax and 
 Esquimalt, which are coaling stations or 
 naval bases for the fleet. But the great 
 risk of Canada, in the event of war, would 
 be in the centre of her enormous line of 
 common frontier with the United States. 
 The feeling in Canada upon the subject of 
 defence is somewhat foggy. There is a 
 strong desire for independence of policy, 
 and for self-respecting national existence. 
 On the other hand, there is a suspicion that 
 anything like a policy of armament would 
 produce distrust, and possible hostility, on 
 the southern frontier. The cure would 
 43
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 seem to be in a prudent and peaceful organi- 
 zation of the militia force, upon a scheme 
 more similar to that which is a complete 
 success in Switzerland, and on so purely a 
 defensive footing, that there could be in it 
 no possible suggestion of offence. 
 
 The strength of the Dominion may be 
 indefinitely augmented by further mineral 
 discoveries. The deposits of gold, of iron, 
 and of other minerals, already known to 
 exist within her soil, are very rich ; but the 
 most valuable of her gold-fields lies so far 
 north, that the rigour of the climate prevents 
 that rush of population which would else- 
 where long ago have taken place. The 
 extraordinary rapidity of the development 
 of the far-western states of the United 
 States, through the discovery of surface 
 gold in California in 1848, and the subse- 
 quent continuance of quartz gold-mining 
 in the same district, the development of 
 Victoria, and that of the Transvaal, through 
 similar discoveries, have shown the world 
 what gold does for rapid increase of popu- 
 44
 
 THE DOMINION 
 
 lation, with resultant increase of agricultural 
 prosperity, in a new country. British 
 Columbia is full of gold, silver, copper, and 
 coal, and the Lake Superior district of the 
 Dominion, of silver and iron; while the 
 discovery of gold veins in the province of 
 Ontario is now continuous. 
 
 The Jubilee ceremonies of 1897 in London 
 popularized the figure of Sir Wilfrid Lau- 
 rier, and his speeches in Paris formed the 
 weightiest of modern discouragement to 
 our foes in all parts of the world. The dis- 
 appointment produced in England by the 
 speeches of the Prime Minister of New 
 South Wales, and by the attitude of the 
 Australian colonies with regard to the main- 
 tenance of the British fleet, were balanced 
 by the exultation with which the people of 
 the United Kingdom learnt the story of the 
 Canadian Dominion. 
 
 45
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 NEWFOUNDLAND AND FRANCE 
 
 WE have made, in recent years, considerable 
 sacrifices for the sake of good relations with 
 the French. We have given up our per- 
 petual most-favoured-nation clause and low- 
 duties treaty in Tunis to them ; we have 
 gone out of our way to expressly recognize 
 their action in Madagascar which has led 
 to annexation, with similar effect upon our 
 trade; and, while in Siam we have helped 
 them to obtain from the Siamese the recog- 
 nition of their extension over a large tract 
 of territory which was recently Siamese, in 
 Africa we have over and over again yielded 
 before French enterprise. There has, all the 
 time, been pending between ourselves and 
 46
 
 NEWFOUNDLAND AND FRANCE 
 
 France a really dangerous question, which 
 grows more and more difficult as well as 
 dangerous every day. If a policy of " grace- 
 ful concession" is to be pursued, it is in 
 French concession in Newfoundland that we 
 ought to find our quid pro quo. 
 
 By the Treaty of Utrecht, 1713, Newfound- 
 land became a wholly British colony, and 
 the subjects of France were forbidden to 
 " erect any buildings there besides stages 
 made of boards, and huts necessary and 
 usual for drying of fish, or to resort to the 
 said island beyond the time necessary for 
 fishing and drying of fish. But it shall be 
 allowed to the subjects of France to catch 
 fish, and to dry them on land in that part 
 only," etc. namely, on what was often called 
 "the French Shore." By the Treaty of 
 Paris of 1763, this provision as to "fishing 
 and drying " was confirmed, and the islands 
 of St. Pierre and Miquelon were ceded to 
 France as a shelter for the French fishermen 
 the French engaging to erect no buildings 
 upon them, except for the convenience of 
 47
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 the fishery a condition which they have 
 violated. By the Treaty of Versailles of 
 1783, the French, to " prevent quarrels 
 which have hitherto arisen, . . . consent to 
 renounce the right of fishing in," etc., i.e. 
 varying the so-called French Shore. The 
 King of England by a declaration promised 
 to prevent his subjects from interrupting, by 
 their competition, the fishery of the French 
 during the temporary exercise of it, and 
 promised for this purpose to cause the 
 fixed settlements which might be found 
 there to be removed. He also promised 
 that the French should not be incommoded 
 in cutting wood necessary for the repair of 
 scaffolds, huts, and boats. On the other 
 hand, the method of carrying on the fishery 
 hitherto in existence, was to be the plan 
 upon which the fishery should continue to 
 be carried on ; the French were to be for- 
 bidden to winter in Newfoundland, and were 
 to build only scaffolds, but the British were 
 not to molest the French during their fishing, 
 nor to injure their scaffolds in their absence. 
 48
 
 NEWFOUNDLAND AND FRANCE 
 
 The islands ceded were to serve as a " real 
 shelter to the French fishermen." Mr. A. W. 
 Harvey, one of the Newfoundland delegates 
 who appeared at the Bar of the House of 
 Commons, has pointed out in a Memorandum 
 published by our Government, with the 
 approval of the Colonial Office, that our 
 trouble lies in the words of our own King's 
 declaration ; but if that has to be read 
 strictly against us, we ought to read the 
 French King's declaration strictly, and 
 we have never held the French to its 
 observance. 
 
 By the Treaty of Paris of 1814, the pre- 
 vious enactments were unhappily continued. 
 To judge by the whole of the language 
 employed in the negotiations and declara- 
 tions, no kind of fishery was contemplated 
 except cod-fishing, and cod were intended 
 by the word "fish." The word "fish" in 
 Newfoundland in the present day means 
 cod. 
 
 In 1857 tne Secretary of State for the 
 Colonies promised that the two principles 
 49 E
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 which would continue to guide the Home 
 Government were, " that the rights at 
 present enjoyed by the community of New- 
 foundland, are not to be ceded or exchanged 
 without their assent; and that the consti- 
 tutional mode of submitting measures for 
 that assent, is by laying them before the 
 colonial legislature." Proposed arrange- 
 ments with France having been " refused 
 by the colony will, of course, fall to the 
 ground. You are authorized to give such 
 assurance as you may think proper, that the 
 consent of the community of Newfoundland 
 is regarded by H M.G. as the essential 
 preliminary to any modification of their 
 territorial or maritime rights." 
 
 Newfoundland is now a self-governing 
 colony possessing responsible institutions, 
 and it is, so far as I know, the only such 
 colony over which, or any portion of which, 
 any foreign Power claims what lawyers 
 call a " servitude." The British Crown is 
 admittedly sovereign in all parts of New- 
 foundland, including the so-called "French 
 50
 
 NEWFOUNDLAND AND FRANCE 
 
 Shore." The colonial legislature deals by 
 statute and by its administration with all 
 portions of the colony, but a foreign Power 
 has rights within the territorial waters, and, 
 during a large portion of the year, on the 
 actual shore of the colony, which, so far as 
 they go, are in derogation of the usual 
 rights of the Sovereign and of the legisla- 
 ture. 
 
 Under the King's declaration, British naval 
 officers have exercised singularly arbitrary 
 powers on the coast of Newfoundland 
 powers which, it may be confidently said, 
 have often exceeded their statutory autho- 
 rity, and which, if the poor people con- 
 cerned could have brought them before the 
 Courts, British or Colonial, would have been 
 severely condemned. As regards principle, 
 however, there was no conflict between 
 the Colonial and the British Governments 
 until the time of the administration of 
 1886-92. 
 
 In 1882-83 and '84 certain British subjects 
 had erected lobster factories at spots on the
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 so-called French Shore, where there were 
 no houses or buildings of any kind, and 
 where no fisherman, either French or Eng- 
 lish, had been in the habit of fishing. In 
 
 1886 French fishermen visited the district 
 for the purpose of catching lobsters. In 
 
 1887 a French warship cut the gear of all 
 the British lobster-traps and set them adrift, 
 so that they were destroyed. A British 
 officer on the coast supported the French 
 naval division in their action. In 1888 the 
 captain of H.M.S. Emerald compelled the 
 British lobster-catchers to move. The 
 ground given, up to this time, was that the 
 lobster-trawls and traps interfered with the 
 French fishing, i.e. presumably the French 
 cod-fishing. 
 
 Lord Iddesleigh in 1886 had protested 
 in advance against the erection of French 
 lobster factories, in these words, addressed 
 to M. Waddington : " I have to express the 
 hope that the French naval officers will 
 make known to the persons concerned, that 
 such a course is not allowed by the treaties, 
 52
 
 NEWFOUNDLAND AND FRANCE 
 
 and must be discontinued." It is a pity that 
 these words were not stood to by our 
 Government. In July, 1888, Lord Knutsford 
 informed Lord Salisbury that the construc- 
 tion of lobster factories then commenced by 
 the French, and the asserted claim to grant 
 to French subjects lobster concessions, " are 
 clearly contrary to treaty." 
 
 It was in 1888 that some French subjects 
 set up a claim that two British subjects, 
 Murphy and Andrews, were violating the 
 treaties by taking and canning lobsters on 
 the so-called French Shore, and that French 
 subjects, and French only, had the right to 
 take and can lobsters on that shore, and 
 to erect upon British territory factories or 
 establishments for the purpose of preserv- 
 ing lobsters. This subject at once grew 
 into a prominence which has dwarfed all 
 other developments of the Newfoundland 
 question. 
 
 r In September, 1888, we addressed to 
 France a note calling attention to the ille- 
 gality of French lobster-packing factories. 
 53
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 The French Government several times stated 
 that these factories were temporary, and, 
 with regard to some of them, they said 
 they had been suppressed. As a matter 
 of fact, they continued to exist, and a fresh 
 protest was made by Lord Salisbury, at the 
 end of 1888 and beginning of 1889, against 
 " an assumption of territorial rights in 
 derogation of the sovereignty of the British 
 Crown." The French Government then, for 
 the first time, set up an entirely new con- 
 tention that lobsters were fish, and, ap- 
 parently, that their factories were legal. 
 Arbitration was first proposed by Lord 
 Salisbury in 1889, when the Newfoundland 
 Government absolutely refused the arbitra- 
 tion suggested. In May, 1890, the Foreign 
 Office informed the Government of France, 
 that they could not admit the contention 
 that French naval officers can have a right 
 to interfere with British fishermen, in the 
 territorial waters of a British colony ; but, 
 nevertheless, the French have continued to 
 do so up to the present time. 
 54
 
 NEWFOUNDLAND AND FRANCE 
 
 The Newfoundland shore cod-fisheries, 
 which alone were contemplated by the 
 treaties, are so unimportant as compared 
 with those of the Great Bank south of 
 Newfoundland, open to all nations, that only 
 seven French boats fish on the so-called 
 French Shore, as against the hundreds 
 which fit out, either in Flanders, Picardy, 
 Normandy, Brittany, or St. Pierre and 
 Miquelon, to prosecute the fishery on the 
 Bank. The lobster-canning industry, on 
 the. other hand, is a lucrative one ; and 
 unfortunately, although in theory we have 
 always asserted that lobsters are not fish 
 under the treaty, that the scaffolding for 
 drying cod contemplated by the treaties 
 cannot cover lobster-canning factories, and 
 that moreover, in any case, we have a con- 
 current right of fishery with that of France 
 on the so-called French Shore, yet British 
 naval officers interfered, along with the 
 French, to cause the removal of establish- 
 ments erected by British subjects for the 
 purpose of taking and canning lobster. This 
 55
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 action on the part of the British officers 
 has been distinctly held to be illegal by the 
 Courts, both in first instance and on appeal. 
 It is really monstrous, after the direct 
 prohibition by the Treaty of Utrecht of the 
 erection of buildings by the French, except 
 those "necessary and usual for the drying 
 of fish " (while all the later documents speak 
 of the fishery assigned by the Treaty of 
 Utrecht, and declare that the future method 
 of carrying it on shall be the primeval 
 method of carrying it on), to then pretend 
 that lobster-canning is included in the words 
 used to cover the drying of cod. Instead of 
 protecting British fishermen, in the prosecu- 
 tion of their lawful avocation, and resisting 
 the new claim of the French, our Govern- 
 ment, after failing to enforce the claim of 
 the French, tried to go to arbitration upon 
 it before a Court in which the best known 
 personage was to have been M. de Martens, 
 the hereditary librarian of the Russian 
 Foreign Office, whose opinion on such 
 points was hardly likely to be impartial. 
 56
 
 NEWFOUNDLAND AND FRANCE 
 
 Luckily the French added a condition, the 
 enormity of which was such that the arbitra- 
 tion has never taken place, and it may be 
 hoped now never will. 
 
 While British officers were backed up by 
 the Government, in most arbitrary action, 
 on behalf of the French and against the 
 colonists, the theory continued to be that 
 the French pretensions were disputed by us. 
 At the end of 1889 the home Government 
 sent for the Prime Minister of Newfoundland, 
 who came to England in 1890. A modus 
 vivendi was agreed to, preserving such 
 British lobster factories as existed, and the 
 French Government agreeing that they would 
 undertake to grant no new lobster-fishing 
 concessions "on fishing grounds occupied 
 by British subjects," whatever that might 
 mean. But the limitation was afterwards 
 explained away, and the modus vivendi stated 
 to mean the status quo. The colonial Govern- 
 ment strongly protested against the modus 
 vivendi, as a virtual admission of a concurrent 
 right of lobster fishing prejudicial to the 
 57
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 position of Newfoundland in future negotia- 
 tion ; and there can be no doubt that the 
 adoption of the modus vivendi by the British 
 Government without previous reference to 
 the colony, and against its wish, was a 
 violation of the principle laid down by the 
 then Mr. Labouchere, when Secretary of 
 State in 1857, and by Lord Palmerston. 
 Our Government deny this, because they 
 expressly reserved all questions of principle 
 and right in the agreement with the French, 
 and that is so, of course ; but there can be 
 no doubt about the effect of what they 
 did. 
 
 By an answer given by an Under-Secretary 
 of State in the House of Commons, the views 
 of the Newfoundland Government were mis- 
 represented, it being stated that they "were 
 consulted as to the terms of the modus 
 vivendi, which was modified to some extent 
 to meet their views, although concluded 
 without reference to them in its final shape ; " 
 but the Newfoundland Government insisted 
 that the terms of the modus vivendi had not 
 58
 
 NEWFOUNDLAND AND FRANCE 
 
 been modified in accordance with their 
 views, as they had protested against the 
 whole arrangement. The home Govern- 
 ment quibbled and said that the answer 
 showed that the Newfoundland Government 
 were not responsible for the modus vivendi 
 as settled. Plain people, however, must 
 continue to be as indignant as the colonists 
 are at the misrepresentation and the breach 
 of Mr. Labouchere's principle. 
 
 The terms of the modus vivendi accord 
 to unfounded pretensions the standing of 
 reasonable claims, and confer upon the 
 French the actual possession and enjoyment 
 of the rights to which these claims relate. 
 Mr. Baird refused to comply with the modus 
 vivendi. Sir Baldwin Walker, commanding 
 on the coast, landed a party of bluejackets in 
 1891 and took the law into his own hands 
 against Mr. Baird, was sued for damages 
 and twice lost his case. There had been 
 an Imperial Act under which Sir Baldwin 
 Walker might have been protected, but it 
 had been repealed when self-government 
 59
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 was granted to Newfoundland. In the same 
 year of 1891 a Newfoundland Act was 
 passed, under heavy pressure from the Home 
 Government, compelling colonial subjects to 
 observe the instructions of the naval officers 
 to the extent of at once quitting the French 
 shore if directed, and the Act was to be in 
 force till the end of 1893. The home Govern- 
 ment had passed a Bill through the House 
 of Lords, brought it to the House of 
 Commons, and dropped it, before it received 
 the royal assent, only after the Prime 
 Minister of Newfoundland had been heard 
 at the Bar of both Houses and had promised 
 colonial legislation. The French Govern- 
 ment have insisted that a British Act should 
 be passed; and Lord Salisbury, while de- 
 claring that there ought to be a permanent 
 Colonial Act, has always refused to promise 
 a British Act. To my mind, the Newfound- 
 land people went too far in giving up their 
 freedom by passing the Act which I have 
 named, an Act to which, had I been a 
 member of the Newfoundland legislature, 
 Co
 
 NEWFOUNDLAND AND FRANCE 
 
 nothing would have induced me to consent ; 
 and my sympathies are entirely with the 
 Newfoundlanders in their refusal to part 
 with their freedom, for all time, by making 
 so monstrous a statute permanent. 
 
 The French maintain, to use the words 
 of the French Minister of Marine of 1888, 
 writing to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
 that the rights of France on the so-called 
 French Shore, are " nothing else than a part 
 of her ancient sovereignty over the island 
 which she retained while ceding the soil 
 to England rights which she has never 
 alienated." The island is about the oldest 
 of British colonies, with about the oldest of 
 British colonial representative institutions. 
 France never possessed the sovereignty of 
 which her Minister of Marine has spoken. 
 But the Newfoundland Act reads like a con- 
 secration of this pretended sovereignty, and 
 it makes British naval officers the police- 
 men, and more than the policemen the 
 autocratic or Russian policemen of the 
 French. 
 
 61
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 There has been nothing to choose between 
 the action of the two parties in the New- 
 foundland question, and the policy of the 
 Colonial Office has been marked by an un- 
 pleasant continuity. When Lord Ripon 
 became Secretary of State in 1892, he 
 began to press the Colonial Ministry for 
 permanent legislation, just as it is said 
 that the Colonial Office is pressing them 
 at the present time. In pressing for per- 
 manent coercive legislation the Colonial 
 Office threatens Imperial legislation, which 
 would receive in the House of Lords 
 the consent of both parties, but which 
 it is certain that, in the interest of our 
 colonial empire, Government ought not to 
 be allowed to carry through the House of 
 Commons. 
 
 The Newfoundland Government has 
 pointed out that the permanent legislation 
 asked for, is desired in part for the enforce- 
 ment of an ultimate award of a proposed 
 arbitration relative to the lobster question, 
 agreed on between the Foreign Office and 
 62
 
 NEWFOUNDLAND AND FRANCE 
 
 the Government of France, but from the 
 outset opposed by the colony, the agree- 
 ment having been made, not only without 
 its consent, but in despite of its frequently 
 expressed opposition. Ultimately, however, 
 "in view of the probable opposition to an 
 Imperial Bill in the House of Commons," 
 Lord Ripon proposed to invite the colonial 
 legislature to renew the temporary Act for 
 two years. The Newfoundland Govern- 
 ment then agreed to re-enact the tem- 
 porary Bill for one year without prejudice 
 to their position. This proposal was 
 refused by Lord Ripon, and the colonial 
 Government then gave way. The tem- 
 porary Act has since been again and again 
 renewed. 
 
 It is pretended that the British squad- 
 ron on the coast of Newfoundland protects 
 British subjects, in the exercise of their 
 rights, against unlawful acts on the part of 
 the French. But judging by the actions of 
 British officers, their instructions, which are 
 secret, must be in absolute antagonism to 
 63
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 the declarations of our statesmen in their 
 despatches. Where a Frenchman commits 
 an act of violence against a British subject, 
 by destroying his boat or fishing-gear, the 
 British subject can find in practice no 
 remedy, as the case is reported by the 
 officer in command of the British ship on 
 the station to the Admiral, by the Admiral 
 to the Admiralty, by the Admiralty to the 
 Foreign Office, and by the Foreign Office to 
 the Ambassador in Paris with instructions 
 to submit the matter to the French Govern- 
 ment. The French Government then refuses 
 redress, and the matter comes back again 
 through the same channel. Where the case 
 arises upon land the British subject com- 
 plains to the Governor, the Governer to 
 the Colonial Office, the Colonial Office to 
 the Foreign Office, and the Foreign Office 
 to the Admiralty, for it to be referred to the 
 Naval Officer on the station for report ; the 
 Officer on the station returns it through the 
 Admiral to the Admiralty, the Admiralty to 
 the Foreign Office, the Foreign Office to the 
 64
 
 NEWFOUNDLAND AND FRANCE 
 
 British Ambassador in Paris, and then back 
 as before, in the invarable form: "H.M.G. 
 regret that they are unable to obtain from 
 the French authorities a recognition of the 
 claim." The pretensions of the French 
 officers on the so-called French Shore are 
 unbounded, extending to the point of 
 ordering British vessels out of British 
 waters, where they are merely using the 
 harbour and coast the absolute posses- 
 sion of which by Great Britain is acknow- 
 ledged by the Treaty of Utrecht. Seven 
 hundred miles of coast of a British colony 
 become a no-man's-land, with no security 
 of any sort against arbitrary rule by foreign 
 naval officers, and mines are undeveloped, 
 on account of the dog-in-the-manger policy 
 pursued, not because the fishery is of the 
 slightest value in itself, or really exercised, 
 but because we happen to have other diffi- 
 culties with France in Africa, for example 
 for which the Newfoundland colonists are 
 certainly not responsible. The French 
 Government have granted concessions to 
 65 F
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 French subjects to engage in industry upon 
 portions of British soil, nominally governed 
 by British magistrates, and represented by 
 members in the Colonial legislature. The 
 French insist that their right of fishing on the 
 so-called French shore is absolute and not 
 concurrent ; yet we granted similar rights, at 
 one time, to the United States in similar 
 words, and this right was always held in 
 practice to be concurrent and not exclusive. 
 The French have gone so far, in the words 
 of M. Flourens when Foreign Minister, as to 
 assert that the so-called French Shore " ought 
 to have remained uninhabited." We may 
 agree with the French so far as this : that 
 under any other circumstances than the coast 
 of this British colony being desert, the New- 
 foundland contention is a true one that the 
 French rights are "anomalous and in- 
 tolerable." 
 
 The temporary Act which we have bul- 
 lied the colony into passing is a shameful 
 Act, without precedent or parallel in the 
 British Empire. In the words of one of the 
 66
 
 NEWFOUNDLAND AND FRANCE 
 
 leading statesmen of Newfoundland, it is one 
 " by which the liberties and property of our 
 people were made subject to the will of 
 naval officers . . . acting under instructions 
 from the British Government." Under it, 
 British subjects can be arrested and deported 
 from the soil of a self-governing colony, to 
 another part of the colony, before trial and 
 without appeal. The whole story is one 
 of abdication of rights in consequence of 
 threats. No such state of things would be 
 tolerated in the case of any other self- 
 governing colony ; and we have only to 
 ask ourselves what we should do, if the 
 Newfoundlanders had the spirit of the 
 Australians, in order to convince ourselves 
 of this fact. 
 
 Newfoundland, which is poor and back, 
 ward as compared with the other self- 
 governing colonies, has frequently been 
 solicited to come into Canadian federation, 
 for it is the only portion of British North 
 America not included within the Dominion. 
 It has hitherto declined, but will probably 
 67
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 end by agreeing, and anything which can 
 widen its interests, and which may thus 
 improve its politics, will be a boon to 
 Newfoundland. 
 
 68
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA 
 
 THERE is nothing more striking in the 
 history of the British Colonies in North 
 America than the fact that when what are 
 now the United States were mainly British, 
 and what is now Canada was mainly French, 
 every far-sighted observer recognized, from 
 one hundred and fifty years ago up to the 
 American Revolution, that it was the pre- 
 sence of the French in Canada which was 
 the essential condition of the maintenance 
 of British rule on the American continent. 
 A well-known passage in the work of a 
 Swedish traveller, written in 1748, pro- 
 phesies the constitution by "the English 
 colonies in America," of "a separate state 
 entirely independent of England." This 
 69
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 traveller saw that the colonies being 
 threatened by the French, and the British 
 commanding the sea, there was "reason to 
 regard the French in North America as the 
 chief power which urges " the " colonies 
 to submission." Later in the century Mont- 
 calm, as quoted by Mr. Hugh Egerton, 
 consoled himself for his defeat by the re- 
 flection that the loss of Canada would be 
 "of more service to my country than a 
 victory." 
 
 The strongest reason which urges even 
 the most advanced of native-born Australians 
 to accept British rule is somewhat similar 
 to that which long kept the American 
 colonies steadfast to their allegiance. It is 
 recognized that the command of the sea by 
 the British Power is necessary to the peace 
 and freedom of Australia; and the Me- 
 tropolis, having hitherto received from the 
 Australian colonies but a scanty contribution 
 towards the cost of the fleet, has frequently 
 urged upon the colonies the adoption of 
 common measures of defence, the need for 
 70
 
 COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA 
 
 which has become a main factor in pro- 
 moting the growth of federal feeling. No 
 one can doubt that if the Australian colonies 
 should remain permanently separated from 
 one another by customs-frontiers, with 
 tariffs directed against one another's goods, 
 and with other grounds of quarrel afforded 
 by such questions as the use of the waters of 
 the Murray for irrigation purposes, fratri- 
 cidal wars between them are not impossible 
 in the future. There might be renewed in 
 Australia the history of the relations of 
 England with Scotland, with Ireland, and 
 with Wales ; or that, in this century, of the 
 former Spanish colonies in South America, 
 which, in spite of their common tongue, 
 common religion, and common tradition of 
 risings for the sake of liberty against the 
 mother-country, have not avoided terrible 
 internecine wars. 
 
 The wise legislation of the Imperial Parlia- 
 ment long ago established for Australia, 
 with the addition of New Zealand, and of 
 the Crown Colony of Fiji, the Federal
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 Council of Australasia. But the steady 
 refusal of the mother-colony New South 
 Wales to come into this assembly, deprived 
 it of all authority, and in the long run almost 
 of very life itself. 
 
 The chief men of the colonies, in spite of 
 a powerful self-interest leading most of them 
 to dread absorption in the new and unknown 
 life of a larger State, had long recognized in 
 theory the necessity of Confederation, and 
 in 1897 an admirable Bill was fought out in 
 every detail by a Conference convened for 
 the purpose, in which all the Australian 
 colonies at one moment were represented, 
 all but one represented for most of the time, 
 and all but two (lying at the two extremities) 
 represented throughout the entire period. 
 The Commonwealth Bill was completed in 
 the first month of the present year; and 
 submitted to a popular vote in the most 
 important colonies on the 3rd and 4th of 
 June. 
 
 In the vote, while Victoria, South Australia 
 and Tasmania adopted the Commonwealth 
 72
 
 COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA 
 
 Constitution by overwhelming majorities, 
 New South Wales voted in its favour by a 
 small majority, but the measure did not 
 receive in the mother-colony the number of 
 votes which, owing to the influence of the 
 opponents of the Bill in its Parliament, had 
 been made a necessary condition of its 
 passing. The resistance of the Labour party 
 and the lukewarm support of the Prime 
 Minister, Mr. Reid, were probably owing to 
 the unpopularity of the conditions which 
 had been found necessary to prevent oppo- 
 sition on the part of the smaller colonies. 
 The permission granted to the smaller 
 colonies, by the constitution of the Common- 
 wealth, to be represented in its Senate by 
 the same number of members as are accorded 
 to the great colonies, Victoria and New 
 South Wales, has led to much suspicion as 
 to the probable working of the Bill on 
 the part of the democratic element in all 
 the colonies. On the other hand, when the 
 proposed Senate is rigidly scrutinized, it 
 is difficult to see on what grounds the 
 73
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 democracy base their fear of that body. It 
 would at least be possible that if such a 
 Senate were brought into existence it might 
 be found to be a more advanced body than 
 the Chamber of Representatives. It is 
 possible, however, that, although there are 
 few Conservative safeguards to be found in 
 the law creating it, the mere name of Senate 
 will of itself confer moderation upon those 
 who are brought within so august a 
 body. 
 
 In a speech before the vote was taken, 
 Mr. Reid, Prime Minister of New South 
 Wales, stated that if the Bill were defeated 
 he should not despair of federation, but 
 would propose that New South Wales 
 should join the present Federal Council. It 
 becomes, therefore, of some interest to 
 examine what that Federal Council is. 
 Created by an Act of 1885, and brought 
 into existence on the recommendation of 
 four colonies (in the Act styled provinces) 
 shortly afterwards, the Federal Council of 
 Australasia consists of two representatives 
 74
 
 COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA 
 
 from each of the self-governing colonies 
 who choose to be represented on it, and of 
 one from Fiji, and from any other Crown 
 Colony which may at any future time come 
 into existence within the boundaries named, 
 i.e. in New Guinea. The main power con- 
 ferred on the Council was that of legislating 
 in regard to the relations of Australasia 
 with the islands of the Pacific, but it has 
 power to deal with all matters referred to it 
 by the various legislatures, subject to the 
 subsequent adoption of the Acts by the 
 legislatures themselves. The hostility of 
 New South Wales it was which paralyzed 
 the Federal Council. If New South Wales 
 should now come into it, and the other 
 colonies should be willing to waive for the 
 moment the adoption of the Commonwealth 
 Bill, which can be brought into existence by 
 the action of three of them, or if, while three 
 of the colonies desire the Constitution of 
 the Commonwealth, the Secretary of State 
 and Parliament decide that it is better to 
 wait for the action of New South Wales, 
 75
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 then the Federal Council, with the warm 
 co-operation of the colonial parliaments, 
 may serve the main end of the practical 
 Constitution of a Federal Government. 
 
 The Federal Council, however, having no 
 Executive, though Prime Ministers of the 
 Colonies have sat upon it, and might all sit 
 upon it, having no judiciary, no control of 
 funds, no Ministry, will always be inferior 
 in authority to the Commonwealth which 
 some of the colonies so warmly favour, 
 and which, on the whole, is favoured by 
 a large majority of the entire Australian 
 people. 
 
 Sooner or later, there can be little 
 doubt, the Commonwealth Act will be 
 brought into operation. The governors of 
 the various colonies, at present appointed 
 by the Crown, will then be virtually super- 
 seded by a single Crown officer the 
 Governor-General. The Senate which, as 
 stated above, will be composed of an equal 
 number of members for each colony, in the 
 Bill called States, will be elected for six 
 76
 
 COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA 
 
 years, half retiring every three years, but 
 will be elected by the whole colony as a 
 single electorate. The latter of these two 
 provisions is intensely democratic; and in 
 my opinion more than a set-off to the Labour 
 party and the democracy against the slightly 
 anti-democratic tendency of the former of 
 the provisions. 
 
 Much fighting took place in the Conven- 
 tion over the clauses dealing with the origin 
 and progress of money Bills. The Senate 
 has been given power in regard to money 
 Bills more considerable than those of the 
 House of Lords ; and the position of the 
 Imperial House of Commons as sole keeper 
 of the public purse has been contrasted with 
 the proposals of the Commonwealth Bill, 
 for the purpose of damaging the latter. 
 While ordinary money Bills must originate 
 in the House of Representatives, it is pro- 
 vided that a proposed law shall not be 
 treated as a money Bill by reason of its con- 
 taining proposals for fees, and, what is 
 more important, a power is given to the 
 77
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 Senate to return to the House of Representa- 
 tives any money Bill, requesting by message 
 the omission or amendment of any items or 
 provisions therein. It is also provided that 
 tax laws shall deal with one subject of taxa- 
 tion only, so that an opportunity is given to 
 the Senate of throwing out a money Bill 
 essential to the taxation of the year, with- 
 out appearing to reject the whole finance 
 measure in such a way as to bring the 
 national existence to a stop. The power 
 of the Senate to send messages to the House 
 suggesting alterations in Bills which it can- 
 not amend is taken from the constitution of 
 South Australia. 
 
 To bring the question between the Aus- 
 tralian Labour party and the Conven- 
 tion to a sharp issue, it may be pointed out 
 that Sir William Harcourt's Finance Bill 
 would not have passed the House of Lords 
 with his Death Duties proposals in it if 
 the House of Lords had held the position 
 given to the Senate in the Commonwealth 
 Constitution. 
 
 78
 
 COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA 
 
 It was supposed that the Commonwealth 
 proposals were likely to break down upon 
 finance or upon the much-vexed question of 
 the seat of government, but it may safely be 
 asserted that the hesitation of New South 
 Wales (which proved to be the main obstacle 
 in the way) was caused almost entirely by 
 the difficulty which we have been discussing 
 of the undue powers given, in the opinion 
 of the New South Wales democracy, to the 
 smaller states, and especially by the pro- 
 visions with regard to the Senate put in for 
 their benefit. I cannot, however, but think 
 that these matters have been discussed in 
 New South Wales as though the Senate 
 were a House of squatters a House of rich 
 men, a House of Lords, and I think that the 
 provisions of the Bill make it probable that 
 the Senate will be a somewhat democratic 
 assembly. 
 
 A curious struggle arose in the third 
 
 session of the Convention, at Melbourne, in 
 
 the present year over the name of the federal 
 
 capital. The Bill is "the Commonwealth of 
 
 79
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 Australia Bill." Clause 124 provides that 
 the seat of government of the Common- 
 wealth that is, of the Commonwealth of 
 Australia shall be determined by the 
 Commonwealth Parliament; and the colonies 
 which had some intention of remaining out- 
 side the Commonwealth, such as Queensland 
 and Western Australia, complained that the 
 Commonwealth intended, in Sir John 
 Forrest's words, " to collar the name " of 
 Australia. If there were any prospect of a 
 Commonwealth being formed without New 
 South Wales, or still more without New 
 South Wales, Queensland, and Western 
 Australia, it would be no doubt ridiculous 
 for three colonies (two of them small in 
 geographical extent, although one of these 
 two is populous, rich, and well provided 
 with considerable statesmen) to assume for 
 their capital the name of the capital of the 
 Commonwealth of Australia. It is, however, 
 obvious that the Commonwealth cannot 
 come into existence until at least New South 
 Wales, failing Queensland and Western 
 80
 
 COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA 
 
 Australia, is within it, and that fresh nego- 
 tiations must continue for the purpose of 
 bringing her in, as a majority of the 
 electors voting, even in New South Wales, 
 desire. 
 
 Little importance seems to have been 
 attached, in the discussions before the con- 
 stituencies, to those proposals with regard 
 to future alteration of the constitution, which 
 gave rise in the Convention to debates of 
 the highest interest. The clause inserted 
 to provide for the case of South Australia, 
 which has adult suffrage, and of any other 
 states which may adopt it, is one through 
 which a coach and four could easily be 
 driven. It declares that, until the qualifi- 
 cation of electors becomes uniform through- 
 out the Commonwealth, only one half the 
 electors voting for and against a proposed 
 law for the amendment of the Constitution 
 shall be counted in the case of adult- 
 suffrage states. It is obvious at a glance 
 that this is a rough-and-ready proposal, and 
 that a state adopting fancy franchises, for 
 81 G
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 women, for example, would not have its 
 weight accurately determined under the 
 clause, as compared with a state having 
 manhood suffrage only. It will, however, 
 be possible under the Constitution for the 
 Commonwealth to create a uniform suffrage, 
 but it will only be able to do this if it 
 gives to every state the suffrage of South 
 Australia, i.e. the widest. 
 
 An interesting provision of the Constitu- 
 tion is, that power is given under certain 
 circumstances to dissolve the Senate; and 
 the Commonwealth Constitution is the only 
 English Constitution, with the exception of 
 that of South Australia, in which the Senate 
 can be dissolved. 
 
 Mr. Reid is evidently unwilling to forfeit 
 his present position of power in New South 
 Wales until he sees an equal federal position 
 within his grasp. The Conservative strain 
 in Mr. Barton prevented him, at the recent 
 election, from sweeping the colony for a 
 federal Protectionist party; and Mr. Reid 
 still unites the Radicals, the Free Traders, 
 82
 
 COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA 
 
 the Labour men, and those who, for 
 business reasons, connected with the pre- 
 dominance of Sidney, and other local 
 grounds, are real anti-federalists. Sydney, 
 of course, fears the loss of its position, and 
 its merchants dislike the prospect of the 
 federal tariff. The New South Wales 
 Labour members revolt against a constitu- 
 tion which does not, upon the surface, 
 and obviously, give them what they want. 
 Victoria is still dreaded as a rival, and 
 so much disliked that the completeness 
 of the federal triumph in Victoria angers 
 even the friends of federalism across the 
 border. 
 
 Western Australia had no real intention 
 of joining the Commonwealth at once, and 
 attended the Convention for the purpose of 
 resisting Radical influences, and so moulding 
 the constitution that it should be more to 
 her taste, when the day comes that she may 
 wish to unite with the other colonies. 
 
 All politicians in Australia are now either 
 favourable to Federation, or sufficiently 
 83
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 frightened, if opposed to it, by the powerful 
 current in its favour, to declare that it is 
 only to the particular provisions of the 
 Commonwealth Bill that they are opposed, 
 while they are favourable to the principle. 
 It is, however, improbable that any number 
 of fresh Conventions will be able to make, 
 with good effect, any large changes in the 
 Commonwealth Bill. It has been thought 
 out with the greatest care, and what are 
 called, in the large colonies, its defects are 
 the necessary concessions to bring the small 
 ones within the Commonwealth. The only 
 other plan for bringing them in would be 
 that pursued in Canada, namely, lavish gifts 
 of money or the equivalents of money. 
 
 The position of the Free Traders is, of 
 course, a difficult one, as they have at 
 present one great colony which, after trying 
 Protection, has returned to Free Trade, while 
 under Federation the Commonwealth as a 
 whole will pursue a Protectionist policy. 
 On the other hand, they may fairly argue, 
 and many of them do, that intercolonial 
 84
 
 COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA 
 
 Free Trade will in the long run give them 
 the practical blessings of Free Trade, and, 
 as regards many branches of commerce, will 
 tend towards actual Free Trade itself.
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 NEW ZEALAND 
 
 NEW ZEALAND is a colony of extraordinary 
 interest from a great number of different 
 points of view. It has wondrous natural 
 beauty, fiords finer than those of Norway, 
 snowy alps rising from the sea and sending 
 glaciers down to the region of the giant 
 ferns, volcanoes, and lovely lakes. The 
 great length of the islands from north to 
 south produces a wonderful variety of 
 climate; the north part, lost in the seas, 
 being but 34 from the equator, while the 
 extreme south is within the range of the 
 winds which sweep the cold seas of the Ant- 
 arctic region. Then, too, there are protected 
 islands which carry the New Zealand govern- 
 ment into 29 south latitude. The isolated 
 86
 
 NEW ZEALAND 
 
 position of the country prevents great ex- 
 tremes of heat or cold. New Zealand has 
 one of the finest of aboriginal populations 
 full of eloquence, but with a practical 
 business side well developed. It is, as 
 regards white settlement, rapidly advancing 
 in numbers and prosperity. New Zealand, 
 although largely settled by the younger sons 
 of good family from England, has pro- 
 duced the most democratic Labour legis- 
 lation existing in the world, and it has shared 
 with South Australia that adult suffrage of 
 which it has made a far longer trial. New 
 Zealand is better off than any other colony 
 as regards books about itself, and a whole 
 library of volumes has been written upon 
 the colony. Its scenery has no doubt proved 
 the attraction to authors which has brought 
 about this result. 
 
 To those who would learn the story of 
 New Zealand's past, there may be recom- 
 mended that colonial classic "Old New Zea- 
 land " by A Pakeha Maori ; and, to those who 
 would learn about its present, the speeches, 
 87
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 pamphlets, and a little book of the present 
 Agent-General, the Hon. W. P. Reeves, lately 
 Minister of Labour. 
 
 New Zealand has been longer ruled by a 
 Radical and Labour Government than has 
 been the case with any other colony ; and 
 the Seddon Administration, continuing the 
 Ballance Administration, after the death 
 of Mr. Ballance, has given a considerable 
 uniformity to the legislative proposals of 
 the Government for a great number of years 
 past. There has been all along, from the 
 earliest days of the prominence of New 
 Zealand Radicalism, much prophecy of evil 
 from the large settlers. Sir George Grey, 
 after being the famous Captain Grey of 
 Australian exploration, and the still more 
 famous Governor of the Cape and of New 
 Zealand, retired from the Colonial Office 
 service, and became Prime Minister of the 
 island colony in which he had previously re- 
 presented the mother country. His teaching 
 aroused the New Zealand democracy, whose 
 interest soon came to be watched over by 
 88
 
 NEW ZEALAND 
 
 men of a ruder type. Mr. Seddon had him- 
 self represented the miners of the west coast 
 of the South Island, and well knew their 
 wants. He would, perhaps, hardly have 
 been capable of expressing them in well- 
 thought-out legislation but for the assist- 
 ance which he received from men such as 
 Mr. Reeves, the continuer of the spirit of 
 Mr. Ballance. Although the democratic 
 legislation pointed to has been sweeping, 
 the prophecies of evil have not come true. 
 There has been a marvellous increase, even 
 in those classes of production which repre- 
 sent the great industries based on capital. 
 The export of wool and of meat has in- 
 creased at a gigantic pace, and gloomy pre- 
 dictions as to the discouragement of the 
 investment of capital have proved fallacious. 
 At the same time, the immense efforts which 
 have been made to promote small farming 
 have led to a wonderfully rapid development 
 of agricultural cultivation. 
 
 A good deal of the legislation of New 
 Zealand resembles legislation which has 
 89
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 been proposed in other colonies; but New 
 Zealand has adopted a far greater proportion 
 of the total stock of Radical propositions 
 than has been the case elsewhere. Its tem- 
 perance legislation connects itself with that 
 of the Dominion and of some of the Austra- 
 lian colonies. Its school legislation is closely 
 connected with that of Australia and of the 
 Dominion Province of Ontario. But in its 
 land legislation, and especially in compulsory 
 measures with a view to the acquisition of 
 great estates and their sub-division, New 
 Zealand has been imitated by Australian 
 colonies, which have not as yet attained the 
 success in these experiments which their 
 initiator has met with. 
 
 It must not be supposed that there is any 
 close resemblance of conditions between 
 New Zealand and Australia. The distance 
 between them is considerable, being almost 
 that which separates the Channel from Gib- 
 raltar; but the climatic differences are far 
 greater than might be expected from even 
 such distances. The heated interior of 
 90
 
 NEW ZEALAND 
 
 Australia, the absence of high mountains, the 
 consequent want of water, are all of them 
 conditions entirely opposite to those which 
 exist in New Zealand ; and New Zealand is 
 certainly far more like Japan than it is like 
 Australia. Tasmania and a portion of the 
 Gippsland peninsula in Victoria, alone of 
 the other South Sea colonies, in the least 
 remind us of any parts of the islands of New 
 Zealand. 
 
 The Labour legislation of New Zealand 
 has been so frequently described, that it 
 may, perhaps, be enough to say that New 
 Zealand stands in advance of most other 
 countries in her factory legislation espe- 
 cially its provisions against sweating, and 
 in her shops and shop-assistants legislation. 
 New Zealand also stands in front as regards 
 her merchant seamen and shipping legisla- 
 tion particularly in the existence of a man- 
 ning scale, unknown elsewhere except in 
 Norway. In reference to the last-named 
 subject, it may in these days, when the 
 decline of British seamen is being noticed
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 and the British shipowners are being urged 
 to carry apprentices, be worth pointing out 
 that by New Zealand law sailing vessels 
 engaged in intercolonial trade have to carry 
 apprentices or boys; so that provision is 
 made for young seamen learning their trade, 
 such as is not made in the mother country, 
 and such as does not, as a fact, exist in her 
 enormous merchant fleet. The land legis- 
 lation of New Zealand has also attracted a 
 good deal of attention, and is fairly familiar 
 to those at home who take interest in such 
 matters. 
 
 The colony of New Zealand has gone much 
 further than any other in the direction of 
 recognition of the principle of State-owner- 
 ship of the soil, with tenancy rather than 
 freehold in the occupier under the State. 
 The Crown lands are disposed of on long 
 lease, the State reaping the advantage of 
 unearned increment through a progressive 
 land tax. By an Act of 1892 small Farm 
 Associations were established, and these 
 are often confused with Village Settlements 
 92
 
 NEW ZEALAND 
 
 under Mr. Ballance's Act of 1886 which 
 has been imitated in South Australia, and 
 now in Queensland. A new system, known 
 as that of the Improved Farm Settlements, 
 is now taking the place of both the others. 
 The size of the holdings under the new 
 system averages about one hundred acres, 
 and these small farms are let on lease in per- 
 petuity at a rental which covers the cost of 
 clearing the land from forest (which is done 
 by the State employing labour directly) 
 together with a fair rental for the land. In 
 1892 New Zealand commenced the system 
 of purchasing large estates from private 
 individuals, for subdivision ; and in 1894 
 these powers were made compulsory. Ad- 
 vances are made to settlers at a low rate of 
 interest, and have had the effect of bring- 
 ing down the rate of interest generally on 
 mortgages in the colony. 
 
 In spite of the interest with which the 
 
 labour and the land legislation of New 
 
 Zealand have been viewed, and the attention 
 
 which has been excited by the functions of 
 
 93
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 the State being regarded with more favour in 
 New Zealand than even in those Australian 
 colonies in which they had been previously 
 the most wide, the working of adult suffrage 
 in New Zealand is probably the matter at 
 present connected with that colony which 
 arouses most interest in other portions of 
 the world. 
 
 In the mother-country and in several of 
 our greater colonies proposals have been 
 made at various times, since Mill moved his 
 famous amendment on Disraeli's Reform 
 Bill, to give to some women a limited political 
 franchise. In 1869 I suggested the restora- 
 tion to women of the municipal vote, which 
 by the Municipal Reform Act of 1835 they 
 had lost; and this was carried. An impetus 
 was thus given to proposals for conferring 
 upon women a Parliamentary vote, similar 
 to the municipal vote which had been re- 
 created in their favour. Ever since the 
 beginning of the 1892 Parliament, I have 
 brought in, year by year, a Bill which would 
 confer the suffrage upon all grown men and 
 94
 
 NEW ZEALAND 
 
 women the very Bill which has recently 
 become law in South Australia. But there 
 are few persons in this country who are as 
 yet ready to frankly accept the principle of 
 a really universal franchise. 
 
 The same was the case, apparently, in all 
 the colonies for many years. Proposals 
 were made there, as here, to give the 
 franchise to certain classes of women, but a 
 franchise narrower than that conferred on 
 men. These proposals never in any case 
 became law. Suddenly, in 1893, in New 
 Zealand, every grown person resident one 
 year in the colony, and three months in one 
 district, was enfranchised ; and the Maori 
 women were at the same time enfranchised 
 for the election of the Maori members of 
 the House. It is a remarkable fact that all 
 opposition to this great change instan- 
 taneously disappeared. Close upon ninety 
 per cent, of all the grown women of New Zea- 
 land are electors, and in the majority of the 
 larger towns the women voters outnumber 
 the men. They vote in almost as large a 
 95
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 proportion as the men, and in three out of 
 the four largest towns in New Zealand at the 
 last election greatly more women than men 
 went to the poll. Of those who supported 
 and of those who opposed the reform, both 
 classes have been surprised. It has failed to 
 bring about any marked alteration in the 
 political circumstances of the country. The 
 temperance party forced on the change, but 
 they have not been much pleased by its 
 results, for the women have voted pretty 
 much as their men-folk voted before, and the 
 Conservatives and the Liberals opposed to 
 Prohibition have received as much pro- 
 portional support from the women voters 
 as have the Prohibitionists. On the other 
 hand, there can be no doubt that the interest 
 of women in politics has been aroused, 
 that a great impulse has been given to the 
 education of women, and to their participa- 
 tion in public affairs, the conduct of which 
 they have improved. In New Zealand, as 
 in South Australia, the enfranchisement of 
 the women has not helped that alliance of 
 96
 
 NEW ZEALAND 
 
 Churches the Church of England, the 
 Roman Catholic Church, and the Wesleyan 
 Church which has worked against the 
 secular education system of the colony. 
 
 Just as the Dominion of Canada best 
 illustrates the triumph of self-government, 
 and of the liberal principles applied to our 
 colonial system by the wisdom of modern 
 times, and just as Ceylon best illustrates 
 the enterprise of men of our race in a 
 tropical colony, so New Zealand may stand 
 with these two, on at least an equal footing, 
 as showing what can be done by the British 
 peoples, under favourable conditions of 
 climate and of soil, for the development of 
 an admirable modern community. The 
 administration which has carried the greater 
 portion of the recent legislation of New 
 Zealand may be upset by the so-called 
 Conservative forces of the country, but 
 their work will not be undone. On the 
 contrary, it will be continued by their 
 successors. Many of what at first were 
 looked upon as daring experiments are now 
 97 H
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 thoroughly rooted in the land; for example, 
 the Life Insurance department of the State, 
 the Public Trust Office, and Compulsory 
 Industrial Arbitration. The enterprise which 
 the colonists showed when, after the failure 
 of the mother-country to put down the 
 great native rising, the Imperial troops 
 were withdrawn, and the war handed over 
 to the colonists, who soon brought it to 
 a peaceful end, has been steadily continued 
 throughout the later history of the islands. 
 New Zealand has been fortunate in the 
 constitution of her race. The settlers were, 
 perhaps, a better amalgam than those of the 
 Australian colonies. The race is thoroughly 
 good : education now universal ; the average 
 of wealth perhaps the highest in the world: 
 the absence of immense fortunes complete. 
 In an outdoor climate the British New 
 Zealanders lead an outdoor life, and their 
 horsiness and athleticism has, perhaps, been 
 one main cause why their marvellous scenery 
 has not as yet developed among them 
 either literature or art. New Zealand will 
 98
 
 NEW ZEALAND 
 
 have to work out her future for herself. 
 She is too remote from and too different 
 from Australia to be brought into Australian 
 Federation, and is consequently inclined to 
 closer direct ties with the mother-country, 
 although not actively excited in favour of 
 any modification of her present political 
 position. 
 
 99
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 AFRICA 
 
 IT is perhaps convenient to treat Africa, in 
 its connection with the British Empire, by 
 itself, instead of picking out the two self- 
 governing colonies the Cape and Natal, 
 and then treating the rest of Africa under 
 the heading of Crown Colonies. The 
 Governor of the Cape is High Com- 
 missioner in South Africa, and has great 
 powers over the Crown Colonies and Pro- 
 tectorates, south of the Zambesi. The 
 Chartered Company which rules Rhodesia, 
 south of the Zambesi, under his super- 
 vision, has dominions and influence north 
 of the Zambesi, over protectorates one of 
 which, though administered by the Foreign 
 Office, is virtually a colony ; and thus we 
 100
 
 AFRICA 
 
 are brought northward to the former 
 dominions of the Sultan of Zanzibar, half 
 of which are now also British, and, like 
 Nyassaland, under the Foreign Office for 
 the present. The four Crown Colonies of 
 the West Coast of Africa, with the Pro- 
 tectorates and Spheres of Influence con- 
 nected with them, are detached from our 
 South African and East African possessions, 
 but the problems which the possession of 
 them involves are somewhat similar to those 
 presented by some of our South and East 
 Africa dependencies. Our relations with 
 the French over our supposed Sphere of 
 Influence on the White Nile, which connects 
 itself with our Uganda and British East 
 Africa Protectorates, are inextricably en- 
 twined with our relations with the French 
 in the back country of Lagos and the Niger 
 sphere in the direction of Lake Tchad. Our 
 White Nile Sphere of Influence, which is a 
 somewhat shadowy extension, to the north- 
 west, of our British East Africa Protecto- 
 rates, brings us also into a conflict of 
 101 
 
 UNIVERSiT i OF LALIFORi 
 SAWA BARBARA
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 tendencies with Abyssinia which is the 
 neighbour of our Somaliland Protectorate, 
 of which indeed a slice has just been ceded 
 to Abyssinia This Protectorate is under 
 Aden which is Indian, as a statutory part 
 of the Government of Bombay. Three 
 African islands are also British depend- 
 encies St. Helena, which is a colony ; 
 Ascension, which is rated as a ship, being 
 under the management of the Admiralty ; 
 and Socotra (on the other side of Africa, at 
 the entrance to the Gulf of Aden), which is 
 a dependency of Aden. 
 
 The first observation which occurs to one 
 to make upon our heterogeneous dominions 
 in Africa, is that some simplicity might be 
 brought into our administration, both at 
 home and across the seas, if the whole of 
 them were declared colonies or colonial 
 protectorates, and placed under the Colonial 
 Office. The present distinctions are im- 
 possible to justify, as they are difficult to 
 explain. The complexity introduced into 
 administration by Mr. Rhodes and his 
 102
 
 AFRICA 
 
 shareholders, as regards their interests 
 south of the Zambesi, being dealt with by 
 the Colonial Office, and as regards their 
 interests north of the Zambesi dealt with 
 by the Foreign Office, is amazing. The 
 Foreign Office has in British Central Africa 
 the administration of what is called a Pro- 
 tectorate, where there is in its central 
 portions no vestige of any native govern- 
 ment to protect, and what is in fact an 
 ordinary colony, as regards which there is 
 no conceivable reason to be suggested why 
 it should not be under the Colonial Office 
 rather than under the Foreign Office. In 
 Uganda the Foreign Office has had to 
 deal with questions of administration, with 
 risings, and with the conduct of wars, for 
 which it is not organized, and which distract 
 it from its diplomatic work. The Niger 
 Company and the Oil Rivers Protectorate 
 have hitherto been under the Foreign Office, 
 while Lagos, which is mixed up with them 
 in its interests, has been under the Colonial 
 Office. It is understood that in recent 
 103
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 military operations the sphere of the Niger 
 Company has been virtually removed to 
 Colonial Office control. Negotiations are 
 on foot, though this was denied in the 
 House of Commons as late as April, for the 
 purchase of the territorial and administrative 
 rights of the Niger Company; and when 
 the purchase has been carried through, no 
 doubt the whole of the district, including 
 the Oil Rivers Protectorate, will be trans- 
 ferred to the Colonial Office, and possibly 
 even brought under a single administration 
 with the colony of Lagos. 
 
 Cape Colony, by far the larger of the two 
 self-governing colonies in Africa, is, to a 
 great extent, if not mainly, Dutch. Natal, 
 the other, is intensely British. In Cape 
 Colony a happy fusion of the political 
 aspirations of the races had come about, as 
 in Canada, before the Jameson raid, which 
 put a sudden end for a time to these good 
 relations. The effect, however, ofc the raid 
 is wearing off, and there are already signs 
 that the violent suspicions of the extreme 
 104
 
 AFRICA 
 
 Dutch, on the one hand, and the somewhat 
 blatant imperialism of the extreme British 
 element, on the other, are again giving 
 way to a more reasonable consideration 
 of common interests. The South African 
 Republic, or Transvaal as it is commonly 
 called, is, of course, a self-governing Dutch- 
 Afrikander state, absolutely uncontrolled 
 as regards its purely domestic affairs, 
 except by a vestige of interference in some 
 matters which concern the aboriginal natives, 
 but unable to make treaties or to be officially 
 represented at foreign Courts, and, in other 
 words, subject to a general control, on our 
 part, of its foreign relations. Its situation 
 may be compared in this respect with that 
 occupied towards India by the States of 
 Afghanistan and Nepal. The Orange Free 
 State is a Dutch Afrikander Republic, still 
 more independent, constitutionally and 
 theoretically speaking, of us, but not dis- 
 turbed to the same extent by the presence 
 in its midst of a fiercely British minority, as 
 is the Transvaal, and, therefore, on the
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 whole, as regards its rulers, more friendly 
 to us. I have called the extreme British 
 element in the Transvaal a minority, 
 although I am aware that many think, 
 mistakenly, that it is a majority in that 
 country which is kept down by force. The 
 foreign or non-Dutch element in the Trans- 
 vaal is very large and very rich, but the 
 dominant sentiment is not pro-British, 
 although it is anti-Dutch. The balance of 
 the scale is turned by a strong American 
 and Jewish element, which desires to retain 
 a republican constitution and to avoid 
 merger in a British colony; but which is 
 even more opposed than is the purely 
 British element to the old-fashioned Dutch. 
 Powerful among the British in South 
 Africa, Mr. Rhodes, virtually governing Rho- 
 desia, and influential north of the Zambesi 
 through his telegraphs and his subsidies, 
 looks forward to the connection of British 
 Central Africa, by Lake Tanganyika, with 
 Lake Nyanza, and so with Uganda, and by our 
 shadowy White Nile Sphere of Influence, 
 106
 
 AFRICA 
 
 with Egypt. By a Convention which ceded 
 the colony of Heligoland to Germany, and 
 is known as the Convention of July, 1890, 
 relating to Africa and Heligoland, Germany 
 was brought by Lord Salisbury to Lake 
 Tanganyika and Lake Victoria Nyanza, and 
 to join the Congo State on a common frontier 
 between those two lakes near what was 
 formerly called the Stevenson Road, thus 
 blocking out Mr. Rhodes from the accomplish- 
 ment of his Cape to Cairo project. Lord 
 Rosebery and Lord Kimberley afterwards 
 attempted to lease a strip from the Congo 
 State, which would have given us, subject to 
 the terms of this lease, an All-British road ; 
 but the Germans interfered in a most un- 
 friendly fashion and forced the Congo State 
 to destroy this Convention. It is hard to 
 see how, except by the mere leave of Ger- 
 many, or of the Congo State, Mr. Rhodes 
 can hope to pass from British Central Africa 
 to British Uganda. 
 
 These difficulties of South and Central 
 Africa offer little or no present risk of war. 
 107
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 But the same could not till lately be said of 
 the difficulties on the West, nor can it be 
 said of those further north. The British 
 East Africa Protectorate has no northern 
 frontier. We came to an understanding 
 with Italy for a common frontier as far as 
 Italy was concerned, but the Italians have 
 been driven by Abyssinia from the greater 
 portion of their sphere, and our own recent 
 treaty with the Emperor Menelik of Ethiopia 
 has not established even a modus vivendi 
 between us and him on this, the more difficult 
 and the more important, as well as by far 
 the longest, portion of our common frontier. 
 According to the colouring of British maps, 
 British East Africa reaches to a British 
 sphere composed of the former Equatorial 
 Provinces of Egypt. But our pretensions 
 to this sphere are ridiculed by some of the 
 other Powers. A portion of it indeed is 
 now occupied by the Congo State under 
 lease from us, and this lease has been recog- 
 nized by France and may be looked upon as 
 solidly established : but north of this again 
 1 08
 
 AFRICA 
 
 a French expedition has seated itself upon 
 the streams flowing down into the Nile in 
 one of the Equatorial Provinces of Egypt 
 now coloured pink upon our maps, and the 
 French assert that they have as good a 
 right to be there in the name of Egypt as we 
 possibly can have. Moreover, we are not 
 there and never have been. From the north 
 the Egyptian Sirdar* is pressing southwards, 
 with British troops added to his Egyptian 
 forces, for the purpose of reasserting the 
 authority of the Khedive as against the 
 Dervishes. If on the arrival of his steamers 
 on the White Nile, he finds the French seated 
 upon that river, it is difficult to see how a 
 European Conference is to be avoided, or to 
 prophesy what the outcome of that Con- 
 ference may be. If, on the other hand, the 
 French expedition is not more strongly 
 established than we suppose, it will probably 
 find it necessary to retire before the flying 
 bands of Dervishes, dispersed by General 
 Kitchener, and we shall possibly then 
 
 * Written in July, 1898.
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 discover that the Marchand and Liotard 
 expeditions are " private expeditions," paid 
 for out of the funds of the French colonial 
 party, although exclusively officered by 
 officers of that admirable force the Infanterie 
 de la Marine et des Colonies, commonly known 
 in France as " the Dog Fish." 
 
 The marvellous activity of the French has 
 brought them into conflict with us not only 
 as regards the country south-west of Khar- 
 toum, but as regards the back country of 
 Lagos and of the Gold Coast : the back 
 country of our other two colonies is already 
 gone, swallowed up by France beyond 
 return. Starting from the West Coast, 
 the French, with extraordinary vigour, have 
 penetrated south-east to the Lower Niger, 
 and due east almost to the Nile. Mar- 
 vellous as have been our own exploits 
 in all parts of the world, we can hardly 
 show any enterprise to compare with 
 that of the French colonial forces. The 
 future of our Niger sphere must be impor- 
 tant, but it hardly looks as though, in face 
 no
 
 AFRICA 
 
 of French development, it could ever lead 
 to the foundation of an African empire in 
 the least comparable to our Indian Empire. 
 The probability is that the expectations 
 which have been formed with regard to the 
 future of Africa will be a disappointment to 
 all the Powers concerned. The Germans 
 have hopelessly failed to make much of 
 their three chief colonies, and the French 
 have been pouring out money and French 
 life like water without much hope of a 
 tangible return. The Congo State is be- 
 ginning to make money, but by a system of 
 government (if such a name can be applied 
 to it) so ruthless and extortionate that we 
 have some ground for congratulation that, 
 whatever may be alleged against our rule in 
 parts of Africa, we at all events are far less 
 bad than our Belgian rivals. While, then, I 
 look forward to a great development of trade 
 in our Niger sphere and to some possible 
 development of stock-farming in a portion 
 of the high country which lies to the west 
 of the British East Africa Protectorate, and 
 in
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 to the east of Uganda, as well as to a steady 
 development of British South Africa, I 
 cannot profess to believe that any other 
 portion of Africa is likely to show the 
 material prosperity which has been at- 
 tained by the marvellously-fertile irrigated 
 strip along the Nile which forms the Khedi- 
 viate of Egypt. 
 
 The future of Africa unfortunately can 
 hardly be contemplated without the ex- 
 pectation of eventual war. The divisions 
 which the recent partition of Africa among 
 the Powers has brought about are too purely 
 artificial to survive in a great war where 
 the command of the sea is seriously disputed 
 between ourselves and a Coalition. The 
 future of Africa will one day be settled, but 
 that future is never likely to produce such 
 spheres of trade as those which India and 
 which South America present. 
 
 112
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 CROWN COLONIES 
 
 THE present position of our Crown Colonies 
 in general connects itself with that of 
 those situate on the West Coast of Africa, 
 and in the northern portions of South 
 Africa, which have been mentioned. If 
 it is right to pour out money in Africa 
 as the mother-country has been pouring 
 it out for some time past (a question with 
 regard to which I have grave doubts) it 
 would seem also to be wise to expend 
 money in developing some of our back- 
 ward Crown Colonies of high fertility which 
 are pining for capital in other portions 
 of the world. If it is worth spending 
 five millions upon a railroad leading to 
 113 i
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 Uganda, it might be worth spending a 
 quarter of a million in the development 
 of the back country of British Guiana, 
 which is probably of far greater value than 
 Uganda or any of the countries in the 
 neighbourhood of Uganda If we cannot 
 make the most fertile of the West India 
 Islands pay, how can we expect to make 
 countries which are less healthy and far less 
 fertile, in the very heart of Africa, return 
 a profit ? Our people have been interested 
 in Africa through their traditional desire to 
 suppress the evils of the slave trade, and to 
 pay conscience money in these days for the 
 sins, in connection with slavery, of their 
 predecessors ; but it is probable that we 
 have done more harm by promoting the 
 partition of Africa and the creation, in the 
 name of liberty, of such governments as that 
 of the Congo Free State, than the harm 
 which our grandfathers did to Africa by 
 their participation in African slavery and the 
 slave trade. There is no one who knows 
 both Africa and India so well as Dr. Cust, 
 114
 
 CROWN COLONIES 
 
 formerly connected with the Indian Govern- 
 ment, with the Royal Asiatic Society, and 
 with the Church Missionary Society. He has 
 pronounced a confident opinion defended 
 out of the vast stores of his learning that 
 the greater part of Africa will never pay, 
 and that we have no prospect of estab- 
 lishing in the heart of that vast country 
 such a government as we have, to our glory, 
 set up in India. When we turn to our 
 Crown Colonies and Dependencies in other 
 portions of the world we shall find that they 
 present a different picture, and one which, in 
 spite of depression in the West Indies, we 
 can contemplate with pride. 
 
 We may include under the general head- 
 ing " Crown Colonies " both Crown Colonies 
 proper wholly governed from home and 
 colonies possessing institutions which are 
 representative though not responsible. It 
 is easier to class the colonies by the pur- 
 poses for which they are maintained, and 
 which they chiefly serve, than to group them 
 according to their systems of government.
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 Gibraltar, Malta, Cyprus (which is nominally 
 only leased to us and remains Turkish 
 soil), the Falklands, and Bermuda, with 
 some others, are mainly coaling stations 
 or naval bases; Cyprus being indeed use- 
 less for such purposes, but having been 
 foolishly occupied from the same point of 
 view as that from which Gibraltar and Malta 
 were conquered and have been held. Hong 
 Kong is a military station and a naval base, 
 but it is also in a high degree a trading 
 station, in part, it is to be feared, like 
 Gibraltar, a smuggling station. The Straits, 
 so far as their chief port, Singapore, is con- 
 cerned, are a naval base and a coaling 
 station and a great distributing entrepot of 
 trade; but contain within one government 
 Protectorates in the Malay Peninsula which 
 are of high value from the plantation and 
 the mining point of view. Not far off, in 
 the Archipelago, we have Borneo, where 
 similar wealth likely to become important 
 as regards the future in the case of tobacco 
 exists to that found in the Malay Protected 
 116
 
 CROWN COLONIES 
 
 States. British Borneo is worth special 
 notice on account of curiosities of govern- 
 ment. 
 
 The rise in modern times of the Chartered 
 Companies, of which the Imperial British 
 East Africa Company sold to the Government 
 its territorial rights, and of which the Niger 
 Company and the British South Africa 
 Company have been mentioned in the last 
 chapter, commenced with the grant by Mr. 
 Gladstone's second Administration of the 
 Charter to the British North Borneo Com- 
 pany. That grant was supported by Lord 
 Granville, who was a " Cobdenite," if not 
 what is now called a " Little Englander," and 
 by Mr. Gladstone, who, on the i/th March, 
 1882, laid down in the House of Commons the 
 doctrine that the grant of the charter was in 
 limitation of those general and larger rights 
 which British subjects would otherwise have 
 possessed without any charter from the 
 Crown at all. Considering, however, that 
 the grant of the Charter in the case of all 
 these companies and the three African 
 117
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 charters closely followed the lines of the 
 British North Borneo Charter was that 
 which gave their chief value to their shares, 
 Mr. Gladstone's doctrine can hardly be 
 defended by ordinary men. The grant of 
 charters seems to have been a half-way 
 house towards the greater colonial activity 
 which is now popular, and if such activity is 
 wise it is probably more wise when con- 
 ducted directly by the Colonial Office than 
 when conducted by companies for profit. 
 The history of the Hudson Bay Company, 
 and that of the East India Company, is, on 
 the whole, not inglorious. But these com- 
 panies were pretty closely watched by 
 Parliament, and they existed in times when 
 the newspaper press was not the power 
 which it is in the present day. The ex- 
 perience which we have had of Chartered 
 Companies in recent times goes to show 
 that their life will be short, and that Govern- 
 ments may be compelled to buy them out at 
 a price which will represent more than the 
 cost of founding British Government in the 
 118
 
 CROWN COLONIES 
 
 territories in question had this task been 
 directly undertaken by the Colonial Office. 
 In the case of British North Borneo, the 
 former colony of Labuan has now been 
 virtually attached to the government of the 
 Chartered Company. There should also be 
 mentioned in this connection the neighbour- 
 ing protected native Sultanate of Brunei 
 and the protected kingdom of Sarawak of 
 which the Rajah is an Englishman. 
 
 The greatest of our recent successes in 
 the government of tropical dependencies is 
 that which has been exhibited in the case 
 of Ceylon. The apparent downfall of that 
 beautiful colony in consequence of the coffee 
 disease, and its marvellous restoration by 
 the enterprise of the British planters, with 
 the result of the virtual suppression of the 
 China tea trade to the United Kingdom by 
 the Ceylon tea interest, present one of those 
 pictures of the ups and downs of the life 
 of a young country which are as interesting 
 to some observers as the scenery of our 
 tropical colonies to others. 
 119
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 Another pleasant picture is that presented 
 by Mauritius, a colony in which we rule by 
 French institutions, what may be described 
 as a French people as French in their way 
 as are the inhabitants of the province of 
 Quebec. The inhabitants of Mauritius are 
 partly the descendants of French aristocratic 
 colonists, partly French " coloured " people 
 of the various shades of a mixed race. In 
 the He de France, as Mauritius was called 
 during the longer portion of her history, 
 there was no native population. She 
 appears literally to have risen from the 
 seas, and the skeleton of the dodo alone re- 
 calls a native race. The French were there, 
 with their negroes, from 1715 for nearly one 
 hundred years, and were firmly rooted in the 
 island. We have introduced a large number 
 of Indian labourers, but three-fourths of 
 the population are still nominally Roman 
 Catholic, and a great many of them pretty 
 fiercely French, and even French-republican, 
 in sentiment, though not disloyal to our rule, 
 on account of the continued existence of 
 120
 
 CROWN COLONIES 
 
 French institutions, including the Code civil, 
 and the care which the Colonial Office has on 
 the whole shown of their prejudices as well 
 as of their interests. It is worth noting that, 
 although Mauritius depends almost entirely 
 upon sugar, her trade statistics are not of 
 that gloomy description which West Indian 
 comments on the state of the sugar industry 
 would prepare us to expect. 
 
 Fiji, in the centre of the Pacific, is also a 
 sugar colony, and here again sugar appears 
 to maintain itself without suffering heavily 
 as in the West Indies it has suffered it 
 is alleged owing to the operation of the 
 bounty-system. 
 
 The great group of colonies consisting of 
 British Honduras with its mahogany, log- 
 wood, and other forest wealth, of British 
 Guiana with its Demerara sugar and its 
 gold, and of the West Indies with their 
 sugar, their cocoa, and their increasing fruit 
 trade to the United States, has not in these 
 days the relative importance which it pos- 
 sessed in the colonial world of the early 
 121
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 portion of the century. The Bahamas and 
 some of our other islands are becoming 
 tourist fields of American travel; but the 
 future of the West Indies is somewhat dark, 
 inasmuch as the contiguity of the United 
 States, and the desire of the United States 
 from time to time to make modifications of 
 tariff, with a view to bringing the British 
 West Indies more and more within their 
 orbit and of exercising pressure upon them, 
 are disturbing circumstances. 
 
 Nothing can rob the British West Indies 
 of their lovely scenery, which will undoubt- 
 edly attract an increasing number of visitors 
 to them, as the world becomes more popu- 
 lous, more rich, and more dull, given the 
 fact that their climate is healthy for a climate 
 of the tropics. On the other hand, nothing 
 seems likely to confer on our West Indian 
 colonies the blessing of as enterprising a 
 population of planters as that with which 
 Ceylon or Northern Queensland presents us. 
 The curse of negro slavery still hangs about 
 the islands, and the fostering care which was 
 122
 
 CROWN COLONIES 
 
 at one time extended by the State towards 
 their commercial growth has in the long run 
 damaged the commercial efficiency of local 
 capital and produced results which now 
 prevent the flow of capital from the mother- 
 country to these colonies. The West Indies 
 are connected with some of the grandest 
 military exploits of our history. The Carib 
 Sea was the cradle of the British Navy, and 
 the scene not only of the exploits of Raleigh 
 and of Drake, but of those of the pirates 
 under Morgan. The brave deeds of the 
 buccaneers, ultimately suppressed by us, 
 were rivalled by those of Blake, under the 
 Commonwealth, and of Rodney, Hood, and 
 Nelson in later times. Our Atlantic 
 colonies now differ greatly among them- 
 selves. As has been shown in an admirable 
 paper by Mr. Carrington, while Barbadoes 
 and some others are intensely English, even 
 the pure negro population being thoroughly 
 Anglicised, others of the islands, such as 
 Dominica, St. Lucia, and Grenada, still show 
 signs of French possession, not so striking as 
 123
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 those displayed by Mauritius, but sufficient 
 to make it difficult to apply to them exactly 
 the same system of government as that for 
 which Barbadoes is prepared. Trinidad, 
 too, retains a Spanish element, and British 
 Guiana a Dutch. So close must commercial 
 relations between the United States and the 
 West Indies be, that there are many Britons 
 in the West Indies who are inclined, under 
 the depression produced by the decline of 
 profits in the sugar industry, almost to 
 welcome a faint prospect of eventual Ameri- 
 can sovereignty in the islands. On the other 
 hand, if the Isthmus Canal should ever be 
 completed, St. Lucia as our naval base will 
 become of considerable military importance. 
 It is not probable that the British Parlia- 
 ment, under any condition of affairs that 
 can be foreseen, is likely to accept a transfer 
 of sovereignty in the islands, to which the 
 negro and " coloured " majority of the popu- 
 lation would be bitterly opposed. 
 
 Apart from sugar the West Indies may yet 
 have a commercial future. Grenada now 
 124
 
 CROWN COLONIES 
 
 grows cacao, Jamaica fruit and tobacco, on 
 an increasing scale. The substitution of 
 new industries for those connected with 
 sugar tends to assist the growth of a negro 
 peasant proprietary, which has already come 
 into existence in Jamaica. 
 
 It is difficult to pick out the sugar industry 
 for special artificial treatment, as it is by no 
 means the only colonial industry which is 
 harmed by foreign bounties. Newfound- 
 land, for example, finds its fish trade greatly 
 hampered by French law, and has, under all 
 the circumstances of the case, a stronger 
 claim for special and exceptional treatment 
 than have even the West Indies. 
 
 Personally I cannot but think that the ex- 
 periment which has been tried by France in 
 Martinique and Guadaloupe, of promoting 
 peasant proprietary and of giving the 
 negroes and the coloured people a con- 
 stantly increasing share in the government 
 of the colonies, in which they form the over- 
 whelming majority of the population, will 
 sooner or later have to be adopted in the 
 125
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 British West Indies. The West Indian 
 coloured people are by no means to be de- 
 spised as regards the power of government 
 which they have already shown. Some of 
 the most distinguished officials of the islands, 
 even under the present somewhat oligarchic 
 system of government, belong to the coloured 
 race, and it is difficult to believe that the 
 result of the long training which we have 
 given to the West Indian "coloured " people, 
 and even to the negroes, cannot now justify 
 the extension to them of a larger share in 
 the government of the islands than is yet 
 theirs. 
 
 126
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 IMPERIAL DEFENCE 
 
 THE defence of the colonies of the British 
 Empire must rest mainly upon our naval 
 supremacy, which is also necessary, how- 
 ever, both for the protection of India and of 
 the mother-country against invasion, and for 
 the maintenance of our trade. 
 
 Our naval supremacy at the present 
 moment is more complete than it has been 
 in the recent past ; but it is, owing to the 
 efforts of our rivals, unhappily more com- 
 plete now than it is likely to be in the 
 immediate future. 1898 is a year in which 
 we stand in a strong position, especially so 
 far as battleships are concerned, by the 
 completion of the Magnificent class of the 
 127
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 Spencer programme, and by the non-comple- 
 tion of the corresponding ships of the other 
 Powers. It is, however, unfortunately the 
 case that Mr. T. A. Brassey, who has hither- 
 to been looked upon by many of us as an 
 optimist, explains in the most important 
 chapters of the Naval Annual, published in 
 April last, that we are about to again lose 
 our advantage as compared even with the 
 Franco-Russian combination. It is pointed 
 out, in the valuable Russian chapter of that 
 work, that Russia is now building, even as 
 compared with ourselves, with " unexampled 
 rapidity," and that while she has until now 
 been obliged to buy armour plating from 
 abroad, she will very soon be able to her- 
 self supply all the armour needed for her 
 immense new programme, fully revealed 
 only in the month of May. As regards the 
 manning of our ships, Mr. T. A. Brassey, 
 who had formerly appeared to be fairly 
 satisfied, now declares that our " numbers " 
 may "without hesitation" be declared "in- 
 sufficient." 
 
 128
 
 IMPERIAL DEFENCE 
 
 I have recently pressed on the attention 
 of the Admiralty a suggestion which had 
 previously been made, by Mr. Brassey 
 among others, that colonial assistance 
 towards increase of numbers might with 
 advantage be sought by us. But I have 
 limited myself to advising an experiment in 
 this direction in the colony of Newfound- 
 land. In Australasia the numbers of fisher- 
 men and coasting seamen are small and 
 their pay is high. As regards Canada there 
 is a danger that if the local fishermen are 
 trained they will be attracted by high 
 bounties into the navy of the United States, 
 instead of being available for our own. In 
 the case of Newfoundland alone is there an 
 immense supply of hardy fishermen and 
 sailors, working at low rates of pay, and, 
 therefore, probably willing to accept the 
 rates offered for the new home Reserve, 
 while at the same time sufficiently (geo- 
 graphically) removed from the temptations 
 of the United States to be probably avail- 
 able in time of war. 
 
 129 K
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 Direct colonial contribution towards 
 Imperial defence is a matter which needs 
 discussion. At the present moment Canada, 
 with her long frontier, assists in the defence 
 of the naval base of Esquimalt, at one end of 
 it, and does not assist in the defence of the 
 fortified base of Halifax at the other end. 
 Halifax, however, would probably be re- 
 tained by us as a coaling station in any 
 event, just as we retain the fortified station 
 of Bermuda. Canada supplies, under a 
 nominal system of universal militia service, 
 a small permanent militia of decreasing 
 strength, supported as regards its officering 
 by an admirable Staff College. The supply 
 of artillery and of ammunition of a modern 
 type, as well as that of rifles, is insufficient 
 lor the strain of war; but war between our- 
 selves and the United States is not to be 
 expected, and the United States have also 
 not hitherto maintained upon the Canadian 
 frontier any permanent force. Canada 
 makes no contribution towards the fleet, 
 which, however, defends for her a large 
 130
 
 IMPERIAL DEFENCE 
 
 portion of her frontier, owing to the 
 navigability of the St. Lawrence. The 
 Australasian colonies maintain a consider- 
 able militia force of various types, besides 
 a large number of volunteers, and they 
 contribute towards the maintenance of a 
 local squadron, which is subject to a con- 
 dition of irremovability which would greatly 
 hamper the Admiralty in time of war, and 
 which, although wholly indefensible on stra- 
 tegical grounds, is one which the Prime 
 Ministers of the colonies insist on maintain- 
 ing against the best advice. The South 
 African colonies have shown signs of a 
 willingness to contribute towards the fleet, 
 and they maintain a considerable local 
 military force, besides accepting a universal 
 liability to the call to arms, which they have 
 inherited from the Dutch Colonial Govern- 
 ment. The Crown Colonies contribute 
 towards the cost of the army, but upon a 
 low, although a varying, scale. It is diffi- 
 cult to see why Ceylon and Singapore, with 
 their enormous trade, should contribute
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 towards the defence of the Empire on a 
 scale far lower than that which applies to 
 the south of India, which is less exposed to 
 attack, as well as far poorer from every 
 point of view. 
 
 When we look round the Empire as a 
 
 whole we cannot but be struck by the want 
 
 of system which prevails,'and the haphazard 
 
 fashion in which the subject has always been 
 
 treated by Governments at home. We have 
 
 indeed made little progress with regard to 
 
 the principle upon which it should be dealt 
 
 with. Even before the commencement of 
 
 the eighteenth century Penn made proposals 
 
 for an Imperial Congress, or at least an 
 
 American Congress, to be presided over by 
 
 a Commissioner from home, which was to 
 
 decide on the contributions to be made by 
 
 the different colonies for the purpose of 
 
 Imperial Defence. During the great wars 
 
 with France in the eighteenth century the 
 
 colonial troops played the grandest part ; 
 
 and, as Mr. Hugh Egerton has pointed out, 
 
 if real statesmanship had been exhibited at 
 
 132
 
 IMPERIAL DEFENCE 
 
 that time, " It might have been possible to 
 attach to the service of the Crown a colonial 
 army, which might have rendered the 
 immediate course of history very different. 
 . . . The presence of a loyal American army 
 might have been a force, making for British 
 interests, the importance of which could not 
 be exaggerated. So far was the British 
 Government from attempting this that by a 
 most unwise regulation all commissions in 
 the Royal army above the rank of Captain 
 took precedence of all commissions in the 
 Colonial service." 
 
 It is often thought that the American 
 colonies rose against the very principle of 
 taxation for Imperial purposes considered 
 in the abstract. But, as Mr. Egerton has 
 well shown, Franklin himself, writing in 
 1764, admitted that a special revenue might 
 properly be established towards supporting 
 troops to be maintained in America by the 
 Crown, and the principle that the colonists 
 should pay their due proportion of Imperial 
 charges was not denied by the colonists 
 133
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 themselves ; their grievance lying wholly 
 in the particular manner in which payment 
 was required. 
 
 It will perhaps be sufficient for our pur- 
 pose here if we simply note the fact that the 
 most fanatically independent and self-con- 
 tained of all our colonies, those most dis- 
 posed to resist inclusion with ourselves in 
 a common government under any scheme of 
 Imperial Federation, would, undoubtedly, in 
 the judgment of those who know them best, 
 be anxious to take their part in defending the 
 Empire; for example, in India in time of 
 dangerous war against a coalition. This 
 being so, surely it must be wise that such 
 preparation for collective action should be 
 made in time of peace as would come too 
 late if postponed till time of war. 
 
 134
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 IN his speech at Birmingham on the i3th 
 May, the Colonial Secretary, after explaining 
 the dangers which surround our position as 
 a Power, expressed the desire of himself and 
 the Cabinet to draw closer the bonds between 
 ourselves and our colonies for the purposes 
 of defence and of trade. No proposals 
 have, however, as yet been put forward for 
 consideration upon the former head, and 
 those which have been suggested upon the 
 latter have either been withdrawn or are 
 somewhat nebulous. 
 
 The Colonial Secretary, who, before the 
 Jubilee, invited practical suggestions for a 
 tariff union, after he had met the Prime 
 135
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 Ministers of the eleven self-governing 
 colonies, declared in strong terms the un- 
 wisdom of pressing the question. But since 
 that declaration steps have been taken in 
 some colonies in the direction of a pre- 
 ference to be given to the produce and 
 manufactures of the United Kingdom. It 
 will be seen that the phrase " the United 
 Kingdom " excludes India and the Crown 
 Colonies, and it is by no means certain that 
 any very real or considerable preference can 
 be carried, as far as the United Kingdom 
 itself is concerned, in the Protectionist colo- 
 nies ; while colonies which are not Pro- 
 tectionist will rather desire to open more 
 freely their gates than to open them specially 
 to the mother-country. It is mainly against 
 the manufactures of Great Britain and the 
 wheat of India that the colonial Protection- 
 ists direct their doctrine. The cheap-living 
 Asiatic populations, and the "pauper labour," 
 which excite their scorn, inhabit above all 
 British India. 
 
 136
 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 The only practical step which is being 
 taken at the present time with regard to in- 
 creased trade facilities concerns a renewal 
 of reciprocity arrangements between the 
 West Indies (British Crown Colonies) and 
 a foreign country the United States. Al- 
 ready there is a partial customs-union 
 between British colonies and a foreign 
 country the Orange Free State. There 
 was previously a reciprocity treaty between 
 Canada and the United States, and there 
 may be again. It is indeed somewhat 
 doubtful whether the vision of a British 
 tariff league is less of a dream-vision than 
 that of absolute Imperial unity or federation. 
 We shall all agree on one point, which is 
 that it is unwise to press any proposals for 
 change which will provoke in any consider- 
 able portions of the Empire resistance likely 
 to worsen the existing state of feeling, and 
 this may be the effect of pressing freer 
 admission of British goods upon Protection- 
 ist colonies, or closer political relations upon 
 others. 137
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 Even from the point of view of British 
 power and authority in the world, and 
 from the point of view of peace, most 
 necessary to British trade, it is doubtful 
 whether the drawing closer of commercial 
 bonds within the Empire, at the expense of 
 commercial relations with other countries, is 
 a step of progress. Take Canada, for ex- 
 ample. Canada and the United States are so 
 situate towards one another that their trade, 
 except for artificial and political but imagin- 
 ary lines, would be chiefly with one another. 
 Not only in the days of Reciprocity, but up 
 to June, 1896, the trade of the United States 
 with Canada was very large indeed. The 
 hostile tariff of the United States has harmed 
 this trade, and has caused the action on the 
 part of Sir Wilfrid Laurier which excited 
 much attention last year, but these steps are 
 less natural and more strained than would 
 be a complete or even partial removal of 
 customs barriers between Canada and 
 her nearer neighbour; while the political 
 138
 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 estrangement which commercial estrange- 
 ment brings about is not to the advantage 
 either of our Imperial policy or of peace. 
 The sentiment of common nationality and of 
 racial patriotism, which it is undoubtedly 
 important to strengthen within our Empire, 
 may be called out by a wise policy of 
 common Imperial defence, without being 
 accompanied by an attempt to divert trade 
 by steps which could not fail in some degree 
 to hamper that European trade and that trade 
 to the Two Americas upon which statistics 
 show that our manufacturing supremacy and 
 overwhelming maritime supremacy depend. 
 Attempts to divert trade for the supposed 
 benefit of the colonies, or of the mother- 
 country in connection with her colonial 
 Empire, are, of course, not new. They con- 
 stitute a milder form of that Colonial System 
 which was formerly applied in a greater or 
 less degree by the countries possessing col- 
 onies, and which in its extreme form ex- 
 cluded from the ports of such countries and 
 139
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 their colonies all foreign ships and all 
 foreign goods. 
 
 Those who are interested in the details of 
 the fiscal question which is involved in pro- 
 posals either for a Zollverein or for pre- 
 ferential trade within the Empire, or parts 
 of it, would do well to study for themselves 
 Mr. Chamberlain's speech upon the subject 
 delivered on the 2$th March, 1896, at a meet- 
 ing of the Canada Club. It has been com- 
 monly assumed by partisans that Mr. Cham- 
 berlain proclaimed on that occasion a policy 
 different from that which had been the policy 
 of the Colonial Office and of British Cabinets 
 in the past. He stated, on the contrary, the 
 objections to the proposal of the majority of 
 the Colonial representatives at the Ottawa 
 Conference of 1894 (presided over with sin- 
 gular statesmanship by Lord Jersey) in the 
 strongest terms. He said that preferential 
 trade would involve, in the case of the United 
 Kingdom, a most serious disturbance of our 
 trade, the imposition of a duty upon food 
 140
 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 and upon raw material, with a tendency to 
 increase the cost of living, to increase the 
 pressure upon the working classes of this 
 country, to increase the cost of production, 
 and to put us in a worse position in com- 
 petition with foreign countries in neutral 
 markets. All this for an insufficient quid pro 
 quo. He showed that our foreign trade is so 
 gigantic in proportion to the foreign trade of 
 our colonies that the burden of any arrange- 
 ment of the kind would fall with great 
 weight on the home country. He stated 
 that Lord Ripon's despatch of 1895 was con- 
 clusive against the particular proposal which 
 up to 1896 had been suggested for our con- 
 sideration. But he pointed out that Lord 
 Ripon himself had alluded to a different 
 proposal which had not been made, which 
 would be free in principle from objection, 
 and which, if practicable, would cement the 
 unity of the Empire and promote its pro- 
 gress. This was a proposal for a true 
 Zollverein, but since that time the total 
 141
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 unwillingness of every colony to come into 
 such an arrangement has been demon- 
 strated ; so that it is at present unnecessary 
 to discuss the objections which, in spite 
 of Lord Ripon's words, torn from their 
 context, would undoubtedly remain to any 
 such proposal. 
 
 In a speech of the 9th June, 1896, Mr. 
 Chamberlain returned to the subject and 
 spoke more strongly still in favour of the 
 establishment of commercial union through- 
 out the Empire, but admitted that it would 
 involve the replacing (by the mother- 
 country) of duties upon corn, meat, wool, 
 and other articles of enormous consumption 
 in this country. He did not think it either 
 wise or practicable that any such proposal 
 should come in the first instance from the 
 United Kingdom ; and a sufficient answer, 
 for the moment, is that no such proposal has 
 come from the colonies. One enormous 
 difficulty in the way of even fairly consider- 
 ing such proposals, should they be made at 
 142
 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 a future time, is that of how to represent the 
 interests of India, containing as she does the 
 majority of British subjects in the world, and 
 supplying as she does an enormous share of 
 the income and of the military resources of 
 the Empire. Mr. Chamberlain's suggestion 
 met with what the leading newspapers in 
 Australia describe as a " cool reception," 
 and the fate of " falling flat," and the final 
 blow was given to it when the eleven Prime 
 Ministers of the self-governing colonies met 
 at the Colonial Office during the Jubilee. 
 It must never be forgotten in this connection 
 that, even under hostile tariffs, the first of 
 our export markets continues to be the 
 United States ; while the second of our ex- 
 port markets is the vast Empire of India, 
 under our rule indeed, but too little thought 
 of in connection with this matter of colonial 
 tariffs and colonial trade. 
 
 There is a danger in pressing Imperial 
 Federation, without knowing exactly what 
 we mean and, still more, what the colonies 
 143
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 desire. There is danger in pressing closer 
 trade relations while we remain in the same 
 condition of doubt. There is danger in 
 neglecting to press those joint preparations 
 for Imperial Defence which, if not made 
 now, will come too late. 
 
 144
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 HOW TO STUDY THE EMPIRE * 
 
 I HAVE been asked for a short article on 
 " How to Study the Empire ; " and, wasting 
 no space on introduction, will divide the 
 subject into How the Empire has Grown 
 Up ; and What It is Now. On the history 
 of the British Empire I would, in the 
 strongest manner, recommend Mr. Hugh 
 Egerton's " Colonial Policy." The lighter 
 Elizabethan literature will, in some cases, 
 be found referred to in Mr. Egerton's notes ; 
 but I would mention as specially worthy 
 of attention all that bears on Sir Walter 
 Raleigh's voyages and life. Sir J. Seeley's 
 " Expansion of England " is excellent with 
 
 * Reprinted by kind permission from the Literary Supple- 
 ment of the Critic i Nov. 5, 1898. 
 
 145 L
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 regard to the wars of the last century and 
 the philosophical and historical positions 
 which underlay and survived them. 
 
 With regard to the present position of 
 the Empire, dealing first with generalities, 
 I would name Escott's " England," Dr. 
 Todd's " Parliamentary Government in the 
 Colonies," and "The Great Alternative" 
 and "The Nation's Awakening," by Mr. 
 Spenser Wilkinson. For reference, there 
 should always be at hand "The Statesman's 
 Year-Book," a good atlas and also a large 
 globe. The exclusive use of the atlas, with- 
 out constant reference to the globe, is a 
 snare of the first order. The relative 
 magnitude of various countries, and their 
 position in relation to one another, are con- 
 tinually lost sight of. The " projections" of 
 " The World " maps avoid only the former 
 of these two difficulties. 
 
 When we come to the study of particular 
 
 parts of the Empire, I would recommend 
 
 for India Sir W. Hunter's " Indian Empire," 
 
 Sir G. Chesney's "Indian Polity"; and, 
 
 146
 
 HOW TO STUDY THE EMPIRE 
 
 above all, the annual Blue Book called a 
 "Report on the Moral and Material 
 Progress of India," which is published 
 generally about the end of July ; and the 
 last number of which was circulated to 
 Members of both Houses of Parliament 
 and placed on sale early in August last. 
 
 For the Dominion of Canada, I would 
 advise the reading of Bourinot's "Canada" 
 and of Dawson's " North America " in Stan- 
 ford's Compendium. All the volumes of 
 this geographical work are good ; but the 
 North American volume stands high as an 
 authority. It includes Newfoundland, which 
 is, of course, outside the Dominion, and on 
 which there should also be studied the 
 various books of the Reverend Dr. M. 
 Harvey. 
 
 For Australia, the book of the late Dr. 
 Dale is excellent. My own "Problems of 
 Greater Britain " is a work now somewhat 
 out of date, but hardly yet wholly super- 
 seded in its Australian portions. Mr. 
 Walker's book, which has recently appeared, 
 H7
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 is good, but far from full. It should be 
 seen, as should, for Australian political 
 philosophy, "The Law of the Constitution 
 of South Australia," by Mr. Blackmore, the 
 Clerk of Parliaments of that Colony, who 
 was also Clerk to the recent Common- 
 wealth Convention, of which the " Hansard " 
 should be studied. If the Australian 
 " Hansard " were as heavy as our own and 
 as full of undigested matter, I should 
 hesitate to recommend it. But the Common- 
 wealth Convention was composed of picked 
 men, and some of the debates notably those 
 of March 1 1 of the present year on the pro- 
 visions for a deadlock between the two 
 Houses, and of March 18 on the Common- 
 wealth Bill as a whole are at a far higher 
 average level than are the debates in the 
 Imperial Parliament. Those who desire to 
 acquaint themselves with the lives of the 
 statesmen of Australia and New Zealand 
 will find them recorded in Mr. Philip 
 Mennell's "Dictionary of Australasian 
 Biography." For light literature Mrs. 
 148
 
 HOW TO STUDY THE EMPIRE 
 
 Campbell Praed's "Australian Life," and, 
 indeed, her Queensland novels, may be 
 recommended ; as well as " Uncle Piper of 
 Piper's Hill," by the lady who wrote under 
 the name of "Tasma," the late Madame 
 Couvreur, the Times' correspondent at 
 Brussels. 
 
 New Zealand has a large literature, from 
 which I would select, for the former state 
 of things, "Old New Zealand," by "A 
 Pakeha Maori " ; and the New Zealand 
 chapters of my own " Greater Britain " the 
 only part of that book, in the author's 
 opinion, now worth reading, so greatly have 
 things changed since 1868, when it was 
 published, or 1866-7, when it was written. 
 For the present state of things in New 
 Zealand the best thing to see is a little book 
 in " The Story of the Empire " Series by the 
 Hon. W. P. Reeves, the present Agent- 
 General and late Minister for Labour, or his 
 "The Long White Cloud; Ao Tea Roa." 
 
 For South Africa I should advise the 
 reading of Greswell's "Our South African 
 149
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 Empire " and of Keane's " South Africa," in 
 Stanford's Compendium. The greatest of 
 Colonial novels belongs to British South 
 Africa Olive Schreiner's "African Farm." 
 
 If it is thought that I have picked out, 
 on the whole, a somewhat serious class of 
 volume, I must throw the responsibility 
 upon the Editor; because, in his letter, 
 although he .alludes to reading for "young" 
 Englishmen, he refers to "study" of the 
 Empire. The young generally choose their 
 light literature for themselves; but, of 
 course, Elizabethan adventure and early 
 American adventure are largely represented 
 in the favourite light literature of the day, 
 as are the fortunes of the British Navy. 
 The question as put to me by the Editor 
 hardly includes political discussion of the 
 future of the Empire. It may, however, be 
 worth adding that the best things that have 
 been penned upon the side of Imperial 
 Federation are the writings of Mr. Parkin. 
 I, myself, have always inclined to caution in 
 this matter, for the reasons which I have 
 150
 
 HOW TO STUDY THE EMPIRE 
 
 stated in Part VII. of " Problems of Greater 
 Britain," which deals with " Future Relations 
 between the Mother Country and the 
 Remainder of the Empire." 
 
 By way of summary let me recommend 
 those who do not desire so large a body of 
 reading as I have suggested, to turn to Mr. 
 Hugh Egerton's "Colonial Policy," first 
 named ; and to the books of Mr. Spenser 
 Wilkinson.
 
 ST. PIERRE AND MIQUELON 
 Note on words ttsed at /. 48 which maybe misunderstood. 
 
 THE Rev. M. Harvey, and a more recent writer in his The 
 Tenth Island, are unfortunately wrong in thinking that we can 
 now stand on the letter of any Treaty or on the words of the 
 Treaty of 1763, and in view of their statements my own words 
 need explanation. It must be remembered that the islands 
 after their cession in 1763 were again taken by us, and again 
 ceded (in 1783). On the latter occasion the words of the Treaty 
 of 1763 were not repeated, aiid the naked cession of the islands 
 was one of the grounds on which Lord Shelburne's minis- 
 try was upset by Fox and others, and a vote of censure on 
 them, for concluding the Treaty, carried in the House of Com- 
 mons. Had the approval of the Treaty by Parliament been 
 necessary under the constitution of this country, it would not 
 have been obtained. St. Pierre and Miquelon, in the 103 years 
 from 1713 to 1816, were for seventy-eight years British, and 
 for only twenty-five years French ; fifteen of these years under 
 the Treaty of 1763. During the other ten years the French 
 acted on the spirit of the French King's declaration, which is 
 the subject of my remarks on p. 49. If we are in any degree 
 to uphold the spirit of our own King's declaration and to go, 
 as we have always gone, beyond the letter of the Treaties, it 
 is obvious that we ought to resent any violation of the spirit of 
 the French King's declaration, and of his acceptance of the prin- 
 ciples laid down in the declaration of His Britannic Majesty. 
 By our own declaration, accepted by the French, the islands were 
 to be a " shelter " for their fishermen. The French King, in his 
 declaration, ridiculed the notion that trouble could arise out 
 of his occupation for this purpose of the two islands. But my 
 belief, that fortification of St. Pierre and Miquelon is a violation 
 of the Declarations, is contrary to the opinion entertained at 
 the time, and I must not press it. 
 
 152
 
 INDEX 
 
 ADEN, portion of Presidency of 
 
 Bombay, 16 
 Africa, 100 
 
 Colonies in, various govern- 
 ments, I O2 
 Colonies of West Coast, 
 
 101, 113 
 
 French activity in, 100 
 Future prospects of, 1 1 1 
 West Africa Frontier Force, 
 
 12 
 
 (See British Central Africa 
 Protectorate, British East 
 Africa, etc.) 
 Agra 
 
 pearl mosque of, 31 
 Taj, the, 31 
 
 Algeria, Government of, 7 
 Alsace, attitude of inhabitants 
 
 towards France, 40 
 Ameer of Afghanistan a popular 
 
 ruler, 26 
 
 American Colonies and taxa- 
 tion for Imperial purposes, 
 
 133 
 
 Ascension, Island of, under the 
 Admiralty, 16, 102 
 
 Australasia 
 
 Federal Council, 71, 74 
 Militia, 131 
 Position of, 6 
 Australia 
 
 and British power, 70 
 Books recommended on, 
 
 147, 148 
 Commonwealth Bill, 72, 
 
 76,84 
 
 Western, attitude towards 
 Commonwealth Bill, So, 
 
 83 
 
 Australian Colonies, attitude 
 towards maintenance of British 
 fleet, 45 
 
 Australian Colonies local fleet, 12 
 Author (Sir Charles Dilke) 
 Adult Suffrage Bill, 94 
 On Newfoundland Act 
 (1891), 60 
 
 D 
 
 Ballance Administration, New 
 Zealand, 88 
 
 Barbadoes, 123 
 
 Barton and Federal Pro- 
 tectionists, 82 
 
 153
 
 INDEX 
 
 Bermuda, 130 
 Bolan Pass, 17 
 Brassey, Hon. T. A., on British 
 
 Navy, 128 
 British Borneo, Curiosities of 
 
 Government, 117 
 British Central Africa Pro- 
 tectorate, 103 
 
 British Colonies (set Colonies) 
 British Columbia, minerals in, 45 
 British East Africa 
 
 Foreign Office army in, 12 
 Protectorate, no northern 
 
 frontier, 108 
 British Empire 
 
 Area, population, revenue, I 
 Books recommended on, 
 
 145, 146 
 
 Component parts of, 6 
 Goldfields, 2 
 
 Influence of laws and race, 5 
 Naval Supremacy, 12 
 Productions, 2 
 Schemes for closer union, 
 
 11,143 
 
 British Guiana, development of, 
 
 114, 121 
 
 British Honduras, 121 
 British Naval Supremacy, 127 
 British New Zealander, cha- 
 racteristics, 98 
 British North Borneo Company, 
 
 117, 119 
 
 British rule in India uniform, 21 
 British Somaliland under Aden, 
 
 16 
 British South Africa Company, 
 
 117 
 Brunei, Sultanate of, 119 
 
 California, discovery of surface 
 
 gold in, 44 
 Canada 
 
 Books recommended on, 147 
 Decrease of friction between 
 Roman Catholics and Pro- 
 testants in, 42 
 Defence of Naval base of 
 
 Esquimalt, 130 
 Military service in, 43 
 Mineral wealth, 35, 44 
 Roman Catholic Church in 
 
 French Canada, 41 
 Territory and resources, 5 
 Two dominant peoples in, 33 
 United Empire Loyalists in, 
 
 33 
 Canada and United States, trade 
 
 between, 137, 138 
 Cape Colony, 104 
 
 Governor of, his powers, 
 too 
 
 Mainly Dutch, 104 
 Ofter of ironclad, 13 
 Cape of Good Hope, 16 
 Carib Sea, cradle of British 
 
 Navy, 123 
 Central Africa Protectorate, 
 
 Foreign Office army in, 12 
 Ceylon 
 
 Coffee and tea trade of, 119 
 Contribution to defence of 
 
 Empire, 131 
 Government of, 15 
 Chamberlain, Right Hon. J. 
 On tariff union with 
 Colonies, 135
 
 INDEX 
 
 Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. contd. 
 
 Speech at Canada Club, 140 
 
 Speech on commercial 
 
 union throughout Empire, 
 
 140, 142 
 
 Chartered companies, 117 
 Churchill, Lord Randolph, in- 
 creases white army in India, 20 
 Colonial Office military forces, 12 
 Colonies 
 
 Defence of, 127, 129 
 Government of, 6, 15 
 (See also Crown Colonies 
 
 and different titles) 
 Commonwealth of Australia Bill 
 (1897-1898), 72, 76, 84 
 
 And Senate, 82 
 Congo State, 107, 108, 1 1 1 
 
 Government of, 1 14 
 Crown Colonies, 113 seqq. 
 
 Contribute to cost of army, 
 
 131 
 
 Forms of government, 15 
 
 Cust, Dr., on prospects of 
 
 African Colonies, 114 
 Cyprus, 1 1 6 ; government of, 17 
 
 D 
 
 Dawson, S. E., 147 
 Delhi, pearl mosque of, 31 
 Dominion of Canada(jw Canada) 
 Drake, Sir Francis, 123 
 
 E 
 
 East India Company, 118 
 
 Egerton, Hugh 
 
 " Colonial Policy," 145, 151 
 On British Empire, 8 
 
 Egerton, Hugh continued 
 On Colonial troops, 132 
 On " Greater Britain," 9 
 Quotes Montcaltn on loss of 
 Canada, 70 
 
 Empress of India, 14 
 
 Escott, J. H. S., 146 
 
 Esquimalt, 43, 130 
 
 Falkland Isles, 116 
 
 Federal Council of Australasia, 
 
 7i. 74 
 
 Figaro rendering of Greater 
 
 Britain, 10 
 Fiji, Crown Colony, 71 
 
 and Federal Council of 
 
 Australasia, 71 
 Government of, 15 
 Sugar colony, 3, 121 
 Flourens, M., on " French 
 
 Shore," Newfoundland, 66 
 Foreign Office armies in British 
 East Africa, Uganda, etc., 12 
 Forrest, Sir John, on Common- 
 wealth Bill, 80 
 France, relations with England 
 
 in Africa, 101 
 
 Franklin on special revenue for 
 support of troops in America, 
 
 133 
 
 Free Traders in Australasia, 84 
 French activity in Africa, no 
 French Canadians, attitude 
 
 towards Great Britain, 36, 39 
 French Colonies, 3 ; cost of, 7, 8 
 French Soudan, 7 
 French, the, and Newfoundland, 
 
 46 seqq. 
 
 155
 
 INDEX 
 
 German Colonies, 3,8 ; in Africa, 
 
 in 
 
 Gibraltar, why held, 6, 116 
 Gladstone, W. E., and British 
 
 North Borneo Company, 117 
 Governor of Cape, his powers, 
 
 100 
 Granville, Earl, and British 
 
 North Borneo Company, 117 
 Greater Britain, first use of 
 
 term, 9 
 Grey, Sir George, Prime 
 
 Minister of New Zealand, 88 
 Guadaloupe, French system of 
 
 government, 125 
 
 H 
 
 Halifax, 43 
 
 As coaling-station, 130 
 
 Harcourt, Sir William, Finance 
 Bill, 78 
 
 Harvey, Hon. [A.W., Newfound- 
 land delegate to England, 49 
 
 Harvey, Rev. Dr. M., 147, 152 
 
 Heligoland ceded to Germany, 
 107 
 
 Hindoo and Mahommedan, 
 religious feuds between, 25 
 
 Hofmeyr, proposal of British 
 cable to Cape, 13 
 
 Hong Kong, government of, 17 
 
 Hudson Bay Company, 118 
 
 Hunter, Sir W. W., 146 
 
 I 
 
 Iddeslcigh, Earl of, protests 
 against erection of French 
 lobster factories, 52 
 
 He de France (sn Mauritius) 
 Imperial British East Africa 
 
 Company, 117 
 Imperial Defence, 127 seqq. 
 
 Preparations desirable for, 
 
 '35. 144 
 Imperial Federation, danger in 
 
 pressing, 137, 143 
 Imperial Service Troops in 
 
 India, 20 
 India 
 
 and Nepal, 105 
 
 British system of governing, 
 14, 18, 21, 27 
 
 Compared with Russian 
 Caucasus and Siberia, 8 
 
 Condition (1898), 19 
 
 Differences between dis- 
 tricts, 25 
 
 Drawback to British rule in, 
 23 
 
 Feudatory states, govern- 
 ment of, 20 
 
 Finance, 19, 23, 28 
 
 Impartiality of British rule 
 not popular, 28 
 
 Native police, 24, 28 
 
 Native rulers' partiality 
 popular, 28 
 
 Native troops, 19 
 
 Religious feuds, 25 
 
 Scenery of, 31 
 
 Theory of equality in, 29 
 
 White Army in, 20 
 
 (See also Native States) 
 
 Jamaica, industries of, 125 
 Jameson Raid, effect of, 104 
 
 I 5 6
 
 INDEX 
 
 Jersey, Earl of, President of Ot- 
 L tawa Conference (1894), 140 
 
 K 
 
 Keane, A. H., 150 
 
 Kimberley, Earl of, attempt to 
 lease strip from Congo State, 
 107 
 
 Kitchener, General, reasserting 
 Khedive's authority, 109 
 
 Knutsford, Lord, on construc- 
 tion of French lobster fac- 
 tories, 53 
 
 Labouchere, Mr. (Secretary), and 
 Newfoundland, 58, 59 
 
 Lagos under Colonial Office, 103 
 
 Lake Nyanza, 106 
 
 Lake Superior district, minerals 
 in, 45 
 
 Lake Tanganyika, 1 06 
 
 Laurier, Sir Wilfrid 
 
 Action on tariff question, 138 
 In Europe (1897), 45 
 
 Liotard Expedition, 109 
 
 Lobster-canning, Newfoundland, 
 53,55 
 
 M 
 
 Madagascar, French action in, 
 
 46 
 Mahommedan and Hindoo, 
 
 religious feuds between, 25 
 Malay Protected States, 116 
 
 Malta, why held, 6, 116 
 Maori women enfranchised, 95 
 Marchand Expedition, 109 
 Martens, de, librarian of Russian 
 
 Foreign Office, 56 
 Martinique, French system of 
 
 governing, 125 
 Mauritius (lie de France) 
 Government of, 15 
 History of, 120 
 Sugar industry, 121 
 Menelik of Ethiopia, 108 
 Mennell, Philip, 148 
 Mill, J. S., Amendment on 
 
 Disraeli's Reform Bill, 94 
 Miquelon ceded to France, 47, 
 
 152 
 
 Montcalm on loss of Canada, 70 
 Murray River, use of waters, 71 
 Mysore, Government of, 20, 25 
 
 N 
 
 Natal intensely British, 104 
 
 Native States (India) 
 
 As fields for administrative 
 
 experiment, 30 
 Diversity of, 21, 22 
 Picturesqueness, 30 
 
 Negro slavery in West Indies, 
 
 122 
 
 New Guinea, 75 
 
 New South Wales and Federal 
 
 Council of Australasia, 72, 75 
 New South Wales, vote on 
 
 Commonwealth Bill, 73, 78 
 New Zealand 
 
 Aboriginal population, 87 
 
 157
 
 INDEX 
 
 New Zealand eontinued 
 Adult suffrage, 87, 94 
 Books recommended on, 149 
 Compulsory Industrial Ar- 
 bitration, 98 
 Crown lands, 92 
 Farm associations, 92 
 Improved farm settle- 
 ments, 93 
 Inhabitants, characteristics, 
 
 98 
 
 Labour legislation, 87, 91 
 Life Insurance department 
 
 of State, 98 
 Natural beauty, 86 
 11 Old New Zealand " by a 
 
 Pakeha Maori, 87, 149 
 Prohibitionists and women 
 
 voters, 96 
 
 Public Trust Office, 98 
 Radical and Labour 
 
 Government, 88 
 Shipping legislation, 91 
 Unlike Australia, 90 
 Variety of climate, 86 
 Village settlements, 92 
 New Zealand and Federal 
 
 Council of Australasia, 7 1 
 New Zealander, British, cha- 
 racteristics of, 98 
 Newfoundland 
 
 Cod-fisheries, 48, 55 
 Fish-trade hampered by 
 
 French law, 125 
 " French Shore," 47, 50, 55, 
 
 61,65 
 
 Government, 50 ; attitude 
 on lobster- fishing ques- 
 tion, 57 
 
 Newfoundland continued 
 Lobster factories, 51 seqq. 
 Men suitable for Naval 
 
 Reserve in, 129 
 Solicited to join Canadian 
 
 Federation, 67 
 Newfoundland Act (fisheries), 
 
 60, 63 
 
 Newfoundland and France, 47 
 Niger, British sphere, develop- 
 ment of, in 
 Niger Company, 117; under 
 
 Foreign Office, 103 
 Nile, White, sphere of influence, 
 101 
 
 Oil Rivers Protectorate under 
 
 Foreign Office, 103 
 "Old New Zealand," by a 
 
 Pakeha Maori, 87, 149 
 Ontario, discovery of gold, 45 
 Orange Free State, Dutch-Afri- 
 kander Republic, 105 
 
 And British Colonies, partial 
 customs - union between, 
 
 137 
 
 Ottawa Conference (1894), 140 
 
 Palmerston, Viscount, and New- 
 foundland, 58 
 
 Paris, Treaty of (1763), and 
 Newfoundland, 47 
 
 Paris, Treaty of (1814), and 
 Newfoundland, 49 
 
 I 5 8
 
 INDEX 
 
 Parkin, G. R., 150 
 
 Penn, proposed Imperial Con- 
 gress, 132 
 
 Protectionist Colonies and manu- 
 factures of Great Britain, 136 
 
 Quebec, Province of, 39, 41 
 Queensland, attitude towards 
 
 Commonwealth Bill, 80 
 Quetta, 17 
 
 R 
 
 Raleigh, Sir Walter, 123 
 Reeves, Hon. W. P., books on 
 
 New Zealand, 88, 149 
 Reid, Right Hon. T., attitude 
 towards Commonwealth Bill, 
 73, 74, 82 
 
 Rhodes, Right Hon. Cecil, pro- 
 jects in South Africa, 106 
 Ripon, Marquis of 
 
 Attitude on Newfoundland 
 French lobster - fishing, 
 62,63 
 Despatch on foreign trade 
 
 (1895), Mi 
 Rosebery, Earl of, attempt to 
 
 lease strip from Congo State, 
 
 107 
 Russia, dominions and position, 
 
 4 
 
 Russian Caucasus and Siberia 
 compared with India, 8 
 
 St. Helena, 102 
 
 St. Lawrence River, 131 
 
 St. Lucia as coaling station, 124 
 
 St. Pierre ceded to France, 47, 
 
 152 
 
 Salisbury, Marquis of- 
 Attitude on Newfoundland 
 French lobster - fishing, 
 S4,6o 
 Convention of July, 1890, 
 
 107 
 
 Sarawak, protected kingdom,! 19 
 
 Schreiner, Olive, 150 
 
 Seddon, Right Hon. R., and 
 miners of South Island, New 
 Zealand, 89 
 
 Siam, French in, 46 
 
 Singapore 
 
 Contribution to defence, 13 1 
 Naval base, 116 
 
 Socotra, dependency of Aden, 
 102 
 
 Somaliland Protectorate, 102 
 
 Soudan, French, 7 
 
 South Africa, books recom- 
 mended on, 149-50 
 
 South African Republic (see 
 Transvaal) 
 
 South Australia 
 
 Adult Suffrage in, 81 
 Vote on Commonwealth 
 Bill, 72 
 
 Stanford's Compendium, 147, 150 
 
 Sultanate of Brunei, 1 19 
 
 Switzerland, three races in, 38 
 
 Sydney and federal tariff, 83 
 
 Taj, architecture of the, 31 
 Tasmania, 91 ; vote on Com- 
 monwealth Bill, 72 
 
 159
 
 INDEX 
 
 Transvaal, 2 
 
 Dutch-Afrikander State, 
 
 105 
 Effect of gold discoveries in, 
 
 44 
 
 Foreign element in, 106 
 Trinidad, 124 
 Tunis, 46 
 
 U 
 Uganda 
 
 And Foreign Office, 103 
 Foreign Office Army in, 12 
 Money spent on railroad to, 
 
 "3 
 United Empire Loyalists, 
 
 Canada, 33 
 "United Kingdom" excludes 
 
 India and Crown Colonies, 
 
 U6 
 
 United States- 
 Military Service in, 43 
 Territory and wealth, 4 
 
 United States and Canada 
 Comparison between, 34 
 Trade between, 137, 138 
 
 United States and West Indies, 
 122, 124 
 Reciprocity trade between, 
 
 37 
 
 Upper Canada, 40 
 Utrecht, Treaty of, and New- 
 foundland, 47, 56, 65 
 
 Versailles, Treaty of, and New- 
 foundland, 48 
 
 Victoria 
 
 Effect of gold discoveries 
 
 in, 44 
 Vote on Commonwealth 
 
 Bill, 72, 83 
 
 W 
 Walker, Sir Baldwin, action in 
 
 Newfoundland, 59 
 West Africa Frontier Force, 12 
 West Coast of Africa, four 
 
 Crown Colonies, lot 
 West Indies 
 
 Government of, 15 
 
 Negro Slavery in, 122 
 
 Populations, 123 
 
 Productions and trade, 
 
 121, 124 
 
 Prospects of, 122, 126 
 
 Sugar industry, 3, 12 1 
 
 West Indies and United States, 
 
 reciprocity trade between, 137 
 Western Australia, attitude 
 
 towards Commonwealth Bill, 
 
 80, 83 
 White Nile Sphere of Influence, 
 
 101 
 Wilkinson, Spencer, his books 
 
 recommended, 146, 151 
 
 Zambesi River, IOO, 103, 106 
 Zanzibar, Sultan of, dominions, 
 IOI 
 
 Zollverein, proposals for, 140, 
 141 
 
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 Dr; Pascal. 
 
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 Rachel Deue. | Matt. 
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 Ehadow of the Sword. 
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 Love Me for Ever. 
 Foxglove Manor. 
 The ManUrcftHe Mine. 
 Annan Water. 
 
 By BUCHANAN and MURRAY 
 The Charlatan. 
 
 By HALL CAINE. 
 
 The Shadow or a Crime. I Th Deemster. 
 A Son of Bagar. 
 
 By Commander CAMERON. 
 
 The Crune of the 'Black Prince ' 
 
 By HAYDEN CARRUTH. 
 
 The Adventurtc of Jonei. 
 
 By AUSTIN CLARE. 
 
 For the Love of a Lxis. 
 
 By Mrs. ARCHER CLIVE. 
 
 Paul Pen-oil. 
 
 Why Paul Ferroll Killed hU Wife. 
 
 By MACLAREN COBBAN. 
 
 The Cure of Souls. | The Eel guitan. 
 
 By C. ALLSTON COLLINS. 
 
 The Bar Sinister. 
 
 By MORT. & FRANCES COLLINS. 
 
 Sweet Anne Page. 
 Transmigration. 
 From Mjdulght to Mid 
 
 nu-ht. 
 A Fight with Fortune. 
 
 By WILKIE COLLINS. 
 
 Sweet and Twenty. 
 The Village Comedy. 
 Yon Play me Falsa. 
 Blacksmith and Scholar 
 Frances. 
 
 Armadilr. , AIUrDark. 
 
 No Name. 
 
 Antonina. 
 
 Basil. 
 
 Bide and Seek. 
 
 The Dead Secret. 
 
 Queen of Hearts. 
 
 Hits or Mrs. T 
 
 Tha New Magdalen. 
 
 The Frozen Deep. 
 
 The Law and the Lady 
 
 The Two Destinies. 
 
 The Haunted Hotel. 
 
 A Rogue i Life. 
 
 By M. J. COLQUHOUN. 
 Every Inch a Soldier. 
 
 By DUTTON COOK. 
 
 Leo. I Paul Foster i Daughter. 
 
 By C. EGBERT CRAUDOCK. 
 
 The Prophet of the Great Smoky Mountains. 
 
 By MATT CRIM. 
 The Adventures of a Fair Rebel. 
 
 By B. M. CROKER. 
 
 My Miscellanies. 
 The Woman In White. 
 The Moonstone. 
 Man and Wife. 
 Poor Miss Finch. 
 The Fallen Leaves. 
 Jezebel's Daughter. 
 The Black Robe. 
 Heart and Selene*. 
 ISay Nol 1 
 The Evil Oenlus. 
 Little Hovels. 
 Legacy of Cain. 
 Blind Love. 
 
 Village Tain and Jungle 
 
 Tragedies. 
 Two Misters. 
 Mr. J-rrit. 
 The Real Lady Hilda. 
 Married or fainjle 7 
 
 Pretty Ml>s Neville. 
 
 Diana Harrington. 
 
 To Let. 
 
 A Bird of Pasiag*. 
 
 Proper Pride. 
 
 A family Likeness. 
 
 By W. CYPLES. 
 
 Hearts of Oold. 
 
 By ALPHONSE DAUOET. 
 
 The Evangelist: or, I'ort Salvation. 
 
 By ERASMUS DAWSON. 
 Tb Fountain of Youth. 
 
 By JAMES DB MILLE. 
 
 A Castle in Spain 
 
 By J. LEITH DERWCNT. 
 
 Omr Lady of Tears, | Circe Let tit 
 
 By DICK DONOVAN. 
 
 The Man-Hunter. 
 
 Tracked and Taken. 
 
 Caught at Last I 
 
 W.intr.i 
 
 Who Poisoned Betty 
 
 Duncan ? 
 
 Man from Manchester. 
 A Detectives Trlu nphs 
 
 In the Grip of the Law. 
 From Information Re- 
 ceived. 
 
 Tracked to Doom. 
 Link by Link 
 Suspicion Aroused. 
 Dark Derdi 
 Riddles Reid. 
 
 The Myitery of Jamaica Terrace. 
 The Chronicles of Michael Danevitch. 
 
 By Mrs. ANNIE EDWARDEs. 
 
 A Point of Honour. | Archie Lo . 
 
 By M. BETHAM-EDWARDb. 
 
 Felicia. | Kitty. 
 
 By EDWARD EQQLESTON. 
 Roxy. 
 
 By O. MANVILLE FENN. 
 
 The New Mistress. I The Tiger Li'r 
 
 Witness to the Deed. | The White Virgin. 
 
 By PERCY FITZGERALD. 
 
 Bella Donna. Second Mrs. Ti'ioUon. 
 
 Never Forgotten. Seventy - nve Brooke 
 
 Polly. Street. 
 
 Fatal Zero. The Lady of Braatom*. 
 
 By P. FITZGERALD and others. 
 
 Strange Secrets. 
 
 By ALBANY DE FONBLANQUE. 
 
 Filthy Lucre. 
 
 By R. E. PRANCILLON. 
 
 King or Knave T 
 Romances of the Law. 
 Ropes of Sand. 
 A Dog and hii Bhadow. 
 
 Olympla. 
 Cue by One. 
 A Real Queen. 
 Queen Cophetu*. 
 
 By HAROLD FREDERIC 
 
 Seth's Brothers Wife. I The Lawton Girl. 
 Prefaced by Sir BARTLE FKERH. 
 
 Pandurang Earl. 
 
 By EDWARD GARRETT. 
 
 The Capel Girls. 
 
 By GILBERT GAUL. 
 
 A Strange Manuscript. 
 
 By CHARLES GIBBON. 
 
 Eobln Gray. In Honour Bound. 
 
 Fancy Free. ! Flower of the Forest. 
 
 For Lack of Gold. The Braes of Yarrow. 
 
 The Golden Shaft. 
 
 Of High Degree. 
 
 By Mead and Stream. 
 
 Loving a Dream. 
 
 A Hard Knot. 
 
 Hearfs Delight. 
 
 Blood-Money. 
 
 In Love and War. 
 For the King. 
 In Pastures Green. 
 Queen of the Meadow. 
 A Heart's Problem. 
 The Dead Heart. 
 
 By WILLIAM GILBERT. 
 
 Dr. Austin's Guests. I The Wizard of the 
 James Duke. | Mountain. 
 
 By ERNEST GLANVILLE. 
 
 The Lo*t Heiresi. I The Fossicker. 
 
 A Fair Colonist. 
 
 By Rev. S. BARING GOULD. 
 
 Red Spider. , tve. 
 
 By HENRY GREVILLE. 
 
 A Noble Woman. | Nlkanor. 
 
 By CECIL GRIFFITH. 
 
 Corlnthla Marazioa. 
 
 By SYDNEY GRUNDV. 
 
 The Days of his Vanity. 
 
 By JOHN HABBERTON. 
 
 Brueton i Bayou. | Country Lack 
 
 By ANDREW HALLIDAY. 
 Every-day Papers. 
 
 Bv THOMAS HARDY. 
 
 Under tht Oreeawoei Tree),
 
 CHATTO & WINDUS, Publishers, in 5t. Martin's Lane, London, W.C. 31 
 
 TWO-SHILLING NOVELS continued. 
 By JULIAN HAWTHORNE. 
 
 Beatrix Randolph. 
 
 Love or a Name. 
 
 David Poindexter's Dis- 
 appearance. 
 
 The Spectre of the 
 Camera. 
 
 Garth. 
 
 ElMce Qnentln. 
 
 Fortune Fool. 
 
 Miss Cadogna. 
 
 Sebastian Strom*. 
 
 Dust. 
 
 By Sir ARTHUR HELPS. 
 
 Ivan de Blron. 
 
 By Q. A. HENTY. 
 
 F.ujub the Juggler. 
 
 By HENRY HERMAN. 
 A Leading Lady. 
 
 By HEADON HILL. 
 
 Zambra the Detective. 
 
 By JOHN HILL. 
 
 Treason Felony. 
 
 By Mrs. CASHEL HOEY. 
 
 The Lover's Creed. 
 
 By Mr*. GEORGE HOOPER. 
 
 The House of Kaby. 
 
 By Mrs. HUNQERFORD. 
 
 The Three Graces. 
 Unsatisfactory Lover. 
 Lady Patty. 
 Nora Crelna. 
 The Professor's Experi- 
 ment. 
 
 A Maiden all Forlorn. 
 
 In Durance Vile. 
 
 KarveL 
 
 A Mental Struggle. 
 
 A Modern Circe. 
 
 Lady Verner's Flight. 
 
 Tue Bed House Mystery 
 
 By Mrs. ALFRED HUNT. 
 
 Thornlcroft's Model. I Self-Condemned. 
 That Other Person. | The Leaden Casket. 
 
 By WM. JAMESON. 
 
 My Dead Self. 
 
 By HARRIETT JAY. 
 
 The Dark Colleen. | Queen of Connaught. 
 
 By MARK KERSHAW. 
 
 Colonial Facts and Fictions. 
 
 By R. ASHE KING. 
 
 A Drawn Game. 
 
 'The Wearing of the 
 
 Passion s Slave. 
 Bell Barry. 
 
 Green.' 
 
 By EDMOND LEPELLETIER. 
 
 I.Iidauie Sans Gene. 
 
 By JOHN LEYS. 
 
 The Lindsays. 
 
 By E. LYNN LINTON. 
 
 Patricia Kemball 
 T.re World Well Lost. 
 V nder which Lord? 
 PII j'.on Carew. 
 My Lovel' 
 
 With a Silken Thread. 
 
 By HENRY W. LUCY. 
 
 Gideon Fleyce. 
 
 By JUSTIN MCCARTHY. 
 
 Dear Laity Diadain. 
 Waterdale f:ei- p hbour. 
 My Enemy's Daughter. 
 
 Donna Quixote. 
 Maid of Aliiens. 
 The Comet of a Season. 
 
 A Fair Saxon. The Dictator. 
 
 I in'ey Roch'ord. Rei Diamonds. 
 
 Miss Misanthrope. The Riddle Rice. 
 
 Camiolu. 
 
 By HUGH MACCOLL. 
 Kr. Stranger's Sealed Packet. 
 
 By GEORQE MACDONALD. 
 Heather and Snow. 
 
 By AQNES MACDONELL. 
 Quaker Cousins. 
 
 By KATHARINE S. MACQUOID. 
 The Evil Eye. | Lost Rose. 
 
 By W. H. MALLOCK. 
 A Romance of the Mia*- 1 The New Republic, 
 teenth Century. | 
 
 By J. MASTERMAN. 
 
 Half a dozen Daughters. 
 
 By BRANDER MATTHEWS. 
 
 A Secret of the Sea. 
 
 By L. T. MEADE. 
 A Soldier of Fortune. 
 
 By LEONARD MERRICK. 
 The Man who wai Good. 
 
 By JEAN MIDDLE.MASS. 
 Touch and So. | Mr. Doriltlon. 
 
 By Mrs. MOLESWORTH. 
 Hathercourt Rectory. 
 
 By J. E. MUDDOCK. 
 
 Stories Weird and Won- I From the Bosom of the 
 
 derlul. I Deep. 
 
 The Dead Man's Secret. I 
 
 By D. CHRISTIE MURRAY. 
 
 The Atonement of Learn 
 
 Dtmdas. 
 
 Rebel of the Family. 
 Sowing the Wind. 
 The One Too Many. 
 Dulcie Everton. 
 
 A Bit of Human Nature. 
 First Person Singular. 
 Bob Martin s LlttleOlrL 
 Time s Revenges. 
 A Waited Crime. 
 In Direst Peril. 
 Mount Despair. 
 A Capful o Nail*. 
 
 A Model Father. 
 
 Joseph's Coat. 
 
 Coa's of Fire. 
 
 Va! Strange. I Hearts. 
 
 Old Blazer's Hero. 
 
 The Way of the World. 
 
 Cynic Fortune. 
 
 A Life s Atonement. 
 
 By ihe Gate of the Sea. 
 
 By MURRAY and HERMAN. 
 
 One Traveller Returns. I The Bishops' Bible. 
 Paul Jones's Alias. | 
 
 By HENRY MURRAY. 
 A Game of Bln3. I A Song of Sixpence. 
 
 By HUME NISBET. 
 
 Bail Up I ' I Dr.Bernard St. Vincent. 
 
 By W. E. NORRI5. 
 
 Saint Ann's. 
 
 By ALICE O'HANLON. 
 
 The Unforeseen. | Chance 7 or Fate t 
 
 By GEORGES OHNET. 
 
 Dr Rameau. I A Weird ulft. 
 
 A Last Love. 
 
 By Mrs. OLIPHANT. 
 
 WMteladies. I The Greatest Heiress la 
 
 Ti-e Primrose Path. I England. 
 
 By Mrs. ROBERT O'REILLY. 
 
 Phcebe s Fortunes. 
 
 By OUIDA. 
 
 Held In Bondage. ; T.vo Lit. Wooden Shoes 
 
 Strathmore. 
 
 Chandos. 
 
 Idalia. 
 
 Under Two Flags. 
 
 Cecil CastJemaine sGago 
 
 Moths. 
 
 Birabl. 
 
 fipistrello. 
 
 A Village Commune. 
 
 Waada. 
 
 Tricotrm. Othmv 
 
 Puck. Frescoes. 
 
 Folle Farlne. Li Maremma. 
 
 A Dog of Flanders. Gullderoy. 
 
 Pa.scarel. Ruffino. 
 
 Su'na. Syr'iin. 
 
 P:-iU'-en Napraxine. SiniH Barbara. 
 
 In a Winter City. T-u Offt nj Jrs. 
 
 Au-i'l-if. Ouidu Wisdom, Wit, 
 
 Ft-cndshlp. and Pathos. 
 
 By MARGARET AGNES PAUL. 
 
 Geiitie and Simple. 
 
 By EDGAR A. POE. 
 The Mystery of Marie Rocet. 
 
 By Mrs. CAMPBELL PRAED. 
 
 The Romance of a Station. 
 The Soul of Countess Adnaa. 
 Oat 1 aw and Lawmaker. 
 Christina Chard. | Mrs. TregaskUs. 
 
 By E. C. PRICt. 
 
 Valentiaa. I Mrs, Lancaster I 
 
 The Foreigners. | Gr-i.i'.d 
 
 By RICHARD PRYCE. 
 Miss Harwell s Affection*.
 
 CHATTO ft WINDUS. Publisher*, in St. Martin*. Lne. London. W.C. 
 
 TWO-SHILLING NOVKI.S continued. 
 By JAMES PAYN. 
 
 Rentlnck's Tutor. 
 
 Murphy's Muter. 
 
 A County Family. 
 
 At Her Mercy. 
 
 Cecil* Tryt. 
 
 The Clyffards of Clyffe. 
 
 The Fitter Brothers. 
 
 Found Dead. 
 
 The Beit of Hnnbauds. 
 
 Walter 1 * Word. 
 
 H.Uves. 
 
 Fallen Fortunes. 
 
 Humorous Stone*. 
 
 f200 Reward. 
 
 A Marine Residence. 
 
 Mirk Abbey 
 
 By Proxy. 
 
 Under One Roof. 
 
 Hlch Spirit* 
 
 Carlyon Year. 
 
 From Exile. 
 
 For Caah Only. 
 
 Kit. 
 
 The Canon i Wrd 
 
 The Talk of the Town. 
 Holiday Tail*. 
 A Perfect Treasure. 
 What H Coit Her. 
 A Confidential Agent, 
 (slow-worm Tales. 
 The Burnt Million. 
 Sunny Stories. 
 Lost Sir Mastmgbtrd. 
 A Woman's Vengeance. 
 The Family Scapegrace. 
 Gwendoline s Harvest. 
 Like Father. Like Son. 
 Married Beneath Him. 
 Not Wooed, but Won. 
 Less Black than We re 
 
 Painted. 
 
 Borne Private Views. 
 A Grape from & Thorn. 
 The Mystery or Mir- 
 
 bridge. 
 
 The Word and th Will. 
 A Prince of tae Blood. 
 A Trylns Patient. 
 
 By CHARLES READE. 
 
 It Is Never Too Lt to 
 
 Mend. 
 
 Christie Johr.stone. 
 The Donble Marrlara. 
 Fat Yourself in His 
 
 Place 
 Love Ma Little, Love 
 
 Me Lone. 
 The Cloister and the 
 
 Hearth. 
 The Course of True 
 
 Love. 
 The Jilt. 
 The Autobiography of 
 
 a Tlr..-' 
 
 By Mrs. J. H. RIDDELL. 
 
 The Uninhibited Rons*. 
 Ihe Mystery in Palace 
 
 GardAnc. 
 The Nun's Curs*. 
 Idle Talc 
 
 Weird Stories. 
 
 Fair ^ Water. 
 
 Her Mother s Darling. 
 
 The Prince of Wales s 
 Garden Party. 
 
 By AMELIE RIVES. 
 
 Barbara Dermz. 
 
 By F. W. ROBINSON. 
 
 Women are Stranze. I Th Woman in the Dtrk 
 
 The Hand* of Justice. 
 
 By JAMES RUNCIMAN. 
 
 Skippers and Shellbacks. I Schools and Scholars. 
 
 Grace Balmaign s Sweetheart. 
 
 By W. CLARK RUSSELL. 
 
 Round the Galley Fire. , An Ocean Tragedy. 
 
 On the Fo k sle Head. " * 
 
 In ihe Middle Watch. 
 
 A Voyage to the C*pe. 
 
 A Book for the Han- 
 mock. 
 
 The Mystery of the 
 Ocean Star ' 
 
 The Romance of Jenny The Cinvict Ship. 
 Hirlowe. 
 
 Bv DORA RUSSELL, 
 
 A Coun'ry Sweetheart. 
 
 By GEORGE AUGUSTUS SALA. 
 Gaslight and Daylliht 
 
 By GEORGE R. SIMS. 
 
 My Shipmate Louisa. 
 Alone onWirfeWide 8. 
 Th Good Ship -Ko- 
 
 bock.' 
 
 The Phan'-om Death. 
 Is He the Man. 
 Hfa-tof Oak. 
 
 Tbe Hin* o Brlls 
 Mary Janes Memoir*. 
 Mary Jaoe Married. 
 Tales of To day. 
 Dramas of Life. 
 Tmklelop's Criina. 
 UyTwoWivei 
 
 Zepn. 
 
 Memoirs of a Landlady. 
 Scenes from the Show. 
 The 10 Commandment*. 
 Dagonet Abroad. 
 Rogues and Vagabond*. 
 
 By ARTHUR SKETCHLEY. 
 A lUtci In the Dark. 
 
 By HAWLEY SMART. 
 
 Without Love or Licence. I The P'cngar. 
 Beatrice and Benedick. Lone OUdi. 
 Ihe Mastevof RathkUv. I 
 
 A Terrible Temptation. 
 Foul Play. 
 
 The Wandering Heir. 
 Hard Cash. 
 Slngleheartand Doublf 
 
 tec*. 
 Good Stories of Man and 
 
 other Animals. 
 Pet; Womnjton, 
 Griffith Gaunt. 
 A Perilous Secret. 
 A Simpleton. 
 Rcadiana. 
 A Woman Eater. 
 
 By T. W. SPEIGHT. 
 
 The Mysteries of Heron 
 
 Dyke. 
 
 The Golden Hoop. 
 Hoodwinked. 
 By Devious Way*. 
 
 Back to Ufa. 
 
 The LoudwaterTraf edy. 
 
 Bnrgo* Romance. 
 
 Quittance to Fall. 
 
 A Husband from the Sea 
 
 By ALAN ST. AUBYN. 
 
 Orchard Damerel. 
 
 In the Face of the WOT' 4. 
 
 The Tremlett Diamonds. 
 
 A Fellow of Trinity. 
 Tne Junior Dean. 
 Ma-terof St.Benedlct* 
 To Hi* Own Muter. 
 
 By R. A. STERNDALE. 
 
 The Afghan Knife. 
 
 By R. LOUIS STEVENSON. 
 
 Haw Arabian Night*. 
 
 By BERTHA THOMAS. 
 
 Cresslda. I The Violin Player. 
 
 Proud Malsi*. 
 
 By WALTER THORNBURY. 
 
 Tale* for the Marine*. I Old Stories Retold. 
 
 By T. ADOLPHUS TROLLOPE. 
 
 Diamond Cut Diamond. 
 
 By F. ELEANOR TROLLOPE. 
 
 Like Ship* upon the I Anne Furness. 
 Saa. | Mabel's Progress. 
 
 By ANTHONY TROLLOPE. 
 
 Frau Frohmann. 
 Mi. ion FA/. 
 Kept in the Dark. 
 John Culdiirate. 
 The Way We Live Now. 
 
 The Land Leaguer*. 
 The American Senator. 
 Mr. Scarborough's 
 
 Family. 
 GoldenLkmofGranper* 
 
 By J. T. TROWBR1DGE. 
 
 Farncll s Folly. 
 
 By IVAN TURGENIEFF, Ac. 
 
 Stories from Foreign Nova 1st*. 
 
 By MARK TWAIN. 
 
 A Pleasure Trip on the ~ 
 
 Continent. 
 Tbe Oiliied Are. 
 Huckleberry Finn. 
 MtrkTwain s Sketches. 
 Tom Sawyer. 
 A Tramp Abroad. 
 Stolen White Elephant. 
 
 By C. C. FRASER-TYTLER. 
 
 Mistress Judith. 
 
 Ufa ou the Mississippi. 
 The Princa and the 
 
 Pauper. 
 A Yankee at the Court 
 
 of King Arthur. 
 The 1.000,000 Bank- 
 
 Note. 
 
 By SARAH TYTLER. 
 
 The Huguenot Family. 
 The Btackhall Short*. 
 What SheCame Through 
 Beauty and the Beast. 
 
 Citoyecne Jacqueline. 
 
 The Bride * Pan. 
 Buried Diamond*. 
 St. Muru-o s City. 
 Lady BU. 
 Noblesse Oblige. 
 Disappeared, 
 
 By ALLEN UPWARD. 
 
 Tie Qaaanagaln.it Owen. | Prince of Balklslan. 
 'Gol Sav* the Queen I' 
 
 By AARON WATSON and LILLIAS 
 
 WASSHRMANN. 
 
 The Marquis of Cirabas. 
 
 By WILLIAM WESTALL. 
 
 Trust-Money. 
 
 By Mrs. F. H. WILLIAMSON. 
 
 A Child Widow. 
 
 By J. S. WINTER. 
 
 Cavalry LIT*. | Regimental Legend*. 
 
 By H. F. WOOD. 
 
 The Passenger from Scotland Yard. 
 To* Englishman of the Rue Gain. 
 By CELIA PARKER WOOI I I Y. 
 
 RacEel Armstrong ; or. Love and TT\rul<>;}. 
 
 By EDMUND YATES. 
 
 The Forlorn Hop*. I Castaway. 
 
 Land at Last. 
 
 By I. ZANGWILL. 
 Ghetto Trarrdlet 
 
 OODEH, bMALF. 
 
 r, LIMITED, PRINTERS. QKEfT SAffRON HILL, B.C.
 
 JV 
 !0 
 
 D5 
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 Santa Barbara 
 
 THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE 
 STAMPED BELOW. 
 
 rrtr 
 
 D1SPLAY PERIOD 
 
 JUN1 1962 
 
 20nt-8,'61 (C2084a4)476
 
 JJ 001 074611 3