LETTERS, MEMOIRS, 
 
 Parliamentary Affairs, 
 STATE PAPERS,^ 
 
 With fome Curious Pieces 
 
 In LAW and PHILOSOPHY. 
 
 Publifh'd from the 
 O R I G I N A L S of the Lord Chancellor BACON, 
 
 By ROBERT STE P H E N S, E% 
 
 Late Historiographer Royal. 
 
 with 
 An Accost of the LIFE of Lord Ba CON. 
 
 - LONDON: 
 Printed for Olive Payne, at Horace's Head in Round Court, 
 oppofice Tork Buildings in the Strand ; 
 And fold by John Brindley at the King's Arms in 
 New Bondjlreet. i73b>
 
 2.208 
 ) 7 3 o<m 
 
 TO THE 
 
 to 
 
 KING. 
 
 v 
 
 Y 
 
 S I R, 
 
 AY Your Majefty be plea- 
 fed to accept thefe re- 
 mains of a noble Author, as they 
 were collected by the care of 
 Your late Hifloriographer ; from 
 one, who efteems it her duty to 
 
 a offer
 
 D EDICATIO N. 
 
 offer them, as he firfl; intended; 
 a publick teftimony of his gra- 
 titude for the honour he enjoyed 
 under Your Moft Sacred Majefty. 
 I am, 
 
 
 May it pleafe Tour Majefty^ 
 Your Majefty 's 
 
 noft humble, 
 
 r 
 
 and moft obedient 
 Subject, and Servant, 
 
 MART STEPHENS.
 
 Ill 
 
 
 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 TJAVING many years pafi tranfcribed from the ori- 
 *- * ginals, fever al Letters and Memoir es of the Lord 
 Bacon, which had never been made publick , and difpofed 
 them with others , in a fieri es of time : I then engaged my 
 J elf to make a fupplement thereto, if I might be obliged 
 with other of his Lord/hip's genuine writings. And to 
 that end, a Gentleman long fince deceafed, gave me the 
 opportunity of copying fome other of his Lord/hip's let- 
 ter s, which had been a part of the former collection: But 
 not having a fiufficient number, and being foon concerned 
 in affairs of another nature, I laid afide all thoughts of 
 troubling my f elf or others in the fame kind, till the Right 
 Honourable the Earl of Oxford was pleafed to put into my 
 hands, fome neglected manufcripts and loofe papers, to fee 
 whether any of the Lord Bacon'* compoftions lay concealed 
 there, that were fit to be publijhed. Upon the perufal, 
 I found fome of them written, and others amended with 
 his Lordjhip's own hand, and believed that all of them had 
 been in the poffefijion of Dr. Rawley, his Lord/hip's Chap- 
 lain, and faithful Editor of many of his Works. I found, 
 that fever al of the Treatifies had been publijhed by him y 
 and that others, certainly genuine, which had not, were 
 fit to be tranfcribed, and fo prejerved, if not divulged. 
 
 About the fame time, a learned and eminent Gentle- 
 man in his profeffion had employed a reverend Divine to 
 
 a 2 reduce
 
 iv PREFACE. 
 
 reduce all the Lord Bacon'* works into jufi Volumes, and 
 print them j as was propofed, in a correct and beautiful 
 manner; and Jbme of them were actually in the Prefs. 
 My chief concern then was, that the original Letters, 
 which I had publifhed with care, might not be printed 
 without my approbation -, and that the Introduction to, and 
 Obfervations on them, might be either fuppreffed, or very 
 much abridged, as improper and unworthy to appear in 
 thofe- Volumes : though in that manual of Letters they ob- 
 tained ?nore pardon from others than from my J elf But I 
 foon perceived that the defign of the Publifher was to pro- 
 cure his own profit, by encreafing the number of the fheets ; 
 rather than the honour of the Author, by retrenching what 
 might be fpurious, or not fit for public k view. And this 
 I prefume will appear, by that Rhapfody with which he 
 has f welled the firjl Volume, under the title of Collections 
 relating to his Lordfhip's Life, and the Account of his 
 Works-, which takes up above two hundred pages in 
 Folio. 
 
 What elfe could induce him to infert therein fever al 
 Letters from Sir Amias Powlet, the Queen s Ambaffador 
 in France, which fills eleven pages: Jince all that concerns 
 Mr. Bacon is, that in two or three of them Sir Amias told 
 the Lord Keeper, that his fon was in good health? 
 
 Was there any reajbn for re-printing the Earl of 
 EflexV Apology , written in vindication of his opinion 
 given to the Queen for continuing the war againfi Spain, 
 which takes up nineteen pages of thofe Collections ? 'The 
 reafon he offers, will hardly be allowed: That, having 
 printed in the fourth volume the Declaration of the Earl 
 ofEffex's treajbn, committed in 1600, he was willing the 
 Apology of \0)%,Jhould be printed, that the defence might 
 go along with the charge. But, admitting there had been 
 any relation between thefe two writings, what occafion 
 was there to publifi the many long Memorials, Affidavits, 
 and Confefjions ; in drawing of which it may be prefumed 
 Mr. Bacon had no hand, though they were annexed to that 
 
 large
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 large Declaration in which he fays he had fome part : All 
 which, having been printed in its proper time,feems now as 
 improperly thrujl in amongjl his Lordfip's Letters, and 
 comprehended in no lefs than Jive fleets ? Was there any 
 reafonfor him to print at large the Trial of Mr. Wreyn- 
 ham in the S tar-Chamber, for pre] en ting a fcandalous pe- 
 tition to the King, againjl the Lord Chancellor Bacon, 
 which takes up twenty two pages ? Whereas the fub fiance 
 might have been related in as few li?ies, and the whole had 
 been printed not long before. 
 
 Would any one, that had confulted the reputation of 
 the Lord Bacon, or indeed his own, have publijhed feve- 
 ral Apophthegms under his Lor dfiip's Name, which hehim- 
 felf as well as Doctor Tenifon, allowed to be fcanda- 
 lous and fpurious ? Thofe which his Lordfiip compiled 
 as an amufement , during his indifpofition in the year 
 1625, were printed in the fame year, amounting to the 
 number of two hundred and eighty : And were not re- 
 printed by Doctor Rawley in the firfi edition of the Re- 
 fufcitatio in 1657 : but, upon the re-publijhing that work, 
 with a dedication to King Charles the fecond, the Book- 
 feller contrived to infert them with fome alteration and 
 additions-, which, inftead of increafing, diminijhed the va- 
 lue of the whole. 
 
 Was it for his Lor dfiip's honour, or any fer vice to man- 
 kind, to publijh his Will, and the Compofition his Admi- 
 niflrators made with his Creditors three years after his 
 death ; by making his Lordpip as bad a computer of his 
 eftate a little before his death, as he had been a collect- 
 or and preferver of money in the former part of his 
 
 Whether it were advi/eable for htm to print at large 
 Dr. Tenifon' s account of the Lord Bacon's works in the 
 mafiner he hath done, and fome fragments and remains, 
 fcarce worthy to have appeared in the body of his works, I 
 Jhall leave others to judge. I am /lire neither he, nor his 
 Bookfciler, had any title to the original Letters and Notes 
 
 whic h
 
 v,i PREFACE. 
 
 which I had publ/Jhed ; and as to the Introduction, it isfo 
 disjointed and mangled, that I may well difown it. 
 
 T'he Publifier has reprejented the care and pains he 
 took in the methodijing and improving his Lordjhifs 
 Letters, Jo that it was a new work. Whereas all the 
 Letters to King James, the Duke of Buckingham, and 
 other perj'ons of quality, were marjhalled to his hands. It 
 is true, thofe written in Queen Elizabeth'* time, and pub- 
 lijhed by Doctor Rawley, were tranfpofed, but perhaps 
 not much to the advantage of the Reader ; and his addi- 
 tion of fx or f even Letters to Mr. Toby Matthews, being 
 of a private nature and doubtful authority, is not very 
 confiderable. Whether the injerting Sir Francis Bacon'* 
 Difcourfe of the Intellectual Powers among ft the Letters, be 
 any improvement of them, he himfelf is doubtful -, but then 
 he is affured he has made honourable amends for that, 
 by correcting Dr. Rawley's edition of it, and alfo the 
 Letter inclqfing it to Sir Henry Saville: For that Let- 
 ter concludes, And fo I commend you to God's pro- 
 tection ; which the Corrector makes, And fo I recommend 
 you. And whereas in the Difcourfe, Volume IV. page 
 586. Doctor Rawley has printed the word (than), the Cor- 
 rector makes it (then) j but to make fenfe in either, the 
 word ought to be (that). Other variations or amend- 
 ments I can find none. But I may have played the Cri- 
 tick too much myfelf and now I Jhall give fome account 
 of my own undertaking, that he and others may, if they 
 leaj'e, criticife upon me. 
 As to my part in the prefent edition, I have endeavoured 
 to make this collection of Letters to the King and the Earl 
 of Buckingham, foon after he became a favourite, as 
 perfect as I could, (though it be not fo perfect as I wijh- 
 ed and hoped for) by adding not only fever al of his 
 Lordflip's Letters, but by injerting many of the Lord 
 Buckingham'* Anjwers thereto, writ with or figned by 
 his own hand, the originals of which are preferved in the 
 Earl of Oxford'* Library. And I have delayed the pub- 
 
 lica-
 
 PREFACE. vii 
 
 lication in hopes of obtaining fome other of the Lord Ba- 
 con'i Letters, or his Regifter of them (a i Tra?ifcript of 
 which he bequeathed to the Bifiop of Lincoln and Sir 
 Humphrey May) being well afjured from a Catalogue I 
 have feen, that Jeveral Latin and French, as well as Eng- 
 lifh Letters, are yet wanting. 
 
 I have concluded the whole with fome genuine Tracts 
 and Fragments of the Lord Bacon's composing, and conji- 
 dering the condition they have long been in, and yet are in, 
 it is more to be admired, that they have been fo long prefer- 
 ved in private hands, than that they are now made pub- 
 lick. But before the Reader enters into the particulars, 
 I have endeavoured to give him a view of his Lordjhifs 
 Life, which may ferve as a fupplement to that written by 
 Doctor Rawley, wherein he declines making any relation 
 of his Lordjhifs cenfure in Parliament, and of his beha- 
 viour during his retirement, other than of his writings. 
 All which are now fit to be hiown, to the end that ju- 
 Jlice may be done his memory-, who, notwithjlanding his 
 defects was a great ornament of and to learning, and to 
 the age and nation in which be lived. 
 
 SOME

 
 IX 
 
 A N 
 
 A C COUN T 
 
 OF THE 
 
 LIFE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 LORD BACON. 
 
 WHEN the Princefs Elizabeth afcended 
 the Throne of England, from a retired, 
 if not a reftrained condition of life > it 
 was a great part of her felicity, that fhe felected fiich a 
 Council, as though divided in their religions, did conduct 
 her through the difficulties, with which the beginning of 
 her reign was involved. But the two perfons on whole 
 judgment (he chiefly relyed, were united in princi- 
 ples, in intereft, and affinity: the one, Sir William Ce- 
 cil, created afterwards Lord Burgbley, her Prime Mi- 
 
 b nifter,
 
 x An Account of the 
 
 nifter, for the greateft part of her long reign ; the other 
 Sir Nicholas Bacon, for about twenty years Lord Keep- 
 er of the Great Seal, who, by his fecond wife, one of 
 the learned daughters of Sir Anthony Cooke, Preceptor to 
 King Edward VI, had two fons, Anthony and Francis ; 
 the lafl of which perfons is the fubjed: of the following 
 difeo^urfe. 
 
 Francis was born on the 22 d day of January 1564, at 
 Torke-Houfe in the Strand, where his father then redd- 
 ed (as the fon did afterwards, when he was Lord Chan- 
 cellor) and upon his ingenious anfwers, when a boy, to 
 the Queen's queftions, fhe did in a manner point out 
 his future preferment, by often calling him her young 
 Lord Keeper. Sir Nicholas, to cultivate his fon's preg- 
 nant parts, committed him, while very young, together 
 with his elder brother, to the tuition of Dr. Whitgift, 
 then Mailer of Trinity - College in C a jn bridge , after- 
 wards the moft reverend and learned Archbifhop of 
 Canterbury : where he began to be diffatisfied with the 
 Logic and Philofophy then taught in the Sehools. And 
 before he had compleated the lixteenth year of his age, 
 lie was fent into France, under the care of Sir Amias 
 Paidet, the Queen's AmbaiTador there, and by x him he 
 was occafionally difpatched to her Majefty, in fervices 
 which he performed to her fatisfa&ion. But his father 
 dying in the year .1579, before he had made the pro vifi- 
 on he intended for this his youngeft fon, he returned into 
 England,, and entered upon the ftudy of the Common 
 Law, though he courted the Sciences, as the miflrefs of 
 his affe.ction. In that.profemon hefoon became eminent, 
 the Queen making him. her Counfel extraordinary in the 
 
 2%th 
 
 8
 
 Life of the Lord Bacon. xi 
 
 z%th year of his age, an honour conferred on few or none 
 before him: and to her he dedicated his Maxims and 
 Elements of the Common Law, in the year 1596, though 
 they were not printed till fome years after his death, and 
 that incorrectly ; but not fo ill, as his Reading upon the 
 Statute of Ufes in Grefs-Inne, which he performed with 
 honour to himfelf and profit to his hearers, having been 
 one of the firft that argued that difficult cafe of Ufes, 
 called Cbudleigb's cafe, which is reported by Sir Edward 
 Coke. 
 
 But the greateft figure he made in the lafl ten years of 
 the Queens reign, was in theHoufe of Commons: and 
 then it is conceived he applyed himfelf to Politicks, fo that 
 the Queen and Lord Treafurer Burghley, employed his 
 head and hand in affairs of State. He himfelf obfer- 
 ving, that in the bufinefs which paffed the hands of the 
 Queen's learned Counfel, either of State or Revenue for 
 many years, he was conftantly employed. On two 
 fuch perfons he might reafonably depend for advance- 
 ment in place or profit : fo that it may be prefumed it was 
 out of refpect, and affection to the perfon of the Earl of 
 Effex, that he ftudyed, as he writ, his fortunes and fer- 
 vices: and had that Lord as well regarded the counfel, 
 as he rewarded the giver, and for fome time effeemed Mr. 
 Bacon, he might have avoided the unhappy fate, into 
 which he was hurried by the advice of violent and pre- 
 cipitate perfons, for he was a young nobleman of great 
 ingenuity and candour, as well as courage. 
 
 But the Earl, before his infurrection, having difcontinu- 
 ed his friendfhip and acquaintance, Mr. Bacon thought 
 himfelf obliged to efpoufe the caufe of his Queen and 
 
 b 2 Countrey
 
 xii An Account of the 
 
 Countrey, fo far as not to decline the fervice, which his 
 Miftrefs and her Minifters thought fit to lay upon him. 
 
 The part he acted againfl the Earl at his trial, oc- 
 casioned fome reflections upon his conduct, and the wri- 
 ting of his apology afterwards, which he dedicated to 
 the Earl of Devon/hire his Lordfhip's great friend j and 
 therein declares, that he was true to the Earl of EJfex, 
 ufque ad aras, and that he had on all occafions endea- 
 voured to pacify the Queen's difpleafure againfl him, 
 though her commands and his duty obliged him to ap- 
 pear againfl his Lordfhip at the Bar. But the Declara- 
 tion of the Earl's 'Treafons, publifhed foon after his death, 
 though drawn up by Mr. Bacon, was impofed on him, 
 and much altered by the Privy Council. The account 
 he drew up for the Queen's perufal, and by her command, 
 of what paffed at the afTembly at the Lord Keeper's houfe, 
 on the $th of June 1600, where the Earl was charged 
 for leaving the command of the army in Ireland in 1599, 
 much to the Queen's and the Nation's prejudice, and con- 
 trary to her expectation, was fhewn to very few others ; 
 and if the latter part of that imperfect narration could be 
 obtained, it would have difcovered, as Mr. Bacon fays in 
 his Apology, his endeavours to ferve the Earl in that dif- 
 courfe, and on that occafion. 
 
 Before that time, the Earl had in vain addrefTed the 
 Queen to make Mr. Bacon her Solicitor general. Nor 
 doth it appear, that fhe had rewarded his fervices, o- 
 therwife than by her gracious acceptance of them; yet 
 did he not forget, upon all occafions, to applaud the 
 wifdom of her government, and he compofed a little 
 Treatife in Latin, intitled, In felicem memoriam Eli- 
 
 xabe-
 
 Life of the Lord Bacon. xiii 
 
 zabethce Anglice regina , containing a fhort account 
 of the felicities of her reign, which he fent into 
 France to Monfieur de Thou, who was then compiling 
 fome part of his celebrated Hiftory ; and many years af- 
 ter, the Lord Bacon defired, in one of his Wills, that it 
 might be printed, which was done long after his Lord- 
 fhip's death ; and an early copy of it, in my Lord's own 
 Englijh, is printed in this Volume. 
 
 It is anerted by Monfieur Rapin de Thoyras, that King 
 James looked upon the Earl of EJfex as his Martyr, and 
 that when he came into England, it was thought his E- 
 nemies would have been made fenfible of his Majefty's 
 difpleafure ; but Sir Robert Cecil, who was efteemed one 
 of the greater!:, had by a dextrous and private correfpon- 
 dence towards the end of the Queen's reign, merited Co 
 much of that King, that he was foon admitted into his 
 greateft truft and favour. And whatfoever application 
 the Earl might have made to that Court, the King fent 
 an Ambanador to congratulate the Queen on her fuppref- 
 fing his Infurreclion. Nor is it probable, that the Earl in- 
 tended to dethrone the Queen, in order to fet up the King 
 of Scot/and in her ftead. If Mr. Bacon were looked 
 upon as one of the Earl's adverfaries, he feared fo little 
 the King's cenfure of him upon that account, that upon 
 her Majefty's death, he wrote with great arTurance to him 
 and his Minifters then in Scotland; and afterwards, upon 
 the King's arrival at Whitehall, he was knighted, among 
 others of his profeffion : Cardinal d' OJfat obferving upon 
 this occafion, that it is ufual for well-advifed Princes, 
 who are called to a new eftate, to enter with great gen- 
 tlenefs and lenity. 
 
 His
 
 xi v An Account of the 
 
 His Majefty continued Sir Francis Bacon in the fame 
 employment his predeceflbr had given to him j and as his: 
 abilities had appeared in Council, in Parliament, and in 
 his profeffion, and efpecially in the Speeches he had made 
 in the Houfe of Commons, and the Treatifes he wrote 
 in favour of the Union ef the two Kingdoms of England 
 and Scotland, which the King fo paffionately defired ; he 
 had reafon to expect, that his fuit for the place of the 
 King's Solicitor would have been granted: but it is 
 thought, his preferment was obftru&ed by the jealoufy 
 of his Coufin-German Sir Robert Cecil, and Sir Edward 
 Coke, the Attorney General. 
 
 About the fame time he recommended himfelf to the 
 King, and other learned perfons, by his Book of the 
 Advancement of Learning, which he published in Eng- 
 Ujh in 1605, and dedicated to his Majefty, as the moft 
 learned King that time had known ; which after his 
 retirement from publick bufinefs he very much inlar- 
 ged in the fecond Book , dividing it into eight, and 
 put the whole into Latin, as the firft part of his In- 
 fiauratio magna Scientiarum. But I mail not now giv e 
 any farther account of this, or indeed of any other of his 
 works, unlefs it may conduce to the illuftrating of his 
 Life : the deiign of his philofophical writings, having been 
 delineated by his own hand ; and as to his hijlorical, po- 
 litical and juridical works, which were published by Dr. 
 Rawley, they are well known and received. The Frag- 
 ments which have been fent abroad, fome genuine, and 
 others fpurious, need not to be mentioned, otherwife than 
 to vindicate his Lordmip's honour. 
 
 In
 
 Life of the Lord Bacon. x v 
 
 In 1607, when Sir Henry Hob art was made Attor- 
 ney General , Sir Francis Bacon was gratified in his 
 defire of being appointed Solicitor ; and then he ap- 
 peared more frequently in the Courts at Weftminfter, and 
 efpecially in great caufes: and that the young Gentlemen 
 of the Law might fee his method of arguing cafes at 
 length, as they had of reporting the cafe and rea- 
 fons of the judgments, by the Lord Coke ; he caufed four 
 or five of his arguments to be tranfcribed, and prefented 
 to the Society of Grcfs-Inne, of which his father had 
 been, and he was then a Member, which are lately 
 printed from the original Manufcripts. 
 
 In the year 16 12, he fucceeded Sir Henry Hobart as 
 Attorney General, and after he had fome years enjoyed 
 that beneficial place, he was fworn of the King's Privy 
 Council^ a truft rarely conferred either before, or fince, 
 on Gentlemen in that office. Upon which occaiion he 
 tells. the-Ring, that being exempted from dealing in cau- 
 fes between party and party, he thought himfelf obliged 
 to dedicate his leifure time to his Majefty's fervice, and 
 particularly to the reducing and recompiling of the Laws 
 of England, with proper affiftance of others ; and in this 
 thought he perfifted when he had greater leifure, by offer- 
 ing to the King a fpecimen of a Digejl of the fame Laws, 
 printed by Dr. Rawley. 
 
 He continued the King's Attorney about four years, 
 and difcharged the place with great fufficiency in the 
 management of feveral weighty caufes ; when his Ma. 
 jefty, upon the recommendation of his aged but worthy 
 Chancellor, the Lord Ellefmere, and by the mediation of 
 
 the
 
 xvi An Account of the 
 
 the Earl of Buckingham, as well as to reward Sir Francis 
 Bacon's merits and fervices, committed to his cuftody the 
 Great Seal, on the ytb of March 1614. The fame day, the 
 Lord Keeper writ a letter of thanks to the Earl of Buck- 
 ingham, which is now firfl publifhed from the original -, 
 and though written in a hafty manner, difcovers the 
 beauty of his flile, as well as his grateful fenfe of hisLord- 
 fhip's good offices. 
 
 In the fame month the King began his journey to Scot- 
 land, carrying his young favourite with him ; who by His 
 Majefty's direction kept a conftant correfpondence with 
 the Lord Keeper; returning, in feveral letters, the King's 
 thanks to his Lordfhip for the care he took of his affairs 
 in his abfence ; particularly, for the Speech he made, the 
 %th of May 16 17, upon taking his place in the Court of 
 Chancery -, which letter, is alfo inferted in this colle- 
 ction. 
 
 But his Lordfhip did not confine his talents to the Court 
 of Chancery j but endeavoured to ferve the King as a 
 Statefman, and as himfelf writes, a Financier ; and the 
 Lord of Buckingham, as a friend and counfellor: to which 
 end, he had before prefented him with a compleat body of 
 InJiruSfions for his Lordfhip's behaviour, both towards 
 the King and his People; and continued his advices to the 
 time of his own fall, as will appear by the letters now, 
 and formerly publifhed: which, if they had been feen 
 by the Lord Chancellor Clarendon-, he would not, it is 
 prefumed, have fo pofitively affirmed in his excellent Hi- 
 Jlory, That the Duke of Buckingham's misfortune was, 
 That he never made a noble and worthy friendjhip, fo 
 
 near
 
 Life of the Lord Bacon. xvii 
 
 fiear his equal, as would frankly advife him for his ho- 
 nour, or true inter eft ; fo that if he had been blened with 
 one faithful friend, qualified with wifdom and integri- 
 ty, that great perfon would have committed as few faults, 
 and done as tranfcendent worthy actions, as any man that 
 fhone in fuch a fphere. 
 
 And it may be alfo prefumed, that the advices he re- 
 ceived from time to time from the Lord Bacon, as well 
 as from the King, who was both willing and able to give 
 them, might reftrain that young Nobleman from fome 
 excenes which the vigor of his parts and perfon, as well 
 as the indulgence of the age and times, might prompt 
 him to commit. 
 
 Yet it cannot be denied, but that there was one part of 
 the Lord Keeper's advice, though reprefented to the King 
 and the Earl, with all the reafons and arguments his 
 elegant pen could exprefs, fo far from being well re- 
 ceived, that it was ill refented. It concerned indeed a 
 tender fubject, the obftructing of Sir John Vi 'liters his 
 match with a beautiful young Lady, daughter of Sir 
 Edward Coke by the Lady Hat ton, who having been late- 
 ly Chief Juftice of the Kings Bench, but then in difgrace, 
 did hope thereby to recover the King's favour. An ac- 
 count of this is given in the Introduction to the Letters 
 and Memoirs publifhed in the year 1702, and in thefe 
 Letters, where it will appear, that the paffion of the lo- 
 vers, and the fortune of the young Lady, had too much 
 weight not to prevail ; and drew down the difpleafure of 
 the King, as well as the favourite, upon the Lord Keeper 
 to that degree, that upon their return out of Scotland y 
 his Lordfhip and fome other of the Council were repri- 
 
 d manded,
 
 xviii An Account of the 
 
 manded, and he at lafl preferved by the Earrs Inter- 
 ceflion, upon which he writ him a remarkable Letter of 
 thanks, which was firft printed in the aforefaid Collecti- 
 on N 104, and is reprinted in this. 
 
 From this time, the Lord Keeper fo intended the King's 
 fervice, that he rofe in favour and honours j his Majefly 
 making him Lord High Chancellor of England, creating 
 him Baron of Verulam, once a Roman Town, near his 
 Seat of Gorhambury, and a little before the feffion of the 
 next Parliament in January 1624, Vifcount of St. Al- 
 bans. 
 
 Whilft he prefided in the Court of Chancery, and 
 in the Star-Chamber, a Court eminent in thofe days for 
 punifhing great offenders, there were fome conliderable 
 Caufes brought to a hearing by the King's Attorney ge- 
 neral, and one againft the Attorney himfelf ; of which a 
 pretty large account is given in the aforefaid Introducti- 
 on, in the Notes, and fome account in the following Let- 
 ters, and that they may be the better underftood, it may 
 not be improper to mention them briefly in this place. 
 
 The firfl caufe arofe upon an information exhibited in 
 the year 16 18, againft Sir Thomas Lake ', one of the King's 
 Secretaries of State, his Lady, fon, and daughter the Lady 
 Roos, for being concerned in notorioufly defaming the La- 
 dy Exeter, for which they were feverely fined to the King, 
 with damages to the Lady, and Imprifonment in the 
 Tower. Sir Thomas, whom the King and others thought 
 to be the leaft guilty, fubmitted himfelf to his Majefty, 
 who pitied his misfortunes, and gave a great character of 
 his abilities, but never admitted him into any place of 
 truft or profit. 1 
 
 In
 
 Life of the Lord Bacon. xix 
 
 In the fame year, the Lord Treafurer Suffolk was dis- 
 charged from his office, and in the next his Lordfhip, his 
 Lady, and Sir John Bingley were cenfured for taking of 
 bribes, and defrauding his Majefty: but upon the Earl's 
 fubmiffion, the fine of thirty thoufand pounds was redu- 
 ced to feven thoufand. 
 
 But that which moil pleafed the King and his Mini- 
 fters, was the difcovery which was made in the year 16 18, 
 of the exportation of vaft quantities of Gold and Silver , 
 which had been made for fome years, by a great number 
 of Dutch Merchants. Upon the confeffion of fome of 
 them, they were profecuted, ore tenus, and others by In- 
 formation ', and all of them convicted, and very confide- 
 rable fines impofed on the greateft offenders, but much 
 reduced by the mediation of the Dutch AmbafTador and 
 the States. And in the profecution of this caufe, which 
 was of moment and difficulty, the Chancellor's care and 
 diligence appeared, and were much commended by the 
 King. 
 
 Sir Henry Telverton, the King's Attorney General, was 
 in June 1620, fequeftred from his place, for paffing 
 fome claufes in a late Charter granted to the City of Lon- 
 don, not agreeable to his Majefty's Warrant, and deroga- 
 tory, as was faid, to his honour and profit. He was ac- 
 quitted of all corruption, but condemned and fined 
 (though the Charter was given up) for credulity or neg- 
 lect : After his releafe from the Tower, he became a pra- 
 ctifer again at the Bar, and in 1625, was preferred to be 
 a Judge; dying in January 1629. A cotemporary Law- 
 yer gave him this character, " That he was a Man of 
 " profound knowledge in the Common Laws, and inge- 
 
 d 2 " nious
 
 xx An Account of the 
 
 " nious and eloquent in exprefiion; for his life, of great 
 " integrity and piety, and at his death univerfally be- 
 " wailed. 
 
 The next caufe to be here mentioned, concerned the 
 Chancellor himfelf ; occafioned by a libellous petition to 
 the King, written by one Mr. Wrenham, againft whom 
 the Chancellor had made a decree : in which libel, the 
 Chief Juftice Hobart, in his Reports, faith, that he had 
 done his Lordfhip much and great wrong ; and of that 
 opinion were all the other Lords. 
 
 The proceedings of the court, in this caufe, were fair- 
 ly written, and prefented to the Chancellor, and copies 
 have been taken of it, and lately printed. It had been 
 happy for his Lordfhip, if he could have as well defend- 
 ed himfelf from future accufations of the fame kind, in 
 a fuperiour court, the fucceeding Parliament. 
 
 In thofe afTemblies, his Lordfhip had appeared with 
 
 luftre ; to the convening of them he had frequently ad- 
 
 . vifed the King, as car do rerum, & fumma fummarum; as 
 
 the fovereign remedy for his Majefly's neceflities, and the 
 
 nation's grievances. 
 
 But at this time, the voice of the people, as well as 
 occafions of the King and his family, called loudly for a 
 Parliament : his Majefly's fon-in-law, the Elector Pala- 
 tine of the Rhine ', by his accepting the Crown of Bohe- 
 mia, was diverted not only of that, but of his own Prin- 
 cipality and territories. So that the King, though he ne- 
 ver approved of the Prince's election, yet he thought him- 
 felf obliged to fee that Palatinate reftored to the Prince, 
 the Princefs, and their children. The Chancellor prepared 
 the draught of a Proclamation for calling a Parliament, 
 
 fetting
 
 Life of the Lord B a c o n. xxi 
 
 fetting forth at large (in fine and eloquent terms) the 
 occafion of convening them at that time : but the King 
 thought too many of the reafons were divulged, which 
 mould rather be referved till the opening of the Seflion ; 
 and therefore contracted and published the Proclamation 
 the 6th of November 1620: but the meeting was put 
 off, by a further Proclamation ( the draught of which 
 the King much commended ) to the ^oth of Janu- 
 ary following} and then the Chancellor opened the 
 Seflion with a fhort fpeech, and the King enlarged upon 
 it. 
 
 It could not be thought, but that after fo many pro- 
 jects for money, and exactions on the fubject, during the 
 intervals of Parliament, there would be many com- 
 plaints exhibited in this. But the Commons went fur- 
 ther, and foon appointed a Committee, to enquire into 
 the abufes of the courts of ju ft ice; and upon the 14th 
 and i$th of March, the Lord Chancellor himfelf was 
 accufed for taking of bribes, in caufes which had de- 
 pended before him ; of which the Marquis of Bucking- 
 ham was informed, by letters of the fame date, from 
 Mr. Secretary Calvert and Sir Lionel Cranfield, both 
 members of the Houfe. 
 
 Several Gentlemen of reputation, and of the Law, 
 fpoke in his Lordfhip's behalf; as did Sir Edward Sack- 
 ville, his great friend: and when Sir Robert Phelips, the 
 Chairman of the Committee, made his report, he made 
 it with great tendernefs, becaufe it concerned the Ho- 
 nour of a great Man, fo endued with all parts, both of 
 Art and Nature, that he would fay no more of him, 
 being not able to fay enough. The Marquis of Bucking- 
 ham^
 
 xxii An Account of the 
 
 ham, in anfwer to Sir Lionel Cranfield, expreffes hia iur- 
 prize and concern, at what had paned in the Houfe; was 
 glad the King's honour was not touched ; and hoped that 
 God, who had given the Chancellor many other great 
 gifts, had preferved him from being guilty of the crimes 
 charged upon him : however his Majefly hoped the 
 Commons would waive their Application to the Lords, 
 and leave the caufe to the King, who could and would 
 do juftice therein. And the Lord Clarendon, Mr. Hake- 
 willy Dr. Heylin, and others, look upon the King as ill 
 advifed, in giving up this Minuter, to the profecution of 
 the Commons ; who infiited upon it, as warranted 
 by former precedents. Yet in favour, as was thought, 
 to the Chancellor, the Seffions was difcontinued for fome 
 time ; but upon the re-affembling of the Parliament , 
 more accufations againft him were brought, and an im- 
 peachment or charge, confuting of feveral articles, pre- 
 ferred to the Lords againft him. Some of them he de- 
 nied, others he extenuated, and fome he confefled in fiich 
 a manner, that the Houfe was fatisfied with his Peti- 
 tion and Declaration, printed correctly in the aforefaid 
 Memoires; and then, his Lordfhip refigning the Great 
 Seal on the id of May 1621; the Lords, the next 
 day, by the mouth of the Lord Chief Juftice, their 
 Speaker pro tempore, pronounced the following fentence, 
 in his Lordfhip's abfence on account of ficknefs. " That 
 " the Vifcount St. Alban, Lord Chancellor of England, 
 " fhall undergo a fine or ranfome of forty thoufand 
 ' pounds: that he fhall be imprifoned in the Tower, 
 " during the King's pleafure: that he fhall for ever 
 " be incapable of any oifice, place or employment in 
 
 " the
 
 Life of the .Lord Bacon. xxiii 
 
 c< the State or Commonwealth: that he mall nevef fit 
 " in Parliament, or come within the verge of the Court." 
 And upon the Lords giving the like judgment againft the 
 Lord Treafurer Midlefex, about three years after, the 
 Lord Clarendon takes notice, that the claufe for his Lord- 
 fhip's never fitting in Parliament, during life, is of fuch 
 a nature, as is never before found in any judgment of 
 Parliament, and in truth not to be inflicted on any Peer, 
 but by attainder. 
 
 It is true, that the Prince and the Marquis of Buck- 
 ingham endeavoured to mitigate the fentence ; and fome 
 of the Lords excufed their feverity thereto , by fay- 
 ing, they knew they left the Lord St. Alb an in good 
 hands ; and it might be prefumed, that the King, who 
 (as his Lordfhip writes) had fhed tears upon the news of 
 his being accufed, would be indulgent and beneficent to 
 him upon his fentence. 
 
 His Lordfhip alfo obferves, that his offences were vi- 
 tia tetnporis as well as hominis-, and that few or none 
 of the particular charges, were lefs than two years old | 
 fo that he hoped the Lords found him in a flate of grace 
 and amendment i and to the King, he declares he was a 
 virgin. 
 
 In the laft article of the charge, it is alledged, that the 
 Lord Chancellor had given way to great exactions by his 
 iervants; and he confeffes, that it was a great fault and 
 neglect in him, that he looked no better to them. Mr k 
 Rujhworth writes, that he was ever indulgent to them, 
 and connived at their takings, and their ways betrayed 
 him to that error. That the gifts taken, were moft for 
 interlocutory orders. That his decrees however were made 
 
 with
 
 xxiv: An Account of the 
 
 with fo much equity, that none were ever reverfed for 
 unjuft, as had been obferved by perfons learned in the 
 law. 
 
 After a fhort confinement in the bowery his Lordfhip 
 in a little time applied to the King and Marquis of Buck- 
 ingham, for accefs to his Majefly, which he obtained 5 
 but being by the fentence reftrained from coming within 
 the verge of the Court, the King difpenfed with the fame 
 for fome time, to the end that he might take care of his 
 health, and the payment of his debts; and upon the 
 prorogation of the Parliament in fome heat, the King 
 was pleafed to confult with his Lordfhip, how and in 
 what manner to proceed in reforming the Courts of 
 Juftice, and the other grievances the Commons had been 
 enquiring into ; upon which his Lordfhip writ the Me- 
 morial which is printed in this collection: and after- 
 wards the King permitted him, by licence dated the iph 
 of September 162 1, to flay at Sir John Vaugharis houfe 
 at Par/on s Green, and at London , for fix weeks ; and 
 then he retired by the King's command, to his own houfe 
 at Gorhambury, and there devoted himfelf to his fhidies 
 and contemplations; which, however fitted for an active 
 life, he had always loved: and as he had in the year 
 1620, prefented to the King an acceptable book, intitu- 
 led, Novum Organum, fo in the few remaining years of 
 his life, he mewed how well and profitably he could 
 fpend his time in retirement. In the greatefl part of 
 which time, he found the Duke of Buckingham his con- 
 ftant friend ; and fo he ftiles him in his laft Will, made 
 but a few months before his death. The difpleafure the 
 Duke cxprefled towards his Lordfhip fome time after his 
 
 1 fentence,
 
 Life of the Lord Bacon- xxv 
 
 fentence, for not gratifying him with his leafe or intereft. 
 in Tork-Houfe, being foon pacified, and the houfe after- 
 wards obtained by the King, from whom it paffed to the 
 Duke. 
 
 On the 20tb of September 1621, his Majefly figned a 
 warrant to Sir Thomas Coventry his Attorney General to 
 prepare an alignment of the Parliamentary fine, to fuch 
 perfons as his Lordfhip mould name. And on the 12th of 
 OStober following, fends the Attorney a warrant to draw 
 up a Book for a Pardon of the Lord St. Alban> either after 
 the form of a Coronation Pardon, or of fuch as was late- 
 ly granted to Sir Robert Cotton, (with an exception ne- 
 verthelefs of the fentence given in the high Court of 
 Parliament) which the Lord Keeper Williams feems to 
 oppofe, with a little acrimony, and the Attorney Coven- 
 try with all civility, fearing the pardon was in too gene- 
 ral words, otherwife he writes he was willing to per- 
 form all good fervices to his Lordfhip, whofe downfal he 
 had often pitied. 
 
 The payments his Lordfhip had made and was to make 
 to his Creditors, as well as other neceflities, were, as I con- 
 ceive, one occafion of his frequent and fubmiflive applica- 
 tions to the King for his afliflance j which I fuppofe he 
 might fooner have obtained, had not the King's revenues 
 been much exhaufled by his former bounties to others, and 
 not well fupplied by reafon of his difagreement with his 
 Parliaments. However, as the rents of his Lordfhip's 
 lands, and profits of offices were confiderable ; fo the 
 pennon of twelve hundred pounds a year from the 
 King, though precarious, which he mentions in his 
 will, muft exempt him from that Jownefs of condition, 
 
 * d which
 
 xxvi An Account of the 
 
 which fome have reprefented his Lordihip to be in at 
 his death. Befides that in his will he gives feveral confi- 
 derable legacies to his friends, to his fervants, and chari- 
 ties: and hopes that there will be an over-plus after his 
 debts paid, that a lecture may be founded in each of 
 the Univerfities for natural Philofophy and the Sciences. 
 In the performance of which, he intreats the Duke of 
 Buckingham, as Overfeer of his will, and his Executors, 
 to confider what he had been; fo that by their good care, 
 his good mind might effect that good work. 
 
 Yet his Executors declining to act; adminiftration, with 
 the will annexed, was committed to Sir Robert Rich and 
 Mr. Thomas Meautys, two of his Creditors : who about 
 three years afterwards made a diftribution of his effects, 
 which probably if his Executors had acted, might have 
 been more to the benefit of the Creditors and Lega- 
 tees. 
 
 It is true, though it be known to few perfons, that 
 when the Duke of Buckingham went into Spain, the 
 Lord St. Albans affairs were at fo low an ebb, that up- 
 on the death of Mr. Murray, he follicited the King, by 
 Secretary Conway, to be made Provoft of Eaton College. 
 where indeed he would have enjoyed a pleafant retreat 
 in the fociety of learned men. To which the Secretary 
 anfwered by a letter of the 2 ift of March 1623, that the 
 King could not value his Lordfhip fo little, or conceive 
 that he limited his defire& fo lowj in wjiich however 
 he mould have been gratified, had not the King been 
 engaged by the Lord Marquis, for Sir William Becker 
 his Agent in France. The Place however was foon after 
 obtained by Sir Henry Wot ton, who had been his Maje- 
 sty's 
 
 2
 
 Life of the Lord B a c o n. xxvii 
 
 fly's Embaflador in feveral Courts, and that by an honeft 
 artifice, as Mr. Walton writes, in his account of Sir Hen- 
 rys life. 
 
 The firft, or at leaft the chiefeft work his Lordfhip 
 compofed after his retirement, was his Hi/lory of the 
 Reign of King Henry VII. which he dedicated to the 
 Prince, and printed it fairly in Folio 1622. Sir Fulke 
 Greville, who had been created Lord Brooke, and was 
 lately Chancellor of the Exchequer, defiring him to get 
 good paper and ink to print it with, the work being 
 excellent : and fo it hath been efteemed by Mr. Selden, 
 and the beft judges both at home and abroad. 
 
 As the Lord St. Alban had often refented that part of 
 his fentence, which debarred his accefs to his Majefty, 
 fo when the times began to be active, and the Prince 
 and Earl of Buckingham were in Spain, he writ to the 
 Earl, that he never more lamented his misfortunes, than 
 at that time, when he thought he could effectually ferve 
 both his Majefty and himfelf, if they pleafed : and as he 
 writ feveral letters to the Duke, and fome of them of 
 advice, fo he received as gracious anfwers to them from 
 Madrid. And how acceptable the prefent of his book 
 of the Advancement of Learning, then lately publifhed 
 in Latin, was to his Grace upon his return from Spain, 
 will appear by Duke's letter of thanks, dated the zyth 
 of October 1623, and inferted in this collection. 
 
 Upon the Prince's return into England, the Parliament 
 highly approved of the Duke of Buckingham's conduct 
 in Spain j and as the people of England had been gene- 
 rally averfe to the Spanifo match, they were fo pleafed 
 with the delays and difficulties that had arifen, that the 
 
 * d 2 Parli-
 
 xxviii An Account of the 
 
 Parliament prefled the King to enter into a war with 
 that nation, in hopes thereby to oblige the houfe of Au- 
 jiria to a reftitution of the Palatinate, as well as to 
 break the match. In that feafon the Lord St. Alban laid 
 afide the civil character, which he had long born, and 
 compofed a treatife intituled, Confiderations of a War 
 with Spain, which he prefented to the Prince of Wales, 
 and afterwards to the Queen of Bohemia, who had fuf- 
 fered fo much by the Spanijh and German armies -, which 
 treatife Dr. Rawley published, with fome other of his 
 Lordfhip's mifcellaneous tracts, in 1629. His heads for a 
 fpeech in Parliament, to be made on the fame occafion, by 
 Sir Edward Sackville, afterwards Earl of Dorfet, and 
 which is a fort of abridgment of the other, were never 
 printed till now. 
 
 In the lafl year of King James's life, his Lord- 
 fhip revifed and enlarged his EJfays both in number and 
 weight, which he obferved of all his works had been 
 moil current, . as coming home to mens bufinefs and bo- 
 fomes. A fpecimen thereof he had given to the world, 
 in the year 1597, and dedicated them to his only bro* 
 ther, Mr. -Anthony Bacon 5 and in the year 16 12, he re- 
 viewed and enlarged them, with a dedication defigned to 
 Prince Henry, (now firfl printed) but upon the Prince's 
 death he infcribed them to his brother-in-law, Sir John 
 Conjiable. The lafl edition of 1625, was committed to 
 the patronage of his faithful friend, the Duke of Buck- 
 ingham, and rendered into Latin : as the former had been 
 into Italian by Mr. Tobie Matthew ; and into French, by 
 the Marquis D* Ejfiat, the French AmbaiTador; who, 
 upon his firfl vifit to the Lord St. Alban, compared his 
 
 Lordfhip
 
 Life of the Lord Bacon. xxi x 
 
 Lordfhip to the Angels, of whom he had heard and read 
 much, but never feen them. To which his Lordfhip repli- 
 ed, that if the charity of others compared him to an An- 
 gel, his own infirmities told him he was a Man; and then 
 the Marquis contracted fuch a Friendfhip with him, that 
 he converfed with him by letters, and delired and ob- 
 tained his picture to carry to France. But in the 
 tran nation of this work, he and Mr. Matthew both play- 
 ed the Inquifitors, leaving out what they thought might 
 be offenfive to the rigid Roma?i Catholicks. 
 
 Though before the Death of King James, his Lord- 
 fhip' s fortunes began to refpire ; yet it appears, that up- 
 on the acceffion of the Prince to the Crown, he pre- 
 fented his duty to the new King by his letters, and made 
 his application to the Duke, Lord Treafurer and others, 
 but chiefly, as is conceived, for the arrears of his pen- 
 fion and fome profits of his offices ; which, as the times 
 then went, were probably ill anfwered and paid: but as 
 he enjoyed the poffeflion of his pleafant feat and eftate 
 at and near Gorhambury, and by his lafl Will calculated 
 how his debts and confiderable legacies mould be paid; 
 it can never be thought, as is obferved before, that he 
 lived or died in fuch neceffities, as it has been reprefented 
 he did by fome authors, and upon their authority, pro- 
 pagated by others of better reputation. 
 
 Having fufficiently eftablifhed the fame of his learn- 
 ing and abilities, by his writings publifhed by him- 
 felf ; he committed by his will, feveral of his Latin and 
 philofophical compofitions to the care of Sir William 
 Bofwel, his Majefly's Agent in Holland-, where they were 
 afterwards publifhed by Gruter : his orations and letters 
 
 , to
 
 xxx An Account of the 
 
 to Sir Humphrey May, Chancellor of the Dutchy, and 
 the Bimop of Lincolne, (who had been his fucceffor in 
 the Court of Chancery, and acknowledged the honour of 
 that truft) the letters to be preferved, but not to be divul- 
 ged, as trenching too much on perfons and matters of 
 State. Moil of his orations were prefented to the world 
 by his faithful Chaplain Dr. Rawley, in 1657, to g etner 
 with feveral of his letters ; but thofe relating to the pro- 
 fecution of the Lord and Lady Somerfet, for being con- 
 cerned in the poifoning of Sir Thomas Over bury, were 
 probably fupprefled, in refpect to a noble family that de- 
 fcended from that marriage. The Doctor was induced 
 to the publication of fome of thofe letters and tra&s, by 
 the fpurious edition of many of them, without coherence 
 of matter, or order of time : but the reafons that obliged 
 him to conceal all the letters written whilft his Lordfhip 
 carried the great Seal, do not appear. It is probable thole 
 which were written after it was taken from him, were 
 paffed over for the fame reafons, which made him take 
 little or no notice of his difgrace, in the life of his Lord- 
 fhip, which he prefixed to the Refufcitatio ; hoping that 
 the difaftrous period of his life might in time be forgot. 
 But it is well known upon what occafion the proceed- 
 ings and fentence againft him have been revived and pub- 
 lished j and yet poflerity hath been fo kind to his Lord- 
 fhip's memory, as to look upon his offence, as a little 
 picture of night-work, amongjl the other excellent tables 
 of his aBs and works. 
 
 His Lordfhip had happily efcaped the plague which 
 infefted the Summer of 16253 and with fome difficulty 
 being of a tender and weak conftitution, paffed the fe- 
 
 were
 
 Life of the Lord Bacon. xxxi 
 
 vere winter which followed; but going in the fpring to 
 make fome experiment in natural philofophy, he was ta- 
 ken Co ill, that he was obliged to flay at the Earl of A- 
 rundelH houfe at Highgate about a week, and there he 
 expired on the gth of April 1626, being Eajler-day, and 
 was privately buried in the Chancel of St. Michael's 
 Church, within the precincts of Old Verulam, in which 
 place the Chrijlian Faith had been preached by St. Ger- 
 man and profeffed by St. Alban, accounted the Proto- 
 Martyr of Britain. _ 
 
 In the Chancel of that Church, his faithful friend and 
 fervant Sir Thomas Meautys, caufed a neat monument of 
 white marble to be erected, with his Lordfhip's effigies fit- 
 ting in a contemplative poflure, with the following Epi- 
 taph compofed by Sir Henry Wotton-, where Sir 'Thomas 
 was interred himfelf, about twenty years after ; of whom 
 his Lordfhip writing to the Marquis of Buckingham fays, 
 that it was his happinefs in his adverfity, to have a 
 good fervant, as well as a good friend and a good ma- 
 lie . 
 
 FRAN-
 
 xxxii An Account of the 
 
 FRANCISCUS BACON, Baro de Verulam, 
 
 S Albani Vicecomes: 
 
 feu 
 
 Notioribus titulis 
 
 Scientiarum lumen, facundiae lex, 
 
 Sic fedebat. 
 
 Qui poftquam omnia naturalis fapientiae, 
 
 Et civilis arcana evolviffet, 
 
 Naturae decretum explevit: 
 
 Compofka folvantur, 
 
 Anno Dom. MDCXXVI. 
 
 Gratis LXVI. 
 
 Tanti viri memoriae, Thomas Meautus, fuperftitis cultor, 
 
 Defuncti admirator. 
 H. P. 
 
 This monument hath been eched by the admirable 
 hand of Mr. Hollar, and fince engraven by the celebra- 
 ted artift, Mr. Vertue, who hath alfo reprefented his Lord- 
 fhip in a curious Print, taken from the original Picture, 
 now at Gorhambury in Hertfordjhire, which had been 
 his Lordfhip's feat, from the death of his brother, Mr. 
 Anthony Bacon. 
 
 As to the endowments of his mind, all that need to 
 be now faid is, that his natural and acquired abilities 
 were admired by thofe that knew him -, and his writings 
 have commended them to future ages. His beneficence 
 to mankind appears by his works, as well as by his 
 companion to the unfortunate, that fell under his pro- 
 fecution. 
 
 As
 
 Life of the Lord Bacon. xxxiii 
 
 As to his Religion, his Chaplain Dr. Rawley gives a 
 large teftimony ; and a greater than the Doctor's may be 
 every where found in his writings. But that qualifica- 
 tion is the rather mentioned in this place, to mew the 
 improbability of a calumny lately divulged ; that a re- 
 ligious Gentleman, of a fickly conflitution, whofe time 
 had been employed in fludying, practifing, and governing 
 the common law ; in fearching into the depths and myfle- 
 ries of Hate and philofophy ; fhould be guilty or thought; 
 guilty of a crime rarely known to the nation. Nor do I re- 
 member it mentioned by any Hiftorian but Wiffon ; who 
 writes, that his indulgence to his fervants, and his fami- 
 liarity with them, opened a gap to infamous reports; 
 but he thereupon adds, that innocence it felf is a crime, 
 when calumny fets her mark upon it. niwoil 
 
 It appears before, that .he was accufed of being too in- 
 dulgent to his fervants; and his Lordfhip does confers, 
 and Dr. Rawley, and Mr. Bujhel> who was one of them, 
 infinuate ; that fome of them had abufed his good na- 
 #iflp. But tjiajt^e^ihould have abufed himfelf or any 
 of , them, in the manner that has been reprefented by a 
 Qentieman who was very young when his Lordfhip was 
 cenfured, and likely to believe any bafe {lories of the 
 fervants of Kings, as well as of .Kirjgs ,themfely.esi. is np 
 more to be credited, than the like defamation of Firgfc 
 a moll chaft poet. Now that a perfon in a mature age, - 
 fcholar and antiquary, mould officioufly, and upon np 
 better authority, pi^jfh fuel] a "{lory, of a Nobleman long 
 at rell y ^wr^had been; .flfftpjcfl w^^arning^a^.weU.as 
 titles, would ^vfbKenf^uph mp,re admired h hadnot the 
 
 c very
 
 xxxiv An Account of fe^JA 
 
 very fame per fon, in the fame book, taken the liberty to 
 print a letter detracting from the chaftity of King 
 CfQWn I. a virtue alfdwe^ lilrrijby his greater!: enemies. 
 But it is thought that the publisher has thereby reflecV 
 ed more Upon his own difcretion, than on the' memory 
 of that King, or of the Lord Bacon. 
 
 Nor has his Lordfhip been well treated by Monfieur 
 Rapin de Thoyras; who, after he has commended his 
 great abilities, and declared that he was a very great ge- 
 
 to infert m h : is; : friftbry of that King, that his lordfhip 
 was a fer vile flatterer of thofe in favour, exceeding haugh- 
 ty while fortune fmiled, fubmiffive and fawning when 
 fhe frowned. 
 
 -rijfi to flattery it may be anfwered, that fome rieq- 
 ple take the civil and decent expreffions contained in ad- 
 drefles to Kings and great perfons, to be flattery. Where- 
 as the Lord Bacon writes mhis'EJfay of Praife, that 
 fome praifes come of good wifhes and refpects; which is 
 a form due in civility to Kings and r( grba't perfons, 'tau- 
 dando praectpere - 3 when by telling men what they are, 
 they represent to them what they mould be. And if his 
 Lordfhip were guilty of excefs that' way, it may be 
 looked upon as one of the vices of the age, which in- 
 fected other great men and writers of that time. But the 
 counfels his Lordfhip always gave the King, and his fa- 
 vourite, were the advices of a fincere fervant and friend, 
 and not' of a fycophant: he anuring the Lord Bucking- 
 ham in one of his letters, that he mould ever give him, 
 
 as
 
 Life of the Lord Bacon. xxxv 
 
 as he gave the King his matter, fafe counfel, and fuch a s 
 time would approve. * 
 
 As to the haiightinefs with which he is charged, I 
 mall refer the reader to what was written in the account 
 of his^Lordihip's life by Dr. Rawley, and printed above, 
 thirty years after his deceafe, and fo not to be fufpe&ed 
 of flattery. He declares, that his Lord was no revenger 
 of injuries, no remover of men out of their places, no 
 defamer of any man to his Prince, no infulter of offend- 
 ers : but always tender-hearted looking upon the exam- 
 ple with the eye of feverity, according to the duty of his 
 place; but upon the perfon, with the eye of pity and 
 compaflion. The King giving him this teftimony, that 
 he ever dealt in bufinefs, fuavtbus modis, in a gentle 
 manner i which was the way that was mofl according 
 to his own heart. 
 
 Nor ought his fubmiflion upon his misfortunes to be 
 too much objected to him ; fince that might proceed from 
 the fenfe of his faults, and of his condition, wherein o- 
 thers were like to fuffer with him. But that he fupported 
 himfelf under them as a Chrijiian and a Philofopher, 
 appears from the learned and noble works he compofed 
 in the laft five years of his life. And if the latter end 
 of the reign of King James, and the beginning of his 
 fon's, had been propitious to them; it may be prefu- 
 med that they would not have permitted the ftudies 
 of fo great a man to be interrupted by any neceflities, 
 nor have deprived the Parliament of his abilities. And 
 fummoned he was by writ, to the fecond Parliament 
 held by King Charles ; but being then infirm and weak, 
 
 e 2 he
 
 xxxvi , An Account of the 
 
 he died foon after the Seflion began j fo that he never 
 fat therein. 
 
 I fhall only add, that upon his death feveral fcholars 
 of the Univerfity of Cambridge compiled a monument 
 of Latin verfes to his memory, which were foon after 
 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
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 CON-
 
 
 
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 CONTENTS. 
 
 JVENTr Six additional letters written 
 
 to the King, Prince, and Duke of Buck- 
 
 | ingham, from the originals ; with feve- 
 
 I ral other Utters addrejfed to them, tranf 
 
 I cri bed from a fragment of his Lordjhip's 
 
 from page j, to 192 
 Of the true greatnefs of the kingdom of Britaine, to King 
 James. p. 193 
 
 Speech at the arraignment of the Lord Sanquier, p. 217 
 Charge againjl the Lady Shrewfbury, p. 221 
 
 Notes of a fpeech concerning a war with Spain. p. 2 2 c 
 Difcourfe in praife of his S over eigne (Queen -Elizabeth.) 
 
 P- 235 
 Proceedings 
 
 Regijler.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Proceedings againfi the Earl of Effex at York-Houfe, in 
 June 1600. prepared for Queen Elizabeth by her com- 
 mand \ and read to her by Mr, Bacon, but never pub- 
 lijhed. p. 257 
 
 Of the ft ate of Europe ; fuppofed to be written foon after 
 his travels. p. 277 
 
 A proclamation drawn for his Majejlfs firft coming in. 
 
 P- 3 01 
 A draught of a proclamation touching his Majejlfs ftyle. 
 
 P- 37 
 Certificate or return of the CommiJJioners of England and 
 
 Scotland, authorized to treat of an union for the weal 
 
 of both realms. p. 3 14 
 
 A preparation toward the union of the Laws of England 
 an d Scotland; to the King. p. 319 
 
 Argument in the Houfe of Commons, proving the Kings 
 right of impofitions. p. 340 
 
 Judicial charge upon the commiffion of Oyer and Termi- 
 ner, for the verge. P* 3 5 r 
 
 Certificate to his Majefiy, touching the projects of Sir 
 Stephen Prodtor, relating to the penal Laws. p. 3 67 
 
 Certificate to the Lords of the Council, touching the fear- 
 city of Silver at the Mynt. p. 378 
 
 Frame of a declaration for the Mafier of the Wards, 
 
 P* 34 
 Directions for the Mafier of the Wards. p. 387 
 
 In praife of Knowledge. p. 3 03 
 
 Valerius Terminus of the Interpretation of Nature-, with 
 the annotations of Hermes Stella. p. 308 
 
 Filum labyrinthij five formula inquifitionis. Pars pri- 
 ma, p. 452 
 
 Sequela
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Sequela chartarum j de calore & frigore. p. 465 
 
 Redargutio philofophiarum. p. 477 
 
 ^he dedication of the colours of good and evil-, a rhetoric 
 cat fragment^ to the Lord Montjoy; in i^j. p. .5 15 
 A letter from Count Gondomar to the Lord Bacon, foon 
 
 after his fall. P* 5*7 
 
 Pojlfcript. sf 
 
 
 
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 VOI-
 
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 i 
 
 
 VOITURE, edit. i6yo. p. 753. 
 
 Gf *A T trouvi parfaitement beau tout ce que vous me 
 J mandes de BACON-, tnais ne vousfemble-t'il pas 
 qu* Horace qui difoit 
 
 Vifum Britannos hofpitibus feros, 
 
 feroit bien etonne a* entendre un Barbare difcourir comme 
 cela, 6? de voir quil n'y a peut-eflre pa$ aujourd' buy 
 tin Romain qui park fi bon Latin que cet Anglois ? & 
 Juvenal ne diroit-ilpas avec pkts de raifon que jamais^ 
 
 
 
 Nunc totus Graias noflrafque habet orbis Athenas. 
 
 
 4 C
 
 \ \tiJwtftI 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 " 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 LETTERS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 ord Chancellor Bacon. 
 
 
 To the mnfl High and Excellent Prince, Henry 
 Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornwall, and 
 tar I of Chefter. * 
 
 bnifgiH i; 
 It may pleafe your Highnejfe, 
 
 Aving divided my life into the contemplative, 
 and active Part, I am defirous to give his Maje- 
 ftie, and your Highneffe, of the Fruits of both, 
 fimple though they be. 
 To write juft Treatifes, requireth leifure in the Wri- 
 ter, and leifure in the Reader, and therefore are not fo fit, 
 neither in regard of your Highnefles princely Affairs, nor 
 in regard of my continual Service j which is the caufe, 
 that hath made me chufe to write certain brief notes, fet 
 down rather fignincantly, then curioufly, which I have 
 called Effaies. The word is late, but the thing is antient, 
 for Senecaes Epiflles to Lucilius, if you marke them well, 
 are but Effaies, that is, difperfed Meditations, though 
 -conveyed in the forme of Epiflles. Thefe labours of mine, 
 
 B I know,
 
 Letters of the Lord 
 
 I know, cannot be worthy of your Highnefle, for what 
 can be worthy of you ? But my hope is, they may be as 
 graines of Salt, that will rather give you an appetite, than 
 offend you with fatiety. And although they handle thofe 
 things wherein both mens lives, and tJheir perfons are moil 
 converfant ; yet what I have attained I know not j but I 
 have endeavoured to make them not Vulgar, but of a na- 
 ture, whereof s. aian (hall finde much in Experience, and 
 little in Bookes; fo as they are neither repetitions nor fan- 
 cies. But however, I fhall moll humbly defire your High- 
 nefle to accept them in gracious part, and to conceive that 
 if I cannot reft, but mufl mew my dutifull and devoted 
 affection to your Highnefle in thefe things which proceed 
 from my felf, I fhall be much more ready to do it in per- 
 formance of any of your princely commandments. And fa 
 wifhing your Highneffe all princely felicity, I reft, 
 
 Tour Highnejfes moji 
 Humble Servant. 
 
 Fr. Bacon. 
 
 Set fr finds Bacon] defign'd to have prefix'd this Epiftle to his EJays, printed in 
 the Year 1 61 2, but was prevented by the Prince's death ; yet it was fo well liked 
 by Mr. Matbezv, that he inferted part of it in his -Dedication to the Duke of 
 Tufcany, before his Tranllation of thofe EJfays, printed in 1618. 
 
 ,\ From the Original 
 
 To Sir George Villiers. 
 SIR 
 
 * J ^He re is a Particular, wherein I think you may do 
 
 \ yourfelf honour, which as I am informed, hath 
 
 been laboured by my Lady of Bedford, and put in good 
 
 way by the Bifhop of Bathe and Weth, concerning the re- 
 
 i ftoring
 
 Chancellor Bacon. $ 
 
 tforing to preach of a famous Preacher, one Doctor Burgeje y 
 who though he hath been filenced a great time, yet he hath 
 now made fuch a fubmifiion touching his Conformity, as 
 giveth fatisfaclion : It is much defired alfo by Greys-Inne 
 (if he {hall be free from the State) to chufe him for their 
 Preacher : And certainly it is fafer to place him there, 
 than in another Auditory, becaufe he will be well watch- 
 ed, if he mould any ways fly forth in his fermons be- 
 yond duty. This may feem a trifle, but X do arTure you^ 
 in opening this Man's mouth to preach, you fhall open ve^- 
 ry many mouths to fpeak honour of you j. and I confefs I 
 would have a full Gry of Puritans, of Papifts, of all the 
 World to fpeak well of you : And befides I am perfwaded 
 (which is above all earthly glory) you fhall do God good 
 Service in it. I pray deal with his Majefty in it. I reft, 
 Tour devoted and bounden Servant ', 
 
 7*/tf 13, 161 6, , . . Fra. Bacon. 
 
 From the Original. & 
 
 To Sir George Villiers. 
 SIR, 
 
 I Send you inclofed a warrant for my Lady of Somer- 
 Jet's Pardon, reformed in that mayne, and material 
 poynt, of inferting a Claufe [that me was not a Principal, 
 but an Acceffary before the Fact, by the inftigation of 
 bafe perfons.] Her Friends think long to have it difpatch- 
 ed, which I marvaile not at, for that in matter of Life, 
 Moments are numbred. a 
 
 * Of the Tryal and Conviftion of the Countefs of Somerfet, for being ac- 
 ceffary to the murder of Sir Thomas Overbury, an account may be feen in the 
 Introduction to Sir Francis Bacon's Letters and Memoires'; but the Lord High 
 Steward, and the Peers, observing that there had been fatisfaction made to Ju- 
 ftice, that he had been fedifc'd by bafe perfons, and that fhe 'had freely confef- 
 kd her crime, interceded with the King for her Pardon. 
 
 B 2 I do
 
 4 Letters of the Lord 
 
 I do more and more take contentment in his Majeftie's 
 choice of Sir Oliver St. John, for his Deputy of Ireland, 
 rinding, upon divers conferences with him, his great fuffi- 
 ciency; and I hope the good intelligence which he pur- 
 pofeth to hold with me, by advertifements from time to 
 time, fhall work a good effect for his Majeftie's Service. 
 
 I am wonderful defirous to fee that Kingdome flourifh, 
 becaufe it is the proper work and glory of his Majefty 
 and his Times. And his Majefty may be pleafed to call 
 to minde, that a good while fince, when the great Rent 
 and Divifions were in the Parliament of Ireland, I was 
 no unfortunate Remembrancer to his Majeftie's princely 
 wifdome in that bufinefle. k God ever keep you and pro- 
 fper you. Tour true and mojl devoted and bounden Servant, 
 
 i 7b> wk Fr. Bacon, 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To Sir George Villiers. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 1 Think I cannot do better fervice towards the good 
 eftate of the Kingdome Of Ireland, than to procure 
 the King to be well ferved in the eminent places of Law 
 and Juftice : I fhall therefore name unto you for the At- 
 torney's place there, or for the Solicitor's place, if the 
 jnow Solicitor fhall go up, a Gentleman of mine own 
 breeding and framing, Mr. Edward Wyrthington of Greys- 
 Inne, he is born to eight hundred pounds a Year ; he is 
 the eldeft fon of a moft fevere Jufticer, amongft the Re- 
 cufants of Lancashire, and a Man moft able for Law and 
 Speech, and by me trained in the King's caufes. My Lord 
 
 Deputy,
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 
 
 Deputy, by my defcription, is much in love with the Man. 
 I hear my Lord of Canterbury, and Sir Thomas Laquey 
 mould name one Sir John Beare, and fome other mean 
 Men. This man I commend upon my credit, for the good 
 of his Majefty's fervice. God ever preferve and proiper 
 you. I reft, Tour moji devoted, and moji bounden Servant, 
 
 2 July, 1616. Fr. Bacon, 
 
 From the Original. * 
 
 To Sir George Villiers. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 E c a u s e I am uncertain whether his Majefty will 
 
 B 
 
 put to a point, fome Refolutions touching Ireland, 
 now at Wind/or; I thought it my duty to attend his Ma- 
 jefty by my Letter, (and thereby to fupply my abfence) 
 for the renewing of fome former Commiffions for Ire- 
 land, and the framing of a new Commirlion for the Wards 
 and the Alienations, which appertain properly to me, as 
 his Majefty's Attorney, and have been accordingly refefi- 
 red by my Lords. I will undertake that they are prepared 
 with a greater care, and better application to his Maje- 
 fty's fervice in that Kingdom, than heretofore they have 
 been; and therefore of that I fay no more. And for the 
 Inftructions of the new Deputy, they have been fet down 
 by the two Secretaries, and read to the Board ; and being 
 things of an ordinary nature, I do not fee but they may pafs. 
 
 But there have been three Proportions and Counfels 
 which have been ftirred, which feem to me of very great 
 
 This Letter is printed in the Rejufcitatio and Cab ah, but is here ccrre&ed 
 in fome places by the Original. 
 
 2 importance v.
 
 Letters of the Lord 
 
 importance : wherein I think myfelf bound to deliver to 
 his Majefty my advice and opinion, if they mould now 
 come in Queftion. 
 
 The Firft is, touching the Recufant Magifirates of 
 the Towns of Ireland, and the Communalties themfelves, 
 their Electors, what fhall be done. Which Confultation 
 arifeth from the late advertifements from the two Lords 
 Juftices, upon the inftance of the two towns of Limerick 
 and Kilkenny ; in which advertifement they reprefent the 
 danger onely, without giving any light for the remedy; 
 rather warily for themfelves, than agreeably to their du- 
 ties, and Place. 
 
 In this Point, I humbly pray his Majefty to remember, 
 that the Refufal is not of the Oath of Allegiance, (which 
 is not enacted in Ireland ;) but of the Oath of Suprema- 
 cy, which cutteth deeper into matter of confcience. Alfo, 
 that his Majefty will, out of the depth of his excellent 
 wifdom, and providence, think, and as it were calculate 
 with himfelf 5 whether Time will make more for the cauie 
 of Religion in Ireland, and be ftill more, and more, pro- 
 pitious ; or whether deferring Remedies will not make 
 the Cafe more difficult. For if Time give his Majefty the 
 Advantage, what needeth precipitation to extreme reme- 
 dies ? But if Time will make the cafe more defperate, 
 then his Majefty cannot begin too foon. Now in my opi- 
 nion, Time will open, and facilitate things for reforma- 
 tion of Religion there; and not ftiut up, or block the fame. 
 For firft, the Plantations going on, and being, principal- 
 ly, of Protejlants, cannot but mate the other Party in 
 time : Alfo, his Majefty's care, in placing good Bijhops, 
 and Divines; in amplifying the College there; and in 
 
 looking
 
 Chancellor Bacon, 
 
 looking to the education of Wards, and the like; as they 
 are the moft natural means, fo are they like to be the moft 
 effectual and happy, for the weeding out of Popery, with- 
 out ufing the temporal fword: So as, I think, I may 
 truly conclude, that the ripenefs of Time is not yet come. 
 
 Therefore my Advice, in all humblenefs is, that 
 this hazardous courfe of proceeding, to tender the Oath 
 to the Magiftrates of Towns, proceed not, but dye by de- 
 grees. And yet, to preferve the authority, and reputati- 
 on of the former Council, I would have fomewhat done ; 
 which is, that there be a proceeding to feizure of Liberties', 
 but not by any Act of Power, but by <$uo Warranto, or 
 Scire facias ; which is a legal Courfe ; and will be the 
 work of three, or four, Terms ; by which time, the mat- 
 ter will fomewhat cool. 
 
 But I would not (in no cafe) that the proceeding 
 mould be with both the Towns , which ftand now in 
 contempt, but with one of them only ; choofing that 
 which fhall be thought moft fit. For if his Majefty pro- 
 ceed with both, then all the Towns, that are in the like 
 cafe, will think it a common Caufe ; and that it is but 
 their cafe to day, and their own to morrow. But if his 
 Majefty proceed but with one, the apprehenfion and terror 
 will not be fo ftrong ; for they will think, it may be their 
 cafe, as well to be fpared, as profecuted : And this is the 
 beft advice that I can give to his Majefty in this ftreight ; 
 and of this Opinion, feemed my Lord Chancellor to be. 
 
 The fecond Proportion is this : It may be^ his Ma- 
 jefty will be moved, to reduce the number of his Council 
 of Ireland, which is now almoft fifty, to twenty, or the 
 like number -, in refpect the greatnefs of the number doih 
 
 both
 
 8 Letters of the Lord 
 
 both embafe the Authority of the Council, and divulge 
 the bufinefs. Neverthelefs, I do hold this Proportion to 
 be rather fpecious and folemn, than needful at this time ; 
 for certainly, it will fill the State full of Difcontentment; 
 which, in a growing andunfettledEftate, ought not to be. 
 
 This I could wifh, that his Majefty would appoint a 
 felecl: number of Counfellors there, which might deal in 
 the improvement of his Revenue j (being a thing not fit 
 to pafs through too many hands 5) and that the faid fe- 
 ledfced number mould have Days of fitting by themfelves; 
 at which, the reft of the Council mould not be prefent j 
 which being once fettled, then other principal bufinefs of 
 State, may be handled at thofe Sittings; and fo the reft 
 begin to be difufed, and yet retain their Countenance, 
 without murmur or difgrace. 
 
 The third Propofition, as it is wound up, feemeth to 
 be pretty, if it can keep Promife : For it is this, That a 
 Means may be found, to re-enforce his Majefty's Army 
 there by five hundred or a thoufand men ; and that without 
 any Penny encreafe of Charge. And the Means fhould be, 
 that there fhould be a Commandement of a local remov- 
 ing, and transferring fome Companies, from one Pro- 
 vince to another ; whereupon it is fuppofed, that many 
 that are planted in Houfe and Lands, will rather leefe 
 their Entertainment than remove: And thereby new men 
 may have their Pay, and yet the old be mingled in the 
 Country, for the ftrength thereof. 
 
 In this Propofition two things may be feared: The 
 one, Difcontent of thofe that fhall be put off: The other, 
 that the Companies fhall be fluffed with Ty rones, inftead 
 of Veterani. I wifh therefore, that this Propofition be 
 
 well
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 
 
 well debated ere it be admitted. Thus having perform- 
 ed that which duty binds me to j I commend you to God's 
 beft prefervation. Tour moft devoted and bounden Servant, 
 
 Gorbambury, July 5, 161 6. Fra. BaCOn. 
 
 From the Original. & 
 To the Ki n g. 
 
 It may pleafe your moji excellent Majeftie, 
 
 According to your Commandement, I fend inclofed 
 the Preface to the Patent of Creation of Sir George 
 Villiers. I have not ufed any glaring termes, but drawn 
 it according to your Majefties Inftructions, and the note 
 which thereupon I framed, and your Majeftie allowed, 
 with fome additions which I have inferted. But I hope 
 your Majeftie will be pleafed to correct and perfect it. 
 Your Majeftie will be alfo pleafed to remember, that if 
 the Creation fhall be at Roughford y your pleafure and this 
 draught be fpeedily returned j for it will afke a fending of 
 the Bill for your Majefties Signature, and a fending back 
 of the fame to pafs the Seales, and a fending thereupon 
 of the Patent itfelf : So it muft be twice fent up and 
 down before the day. God evermore preferve your 
 Majeftie. Tour Majefties moft devoted and moft bounden 
 Servant, 
 
 28 July 161 6. rr. .Bacon. 
 
 
 
 C
 
 iq Letters of the Lord 
 
 
 
 To Sir George Villiers. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 I Send you the Bill for his Majeflies Signature, reform- 
 ed according to his Majeflies Amendments , both in 
 the two places, (which, I afliire you, were both altered 
 with great judgement ;) and in the third place, which his 
 Majeftie termed a Queflion onely. But he is an idle body 
 that thinks his Majeftie afks an idle Queflion ; and there- 
 fore his Majeflies Queftions are to be anfwered by taking 
 away the caufe of the Queflion, and not by replying. 
 
 For the Name, his Majeflies Will is a Law in thofe 
 things j and to fpeak truth, it is a well-founding and no- 
 ble Name both here and abroad : And being your proper 
 Name, I will take it for a good fign that you fhall give 
 honour to your Dignity, and not your Dignity to you. 
 Therefore I have made it Vifcount Villiers : And for your 
 Baronry I will keep it for an Earldom; for though the 
 other had been more orderly, yet that is as ufual, and 
 both alike good in Law. 
 
 For Ropers place, I would have it by all means dif* 
 patched ; and therefore I mar vail it lingreth. It were 
 no good manners to take the bufinefs out of my Lord 
 Treafurer's hands ; and therefore I purpoie to write to his 
 Lordfhip, if I hear not from him firfl by Mr. Deccombe. 
 But if I hear of any delay; you will give me leave (efpe- 
 cially fince the King named me) to deal with Sir John 
 Roper my felfe : for neither I, nor my Lord Treafurer, 
 can deferve any great thanks of you in this bufinefs, con- 
 fidering the King hath fpoken to Sir John Roper, and he 
 
 hath
 
 Chancellor Bacon. %} 
 
 hath promifed -, and befides the thing it felf is (o reafon- 
 able, as it ought to be as foon done as faid a . I am now 
 gotten into the Countrey to my Houfe, where I have 
 fome little liberty to think of that I would think of, and 
 not of that which other Men hourly break my Head with- 
 al, as it was at London. Upon this you may conclude 
 that mofl of my thoughts are of his Majefty ; and then 
 you cannot be far off. God ever keep you and profper 
 you. I reft always, Tour true and moji devoted Servant, 
 
 $Aug. 1616. Fr. Bacon. 
 
 Sir John Roper being Clerk of the Pleas in the Kings-Bench, refigned that 
 profitable Office to Sir George Vilttersh Truftees, upon his being created . Lord 
 Teynbam ; as appears in the Introduction and Letters formerly printed. 
 
 To Sir George Villiers. 
 
 S I R, 
 
 I Have fent you now your Patent of Creation of Lord 
 Bleckley of Bleckley, and of Vifcount Villiers. Bleck- 
 ley is your own, and I liked the found of the name bet- 
 ter than Wkaddon : But the name will be hid, for you 
 will be called Vifcount Villiers. I have put them both 
 in a Patent, after the manner of the Patent of Arms 
 where Baronries are joined. But the chief reafon was, be- 
 caufe I would avoid double prefaces j which had not been 
 fit. Neverthelefs the ceremony of robing, and otherwife, 
 muft be double. And now becaufe I am in the Countrey, 
 I will fend you fome of my Countrey fruits, which with 
 me are, good Meditations ; which when I am in the City 
 are choked with Bufinefs. 
 
 After that the King fhall have watered your new Digni- 
 
 C 2 ties,
 
 1 2 Letters of the Lord 
 
 ties, with his bounty of the Lands which he intends you ; 
 and that fome other things concerning your means, which 
 are now likewife in intention, fhall be fettled upon youj 
 I do not fee but you may think your private fortunes efla- 
 blifhed. And therefore it is now time that you fhould re- 
 fer your actions chiefly to the good of your Sovereign, and 
 your Countrey. It is the life of an Oxe, or a Beaft, al- 
 ways to eat and never to exercife : but Men are born (ef- 
 pecially Chriftian men) not to cram in their Fortunes > 
 but to exercife their Vertues : and yet the other hath been 
 the unworthy, andfometimes the unlucky humour of great 
 perfons in our times. Neither will your further Fortune 
 be the further off. For alfure your felf, that Fortune is of 
 a Woman's nature, that will fooner follow you by flight- 
 ing, than by too much wooing. And in this dedication 
 of your felf to the publick, I recommend unto you prin- 
 cipally, that which I think was never done fince I was 
 born, and which not done, hath bred almofl a wildernefs 
 and folitude in the King's fervice : which is, that you 
 countenance and encourage and advance able and vertu- 
 ous Men, in all kinds degrees and profeflions. For in 
 the time of fome late great Counfellours, when they bare 
 the fway, able Men were by defign and of purpofe fup- 
 prefied. And though now fince Choice goeth better, both 
 in Church and Commonwealth j yet money, and turn- 
 ferving, and cunning canvifes, and importunity prevail too 
 much. And in places of moment, rather make able and 
 honefl Men yours, than advance thofe that are otherwife 
 becaufe they, are yours. As for cunning and corrupt Men, 
 you muft, I know, fometimes ufe them : but keep them 
 at a diftance, and let it appear that you make ufe of them, 
 
 rather
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 13 
 
 rather than that they lead you. Above all, depend wholly 
 (next to God) upon the King-, and be ruled (as hither- 
 to you have been) by his inftructions; for that's beft for 
 your felf. For the King's care and thoughts concerning 
 you are according to the thoughts of a great King ; 
 whereas your thoughts concerning your felf are and 
 ought to be according to the thoughts of a modeft Man. 
 But let me not weary you ; the fum is, that you think 
 Goodnefs thebeft part of Greatnefs; and that you remem- 
 ber whence your rifing comes, and make return accor- 
 dingly. God ever keep you. Tour true and mojl devoted 
 Servant, 
 
 12 Aug. 1 61 6: p r> Bacon. 
 
 The good Counfels which Sir Francis Bacon gives in this Letter to Sir George 
 Villiers, is a fort of abridgment of that excellent Difcourfe which he made for him 
 foon after he became a Favourite, and was printed in 1660, and fince that time. 
 
 To the King. 
 
 // may pleafe your mofi excellent Majefiie, 
 
 IHave fent Sir George Villierss Patent drawn agaiff, 
 containing alfo a Baronry j. the name Blechley, which 
 is his own> and to my thinking foundeth better than 
 Whaddon. I have included both in one Patent, to avoid 
 a double preface, and as hath been ufed in the Patents of 
 Earls of like nature. Neverthelefs the ceremony of rob- 
 ing and otherwife is to be double, as is alfo ufed in like 
 
 r c t^ 1 
 
 cafe of Earls. 
 
 It refteth, that I exprefs unto your Majeflie my great 
 
 joy in your honouring and advancing this Gentleman -, 
 
 whom to defcribe, not with colours but with true lines, I 
 
 2 may
 
 14 Letters of the Lord 
 
 may fay this; your Majeity certainly hath found out and 
 chofen a fafe Nature, a capable Man, an honefl Will, 
 generous and noble Affedrions, and a Courage well lodged ; 
 and one that I know loveth your Majeftie unfeignedly, 
 and admireth you as much as is in a Man to admire his 
 Sovereign upon Earth. Onely your Majeftie's fchool 
 (wherein he hath already fo well profited, as in this en- 
 trance upon the ftage, being the time of greatefl danger, 
 he hath not committed any manifeft errour) will add 
 perfection -, to your Majefties comfort, and the great con- 
 tentment of your people. God ever preferve and profper 
 your Majeflie. I reft in all humblenefs, Tour Majefties 
 tnoft bounden and moft devoted Sub/eel and Servant, 
 
 izJug.\6i6. Fr. Bacon. 
 
 To Sir George Villiers. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 ITook much contentment in that I perceive by your 
 Letter, that you took in fo good part the freedom of 
 my advice ; and that your felf in your own nature con- 
 sented therewith. Certainly, no fervice is comparable to 
 good counfel - t and the reafon is, becaufe no Man can do fo 
 much for another, as a Man may do for himfelf. Now 
 good Counfel helpeth a Man to help himfelf : but you 
 have fo happy a Mailer as fupplyeth all. My fervice and 
 good will mall not be wanting. 
 
 It was gracioufly and kindly done alfo of his Majeftie 
 towards me, to tell you that you were beholding to me- 
 But it mufl be then for thinking of you as I do; for other- 
 wife, for fpeaking as I think, it is but the part of an ho- 
 
 neft
 
 Chavcellor Bacon. 1 5 
 
 neft Man. I fend you your Patent, whereof God give 
 you joy. And I fend you here inclofed, a little note of 
 remembrance for that part of the Ceremony, which con- 
 cerneth the Patent : For as for other Ceremonies, I leave 
 to others. 
 
 My Lord Chancellor difpatched your Patent prefently 
 upon the receit j and writ to me how glad he was of it, 
 and how well he wifhed you. If you write to him a few 
 words of thanks, I think you fhall do well. God keep 
 you and profper you. I ever reft, Tour true and moji 
 devoted Servant, 
 
 Fr Bacon. 
 
 zoJug, 1616. 
 
 To Sir George Villiers. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 IAm more and more bound unto his Majeftie, who, I 
 think, knowing me to have other ends than ambition^ 
 is contented to make me judge of mine own defires. I am 
 now beating my Brains (among many cares of his Ma- 
 jesties bufinefs) touching the redeeming the time in this 
 bufinefs of Cloth. The great Qiieflion is, how to mifs or 
 how to mate the Flemmings -, how to pafs by them, or 
 how to pafs over them a . 
 
 In my next Letter I fhall alter your ftyle j but I fhall 
 never whilft I breathe alter mine own ityle, in being 
 Tour true and mojl devoted Servant,, 
 
 22 Jug. 1616. Fr. Bacon. 
 
 * Of the Controverfy between the old and new Company of Merchants, in re- 
 lation to the exporting of Woollen Cloths, either dyed or undrefled, much may 
 be found in the Letters of the 1 2 th of Juguft, the 3 d and 25 th of February 1 61 5, 
 contained in the aforefaid Letters and Memoirs, and in the Introduction to them. 
 
 Fronv
 
 1 6 Letters of the Lord 
 
 i 
 
 From the Original, 
 
 To the King. 
 
 It may pleafe your moft excellent Majefly, 
 
 FIrst from the bottom of my heart, I thank the 
 God of all mercy and falvation, that he hath pre- 
 ierved you from receiving any hurt by your fall ; and I 
 pray his divine Majefly ever to preferve you on horfeback 
 and on foot from hurt, and fear of hurt. 
 
 Now touching the Clothing bufineffe ; for that I per- 
 ceive the Cloth goeth not off as it mould, and that Wilt- 
 jhire is now come in with complaint as well as Glouce- 
 JlerJJnre and W or after fiire, fb that this Gangrene creep- 
 eth on ; I humbly pray your Majefly to take into your 
 Majeflies princely confideration a Remedy for the prefent 
 fland, which certainly will do the deed ; and for any 
 thing that I know will be honourable and convenient, 
 though joyned with fome lofTe in your Majefties cuflomes, 
 which I knowe in a bufineffe of this quality, and being 
 but for an interim, till you may negotiate, your Majeflie 
 doth not efleem. And it is this. 
 
 That your Majefly by your Proclamation, do forbid 
 (after fourteen dayes, giving that time for futing mens 
 felves) the wearing of any fluffe made wholly of Silk, 
 without mixture of Wool, for the fpace of fix months. 
 So your Majefly fhall fupply outward vent with inward 
 uie, fpecially for the finer Cloths, which are thofe where- 
 in the fland principally is, and which Silk wearers are 
 likefl to buy ; and you mall fhew a mofl Princely care 
 over thoufands of the poor people j and befides your Ma- 
 jeftie
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 17 
 
 jeftie fhall blowe a Home, to let the Flemings know your 
 Majeitie will not give over the chace. Again, the Win- 
 ter feafon coming on is fittefl for wearing of Cloth, and 
 there is fcope enough left for bravery and vanity by lacing 
 and embroydery, fo it be upon Cloth or ftuffes of Wool. 
 I thought it my duty to offer and fubmit this remedy, 
 amongft others, to your Majefties great wifdom, becaufe 
 it pleafed you to lay the care of this bufineffe upon me; and 
 indeed my care did fly to it before, as it fhall always do 
 to any knots and difficulties in your bufineffe, wherein hi- 
 therto, I have been not unfortunate. God ever have you 
 in his moft pretious cuftody. Tour Majefties moft fay th- 
 ful and moft bounden Servant, 
 
 13 Sept. 1 61 6. Fra. Bacon. 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To the Lord Vifcount Villiers. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 IT was my opinion from the beginning, that this 
 Company will never overcome the bufineffe of the 
 Cloth ; and that the Impediments are as much or more 
 in the perfons which are Inftrumenta animata than in the 
 dead bufineffe it felfe. 
 
 I have therefore fent unto the King here inclofed my 
 Reafons, which I pray your Lordfhip to fhew hisMajeftie. 
 
 The new Company and the old Company are but the 
 Sons of Adam to me, and I take my felf to have fome 
 credit with both : but it is upon fear rather with the 
 old, and upon love rather with the new 5 and yet with both 
 
 D upon
 
 1 8 Letters of the Lord 
 
 upon perfuafion that I underftand the bufinefle. 
 
 Neverthelefle I walk in via regid, which is not abfo- 
 lutely acceptable to either : For the new Company would 
 have all their demands granted, and the old Company 
 would have the King's work given over and deferted. 
 
 My opinion is, that the old Company be drawn to fuc- 
 ceed into the Contract, (elfe the King's honour fuffereth) 
 and that we all draw in one way to effect that. If Time 
 which is the wifeft of things, prove the work impomble 
 or inconvenient, which I do not yet believe, I know his 
 Majeflie and the State will not fuffer them to perifh. 
 
 I wifli what fhall be done, were done with refolution 
 and fpeed, and that your Lordfhip (becaufe it is a graci- 
 ous bufineffe) had thankes of it next the King -, and that 
 there were fome Commiflion under his Majeftie's fign ma- 
 nual, to deal with fome felected perfons of the old Com- 
 pany, and to take their anfwers and confent under their 
 hands ; and that the procuring the Commiflion, and the 
 procuring of their offers to be accepted, were your Lord- 
 fhip's work. 
 
 In this treaty my Lord Chancellor muff by no means 
 be left out, for he will moderate well, and aimeth at his 
 Majeftie's ends. 
 
 Mx.Sollicitor is not yet returned, but I look for him pre- 
 fently. I reft Tour Lord/hip's true and moji devoted 
 Servant, 
 
 Mon J? n it? r, ? oher Fr * Bacon. 
 
 at i oof theClockc. 
 
 From
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 19 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 Reafons why the new Company is not to be trufled 
 and continued with the Trade of Clothes. 
 
 Fir ft, The Company confifts of a number of young 
 Men and Shop-keepers, which not being bred in the 
 trade, are fearful to meddle with any of the dear and fine 
 Clothes, but only meddle with the courfe Clothes, which 
 is every Man's Ikill : and belides having other trades to live 
 upon, they come in the Sun-fhine fo long as things go 
 well, and affoon as they meet with any ilorme or cloud, 
 they leave Trade and goe back to Shop-keeping : whereas 
 the old Company were beaten Traders, and having no other 
 means of living but that Trade, were fain to ride out all 
 accidents and difficulties; which, being men of great abi- 
 lity, they were well able to do. 
 
 Secondly, Thefe young men being the major part, and 
 having a kind of dependance upon Alderman Cockaine, 
 they carry things by plurality of voices; and yet thofe few 
 of the old Company which are amongft them do drive al- 
 moft three parts of the Trade ; and it is impofiible things 
 mould go well, where one part gives the vote, and the fa- 
 ther doth the work-, fo that the execution of all things lyes 
 chiefly upon them that never confented, which is meerly 
 motus violentus, and cannot laft. 
 
 thirdly, The new Company make continually fuch new 
 fpringing demands, as the State can never be fecure nor 
 truft to them, neither doth it feem that they do much trufl 
 themfelves. 
 
 Fourthly, The prefentfland of Cloth ixBlackwell-hall 
 
 D 2 (which
 
 20 Letters of the Lord 
 
 (which is that that prefleth the State moft, and is provided 
 for but by a temporary and weak remedy) is fuppofed 
 would be prefently at an end, upon the revivor of the 
 old ; in refpect that they are able men and united amongft 
 themfelves. 
 
 Fifthly^ In thefe cafes, Opinio eft veritate major, and 
 the very voice and expectation of revivor of the old Com- 
 pany will comfort the Clothiers, and encourage them not 
 to lay down their Loomes. 
 
 Sixthly, The very Flemings themfelves (in regard of 
 the pique they have againft the new Company) are like 
 to be more pliant and tractable towards his Majeftie's ends 
 and defires. 
 
 Seventhly, Considering the bufinefs hath not gone on 
 well, his Majeftie muft either lay the fault upon the mat- 
 ter it felf, or upon the perfons that have managed it; 
 wherein the King mall beft acquit his honour, to lay it 
 where it is indeed; that is, upon the carriage and proceed- 
 ings of the new Company, which have been full of un- 
 certainty and abufe. 
 
 Laftly y The fubjects of this Kingdom generally have an 
 ill tafte and conceipt of the new Company, and therefore 
 the putting of them down, will difcharge the State of a 
 great deal of envy. 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To the Lord Fit/count Villiers* 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 NOW that the King hath received my Opinion, 
 with the Judges's opinion, unto whom it was refer- 
 red,
 
 Chancellor B a con. 2 1 
 
 red, touching the propofition for Innes in point of Law ; 
 it refteth that it be moulded and carried- in that fort, as it 
 may pafs with beft contentment and conveniency. Where- 
 in I that ever love good company, as I was joined with 
 others in the legal poynt, fo I defire npt to be alone in. the 
 direction touching the conveniency. And therefore I fend 
 your Lordfhip a forme of Warrant for the King's figna- 
 ture, whereby the framing of the bufjneue and that which 
 belongeth to it, may be referred to my felf with Serjeant 
 Montague and Serjeant Finch; and though Montague 
 fhould change his place, that alteration hurteth not the 
 bufmefTe, but rather helpeth it. And becaufe the inqui- 
 ry and furvey touching Innes will require much attendance 
 and charge, and the making of the Licences, I mall think 
 fit (when that Queftion cometh to me) to be * to the Ju- * Here the 
 flice of A/fife 9 and not to thofe that follow this bufinefs : Z omitSTin 
 Therefore his Majeftie may be pleas'd to confider what theonsma1, 
 proportion or dividend fhall be allotted to Mr. MompeJJbn % 
 and thofe that fhall follow it at their own charge, which 
 ufeth in like cafes to be a fifth a . So I ever reft, Tom 
 Lordjhifs true and mofi devoted Servant \ 
 
 \iNev. 1 61 6. rr. mcon* 
 
 I fuppofe it was not long after the Judges and Attorneys General had given 
 the opinion above mention'd, that a Patent -was granted for licencing of conn 
 mon Innes, under colour whereof Sir Giles MompeJJ on levyed feveral fums of Mo- 
 ney by way of Fines, as well as by yearly Incomes from them ; and Alehoufes alfo 
 by a fubfequent Patent : Proceeding therein with fo much rigour, that it was com- 
 plained of in the Parliament which began in i6-|t, as one of the great grievances 
 of the Nation ; the Patent declared illegal, and recalled by the King's proclama- 
 tion ; MomptJJo/i and Michel, the chief Projectors of this and fome other Oppref- 
 fions feverely cenfured according to their demerits. The manner of which may be 
 fcen in the Journals of that Parliament, and the hutories of thofe Times. 
 r 
 
 From 
 

 
 2 2 Letters of the Lord 
 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 To the Lord Vifcount Villiers. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 Think his Majeftie was not onely well advifed but 
 well infpired, to give order for this fame wicked child 
 of Cayn, Bertram, to be examin'd before he was further 
 proceeded with. And I for my part before I had received 
 his Majeftie's pleafure by my Lord Chamberlayn went thus 
 far, that I had appointed him to be further examined, and 
 alfo had taken order with Mr. Sollicitor that he mould be 
 provided to make fome declaration at his tryal in fome 
 iblemn fafhion, and not to let fuch a ftrange Murder pafle 
 as if it had been but a Horfe-ftealing. 
 
 But upon his Majeftie's pleafure fignified, I forthwith 
 caufed the Tryal to be flayed, and examin'd the party ac- 
 cording to his Majeftie's Queftions ; and alfo fent for the 
 principal Counfel in the caufe whereupon Sir John Tyn- 
 dal's report was grounded, to difcern the juftice or ini- 
 quity of the faid report as his Majefty likewife commanded. 
 
 I fend therefore the cafe of Bertram truely ftated and 
 collected, and the examination taken before my felfe and 
 Mr. Sollicitor; whereby it will appear to his Majeftie that 
 Sir John 'Tyndal (as to this caufe) is a kind of a Martyr : 
 For if ever he made a juft report in his life, this was it. 
 
 But the event fince all this is, that this Bertram, being 
 as it feemeth indurate or in defpair, hath hanged himfelfe 
 in prifon ; of which accident as I am forry becaufe he is 
 taken from example and publick juftice, fo yet I would not 
 for any thing it had been before his examination: So that 
 
 there
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 23 
 
 there may be otherwife fome occafion taken either by fome 
 declaration in the King's Bench upon the return of the Co- 
 roner's enqueft, or by fome printed book of the fact, or 
 by fome other meanes (whereof I purpofe to advife with 
 my Lord Chancellor) to have both his Majeure's royal 
 care, and the truth of the fact, with the circumflances, 
 manifefted and publifhed a . 
 
 For the taking a Tye of my Lord Chief Juftice before 
 he was placed, it was done before your Letter came, and 
 on Tuefday, Heath and Shute fhall be admitted, and all 
 perfected. 
 
 My Lord Chancellor purpofeth to be at the hall to mor- 
 rowe, to give my Lord Chief Juftice his Oath, I pray 
 God it hurt him not this cold weather. God ever profper 
 you. Tour true and moji devoted Servant, 
 
 Sunday night the 17 th -. -r, 
 
 oiNovmt. 1 61 6. * r - -Bacon. 
 
 This Bertram, who, according to Camden in his Annals of King James was 
 a grave man above feventy years of age and of a clear reputation, piftolled Sir John 
 Tyndal a Matter in Chancery on the 1 2 th of November, for making a report againft 
 him in a caufe where the fum contended for did not exceed 200 /. By his exa.- 
 mination taken the 16" heconfeffed it to be as foul a Murther as ever was, under 
 the fenfe of which he hanged himfelf the next day. 
 
 From the Original. & 
 
 
 
 To Sir Francis Bacon his Majefties Attorney 
 
 General. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 IHave acquainted his Majeftie with your Letter, and 
 the other Papers inclos'd, who liketh very well of the 
 
 courfe you purpofe touching the manifeji to be publifhed 
 
 of
 
 24. Letters of the Lord 
 
 of Bertram's fact And will have you, according to your 
 own motion, advife with my Lord Chancellor of the 
 manner of it. His Majeftie's pleafiire likewife is, that 
 according to the declaration he made before the Lords of 
 his Council at Whitehall, touching the review of my Lord 
 Coke's Reports, you draw a Warrant ready for his figna- 
 ture, directed to thofe Judges whom he then named to 
 that effecl:, and fend it fpeedily to him to be figned, that 
 there may be a difpatch of that bufinefs before the end of 
 the Term, and foe I reft, Tour faithful Friend at com- 
 mand. 
 
 Newmarket, 19 Nov. 1616. George VlllierS. 
 
 The Cafe of John Bertram. & 
 
 LEonard Chamberlayne died inteftate without ifliie, 
 and left a Sifter married to Bertram, and a Niece 
 afterwards married to Sir George Simeon. 
 
 The Niece obtained letters of Admin iftration, and did 
 adminifter; but afterwards upon appeale Bertram in the 
 right of his Wife (that was the Sifter) obtained the former 
 Adminiftration to be repealed, and new letters of Admi- 
 niftration to be committed to Bertram and his Wife, be- 
 caufe the Sifter was nearer of kinne than the Niece. 
 
 Thereupon Bertram brings his Bill in Chancery againft 
 the firft Adminiftratrix, to difcover the true ftate of the In- 
 teftate, and to have it fet over unto him, being the right- 
 ful Adminiftrator; and this Caufe coming to hearing, it 
 ctid appeare that there was a debt of 200 /. oweing by 
 one Harris to the Inteftate: Whereupon it was decreed, 
 
 that
 
 Chancellor Bacon* 25 
 
 that the debt of Harris by bond fhould be fet over to 
 Bertram, and likewife that all other moneys, debts and 
 bonds mould be affigned over to him. In the penning of 
 this Decree there was an error or flip, for it was penned 
 that a debt by Harris by a bond of 200 /. mould be fet o^- 
 ver, whereas the proofes went plainly that it was* but 200 /. 
 in toto upon divers fpecialties and writings. Upon this 
 pinch and advantage Bertram moved ftill that the bond 
 of 200 /. mould be brought in, and at laft the defendant 
 alledging that there was no fuch bond, the Court order- 
 ed that the money it felf (viz.) 200 /. mould be brought 
 in, which was done accordingly, and foon after by Order 
 of the Court it was paid over to Bertram. 
 
 When Bertram had this 200/. in his purfe, he would 
 needs furmife, that there was another 200/. due by Har- 
 ris upon accompt befides the 200/. due by one fingular 
 bond, and ftill preffed the words of the Decree which men- 
 tions a bond, and thereupon got his adverfary Sir George 
 Simeon committed. Afterwards it was moved upon Si- 
 meons part, that there was only one debt of 200 /. and 
 that the Decree was miftaken in the penning of it, and 
 fo muft needs be understood, becaufe the Decree muft be 
 upon the proofes, and all the proofes went but upon the 
 200 /. in toto, and not upon any particular bond : where- 
 upon my Lord Chancellor referred the confideration of 
 the proofes, and the compareing of them with the Decree, 
 to Sir John Tynda/I and Doctor Amye. 
 
 They reported (which was the killing report) that upon 
 the proofes there was but one 200/. in all, and that had 
 been eagerlie followed by Bertram, and that Simeon had 
 iuffered by error and miftaking, and that it were time he 
 
 E were
 
 26 Letters of the Lord 
 
 were releafed (which was a moft juft and true report) and 
 yet it concluded (as is ufed in fuch cafes) that they re- 
 ferred it to the better judgment of the Court ; and the 
 Court upon the reading of that report gave order that the 
 Plaintiff Bertram mould mew caufe by a day why Simeon 
 fhould not be enlarged, and the Plaintiff Bertram difmif- 
 fed. And before the day prefixed to mew caufe Bertram 
 piffolled Sir John fyndalL 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To the Lord Vifcount Villiers. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 I Am glad to finde your Lordfhip mindful of your own 
 bufineffe, and if any man put you in minde of it, I do 
 not diflike that neither ; but your Lordfhip may afiure 
 your felf in whatfoever you commit to me, your Lord- 
 fhip's further care mall be needlefs. For I defire to take 
 nothing from my Mailer and my Friend but care, and 
 therein I am fo covetous, as I will leave them as little as 
 may be. Now therefore things are grown to a conclu- 
 fion touching your Land and Office, I will give your Lord- 
 fhip an account of that which is paffed j and acquaint 
 your judgement (which I know to be great and capable 
 of any thing) with your own bufineffe, that you may 
 difcern the difference between doing things fubftantially, 
 and between fhuffling and talking : And firff for your Pa- 
 tent. 
 
 Fir ft, It was my counfel and care that your Book mould 
 be Fee-Far me and not Fee-Simple; whereby the rent of 
 
 the
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 27 
 
 the Crown in fucceflion is not diminifhed, and yet the 
 quantity of the Land which you have upon your value is 
 enlarged j whereby you have both honour and profit. 
 
 Secondly, By the help of Sir Lyonel Cranfield I advan- 
 ced the value of Sher bourn from 26000 /. (which was 
 thought and admitted by my Lord Treafurer and Sir John 
 Deccombe, as a value of great favour to your Lordfhip, be- 
 caufe it was a thoufand pound more than it was valued at 
 to SomerfetJ to thirty two thoufand pounds, whereby 
 there was fix thoufand pounds gotten and yet juftly. 
 
 Thirdly, I advifed the courfe of rating Harrington at a 
 hundred years purchafe, and the reft at thirty five years 
 purchafe Fee-Farme, to be fet down and exprefled in the 
 Warrant ; that it may appear and remain of record, that 
 your Lordfhip had no other rates made to you in favour, 
 than fiich as purchafers upon fale are feldom drawn unto ; 
 whereby you have honour. 
 
 Fourthly, That leafe to the Feoffees, which was kept 
 as a fecret in the defke (and was not onely of Hartington, 
 but alfo of moft of the other particulars in your book,) I 
 caufed to be throughly looked into and provided for; with- 
 out which your afiiirance had been nothing worth, and 
 yet I handled it fo, and made the matter fo well under- 
 ftood, as you were not put to be a fuitor to the Prince for 
 his good will in it, as others ignorantly thought you mull 
 have done. 
 
 Fifthly, The Annexation-, which no body dreamt of, 
 and which fome idle bold Lawyer would perhaps have faid 
 had been needlefs, and yet is of that weight, that there 
 was never yet any man that would purchafe any fuch Land 
 from the King, except he had a declaration to difcharge 
 
 E 2 it;
 
 28 Letters of the Lord 
 
 it : I was provident to have it difcharged by declaration. 
 
 Sixthly, Left it fhould be faid that your Lordfhip was 
 the nrfl (except the Queen and the Prince) that brake the 
 Annexation upon a mere gift, for that others had it dif- 
 charged onely upon fale, which was for the King's profit 
 and neceflity ; I found a remedy for that alfo, becaufe I 
 have carved it in the declaration, as that this was not gift 
 to your Lordfhip, but rather a purchafe and exchange, (as 
 indeed it was) for Sherboum. 
 
 Seventhly and laftly, I have taken order (as much as in 
 me was) that your Lordfhip in thefe things which you 
 have panned be not abufed if you part with them ; for I 
 have taken notes in a book of their values and former of- 
 fers. 
 
 Now for your office. 
 
 Firjl, Whereas my Lord Teynham at the firft would 
 have had your Lordfhip have had but one life in it, and 
 he another; and my Lord Treafurer, and the Sollickor 
 and Deccombe were about to give way to it; I turned ut- 
 terly that courfe, telling them that you were to have two 
 lives in it as well as Somerfet had. 
 
 Secondly, I have accordingly in the afTurance from your 
 Deputies, made them acknowledge the truft, and give fe- 
 curity not onely for your Lordfhip's time, but after; fo as 
 you may difpofe (if you fhould dye, which I would be 
 forry to live to) the profits of the office by your Will, or 
 otherwife to any of your friends, for their comfort and ad- 
 vancement. 
 
 Thirdly, I dealt fo with Whitlocke as well as Heath, as 
 there was noe difficulty made of the furrender. 
 
 Laftly, I did cafl with my felf, that if your Lordfhip's 
 
 Deputies >
 
 Chancellor B a c o n. 2 9 
 
 Deputies, had come in by Sir Edward Cooke who was tyed 
 to Somerfet, it would have been fubject to fome clamour 
 from Somerfet, and fome queftion what was forfeited by 
 Somerfet 's attainder (being but of felony) to the King: 
 But now they coming in from a new Chief Juftice, all is 
 without queftion or fcruple. 
 
 Thus your Lordfhip may fee my love and care towards 
 you, which I think infinitely too little in refpect of the 
 fulnefs of my minde ; but I thought good to write this, to 
 make you underftand better the ftate of your own bufi- 
 nefie, doing by you as I do by the King; which is to do 
 his bufinefle fafely and with forefight, not onely of to 
 morrowe or next day, but afar off, and not to come fid- 
 deling with a report to him what is done every day, but 
 to give him up a good fumme in the end. 
 
 I purpofe to fend your Lordfhip a kalendar fair written 
 of thofe evidences which concern your eftate, for fo much 
 as have paffed my hands; which in truth are not fit to 
 remain with Solicitors, no nor with friends, but in fome 
 great Cabinet to be made for that purpofe. 
 
 All this while I muft fay plainly to your Lordfhip, 
 that you fall fhort for your prefent charge, except you 
 play the good hufband : For the ofhce of Teynham is in 
 reverfion, Darcye's land is in reverfion ; all the land in 
 your bookes is but in reverfion, and yields you no prefent 
 profit becaufe you pay the Fee-Farme. So as you are a 
 ftrange Heteroclite in Grammar, for you want the prefent 
 tenfe ; many Verbes want the praeterperfect tenfe and fome 
 the future tenfe, but none want the prefent tenfe. I will 
 hereafter write to your Lordfhip what I think of for that 
 fupply ; to the end that you may, as you have begun, to 
 3 your .
 
 3 o Letters of the Lord 
 
 your great honour, defpife money, where it crofleth rcafon 
 of flate or vertue. But I will trouble you no further at 
 this time. God ever preferve and profper your Lordfhip. 
 Tour true and moft devoted Servant > 
 
 29 November 1 6 1 6. p r# Bacon. 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To the Lord Vifcount Villiers. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 I Delivered the proclamation for Cloth to Secretary 
 Winwood on Saturday, but he keepeth it to carry it 
 down himfelf, and goeth down, as I take it, to day : His 
 Majeflie may perceive by the docket of the proclamation, 
 that I do not onely fludy, but act that point touching the 
 Judges, which his Majeflie commandeth in your laft. 
 
 Yeflerday was a day of great good for his Majeflie' s fer- 
 vice and the peace of this Kingdom, concerning duels by 
 occafion o^Dar eye's Cafe. I fpake big and publishing his 
 Majeftie's flreight charge to me, faid it had ftrook me 
 blind, as in point of duells and cartels, &c. I mould not 
 knowe a coronet from a hatband. I was bold alfo to de- 
 clare how excellently his Majeflie had exprefled to me a 
 contemplation of his touching duells ; that is, that when 
 he came forth and faw himfelf princely attended with 
 goodly NoblerTe and Gentlemen, he entered into the 
 thought, that none of their lives were in certainty not for 
 twenty four hours from the duel ; for it was but a heat or 
 miftaking, and then a lye, and then a challenge, and then 
 life; faying that I did not marvel feeing Xerxes fhed teares 
 
 a to
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 31 
 
 to think none of his great army mould be alive once with- 
 in a hundred years, his Majeftie were touched with com- 
 panion to think that not one of his attendance but mought 
 be dead within twenty four hours by the duel. This I 
 write becaufe his Majeftie may be wary what he fayeth to 
 me (in things of this nature) I being fo apt to play the 
 blabbe. In this alfo I forgot not to prepare the Judges, 
 and wifh them to profelfe, and as it were to denounce, 
 that in all cafes of duel capital before them, they will ufe 
 equal feverity towards the infolent murder by the duel, 
 and the injidious murder ; and that they will extirpate that 
 difference out of the opinions of men, which they did ex- 
 cellent well a . 
 
 I mull: alfo fay, that it was the firft time that I heard 
 my Lord of Arundel fpeak in that place ; and I do allure 
 your Lordfhip he doth excellently become the Court ; he 
 Ipeaketh wifely and weightily, and yet ealily and clearly 
 as a great Nobleman fhould do b . 
 
 There hath been a proceeding in the King's Bench a- 
 gainft Bertram's keeper for mifdemeanor, and I have put 
 a little pamphlet (prettily penn'd by one Mr. Trotte, that 
 I fet on work touching the whole buiinefs) to the prelfe by 
 my Lord Chancellor's advice, 
 
 a The charge of Sir Francis Bacon touching duels^ upon an information exhi- 
 bited in the Star-Chamber in the year 1614, was fo well approved by the Court, 
 that they order'd the fame to be printed, rogetherwith the Decree made thereon. 
 
 b The Earl of Arundel defcended from the noble family of the Howards by a 
 Daughter of the Lord Fitz-Jlan, his Grandfather the Duke of Norfolke loll his 
 life on account of the Queen of Scots, his Father was attainted and died in the 
 Tower, but the Son was reftored in blood by King James, and much employed 
 and valued, as the greateft Virtuofo of his age, that encouraged Arts and Sciences, 
 and brought Greece and Italy into England, by the Pidures, Statues and antique 
 Infcriptions he imported; deferving, it is thought, a better clurafter than the 
 Lord Clarendon has been pleafed to beftow upon him, 
 
 1 pray 

 
 32 Letters of the Lord 
 
 I pray God direct his Majeftie in the Cloth bufinefs > 
 that that thorne may be once out of our fides : His Maje- 
 fty knoweth my opinion ab antique Thanks be to God 
 of your health, and long may you live to do us all good. 
 I reft, Tour true and mofi devoted Servant, 
 
 Fr. Bacon. 
 From the Original. & 
 
 To the Lord Vtfeount Villiers. 
 
 1/ may pleafe your Lordjhip, 
 
 I Pray let his Majeftie underftand, that although my 
 Lord Chancellor's anfwer touching the difmiffion of 
 the Farmers caufe, was full of refpect and duty, yet I 
 would be glad to avoyd an exprefs fignification from his 
 Majeftie, if his Majeftie may otherwife have his end. And 
 therefore I have thought of a courfe, that a motion be 
 made in open Court, and that thereupon my Lord move 
 a compromife to fome to be named on either part, with 
 bond to ftand to their award. And as I finde this to be a- 
 greeable to my Lord Chancellor's difpofition, fo I do not 
 finde but the Farmers and the other party are willing e- 
 nough towards it. And therefore his Majeftie may be 
 pleafed to forbear any other letter or merTage touching that 
 bufinefs. God ever keep your Lordfhip. Tour Lordjhifs 
 true and mofi devoted Servant, 
 
 23 Jan. 1616. Fr. Bacon. 
 
 From
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 33 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To the Earl of Buckingham, from Sir Francis 
 Bacon on his being made Lord Keeper of the 
 Great Seal. 
 
 My dearefl Lord, 
 
 IT is both in cares and kindnefTe, that fmall ones flote 
 up to the tongue, and great ones fink down into the 
 heart in filence : Therefore I could fpeak little to your 
 Lordfhip to day, neither had I fit time. But I rauft profefle 
 thus much, that in this day's worke you are the trueft and 
 perfecteft mirrour, and example of firm and generous friend- 
 jQiip that ever was in Court. And I fhall count every day 
 loft, wherein I fhall not either ftudy your wel-doing in 
 thought, or do your name honor in Jpeech, or perform you 
 fervice in deed. Good my Lord, account and accept me, 
 Tour mojl bounden and devoted Friend and Servant of all 
 Men living, 
 
 7 Mar. 1 61 6. Fr, Bacon, C. S. 
 
 From the Original. ^ 
 To the Earl of Buckingham. 
 
 My Jingular good Lord, 
 
 WH E N I heard here your Lordfhip was dead, I 
 thought I had lived too long. That was (to tell 
 your Lordfhip truely) theflate of my mind upon that report. 
 Since, I hear it was an idle miftaking of my Lord Evers 
 for my Lord Villiers. God's name be blefTed, that you arc 
 
 F alive
 
 34 Letters of the Lord 
 
 alive to do infinite good, and not fo much as fick or ill 
 difpofed for any thing I now hear. 
 
 I have refigned the Prince's Seal, and my Lord Hobart 
 is placed. I made the Prince laugh, when I told him I 
 refigned it with more comfort than I received it ; he un- 
 derstanding me that I had changed for a better: But after 
 I had given him that thought, I turned it upon this, that 
 I left his ftate and bufinefs in good cafe, whereof I gave 
 him a particular account. 
 
 The Queen calleth upon me for the matter of her Houfe, 
 wherein your Lordfhip and my Lord Chamberlain and I 
 dealt, and received his Majeftie' s direction, fo that I mail 
 prepare a Warrant firft to my Lord Treafurer and Mr. 
 Chancellor (for that is the right way) to advife how to 
 fettle it by aflignment, in cafe fhe furvive his Majeftie, 
 which I hope in God fhe fhall not. 
 
 Her defire was expreflly and of her felfe, that when I 
 had prepared a warrant to be fent to his Majeftie, I fhould 
 fend it by your Lordfhip's hands. 
 
 We fit in Council, that is all I can yet fay; Sir John 
 Denham is not come, upon whofe comeing the King fhall 
 have account of our confultations touching Ireland^ which 
 we cannot conclude, till we have fpoken with him; God 
 ever preferve and profper you. 
 
 It grieveth me much that I cannot hear enough of his 
 Majeftie's good difpofition of health, and his pleafures, 
 and other ordinary occurrences of his journey, I pray your 
 Lordfhip will direct Mr. Packer to write to me fometime 
 of matters of that kind ; I have made the like requeft to 
 Sir Edward Villiers, by whom I write this prefent, to 
 whofe good affection I think my felfe beholden, as I do 
 
 alfo
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 35 
 
 alfo efteem him much for his good parts, befides his near- 
 nefs to your Lordfh'ip, which bindeth me above all. Tour 
 Lordjhip's mo ft faithful and devoted Friend and Servant, 
 
 7 jpr. 1617. Fr. Eacon, C.S. 
 
 To the renowned Umverfity of Cambridge, his 
 dear and reverend Mother. 
 
 I Am debtor to you of your letters, and of the time 
 likewife that I have taken, to anfwer them. But as 
 foon as I could chufe what to think on, I thought good 
 to let you knowe j that although you may erre much in 
 your valuation of me, yet you fhall not be deceived in 
 your affurance : And for the other part alfo, though the 
 manner be to mend the Picture by the Life, yet I would 
 be glad to mend the Life by the PiBure, and to become 
 and be as you exprefle me to be. Your gratulations fhall 
 be no more welcome to me, than your bufinefs or occa- 
 fions, which I will attend; and yet not fo, but that I fhall 
 endeavour to prevent them by my care of your good. And 
 fo I commend you to God's goodnefs. Tour moji loving 
 and afjured Friend and Sonne, 
 
 Gorhambury, \z Apr. 161 7. Fr. BaCOn, C.S, 
 
 F 2 From
 
 3 6 Letters of the Lord 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To the Earl of Buckingham. 1 
 
 My Jingular good Lord, 
 
 IAm now for five or fix days retired to my houfe in 
 the countrey : For I think all my Lords are willing to 
 do as Scholars do, who though they call them holy-days, 
 yet they mean them play-days. 
 
 We purpofe to meet again on Eajler-Monday, and go 
 all to the Spit fall Sermon for that day, and therein to re- 
 vive the ancient religious manner when all the Council uled 
 to attend thofe fermons ; which fome neglect in Queen - 
 lizabeth's time, and his Majeftie's great devotion in the 
 due hearing of fermons himfelf with his Council at the 
 Court brought into deliietude. But now our attendance 
 upon his Majeflie, by reafon of his abfence cannot be, it 
 is not amifs to revive. 
 
 I perceive by a letter your Lordfhip did write fome 
 days fince to my Lord Brackley, that your Lordfhip would 
 have the King fatisfied by prefidents, that Letters Patents 
 mought be of the dignity of an Earldom without delivery 
 of the Patent by the King's own hand, or without the or- 
 dinary folemnities of a creation. I find prefidents fome- 
 what tending to the fame purpofe, yet not matching fully. 
 But howfoever let me according to my faithful and free 
 manner of dealing with your Lordfhip fay to you, that 
 fince the King means it, I would not have your Lordfhip 
 for the fatisfying a little trembling or panting of the heart 
 in my Lord or Lady Brack ley, to expofe your Lordfhip 's 
 felf, or my felf (whofe opinion would be thought to be re- 
 
 2 lyed
 
 Chancellor B a c o n* 37 
 
 fyed upon) or the King our mafter to envy with the No- 
 bility of this Realm ; as to have thefe ceremonies, of ho- 
 nour difpenfed with, which in conferring honour have 
 ufed to be obferved, like a kind of Doclor Bullatus with- 
 out the ceremony of a commencement: The King and 
 you know I am not ceremonious in nature, and therefore 
 you may think (if it pleafe you) I do it in Judgement. 
 God ever preferve you. Tour hordjhifs mqft faithful and 
 devoted. Friend and Servant > 
 
 Gorhambury 13 April, 161 7. Fr. Bacon, C. S. 
 
 
 I purpofe to fend the prefidents themfelves by my Lord 
 of Brackley, but I thought fit to give you fome tafte of 
 my opinion before. 
 
 From the Original & 
 
 To the Earl of Buckingham. 
 
 My fngular good Lord, 
 
 I Pray your Lordfhip to deliver to his Majeflie the in- 
 clofed. 
 I fend your Lordfhip alfo the warrant to my Lord Traz- 
 furer and Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer for the a Queen's 
 Houfe, it is to come againe to the King, when the bill is 
 drawn for the Letters Patents: for this is onely the warrant 
 to be figned by his Majeftie. 
 
 I afked the Queen whether fhe would write to your 
 Lordfhip about it; her anfwer was very modeft and dis- 
 creet, that becaufe it proceeded wholly from his Majeftie's 
 
 Somerfet-Houfe. 
 
 , kyndnefs
 
 38 Letters of the Lord 
 
 kyndnefs and goodnefs, who had referred it, it was not Co 
 fit for her to write to your Lordfhip for the difpatch of it, 
 but fhe defired me to thank your Lordfhip for your for- 
 mer care of it, and to defire you to continue it : And 
 withal me defireth your Lordfhip not to prefs his Majeftie 
 in it, but to take his beft times. This anfwer (becaufe 
 I like it fo well) I write to you at large, for other matters 
 I will write by the next. God ever profper you and pre- 
 ferve you. Tour Lordfhip' s moft faithful and devoted 
 Friend and Servant > 
 
 London, xyApr. 1617. Fr. Bacon, C,S, 
 
 From the Original, 
 
 To the King. 
 
 It may pleafe your moft excellent Majeftie, 
 
 MR. Vicechamberlayn hath acquainted my felf and 
 the reft of the Commiffioners for the Marriage 
 with Spain, which are here with your Majeftie's inftru- 
 clions, figned by your royal hands, touching that point 
 of the fupprefling of pirates, as it hath relation to his ne- 
 gotiation ; whereupon we met yefterday at my Lord Ad- 
 miral's at Cheljey, becaufe we were loth to draw my Lord 
 into the air, being but newly upon his recovery. 
 
 We conceive the parts of the bufinefs are four : the 
 charge, the confederations, and who fhall be follicited or 
 retained to come in, the forces and the distributions of 
 them, and the enterprize. We had onely at this time 
 conference amongft our felves, and mail appoint (after 
 the holy days) times for the calling before us fuch as are 
 
 fit,
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 39 
 
 fit, and thereupon perform all the parts of your royal 
 commandements. 
 
 In this Conference I met with fomewhat, which I muft 
 confeffe was altogether new to me, and opened but darkly 
 neither} whereof I think Mr. Vicechamberlayn will give 
 your Majeftie fome light, for fo we wifhed. By occafion 
 whereof I hold it my duty in refpecl: of the great 
 place wherein your Majeftie hath fet me (being onely 
 made worthy by your grace) which maketh it decent for 
 me to counfel you adfummas rerum to intimate or repre- 
 fent to your Majeftie thus much. 
 
 I do forefee in my fimple judgement, much inconveni- 
 ence to infue, if your Majeftie proceed to this treaty with 
 Spain, and that your Council draw not all one way. I 
 faw the bitter fruits of a divided Council the laft Parle- 
 ment ; I faw no very pleafant fruits thereof in the matter 
 of the Cloth. This will be of equal if not more incon- 
 venience j for wherefoever the opinion of your people is ma- 
 terial (as in many cafes it is not) there, if your counfel 
 be united, they Jhall be able almoft to give law to opinion 
 and rumour ; but if they be divided, the infufion will not 
 be according to the frength and virtue of the votes of your 
 Council, but according to the aptnefs and inclination of the 
 popular. This I leave to your Majeftie in your high wif- 
 dom to remedy. Onely I could wifh that when Sir John 
 Digby's inftru&ions are perfected, and that he is ready to 
 go, your Majeftie would be pleafed to write fome formal 
 letter to the body of your Council (if it fhall be in your 
 abfence) fignifying to them your refolution in general, to 
 the end that when deliberation fhall be turn'd into refolu- 
 tion,
 
 4-0 Letters of the Lord 
 
 tion, no man howfoever he may retain the inwardnefs of 
 his opinion may be active in contrarium. 
 
 The letters of my Lords of the Council with your 
 Majeftie touching the affairs of Ireland written largely and 
 articulately, and by your Majeftie's direction, will much 
 facilitate our Labours here j though there will not want 
 matter of confultation thereupon. God ever preferve your 
 Majeftie fafe and happy. Tour Majeftie's moft devoted and 
 cbliged Servant, 
 
 London, 19 April, 161 7. Fr, Bacon, C.S* 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To the Earl of Buckingham. 
 
 My Jingular good Lord, 
 
 I Send your Lordfhip according to the direction of your 
 letter, a note of the prefidents that I find in my Lord 
 Brackley's bufinefs ; which do rather come near the cafe 
 than match it. Your Lordfhip knoweth already my opi- 
 nion, that I would rather have you conftant in the mat- 
 ter, than inflant for the time. 
 
 I fend alfo inclofed an account of Council bufinefs by 
 way of remembrance to his Majeftie, which it may pleafe 
 you to deliver to him. 
 
 The <%ueen returneth her thanks to your Lordfhip, for 
 the difpatch of the warrant touching her Houfe j I have 
 not yet acquainted the Lord I'reafurer, and Chancellor of 
 the Exchequer with it j but I purpofe to morrow to deli- 
 ver them the warrant, and to advife with them for the exe- 
 cuting the fame. 
 
 I have
 
 Chancellor Baggi*, 41 
 
 I have receiv'd the King's letter with another from yqux 
 Lordfhip, touching the caufe of the Officers, and Sir jfy- 
 thur Ingram^ whereof I wiU be very careful to da t}iem 
 juftice. 
 
 Yefterday I took my place in Chancery, which I hold 
 onely from the King's grace and favour, and your conftant 
 friendfhip. There was much ado, and a great deal of 
 world. But this matter of pompe, which is Heaven to 
 fome men is Hell to me, or Purgatory at leaft. It is true, 
 I was glad to fee that the King's choice was fo generally 
 approved ; and that I had fo much interefl in men's good 
 wills and good opinions, becaufe it maketh me the fitter 
 inflrument to do my Matter fervice, and my Friend alfcv * 
 
 After I was fet \n Chancery I published his Majeftie's 
 charge which he gave me when he gave me the Seal ; and 
 what rules and refolutions I had taken for the fulfilling 
 his cornmandements, J fend your Lordfhjp a * copy of* Printed in 
 that I faid. My Lord Hay coming to take his, leave of ) pagf 79*" 
 me two days before, I told him what I was meditating, 
 and he defired me to fend him fome remembrance of it - f 
 and fo I could not but fend him another copy thereof. 
 Men tell me it hath done the King a great deal of ho- 
 nour, infomuch tjiat fome of my friends that are wife men ? 
 and no vain ones, did not flick to fay to me that there 
 was not thefe feven years fuch a preparation for a Parler 
 ment j which was a commendation I confefs pleafed me 
 well. I pray take fome fit time to fhew it his Majeflie, 
 becaufe if I mifunderflood him in any thing I may amend 
 it, becaufe I know his judgment is higher and deeper than 
 mine. r 
 
 I take infinite contentment ^o hear his MajeftieJs in 
 
 G great
 
 42 Letters of the Lord 
 
 great good health and vigour ; I pray God preferve and 
 continue it. Thus wifhing you well above all men living 
 next my Matter and his j I reft, Tour true and devoted 
 Friend and Servant, 
 
 Dorfet-Houfe, which putteth 
 
 me in mind to thank your "Pi- R r 
 
 Lordfhip for your care of ri * a COIl, C O. 
 
 me touching York-Hottfe, 
 SM ay> 1 617. 
 
 An account of Council butlnefss and of other 
 matters committed to me by his Majeftie. 
 
 F 
 
 " 
 
 Irjt, For May-day, at which time there was great ap- 
 prehension of tumult by Prentices, and loofe people, 
 there was never fuch a ftill. The remedies that did the ef- 
 fecT: were three. 
 
 Firfl, The putting in mufter of the Trayned Bands and 
 Military Bands in a brave fafhion that way. Next, the 
 laying a ftrait charge upon the Mayor, and Aldermen for 
 the City, and Juftices of the Peace for the Suburbs, that 
 the Prentices and others mought go abroad with their flags 
 and other gauderys , but without weapon of mot and 
 pique,, as they formerly took liberty to do : Which charge 
 was exceeding well performed and obeyed. And the lajl 
 was, that we had according to our warrant dormant, 
 ftrengthen'd our Commiffions of the peace in London and 
 Middlcfex with new claufes of Lieutenancy, which asfoon 
 as it was known abroad all was ' quiet by .the terror it 
 wrought. This I write, becaufe it maketh good my fur- 
 ther aflurance I gave his Majeftie at his firft removes, that 
 all fhould be quiet, for which I received his thanks. 
 
 For the Irijh affairs, I received- this day his Majeftie' s 
 
 letter
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 43 
 
 letter to the Lords , which we have not yet opened , but 
 mall fit upon them this afternoon. I do not forget, be- 
 fides the points of ftate, to put my Lord Treafurer in re- 
 membrance, that his Majeftie laid upon him the care of 
 the improvement of the revenue of Ireland by all good 
 means, of which I find his Lordfhip very careful, and I 
 will help him the beft I can. 
 
 The matter of the revenue of the Recufants here in Eng- 
 land, I purpofe to put forward by a conference with my 
 Lord of Canterbury, upon whom the King layd it, and 
 upon Secretary Winwood ; and becaufe it is matter of the 
 Exchequer, with my Lord tfreafurer and Mr. Chancellor, 
 and after to take the afiiftance of Mr. Attorney, and the 
 learned Counfel, and when we have put it in a frame to 
 certifie his Majeftie. 
 
 The bufinefs of the Pyrates is, I doubt not, by this 
 time come to his Majeftie upon the letters of us the Com- 
 miffioners, whereof I took fpecial care ; and I muft fay I 
 find a Mv.Fice-Chamberlayn a good able man with his pen. 
 But to fpeak of the main bufinefs, which is the Match 
 with Spain, the King knows my mind by a former letter , 
 that I would be glad it proceeded with an united counfel ; 
 not but that votes and thoughts are to be free : But yet af- 
 ter a King hath refolved all men ought to co-operate, and 
 neither to be active nor much loquutive in oppofitum y es- 
 pecially in a cafe where a few diffenting from the reft may 
 hurt the bufinefs in for o j anuz. 
 
 Yefterday, which was my weary day, I bid all the 
 Judges to dinner, (which was not ufed to be) and enter- 
 tained them in a private withdrawing chamber, with the 
 
 Sir John Digby, afterwards Earl of Brijiol. 
 
 G 2 learned
 
 44 Letters of the Lord 
 
 learned Gounfel. When the feaft was palled, I came a- 
 mongft them and fet me down at the end of the table 
 and prayed them to think I was one of them, and but a 
 Foreman. 1 told them I was weary and therefore mufl be 
 jfoort, and that I would now fpeak to them upon two 
 points : "Whereof the one was, that I would tell them 
 plainly that I was firmly perfwaded, that the former di- 
 cords and differences between the Chancery and other 
 -Courts were but flefh and blood, and that now the men 
 were .gone the matter was gone; and that for my part as 
 I Would not fufier any the leaft diminution or derogation 
 from the ancient and due power of the'Chancery, fo if a- 
 ny thing mould be brought to them at any time touching 
 the (proceedings of the Chancery, which did'leem to them 
 exorbitant or inordinate, that they mould freely and 
 friendly acquaint me with it, and we mould foon agree ; or 
 if not, we had a Mafter that could eafily both difcern and 
 rule. At which fpeech of mine, befides a great deal of 
 thanks and acknowledgement, I did fee chear and' com- 
 fort in their faces as if it were a new world. 
 
 1/he.fecontf point was, that I let them know how his 
 'Majeftie :at his going gave me charge to call and receive 
 iirom them the accounts of their Circuits, according to his 
 fMajeftie's-former prefcript to be fet down in writing; and 
 *hat I was to tranfmit the writings thernfelves to his Ma- 
 jeftie, and accordingly as foon as J -have received them I 
 will fend them to his Majeftie. 
 
 Some two days before I had a conference with fome 
 
 Ju4ges, t (not all, but fuch as I did choofe) touching the 
 
 High Commiffion, and the extending of the fame in fome 
 
 points, which I fee I mall be able to diipatch by confent, 
 
 i without
 
 Cloancdlor B ac q h* 45 
 
 without his Majeftie's further trouble. ^ 
 
 I did call upon the Committees alfo for die proceeding 
 in the purging of Sir Edward Coke's Reports, which I fee 
 they go on with ferioufly \ 
 
 Thanks be to God, we have not much to do for mat- 
 ters of Council, and I fee now that his Majeftie is as well 
 able by his letters o govern England from Scotland, as he 
 was to govern Scotland from England. 
 
 Some time before the Lord Chief Juftice Coke was difcharged from his place 
 in November 1 6 r6, enquiry was made by the King's command into fome opinions 
 delivered in his Reports asirefdlutions of the Court, which were faid to be extra- 
 judicial, and detrimental to the King's prerogative, the Church, &c. and the 
 fame being referred to the examination of a Committee, as appears at latgcin the 
 introduction .to, and notes on Sir Francis Bacon's Letters, Sir Edzvard Coke re- 
 turn'd his anfwers to the obje&ions that were then made ; but the Committee be- 
 ing again called upon, it is.prefumed all proceedings were flopped by, the media- 
 tion of the Lord Buckingham on the treaty of a Match between his Brother Sir 
 John Wittier s and a Daughter of Sir Edward Coke. 
 
 j& Note of fame Prefidents, as come mar eft she 
 Cafe of the Lord Rrackley - y refenred to in the 
 foregoing Letter, 
 
 THE Lord Hay was created Baron of SawIey,.$$Ju- 
 nii, 1 3 Regis, without the ceremony of robing, (as 
 I take it) but then the Patent was (as I conceive it alfo) 
 delivered to the perfon of the faid Lord Hay, by the King's 
 .own hands ; and again the dignity. of a :Baron hath inci- 
 dent to it onely the ceremony of Robes, and not the Qtn- 
 Bure of the Sword, Coronet, &c. 
 
 The Duke of Lenox was created Earl of Richmond 6 
 OBobris u Regis without any the ceremonies, (as I take 
 it) but the Patent (as I conceive it alfo) was delivered to 
 the perfon of the faid Duke with the hands of the King j 
 
 and
 
 46 Letters of the Lord 
 
 and again in regard he was invefted of the fuperior digni- 
 ty of Duke of Scotland, the ceremonies were not fo fit to 
 be iterated. 
 
 King Henry VII created Edward Courtney Knight, 
 Earl of Devon, 26 OBobris i Regni, tfejle meipfo apud 
 Weflmonafterium, &c. whereby it may be coiledted that it 
 was done without the folemnities ; for that where the fo- 
 lemnities were performed, it hath ufed to be with a hifce 
 teflibus, and not Tejle meipfo ; and whether it were deli- 
 vered with the King's hand or not it appears not. 
 
 Edward VI. created William Earl of Ejfex Marquis of 
 Northampton, 16 Feb. 1 Edw. VI. and it is mentioned to 
 be per cinBuram gladii, cappam honoris, G? circuli au- 
 rei Impofitionem, but whether the delivery was by the 
 King's own hand non conjlat, but it was T^efle meipfo and 
 not hifce teflibus. 
 
 The fame King created John Vifcount L'lfle Earl of 
 Warwick the fame time, and it is mentioned to be per 
 cinBuram gladii, &c. but it was T'c/le meipfo, and not 
 hifce teflibus. 
 
 Edward VI. created Thomas Lord Wriothefley Earl of 
 Southampton in the fame day, and in the fame manner, 
 with a 'Tejle meipfo and not Hifce teflibus. Thefe three 
 creations being made upon one day, and when the King 
 was a child of about nine years old, and in the very en- 
 trance of his reign ; for the Patents bear date at the Tower 
 of London, doth make me conjecture that all the folemni- 
 ties were performed, but whether the King endured to be 
 prefent at the whole ceremony, and to deliver the Patents 
 with his own hand, I doubt -, for that I find that the ve- 
 ry
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 47 
 
 ry felf fame day, year and place, the King created his Un- 
 cle the Earl of Hartford \ to be Duke of Somerfet per cin- 
 diuram gladii, Cappam Honoris, & Circuit aurei impofi- 
 tionem, & traditionem Virgulte aurea, with a hifce Tefti- 
 bits and not Tejle meipfo, and with a Datum per manus no- 
 Jiras : But thefe things are but conjectural. 
 
 I find no prefidents for a Non obftante, or a difpenfa- 
 tion with the folemnities > as the Lord Brackley's bill was 
 penned* 
 
 From the Original. & 
 To the Lord Keeper, 
 
 M 
 
 My honoured Lord, 
 
 IHave acquainted his Majeftie with your letter, and the 
 papers that came inclofed, who is exceedingly well fa- 
 tisfyed with that account you have given him therein, ef- 
 pecially with the fpeech you made at the taking of your 
 place in the Chancery. Whereby his Majeftie perceiveth 
 that you have not onely given proof how well you under- 
 ftand the place of a Chancellor, but done him much right 
 alfo, in giving notice unto thofe that were prefent, that 
 you had received fuch inftrucliions from his Majeftie; whofe 
 honour will be fo much the greater, in that all men will 
 acknowledge the fufficiency and worthinefs of his Majc- 
 ftie's choyce, in preferring a man of fuch abilitys ro that 
 place, which befides cannot but be a great advancement 
 and furtherance to his fervice : And I can aflure your Lord- 
 fhip, that his Majeftie was never fo well pleafed, as he is 
 with this account you have given him of this paflage- 
 
 t Thus
 
 4& Letters of the Lard 
 
 Thus wkh the remembrance of my fervice, I reft, Tout* 
 Itfrdjhips ever at command, 
 
 Rimburgb, 18^1617. G. Buckingham* 
 
 From the Original, ft 
 To the Lord Keeper. 
 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 IKnowe your Lordfhip hath a fpecial care of any thing 
 that concerneth the Queen. She was entred into dif- 
 like of her Sollicitor, this bearer Mr. Lowder, and refolute 
 in it. To ferve, and not to pleafe, is no man's condition. 
 Therefore upon knowledge of her pleafure he was wil- 
 ling to part with his place, upon hopes not to be deflitu- 
 ted, but to be preferred to one of the Baron's places in Ire* 
 land. I pray move the King for him, and let his Maje- 
 ftie know from me that I think (howfoever he pleafed not 
 here) he is fit to do his Majeftie fervice in that place, he 
 is grave and formal (which is fomewhat there) and fufrl- 
 cient enough for that place. The Queen hath made 
 Mr. Hackwell her Sollicitor, who hath for a long time 
 taken much pains in her bufinene, wherein me hath done 
 well. He was an oppofite in Parliament, as Jones was, 
 that the King hath made Chief Juftice of Ireland. But I 
 hold it no ill counfel to joine, or to remove fuch men. 
 God preferve and profper you. Tour true and devoted 
 Friend and Servant, 
 
 
 Whitehall, 25 Ma h 1617. Fr. Bacon, C. S. 
 
 From
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 
 
 From the Original. 
 To the Earl of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 I Shall write to your Lordfhip of a bufineffe which 
 your Lordfhip may think to concern my felf ; but I 
 do think it concerneth your Lordfhip much more. For 
 as for me, as my judgment is not fo weak, to think it 
 can do me any hurt, fo my love to you is fo ftrong, as 
 I would prefer the good of you and yours, before mine 
 own particular. 
 
 It feemeth Secretary Winwood hath officioufly bufied 
 himfelf to make a match between your Brother and Sir 
 Edward Coke's Daughter j and as we hear, he doth it ra- 
 ther to make a faction, than out of any great affection to 
 your Lordfhip. It is true, he hath the confent of Sir Ed- 
 ward Coke (as we hear) upon reafonable conditions for 
 your Brother, and yet no better, than without queftion 
 may be found in fome other matches. But the Mother's 
 confent is not had, nor the young gentlewoman's, who 
 expecteth a great fortune from her Mother, which with- 
 out her confent is endangered. This match, out of my 
 faith and freedom towards your Lordfhip, I hold very in- 
 convenient both for your Brother, and your felf. 
 
 Firft, He fliall marry into a difgraced houfe, which in 
 reafon of flate is never held good. 
 
 Next, He mail marry into a troubled houfe of Man 
 and Wife, which in Religion and Chriflian difcretion, is 
 difliked. 
 
 H Thirdly,
 
 50 Letters of the Lord 
 
 'Thirdly, Your Lordfhip will go near to loofe all fuch 
 your friends as are adverfe to Sir Edward Coke, (my felf 
 onely except, who out of a pure love and thankfulnefs 
 mall ever be firm to you.) 
 
 And lajily, and chiefly, (believe it) it will greatly weaken 
 and diftracl: the King's fervice ; for though in regard of 
 the King's great wifdom and depth, I am perfuaded thofe 
 things will not follow which they imagine ; yet opinion 
 will do a great deal of harm, and call the King back, and 
 make him relapfe into thofe inconveniencys which are 
 now well on to be recovered. 
 
 Therefore my advice is, and your Lordfhip mail do 
 your felf a great deal of honour - y if according to religion 
 and the law of God, your Lordfhip will fignifie unto my 
 Lady your Mother, that your defire is, that the mar- 
 riage be not prened or proceeded in without the confent 
 of both Parents, and fo either break it altogether, or defer 
 any further delay in it, till your Lordfhip's return : and 
 this the rather, for that (befides the inconvenience of the 
 matter it felf) it hath been carried fo harfhly and inconsi- 
 derately by Secretary Winwood, as for doubt that the Fa- 
 ther mould take away the maiden by force j the Mother to 
 get the flart hath conveyed her away fecretly j which is ill 
 of all fides. Thus hoping your Lordfhip will not onely 
 accept well, but believe my faithful advice, who by my 
 great experience in the world, muft needs fee further thai* 
 your Lordfhip can, I ever reft, Tour Lord/hip's true and 
 mofl devoted Friend and Servant, 
 
 Fr. Bacon. C. S.. 
 
 . 
 
 I have:
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 51 
 
 I have not heard from your Lordfhip fince I fent the 
 King my lafl account of Council bufinefs j but I afTure my 
 felf you receiv'd it, becaufe I fent at the fame time a pack- 
 et to Secretary Laque who hath fignifyed to me that he 
 hath received it. 
 
 I pray your Lordfhip deliver to his Majeflie this little 
 note of Chancery bufinefs. 
 
 12 July. 1617. 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 
 To the KING. 
 
 It may pleafe your mojl excellent Majeftie, 
 
 I Think it agreeable to my duty, and the great obliga- 
 tion, wherein I am tyed to your Majeflie, to be freer 
 than other Men in giving your Majeflie faithful counfel, 
 while things are in paffing ; and more bound than other 
 men in doing your commandements, when your refolu- 
 tion is fetled, and made known to me. 
 
 I fhall therefore mofl humbly crave pardon from your 
 Majeflie, if in plainnefs and no lefs humblenefs, I deliver 
 to your Majeflie my honefl, and diffintereffed opinion, in 
 the bufinefs of the match of Sir John Villiers, which I 
 take to be magnum inparvo : preferving always the laws 
 and duties of a firm friendfhip to my Lord of Bucking- 
 ham y whom I will never ceafe to love, and to whom I have 
 written already, but have not heard yet from his Lord- 
 fhip. 
 
 But firfl, I have three fuits to make to your Majeflie, 
 hoping well, you will grant them all. 
 
 H 2 The
 
 52 Letters of the Lord 
 
 The firji is, that if there be any merit in drawing on 
 that match ; your Majeftie would beftow the thanks not 
 upon the zeal of Sir Edward Coke to pleafe your Majeftie, 
 nor upon the eloquent perfuafions or pragmaticals of 
 Mr. Secretary Winwood-, but upon them, that carrying 
 your commandements and directions with ftrength and 
 juftice, in the matter of the Governour of Diepe a ; in the 
 matter of Sir Robert Rich ; and in the matter of protect- 
 ing the Lady, according to your Majeftie's commande- 
 ment -, have fo humbled Sir Edward Coke, as he feeketh 
 now that with fubmiflion, which (as your Majeftie know- 
 eth) before he rejected with fcorn : for this is the true 
 Orator, that hath perfuaded this bufinefle ; as I doubt not 
 but your Majeftie in your excellent wifdom doth eafily 
 difcern. 
 
 My fecond fuit is, that your Majeftie would not think 
 .me fo pufillanimous, as that I, that when I was but 
 Mr. Bacon, had ever (through your Majeftie's favour) good 
 reafon at Sir Edward Coke's hands, when he was at the 
 greateft ; mould now that your Majeftie of your great 
 goodneis, hath placed me fo near your chair, (being as I 
 hope by God's grace, and your inftructions, made a fer- 
 vant according to your heart and hand) fear him or take 
 umbrage of him,; in refpect of mine own particular. 
 
 My third fuit is, that if your Majeftie be refolved the 
 match mall go on, after you have heard my reafons to the 
 
 * All that I have feen relating to the difference between the Governour of Diepe, 
 and Sir Edward Coke, is contained in a letter of Secretary Win-wood's to my Lord 
 of Buckingham, dated the 29th of June this year, and in thefe words. " Sir 
 " Edward Coke hath configned into the hands of the Lords 2400 /. for the fatis- 
 " fa&ion of the French Ambaflador, i n the caufe which concerned* the Governour 
 " of Diepe. 
 
 contrary* 
 
 /
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 53 
 
 contrary, I may receive therein your particular will and 
 commandements from your felf; that I may conform 
 my felf thereunto ; imagining with my felf (though J 
 will not wager on women's minds) that I can prevail 
 more with the Mother, than any other man. For if I 
 fhould be requefled in it from my Lord of Buckingham, 
 the anfwers of a true friend ought to be, that I had ra- 
 ther go againfl his mind than againfl his good : but your 
 Majeflie I mufl obey : andbefides I fhall conceive that your 
 Majeflie out of your great wifdom and depth, doth fee 
 thofe things which I fee not. 
 
 Now therefore, not to hold your Majeflie with many 
 words, (which do but drown matter) let me moft humbly 
 defire your Majeflie, to take into your royal confideration, 
 that the flate is at this time not onely in good quiet and 
 obedience, but in good affection and difpofition. Your 
 Majeflie's prerogative and authority having rifen fome jufl 
 degrees above the Horizon more than heretofore ; which 
 hath difperfed vapors : your Judges are in good temper 5 
 your Juflices of peace (which is the body of the Gen- 
 tlemen of England) grow to be loving and obfequious, 
 to be weary of the humour of ruffling : all mutinous 
 fpiritsgrowto be a little poor, and to draw in their horns ; 
 and not the lefs for your Majeflie's difauctorizing the 
 man I fpeak of. Now then I reafonably doubt, that if 
 there be but an opinion of his coming in, with the 
 flrength of fuch an alliance ; it will give a turn and re- 
 lapfe in mens minds, into the former flate of things, hard- 
 ly to be holpen, to the great weakening of your Majeflie's 
 fervice. 
 
 Again, your Majeflie may have perceived, that as far as- 
 
 it
 
 54 Letters of the Lord 
 
 it was fit for me in modefty to advife, I was ever for a 
 Parlemcnt, (which feemeth to me to be car do rerum or 
 Jiimma fummarum for the prefent occafions.) But this my 
 advice was ever conditional ; that your Majejiie jhould go- 
 to a Parlement with a council united and not dijlracled : 
 and that your Majeftie will give me leave never to expecT", 
 if that man come in. Not for any difference of mine 
 own ; (for I am omnibus omnia for you Majeftie's fervice) 
 but becaufe he is by nature unfociable, and by habit popu- 
 lar, and too old now to take a new plye. And men begin 
 already to collect, yea and to conclude, that he that raifeth 
 fuch a fmoke to get in, will fet all on fire when he is in. 
 
 It may pleafe your Majeftie, now I have faid, I have 
 done : and as I think I have done a duty not unworthy 
 the firft year of your laft high favour ; I moft humbly 
 pray your Majeftie to pardon me, if in any thing, I have 
 erred : for my errours fhall always be fupplied by obedi- 
 ence ; and fo I conclude with my prayers, for the happy 
 prefervation of your Majeftie's perfon and eftate. Tour 
 Majejiie s moji humble, bounden, and mojl devoted Servant, 
 
 
 From Gorbambury, this -j-* tv.___ r* rt 
 
 25th dEJuly, 1617. fr - -Bacon, u.a. 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To the Earl of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 I Do think long to hear from your Lordfhip, touching 
 my laft Letter, wherein I gave you my opinion touch- 
 ing your Brother's match. As I then fhewed my diflike of 
 the matter, fo the carriage of it here in the manner I 
 * diflike
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 55 
 
 diflike as much. If your Lordfhip think it is humour or 
 intereft in me that leads me, God judge my lincerity. But 
 I mutt fay, that in your many noble favours towards me, 
 they ever moved and flowed from your felf, and not from 
 any of your friends whatfoever : and therefore in requital, 
 give me leave, that my counfels to you again be referred 
 to your happinefs, and not to the defires of any of your 
 friends. I mail ever give you, as I give my Matter, fafe 
 counfel and fuch as time will approve. 
 
 I receive yeflerday from Mr. Attorney the Queen's bill, 
 which I fend your Lordfhip. The payment is not out of 
 lands, but out of the cufloms, and fo it can be but the 
 rent. Your Lordfhip remembreth, it is but in a cafe, 
 which I hope mall never be j that is, after his Majeflie's 
 death, if fhe furvive. God ever blefs and direct you. 
 Tour Lordjhifs moji faithful and devoted Friend and 
 Servant, 
 
 Gorbambury, this 2cth t- t n r* 
 
 tf July, 1617. rr. Bacon, C. & 
 
 i 
 
 From the Original in the Earl of Oxford" 's Library* 
 To the K I N G. 
 
 It may pleafe your moji excellent Majeftie, 
 
 IDare not prefume any more to reply upon your Majeflie, 
 but I referve my Defence till I attend your Majeftie at 
 your happy return : when I hope verily to approve my 
 felf, not onely a true fervant to your Majeflie, but a true 
 friend to my Lord of Buckingham -, and for the times 
 alio \ I hope to give your Majeflie a good account, though. 
 
 diflance
 
 $6 Letters of the Lord 
 
 diftance of place may obfcure them. But there is one 
 part of your Majeftie's letter, that I could be forry to take 
 time to anfwer ; which is that your Majeftie conceives, 
 that whereas I wrote that the heighth of my Lord's fortune 
 might make him fecure, I mean that he was turned proud, 
 or unknowing of himfelf -, furely the opinion I ever had 
 of my Lord (whereof your Majeftie is belt witnefs) is far 
 from that. But my meaning was plain and fimple, that 
 his Lordfhip might through his great fortune, be the lefs 
 apt to can: and forefee the unfaithfulnefs of friends, and 
 the malignity of enemies, and accidents of time. Which 
 is a judgement (your Majeftie knoweth better than I) that 
 the beft authors make of thebeft, and beft tempered Spi- 
 rits, ut funt res humance ; infomuch that Guicciardine 
 maketh the judgement (not of a particular perfon) but of 
 the wifeft State of Europe ; the Senate of Venice; when 
 he faith their profperity had made them fecure, and under- 
 weighers of perils. Therefore I befeech your Majeftie to 
 deliver me in this from any the leaft imputation to my 
 dear and noble Lord my friend. And fo expecting, that 
 that Sun which when it went from us left us cold weather, 
 and now it is returned towards us hath brought with it a 
 bleffed harveftj will, when it cometh to us, difpel and 
 difperle all mifts and miftakings. Tour Majeftie s mqft 
 humble and moji devoted Servant, 
 
 
 July 31. 
 
 1617. 
 
 - 
 
 Fr. Ba 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 : 
 
 - 
 
 
 From
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To the Earl of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 Since my laft to your Lordfhip, I did firft fend for 
 Mr. Attorney general, and made him know, that 
 fince I heard from Court, I was refolved to further the 
 match and the conditions thereof for your Lordfhip's 
 Brother's advancement the beft I could. I did fend alfo to 
 my Lady Hat ton and fome other fpecial friends, to let them 
 know, I would in any thing declare my felf for the match > 
 which I did to the end, that if they had any apprehenfion 
 of my affiftance, they mought be difcouraged in it. I 
 fent alfo to Sir John Butler, and after by letter to my 
 Lady your Mother, to tender my performance of any good 
 office towards the match or the advancement from the 
 Mother. This was all I could think of for the prefent. 
 
 I did ever forefee, that this alliance would go near to 
 leefe me your Lordfhip, that I hold fo dear ; and that was 
 the only refpect particular to my felf that moved me to 
 be as I was, till I heard from you. But I will rely upon 
 your constancy and nature and my own deferving, and the 
 firm tye we have in refpecl of the King's fervice. 
 
 In the mean time I muft a little complain to your Lord- 
 fhip, that I do hear my Lady your Mother and your Brother 
 Sir John do fpeak of me with fome bitternefs and neglecl. 
 I muft bear with the one as a Lady, and the other as a Lo- 
 ver, and with both for your Lordfhip's fake, whom I will 
 make judge of any thing they fhall have againft me. But 
 
 y I I hope
 
 $8 Letters of the Lord 
 
 I hope though I be a true fervant to your Lordfhip, you 
 will not have me to be a vafTal to their paffions, fpecially 
 as long as they are governed by Sir Edward Coke and Se- 
 cretary Winwood, the latter of which I take to be the 
 worft; for Sir Edward Coke, I think is more modeft and 
 difcreet. Therefore your Lordfhip mall do me right, and 
 yet I fhall take it for favour, if you lignify to them that 
 you have received fatisfaction from me, and would have 
 them ufe me friendly, and in good manner. God keep us 
 from thefe long journeys and abfence, which make mifun- 
 derftandings, and give advantage to untruth, and God ever 
 profper and preferve your Lordfhip. Tour Lordjhip's true 
 and devoted Friend and Servant, 
 
 
 Gorbambury, this 23 d Fr. Bacon, C. S* 
 
 of Aug. 1617. 
 
 From the Original. & 
 A Memorial for your Majejlie. 
 
 ALthough I doubt not but your Majeftie's own me- 
 mory and care of your affaires, will put you in 
 mind of all things convenient, againft you fhall meet 
 with your Council, yet fome particulars I thought it not 
 unfit to reprefent unto your Majeftie j becaufe they pafled 
 the labour of your Council. 
 
 I. Some time before your departure, here was delivered 
 unto you by the Officers of your Exchequer, a com- 
 putation of your revenue and expence, wherein was ex- 
 preffed that your revenue ordinary, was not only equal to 
 your expence, but did fomewhat exceed it, though not 
 much. In
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 59 
 
 In this point, becauie the halfe yeare will now be expi- 
 red at Michaelmas, it fhall be fit, that your Majeftie 
 call to accompt, whether that equality hath held for 
 this halfe yeare ; and if not, what the caufes have 
 been, and whether the courfe prefcribed hath been 
 kept, that the ordinary expence hath been born out 
 of the ordinary revenue, and the extraordinary only 
 out of fuch money as hath come in by extraordinary 
 meanes, or elfe your ftate cannot clearly appeare. 
 II. To maintaine this equality, and to caufe your Ma- 
 jeure's ftate to fubfift in fome reafonable manner till far- 
 ther fupply might be had , it was found to be necefTary 
 that 200,000 1. of your Majeure's molt pregnant and pref- 
 fing debts mould be difcharged j and after confideration of 
 the meanes how to doe that, two wayes were refolved on. 
 One that 100,000 /. mould be difcharged to the Farmers of 
 your cuftomes by 25,000 /. yearely, they haveing for their 
 fecurity power to defalke foe much of their rent in their 
 own hands : But becaufe if that mould be defalked, then 
 your ordinary mould want of foe much, it was agreed 
 that the Farmers mould be paid the 25,000/. yearely in the 
 fale of woods. 
 
 In this point it is fit for your Majeftie to be informed 
 what hath been done, and whether order hath been 
 taken with the Farmers for it, and what debts were 
 afligncd to them foe to difcharge ; for of the parti- 
 culars of that courfe I never heard yet. 
 And becaufe it is apparent that the woodfalls this yeare 
 doe not amount to halfe that futn of 25,000/. your 
 Majeftie is to give charge that confideration be had how 
 the fame fhall be fupplyed by fome other extraordinary 
 
 I 2 for
 
 60 Letters of the Lord 
 
 for the prefent yeare, or elfe here will follow a fracture of 
 the whole alignments. 
 
 Item, Your Majeftie may pleafe to call for information 
 how that money raifed upon the woodes is imployed, 
 foe much as is already received, and to be wary that 
 noe part hereof be furTered to goe forextraordinaries, 
 but to be imployed only for the ufe for which it is 
 afligned, or elfe a greater rupture will follow in your 
 alignments. 
 Item, A fpecial confideration is to be had what courfe 
 mail be taken for the reft of the yeares with the wood 
 fales for fupply of this 25,000 /. yearly. 
 III. The other hundred thoufand pounde was agreed to 
 be borrowed, and an allotment made by my Lords of the 
 Council at the table, how the fame fhould be imployed, 
 and for what fpecial fervices, whereof I deliver to your 
 Majeftie herewith a copy. 
 
 In which point it may pleafe your Majeftie to caufe 
 your felfe to be informed how that allotment hath 
 been obferved, and becaufe it is likely that a good part 
 of it hath gone towards the charges of this your 
 journey to Scotland, (at leaft foe it is paid) your 
 Majeftie is to call for the particulars of that charge, 
 that you may fee how much of that hundred thou- 
 fand it taketh up. 
 And then confideration is to be had how it may be 
 fupplyed with fome extraordinary comings in, as namely 
 the monies to come from the Merchant Adventurers, 
 that the fame be allotted to none other ufe, but to per- 
 forme this allotment, that foe the foundation laid may be 
 maintained, or elfe all will be to feek, and if there be any 
 
 other 
 7
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 61 
 
 other extraordinary meanes, to come to your Majeftie 
 that they may be referved to that ufe. 
 
 And becaufe care muft be had to keep your credit in 
 London, for this money borrowed, your Majeftie may 
 pleafe to call for information what is done in the matter 
 of the forrefts, and what fum, and in what reafonable 
 time, is like to be made thereof. 
 
 The Extraordinaryes which it is like will be alleadged 
 for this yeare : 
 
 Your Majeftie' s journey into Scotland. 
 
 The Lord Hays imployment into France. 
 
 The Lord Roos into Spain. 
 
 The Baron de Tour extraordinary from France. 
 
 Sir John Bennet to the Archduke. 
 
 The enlarging of your parke at Theobalds. 
 
 Sir "John Digbfs fending into Spain. 
 
 Of all which when your Majeftie hath feen an eftimate 
 what they amount unto, and what money hath been alrea- 
 dy delivered towards them, which I fear will fall to be 
 out of the moneys borrowed at London. Then is it to be 
 conlidered what extraordinaryes are any ways to come in, 
 which may fupply thefe extraordinaryes laid out, and be 
 imployed for the ufes for which the moneys borrowed 
 were intended. 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To the Earl of Buckingham. 
 My ever beft Lord, now better than your f elf, 
 
 Y 
 
 OUR Lordfhip's pen or rather pencil hath pourtrai- 
 ed towards me fuch magnanimity and noblenefs and 
 
 true
 
 62 Letters of the Lord 
 
 true kindnefs; as methinketh I fee the image of fome an- 
 cient virtue, and not any thing of thefe times. It is the 
 . line of my life, and not the lines of my letter that mult 
 exprefs my thankfulnefs : Wherein if I fail, then God fail 
 me, and make me as miferable as I think my felf at this 
 time happy by this reviver, through his Majeftie's lingular 
 clemency, and your incomparable love and favour. God 
 preferve you, profper you, and reward you, for your 
 kindnefs to, Tour raifed and infinitely obliged Friend and 
 Servant, 
 
 &*. ,6.7. Fr. Bacon, C.S. 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To the Earl of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 I Send your Lordfhip the certificate touching the inrolle- 
 ment of Prentices. We can find no ground for it by 
 law. My felf fhall ever be ready to further things that 
 your Lordlhip commendeth, but where the matter will 
 not bear it, your Lordfhip I know will think, not the 
 worfe, but the better of me, if I fignify the true Hate of 
 things to your Lordlhip -, retting ever Tour Lordjhifs true 
 Friend and devoted Servant ', 
 
 "aSf.*?** Fr. Bacon, C.S. 
 
 The Certificate. 
 
 A 
 
 Ccording to his Majeftie's command fignified by your 
 Lordihip's letters, we have advifedly confidered of 
 
 the
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 6$ 
 
 the petition touching the inrollement of Apprentices inden- 
 tures, and heard the petitioners Counfel, and do find as 
 followeth : 
 
 i. Jhat the Act of Parlement 5 Eliz. doth not war- 
 rant the erecting of an office to inrolle fuch indentures in 
 Cities, Towns corporate, or Market towns. But if any 
 fuch inrollement mould be, it muft be by the Officers there, 
 who are affigned to perform fundry other things touching 
 Apprentices and Servants. 
 
 2. That in Countrey villages (for which the fuit car- 
 ries moft colour) we cannot give the fuiters hope, that a- 
 ny profit will be there made warrantable by law. 
 
 Thus we have (according to our duties) certified our 
 opinions of this petition, fubmitting the fame neverthelefs 
 to his Majeftie's great wifdom, and reft, At your Lord- 
 Jkifs command, 
 
 Fr. Bacon, C. S. H. Montague. Tho. Coventry, 
 
 25 Ofisb. 1 61 7. 
 
 ... 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To the Earl of Buckingham, 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 TH E liking which his Majeftie hath of our proceeds 
 ing concerning his houfehold, telleth me that his 
 Majeftie cannot but diflike the declining and tergiverfation 
 of the inferiour Officers ; which by this time he under- 
 ftandeth. 
 
 There be but four kinds of Retrenchments. 1 . The uni- 
 on of tables. 2. The putting down of tables. 3. The a- 
 
 batement
 
 Letters of the Lord 
 
 batement of dirties to tables. 4. The cutting off new diets 
 and allowance lately railed ; and yet perhaps fuch as are 
 more neceffary than fome of the old. 
 
 In my opinion the firft is thebeft and moil feafible. The 
 Lord Chamberlain's table is the principal table of ftate. 
 The Lord Steward's table I think is much frequented by 
 Scottijh Gentlemen. Your Lordlhip's table hath a great 
 attendance j and the Groom of the Stole's table is much 
 refortedto by the Bedchamber. Thefe would not be touch- 
 ed: But for the reft (his Majeftie's cafe conlidered) I think 
 they may well be united into one. 
 
 Thefe things are out of my element, but my care run- 
 neth where the King's ftate moft laboureth. Sir Lionel 
 Cranfeld a is yet lick, for which I am very forry j for 
 methinks his Majeftie upon thefe toffings over of his bu- 
 linefs from one to others hath an apt occalion to go on 
 with Subcommittees. God ever prefer ve and profper you. 
 Tour Lordjhifs true Friend and devoted Servant , 
 
 Tork-Houfe, 19 Nov. 161 7. Fr. Bacon, C. S. 
 
 a Sir Lionel Cranfeld was bred a Merchant in the city of London, introduced 
 to the King's knowledge by the Lord Northampton, and into his fervice by the 
 Earl of Buckingham, being the great projector of reforming the King's houmold, 
 advancing the Cuftoms, and other fervices, for which the King created him Lord 
 Cranfield, Earl of Middle/ex, and afterwards Lord High Treajurer : But being ac- 
 cufed by the Commons in Parliament of mifdemeanors in his office, he was fevere- 
 \y fente'nced by the Lords in the year 1624. 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To the Lord Keeper. 
 
 
 
 My Honourable Lord, 
 
 IS Majeftie commandeth me to write to your 
 Lordfhip, that he wonders your hand being at 
 
 that 
 
 H
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 65 
 
 that letter of the Lords of the Council, which he faith is 
 a very blunt one, you have not befides fent him fome 
 advice of your own, his Majeftie having only intrufted you 
 to fpeak with Sir Lionel Cranfei Id about his eftate. Tour 
 Lor djhip 's faithful Friend and Servant, 
 
 Newmarket 19, Nw. 161 7. G. Buckingham. 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To the Earl of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 YEfterday at afternoon were read at the Table his Ma- 
 jeftie's two letters, written with his own hand, the 
 matter worthy the hand. For they were written ex arte 
 imperandi, if I can judge j and I hope they and the like 
 will difenchaunt us of the opinion, which yet flicks with 
 us, that to day will be as yefterday, and to morrow as to 
 day, fo as there will be (as he faith) Acribus initiis, fine 
 incuriofo a . 
 
 I hold my opinion given in my former letter, that the 
 uniting of fome tables, is the moil paflable way ; but that 
 is not all : for when that is done, the King may fave greatly 
 in that which remaineth. For if it be fet down, what ta- 
 bles mail be fixed, and what diet allowed to them : My 
 Steward (as ill a mefnager as I am) or my Lord Mayors 
 Steward can go near to tell, what charge will go near to 
 maintain the proportion. Then add to that fome large 
 
 a One of the letters here mentioned to be writ by the King, is printed in the 
 Cabalu. In the other I fuppofe his Majeitie apprehends th.tt the vigour the Coun- 
 cil at Frit (hewed in reducing the charge of his houfhcld, would not be of long 
 continuance. It being obferv'd by Tacitus, in the words here cited, to be a 
 thing ngt unufual in publick affairs, that violent beginnings had negligent condit- 
 ions. 
 
 K allowance
 
 
 6 6 Letters of the Lord 
 
 allowance for wafte, (becaufe the King {hall not leefe his 
 prerogative to be deceived more than other men) and yet 
 no queflion there will be a great retrenchment. But a- 
 gainft this laft abatement will be fronted the payment 
 of arreres. But I confefs, I would be glad that I 
 mought fee, or rather, that a Parliament may fee, and 
 chiefly that the King (for his own quiet) may fee, that up- 
 on fuch a film payed, fuch an annual retrenchment will 
 follow : for things will never be done in ac~t, except they 
 be firft done in conceit. 
 
 I know thefe things do not pertain to me j for my part 
 is j to acquit the King's office towards God by adminiftra- 
 tion ofjuflice, and to oblige the hearts of his people to him 
 by the fame, and to maintain his prerogative. But yet 
 becaufe it is in hoc, that the King's cafe laboureth, I can- 
 not but yield my care and my ftrength too, in counfel, 
 fuch as it is, which cannot be fo much as it was between 
 our Lady-day and Michaelmas laft. But whatfoever it 
 is, it is wholly his Majeftie's, without any deflexion. 
 
 As foon as I find any poffibility of health in Sir Lyonel 
 Cranfeld, to execute a Subcommiffion ; I will by confer- 
 ence with him frame a draught of a letter from his Ma- 
 jeftie, for which there is the faireft occafion in the world. 
 And the King hath prepared it as well as poifible. God 
 ever preferve and profper you. Tour Lordjhifs true Friend 
 end devoted Servant, 
 
 28ri-Hbufe, aai^.1617. Fr. Bacon, C. S. 
 
 From
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 67 
 
 
 
 From the Original, & 
 
 To the Earl 0/ Buckingham. 
 My Lord, 
 
 HOW well I wilh to Sir Gilbert Haughton, himfelf 
 I dare fay doth not doubt, partly out of mine own 
 affection, and chiefly for your Lordmip's affection towards 
 him, which to me is more than myne own. That the 
 King mould make bargaines of hope, when his treafure 
 fufficeth not for his own charge, I may not advife for my 
 deareft friends ; for I am nayled to the King's eftate. But 
 two things I mail affent unto -, the one, that if the King 
 can redeem his works without charge of Officers, I mall 
 be glad of it, both for the Gentleman's fake, and becaufe 
 I perceive the uniting of the allome works in the King's 
 hand is befl ; the other, that if his Majeftie be pleafed to> 
 fignify his pleafure to my Lord T'reafurer and me, that 
 there be no forfeiture taken by Banifter till the King mall 
 advife of this bargaine, we will hold him to it. God pre- 
 ferve and profper your Lordfhip, your Lordfhip I think, 
 perceiveth both by fcribling and curfory inditing, that I 
 write in ftraights of bufineffe. Tour Lor djhip's true Friend, 
 and devoted Servant , 
 Tork-Houfe, this 24th of Nw. 161 7 . Fr. Bacon, C. S. 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To the Earl of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord> 
 
 I Send your Lordfhip a draught of a letter touching the 
 fubcommiffion written in wide lines^ becaufe it may 
 
 K 2 be
 
 68 Letters of the Lord 
 
 be the better amended by his Majeftie. I think it is fo 
 penned as none can except to it, no nor imagin any thing 
 of it. For the houfhold bufinefs, there was given a fort- 
 nights day : for the penfions, the courfe which I firft pro- 
 pounded of abating of a third throughout, and fome 
 wholly feemeth well entered into. Thefe be no ill begin- 
 nings. But this courfe of the fubcommiffion thriddes all 
 the King's bufinefs. God ever preferve and profper you. 
 Tour LordJhip*s true Friend and devoted Servant, 
 
 r^ri-Houfe, 27 Nov. 1617. Fr. Bacon, C. S. 
 
 Sir Lyonel Cranfield is now reafonably well recovered. 
 
 Draught of the Subcommiffion. 
 
 My Lords, 
 
 N. this firft and greateft branch of our charge concern- 
 ing our houfe ; we do find what difficulties are made, 
 and what time is loft, in difputing of and deviling upon 
 the manner of doing it ; whereof the matter muft be, 
 and is fo fully refolved. Neither can we but fee in this, 
 as in a glafs, the like event to follow in the reft upon 
 like reafon. For the inferiour Officers in every kind, who 
 are beft able for fkill to propound the retrenchments, will 
 out of intereft or fearfulnefs make dainty to do fervice; 
 and that which is done with an ill will, will never be well 
 done. Again, to make it the act of the whole Table, for 
 the particular propofitions and reckonings, will be too te- 
 dious for you, and will draw the bufinefs it felf into 
 length j and to make any particular Committees of your 
 felves, were to impofe that upon a few, which requireth 
 to be carried indifferently as the act of you all. For fince 
 
 the 
 
 I
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 6$ 
 
 the great Officers themfelves think it too heavy for them, 
 as our ftate now is, to deal in it, without bringing it to the 
 Table j with much more reafon may any particular perfons 
 of you be loth to meddle in it, but at the Board. In all 
 which refpects we have thought fit, (neither do we fee 
 any other way) that you fend unto us the names of the 
 Officers of our Exchequer, and our Cuftom-houfe, and 
 Auditors, out of which we will make choice of fome few, 
 beft qualified, to be fubcommittees for the better eafe and 
 the fpeeding of the bufinefs by their continual travails and 
 meetings : whofe part and employment we incline to be 
 to attend the principal Officers in their feveral charges, and 
 join themfelves to fome of the inferiour Officers, and fo take 
 upon them the mechanick and laborious part of every bu- 
 finefs, thereby to facilitate and- prepare it, for your confu- 
 tations, according to the directions and inftructions, they 
 (hall receive from you from time to time. 
 
 2 December 16 17. The Earl of Buckingham writes, that the King approves 
 of the LorcLKeeper's thoughts of the Subcommiffion. 
 
 . 
 
 From the Original. & 
 
 To the King. 
 
 May it pie afe your Majejlie, 
 
 BEing yefterday aflembled in Council to proceed in the 
 courfe we had begun for retrenchment of your Ma- 
 jeure's expences -, we received your princely letters, where- 
 by we are directed to fend to your Majeftie the names of 
 the Officers of the Exchequer, Cuftomehoufe and Audi- 
 tors, out of which you purpofe to make choife of fome 
 to be fubcommitted to handle the mechanick and laborious 
 3 part
 
 7 o Letters of the Lord 
 
 part of that which your Majeftie had appointed to our 
 care j we have according to our duty fent unto your Ma- 
 jefty the names of the feveral Officers of your Majeftie in 
 thofe places, to be ordered as your wifdom fhall think 
 bell: to direct. But withal, we thought it appertenant to 
 our duties to inform your Majeftie how far we have pro- 
 ceeded in the feveral heads of retrenchments by your Ma- 
 . jeftie at your departure committed unto us, that when 
 you know in what eftate our labours are, your judgment 
 may the better direct any further courfe as fhall be meet. 
 
 The matter of the houfehold, was by us fome days 
 iince, committed peremptorily to the Officers of the houfe, 
 as matter of commandement from your Majeftie, and of 
 duty in them, to reduce the expence of your houfe to a limi- 
 ted charge of fifty thoufand poundes by the yeare, befides 
 the benefit of the compofitions : and they have ever 
 fithence painfully (as we are informed) travailed in it, and 
 will be ready on Sunday next, which was the day given 
 them, to prefent fome models of retrenchments of divers 
 kinds, all ayming at your Majeftie's fervice. 
 
 In the point of penfions we have made a beginning, by 
 fufpending fome wholey for a time, and of others of a 
 third part ; in which courfe we are ftill going on, until 
 we make it fit to be prefented to your Majeftie ; in like 
 manner the Lord Chamberlain^ and the Lord Hay did 
 yefterday report unto us, what their travail had ordered 
 in the Wardrobe : and although fome doubt did arife unto 
 us whether your Majeftie's letters intended a ftay of our 
 labours, until you had made choice of the Subcommittee 
 intended by you. Yet prefiiming that fuch a courfe by 
 Subcommittee was purpofed rather for a furtherance, than 
 
 lett
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 1 
 
 lett to that worke, wee did refolve to goe on flill till your 
 Majeftie's further directions fhall come unto us ; and then 
 according to our duty we will proceed, as we mail be by 
 your Majeflie commanded ; in the mean time, we thought 
 it our duty to inform your Majeflie of what we have done, 
 that neither your Majeflie may conceive that we have been 
 negligent in thofe things which were committed unto us, 
 nor your directions by your late letters hinder or caft back 
 that, which is already fo far proceeded in. And foe hum- 
 bly kirling your royal handes, and praying to the Al- 
 mighty for your long and happy raigne over us, we reft, 
 Tour Majeftie's moft humble and obedient Subjefls and Ser- 
 vants, 
 
 5 Dec. 
 
 1617. 
 
 G. Cant. 
 E.Worcefter. 
 T. Arundel. 
 E. Wotton. 
 T.Lake. 
 
 Fr. Bacon. C. S. T. SufFolke. 
 Lennox. Pembroke. 
 
 W.Wallingford. L. Elie\ 
 
 James Hay. 
 Jul. Caefar. 
 
 From the Original, & 
 
 T.Edmondes. 
 Edw. Coke. 
 C. Edmondes. 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 I Write now only, rather in a kind of continuance and 
 frefh fuite, upon the King's bufinefle, than that the 
 fame is yet ripe, either for advertifement or advice. 
 
 The Subcommiflioners meet forenoon and afternoon, 
 
 with great diligence, and without diffraction or running 
 
 feveral waies, which if it be no more than necefTary, 
 
 3 what 
 
 71
 
 j 2 Letters of the Lord 
 
 what would lefs have done ? that is, if there had been no 
 Subcommiffioners, or they not well chofen ? 
 
 I fpeake with Sir Lyonel Cranfield, as caufe requireth 
 cither for account or direction, and as far as I can, by the 
 tafte I have from him, difcern, probably their fervice will 
 attaine, and may exceed his Majeftie's expectation. 
 
 I do well like the courfe they take, which is in every 
 kind to let down (as in beere, in wine, in beef, in mut- 
 tons, in corn, &c.) what cometh to the King's ufe, and 
 then what is fpent, and laftly what may be faved. This 
 way though it be not fo accufative, yet it is demonftra- 
 tive. Nam reBum eft index fui & obliqui, and the fal/e 
 manner of accompting, and where the gayn cleaveth, will 
 appear after by confequence. I humbly pray his Majeftie 
 to pardon me for troubling him with thefe imperfect 
 glances, which I do, both becaufe I know his Majeftie 
 thinketh long to underftand fomewhat, and left his Ma~ 
 jeftie fhould conceive, that he multiplying honours and 
 favours upon me, I mould not alfo increafe and redouble 
 my endeavours and cares for his fervice. God ever blefs, 
 preferve and profper his Majeftie and your Lordfhip, to 
 whom I ever remayn, Tour true Friend and moft devoted 
 Servant^ 
 
 > K Fr. Bacon, C.S. 
 
 16 Jan. 1617. 
 
 In anfwer to this letter, the Earl writes on the 24th dF 
 January from Newmarket l , that the King likes very welt 
 of Sir Lionel Cranfie/d's proceedings in the bufinene of 
 the houfhold, and is glad it is approved by his Lordfhip, 
 of whofe care and pains therein, he receiveth very good 
 fatisfaction, 
 
 From
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 73 
 
 ... ->- 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord \ 
 
 I Thought fit by this my private letter to your Lord- 
 fhip, to give you an account of fuch bufmefs, as your 
 Lordfhip hath recommended unto me j that you may 
 perceive that I have taken that care of them I ought, and 
 ever (hall in thofe things you recommend or remit to me. 
 
 For the fuit of the Alehoufes which concerneth your 
 Brother Mr. Chrijiopher Villi ers, and Mr. Patrick Mawle, 
 I have conferr'd with my Lord Chief Juftice, and Mr. So- 
 licitor thereupon, and there is afcruple in it, that it mould 
 be one of the Grievances put down in Parliament ; 
 which if it be, I may not in my duty and love to you, 
 advife you to deal in it ; if it be not, I will mould it in the 
 beft manner and help it forward. The flay is upon the 
 fearch of the Clerk of the Parliament, who is out of 
 town j but we have already found, that the laft grievance 
 in 7 mo . is not the fame with this fuit ; but we doubt yet 
 of another in 3 . 
 
 For the bufinefs of Mr. Levijlon, for your Lordfhip's 
 fake, (who I perceive keeps your noble courfe with me, in 
 acquainting me with thefe things) I lhall apply my felf 
 unto you ; though in my nature I do defire that thofe 
 that ferve in the Court where I fit, though they be not in 
 places of my gift, and fo concerns not me nor my place in 
 profit; yet I wifh, I fay, I mought leave them in as 
 good cafe as I find them. And this fuit concerneth the 
 main profit of the Six Clerks, who though they be of the 
 
 L Majler
 
 74. Letters of the Lord 
 
 Mafier of the Rolls his gift, yet they ferve in my Court. 
 But my greateft doubt is, that the grant cannot be good in 
 law -, and that it is not like thofe other prefidents, whereof 
 I have received a note. For the difference is, where things 
 have been written by all the Clerks indifferently and loofe- 
 ly, (in which cafe the King may draw them into an Office) 
 and where they have appertained to oneefpecial Office : in 
 which cafe the King can no more take away the profits of 
 a man's OfBce, than he can the profits of his land. There- 
 fore I think your Lordihip may do well, to write to 
 Mr. Solicitor and Serjeant Finch, or fome other Lawyers 
 that you truff, or fuch as Mr. Levijion trufleth, being 
 perfons of account, to inform you of the point in law, 
 before you proceed any farther : for without that all is in 
 vain. 
 
 For the bufinefs of Hawkyns touching the Regifter for 
 the ccmmiffion of Bankrupts. I am not yet fatisfied like- 
 wife for the law, nor for the conveniency, but I rather 
 incline to think it may pafs, and I have fet it in a courfe 
 by which I may be thoroughly informed. 
 
 For Sir Rowland Egerton's caufe, and his Lady's, the 
 parties have fubmitted themfelves unto me, and are con- 
 tent to do it by bond, and therefore I will undoubtedly 
 make an end of it according to juftice and confcience. 
 
 For Sir Gilbert Houghton's bufinefs I am in very good 
 hope to effect your Lordfhip's defire for his good. 
 
 For Moor's bufinefs, concerning the printing of Books, 
 after hearing all parties, I have fealed his patent, but for 
 his former patent of Salt I dare not do it, without acquaint- 
 ing the Council therewith, which I am ready to do, if he 
 require that courfe to be taken. 
 
 7 If
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 75 
 
 If his Majeftie at any time afk touching the Lord Clif- 
 ton's bufmefs, I pray your Lordfhip reprefent to his IVIa- 
 jeftie thus much, that whatfoever hath paffed, I thank 
 God, I neither fear him, nor hate him j but I am won- 
 derful careful of the feat of Juftice, that they may ftill be 
 well munited, being principal finews of his Majeftie' s au- 
 thority. Therefore the courfe will be (as I am advifed) 
 that for this heinous Mifprifion that the party without all 
 colour or fhadow of caufe, mould threaten the life of his 
 Judge, and of the higher!: Judge of the Kingdom next his 
 Majeftie) he be flrft examined, and if he confefs it, then 
 an ore tenus % if he confefs it not, then an information in 
 the Star-chamber, and he to remain where he is till the 
 hearing. But I do purpofely forbear yet to have him ex- 
 amined, till the decree or argreement between him and* arry 
 Lord Aubigny (which is now ready be perfected) left it 
 mould feem an oppreffion by the terror of the one, to beat 
 him down in the other. Thus I ever reft, Tour Lord* 
 Jhip's true Friend, and devoted Servant, 
 
 z?jan H \%. Fn BaCOn ' CmC ' 
 
 
 
 From the Original. A 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 My Honourable Lord, 
 
 I Have received your Lordfhip's letters, wherein I ftfd 
 the continuance of your love and refpect t'c nie, ki 
 any thing I write to you of, for which I give you- Ldrd$r^ 
 many thanks, defireing nothing for any man but wMt^oii 
 ftiall find juft and convenient to pafs ; I am vety gkfdftJ 
 
 L 2 underitand
 
 16 Letters of the Lord 
 
 underftand that there is fo good hope of Sir Gilbert 
 Houghton's bufinefs, which I muft needs afcribe to your 
 Lordfhip's great favour toward him for my fake, which I 
 will ever acknowledge. If his Majeftie at any time fpeak 
 of the Lord Clifton's bufinefs, I will anfwer according to 
 that your Lordfhip hath written, &c. Tour Lordfiip's 
 faithful Servant , 
 
 Newmarket, the kft of G. Buckingham. 
 
 January, 1617. 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To the King. 
 
 It may pleafe your mojl excellent Majeftie, 
 
 Finding as well by your Majeftie's difpatches and dire- 
 ctions to your Council, as now by fpeech with Mr. 
 Secretary Laque, that your Majeftie is content to be trou- 
 bled with bufinefs of fundry natures ; I thought good ac- 
 cording to the duty of my place, and the neceflity of the 
 occafion, to put your Majeftie in mind, that on this day 
 fe'nnight, being Friday in the Morning, I am according 
 to cuftom to give a charge and admonition to the Judges 
 and Juftices of Peace now before the Circuits ; wherein I 
 am humbly to crave your Majeftie's pleafure and directions. 
 I have for your Majeftie's better eafe fet down the heads, 
 which by the prefcript of your book, and out of the con- 
 fideration of the prefent times, I have thought fitteft to be 
 remembred. I have alfo fent your Majeftie the laft ac- 
 count of the Judges circuits, not to trouble you with the 
 reading of them all ; but to the end that if upon my me- 
 morial, or otherwife out of your Majeftie's own memory, 
 
 which
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 77 
 
 which is above memorials, you mould have occafion to 
 refort to thofe accounts, the papers may be by you. 
 
 The point of greater! weight in my opinion, is the car- 
 rying of a ballanced hand at this time in the matter of Re- 
 cufants, in regard of the treaty with Spain : For it were 
 good in refpect of your people, that there were no note 
 made that the firing is relaxed, and in refpect of the Treaty, 
 that it is not {trained j and therefore that the proceeding 
 in thofe caufes be rather diligent than fevere. 
 
 I am wonderful glad to hear that this extremity of 
 weather, v/hich I think the Mufcovite hath brought with 
 him, hath not touched your Majeftie, whofe health and 
 eafe is far dearer to me than my life with all the appurte- 
 nances. God ever preferve and profper you. Tour Ma- 
 jeftie s moft faithful and moft obliged Servant y 
 
 This Friday morning the fixth ff g Q 
 
 of February, ,6i 7 . 
 
 Your Majeftie will be pleafed your anfwer be with me 
 
 on Thurfday at noon, or foon after it 
 
 ... 
 From the Original, g 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 My honourable Lord, 
 
 I Have acquainted his Majeftie with your letter to me, 
 and delivered likewife to him the letter and other 
 things directed to his Majeftie, who hath commanded me 
 to return this anfwer to them all. 
 
 Firft, for your memorial of your Charge to the Judges, 
 
 he liketh it fo well, that he flndeth nothing either to be 
 
 added or diminiihed, and was fo well fatisfyed therewith, 
 
 7 that
 
 7 8" Letters of the Lord 
 
 that he accounteth it needlefs to read the other papers, hu i 
 fealed them up again and fendeth them back to your 
 Lordmip without reading them. Onely in the point of 
 Recufants his Majeftie is of the quite contrary opinion to 
 you ; for though he would not by any means have a more 
 fevere courfe held, than his laws appoint in that cafe, yet 
 fith the many reafons why, there mould be no mitigation 
 above that which his laws have enacted, and his own con- 
 fcience telle th him to be fit. As fir ft, the Papijis in his 
 Kingdom have taken fuch heart upon the Commiffion gi- 
 ven to Sir John Digby touching the match with Spain, 
 that they have fent copies thereof privately up and down, 
 and are fo lifted up in their hopes of what they defire, 
 that his Majeftie cannot but take a more fevere courfe (as 
 far as by his laws he may) than hitherto he hath done. 
 Befides when they fhall fee a harder hand carryed toward 
 them than hath been accuftomed, his Majeftie aflureth 
 himfelf they will employ all their means to further the 
 match, in hope of mitigating of that feverity when it mall 
 be accomplished. And though thefe reafons were not, his 
 Majeftie would account it a bafenefs in a Prince to fhew 
 fuch a defire of the match, as to flack any thing in his 
 courfe of government, much more in propagation of the 
 religion he profefTeth, for fear of giveing hindrance to 
 the match thereby. And fo with many thanks for your 
 favours to ray Brother in his bufinefe, I reft, Tour Lord- 
 fiaif s faithful Servant, 
 
 New-mnrka* a Feb, 1617. G. Buckingham. 
 
 From
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 79 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 r A* 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 MR. Chancellor of the Exchequer hath fignified to me 
 this day, that yefterday his Majeftie called him to 
 his coach and faid to him, that one that had ufed ill fpeech 
 of me mould be called before me, and make his fubmif- 
 fion to me ; and thereupon be called before the Council, 
 and receive a fharp reprehenfion and fo be inlarged. And 
 Mr. Chancellor could not tell me who the perfon was, but 
 after by fome letter he received from my Lord Clifton, and 
 fpeech with a man of his, he perceived it was he. 
 
 I pray your Lordfhip in humblenefs to let his Majeftie 
 know, that I little fear the Lord Clifton, but I much fear 
 the example, that it will animate Ruffins and Rodomonti 
 extremely againft the feats of Juflice, (which are his Ma- 
 jeftie's own feats) yea and againft all authority and great- 
 nefs, if thispafs without publick cenfureand example > it 
 having gone already fo far as that the perfon of a Baron 
 hath been committed to the Tower. The punifhment it 
 may pleafe his Majeftie to remit, and I fhall not formally 
 but heartily intercede for him, but an example (fetting 
 my felf afide) I wiih for terror of perfons, that may be 
 more dangerous than he, towards the leaft Judge of the 
 Kingdom. 
 
 Therefore it may pleafe his Majeftie to fpeak of it wi^a 
 
 my felf and my Lords when he cometh next, and in the 
 
 mean time, I will command from his Majeftie, the Ma- 
 
 Jler of the Rolls and Mr. Attorney, who were appointed
 
 80 Letters of the Lord 
 
 by the table to examine him, to flay. God ever profper 
 you a . Tour Lord/hips true Friend and devoted Ser- 
 vant, 
 
 1 7 Manb, i6i 7 . p r . Bacon, Cane. 
 
 * The Lord Clifton was committed to the Tozver, for faying that he was forry 
 he had not ftabbed the Lord Chancellor for making a decree againft him, and in 
 October 171 8, dyed by his own hands. 
 
 From the Original. & 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 WE have fat once upon the Commiffion of T'reafure 
 to no ill purpofe, as may appear by the account 
 inclofed j wherein his Majeftie will find no prepofterous 
 iflue of treafure : Mr. Chancellor imagines well, Coke feeks 
 and beates over, as well where it is not, as where it is ; 
 Secretary Naunton forgets nothing. I will look to bow 
 things to the true ends. God blefs and profper his Ma- 
 jeftie and your felf. Tour Lordjhifs mojl obliged Friend, 
 and faithful Servant, 
 
 tjUfrftife* Fr.Verulam, Cane. 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 I Pray your Lordfhip to ngnifie to his Majeftie, that I 
 thought it my duty to ftay at the Seal, a Book of Sir 
 Francis Steward's, and Sir J 'ames Auterlony, &c. of 200/. 
 land in charge in fee-fimple. My reafons : 
 
 Firfl,
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 8 i 
 
 Firjl, It is a perpetuity, and fo much rent in diminu- 
 tion of revenue certain. 
 
 Secondly ', The warrant (as is acknowledged) came only 
 
 from my Lord of Suffolke, and not from Mr. Chancellor: 
 
 and yet my Lord was wont to boaft, that fince he wasTrea- 
 
 furer, all commiflions and contracts for fale of the King's 
 
 land were broken off and ceafed. 
 
 Thirdly, The rate of the monies paid by the Gentle- 
 men, amounteth but to thirteen years purchafe, which is 
 a plain gift of a good proportion of value. 
 
 If his Majeflie now inform'd, iterate his mandate, it is 
 done, and I excufed ; but I could wifh his Majeflie would 
 refer it to the Commimoners of the Treafury, how the 
 Gentlemen may be otherwife fatisfied. 
 
 I received yeflernight a brave account of the Com- 
 miflion of the Wardes in Ireland ; which this one year is 
 advanced from 200 /. per annum to 4000 /. which is 
 twenty fold multiplied. This I write for two reafons. 
 firfl, becaufe I glory in it, becaufe it was my work whol- 
 ly : next, becaufe his Majeflie may take occafion by this 
 to look better to the improvement of his Wardes in 
 England in due time. God ever preferve and profper 
 you. Tour Lordjbip's mojt obliged Friend and faithful Ser- 
 vant, 
 
 rork-Hou/e, 27 July 161s. Fr.Verulam, Cane. 
 
 M From
 
 82 Letters of the Lord 
 
 From the Original, 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 i 
 
 My very good Lordy 
 
 Am very glad to hear of the honour his Majeftie intend- 
 eth to my noble Lady, your Lordfhip's Mother. This 
 amongft many other things, fheweth in your Lordfhip 
 good nature, which is the root of all virtues, next Reli- 
 gion. Befides it doth fort well in ftates, when place and 
 power do meet, and ftand not too farre at diftance a . 
 
 For the paffing of it by direction without bill figned, 
 it cannot be in law. So is Mr. Attorney' 's opinion, and 
 fo is mine ; and therefore there is prefently a Bill fent 
 with an indorfement of paffing it by immediate warrant, 
 and this antedate. . 
 
 For the antedate, I muft prefent his Majeftie with my 
 
 caution, and with my obedience. 
 
 * 1 8 H. 6th. F r tne * Statute tyeth me from antedates ; and indeed 
 
 cap. i . ^g m ifchief is infinite : for by that means the King may 
 
 grant any land, &c . and take it away a month hence, and 
 
 grant it another by an antedate. And furely were it land 
 
 or the' like I would not fay abfit, or your Majeftie cannot 
 
 do it , for a world: or, your Majeftie is /worn, and I am 
 
 /worn j or fuch brave phrafes, but furely (J fay) I would 
 
 in humblenefs reprefent it to his Majeftie. 
 
 But the cafe of honour differeth : for therein his Ma- 
 kefile's prerogative and declaration is abfolute, and he may 
 
 a The advancement of this Lady to the title of Counted of Buckingham, was 
 notwithftanding the reafonshere alledged, fo ill refented by the Houfe of Commons 
 in 1626. that in the 1 1 th article of their impeachment of the Duke her fon, it 
 was objeded againil him as one of his offences. 
 
 make
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 83 
 
 make him that is laft to be firft. And therefore upon his 
 Majeftie's fignification of his pleafure upon the indorfement 
 of the bill figned, I take it, I may lawfully do it. 
 
 I amherarejoycing with my neighbours the Towns men 
 of St. Albans for this happy day the 5th of Auguft 1 6 1 8, \ 
 Tour Lordjhifsmofi obliged Friend and faithful Servant \ 
 
 Gorbambur). Fr. Verulam, Cane. 
 
 1 
 
 * The 5th of Auguft being the anniverfary of the King's deliverance from the 
 Earl of Cowry's confpiracy, was by lome called the Courtholyday, and ridiculed as 
 a fiftion; though the truth thereof being delivered down by Archbifhop Spot/wood, 
 and other good hiltorians, I fee no reafon to call it into queftion. 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 1 Thank your Lordfhip for your laft loving letter. I 
 now write to give the King an account of a Patent I 
 have ftayed at the feal. It is of licence to give in Mort- 
 main eight hundred pound land, though it be of tenure in 
 chief to Allen that was the Player, for an Hofpital. 
 
 I like well that Allen playeth the laft acl: of his life fo 
 well -, but if his Majeftie give way thus to amortize his 
 tenures, his Courts of Wards will decay, which I had 
 well hoped mould improve. 
 
 But that which moved me chiefly is, that his Majeftie 
 now lately did abfolutely deny Sir Henry Savile for 200/. 
 and Sir Edward Sandys for 100/. to the perpetuating of 
 two lectures, the one in Oxford, the other in Cambridge, 
 foundations of fingular honour to his Majeftie (the beft 
 learned of Kings) and of which there is great want -, where- 
 
 M 2 as
 
 8 4 Letters of the Lord 
 
 as Hofpitals abound ; and Beggers abound never a whit 
 the lefs. 
 
 If his Majeftie do like topafs the book at all ; yet if he 
 would be pleafed to abridge the 800/. to 500/. and then 
 give way to the other two books for the Universities, it 
 were a princely work. And I would make an humble 
 fuit to the King, and defire your Lordfhip to joyn in it> 
 that it mought be fo. God ever preferve and profper you. 
 Tour Lordjhifs mofi obliged Friend and faithful Servant, 
 
 Tork-boufe tins 18* of Fr. Verulam, Cane. 
 
 Augujl, 161 8. 
 
 I have written to my Lord Chamberlain being Chancel- 
 lour of Oxford, to help in the buiinefie. 
 
 From the Original. & 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 WHat paffed in your Lordfhip's prefence, your 
 Lordfhip can tell, touching the Navy. The 
 morrow following we concluded in approbation of the 
 bookes, fave in one poynt, touching the number conve- 
 nient for manning the fhips, wherein the number allowed 
 by the Commimoners, had in my judgement a little of the 
 Merchant, for to meafure by fo many as were above dead 
 pays, is no good argument. For the abufe of dead pays 
 is to be amended, and not the necenary number abated. 
 In this his Majeflie may fall upon a middle proportion be- 
 tween that of the Commiffioners and that of the Officers. 
 It were good, now the three bookes which we have ap- 
 
 poynted
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 85 
 
 poynted to be ingrofled into one leidger-book are affirmed, 
 there were a fhort book of his Majeftie's royal directions* 
 and orders thereupon, extracted. 
 
 For the Commiflion of the tfreafury, I perfwade my 
 felf, they are of the firft hours that have been well fpent 
 in that kind. We have put thofe particulars whereof his 
 MajefKe gave us charge into a way. 
 
 Bingley's information will be to good purpofe, and we 
 find another of like nature revealed to Mr. Secretary and 
 my felf. God ever profper you. Tour Lord/hip's mojl ob- 
 liged Friend and faithful Servant '; 
 
 9 o#oteri6is. Fr. Verulam, Cane. 
 
 From the Original & 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 LOoking for matter of fervice, I have found out a fuit 
 for my felf; and it is proper for me more than all 
 men, becaufe it is within the accompt of the Hamper. 
 But I have made a law to my felf, that I will never beg 
 any thing, which fhall not bring a gain to the King. 
 Therefore my fuit is to farm the profits of the Alienations^ 
 yielding a thoufand pound a year more to the King than 
 hath been yielded communibus annis by a medium of {even 
 years. If the King be pleafed to grant me this, it will a 
 little warm the honour he hath given me ; and I fhall have 
 a new occafion to be, as I ever have been, and fhall be, 
 Tour hordjhifs obliged Friend and faithful Servant, 
 
 YorhHoufe, 9 osi. 161 8. Fr. Verulam, Cane. 
 
 From 
 2
 
 86 Letters of the Lord 
 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 THIS morning Mr. Attorney came to me and defired 
 of me many writs of Ne exeat regnum againft moft 
 of the Dutch Merchants, and withal let me understand 
 that there was a difcovery of an infinite tranfportation of 
 gold and filver out of this realm by the faid Dutch Mer- 
 chants, amounting to millions -, and that Sir John Britten 
 had made a book thereof, and prefented the fame to his 
 Majeftie; and further that his Majeftie had directed him 
 to profecute the fame > and had alfo given Sir Thomas Va- 
 vifor the forfeiture of fuch ten of them as he mould 
 choofe. 
 
 Hereupon I thought it my duty, as in a matter of great 
 weight, to fignifie to his Majeftie by your Lordfhip what 
 I conceive. 
 
 The difcovery I think very happy. For if it be true, it 
 will be a great benefit to his Majeftie: It will alfo content 
 his People much, and ft will demonftrate alfo that Scot- 
 land is not the Leech (as fome difcourfers fay) but the Ne- 
 therlanders that fuck the realm of treafure : So that the 
 thing is very good". 
 
 But two things I muft reprefent to his Majeftie: The 
 firft, that if I ftay Merchants from their trading by this 
 writ, I muft do it either ex officio, or by fpecial warrant 
 from his Majeftie. 
 
 If ex officio, then I muft have more than a bare fur- 
 mi&tQ grant the writ upon, fo as I muft be acquainted 
 
 with
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 87 
 
 with the grounds, or at leaft appearance of proofs. If by 
 fpecial warrant, then I defirc to receive the fame. The 
 other is, that I humbly befeech his Majeftie that thefe roy- 
 al boughs of forfeiture may not be vintaged or cropped by 
 private fuitors (confidering his Majeftie' s ftate as it is) but 
 that Sir Thomas Vavifor or Sir John Brittain may have a 
 bountiful and gracious reward of their difcovery j but not 
 the prime, or without flint. 
 
 In fum, I would wifh his Majeftie to refer the whole 
 bufinefs and carriage of the fame for his honour and pro- 
 fit to the Commiflioners of Treafure, or becaufe it is a le- 
 gal forfeiture, to my felf, Mr. Chancellory Sir Edward 
 Coke, and my Lord Chief Juftice of England; and by us 
 his Majeftie fhall be affured to know the beft courfe for his 
 juftice, honour, and profit, and that he may difpofe what 
 bounty he will. God ever preferve and profper you. Tour 
 Lord/hip's mojl obliged Friend and faithful Servant \ 
 
 Tork-bou/e, H)0?to> Fr.Verulam, Cane. 
 
 f*ri6i8. 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 From the Original. & 
 
 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 I Have acquainted his Majeftie with your letter, who 
 giveth you thanks for your advice to communicate the 
 bufinefle of the Dutchmen to the Commiflioners of the 
 Treafury, which his Majeftie was before purpofed to refer 
 to them, as it concerns his Treafure, for the carriage of it; 
 and to your Lordfhip and the reft named in your letter, 
 for the relation it hath to the Law. For the propofers of 
 
 the
 
 8 8 Letters of th \& Lord 
 
 the fuit, his Majefiie intendeth only to reward their pains 
 as may fland with his fervice and his princely difpofition, 
 but to preferve the main benefit himfelf : all that his Ma- 
 jefiie would have your Lordfhip to do for the prefent, is to 
 take order about the writ of Ne exeant regnant-, to advife 
 with his learned Counfel what courfe is to be taken, and 
 if by a warrant from his Majefiie, that your Lordfhip fend 
 him a warrant to be figned, which fhall be returned with 
 all fpeed. Of other things his Majefiie thinketh it will be 
 time enough to fpeak at his return to London. In the 
 mean time I reft, Tour Lordfhip' s faithful Friend and 
 Servant, 
 
 Bincbenbroke, 2 i oa. ! 6i * ' M G. Buckingham. 
 
 From the Original. & 
 
 To the Mar qui, of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 Have this morning received the petty rolle for the 
 
 Sherives. I received alfo, the papers exhibited by Sir 
 
 Miles Fleetwood, which I will ufe to his Majeflie's befl 
 
 fervice, and thereupon give account to his Majefiie when 
 
 time ferveth. 
 
 My care which is not dormant touching his Majeflie's 
 fervice, fpeeralfytfh&t' of treafure (which is now fummk 
 fuminamm) maketh me propound to his Majefiie a mat 
 ter, which (God is my witnefs) I do without contempla- 
 tion of friend or end, but animo reBo. 
 
 If Sir Edward Coke continue fick, or keep in, I fear 
 his Majeflie's fervice will languifh too, in thofe things 
 which touch upon law; as the calling in debts, recufants, 
 
 aliena- 
 
 I
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 89 
 
 alienations, defalcations, &c. And this is moft certaine, 
 that in thefe new diligences, if the firft beginning coole, 
 all will go back to the old byafs. Therefore it may pleafe 
 his Majeftie to think of it, whether there will not be a 
 kind of neceffity to add my Lord Chief Juftice of England 
 to the Commiflioners of Treafure. This I move only to 
 the King and your Lordfhip, otherwife it is a thing ex non 
 entibus. God preferve and profper you. Your Lordjhip's 
 moft faithful Servant, 
 
 From the Star-Cbamier> Fr.Venilam, Cane. 
 
 25 Nov. 161 8. 
 
 P. S. I forget not Tuftons caufe. All things ftay, and 
 prefidents are in fearch. 
 
 From the Original, 
 
 To the Marquh of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 THIS long book which I fend for his Majeftie's fig- 
 nature, was upon a conference and confult yefler- 
 night (at which time I was affifted by the two chief Ju- 
 ftices, and attended by the Surveyor, Attorney, and Re- 
 ceiver of the Court of Wards, Fleetwood) framed and al- 
 lowed. 
 
 It is long, becaufe we all thought fit not to piece new in- 
 ftructions with old inftruclions, but to reduce both old and 
 new into one body of inftructions. I do not fee, that of 
 the articles which are many, any could have been fpared. 
 They are plain, but they have a good property, that they 
 will take faft hold. I may not trouble his Majeftie with 
 choofing fome of them in particular, when all are good. 
 
 N Onely
 
 90 Letters of the Lord 
 
 Onely I.thinkfit to let his Majeftie know of one, (which is 
 that according to his own directions, the oath of making 
 no private unlawful profit) is now as well tranflated to 
 the Mailer and Officers that may take, as to the parties 
 and fuitors that may give. 
 
 It little becometh me to poffefs his Majeftie, that this 
 will be to his Majeflie's benefit ten thoufands yearly, or 
 fifteen thoufands, or twenty thoufands: For thefe rattles 
 are fitter for Mountebanks of fervice, then grave Counci- 
 lors. But my advices (as far as I am able to difcern) tend 
 or extend but to thus much : This is his Majeflie's furefl 
 and eafiefl way for his mofl good. 
 
 Sir Miles Fleetwood, who both now and heretofore, hath 
 
 done very good fervice in this, meriteth to be particularly 
 
 from your Lordfhip incouragedj which I befeech your 
 
 Lordfhip not to forget. God ever profper you. TourLord- 
 
 Jhifs mojl faithful bounden Friend and Servant \ 
 
 This 4 th of December 1 6 1 8. Fr. Verulam, Cane. 
 
 To the King. & 
 
 May it pleafe your mojl excellent Majeftie, 
 
 Ccording to your Majeflie's pleafure fignified to us 
 
 A 
 
 by the Lord Marquis Buckingham, we have con- 
 fidered of the fitnefs and conveniency of the gold and filver 
 thread bufinefs, as alfo the profit that may accrue unto 
 your Majeftie. 
 
 We are all of opinion that it is convenient that the fame 
 mould be fettled, having been brought hither at the great 
 charge of your Majeflie's now agents, and being a means 
 to fet many of your poor fubjects on work, and to this 
 
 
 7 purpofe
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 91 
 
 purpofe there was a former certificate to your Majeftie from 
 fome of us with others. 
 
 And for the profit that will arife, we fee no caufe to 
 doubt ; but do conceive apparent likelyhood, that it will 
 redound much to your Majeftie's profit, which we efteem 
 may be at the leafl 10,000/. by the yeare; and therefore 
 in a bufinefs of fuch benefit to your Majeftie, it were good 
 it were fettled with all convenient fpeed, by all lawful 
 means that may be thought of, which notwithstanding, 
 we moft humbly leave to your Majeftie's higheft wifdom. 
 Tour Majeftie's moft humble and faithful Servants, 
 
 Fr. Verulam, Cane. H.Montagu. Henry Yelverton. 
 
 \ 
 
 4 Oil 161 8. the Marquis of "Buckingham writes from Theobaldes to the Lord 
 Chancellor, that the King being defirous to be fatisfied of the gold and filver 
 thread bufinefs, would have his Lordfhip confult the Lord Chief Juiticc, and the 
 Attorney and Solicitor General therein. 
 
 To the Kin g. 
 
 It may pleafe your moft excellent Majeftie, 
 
 I Do many times, with gladnefs, and for a remedy of 
 my other labours, revolve in my mind the great hap- 
 pinefs which God (of his fingular goodnefs) hath accu- 
 mulated upon your Majeftie every way ; and how com- 
 pleat the fame would be, if the ftate of your means were 
 once rectified and well ordered. Your People military 
 and obedient, fit for war, ufed to peace ; your Church il- 
 lightened with good Preachers, as an heaven of ftars . 
 your Judges learned, and learning from you, juft, and 
 juft by your example j your Nobility in a right diftance 
 between Crown and People, no oppreffors of the People, 
 
 N 2 no
 
 SZ Letters of the Lord 
 
 no over-fhadowers of the Crown; your Council full of 
 tributes of care, faith and freedom ; your Gentlemen 
 and Juftices of Peace willing to apply your royal man- 
 dates to the nature of their feveral Countyes, but ready 
 to obey ; your Servants in awe of your wifdom, in hope 
 of your goodnefs : the Fields growing every day, by the 
 improvement and recovery of grounds from the defert to 
 the garden ; the City grown from wood to brick ; your 
 Sea-walls or pemcerium of your Ifland, furveyed, and in 
 edifying ; your Merchants embracing the whole compafs 
 of the world, Eaft, Weft, North, and South ; the Times 
 give you peace, and yet offer you opertunities of action 
 abroad : and laftly your excellent royal Iflue entaileth thefe 
 bleffings and favours of God to defcend to all pofterity. 
 It refteth therefore* that God having done fo great things 
 for your Majeftie, and you for others ; you would do fo 
 much for your felf, as to go through (according to your 
 beginnings) with the rectifying and fetling of your eftate 
 and means, which only is wanting; Hoc rebus defuit unum. 
 I therefore whom only love and duty to your Majeftie, and 
 your royal line hath made a financier \ do intend to pre- 
 fent unto your Majeftie a perfect book of your Eftate like 
 a perfpective glafs, to draw your eftate nearer to your 
 fight j befeechingyour Majeftie to conceive, that if I have 
 not attained to do that I would do, in this which is not 
 proper for me, nor in my element, I {hall make your Ma- 
 jeftie amends in fome other thing, in which I am. better 
 bred. God ever preferve, Gfr. 
 
 *Jaii. 6i8. 
 
 From
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 53 
 
 From the Original. & 
 
 To the Marquis 0/ Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 IF I mould ufe the Count de Gondomar's action, I mould 
 firft lay your Iaft letter to my mouth, in token of 
 thanks, and then to my heart in token of contentment, 
 and then to my forehead in token of a perpetual remem- 
 brance. 
 
 I fend now to know how his Majeftie doth after his re- 
 move, and to give you account, that yefterday was a day 
 of motions in the Chancery. This day was a day of motions 
 in the Star Chamber, and it was my hap to clear the Bar, 
 that no man was left to move any thing, which my Lords 
 were pleafed to note they never faw before. To morrow is 
 a fealing day ; T'hurfday is the funeral day -, fo that I pray 
 your Lordfhip to diredl: me whether I mail attend his Ma- 
 jeftie Fry day or Saturday. Fry day hath fome reliques of 
 bufinefs, and the Commiflioners of Treafure have appoint- 
 ed to meet ; but to fee his Majeftie is to me above all. 
 
 I have fet down de bene ejfe, Suffolk's caufe, the third 
 fitting next Term; if the wynd fuffer the Commiflion of 
 Ireland to be fped. I ever more and more reft, Tour Lord- 
 fhip s mofi obliged Friend and faithful Servant ', 
 
 This 1 1 h of May 1 6 1 9. Fr, Verulam, Cane. 
 
 From
 
 54 Letters of the Lord 
 
 From the Original. & 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 1 
 
 My tnofi honourable Lord, 
 
 1 Acquainted his Majeflie with your letter, at the firft op- 
 portunity after I received it, who was very well pleafe^ 
 with that account of your careful and fpeedy difpatch of 
 bufineffes, &c. Tours, &c. 
 
 Greenwich, 13 May 1619. G. Buckingham. 
 
 P.S. Your bufinefs had been done before this, but I 
 knew not whether you would have the Attorney or Solici- 
 tor to draw it. 
 
 From the Original. & 
 
 - 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 
 
 My noble Lord, 
 
 I Shewed your letter of thankes to his Majeflie, who fays 
 there are too many in it for fo fmall a favour, which 
 he holdeth too little to encourage fo well a deferving Ser- 
 vant. For my felfe I (hall ever rejoice at the manifesta- 
 tion of hisMajeitie's favour towards you, and will contri- 
 bute all that is in me to the encreafing his good opinion, 
 ever refling, Tour Lordjhifs faithful Friend and Servant, 
 
 G. Buckingham. 
 
 From
 
 Chancellor Bacon, 95 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 ISend his Majeftie a volume of my Lord of Bangor's 
 and my Lord Sheffield, whereof I fpake when I left 
 his Majeftie at T^heobaldes. His Majeftie may be pleafed 
 at his own good time and pleafure, to caft his eye upon it. 
 I purpofe at my coming to London to confer with the 
 Chief Juftice as his Majeftie appointed ; and to put the bu- 
 finefs of the Purfevants in a way, which I think will be 
 beft by a Commiflion of Oyer and terminer ; for the Star 
 Chamber, without confemon, is longfeas. I mould advife 
 that this point of the Purfevants were not fingle, but that 
 it be coupled in the Commiflion with the offences of Keep- 
 ers of prifons hereabouts, it hath a great affinity; for 
 Purfevants are but ambulatory Keepers, and it works upon 
 the fame party, of the Papifts. And it is that wherein 
 many of his Majeftie's and the Council's fevere charges 
 have been hitherto unfruitful : and it doth a great dea} of 
 mifchief. I have fome other reafons for it. But of this 
 it will be fitteft to advertize more particularly what I 
 have refolved of on advice, upon conference with the 
 Chief Juftice. I am wonderful glad to hear of the King's 
 good health. God preferve his Majeftie and your Lord- 
 fhip. I ever reft, Tour Lordfiifs mofi obliged Friend and 
 faithful Servant, 
 
 GorhamburjttCMhSi - mo( ;o uoii,: K] -Fr. 'Verulam, Cane. 
 
 tfju/y, ,6,9. . 
 
 ilia 
 
 From
 
 9 6 Letters of the Lord 
 
 From the Original. & 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 My honourable Lord, 
 
 YOur Lordfhip hath fent fo good news to his Majeftie, 
 that I could have wifhed you had been the reporter 
 of it your felf ; but feeing you came not, I cannot but give 
 you thanks for employing me in the delivering of that 
 which pleafed his Majeftie fo well, whereof he will put 
 your Lordfhip in minde, when he feeth you. I am glad 
 we are come fo near together, and hoping to fee you at 
 Wind/or y I reft, Tour Lordjhips faithful Friend and Ser- 
 vant, 
 
 G. Buckingham. 
 
 z^AttguJi, 1 619. 
 
 - 
 
 From the Original. * 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 My honourable Lord, 
 
 AS I was reading your "Lordfhip's letter, his Majeftie 
 came, and took it 01 my hands, when he knew from 
 whom it came, before I could read the paper inclofed j and 
 told me that you had done like a wife Counfellor : firft fet- 
 tingdown the ftate of the queftion, and then propounding 
 the difficulties, the reft being to be done in its own time. 
 
 I am glad of this occafion of writing to your Lordfhip, 
 that I may now let your Lordfhip underftandhis Majeftie's 
 good conceit and acceptation of your fervice, upon your 
 difcourfe with him zxWindfor, which though I heard not 
 my felfe, yet I heard his Majeftie much commend it both 
 7 for
 
 Qoancellor Bacon. 97 
 
 for the method and the affection you fhewed therein to his 
 affairs, in fuch earneft manner, as if you made it your 
 only ftudy and care to advance his Majeftie's fervice. And 
 fo I reft, Tour Lordjhifs faithful Friend and Servant, 
 
 Wanftead, 9 Sept. 161 9. G. Buckingham. 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 1 Think it my duty to let his Majeflie know what I find 
 in this caufe of the Ore tenus. For as his Majeftiehath 
 good experience, that when his bufinefs comes upon the 
 ftage, I carry it with ftrength and refolution j fo in the 
 proceedings I love to be wary and confiderate. 
 
 I wrote to your Lordfhip by my laft, that I hoped by 
 the care I had taken, the bufinefs would go well, but with- 
 out that care I was fure it would not go well. This I 
 meant becaufe I had had conference with the two chief 
 Juftices, Sir Edward Cooke being prefent, and handled 
 the matter fo, that not without much ado, I left both 
 the chief Juftices firm to the caufe and fatisfied. 
 
 But calling to mind that in the main bufinefs, notwith- 
 ftanding I and the chief Juftices went one way, yet the 
 day was not good (and I fhould be loth to fee more of 
 fuch days) I am not without fome apprehenfion. For 
 though we have Sir Edward Cooke earneft and forward, 
 infomuch as he advifed the Ore tenus, before I knew it 
 2XWanfied, and now bound the Dutchmen over to the Star- 
 chamber, before I was made privy; unto both which pro- 
 ceedings I did neverthelefs give approbation : yet if there 
 
 O fhould 
 

 
 $8 Letters of the Lord 
 
 mould be either the major part of the votes the other 
 way, or any main diffraction, though we bear it through, 
 I mould think it a matter full of inconvenience. But 
 that which gives me moft to think, is the carriage of 
 Mr. Attorney, which forteth neither with the bufinefs, 
 nor with himfelf : for as I hear from divers, and partly 
 perceive, he is fallen from earnefl to be cool and faint. 
 Which weaknefs, if it mould make the like alteration 
 at the barre, it mought overthrow the caufe. All the 
 remedy which is in my power, is by the advice of the 
 Judges to draw fome other of the learned Counfel to his 
 help, which he I know is unwilling with, but that is all 
 one. 
 
 This I thought it neceffary to write, left the King fhould 
 think me afleep, and becaufe I know that his Majeftie's 
 judgment, is far better than mine. But I for my part 
 mean to go on roundly, and fo I ever reft, Tour Lordjhifs 
 moft obliged Friend and faithful Servant. 
 
 9 oaober 1619. Fr. Verulam, Cane. 
 
 P. S. If the King in his great wifdom fhould any ways 
 incline to have the Ore tenus put off, then the way were 
 to command, that the matter of the Ore tenus fhould be 
 given in evidence, by way of aggravation in the main 
 caufe. And it is true, that if this precurfory matter goeth 
 well, it giveth great entrance into the main caufe , if ill, 
 tontrariwife it will do hurt and difadvantage to the 
 
 main. 
 
 From
 
 Chancellor Bacon, $9 
 
 From the Original. & 
 
 77? the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 My honourable Lord, 
 
 TH E news of this victory hath fo well pleafed his 
 ' Majeftie, that he giveth thanks to all ; and I among 
 the reft, who had no other part, but the delivering of your 
 letter, had my part of his good acceptation, which he 
 would have rewarded after the Roman fafhion with every 
 Man a garland, if it had been now in ufe ; but after the 
 fafhion of his gratious goodnefs, he giveth your Lordfhip 
 thanks : and would have you deliver the like in his Ma- 
 jeure's name to Sir Edward Coke and the Judges. Youf 
 news which came the firft, gave his Majeftie a very good 
 breakfafte, and I hope his health will be the better after it. 
 Tour Lor djhif s faithful Friend and Servant, 
 
 1 4 otiober, 1 6 1 9. G. Buckingham, 
 
 This letter was endorfed, 
 
 thanks on thefuccejfe in the Ore tenus againfi the Dutch 
 
 From the Original. 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 THefe things which I write now and heretofore in 
 this caufe j I do not write, fo as any can take 
 knowledge that I write, but I difpatch things ex officio 
 here, and yet think it fit inwardly to advertize the King, 
 what doth occurre. And I do affure your Lordfhip, that 
 if I did ferve any King, whom I did not think farre away 
 
 O 2 wifer
 
 i oo Letters of the Lord 
 
 wifer than my felf, I would not write in the midfl of 
 bulinefs, but go on of my felf. 
 
 This morning, notwithstanding my fpeech yeflerday 
 Of Lenox, with the * Duke y he delivered this letter inclofed, and I 
 having cleared the room of all fave the Court and learned 
 Counfel (whom I required to flay) the letter was read a 
 little before our hour of fitting. When it was read, 
 Mr. Attorney began to move, that my Lord fhould not 
 acknowledge his offences, as he conceived he had com- 
 mitted them, but as they were charged; and fome of the 
 Lords fpeaking to that point, I thought fit to interrupt and 
 divert that kind of queflion ; and faid, before we confi- 
 dered of the extent of my Lord's fubmiflion,we were firfl to 
 confider of the extent of our own duty and power ; for that 
 I conceived it was neither fit for us to flay proceeding, nor 
 to move his Majeflie in that which was before us in courfe 
 of Juflice. Unto which (being once propounded by me) 
 all the Lords and the refl una voce affented. I would not 
 fo much as afke the queflion, whether though we pro- 
 ceeded, I fhould fend the letter to his Majeflie, becaufe I 
 would not flreighten his Majeflie in any thing. 
 
 The evidence went well (I will not fay I fometime 
 holp it, as far as was fit for a Judge) and at the arifing 
 of the Court, I moved their Lordfhips openly, whether 
 they would not continue this caufe from day to day, till it 
 were ended; which they thought not fit in regard of the 
 general juflice, which would be delayed in all Courts. 
 Yet afterwards within I prevailed fo far as we have ap- 
 pointed to fit Wednefday, Thurfday and Fry day y and to 
 fit by eight of the clock, and fo to difpatch it before the 
 King come, if we can. God preferve and profper you. 
 * I ever
 
 Chancellor Bacon. lor 
 
 lever reft, Tour Lor djhif s mojl obliged Friend and faith- 
 ful Servant, 
 
 This 2 2 < of o^*r Fr.Verulam, Cane. 
 
 Friday at 4 of the ' 
 
 Clock, 1 6 19. 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To the Lord Chancellour. 
 
 My honourable Lord, 
 
 I Have received your letters by both your fervants, and 
 have acquainted his Majeftie with them, who is ex- 
 ceedingly pleafed with the courfe you have held in the Earl 
 of Suffolk's bufinefs, and holdeth himfelfe foe much the 
 more beholding to you, becaufe you fent the letter of your 
 own motion, without order or confent of the Lords, 
 whereby his Majeftie is not tyed to an anfwer. His Ma- 
 jeftie hath underftood by many, how worthily your Lord- 
 fhip hath carryed yourfelfe both in this and the Dutch bufi- 
 nefs -j for which he hath commanded me to give you thanks 
 in his name, and feeth your care to be fo great in all things 
 that concern his fervice, that he cannot but much rejoyce 
 in the truft of fuch a fervant, which is no leffe comfort to 
 Tour Lordjhifs faithful Friend and Servant, 
 
 .Royjion, 23 oaober i6\<). G. Buckingham.. 
 
 Indorfed thus, 
 
 On my Lord of Bucks inclofng a letter of fubmijpon 
 from my Lord of Suffolk, 
 
 From
 
 1 02 Letters of tloe Lord 
 
 From the Original in the Earl of Oxford'* Library. 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good L,ord> 
 
 MY Lord of Suffolk's caufe is this day fentenced. 
 My Lord and his Lady fined at 30000/. with 
 imprifonment in the Tower at their own charges. Bing- 
 ley at 2000 /. and committed to the Fleet. Sir Edward 
 Cooke did his part, I have not heard him do better, and 
 began with a fine of an 1 00000 /. but the Judges firft, and 
 moil of the reft reduced it as before. I do not diflike that 
 things panned moderately, and all things confidered it is 
 not amine, and might eafily have been worfe. 
 
 There was much fpeaking of interceding for the King's 
 mercy, which in my opinion, was not fo proper for a fen- 
 tence. I faid in conclufion, that mercy was to come ex 
 mero motu> and fo left it. I took fome other occafion per- 
 tinent to do the King honour by {hewing how happy he 
 was in all other parts of his government, fave only in the 
 manage of his Treafure by thefe Officers. 
 
 I have fent the King a new Bill for Sujfex, for my Lord 
 of Nottingham's certificate was true, and I told the Judges 
 of it before, but they neglected it. I conceive the firft 
 man, which is newly fet down, is the fitteft. God ever 
 preferve and keep you, &c. Tour Lord/hips mojl obliged 
 Friend and faithful Servant, 
 
 \ 2, November 1619. Fr. Verulam, Cane. 
 
 From
 
 Chancellor Bacon- 103 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 From the Original, 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lor d, 
 
 I Do not love to interlope by writing in the midft of bu- 
 finefs. But becaufe his Majeftie commanded me to ac- 
 quaint him with any occurrence which mought crofs the 
 way, I have thought fit to let his Majeftie know what 
 hath patted this day. 
 
 This day (which was the day fet down) the great caufe 
 of the Dutchmen was entered into. The pleading being 
 opened, and the cafe ftated by the Counfel ; the Counfel of 
 the Defendants made a motion to have certain examina- 
 tions taken concerning the old Defendants fupprened, be- 
 caufe they were taken fince the laft- hearing. 
 
 I fet the bufinefs in a good way, and fhewed they were 
 but fupplemental, and that at the laft hearing there were 
 fome things extrajudicial alledged ad irifirmandam confcien- 
 tiamjudicisy and therefore there was more reafon thefe 
 mould be ufed ad informandam confcientiam judicis, 
 and that there was order for it. The order was read, and 
 approved both by the Court, and the Defendant's own Coun- 
 fel ; but it was alledged, that the order was not entered time 
 enough, whereby the Defendants mought likewife exa- 
 mine j wherein certainly there was fome flip or forgetfulnefs 
 in Mr. Attorney or Britten that followed it, which I wiih 
 had been otherwife, yet it went fair out of the Court* 
 
 But after dinner my Lords were troubled with it, and 
 
 after much difpute, we have agreed to confer filently,. and 
 
 fine Jlrepitu to morrow, and fet all ftreight, calling the 
 
 2 Judges,
 
 104 Letters of the Lord 
 
 Judges, and the learned Counfel, with whom I have 
 fpoken this evening, I think, to good purpofe. For in 
 * good faith I am fain to be omnibus omnia, as St. Paul 
 faith, to fet forward his Majeftie's fervice. 
 
 I difcern a kind of inclination to take hold of all ac- 
 cidents to put off the caufe, whereunto neither I fhall 
 give way, nor I hope his Majeftie -, to morrow, if caufe 
 be, I fhall write more, but I hope all fhall be well. I ever 
 reft, Tour Lord/hip's jnoft obliged Friend and faithful 
 Servant, 
 
 Friday night, 19. Fr. Verulam, Cane. 
 
 Npvemoer,ioig. 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 IHave conferred with Sir Lyonel Cranfield according to 
 his Majeftie's fpecial commandement, touching two 
 points of value, for the advancement (the one prefent, 
 the other fpeedy) of his Majeftie's revenue. 
 
 The firft is of the Corans, to reftore the impofition of 
 five fhillings fix pence laid in the late Queen's time, and 
 drawn down unduly to ferve private turns to three fhil- 
 lings four pence; which will amount to above three thou- 
 fand pounds yearly increafe. 
 
 The other is of the Tobacco, for which there is offered 
 2000 /. increafe yearly, to begin at Michaelmas next, as 
 it now is, and 3000/. increafe, if the plantations of To- 
 bacco here within land be reftrained. 
 
 I approve in my own judgment both propofitions, with 
 
 thefe
 
 Chancellor Bacon. i 5 
 
 thefe cautions. That for the firft, the farmers of the Corons 
 do by inftrument under their Seal relinquifh to the King 
 all their claim thereto, by any general words of their pa- 
 tent. And for the fecond, that the bargain be concluded 
 and made before the Proclamation go forth ; wherein per- 
 haps there will occur fome doubt in law, becaufe it re- 
 ftraineth the fubjecl in the imployment of his freehold at 
 his liberty. But being fo many ways pro bono publico I 
 think it good enough. 
 
 His Majeftie may therefore be pleafed to write his letter 
 to the Commiffioners of the Treafury, fignifying his Ma- 
 jeftie's pleafure directly in both points, to have them done, 
 and leaving to us the confideration de modo. God ever 
 profper you. I reft, Tour Lordjhifs mofi obliged Friend 
 and faithful Servant, 
 
 zi Nov. 1 619. Fr. Verulam, Cane. 
 
 From the Original, g 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, ^- ^w& X 
 
 ISend the fubmiffion of Sir Thomas Laque drawhe in 
 fuch forme as upon a meeting with me, of the chief 
 Juftices, and the learned Counfel, was conceyved agreable 
 to his Majeftie's meaning and directions ; yet left we ihould 
 erre, we thought good to fend it to his Majeftie. It is to be 
 returned with fpeed, or elfe there will be no day in Court 
 to make it. God blefs and profper you, I reft, TourLord- 
 Jhip's moft obliged Friend, and faithful Servant, 
 
 tZNevemb. 1619. Fr. Verulam, Cane. 
 
 P From
 
 106 Letters of the Lord 
 
 i 
 
 From the Original. & 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 My Honourable Lord y 
 
 Have acquainted his Majeftie with your Lord{hip r s 
 letter, and with the fubmiflion you fent drawn for Sir 
 *Thomas Lake, which his Majeftie liketh well, and becaufe 
 he ferved him in fo honourable a place, is gracioufly 
 pleafed that he maketh fubmirTion in writing, fo that my 
 Lady of Exceter be contented and the Lords, whom his 
 Majeftie would have you acquaint therewith, and fo I reft* 
 Your Lord [hi ft s faithful Friend, and Servant \ 
 
 Newmarket, 29 Nov. 1 6 1 9. G . Buckingham* 
 
 .- 
 From the Original. & 
 
 72? the Marquis 0/ Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 E fentence to morrow, but I write to day, be- 
 canfe I would not leave the King in fufpenfe. 
 I {hall write, not fo good news as I would, but better 
 than I expected. 
 
 We met amongft our felves to day, which I find was 
 neceffary, more than convenient. I gave ayme that the 
 meeting was not to give a privie verdict or to determine 
 what was.a good proofe or not a good proofe, nor who was 
 guilty or not guilty, but only to think of fome fit propor- 
 tion 

 
 Chancellor Bacon, 107 
 
 *ion of the fynes, that there mought be lefs diftraction in 
 the fentence, in a caufe fo fcattered ; fome would have 
 entered into the matter it felf, but I made it good and kept 
 them from it. 
 
 I perceive the old Defendants will be cenfured as well as 
 the new, (which was the gole) and I am perfwaded the 
 King will have a great deale of honour of the caufe. 
 Their fynes will be moderate,, but far from contemptible. 
 The Attorney did very well to day ; I perceive he is a bet- 
 ter pleader than a director, and more eloquent than con- 
 fidence. 
 
 Little thinks the King what adoe I have here, but I am 
 fure I acquit my truft. To morrow I will write particu- 
 larly. God ever prefer ve you. Tour Lordjhifs mojl <?- 
 bliged Friend and faithful Servant, 
 
 Tue/day afternoon, this Fr. VeHllam, CanC. 
 
 7th Qecemb. 1619. 
 
 The Marquis of Buckingham writes that he had acquainted his Majeftie with 
 this letter, who commanded him to give the Lord Chancellor thaaks for his fpeed 
 in advertifing thofe things that pafs, and for the great care he ever feeth hi3 Lord- 
 fhip has in his fervice. , . 
 
 'A 
 
 * * * . T * J 
 
 From the Original. & 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 HI S Majefty having feen in this great bufinefs your 
 exceeding care and diligence in his fervice by the 
 erTecl; which hath followed thereupon, hath commanded 
 me to give you many thanks in his name, and to tell you 
 
 P 2 that 
 

 
 108 Letters of the Lord 
 
 that he feeth you play the part of all in all, &c. Tours, 
 Newmarket, the G. Buckingham. 
 
 10 December, 1619. 
 Endorfed, in the Z>*/*& caufe. 
 
 From the Original. & 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 TO keep form, I have written immediately to his 
 Majeftie of Juftice Croke's death, and fend your 
 Lordfhip the letter open, wifhing time were not loft. 
 "God preferve and profper you. Tour Lordjhifs ever. 
 
 24 Jan. 1 6 1 9. Fr. Verulam, Ca nc. 
 
 From the Original. & 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 71 /r j t j 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 1 Doubt not but Sir Giles Montpejfon advertifeth your 
 Lordfhip how our revenue bufinefs proceeds. I would 
 his Majeftie had refted upon the firft names ; for the addi- 
 tional, fpecially the Exchequer man, doth not onely 
 weaken the matter, but weakeneth my forces in it, he be- 
 ing thought to have been brought in acrofte. But I goe 
 on and hope goodfervice will be done. 
 
 For theCommirTions to be pubiilhed in the Star-cham- 
 ber, for which it pleafeth his Majeftie to give me fpecial 
 thanks, I will have fpecial care of them in time. God 
 
 ever
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 109 
 
 ever profper you. Tour Lord/hip's mojl obliged Friend, 
 
 and faithful Servant, 
 
 Fr. Verulam, Cane. 
 
 loth of Feb. 1 61 9. 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To the King. 
 
 May it pie afe your mojl excellent Majejlie, 
 
 According to your commandement, we met together 
 yefterday at Whitehall, and there confulted what 
 courfe were fitter!: to be taken now in this bufinefs of your 
 Majeure's Attorney General, both for the fatisfying your 
 own honour, as alfo for calling in the late exorbitant 
 charter of the City ; which are the two ends, as we con- 
 ceive, that your Majeftie propofed unto your felf. 
 
 To effect both which, we humbly prefume to prefent 
 thus much unto your Majeftie as our opinion. Firft, 
 that an information be put into the Star-chamber, as we 
 formerly advifed, againil your Attorney as delinquent, 
 againft the Mayor, &c. as intereffed, and againft the 
 Recorder alfo mixtly with fome touch of charge. 
 
 That thej fubmiffion by letter offered by Mr. Attorney 
 is no way fatisfactory for your MajemV s honour, but is to 
 be of record by way of anfwer, and deduced to more 
 particulars. 
 
 That any fubmiffion or furrender of the Patents by the 
 City, mould be alfo of record in their anfwer ; and no 
 other can be received with your Majeflie's honour, but by 
 anfwer in Court : the fame to come meerly of themfelves, 
 without any motion on your Majeflie's behalf, directly or 
 
 indi-
 
 1 1 o Letters of the Lord 
 
 indire&ly j which being done in this form, it will be af- 
 terwards in your Majeftie's choice and pleafure to ufe 
 mercy, and to fufpend any farther proceedings againft your 
 Attorney. 
 
 That it is of neceffity as well for the putting in of this 
 information, as for your Majeftie's other urgent and pub- 
 lick fervices in that and other Courts, to have a fequeftra- 
 tion prefently of your Attorney, and a provisional Com- 
 miffion to fome other during your Majeftie's pleafure to 
 execute that charge. For both which inftruments legal 
 mail be provided as foori as your Majeftie's pleafure k 
 known. To which we humbly and dutifully fubmit our 
 advice, and opinion, befeeching God to blefs your Ma- 
 jeftie's facredperfon with continuance and encreafe of much 
 health and happinefs. Wherewith humbly kitting yottf 
 royal hands, we reft, Tour Majeftie's moft humble { and 
 faithful fubj eels and fervants, 
 
 ,.. tnt Fr.Verulam, Cane. T.Arundel, 
 
 At your Majeftie s Palace 
 
 of Whitehall, 16 June Robert Naunton, Geo. Calvert, 
 
 Jul. Caefar, Edw. Coke. 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 I Have lately certified his Majeftie on the behalf of Sir 
 George Chaworth, by Secretary Calvert, touching the 
 place of a Remembrancer in the Chancery for fetting 
 down of caufes. And becaufe the Gentleman telleth me 
 the King thought my certificate a little doubtful, he de- 
 
 fired
 
 Chancellor Bacon. hi 
 
 fired me to write to your Lordfhip, touching my appro- 
 bation more plainly. It is true, that I conceive it to be 
 a good bufinefs, and will be for the fervice of the Court 
 and eafe of the Subject j I will look it fhall be accompa- 
 nied with good cautions. 
 
 We ruffle over bufinefs here in Council apace, and I 
 think to reafonable good purpofe. By my next I will 
 write of fome fit particulars. I ever reft, Tour moji obli- 
 ged Friend and faithful Servant, 
 
 21 June 1620. Fr. Verulam, Cane. 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. & 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 THE Tobacco bufinefs is well fettled in all points. 
 For the Coals, they that brought the offer to Secre- 
 tary Calvert, do very bafely (hrink from their words j but 
 we are cafting about to piece it and perfect it. The two 
 Goofe quils Maxwell and Alured have been pulled, and 
 they have made fubmifiions in that kind which the Board 
 thought fit : For we would not do them the honour to 
 require a recantation of their opinion, but an acknowledg- 
 ment of their prefumption. 
 
 His Majeftie doth very wifely (not fhewing much care 
 or regard to it) yet really to fupprefs this licentious courfe 
 of talking and writing. My old Lord Burghley was wont 
 to fay, that the Frenchman when he hath talked he hath 
 done ; but the Engli/hman when he hath talked, he begins. 
 It evaporateth malice and difcontent in the one, and kind- 
 leth it in the other. And therefore upon fome fit occa- 
 
 fion
 
 1 1 2 Letters of the Lord 
 
 fion I wifh a more publick example. The King's ftate, 
 if I mould now dye and were opened, would be found 
 at my heart, as Queen Mary faid of Calais ; we find ad- 
 ditional ftill, but the confumption goeth on. I pray God 
 give his Majeftie refolution, pafling by at once all impe- 
 diments and lefs refpects, to do that which may help it, 
 before it be irremediable. God ever preferve and prof- 
 per your Lordfhip. Tour Lord/hips mofi obliged Friend 
 and faithful Servant > 
 
 , , . Fr. Verulam, Cane. 
 
 23 July 1620. 
 
 I have ftaid the thoufand pounds fet upon Englefeld for 
 his Majeftie, and given order for levying it. 
 
 * t K 
 
 From the Original. p 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 ONE gave me a very good precept for the Stone; 
 that I mould think of it moft when I feel it leaft. 
 This I apply to the King's bufinefs, which furely I revolve 
 moft when I am leaft in action, whereof at my atten- 
 dance I will give his Majeftie fuch account as can proceed 
 from my poor and mean abilities, which as his Majeftie 
 out of grace may think to be more than they ate, fo I 
 out of defire may think fometime they can effect more than 
 they can. But ftill it muft be remembred, that the ftring- 
 ing of the harp, nor the tuning of it will not ierve, ex- 
 cept it be well plaied on from time to time. 
 
 If his Majeftie's bufinefs or commandements require it, 
 
 I will attend him at Windfor, though I would be glad to 
 
 2 be
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 
 
 be fpared, becauie quick ayres at this time of the year do 
 affedt me. At London, and fo at Theobaldes and Hamp- 
 ton-Court, I will not fail God willing to wait upon his 
 Majeftie. Mean while I am exceeding glad to hear his 
 Majeftie hath been lufty and well this progrefs. Thus, 
 much defiring to fee your Lordfhip, cujus amor tantum 
 mihi crefcit in boras (as the Poet faith) I ever remain Tour 
 Lord/hips moji obliged Friend and faithful Servant, 
 
 Gorbambuq this 30th p r Verulam, Cane. 
 
 of Auguft, 1620. 
 
 From the Original. & 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 I Write now onely a letter of thanks to his Majeftie, 
 for that I hear, in my abfence he was pleafed to ex- 
 prefs towards me (though unworthy) a great deal of 
 grace and good opinion before his Lords; which is much 
 to my comfort, whereunto I mull ever impute your Lord- 
 fhip as acceffary. I have alfo written to him what figni- 
 fication I received from Secretary N aunt on of his Maje- 
 ure's will and pleafure, left in fo great a bufinefs there 
 mould be any miftaking. 
 
 The paine of my foot is gone, but the weaknefs doth 
 a little remain, fo as I hope within a day or two to have 
 full ufe of it. I ever remaine Tour Lord/hips mojl obli- 
 ged Friend and faithful Servant, 
 
 2 on. 1620. Fr. Verulam, Cane. 
 
 Front 
 
 113
 
 ii4 Letters of the Lord 
 
 From the Original. & 
 
 I V 
 
 To the King. 
 
 , // may pleafe your Majeftie, 
 
 I Thought my felf an unfortunate Man that I could 
 not attend you at tfheob aides. But I hear that your 
 Majeftie hath done, as God Almighty ufeth to do, which 
 is to turn evil into good, in that your Majeftie hath been 
 pleafed upon that occafion to exprefs before your Lords 
 your gracious opinion and favour towards me, which I 
 moll numbly thank your Majeftie for, and will afpire to 
 deferve. 
 
 Secretary Naunton this day brought me your pleafure in 
 certain notes : that I mould advife with the two Chief Jufti- 
 ces (old Parliament men) and Sir Edward Coke (who is alfo 
 their fenior in that Schoole) and Sir Randall Crewe the 
 laft Speaker, and fuch other Judges as we mould think 
 lit touching that which mought in true policy, without 
 packing or degenerate arts, prepare to a Parliament, in 
 cafe your Majeftie mould refolve of one to be held, and 
 withall he fignifyed to me fome particular points, which 
 your Majeftie very wifely had deduced. 
 
 All your Majeftie's bufinefTe is fuper cor meum, for I 
 lay it to heart, but this is a bufinenc fecundum cor meum ; 
 and yet, as I will do your Majeftie all poffible good fervices 
 in it, fo I am far from feeking to impropriate to my felf 
 the thanks, but (hall become omnibus omnia (as St. Paul 
 iaythe) to attaine your Majeftie's ends. 
 
 As foon as I have occafion, I will write to your Ma- 
 jeftie touching the fame, and will have fpecial care to 
 
 commii-
 
 Qoancellor Bacon. 115 
 
 communicate with my Lords, in fome principal points, 
 though all things are not at firft fit for the whole Table. 
 I ever reft, Tour Majejlies mojl bounden and mojl devoted 
 Servant, 
 
 , _ , , Fr. Verulam, Cane. 
 
 , 2 Oftober 1620. 
 
 Your Majeftie needeth not to doubt but I mail carry the 
 bufinefs with that fecrecy which appertaineth. 
 
 From the Original. 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 YEfterday I called unto us the two Chief Juftices and 
 Serjeant Crewe about the Parliament bufinefs. To 
 call more Judges I thought not good. It would be little 
 to afllftance, much to fecrecy : The diftribution of the 
 bufinefs we made was into four parts. 
 
 Firft, The perufing of the former Grievance, and of 
 things of like nature which have comen fince. 
 
 Secondly, The confideration of a Proclamation with the 
 claufes thereof, efpecially touching Election s, which claufes 
 neverthelefs we are of opinion mould be rather monitory 
 than exclufive. 
 
 Thirdly, The inclufive : that is to fay, what perfons were 
 fit to be of the houfe, tending to make a fufficient and 
 well compofed houfe of the ableft Men of the Kingdom, 
 fit to be advifed with circa ardna regni, as the ftyle of the 
 writs goeth, according to the pure and true inftitution of a 
 Parliament ; and of the means to place fuch perfons 
 without novelty or much obfervation. For this purpofe 
 
 Qjj we
 
 i \6 Letters of the Lord 
 
 we made fome lifts of names of the prime Counfellors, 
 and principal Statefmen or Courtiers; of the graveft or 
 wifeft Lawyers ; of the moft refpective and beft tempered 
 Knights and Gentlemen of the County. And here obiter 
 we did not forget to confider who were the Boutefeus of 
 the J aft feflion, how many of them are dead, how many 
 reduced* . and how many remain, and what were fit to be 
 done concerning them. 
 
 Fourthly, The having ready of fome Commonwealth 
 Bills, that may add refpect and acknowledgment of the 
 King's care ; not wooing Bills, to make the King and his 
 graces cheap ; but good matter to fet them on work, that 
 an empty ftomack do not feed upon humor. 
 
 Of thefe four points, that which concerneth Perfons 
 is not fo fit to be communicated with the Council-table, 
 bt to be kept within fewer hands. The other three 
 may when they are ripe. 
 
 Mean while I thought good to give his Majeftie an ac- 
 count what is done, and in doing, humbly craving his di- 
 rection if any thing be to be altered or added j though it 
 may be our felves fhall have fecond thoughts, this being 
 but the refult of our firft meeting. 
 
 - The ftate of his Majeftie's Treafure ftill maketh me 
 fad ; and I am forry I was not at Theobalds to report ir, 
 or that it was not done by my fellows. It is moft necefla- 
 ry we do it faithfully and freely. For to flatter in this 
 were to betray his Majeftie with a kifs. I humbly pray his 
 Majeftie to think of my former counfel, and this I will 
 promife that whomsoever his Majeftie fhall make Trea- 
 Jurer, if his Majeftie fhall direct him to have relation to 
 my advice, I will continue the fame care and advice I do 
 
 now,
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 117 
 
 now, and much more chearfully when I mail perceive, that 
 my propofitions fhall not be Literajcripta in glade. 
 
 Mean while to keep the Commimon in doing of fome- 
 what worth the doing j it may pleafe his Majeflie to take 
 knowledge, that upon our report we had agreed to make 
 remonflrance to him, that we thought Ireland mought 
 (if his Majeflie leave it to our care) be brought by divers 
 good expedients to bear their own charge j and therefore 
 his Majeflie may be pleafed by his commandement to fet us 
 in hand with it, out of hand. God ever profper you. 
 Tour Lor djhip's moft obliged Friend and faithful Servant , 
 
 I 
 
 7 Oflo&er, 1620. 
 
 Fr.Verulam, CamL 
 
 From the Original. & 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 I Have acquainted his Majeflie with your letter, and labour 
 in his fervice, for which he commandeth me to give 
 you thanks, and to let your Lordfhip know, that he liketh 
 exceeding well your method held by the Judges, which 
 could not be amended, and concurreth with you in your 
 opinions. Firjl, touching the Proclamation, that it 
 fhould be monitory and perfwafive rather than compulfive: 
 andfecondfy, that the point concerning the perfons, who 
 fhould be admitted, and who avoided, is fit to be kept from 
 the knowledge of the Council table, and to be carried 
 with all fecrecy. 
 
 For the bufinefs of Ireland, his Majeflie had heard of it 
 before, and gave commandement to the Mafler of the 
 
 Wards,
 
 1 1 8 Letters of the Lord 
 
 Wards, that it mould be haftened and fet in hand with all 
 fpeed, which his Majeftie doubteth not but is done by this 
 time. Touching your advice for a Treafurer, his Majeftie 
 is very mindfull of it, and will let you know as much at his 
 return, when he will fpeak further with your Lordfhip of 
 it, and foe I reft, Tours, &c. 
 
 Rstfon,QOa. 1620. G.Buckingham. 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 I Have received your letter, and your Book, than the 
 which, you could not have fent a more acceptable pre- 
 fent unto me. How thankful I am for it, cannot better 
 be expreffed by me, than by a firm refolution, I have taken ; 
 firft to read it through, with care and attention, though I 
 mould fteal fome hours from my fleep ; having other- 
 wife, as little fpare time to read it, as you had to write 
 it : And then to ufe the liberty of a true Friend, in not 
 fparing to afk you the queftion, in any point, whereof I 
 mail ftand in doubt - 3 Nam ejus eft explicare, cujus eft 
 condere : as, on the other part, I will willingly give a 
 due commendation to fuch places, as in my opinion mall 
 deferve it. In the mean time, I can with comfort arTure 
 you, that you could not have made choice of a fubjecl: more 
 befitting your place, and your univerfal and methodical 
 knowledge : and in the general, I have already obferved, 
 that you jump with me, in keeping the mid- way between 
 the two extremes ; as alfo in fome particulars, I have 
 found that you agree fully with my opinion. And fo pray- 
 ing God, to give your work as good fuccefs as your 
 
 heart
 
 Chancellor Bacon. i i 9 
 
 heart can wifh, and your labours deferve, I bid you hearti- 
 ly farewell. 
 
 James R, 
 
 Oliob. 16. 1620. 
 
 On the 1 2th of Oclober 1620. the Lord Chancellour fends his Novum organum t 
 the King, who thereupon writes this letter to his Lordlhip with his own hand, 
 for which, and the acceptance of his book, the Chancellour returns his thanks on 
 the 20th of the fame month, beginning his letter (which is not to be recovered) 
 with thefe words) / cannot exprefs, itfe. 
 
 To Sir Henry Wotton. 
 
 My very good Coiifin, 
 
 TH E letter which I received from your Lordfhip 
 upon your going to fea, was more than a com- 
 penfation for any former omimon ; and I mail be very 
 glad to entertain a correfpondence with you, in both kinds, 
 which you write of: for the latter, I am now ready for 
 you, having fent you fome ore of that mine. I thank 
 you for your favours to Mr. Meautys, and I pray continue 
 the fame. So wifhing you out of your honourable exile, 
 and placed in a better orbe, I reft, Tour Lordjhip's af- 
 fedlionate Kinfman, and ajjured Friend, 
 
 York-Hmfe, 20 oa. 1 62a. Fr, Verulam, Cane, 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor 1 from Sir Henry Wotton, 
 
 Right honourable and my very good Lord, 
 
 IHave your Lordfhip's letters dated the 20th of Oclober r 
 and I have withall by the care of my coufin Meautys, 
 and by your own fpecial favour three copies of that work, 
 wherewith your Lordfhip hath done a great and ever-living 
 benefit to all the children of Nature, and to Nature her 
 felf in her uttermoft extent, and latitude: who never be- 
 fore 
 3
 
 1 20 Letters of the Lord 
 
 fore had fo noble nor fo true an Interpreter, or (as I am 
 readier to ftyle your Lordfhip) never fo inward a Secreta- 
 ry of her Cabinet. But of your faid work (which came 
 but this week to my hands) I mail find occafion to fpeak 
 more hereafter j having yet read only the firft book there- 
 of and a few Aphorifms of the fecond. For it is not a 
 banquet that men may fuperficially tafte, and put up the 
 reft in their pockets ; but in truth a folid feaft, which re- 
 quireth due mafticatiort. And fo on. 
 
 But I am gone further than I meant in fpeaking of this 
 excellent labour, while the delight yet I feel, and even the 
 pride that I take in a certain congeniality (as I may term it) 
 with your Lordfhip' s fludies, will fcant let me ceafe. And 
 indeed I owe your Lordfhip even by promife, (which you 
 are pleafed to remember, and thereby doubly binding me) 
 fome trouble this way j I mean by the commerce of Phi- 
 lofophical experiments, which furely, of all other, is the 
 
 moll ingenious traflick. 
 
 
 
 A letter from the Lord Chancellor Verulam to the 
 Univerfity of Cambridge upon fending to their 
 publick library his Novum Organum , to 
 which this letter written with his own hand 
 is affixed. 
 
 Almae Matri Academic Cantabrigienfi. 
 
 U M vefier Filius Jim & Alumnus, voluptati tnihi 
 
 erity'partum meum nuper editum vobis in gremium 
 
 dare: Aliter enim velut pro expojko eumhabercm. Nee 
 
 vos moveat, quod via nova Jit. Necejfe eft enim tali a per 
 
 atatum
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 121 
 
 atatum & feculorum circuitus evenire. Antiquis tamen 
 Juus confiat bonds ; ingenii fcilicet : Nam fides verbo 
 Dei & experientice tantiim debetur. Scientias antem ad 
 experientiam retrahere, non conceditur : At, eafdem ab 
 experientid de integro excitare, operofum certe, fed per- 
 <vium. Deus vobis & Jludiis veftris faveat. Filius vefter 
 amantifiimus, 
 
 Ex ^Edibus Eborac. Franc. Verulam, Cane. 
 
 3 Qttob. 1620, 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 I Send his Majeftie a form of a Proclamation for the Par- 
 liament, which I thought fit to offer firft to his Ma- 
 jeftie's perufal, before I acquainted the Council. 
 
 For that part which concerneth the foreign bufinefs, 
 his Majeftie will gracioufly confider, how eafy it is for 
 me to miftake, or not to attain ; which his Majeftie in his 
 wifdom will pardon, correct, and direct. 
 
 For that part touching the Elections, I have communi- 
 cated it with my Collegues, Sir Edward Coke, the two 
 Chief Juftices, and Serjeant Crew, who approve it well ; 
 and we are all of opinion, that it is not good to have it 
 more peremptory, more particular, nor more fharp. 
 
 We are thinking of fome Commonwealth Laws, a- 
 mongft which I would have one fpecial for the mainte- 
 nance of the Navy, as well to give occafion to publiih (to 
 his Majeftie's honour) what hath been already done 5 as, 
 to fpeak plainly, to do your Lordfhip honour in the fe- 
 cond place; and befides, it is agreeable to the times. God 
 
 R ever
 
 i22 Letters of the Lord 
 
 ever profper you. Tour Lordjhip's mofi obliged Friend and 
 faithful Servant, 
 
 j 8 Ottober 1620. 
 
 Fr.Verulam, Cane. 
 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 Draught of a Proclamation for a Parliament^ 
 referred to in the preceding letter. 
 
 AS in our princely judgement, we hold nothing more 
 worthy of a Chriftian Monarch," than the conferva- 
 tion of peace at home and abroad ; whereby effufion of 
 Chriftian blood, and other calamities of war are avoided, 
 Trade is kept open, Laws and Juflice retain their due vi- 
 gor and play, Arts and Sciences flourifh, Subjects are lefs 
 burthened with taxes and tallages, and infinite other 
 benefits redound to the ftate of a Common-weale : fo in 
 our own practice, we fuppofe there hath been feldom any 
 King, that hath given more exprefs teftimonies and real 
 pledges of this defire to have peace conferved, than we have 
 done in the whole courfe of our regiment. 
 
 For neither have we, for that which concerns our felves, 
 been ready to apprehend or imbrace any occafions or op- 
 portunities of making war upon our neighbours -, neither 
 have we omitted, for that which may concern the States 
 abroad, any good office or royal endeavour, for the 
 quenching of the fparkes of troubles and difcords, in fo- 
 reign parts. Wherein as we have been always ready and 
 willing j fo we wifh, that we had been, always as happy 
 and prevailing in our advices and counfels, that tended to 
 that end. 
 
 And
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 123 
 
 And yet do we not forget, that God hath put into our 
 hands a fceptre over populous and warlike nations, 
 which mought have moved us, to fecond the affection and 
 difpofition of our people, and to have wrought upon it, 
 for our own ambition, if we had been fo minded. But it 
 hath fufficed unto us, to feek a true and not fwelling 
 greatnefs, in the plantations and improvements, of fuch 
 part of our dominions, as have in former times been 
 more defolate or uncivil, and in the maintaining of all 
 our loving fubjects in general, in tranquillity and fecuri- 
 ty, and the other conditions of good Government, and 
 happy times. But amongfl other demonflrations, of our 
 conftant purpofe, and provident care, to maintain peace ; 
 there was never fuch a tryal, nor fo apparent to the 
 world (as in a theatre) as our periifting in the fame 
 refolution, fince the time that our dear Son-in-law, was 
 elected and accepted King of Bohemia ; by how much the 
 motives tending to make and affaile our faid refolution, 
 were the more forcible. For neither did the glory of 
 having our deareft Daughter and Son-in-law to wear a 
 Crown ; nor the extreme alacrity of our people devoted to 
 that caufe ; nor the reprefentations which mought be 
 fet before us of dangers (if we mould fuffer a partie in 
 Chriftendom, held commonly adverfe and ill affected to 
 our State and Government, to gather further reputation 
 and ftrength) tranfport us, to enter into an auxiliary war, 
 in profequution of that quarrel : but con trari wife rinding 
 the juftice of the caiife, not fo clear, as that we could be 
 prefently therein fatisfied ; and weighing with our felves 
 likewife, that if the Kingdom of Bohemia had continued 
 in the houfe of Aujlria -, yet neverthelefs, the Balance of 
 
 R 2 Chrijlendom
 
 124 Letters of the Lord 
 
 Chrifiendom had flood in no other fort than it had done 
 for many years before, without increafe of partie; and 
 chiefly fearing that the wars in thofe parts of Germany ', 
 which have been hitherto the bulwark of Christendom , 
 againfl the approaches of the c Turk i mought by the in- 
 terline diftenfions, allure and let in the common Enemy ; 
 we did abflain to declare, or engage our felves in that war; 
 and were contented only to give permiffion to the Ambaf- 
 fadour of our Son-in-law to draw fome voluntary helps of 
 Men and money from our fubjects, being a matter that 
 violated no treaty, and could not be denied in cafe of fo 
 near a conjunction. 
 
 But, while we contained our felves in this moderation, 
 we find the event of war hath much altered the cafe, by 
 the late invafion of the Palatinate, whereby (howfoever 
 under the pretence of a diverfion) we find our Son in fact 
 i expulfed in part, and in danger to be totally difpoffened 
 of his antient inheritance and patrimony, fo long continu- 
 ed in that noble line ; whereof we cannot but highly refent, 
 if it mould be alienated, and ravifhed from him, in our 
 times, and to the prejudice of our Grand-children and 
 line-royal. Neither can we think it fafe, for us in reafon 
 of ftate, that the Count ie Palatine, carrying with it felf 
 an Electorate, and having been fo long in the hands of 
 Princes of our religion* and no way depending upon the 
 houfe of Aufiria, mould now become at the difpofing of 
 that houfe -, being a matter, that indeed mought alter the 
 balance of Chrifiendom importantly to the weakening of 
 our eflate, and the eflate of our befl friends and Confede- 
 rates. 
 
 Wherefore, finding a concurrence of reafons and re- 
 
 fpects
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 125 
 
 fpects of Religion, Nature, Honour, and EJlate -, all of 
 them inducing us, in no wife to indure fo great an altera- 
 tion : we are refolved to imploy the uttermoft of our forces 
 and means, to recover and refettle the faid Palatinate to 
 our Son, and our defcendents -, purpofing neverthelefs, ac- 
 cording to our former inclination fo well grounded, not 
 altogether to intermit (if the occafions give us leave) the 
 treaties of peace and accord, which we have already be- 
 gun, and whereof the coming on of the Winter, and the 
 counterpoife of the actions of War hitherto may give \x$Ipra?Goi 
 
 r r 1 this helti. 
 
 as yet iome appearance or nope. 
 
 But, forafmuch as it were great improvidence, to de- 
 pend upon the fuccefs of fuch treaties, and therefore good 
 policy requires, that we mould be prepared for a war, 
 which we intend for the recovery and affuring of the faid 
 Palatinate, with the dependances (a defign of no fmall 
 charge and difficulty, the ftrength and conjunctures of 
 the adverfe party confidered) We have thought good to 
 take into our princely and ferious confideration (and that 
 with fpeed) all things that may have relation to fuch a de- 
 fignment j among which, we hold nothing more necerla- 
 ry than to confer and advife with the Common-council of 
 our Kingdom, upon this fo important a fubject. 
 
 For although the making of War or Peace, be a fecret 
 of Empire, and a thing properly belonging to our high 
 Prerogative royal, and imperial Power ; yet neverthelefs, 
 in caufes of that nature, which we fhall think fit not to re- 
 ferve, but to communicate : we fhall ever think our felves 
 much amfted and ftrength ened, by the faithful advice, and 
 general alfent of our loving Subjects. 
 
 Moreover, no man is fo ignorant, as to expect that we 
 
 mould 
 3
 
 126 Letters of tht Lord 
 
 fhould be any ways able (moneys being the finews of War) 
 to enter into the lift againft fo great Potentates, without 
 fome large and bountiful help of treafure from our Peo- 
 ple -, as well towards the maintenance of the War, as to- 
 wards the relief of our Crown and eftate. And this the 
 rather, for that we have now, but the fpace of full ten 
 years (a thing unheard of in late times) fubfifted by our 
 own means, without being chargeable to our People, 
 otherwife than by fome voluntary guifts of fome particu- 
 lars 5 which though in total, amounted to no great mat- 
 ter, we thankfully acknowledge at their hands : But, as, 
 while the affairs abroad were in greater calme, we did 
 content our felves to recover our wants, by provident re- 
 trenchment of charge, and honourable improvement of 
 our owne, thinking to wear them out, without troubling 
 our People ; fo in fuch a ftate of Chrifiendom^ as feem- 
 eth now to hang over our heads, we durft no longer rely 
 upon thofe flow remedies, but thought neceflary (accord- 
 ing to the antient courfe of our progenitors) to refort to 
 the good affections and aydes of our loving Subjects. 
 
 Upon thefe confiderations, and for that alfo in refpect 
 of fo long intermiffion of a Parliament, the times may 
 have introduced fome things fit to be reformed, either by 
 new Laws, or by the moderate defires of our loving Sub- 
 jects, dutifully intimated unto us (wherein we mail ever 
 be no lefs ready to give them all gracious fatisfaction than 
 their own hearts can defire) we have refolved, by the ad- 
 vice of our Privy-council, to hold a Parliamenr^at our 
 City of Weft?ninfter And 
 
 becaufe, as well this great Caufe (there to be handled 
 amongft the reft, and to be weighed by the Beam of the 
 
 Kingdom)
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 127 
 
 Kingdom) as alfo the true and antient inftitution of Par- 
 liament, do require the lower-houfe (at this time if ever) 
 to be compounded of the graveft, ableft, and worthieft 
 Members that may be found : We do hereby, out of the 
 care of the common good, wherein themfelves are par- 
 ticipant (without all prejudice to the freedom of elections) 
 admonifh all our loving Subjects (that have votes in the 
 elections of Knights and Burgeffes) of thefe few points 
 following. 
 
 Firfl, That they caft their eyes upon the worthieft men 
 of all forts, Knights and Gentlemen, that are lights and 
 guides in their Countries, experienced Parliament men, 
 wife and difcreet State fmen, that have been practifed in 
 publique affairs, whether at home or abroad : grave and 
 eminent Lawyers, fubftantial Citizens and BurgefTes, and 
 generally fuch as are interefTed and have portion in the 
 Eftate. 
 
 Secondly, That they make choife of fuch as are well af- 
 fected in Religion, without declining either on the one 
 hand to blindnefs and fuperftition, or on the other hand to 
 fchifm, or turbulent difpofition. 
 
 c t'hirdly and laftfy, That they be truly fenfible, not to 
 difvalue or difparage the houfe with Bankrupts and necef- 
 fitous Perfons, that may defire long Parliaments only for 
 protection ; Lawyers of mean account and eitimation ; 
 young men that are not ripe for grave confultations ; 
 mean dependants upon great Perfons, that maybe thought 
 to have their voices under command, and fuch like ob- 
 fcure and inferiour Perfons : fo that to conclude, we may 
 have the comfort to fee before us, the very face of a fuf- 
 ficient and well compofed Houfe, fuch as may be worthy 
 
 to 
 
 2
 
 1 2 8 Letters of the Lord 
 
 to be a reprefentative of the third Eftate of our Kingdom, 
 fit to nourifh a loving comfortable meeting between us and 
 our People, and fit to be a noble inftrument, under the 
 blefiing of Almighty God, and our Princely care and 
 power, and with the loving conjunction of our Prelates 
 and Peers, for the fettling of fo great affairs, as are before 
 exprefled. 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 To the Lord Chancellour. 
 
 My honourable Lord, 
 
 IHave (hewed your letter and the proclamation to his 
 Majeftie, who expecting onely, according as his mean- 
 ing was directions therein for the well ordering of the 
 Elections of the BurgefTes, findetha great deal more/ con- 
 taining matter of State, and the reafons of calling the Par- 
 liament ; whereof neither the People are capable, nor is it 
 fit for his Majeftie to open unto them, but to referve to 
 the time of their affembling, according to the courfe of 
 his Predecefibrs, which his Majeftie intendeth to follow. 
 The declaring whereof in the Proclamation, would cut 
 off the ground of his Majeflie's, and your Lordfhip's 
 fpeech, at the proper time; his Majeftie hath therefore 
 extracted fcmewhat of the latter part of the draught you 
 have fent, purpofing to take a few days fpace to fet down 
 himfelfe what he thinketh fit, and to maJ|p it ready a- 
 gainft his return hither, or to Theobalds at the furtheft, 
 and then to communicate it to your Lordfhip, and the 
 reft of the Lords. And fo I reft, Tours, &c. 
 
 Rqfton, 19 oa. 1620. G. Buckingham. 
 
 From
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 129 
 
 From the Original & 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 Our very good Lord, 
 
 WE thought it our duty to impart to his Majeftie 
 by your Lordfhip, one particuler of Parlement 
 bufinefs, which we hold it our part to relate, though it 
 be too high for us to give our opinion of it. 
 
 The Officers that make out the Writs of Parlement ad- 
 drefled themfelves to me the Chancellor to knowe, whe- 
 ther 'they mould make fuch a Writ of fummons to the 
 Prince, giving me to underftand, that there were fome 
 prefidents of it ; which I the Chancellor communicated 
 with the reft of the Committees for Parlement buiinefle ; 
 in whole afliftance I find foe much ftrength that I am not 
 willing to doe any thing without them : Whereupon we 
 (according to his Majeftie's prudent and conftant rule, for 
 obferving in what reignes the prefidents were) upon dili- 
 gent fearch have found as folio weth. 
 
 That King Edward I. called his eldeft fon Prince 
 Edward to his Parlement in the thirtieth year of his reigne, 
 the Prince then being about the age of eighteen years j and 
 to another Parlement in the four and thirtieth year of his 
 reign. 
 
 Edward III. called the Black Prince his eldeft Son to 
 his Parlement in the five and twentieth, eight and twen- 
 tieth, and two and fortieth years of his reign. 
 
 Henry IV. called Prince Henry to his Parlemen ts in the 
 firft, third, eighth and eleventh years of his reigne, the 
 Prince being under age in the three firft Parlements, and 
 
 S we
 
 
 
 1 3 Q Letters of the Lord 
 
 we find in particular, that the eighth year, the Prince fat 
 in the Upper-houfe in dayes of bufinefs and recommended 
 a Bill to the Lords. 
 
 King Edward IV. called Prince Edward his Son to 
 his Parlement, in anno 22 of his reign, being within 
 age. 
 
 King Henry VII. called Prince Arthur to his Parle- 
 ment in the feventh year of his reign being within age. 
 
 Of King Edward VI. we find nothing, his years were 
 tender, and he was not created Prince of Wales. 
 
 And for Prince Henry, he was created Prince of Wales, 
 during the lafl Parlement at which he lived. 
 
 We have thought it our duty to relate to his Majeflie 
 what we have found, and withall that the Writs of Sum- 
 mons to the Prince are not much differing from the Writs 
 to the Peers j for they run in fide & ligeancid, and fome- 
 time in fide ? homagio in quibus nobis tenemini, and af- 
 ter, conjilium nobis impenfuri circa ardua regni. Where- 
 by it mould feem that Princes came to Parlement not 
 onely the dayes of folemnity, when they came without 
 Writ, but alfoe on the dayes of fitting. And if it mould 
 be foe, then the Prince may vote, and likewife may be of 
 a Committee of the Upper-houfe, and confequently may 
 be of a Conference with the Lower-houfe, and the like. 
 
 This might have been made more manifefl as to the pre- 
 fence, and acl:es of the Prince in dayes of fitting, if through 
 the negligence of Officers, the Journal-bookes of the Upper- 
 houfe of Parlement before the reign of King Henry VIIL 
 were not all miffing. 
 
 All which we thought it appertained to our care to 
 look through, and faithfully to reprefent to his Majeflie : 
 
 And
 
 Chancellor Bacok. 131 
 
 And having agreed fecrecy amongft our felves, and in- 
 joyned it to the inferior Officers, we humbly delire to 
 knowe his Majeftie's pleafure, whether he will filence 
 the queftion altogether, or make ufe of it for his fervice, 
 or refer it to his Council, or what other courfe he will be 
 pkafed to take according to his great wifdome and good 
 pleafure. 
 
 This we have difpatched the fooner, becaufe the Writs 
 of Summons muft have forty days diftance from the firft 
 days of the Parlement. And for the other parts of our ac- 
 counts, his Majeftie mall hear from us, by the grace of 
 God, within few days, evermore praying for his Majeftie's 
 profperity, and wifhing your Lordfhip much happinefs. 
 Tour Lordfhip* s to be commanded, 
 
 Yorke-boufe, 21 Nov. 1620. Fr. Verulam, Cane. Edw. Coke, 
 H. Montagu, Henry Hobarte, Ran. Crew. 
 
 To the *Marquh 0/ Buckingham. & 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 WE have thefe two days paft, made report to the 
 board of our Parliament Committee, upon re- 
 lation whereof, for fome things we provide, for fome 
 things we arme. 
 
 The King by my Lord Treasurer's Signification, did 
 wifely put it upon a confult, whether the Patents which 
 we mentioned in our joint letters, were at this time to be 
 removed, by adfc of Council before Parliament. I opined 
 (but yet fomewhat like Ovid's Miftrefs that ftrove, but yet 
 as one that would be overcome) that yes. My reafons : 
 
 S z That
 
 1 32 Letters of the Lord 
 
 That men would go better and fatter to the main er- 
 rand. 
 
 That thefe things mould not be ftaged, nor talked of, 
 and fo the lefle fuel to the fire. 
 
 That in things of this nature, wherein the Council had 
 done the like in former particulars, (which I enumerated) 
 before Parliament, near Parliament, during Parliament, 
 the Council were to keep their wonted centinel, as if they 
 thought not of a Parliament, to deftroy in other Patents, 
 as concealments. 
 
 The reafons on the other fide were, 
 
 That it would be thought but an humouring of the 
 Parliament (being now in the calends of a Parliament) 
 and that after Parliament they would come up again. 
 
 That offered graces, by reafon, and experience, lofe 
 their thanks. 
 
 That they are to be fuffered to play upon fome thing, 
 fince they can do nothing of themfelves. 
 
 That thechufingDutof fome things, when perhaps their 
 minds might be more upon other things, would do no 
 great effect. 
 
 That former Patents taken away by act of Council, 
 were upon the complaints of particular Perfons -, where- 
 as now it mould feem to be done tanquam ex officio. 
 
 To this I yielded, though I confefs I am yet a little 
 doubtful to the point of Juavibus modis. But it is true 
 that the fpeech of thefe, though in the Lower-houle, may 
 be contemned ; and if way be given to them (as I writ to 
 your Lordfhip of fome of them in my laft) it will fort to 
 your honour. For other things, the Lords have put them 
 in a very good way, of which I will give exprefs account 
 2 when 

 
 Chancellor Bacon, 133 
 
 when I fee his Majeftie, as alfo of other obfervations con- 
 cerning Parliament. For if his Majeftie faid well that 
 when he knew the Men and the Elections, he would guefs 
 at the fuccefs-; the prognofticks are not fo good as I ex- 
 pected, occalioned by the late occurrents abroad, and the 
 general licentious fpeaking of ftate matters, of which I 
 wrote in my laft. God ever keep you. Tour Lordjhip's 
 moft obligedfriend and faithful Servant, 
 
 Fr.Verulam, Cane. 
 
 16 Dec. 1620. 
 
 From the Original. & 
 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 My Honourable Lord, 
 
 AS foon as his Majeftie's convenience would permit 
 I have acquainted him with the draught of the 
 Proclamation your Lordftiip fent me by his Majeftie's di- 
 rection, his Majeftie liketh it in every point foe well, both 
 in matter and forme, that he findeth no caufe to alter a 
 word in it, and would have your Lor dfhip acquaint the 
 Lords of the Councel with it (though he aflureth himfelfe, 
 no man can find any thing in it to be changed) and to take 
 order for the fpeedy fetting it forth. And fo I reft, Tours, 
 &c. 
 Theobalds, 21 Dec. G. Buckingham* 
 
 1&20. T 
 
 I 
 
 From the Original. & 
 To the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 Have acquainted his Majeftie with your letter and the 
 inclofed, the matter which his Majeftie hath been 
 
 thinking
 
 134 Letters of the Lord 
 
 thinking upon for his fpeech, concerneth both the points 
 of the inftitution of a Parliament , and of the end for 
 which this is called, yet his Majefty thinketh it fit that 
 fome extract be made out of it which needeth to be but 
 vy fhort, as he will mew you at his return. Tours, &c. 
 
 Theobalds, \<) January G. Buckingham. 
 
 1620. 
 
 From the journal of the Houfe of Lords. 
 
 To the Right Honourable his very good Lords, 
 the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in the Upper- 
 Houfe of Parliament ajfembled* 
 
 My 'very good Lords, 
 
 I Humbly pray your Lordfhips all, to make a favoura- 
 ble and true conftruclion of my abfence. It is no 
 feigning or fainting, but ficknefs both of my heart and of 
 my back, though joined with that comfort of mind, that 
 perfuadeth me that I am not far from Heaven, whereof I 
 feel the firfl fruits. 
 
 And becaufe whether I live or die I would be glad to 
 preierve my honour and fame, fo far as I am worthy; 
 hearing that fome complaints of bafe bribery are coming 
 before your Lordfhips ; my requefts unto your Lordfhips 
 are: 
 
 Firfl, That you will maintaine me in your good opi- 
 nion, without prejudice, until my caufe be heard. 
 
 Secondly, That in regard I have fequeftred my mind at 
 
 this time in great part from worldly matters, thinking of 
 
 my account and anfwers in a higher Court ; your Lordfhips 
 
 will give me convenient time, according to the courfe of 
 
 z other
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 135 
 
 other Courts, to advife with my Counfel, and to make my 
 anfwer. j wherein neverthelefs, my Counfel's part will be 
 the leaft : For I fhall not, by the grace of God, trick up 
 an innocency with cavillations, but plainly and ingenu- 
 oufly (as your Lordfhip's know my manner is) declare 
 what I know or remember. 
 
 thirdly, That according to the courfe of Juftice, I 
 may be allowed to except to the witnefles brought againft 
 me; and to move queftions to your Lordfhips for their 
 crofs examinations; and likewife to produce my own wit- 
 neffes for the difcovery of the truth. 
 
 And laflly, That if there be any more petitions of like 
 nature, that your Lordfhips would be pleafed not to take 
 any prejudice or apprehenfion of any number or, mufter of 
 them, efpecially againft a Judge, that makes two thoufand 
 orders and decrees in a year (not to ipeak of the courfes that 
 have been taken for hunting out complaints againft me) 
 but that I may anfwer them according to the rules of ju- 
 ftice, feverally and refpectively. 
 
 Thefe requefts I hope appear to your Lordfhips no other < 
 
 than juft. And fo thinking my felf happy to have fo no* 
 ble Peers, and reverend Prelates to difcern of my caufe ; 
 and defiring no priviledge of greatnefs for fubterfuge of 
 guiltinefs ; but meaning, as I faid, to deal fairly and plain- 
 ly with your Lordfhips, and to put my felf upon your ho- 
 nours and favours ; I pray God to blefs your Counfels and 
 Perfons. And reft Tour Lordjhips humble Servant, 
 
 19 March 162a. Fr. St. Alban, Cane, 
 
 to
 
 13$ Letters of the Lord 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 YEfterday I know Was no day ; now I hope I mall 
 hear from your Lordfhip, who are my anchor in 
 thefe flouds. Mean while to eafe my heart, I have writ- 
 ten to his Majeflie the inclofed, which I pray your Lord- 
 fhip to read advifedly, and to deliver it, or not to deliver 
 it, as you think good. God ever profper your Lordfhip. 
 Tours ever, &c. 
 
 25 March i6zu Fr. St. Alban, Cane* 
 
 To the King. 
 
 It may pleafe your moji excellent Majejlie, 
 
 TIME hath been, when I have brought unto you 
 Gemitum Columbce from others, now I bring it 
 from my felf. I fly unto your Majeflie with the wings of 
 a Dove, which once within thefe feven days I thought 
 would have carried me a higher flight. When I enter 
 into my felf, I find not the materials of fuch a tempeft 
 as is come upon me. I have been (as your Majeflie know- 
 eth beft) never author of any immoderate counfel, but al- 
 ways defired to have things carried fuavibus modis. I 
 have been no avaritious oppreffor of the people. I have 
 been no haughty, or intolerable, or hateful man, in my 
 converfation or carriage. I have inherited no hatred from 
 my father, but am a good patriot born. Whence mould 
 this be ? For thefe are the things that ufe to raife diflikes 
 abroad. 
 
 For
 
 Chancellor Bacox. J 37 
 
 For the Home of Commons, I began my credit there, 
 and now it muft be the place of the fepulture thereof; 
 and yet this Parliament, upon the merTage touching Reli- 
 gion, the old love revived, and they faid, I was the fame 
 man ftill, only honeity was turned into honour. 
 
 For the Upper-houfe, even within thefe days, before 
 thefe troubles, they feemed as to take me into their arms j 
 finding in me ingenuity, which they took to be the true 
 ftreight line of noblenefs, without any crookes or angles. 
 
 And for the briberies and gifts wherewith I am charged, 
 when the books of hearts mall be opened, I hope I mail 
 not be found to have the troubled fountain of a corrupt 
 heart, in a depraved habit of taking rewards to pervert ju- 
 flice > howfoever I may be frail, and partake of the abufes 
 of the times. 
 
 And therefore I am refolved, when I come to my an- 
 fwer, not to trick my innocency, (as I writ to the Lords) 
 by cavillations, or voydances; but to fpeak to them the 
 language that my heart fpeaketh to me, in excufing, ex- 
 tenuating, or ingenuoufly confeffing : Praying to God to 
 give me the grace to fee the bottom of my faults, and that 
 no hardnefs of heart do ileal upon me, under (hew of 
 more neatnefs of confcience than is caufe. But not to 
 trouble your Majeftie any longer, craving pardon for this 
 long mourning letter; that which I thirft after, as the 
 hart after the ftreams, is, that I may know by my match" 
 lefs friend that prefenteth to you this letter,, your Majeftie's 
 heart (which is an abyjfus of goodnefs, as I am an abyjjus 
 of mifery) towards me. I have been ever your man^ and 
 counted my felf but an ufufructuary of my felf, the pro- 
 perty being yours. And now making my felf an oblation 
 
 T to
 
 138 Letters of the Lord 
 
 to do with me as may beft conduce to the honour of your 
 juftice, the honour of your mercy, and the ufe of your 
 fervice, refling as Clay in your Majeftie's gracious Hands, 
 
 Fr. St. Alban, Cane, 
 From the Regifter. 
 
 To the King. 
 
 It may pleafe your moji excellent Majeftie, 
 
 I Think my felf infinitely hounden to your Majeftie, 
 for vouchfafing me accefle to your Royal Perfon, and 
 to touch the hemme of your garment. I fee your Majeftie 
 imitateth him that would not break the broken reede, nor 
 quench the fmoking flax ; and as your Majeftie imitateth 
 Chrijl, fo I hope afluredly my Lords of the Upper-houfe 
 will imitate you, and unto your Majeftie's grace and mer- 
 cy, and next to my Lords I recommend my felf. It is not 
 porTible, nor it were not fafe, for me to anfwer particu- 
 lars till I have my charge ; which when I mail receive, I 
 mail without figg leaves or difguife excufe what I can ex- 
 cuse, extenuate what I can extenuate, and ingenuoufly 
 confefs what I can neither clear nor extenuate. And if 
 there be any thing which I mought conceive to be no of- 
 fence, and yet is, I defire to be informed, that I may be 
 twice penitent, once for my fault, and the fecond time for 
 my error, and fo fubmitting all that I am to your Maje- 
 ftie's Grace, I reft, 
 
 20 dpril, 1 621. 
 1 
 
 From
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 139 
 
 From the Journal of the Houfe of Lords. 
 
 To the Right Honourable the Lords of the Parlia- 
 ment, in the Upper Houfe affembled^ the 
 humble Submijfion and Supplication of the 
 Lord Chancellor. 
 
 1 
 
 It may pleafe your LordJhips> 
 Shall humbly crave at your Lordfhip's hands a benign 
 interpretation of that which I fhall now write ; for 
 words that come from wafted fpirits, and an opprefled 
 mind, are more fafe in being depofited in a noble con- 
 ftrudtion, than in being circled with any referved caution. 
 
 This being moved, and as I hope obtained, in the na- 
 ture of a protection for all that I mall fay - y I fhall now 
 make into the reft of that wherewith I fhall at this time 
 trouble your Lordfhips, a very ftrange entrance: For in 
 the midft of a ftate of as great affliction, as I think a mor- 
 tal Man can endure, (honour being above life) I fhall be- 
 gin with the profefling of gladnefs in fome things. 
 
 The firft is, that hereafter the greatnefs of a Judge or 
 Magiftrate fhall be no fanctuary or protection of guilti- 
 nefs j which in few words is the beginning of a golden 
 world. 
 
 The next, that after this example it is like that Judges 
 will fly from any thing that is in the likenefs of corruption, 
 (though it were at a great diftance) as from a ferpent; 
 which tendeth to the purging of the Courts of Juftice, and 
 the reducing them to their true honour and fplendor. 
 
 And in thefe two points, (God is my witnefs) that 
 though it be my fortune to be the anvil, whereupon thofe 
 
 T 2 good
 
 1 40 Letters of the Lord 
 
 good effects are beaten and wrought, I take no fmall 
 comfort. 
 
 But to pafs from the motions of my heart, whereof 
 God is onely Judge, to the merits of my caufe, where- 
 of your Lordfhips are Judges, under God and his Lieute- 
 nant. I do underftand there hath been heretofore expect- 
 ed from, me fome juftincation : And therefore I have cho- 
 /en one onely juftincation out of the justification of Job. 
 For after the clear fubrniffion and confefllon which I fhall 
 now make unto your Lordfhips, I hope I may fay and ju- 
 ftine with Job in thefe words, i" have not hid my Jim , as 
 did Adam, nor concealed my faults in my bofom. This is* 
 the onely juftincation which I will ufe. 
 
 It refteth therefore, that without fig leaves I do ingenu- 
 oufly confefs and acknowledge, that having underftood the 
 particulars of the charge, not formally from the Houfe, 
 but enough to inform my confcience and my memory ; I 
 find matters fufficient and full, both to move me to defert 
 my defence, and to move your Lordfhips to condemn 
 and cenfure me. 
 
 Neither will I trouble your Lordfhips by fingling thofe 
 particulars which I think might fall off, Quid te exempt a 
 juvat fpinis de pluribus una ? Neither will I prompt your 
 Lordfhips to obferve upon the proofs, where they come 
 not home, or the fcruple touching the credit of the wit- 
 nefies. Neither will I reprefent to your Lordfhips, how 
 far a. defence in divers things mought extenuate the of- 
 fence in refpect of the time and manner of the gift, or the 
 like circumftances. But onely leave thefe things to fpring 
 out of your own noble thoughts, and obfervations of the 
 evidence, and examinations themfelves -, and charitably to 
 2 wind
 
 Chancellor Bacon 14.1 
 
 wind about the particulars of the charge, here and there 
 as God fhall put into your minds, and fo fubmit my felf 
 wholly to your piety and grace. 
 
 And now I have fpoken to your Lordfhips as Judges, I 
 fhall fay a few words to you as Peers and Prelates ; hum- 
 bly commending my caufe to your noble minds, and mag- 
 nanimous affections. 
 
 Your Lordfhips are not fimply Judges, but parliamen- 
 tary Judges; you have a farther extent of arbitrary power 
 than other Courts. And if your Lordfhips be not tied by 
 ordinary courfes of Courts, or prefidents in points of ftrict- 
 nefs and feverity ; much more in points of mercy and mi- 
 tigation. 
 
 And yet if any thing which I fhall move mought be 
 contrary to your worthy ends to introduce a reformation, 
 I mould not feek it : But herein I befeech your Lordfhips 
 to give me leave to tell you a ftory. Titus Manlius took 
 his fon's life for giving battle againft the prohibition of 
 his General : Not many years after the like feverity was 
 purfued by Papirius Curfor the Dictator, againft. >uintus 
 Maximus ; who being upon the point to be fentenced, by 
 the interceffion of fome principal perfons of the Senate, 
 was fpared : Whereupon Livy maketh this grave and gra- 
 cious obfervation ; neque minus fir mat a eft difciplina mili- 
 taris pericuh ^uinti Maximi, quam miferabili fupplicio 
 Titi ManUi, the difcipline of war, was no lefs eflablimed 
 by the queftioning of Quintus Maximus, than by the pu- 
 nifhing of "Titus Manlius. And the fame reafon is of the 
 reformation of juflice; for the queflioning of men of 
 eminent places hath the fame terror, though not the fame 
 rigor with the punifnment 
 
 But
 
 14^ Letters of the Lord 
 
 But my cafe flandeth not there; for my humble defirc 
 is, that his Majeflie would take the Seal into his hands, 
 which is a great downfal, and may ferve I hope in it felf 
 for an expiation of my faults. 
 
 Therefore, if mercy and mitigation be in your power, 
 and do no ways crofs your noble ends, why mould I not 
 hope of your Lordfhip's favour and commiferation ? 
 
 Your Lordfhips will be pleafed to behold your chief 
 pattern the King our Sovereign, a King of incomparable 
 clemency, and whofe heart is infcrutable for wifdom and 
 goodnefs. Your Lordfhips will remember that there fat 
 not thefe hundred years before, a Prince in your houfe, 
 and never fuch a Prince whofe prefence defer ves to be 
 made memorable by records and acts mixed of mercy and 
 juflice. Your Lordfhips are either Nobles, (and compaf- 
 fion ever beateth in the veins of noble blood) or reverend 
 Prelates, who are the fervants of him, who would not 
 break the bruifed reed, nor quench the fmoking flax. You 
 all fit upon one high flage, and therefore cannot but be 
 more fenfible of the changes of the world, and of the fall 
 of any of high place. 
 
 Neither will your Lordfhips forget that there are vitia 
 temporis, as well as vitia hominis ; and that the beginning 
 of reformations hath the contrary power of the pool of 
 Bethefda ; for that had flrength to cure him only, that 
 was firfl cafl in, and this hath commonly flrength to hurt 
 him onely that is firfl cafl in. And for my part, I wifh it 
 may flay there and go no further. 
 
 Laflly, I affure my felf your Lordfhips have a noble 
 feeling of me, as a member of your own body, and one 
 that in this very feffion had fome tafle of your loving affe- 
 ctions ;
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 143 
 
 dtions ; which I hope was not a lightening before the ' 
 death of them, but rather a fpark of that grace, which 
 now in the conclufion will more appear. 
 
 And therefore my humble fuit to your Lordfhips is, 
 that my penitent fubmiffion may be my fentence, and the 
 lofs of the Seal my punifhment ; and that your Lordfhips 
 will fpare any further fentence, but recommend me to 
 his Majeftie's grace and pardon for all that is paft. God's 
 holy fpirit be among you. Tour Lordfiip's humble Ser- 
 vant, and Suppliant, 
 
 Fr. St. Alban, Cane. 
 
 22 April 1 62 1. 
 
 From the Regijler. 
 
 
 To the Ki ng. 
 
 It may pleafe your Majejlie, 
 
 IT hath pleafed God for thefe three daies paft, to vifit 
 me with fuch extremitie of headach upon the hinder 
 part of my head, fixed in one place, that I thought verily it had 
 been fome Impoftumation 5 and then the little phyfick that I 
 have, told me, that either it muft grow to a Congelation, 
 and fo to aLethargie; or to break, and fo to a mortal 
 fever or fud< en death: which apprehenfion (and chiefly 
 the anguifh f the paine) made me unable to think of any 
 bufineis. P now that the paine itfelf is affwa^ed to be 
 tolerable, efume the care of my bufineis, and therein 
 proftrate my felf again by my letter at your Majeftie's 
 feet. 
 
 Your Majeflie can bear me witnefs, that at my laft fo 
 comfortable acceffe, I did not fo much as move your Ma- 
 jeflie
 
 Letters of the Lord 
 
 jeftic by your abfolute power of pardon, or otherwife, to 
 take my caufe into your hands, and to interpofe between 
 the fentence of the Houfe. And according to my defire, 
 your Majeftie left it to the fentence of the Houfe by my 
 Lord Treafurers report. 
 
 But now if not per omnipotent! am as the Divines fay, but 
 per potcftatem juaviter difponentem, your Majeftie will 
 gratioufly fave me from a fentence, with the good likeing 
 of the Houfe> and that cup may pafs from me, it is the 
 utmoft of my defires. This I move with the more belief, 
 becaufe I afliire my felf, that if it be Reformation that is 
 ibught, the very taking away of the Seale, upon my gene- 
 ral fubmiffion, will be as much in example, for thefe four 
 hundred yeares, as any further feverity. 
 
 The meanes of this, I moft humbly leave unto your 
 Majeftie, but furely I fhould conceive, that your Majeftie 
 opening your felf in this kind to the Lords Counfellors, 
 and a motion of the Prince, after my fubmiffion, and my 
 Lord Marquis ufeing his intereft with his friends in th^ 
 Houfe, may effect the fpareing of the fentence ; I makeing 
 my humble fuite to the Houie for that purpofe, joyned 
 with the detiverie up of the Seale into you Majeflie's hands. 
 This is my laft fuite that I fhall make to your Majeftie in 
 this bufinefs, proftrating my felf at your mercy feate, 
 after fifteen yeares fervice, wherein I have ferved your 
 Majeftie in. my poor endeavours, with an intyre heart. 
 And, as I prefume to lay unto your Majeftie, am ftill a 
 Virgin, for matters that concerne your Perfon or Crowne, 
 and now only craveing that after eight fteps of honour, I 
 be not precipitated altogether. 
 
 But becaufe he that hath taken brybes, is apt to give 
 
 brybes,
 
 Chancellor Bacon. i 4.5 
 
 brybes, I will goe further, and prefentyour Majeftie with 
 brybej for if your Majeftie give me peace and leifure, and 
 God give me life, I will prefent you with a good Hiftory 
 of England, and a better Digeji of your Lawes. And fo 
 concluding with my prayers, I reft Clay in your Majeftie s 
 hands. 
 
 2 May,i6zi. Fr.St.Mban. 
 
 From the Regifter. & 
 
 To the Prince of Wales. 
 
 It may pleafe your Highnefs, 
 
 WHen I call to mynd, how infinitely I am bound 
 to your Highnefs, that ftretched forth your arm e 
 to fave me from a fentence : that took hold of me to keep me 
 from being plunged deep in a fentence : that hath kept me 
 alive in your gracious memory and mention fince the fen- 
 tence : pitying me as (I hope) I deferve, and valueing me 
 far above that I can deferve : I find my wordes almoft as 
 barren as my fortunes, to exprefs unto your Highnefs the 
 thankmllnefs I owe. Therefore I can but refortto prayers 
 to Almighty God to clothe you with his moft rich and 
 pretious bleflings, and likewife joyfully to meditate upon 
 thofe he hath conferred upon you already ; in that he hath 
 made you to the King your Father, a principal part of 
 hisfafety, contentment and continuance j in your f elf fo 
 judicious, accomplished and gracefull in all your doeings, 
 with more vertues in the buddes, (which are the fweeteft) 
 than have been knowne in a young Prince, of long time : 
 with the Realm fo well beloved, fo much honoured, as it 
 is men's daily obfervation how nearly you approach to his 
 
 U Majeftie's
 
 i6 Letters of the Lord 
 
 Majeftie's perfections j how every day you exceed your felf; 
 how compared with other Princes, which God hatrTor- 
 dained to be young at this time, you mine amongft them ; 
 they rather fetting off your religious, moral, and natural 
 excellencies, than matching them, though you be but a 
 fecond perfon. Thefe and fuch like meditations I feed 
 upon, fince I can yield your Highnefs no other retribu- 
 tion. And for my felf, I hope by the afliftance of God 
 above (of whofe grace and favour I have had extraordina- 
 ry fignes and effects during my afflictions) to lead fuch a 
 life in the laft acts thereof, as whether his Majefty employ 
 me, or whether I live to my felf, I mall make the world 
 fay that I was not unworthy fuch a patron. 
 
 I am much beholding to your Highnefs's worthy fervant 
 Sir John Vaughan, the fweete ayre, and loving ufage of 
 whofe houfe hath alreadie much revived my languishing 
 fpirits, I befeech your Highnefs, thank him for me. God 
 ever prefer ve and profper your Highnefs. Tour High- 
 nejfes tnofl humble and moft bounden Servant, 
 
 i June i6zi. Fr. St. Alban* 
 
 From the Regijier. & 
 
 To the King. 
 
 It may pleafe your moft excellent Majeftie, 
 
 Humbly thank your Majeftie for my liberty, without 
 
 which timely graunt, any farther grace would have 
 
 come too late. But your Majeftie that did fried tears in 
 
 the beginning of my trouble, will, I hope, fhed the dew 
 
 of your grace and goodnefs upon me in the end. Let me 
 
 live 
 
 I
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 147 
 
 live to ferve you, elfe life is but the (hadow of death, to 
 Tour Majeftie' s moft devoted 'Servant ', 
 
 4>m6*i. Fr. St. Alban, 
 
 From the Regifter. & 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 I Heartily thank your Lordmip for getting me out of 
 prifon, and now my body is out, my mynd neverthe- 
 lefs will be flill in prifon, till I may be on my feet to do 
 his Majeftie and your Lordfhip, faithful fervice. Where- 
 in your Lordmip by the grace of God, mail find that my 
 adverfitie hath neither fpent, nor pent my Spirits. God 
 profper you. Tour Lord/hip's mojl obliged Friend and 
 faithful Servant, 
 4 June 1 621. Fr. St. Alban. 
 
 From the Regifter. & 
 
 A Memorial for his Majeftie s Service. v 
 
 FO R that your Majeftie is pleafed to call for my opi- 
 nion, concerning the facred intention you have to 
 goeon with the reformation of your Courts ofjuftice, and 
 relieving the grievances of your people, which the Parlia- 
 ment hath entred into, I mail never be a Recufant, though 
 I be confined to doe you fervice. 
 
 Your Majeftie's Starchamber next your Court of Par- 
 liament, is your higheft Chaire. You never came upon 
 that mount, but your garments did mine before you went 
 off. It is the fupreme Court of judicature ordinary, it is 
 
 U 2 an
 
 1 48 Letters of the Lord 
 
 an open Council ; nothing I would think can be more 
 feafonable (if your other appointments permit it) than if 
 your Majeftie will be pleafed to come thither in perfon, 
 the morrow after this Term, (which is the time anniverfa- 
 ry, before the Circuits and the long Vacation) and there 
 make an open declaration, that you purpofe to purfiie the 
 reformation, which the Parliament hath begun. 
 
 That all things goe well, in all affairs, when the ordi- 
 nary and extraordinary are well mingled, and tempered 
 together. That in matters of your Treafare, you did 1 e- 
 lye upon your Parliament for the extraordinary, but you 
 were ever defirous to doe what you could by improve- 
 ments, retrenchments, and the like, to fet the ordinary 
 in good frame, and eftablifhment. That you are in the 
 fame mind in matter of reformation of Juftice, and Grie- 
 vance, to arTift yourfelf with the advice, and authority of 
 Parliament at times, but mean while to goe on with the 
 fame intentions, by your own regal power and care. That 
 it doth well in Church mufick when the greater!: part of 
 the Himne is fung by one voice, and then the choire at 
 all times falls in fweetly and folemnly, and that the fame 
 harmony forteth well in Monarchic, between the King and 
 his Parliament. 
 
 That all great Reformations are befl brought to per- 
 feclion'by a good correfpondence between the King and his 
 Parliament, and by well forting the matters and the tymes; 
 for in that which the King doth in his ordinary admini- 
 ftration, and proceedings, neither can the information be 
 fo univerfal, nor the complaint fo well encouraged, nor 
 the references foe many times free from private affection, 
 as when the King proceedeth by Parliament; on the other 
 
 fide,
 
 Chancellor Baco n. 149 
 
 fide, that the Parliament wanteth time to go through with 
 many things j befides, fome things are of that nature, as 
 they are better difcerned, and refolved by a few, than by 
 many. 
 
 Agair, fome things are fo merely regal, as it is not fit 
 to transfer them ; and many things, whereof it is fit for 
 the King to have the principal honour and thanks. 
 
 Therefore, that according to thefe differences and di- 
 ftributions, your Majeftie meaneth to go on, where the 
 Parliament hath left, and to call for the memorials, and 
 inchoations of thofe things^which have paffed in both 
 Houfes, and to have them pafs the fyle of your Council, 
 and fuch other affiftantes as fhall be thought fit to be 
 called refpectively, according to the nature of the bufinefs, 
 and to have your learned Counfel fearch Prefidents what 
 the King hath done for matter of Reformation as the Par- 
 liament hath informed themfelves by Prefidents what the 
 Parliamenthath done ; and thereupon that the clockbe fet t 
 and refolutions taken : what is to be holpen by commif. 
 fion, what by acl: of Council, what by Proclamation, 
 what to be prepared for Parliament, what to be left whol- 
 ly for Parliament ? 
 '< 
 
 That if your Majeftie had done this before a Parlia- 
 ment, it mought have been thought to be done to pre- 
 vent a Parliament, whereas, now it is to purfue a Parlia- 
 ment, and that by this means, many grievances fhall be 
 anfwered by deed, and not by word ; and your Majeflie's 
 care fhall be better than any flanding Committee in this 
 interim between the meetings of Parliament. 
 
 For the particulars, your Majsftie in your grace and 
 wifdome, will confider, how unproper and how unwar- 
 ranted
 
 i$o Letters of the Lord 
 
 ranted a thing it is, for me, as I now ftand, to fend for 
 entries of Parliament, or for fearches for prefidents, where- 
 upon to ground an advice, and befides what I mould now 
 fay, may be thought by your Majefty (how good an opi- 
 nion foever you have of me) much more by others, to be 
 bufie or officious, or relating to my prefent forcunes. 
 
 From the Regijier, & 
 I 
 To the Marqwis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 yOur Lordfhip I know, and the King both, mought 
 think me very unworthy of that I have been, or 
 that I am, if I mould not by all meanes defyre to be freed 
 from the reftraint which debarreth me from approach to 
 his Majeftie's perfon, which I ever fo much loved, and 
 admired ; and fevereth me likewife from all conference 
 with your Lordfhip, which is my fecond comfort. Ne- 
 verthelefs, if it be conceived that it may be matter of in- 
 convenience, or envy, my particular refpects muft give 
 place, only in regard of my prefent urgent occafions, to 
 take fome prefent order for the debts that preffe me moft, 
 I have petitioned his MajefHe to give me leave to flay at 
 London till the laft of July, and then I will difpofe of 
 my abode according to the Sentence. I have fent to the 
 Prince to joyne with you in it, for though the matter feem 
 fmall, yet it importeth me much. God profper you. 
 Tour Lordjhifs true Servant, 
 
 10 June, 1 62 1. Fr. St. Alban. 
 
 2 
 
 From
 
 ChancelUr Bacon, 151 
 
 From the Regifer. & 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 1 Humbly thank your LordfliJp for the grace and favour 
 you did both to the mefTage, and Meffenger, in bring- 
 ing Mr. Meautys to kifs his Majeftie's hands, and to re- 
 ceive his pleafure from himfelf. My riches in my adver- 
 iitie have been, that I have had a good Mafter, a good 
 Friend, and a good Servant. 
 
 I perceive by Mr. Meautys his Majeftie's inclination, 
 that I mould goe firft to Gorhambury ; and his Majeftie's 
 inclinations, have ever been with me inftead of directions. 
 Wherefore I purpofe, God willing, to goe thither forth- 
 with, humbly thanking his Majefty, neverthelefs that he 
 meant tohave put mydefyre in my petition contained, in- 
 to a way, if I had infifted upon it, but I will accomodate 
 my prefent occafions as I may, and leave the times, and 
 feafons, and waies, to his Majeftie's grace and choice. 
 
 Only I defire his Majeftie to bear with me if I have 
 preffed unfeafonably. My Letters out of the Tower were 
 de profundis, and the world is a prrfon, if I may not ap- 
 proach his Majeftie, rinding in my heart as I doe. God 
 preferve and profper his Majeftie and your Lordfhip. 
 Tour Lordjhip's faithful and bounden Servant, 
 
 22 June. 1 62 1, Fr. St. Alban, 
 
 From
 
 152 Letters of the Lord 
 
 From the Regifier. & 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 1 Thank God I am come very well to Gorhambury, 
 wherof I thought your Lordfhip would be glad to 
 heare fometimes -, my Lord, I wifh my felf by you in this 
 ftirring world, not for any love to place or bufinefs, for 
 that is almoft gone with me, but for my love to your 
 felf, which can never ceafe in Tour Lordfiip's moji ob- 
 liged Friend and true Servant > 
 
 Fr. St. Alban. 
 
 - 
 
 Being now out of ufe and out of fight, I recommend 
 my felfe to your Lordfhip's love and favour, to main- 
 taine me in his Majeftie's grace and good intention. 
 
 To the King. 
 
 
 It may pie afe your mojl excellent Majejlie, 
 
 1 Perceive by my noble and conftant friend, the Mar- 
 quis that your Majeflie hath a gratious inclination to- 
 wards me, and taketh care of me, for fifteen yeares the 
 fubject of your favour, now of your companion, for 
 which I'moft humbly thank your Majeflie. This fame 
 Nova Creatur'a is the worke of God's pardon and the 
 King's, and fince I have the inward feale of the one, I 
 hope well of the other. 
 
 Utar, faith Seneca to his Mafler, magnis exemplis \ nee 
 mece fortuna ', fed tuce. Demojlhenes was banifhed for bri- 
 bery of the higheft nature, yet was recalled with honour, 
 
 Marcus
 
 Chancellor Bacon. i 53 
 
 Marcus Livius was condemned for exactions, yet after- 
 wards made Conful and Cenfor. Seneca banifhed for di- 
 vers corruptions, yet was afterwards reftored, and an m- 
 ftrument of that memorable Quinquennium Neronis. Ma- 
 ny more. This if it pleafe your Majeftie, I do not fay, 
 for appetite of employment, but for hope that if I do by 
 my felf as is fit, your Maj eft ie will never fuffer me to dye 
 in want or dishonour. I do now feed myfelf upon re- 
 membrance, how when your Majeftie ufed .to go a pro- 
 greffe, what loving and confident charges you were wont 
 to give me touching your buiinefs. For as Arifiotle fayth, 
 young men may be happy by hope, fo why fhould not old 
 men, and fequeftred men, by remembrance. God ever 
 profper and prefer ve your Majeftie. Tour Majeftie' s moft 
 bounden and devoted Servant, 
 
 r6>/y 1621. Fr. St. Alban. 
 
 From the Original & 
 
 To the Lord St. Alban. 
 
 My Honourable Lord, 
 
 IHave delivered your Lordfhip's letter of thanks to his 
 Majeftie, who accepted it very gracioufly, and will be 
 glad to fee your book, which you promifed to fend very 
 fhortly, as foon as it cometh. I fend your Lordfhip his 
 Majeftie's warrant for your pardon, as you defired it, but 
 am forry, that in the current of my fervice to your Lord- 
 fhip, there mould be the kaft flop of any thing ; yet 
 having moved his Majeftie, upon your Servant's intima- 
 tion, for your ftay in London till Chriftmas, I found his 
 
 X Majeftie,
 
 1 54 Letters of the Lord 
 
 Majeftie, who hath in all other occafions, and even in 
 that particular already, to the diflike of many of your 
 own Friends, fhewed with great forwardnefs his gracious 
 favour towards you, very unwilling to grant you any longer 
 liberty to abide there j which being but a fmall advantage 
 to you, would be a great and general diftafte, as you can- 
 not but eafily conceive, to the whole ilate. And I am the 
 more forry for this refufal of his Majeftie's, falling in a 
 time when I was a fuitor to your Lordfhip in a particular 
 concerning my felfe, wherein though your Servant infill- 
 ed further than, I am fure, would ever enter into your 
 thoughts, I cannot but take it as a part of a faithful Ser- 
 vant in him. But if your Lordfhip, or your Lady, find 
 it inconvenient for you, to part with the Houfe, I would 
 rather provide my felf otherwife, than any way incom- 
 modate you, but will never flack anything of my affection 
 to do you fervice -, whereof, if I have not yet given good 
 proofe, I will defire nothing more, than the fittefl occa- 
 fion to fhew how much I am, Tour Lordjloifs faithful 
 Servant^ 
 
 oaaber \6zu G. Buckingham. 
 
 From the Original. & 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 AN unexpected accident maketh me haften this let- 
 ter to your Lordfhip, before I could difpatch Mr. 
 Meautis, it is that my Lord Keeper hath flaied my pardon 
 at the Seal. But it is with good refpect ; for he faith it. 
 hall be private, and then he would forthwith write to your 
 
 Lord/hip, 
 
 /
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 155 
 
 Lordfhip, and would pafs it if he received your pleafure ; 
 and doth alio fhew his reafon of flay, which is, that he 
 doubteth the exception of thefentence of Parliament is not 
 well drawn, nor ftrong enough, which if it be doubtful 
 my Lord hath great reafon. But furel am, both my felf, 
 and the King, and your Lordfhip, and Mr. Attorney, 
 meant cleerly, and I think Mr. Attorney's pen hath gone 
 welL My humble requeft to your Lordfhip is, that for 
 my Lord's fatisfaction Mr. Sollicitor may be joined with 
 Mr. Attorney, and if it be fafe enough, it may goe on ; 
 if not it may be amended. I ever reft, Tour Lordjhip's 
 moji obliged Friend and faithful Servant, 
 
 1 8 otiober 1621. Fr. St. Alban. 
 
 From the Original. $* 
 
 To the Lord St. Alban. 
 
 My Honourable Lord, 
 
 IHave brought your Servant along to this place, in ex- 
 pectation of the letter from the Lord Keeper, which 
 your Lordfhip mentioneth in yours, but having not yet re- 
 ceived it, I cannot make anfwer to the bufinefs you write 
 of. And therefore thought fit not to detain your Man 
 here any longer, having nothing elfe to write, but that 
 I always reft, Tour Lord/hi fs faithful Friend and Ser- 
 vant, 
 
 G. Buckingham, 
 
 Hinchenbrook, 20 08. 1 62 1 . 
 
 X 2, From
 
 i$6 Letters of the Lord 
 
 From the Original. & 
 
 To the Lord St. Alban. 
 
 My noble Lord, 
 
 NOW that I am provided of aHoufe I have thought 
 it congruous to give your Lordihip notice thereof, 
 that you may no longer hang upon the treaty, which hath 
 been between your Lordftiip, and me, touching Tork- 
 houfe- y in which I anure your Lordfhip, I never defired to 
 put you to the leaft inconvenience, io I reft Tour Lord- 
 Jhifs Servant,, 
 
 G. Buckingham,. 
 From the Original & 
 
 To the Lord St. Alban. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 IAm glad your Lordihip understands me io rightly in 
 my laft letter, I continue ftill in the fame mind, for I 
 thank God, I am fettled to my contentment j and fo I 
 hope you mall enjoy yours, with the more, becaufe I am 
 fo well pleafed in mine. And, my Lord, I fhall be very 
 far from takeing it ill, if you part with it to any elfe, 
 judging it alike unreafonablenefs, to defire that which is 
 another man's, and to bind him by promife or otherwife 
 not to let it to another. 
 
 My Lord, I will move his Majeftie to take commifera- 
 tionof your long a Imprifonment, which in fome refpects 
 both you and I have reafon to think harder, than the 
 
 a Reftraint from coming within the verge of the Court. 
 
 Tower;
 
 Chancellor Bacon 157 
 
 Tower ; you for the help of Phyfick, your parly with 
 your Creditors, your conference for your writings, and 
 ftudies, dealing with friends about your bufinefs, and I 
 for this advantage to be fometimes happy ir* vifiting and 
 converting with your Lordfhip, whofe company I am 
 much defirous to enjoy, as being tyed by antient acquain- 
 tance, to ref\ Tour Lordjhifs faithful Friend and Ser- 
 vant) 
 
 G. Buckingham . 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 THefe main and real favours which I have lately re- 
 ceived from your good Lordfhip in procureing my 
 liberty, and a reference of the confideration of my releafe, 
 are fuch as I now find, that in building upon your Lord- 
 lhip's noble nature and friendlhip, I have built upon the 
 rock, where neither winds or waves can caufe overthrow. 
 I humbly pray your Lordfhip to accept from me fuch 
 thanks as ought to come from him whom you have much 
 comforted in fortune, and much more comforted in fhew- 
 ing your love and affection to him, of which I have heard 
 by my Lord of Faulkland, Sir Edward Sackville, Mr. 
 Mat hew, and other wife. 
 
 I have written, as my duty was, to his MajefHe, thanks 
 touching the fame, by the letter I here put into your no- 
 ble hands. 
 
 I have made alfo, in that letter, an offer to his Majeflie, 
 of my Service, for bringing into better order and frame 
 the Laws of England. The declaration whereof, I have 
 
 left
 
 158 Letters of the Lord 
 
 left with Sir Edward Sackville, becaufe it were no good 
 manners to clog his Majeflie, at this time of triumph and 
 recreation, with a bufinefs of this nature, fo as your 
 Lordfhip may be pleafed to call for it to Sir Edward 
 Sackville, when you think the time reafonable. 
 
 I am bold likewife to prefent your Lordfhip with a 
 Book of .my Hiflory of King Henry VII. and now, that 
 in fummer was twelve months, I dedicated a Book to his 
 Majeflie, and this lafl fummer, this Book to the Prince, 
 your Lordfhip's turn is next j and this fummer thatcometh 
 (if I live to it) fhall be yours. I have defired his Ma- 
 jeflie to appoint me the tafke, otherwife I fhall ufe my 
 own choice, for this is the befl retribution I can make to 
 your Lordfhip. God profper you. I refl, Tour Lord- 
 fhip's moji obliged Friend and faithful Servant, 
 
 Gorhambury, this 20th of _, _ . ., 
 
 March 1 62 1. Fr. St. Alban. 
 
 To the Right Honourable his very good 
 Lord the Lord Marquis of Bucking- 
 ham, high Admiral of England. 
 
 To the Kin g. 
 
 It may pleafe your mofi excellent Majeflie, 
 
 IN the midfl of my mifery, which is rather affwaged 
 by remembrance than by hope, my chiefefl worldly 
 comfort is to thinke that fince the time I had the fnfl Vote 
 of the Commons-houfe of Parliament for Commimoner 
 of the Union, untill the time that I was this lafl Parlia- 
 ment chofen by both Houfes for their MefTenger to your 
 Majefly in the petition of Religion, (which two were my 
 firft and lafl Services) I was evermore fo happy as to have 
 
 my
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 159 
 
 my poor fervices gracioufly accepted by your Majeflie, and 
 likewife not to have had any of them mifcarry in my 
 hands. Neither of which points I can any ways take 
 to my felf, but afcribe the former to your Majeure's good- 
 nefs, and the latter to your prudent directions 5 which I 
 was ever careful to have and keep. For as I have often faid 
 to your Majeflie, I was towards you but as a bucket and a 
 ciflern, to draw forth and conferve, your felf was the 
 Fountain. Unto this comfort of nineteen years profperi- 
 ty, there fiicceeded a comfort even in my greatefl adverfi- 
 ty, fomewhat of the fame nature ; which is, that ia 
 thofe offences wherewith I was charged, there was not any 
 one that had fpecial relation to your Majeflie, or any your 
 particular commandements. For as towards Almighty 
 God, there are offences againfl the firfl and fecond Table, 
 and yet all againfl: God 5 fo with the Servants of Kings, 
 there are offences more immediate againfl the Sovereign : 
 although all offences againfl Law are alfo againfl the King. 
 Unto which comfort there is added this circumflance, that 
 as my faults were not againfl your Majeftie, otherwife 
 than as all faults are -, fo my fall was not your Majeflie's 
 a<5t, otherwife than as all acts of juflice are yours. This 
 I write not to infinuate with your Majeflie, but as a mofl 
 humble appeal to your Majeflie's gracious remembrance^ 
 how honefl and direct you have ever found me in your 
 fervice ; whereby I have an aflured belief, that there is in 
 your Majeflie's own princely thoughts, a great deal of fe- 
 renity and clearnefs to me your Majeflie's now proflrate 
 and cafl down fervant. 
 
 Neither (my mofl gracious Sovereign) do I by this 
 mention of my fervices, lay claim to your princely grace 
 
 and 
 3
 
 \6o Letters of the Lord 
 
 and bounty, though the priviledge of calamity doth bear 
 that form of petition. I knowe well, had they been 
 much more, they had been but my bounden duty. Nay, 
 I mult alfo confefs, that they were from time to time, far 
 above my merit, over and fuperrewarded by your Ma- 
 jeure's benefits which you heaped upon me. Your Majeftie 
 was and is that Mailer to me,, that raifed and advanced 
 me nine times; thrice in dignity, and fix times in office. 
 The places indeed were the painfulleft of all your fervices; 
 but then they had both honour and profitSi And the then 
 profits might have maintained my now honour, if I had 
 been wife: neither was your Majeftie's immediate libera- 
 lity wanting towards me in fome gifts, if I may hold 
 them. All this I do moft thankfully acknowledge, and 
 dt herewith conclude, That for any thing arifing from 
 my felf to move your eye of pity towards me, there is 
 much more in my prefent mifery, than in my paft fervicesj 
 fave that the fame your Majefty's goodnefSj that may give 
 relief to the one, may give value to the other. 
 
 And indeed, if it may pleafe your Majeftie this theme of 
 my. mifery is fo plentiful as it need not be coupled with 
 any thing elfe. I have been fome body by your Majeftie's 
 lingular and undeferved favour, even the prime Officer of 
 your Kingdom ; your Majeftie's arm hath been over mine 
 in Council, when you prefided at the table ; fo near I was. 
 I have born your Majeftie's Image in metal, much more 
 in heart; I was never in nineteen years ferv ice chidden by 
 your Majeftie, but contrariwife often overjoyed, when 
 your Majeftie would fometimes fay I was a good hufband 
 for you, though none for my felf: fometimes, that I had 
 a way to deal in bufinefs, juavibus modis y which was the 
 
 way
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 161 
 
 way which was moft according to your own heart : and 
 other moft gracious fpeeches of affection and truft, which 
 I feed on to this day. But why mould I fpeak of thefe 
 things which are now vaniihed, but only the better to ex- 
 prefs the downfall ? 
 
 For now it is thus with me ; I am a year and half 
 old in mifery ; though I muft ever acknowledge, not 
 without fome mixture of your Majeftie's grace and mercy; 
 for I do not think it poflible, that any you once loved 
 mould be totally miferable. Mine own means through my 
 own improvidence are poor and weak, little better than 
 my father left me. The poor things that I have had 
 from your Majeftie, are either in queftion, or at courtefie. 
 My dignities remain marks of your favour, but burdens 
 of my prefent fortune. The poor remnants which I had 
 of my former fortunes, in Plate or Jewels, I have fpread 
 upon poor men unto whom I owed, fcarce leaving my 
 felf a convenient fubfiftance. So as to conclude, I muft 
 pour out my mifery before your Majeftie, fo far as to fay, 
 Si defer is tu, peri m us. 
 
 But as I can offer to your Majeftie's companion, little 
 arifing from my felf to move you, except it be my extream 
 mifery, which I have truly laid open ; fo looking up to 
 your Majeftie's own felf, I fhould think I committed 
 Cains fault, if I (hould defpair. Your Majeftie is a 
 King whofe heart is as unfcrutable for fecret motions of 
 goodnefs, as for depth of wifdom. You are Creator like, 
 factive and not deftruclive. You are the Prince in whom 
 hath been ever noted an averfation againft any thing that 
 favoured of an hard heart ; as, on the other fide, your 
 princely eye was wont to meet with any motion that was 
 
 Y made
 
 1 62 Letters of the Lord 
 
 made on the relieving part. Therefore as one that hath 
 had the happinefs to know your Majeftie near hand, I 
 have (moft gracious Sovereign) faith enough for a miracle, 
 much more for a grace, that your Majeftie will not fuffer 
 your poor creature to be utterly defaced, nor blot that 
 name quite out of your book, upon which your facred 
 hand hath been fo oft for new ornaments and additions. 
 
 Unto this degree of compaflion, I hope God above (of 
 whofe mercy towards me, both in my profperity and ad- 
 verfity I have had great teflimonies and pledges, though 
 my own manifold and wretched unthankfulnefs might 
 have averted them) will difpofe your princely heart, al- 
 ready prepared to all piety. And why mould I not think, 
 but that thrice noble Prince, who would have pulled me 
 out of the fire of a fentence, will help to pull me (if I 
 may ufe that homely phrafe) out of the mire of an abject 
 and fordid condition in my laft days : and that excellent 
 Favourite of yours, (the goodnefs of whofe nature con- 
 tendeth with the greatnefs of his fortune > and who 
 counteth it a prize, a fecond prize, to be a good friend, 
 after that prize which he carrieth to be a good fervant) 
 will kifs your hands with joy for any work of piety you 
 mall do for me. And as all commiferable perfons (efpeci- 
 ally fuchas find their hearts void of all malice) are apt to 
 think that all men pity them ; I arTure my felf that the 
 Lords of your Council,whoout of their wifdom and noble- 
 nefs, cannot but be fenfible of human events, will in this 
 way which I go, for the relief of my eftate, further and 
 advance your Majeftie's goodnefs towards me. For there is 
 as I conceive a kind of fraternity between great men, that 
 are, and thofe that have been, being but the feveral tenfes 
 2 of
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 163 
 
 of one verbe ; nay, I do further prefume, that both 
 Houfes of Parliament will love their juftice the better if 
 it end not in my ruin. For I have been often told, by 
 many of my Lords, as it were in excufing the feverity 
 of the fentence, that they knew they left me in good 
 hands. And your Majeftie knoweth well, I have been 
 all my life long acceptable to thole AfTemblies, not by flat- 
 tery, but by moderation, and by honeft exprefling of a 
 defire to have all things go fairly and well. 
 
 But, if it may pleafe your Majeftie (for Saints, I fhall 
 give them reverence, but no adoration, my addrefs is to 
 your Majeftie, the fountain of goodnefs ;) your Majeftie 
 {hall by the grace of God, not feel that in gift, which 
 I fhall extremely feel in help j for my defires are mode- 
 rate, and my courfes meafured to a life orderly and re- 
 ferved, hoping ftill to do your Majeftie honour in my way. 
 Only I moft humbly befeech your Majeftie to give me 
 leave to conclude with thofe words which neceffity fpeak- 
 eth : help me (dear Sovereign Lord and Majler) and pity 
 me fo far, as I that have born a bag, be not now in my 
 age forced in effect to bear a wallet ; nor I that defire to 
 live to ftudy, may not be driven to ftudy to live a . I moft 
 
 * The learned Monfieur Le Clerc, in his Difcourfe of liberality, and the obli- 
 gations that are upon Princes, Sec. to extend their bounty to learned men, in re- 
 Jpecl of the benefit the world receives from them, exprefTes his fenfe of the honour 
 which was due to the memory of thofe who affiiled Erafmus and Grot t us, and his 
 refentment of the neglect of King Jamss, for deferting the Lord Bacon : One 
 <annot read, faith he, without indignation, that which is reported of the famous 
 Chancellor of England, Francis Bacon, whom the King fuffered to languijh in po- 
 verty, vjhilfl he preferred worthlefs perfons to his difoonour. A little before bis 
 death, this learned Man writ to that Prince a bemoaning Letter ; and then cites this 
 moving conclusion out of HowelPs Letters ; which though that Author thought it 
 argued a little abjection of fpirit in nay Lord Bacon; yet Monfieur Le Clerc thinks 
 it fhewed a much lower in the King, to permit foable a man to lye under the ne- 
 ceffity of making fo fad a requeft, an i yet withal, to afford no relief. Chap. 12. 
 Of the refi 'eel ions upon fortune. 
 
 Y 2 humbly
 
 1 64 Letters of the Lord 
 
 humbly crave pardon of a long letter, after a long filence. 
 God of heaven everblefs, preferve, and profper your Ma- 
 jeftie. Tour Majeftie s poor ancient Servant and Beadf- 
 
 man, 
 
 Fr. St. Alban. 
 
 I 
 
 To the King. 
 
 May it pie afe your Majeftie y 
 Acknowledge my felfe in all humblenefs infinitely 
 
 bounden to your Majeftie's grace and goodnefs, for that 
 at the interceffion of my noble and conftant Friend, my 
 Lord Marquis, your Majeftie hath been pleafed to grant 
 me that which the Civilians fay, is res inte/limabilis, my li- 
 berty, fo that now, when ever God calleth me, I mail not 
 dye a prifoner j nay further, your Majeftie hath vouchsa- 
 fed to reft a fecond and iterate afpecT: of your Eye of com- 
 panion upon me, in the referring the confideration of my 
 broken eftate, to my good Lord, the Treafurer, which as 
 it is a lingular bounty in your Majeftie, foe I have yet foe 
 much left of a late Commimoner of your Treafure, as I 
 would be forry to fue for any thing that might feem im- 
 modeft. Thefe your Majeftie's great benefits, in cafting 
 your bread upon the waters (as the Scripture faith) becaufe 
 my thanks cannot any ways be fufficient to attaine, I 
 have railed your Progenitor of famous memory, and now 
 I hope of more famous memory than before, King Hen- 
 ry VII. to give your Majeftie thanks for me, which work 
 moft humbly killing your Majeftie's hands, I doe prelent. 
 And becaufe in the beginning of my trouble, when in the 
 midft of the tcmpeft I had a kenning of the harbour, 
 2 which
 
 Chancellor Bacon. i 6$ 
 
 which I hope now by your Majeftie's favour I am enter- 
 ing into, I made a tender to your Majeftie of two works, 
 an Hiftory of England, and a Digeft of your Laws, as I 
 have by a figure of pari pro toto performed the one, foe I 
 have herewith fent your Majeftie by way of an Epiftle, 
 a new offer of the other ; but my defire is farther, if it 
 ftand with your Majeftie's good pleafure, fince now my 
 Study is my Exchange, and my Pen my Factor for the 
 ufe of my Talent, that your Majeftie (who is a great Ma- 
 iler in thefe things) would be pleafed to appoint me fome 
 tafk to write, and that I mail take for an Oracle. And 
 becaufe my Inftauration (which I efteem my great work, 
 and do ftill go on with in iilence) was dedicated to your 
 Majeftie, and this Hiftory of King Henry VII. to your 
 lively and excellent Image the Prince, if now your Ma- 
 jefty will be pleafed to give me a theme to dedicate to my 
 Lord of Buckingham, whom I have foe much reafon to 
 honour, I mould with more alacrity embrace your Ma- 
 jeftie's direction than my own choice. Your Majeftie will 
 pardon me for troubling you thus long ; God evermore 
 preferve and profper you. Tour Majeftie s poor Bead/man 
 moft devoted, 
 
 Gorbambury, this 20 th p r , St. Alban. 
 
 of March, 1621. 
 
 . 
 
 To the Lord 'Digby. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 I Now onely fend my beft wifhes, to follow you at fea 
 and land, with due thanks for your late great favours. 
 God knows, whether the length of your voyage will not 
 exceed the fize of my hour-glafs. But whilft I live, my 
 
 affection
 
 1 66 Letters of the Lofrd 
 
 affettion to do you fervice fhall remain quick under the 
 allies of my fortune* 
 
 To Mr. Mathewe. 
 
 S I R, 
 
 IN this folitude of Friends, which is the bafe court of 
 adverfity, where no body almoft will be feen ftirring, 
 I have often remembred this SpaniJJj faying, Amor Jin Jin, 
 no tiene Jin a . This bids me make choice of your friend 
 and mine, for his noble fuccours ; not now towards the 
 afpiring, but only the refpiring of my fortunes. I who 
 am a Man of books have obferved, that he hath both the 
 magnanimity of the old Romans, and the cordiality of the 
 old EhgliJJo-, and withal I believe, he hath the wit of 
 both : fure I am, that for my felf, I have found him in 
 both my fortunes, to efleem me fo much above myjuft va- 
 lue, and to love me fo much above the poffibility of de- 
 ferving, or obliging on my part, as if he were a friend, 
 created and refer ved, for fuch a time as this. You know 
 -what I have to fay to the great Lord, and I conceive it 
 cannot pafs fo fitly to him, by the mouth of any, as of 
 this Gentleman; and therefore do your beft (which I know 
 will be of power enough) to engage him, both in the 
 fubitance, and to the fecrecy of it : for, I can think of 
 no man but your felf, to be ufed by me in this, who are fo 
 private, fo faithful, and fo difcreet a Friend to us both ; as 
 on the other fide, I dare fwear he is, and know my felf, 
 to be as true to you as your own heart. 
 
 a That Love without ends bath no end, was a frying of Gonaomar the Spanijh Am- 
 KifTador, meaning thereby, that if it were begun not upon particular ends, it 
 would laib Lord Bac. Apothegms. 
 
 To
 
 Y 
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 167 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 Our Lordfhip will pardon me, if partly in the free- 
 
 dom of adverfity, and partly of former friendfhip, 
 
 (the fparkes wherof cannot but continue) I open my felf to 
 
 your Lordfhip, and defire alfo your Lordfhip to open your 
 
 felf to me. The two laft ads which you did for me, 
 
 in procuring the releafement of my fine, and my quietus 
 
 ejl, I acknowledge were effects, real and material, of 
 
 your love and favour; which as to my knowledge, it never, 
 
 failed me in my profperity ; fo in thefe two things, it 
 
 feems not to have turned with the wheel. But the extent 
 
 of thefe two favours, is not much more than to keep me 
 
 from perfecution. For any thing further, which might 
 
 tend to my comfort and affiftance, as I cannot fay to my 
 
 felf, that your Lordfhip hath forfaken me ; fol fee not the 
 
 effects of your undeferved, yea undefired profeffions and 
 
 promifes -, which being made to a perfon in affliction, 
 
 hath the nature, after a fort, of vows. But that which 
 
 mod of all makes me doubt of a change, or cooling in 
 
 your Lordfhip's affection towards me, is, that being twice 
 
 now at London^ your Lordfhip did not vouchfafe to fee me ; 
 
 though by meffages you gave me hope thereof, and the 
 
 latter time I had begged it of your Lordfhip. 
 
 The caufe of change, may either be in my felf, or your 
 Lordfhip. I ought firft to examine my felf, which I have 
 done ; and God is my witnefs, I find all well, and that I 
 have approved my felf to your Lordfhip a true Friend, 
 both in the watery trial of Profperity, and in the fiery 
 
 trial
 
 1 6$ Letters of the Lord 
 
 trial of Adverfity. If your Lordfhip take any infatisfaclion 
 touching the Houfe j I humbly pray you, think better of 
 it. For that motion to me, was a fecond fentence, more 
 grievous than the firft, as things then flood, and do yet 
 ftand : for it fentenced me to have loft both in mine own 
 opinion, and much more in the opinion of others, that 
 which was faved to me, almoft only, in the former fentence ; 
 and which was more dear to me, than all that which 
 was taken from me, which is your Lordfhip's love and fa- 
 vour. For had it not been for that bitter circumftance, 
 your Lordfhip knows, that you might have commanded 
 my life, and all that is mine. But furely it could not be 
 that, nor any thing in me, which wrought the change. 
 It is likely, on the other part, that though your Lordfhip 
 in your nature, I know to be generous and conftant, yet 
 I being now become out of fight, and out of ufe, your 
 Lordfhip having a floud of new Friends, and your ears 
 ponened perhaps by fuch as would not leave room for an 
 old, your Lordfhip may, even by courfe of the world, and 
 the over-bearing of others, be turned from me : and it 
 were almoft a miracle if it fhould be otherwife. But yet, 
 becaufe your Lordfhip may ftill have fo heroical a fpirit, as 
 to ftand out in all thefe violent affaults, which might have 
 alienated you from your friend -, my humble fuit to your 
 Lordfhip, is, that remembring your former friendfhip, 
 which began with your beginning, and fince that time 
 hath never failed on my part, your Lordfhip would deal 
 clearly with me, and let me know, whether I continue 
 in your favour or no j and whether in thofe poor requefts, 
 which I may yet make to his Majefty (whofe true Ser- 
 vant I ever was and am) for the tempering of my mifery, 
 
 I may
 
 Chancellor Bacon. l6 9 
 
 I mayprefume to ufe your Lordfhip's favour, and help, as 
 I have done ; for otherwife it were a kind of ftupidnefs 
 in me, and a great trouble alfo to your Lordfhip, for me 
 not to difcern the change, for your Lordfhip to have an 
 importuner, inftead of a friend and a fuitor. Though 
 howfoever, if your Lordfhip mould never think of me 
 more, yet in refpect of your former favours, which can- 
 not altogether be made void, I mull remain, &c. 
 
 To the Right Reverend Father in God, the Lord 
 Bi/hop of Winchefter, Couufellor of Eft ate to 
 his Majeftie *. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 AMongft confolations, it is not the leaft to reprefent 
 to a man's felf, like examples of calamity in others: 
 for examples give a quicker impreflion than arguments ; 
 and befides, they certifie us, that which the Scripture alfo 
 tendreth for fatisfaction, that no new thing is happened un- 
 to us. This they do the better, by how much the exam- 
 ples are liker in circumftance to our own cafe ; and more 
 efpecially, if they fall upon perfons, that are greater 
 and worthier than our felves. For as it favoureth of va- 
 nity, to match our felves highly in our own conceit -, o 
 on the other fide, it is a good found conclufion, that if 
 
 * The following letter, to the moft learned Dr. Andrews, Bilhop of Winchejler, 
 was written by my Lord St. Alban, in the year 1622, and in the nature of a 
 dedication, prefixed before his Dialogue, touching a Holy War ; which was not 
 printed, at leail correftly, till feven years after, by the care of Dr. Raw/ey. But 
 becaufyt has been found amongft his Lordfhip's letters and other books, feparated 
 from that treatiie, and chiefly, becaufe it gives fome account of his writings, 
 and behaviour after his retirement, I thought it very proper to infert it in this 
 place. 
 
 our
 
 Letters of the Lord 
 
 our betters have fuftained the like events, we have the lefs 
 caufe to be grieved. 
 
 In this kind of confolation, I have not been wanting to 
 my felf ; though as a Chriflian I have tailed (through 
 God's great goodnefs) of higher remedies. Having there- 
 fore, through the variety of my reading, fet before me 
 many examples, both of antient, and of latter times : 
 my thoughts, I confefs, have chiefly flayed upon three 
 Particulars, as the moil eminent, and the mofl refembling 
 to my cafe. All three perfons that had held chief place 
 of authority in their Countries : all three ruined, not by 
 war, or by any other difafler, but by juflice and fentence, 
 as delinquents and criminals : all three famous writers ; in 
 fo much as the remembrance of their calamity, is now as 
 to poflerity, but as a little picture of night-work, re- 
 maining amongfl the fair and excellent Tables of (heir 
 acts and works: and all three (if that were any thing to 
 the matter) fit examples to quench any man's ambition of 
 rifing again, for that they were every one of them reflored 
 with great glory ; but to their further ruin and deftruction, 
 ending in a violent death. The men were Demofthenes, 
 Cicero, and Seneca j perfons that I durfl not claim affinity 
 with, except the fimilitude of our fortunes had contract- 
 ed it. When. Iliad caii mine eyes upon thefe examples, I 
 was carried on further to obferve how they did bear their 
 fortunes, and principally how they did employ their times, 
 being banifhed, anddifabled from publick bufinefs ; to the 
 end that I might learn by them, and that they might be as 
 well my counfellors, as my comforters. Whereupon I 
 happened to note, how diverfly their fortunes wrought 
 upon them, efpecially in that point at which I did mofl 
 
 aim,
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 1 7 * 
 
 aim, which was the employing of their times and pens. In 
 CicerOy I faw, that during his banifhment (which was al- 
 moft two years) he was fo foftened and dejedted, as he 
 wrote nothing but a few womanifh Epiflles. And yet, 
 in mine opinion, he had leaft reafon of the three to be dis- 
 couraged j for that, although it was judged, and judged by 
 the higheil kind of judgment, in form of a Statute or Law, 
 that he mould be banifhed, and his whole eftate confisca- 
 ted and feized, and his houfes pulled down ; and that it 
 fhould be highly penal for any man to propound his re- 
 peal : yet his cafe, even then, had no great blot of igno- 
 miny, but it was thought but a tempefl of the time which 
 overthrew him. Demojihenes, contrariwife, though his 
 cafe was foul, being condemned for bribery, and not Am- 
 ple bribery, but bribery in the nature of treafon and difloy- 
 alty j yet, nevertheless, he took fo little knowledge of his 
 fortune, as during his banifhment, he did much bufie 
 himfelf, and intermeddle with matters of State ; and took 
 upon him to counfel the State (as if he had been ftill at 
 the helm) by letters, as appears by fome Epiftles of his, 
 which are yet extant. Seneca indeed, who was con- 
 demned for many corruptions and crimes, and banifhed 
 into a folitary Ifland, kept a mean : and though his pen 
 did not freeze, yet he abstained from intruding into mat- 
 ters of bufinefs ; but fpent his time in writing Books of 
 excellent argument and ufe for all ages, though he might 
 have made better choice fometimes of his dedications. 
 
 Thefe examples confirmed me much in a refolution 
 (whereunto I was other wife inclined) to fpend my time 
 wholly in writing, and to f ppt forth that poor talent or 
 half talent, or what it is that God hath given me, not as 
 
 Z 2 heretofore,
 
 
 112 Letters of the Lord 
 
 hererofore, to particular Exchangers, but to Banks or 
 Mounts of perpetuity, which will not break. 
 
 Therefore having not long (ince, fet forth a part of my 
 Injlauration, which is the work, that in mine own judg- 
 ment I do moft efteem, I think to proceed in fome new 
 parts thereof. And although I have received from many 
 parts beyond thefeas, teftimonies touching that work, fuch, 
 as beyond which I could not expect at the firft, in fo ab- 
 ftrufe an argument ; yet, neverthelefs, I may have jufl 
 caufe to doubt, that it flies too much over mens heads. I 
 have a purpofe to take a courfe therefore (though I break 
 the order of time) to draw it down to the fenfe by fome 
 patterns of a natural ftory and inquifition. And again, 
 for that my Book of Advancement of learnings may be 
 fome preparative or key, for the better opening of the In- 
 Jiauration, becaufe it exhibits a mixture of new conceipts 
 and old j whereas the Injiauration gives the new unmixed, 
 otherwife than with fome little afperfion of the old, for 
 tafte's fake, I have thought good to procure a tranflation 
 of that Book into the general language, not without 
 great and ample additions, and enrichment thereof -, eipe- 
 cially in the fecond book, which handleth the partition of 
 Sciences, in fuch fort, as I hold it may ferve in lieu of 
 the firft part of the Injiauration, and acquit my promife 
 in that part. 
 
 Again, becaufe I can not altogether defert the civil Per- 
 fon that I have born ; which if I mould forget, enough 
 would remember : I have alfo entred into a work touch- 
 ing Laws, propounding a character of Juftice in a mid- 
 dle term between the fpeculative and reverend difcourfes 
 of Philofophers, and the writings of Lawyers, which are 
 
 tied
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 173 
 
 tied and obnoxious to their particular Laws. And al- 
 though it be true, that I had a purpofe to make a particu- 
 lar Digefty. or recompilement of the Laws of mine own 
 Nation -, yet becaufe it is a work of amftance, and that 
 that I cannot mailer by my own forces and pen, I have 
 laid it afide. Now having in the work of my Injl dura- 
 tion, had in contemplation, the general good of men in 
 their very being, and the dowries of nature ; and in my 
 work of Laws, the general good of men likewife in fb- 
 ciety, and the dowries of government : I thought in duty, 
 I owed fomewhat unto my own Country, which I ever 
 loved ; infomuch, as although my place hath been far 
 above my defert, yet my thoughts and cares, concerning 
 the good thereof, were beyond and over and above my 
 place : fo now, being as I am, no more able to do my 
 Country fervice, it remained unto me to do it honour > 
 which I have endeavoured to do in my work of the reign 
 of King Henry VII. As for my EJJays, and fome other 
 particulars of that nature, I count them but as the recre- 
 ation of my other ftudies, and in that fort purpofe to con- 
 tinue them j though I am not ignorant, that thofe kind of 
 writings, would with lefs pains, and embracement, per- 
 haps yield more luflre and reputation unto my name, than 
 thofe other which I have in hand. But I account the ufe 
 that a man mould feek of the publifhing of his own wri- 
 tings before his death, to be but an untimely anticipation 
 of that, which is proper to follow a man, and not to go 
 along with him. 
 
 But revolving with my felf, my writings, as well thofe ' 
 I have publifhed, as thofe which I had in hand - x me- 
 thought they went all into the City, and none into- the 
 
 Temple j 

 
 i74 Letters of the Lord 
 
 Temple ; where, becaufe I have found fo great confola- 
 tion, I defire likewife to make fome poor oblation. There- 
 fore, I have chofen an argument, mixed of religious and 
 c ivil confiderations, and likewife mixed between contem- 
 plative and active : for, who can tell whether there may 
 not be an exoriere aliquis? great matters (efpecially if tney 
 be religious) have many times, fmall beginnings ; and the 
 platform may draw on the building. This work, becaufe 
 * vid. the I ever was an enemy to flatterring dedications, * I have 
 advancement dedicated to your Lordfhip, in refpect of our ancient and 
 of learning. p r j vate acquaintance ; and becaufe amongft the men of our 
 times, I hold you in efpecial reverence. Tour Lordjhifi 
 
 loving Friend, 
 
 Fr. St. Alban. 
 
 From the Original. 
 
 
 
 To the Lord St. Alban. 
 fUf Lord, 
 
 Have difpatched the buftrrefs your Lordfhip recom- 
 mended to me, which I fend your Lordfhip here in- 
 clofed, figned by his Majeftie, aiKfc have like wile moved 
 him for your coming to kine his Hand, which he is 
 pleafed you mail do at Whitehall when he returneth next 
 thither. In the mean time I reft, Tour Lor dpi fs faith- 
 ful Friend and Servant, 
 
 Newmarket, 13 Nov. 1622. & Buckingham. 
 
 I will give order to my Secretary to wayt upon Sir 
 
 John Suckling about your other bulinefs. 
 
 I 
 
 Endorfedbphe Lord St. : hand. 
 
 My Lord of Bucks touching my warrant and accejfe. 
 
 1 To 
 
 I
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 17$ 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 Excellent Lord, 
 
 T Hough I have troubled your Lordfhip with many let- 
 ters, oftner than I think I mould, (fave that af- 
 feclion keepeth no account) yet upon the repair of Mr. 
 Mathew, a Gentleman fo much your Lordfhip's fervant, 
 and to me another my felf, as your Lordfhip bell; know- 
 eth, you would not have thought me a man alive, ex- 
 cept I had put a letter into his hand, and withal, by fo 
 faithful and approved a man, commended my fortunes a- 
 frefh unto your Lordfhip. 
 
 My Lord, to fpeak my heart to your Lordfhip, I never 
 felt my misfortunes fo much as now : not for that part 
 which may concern my felfe, who profit (I thank God 
 for it) both in patience, and in fettling mine own courfes; 
 but when I look abroad and fee the times fo flirring, and 
 fo much diffimulation and falfhood, bafenefs and envy 
 in the world, and fo many idle clocks going in men's heads, 
 then it grieveth me much, that I am not fometimes at 
 your Lordfhip's elbow, that I might give you fome of the 
 fruits of the careful advice, modeft liberty, and true in- 
 formation of a Friend that loveth your Lordfhip as I do. 
 For though your Lordfhip's fortunes be above the thunder 
 and ftormes of inferior regions ; yet neverthelefs, to hear 
 the wind, and not to feel it, will make one fleep the bet- 
 
 ter ; t a r utuu 
 
 My good Lord, lomewhat 1 have been, and much I 
 
 have read ; fo that few things that concern ftates or great- 
 
 nefs, are new cafes unto me : and therefore I hope I may 
 
 be
 
 i 7 6 Letters of the Lord 
 
 be no unprofitable fervantto your Lordfhip. I remember 
 the King was wont to make a character of me, far above 
 my worth, that I was not made for f mall matters : andyour 
 Lordfhip would fometimes bring me from his Majeftie 
 that Latin fentence de minimis non curat lex , and it hath 
 fo fallen out, that fince my retiring, times have been ful- 
 ler of great matters than before ; wherein perhaps if I had 
 continued near his Majeftie, he might have found more 
 ufe of my fervice, if my gift lay that way : but that is 
 but a vain imagination of mine. True it is, that as I 
 do not afpire to ufe my talent in the King's great affairs ; 
 yet for that which may concern your Lordfhip, and your 
 fortune, no man living fhall give you a better account of 
 faith, induftry, and affection, than I fhall. I muft con- 
 clude with that which gave me occafion of this letter, 
 v/hich is Mr. Mathews employment to your Lordfhip 
 in thofe parts, wherein I am verily perfuaded your Lord- 
 fhip fhall find him a wife and able Gentleman, and one 
 that will bend his knowledge of the world (which is great) 
 to ferve his Majeftie, and the Prince, and in efpecial your 
 Lordfhip. So I reft, Tour Lordjhip's mojl obliged and 
 faithful Servant, 
 
 Crays-Inn, this 1 8 April, 1623. Fr. St. Alban. 
 
 To the Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
 My 'very good Lord, 
 
 T Hough I returned an anfwer to your Lordfhip's laft 
 honourable and kind letter, by the fame way by 
 which I received it j yet I humbly pray your Lordfhip, to 
 give me leave to add thefe few lines. My Lord, as God 
 
 above
 
 Qoancellor Bacon. 177 
 
 above is my witnefs, that I ever have loved and honoured 
 your Lordfhip, as much, I think, as any fon of A 'da mean 
 love or honour any thing that is a Subject ; and do ftill 
 continue in as hearty and ftrong willies of felicity, to be 
 heaped and fixed upon you as ever : fo yet I protefl, 
 that at this time, as low as I am, I had rather fojourn 
 the reft of my life in a Colledge in Cambridge, than 
 recover a good fortune by any other than your felf. 
 But now to recover your felf to me, if I have you 
 not already ; or to eafe your Lordfhip in any bufinefs 
 of mine, wherein your Lordfhip would not fo fully ap- 
 pear; or to be made partaker of your favours, in the way 
 that you like beft j I would ufe any man who were your 
 Lordfhip's Friend. Secondly ', If in any thing of my for- 
 mer letters I have given your Lordfhip any diftafte, either 
 by the ftile of them, or any particular paflage in them, 
 I humbly pray your Lordfhip's benigne conftruction and 
 pardon. I confefs, it is my fault, though yet it be fome 
 happinefs to me withal, that I many times forget my ad- 
 verfity : but I fhall never forget to be, &c. 
 
 From the Original. & 
 
 To the Duke of Buckingham. 
 
 "Excellent Lord, 
 
 HO W much I rejoice in your Grace's fafe return you 
 will eafily believe, knowing how well I love you, 
 and how much I need you. There be many things in this 
 journey both in the felicity and in the carriage thereof, that 
 I do not a little admire, and wifli your Grace may^reap 
 more and more fruites in continuance anfvverable to she 
 
 A> a beginnings^
 
 it 8 Letters of the Lord 
 
 beginnings. My felf have ridden at anchor all your 
 Grace's abfence, and my cables are now quite worn. I 
 had from Sir Toby Mathew out of Spayne, a very comfort- 
 able meffage, that your Grace had faid, I fhould be the 
 firft that you would remember in any great favour after 
 your return j and now coming from Court, he telleth me 
 he had commiffion from your Lordfhip to confirm it : for 
 which I humbly kifs your hands. 
 
 My Lord, do fome good work upon me, that I may end 
 my days in comfort, which neverthelefs cannot be com- 
 plete except you put me in fome way to do your noble felf 
 fervice, for I muft ever reft, Tour Graces mofi obliged and 
 faithful Servant, 
 
 120^.1623. Fr. St. Alban. 
 
 I have written to his Highnefs, and had prefented my 
 duty to his Highnefs to kifs his hands at Tork-houfe } but 
 that my health is fcarce yet confirmed. 
 
 From the Original. A 
 
 To the Lord St. Alban. 
 
 My Lord) 
 
 TH E aflurance of your love makes me eafily believe 
 your joy at my return -, and if I may be fo happy as 
 by the credit of my place, to fupply the decay of your 
 cables, I fhall account it one of the fpecial fruits thereof. 
 What Sir Toby Mathew hath delivered on my behalfe, I 
 will be ready to make good, and omit noe opportunity 
 that may ferve for the endeavors of, Tour Lordjhifs faith- 
 ful Friend and Servant, 
 
 G. Buckingham. 
 
 Reyflon, 14 061. 1623. 
 
 From
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 179 
 
 From the Original. & 
 To the Duke of Buckingham. 
 
 Excellent Lord, 
 
 I Send your Grace for a parabien, a Book of myne, 
 written firft and dedicated to his Majeflie in Englijh, 
 and now tranflated into Latin and enriched. After his 
 Majeftie and his Highnefle, your Grace is ever to have 
 the third turn with me. Vouchfafe of your wonted fa^- 
 vour to prefent alfo the King's book to his Majeflie. The 
 Prince's I have fent to Mr. Endimion Porter. I hope 
 your Grace* (becaufe you are wont to difable your Latine) 
 will not fend your Book to the Conde D'Olivares becauJfe 
 he was a Deacon, for I underftand by one (that your 
 Grace may guefle whom I meane) that the Conde is not 
 rational, and I hold this Booke to be very rational. Your 
 Grace will pardon me to be merry, however the world 
 goeth with me. I ever reft, Tour Grace's mofi faithful 
 and obliged Servant, 
 
 g^v-j, this 22 * Fr. St.Alban, 
 
 Qftober 1623. 
 
 I have added a begging poftfcript in the King's letter ; 
 for, as I writ before, my cables are worn out, my hope of 
 tackling is by your Lordfhip's means. For me and mine, 
 I pray command. 
 
 A a 2 From
 
 1 80 Letters of the Lord 
 
 1 
 
 From the Original. & 
 
 To the Lord Su Alban. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 Give your Lordfhip many thanks for the parabien you 
 havefentme; which is fo welcome unto me, both for 
 the Author's fake and for the worth of it felf, that I can- 
 not fpare a work, of fo much payns to your Lordfhip 
 and value to me, unto a man of fo little reafon and lefs 
 art ; who if his fkill in languages be no greater than I 
 found it in argument, may, perhaps, have as much need 
 of an interpreter (for all his Deaconrie) as my felfe, and 
 whatfoever mine ignorance is in the tongue, yet this much 
 I understand in the booke, that it is a noble monument of 
 your love, which I will entayle to my pofterity, who, I 
 hope, will both reap the fruit of the worke, and honour 
 the memory of the Author. The other book I delivered 
 to hisMajeftie, who is tyed here by the feet longer than 
 he purpofed to flay. 
 
 For the bufinefs your Lordfhip wrote of in your other 
 letters, I am forry I can do you no fervice, having en- 
 gaged my felf to Sir William Becker before my going into 
 Spayne, fo that I cannot free my felf, unlefs there were 
 means to give him fatisfaction. But I will ever continue 
 Jour Lordfhifs a/fured Friend and Servant, 
 
 G. Buckingham. 
 
 Hwle.rtrook, 27 Ocl. 1623. 
 
 < From 
 
 --t
 
 Ooancellor Bacon. i 8 i 
 
 From the Original. & 
 
 To the Lord St. Alban. 
 
 My Honourable Lord y 
 
 IHave delivered your Lordfhip's letter and your book 
 to his Majeftie, who hath promifed to read it over : I 
 wifh I could promife as much for that which you ient 
 me, that my understanding of that language might make 
 me capable of thofe good fruits, which I aflure my felf by 
 an implicit faith proceed from your pen , but I will tell 
 you in good Engli/h, with my thanks for your book, that 
 I ever reft, Tour Lord/hip's faithful! Friend and Servant, 
 
 Hincbenhook, 29 oaober, 1 623 . G. Buckingham. 
 
 From the Original. | 
 
 To the Duke of Buckingham. 
 
 Excellent Lord, 
 
 ISend Mr. Parker to have ready, according to the fpeech 
 I had with your Grace, my two fuits to his Majeftie, 
 the one for a full pardon, that I may dye out of a cloud y 
 the other for the tranflation of my honours after my de- 
 ceafe. I hope his Majeftie will have compamon on me, as 
 he promifed me he would. My heart telleth me that no 
 man hath loved his Majeftie and his fervice more entirely, 
 and love is the law and the prophets. I ever reft, Tour 
 Grace's mojl obliged and faithful Servant > 
 
 xt c t? C* All 
 
 25 Nov. 1623. Fr. St. Alban. 
 
 3 Francifcui
 
 1 82 Letters of the Lord 
 
 Francifcus Baro de Verulamio, Vice-Comes S ti . 
 Albani, Almas Matri inclytae Academiae Can- 
 tabrigienfi, S. 
 
 DEbitafilii, qualia pojjum, perfoho. Quod verb fa- 
 cio, idem & vos hortor, ut Augmentis Scientiarum 
 firenue incumbatis, & in animi modejlia libertatem ingenii 
 retineatis, neque talentum a veteribus concreditum in fu- 
 dario reponatis. Affuerit proculdubio, & afulferit divini 
 lu minis gratia,fi, humiliatd & fubmijfd Religioni Philofo^ 
 phid, clavibusfenfus legitime & dextre utamini j j amoto 
 omni contradiBionis Jludio, qui/que cum alio, ac ji ipfe fe~ 
 cum, difputet. Valete. 
 
 Inclytae Academiae Oxonienfi S. 
 
 CTJm Alma Matri mece inclytce academic Cantabrigi- 
 enf fcripferim, deejfem fane officio, fi f mile amoris 
 pignusforori ejus non deferrem. Sicut autem eos hortatus 
 fum, it a ? vos hortor, ut Scientiarum Augmentis Jlrenue 
 incumbatis , & veterum labor es neque nihil ?ieque omnia 
 ejfe putetis -, fed vires etiam proprias modejle perpendentes, 
 fubinde tamen experiamini. Omnia cedent qudm optime, 
 f arma non ajii in alios vertatis, fed junBis copiis in na- 
 tyram rerum impreffionem faciatis j fufficit quippe illaho- 
 nori ? viBoricc. Valete. 
 
 Pr&nobilis, & (quod in nobihtate paene miracu- 
 lum eft) fcientiffime Vice-comes. 
 
 Nihil concinnius tribuere Amplitudo veftra, nihil gra- 
 tius acciperepotuit Academia, quam Scientias : Sci- 
 Miias*. quas prius inopes, exiguas,incultas emiferat, accepit 
 1 tandem
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 183 
 
 tandem nitidaSyproceraSy ingeniitui copiis (qui bus unic e au- 
 ger i potuer ant) ub err ime dot at as. Grande duck munus Mud 
 Jibi aperegrino (fit amen peregrinusfty tamprope confangui- 
 neus) auflius re dire, quodfiliolisfuis infiar patrimonii im- 
 pendit, & libejiter agnofcit hie nafci Mufas, alibi tamen 
 quam domi fua crefcere. Creverunt qui demy & fub c alamo 
 tuOy qui y tanquamjlrenuus liter arum AlcideSy columnas tuas, 
 mundo immobiles, propria manu in orbe Scientiarum, plus 
 ultra Jlatuijli. Euge exercitatiffimu?n athletam y quiy in a- 
 liorum patrocinandis virtutibus occupatifimus, alios ; in 
 fcriptis propriisy te ipfumfuperdjli : ^uippe in Mo bonorum 
 tuorum fajligio viros tantum liter at os promovijli , nunc 
 tandem (6 duke prodigium ! ) etiam & lit eras. Oner at 
 clientes benejicii hujus augujlior munifkentiay cujus in acci- 
 piendo honor apud nos manet, infruendo emolumentum tranf 
 it ufque in pojleros. Quin ergo Ji grati arum talioni im- 
 pares fumus, juncJo robore alterius fceculi nepotes fuccur- 
 rant-y qui reliquum illudy quod tibi nonpoffunty fait em no- 
 mini tuo perfohent. Felices Mi, nos tamen qudm longe 
 felicioreSy quibus honorifice conferiptam tud manu epifolam, 
 quibus oculatifjima lecJitandi prcecepta, & Jludiorum con- 
 cordiamy in fronte voluminis demanddjli : quafi parum 
 ejfet Mi fas de tuo penu locupletare, niji ojienderes quo modo 
 & ipfoe difcerent. Solenniori itaque oj'culo acerrimum ju- 
 dicii tui depoftum excepit frequent ijjhnus purpuratorum 
 fenatus ; exceperunt par iter minor is ordinis gentesy & quod 
 omnes in publico librorum thejdurarhy in memorid finguli 
 depojuerunt. Dominations vefira jludiojifjimay 
 
 E domo noftra Academia Oxonienfis. 
 
 Congregationis 
 20 Dec. 1623. 
 
 Percelebri
 
 R 
 
 184 Letters of the Lord 
 
 . 
 
 Percelebri Collegio Sanclae 8c Individuae Trinita- 
 tis in Cantabrigia, S. 
 
 E S omnes earumque progreffus initiis fuis debentur. 
 Itaque cum initia Scientiarum e fontibus vefiris 
 hauferim, incrementa ipfarum vobis rependenda exifiimavi. 
 Spero itidem fore, ut hcec nofira apud vos, tanquam infolo 
 nativo, felicius fuccrefcant. Quamobrem f vos hortor, ut, 
 falvd animi modefiid & erga veteres reverentid, ipji 
 quoque Augmentis Scientiarum non defetis : veritm ut pojl 
 volumina facra verbi Dei & Scripturarum, fecundo loco 
 volumen Mud magnum operum Dei & cr eatur arum fir enue 
 & prce omnibus libris (qui pro comment ar Us tantu?n haberl 
 debent) evohatis. Valete* 
 
 
 From the Original. & 
 
 To the Lord St. Alban, 
 My Honourable Lord, 
 
 I Have received your Lordfhip's letter, and have been 
 long thinking upon it, and the longer the lefs able to 
 make anfwer unto it. Therefore if your Lordfhip would 
 be pleafed to fend any underftanding man unto me, to 
 whom I may in difcourfe open my felfe, I will by that 
 means fo difcover my heart with all freedom (which were 
 too long to do by letter, efpecially in this time of Parli- 
 ament bufinefs) that your Lordfhip fhall receive fatis- 
 fadlion. In the mean time I reft, Tour Lordjhif s faith- 
 ful Servant, 
 
 Roypn, 16 Decern for. O. Buckingham. 
 
 From
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 185 
 
 From the Original. & 
 
 
 
 To the Lord St. Alban. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 T Have moved his Majeftie in your fuit, and find him 
 
 JL very gracious inclined to grant it, but he defireth firft 
 
 to know from my Lord T'reafurer his opinion and the 
 
 value of it, to whom I have written to that purpoie this 
 
 inclofed letter, and would wifh your Lordfhip to fpeak 
 
 with him your felfe for his favour and furtherance therein, 
 
 and for my part I will omit nothing that appertained! to 
 
 your Lor djhif s faithful Friend and Servant, 
 
 ^lew-market, 28 th of G. Buckingham. 
 
 January 162$. 
 
 From the Original. & 
 To the Duke of Buckingham. 
 
 Excellent Lord, 
 
 IHave received the warrant, not for land but for the 
 money, which if it may be fpeedily ferved, is fure, 
 the better, for this I humbly kifle your Grace's hands. 
 But becaufe the Exchequer is thought to be fomewhat 
 barren, although I have good affiance of Mr. Chancellor, 
 yet I hold it very efTential (and therein I moil humbly 
 pray your Grace's favour) that you would be pleafed by 
 your letter to recommend to Mr. Chancellor the fpeedy 
 iffiieingof the money by this warrant, as abufinefs where- 
 of your Grace hath an efpeeial care ; the rather for that 
 I underftand from him, there be fome other warrants for 
 
 B b money
 
 1 86 Letters of the Lord 
 
 money to private fuitors at this time on foot. But your 
 Grace may be pleafed to remember this difference : That 
 the other are meer gifts j this of mine is a bargaine, with 
 an advance only. 
 
 I molt humbly pray your Grace likewife to prefent my 
 moft humble thanks to his Majefty. God ever guide you 
 by the hand. I always reft, Tour faithfull and more and 
 more obliged Servant y 
 
 
 Crap-inn, this 17th of Fr. St. Alban. 
 
 Novemb.. 1624. 
 
 I moft humbly thank your Grace for your Grace's fa- 
 vour to my honeft deferring Servant. 
 
 From the Original. & 
 
 To the Lord St. Alban. 
 
 My noble Lord, 
 
 TH E hearty affection I have born to your perlors 
 and fervice, hath made me ever ambitious to be a 
 Meffenger of good news to you, and an efchewer of ill ; 
 this hath been the true reafon why I have been thus long 
 in anfwering you, not any negligence in your difcreet 
 modeft Servant, you fent with your letter, nor his who 
 now returns you this anfwer, ofttimes given me by your 
 Mafter and mine, who though by this may feem not to 
 fatisfye your defert and expectation ; yet take the word of 
 a friend who will never fail you, hath a tender care of 
 you, full of a frefh memory of your by-paft Service. His 
 Majefty is but for the prefent, he fays, able to yield unto 
 the three years advance, which if you pleafe to accept, 
 you are not hereafter the farther off from obtaining 
 
 fome
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 187 
 
 fome better teftimony of his favour worthyer both of 
 him and you, though it can never be anfwerable to what 
 my heart wifhes you, as Tour Lord/hip's humble Ser- 
 vant, 
 
 G. Buckingham, 
 
 A Monfieur D' Effiat. a 
 
 Monfieur l'Ambafladeur mon Fils. 
 
 VOyant que vojlre excellence fait & traite mariages, 
 non feulement entre les Princes d' Angleterre & de 
 France, man aujji entre les langues, puifque vous faites 
 traduire mon livre de r Advancement des Sciences en Fran- 
 cois. J* ay bien voulu vous envoy er mon livre dernierement 
 imprime quef avois pourveu pour vous ; mat's j'ejlois en 
 doubt e de le vous envoy er, pour ce qu' il eji efcrit en An- 
 glois. Mais a cefheure pour la raifon fufdite, je levous 
 envoye. Cefi un recompilement de mes ejfays morales & 
 civiles ; mais tellement enlargies & enrichies, tant de nom- 
 bre & de poids y que c\ejl de fait un oeuvre nouveau. Je 
 vous baife les mains. & refle. Voflre tres affectione ami & 
 tres humble Serviteur, 
 
 Fr. St.Alban. 
 
 a To what hath been already faid of Monfieur D'Effiat, I fhall only add, that 
 he was made Marefchal of France in 1631, and died the year after, as he was go- 
 ing to rake upon him the command of an army upon the frontier of Lorrain. 
 Having the following Eloge given him by Du P/eix in his hiftory of Louis the 
 thirteenth. " In loling him, the King loft a moft faithful fervant, who in a little 
 " time had acquired a great reputation in arms, by his courage ; in council, by 
 " his judgment ; in embaflys, by his addrefs ; in the fur-inteadance of the Fi- 
 " nances, by his vigilance, prudence, and good conduct. 
 
 i 
 
 Bb 2 To
 
 I 
 
 188 Letters of the Lord 
 
 
 
 To the Queen *of Bohemia. 
 
 It may pleafe your Majeftie, 
 
 Have received your Majefties gracious letter, from 
 Mr. Secretary Moreton, who is now a Saint in Hea- 
 ven. It was a time when the great defolation of the 
 Plague was. in the City; and when my felf was ill of a 
 dangerous and tedious ficknefs. The firft time that \ 
 found any degree of Health, nothing came fooner to my 
 mind, than to acknowledge your Majefties great favour 
 by my moil humble thanks : and beqaufe I fee your Ma- 
 jeftie taketh delight in my writings, (and to fay the truth, 
 they are the. Deft fruits I now yield.) I prefume to fend 
 your Majeftie a little difcourfe of mine, touching a war 
 with Spain, a which I writ about two years fince j which 
 the King your Brother liked well. It is written without 
 bTtternefs, or invective, as Kings affairs ought to be car- 
 ried j but if I be not deceived, it hath edge enough. I 
 haVe yet fome fpirits left, and remnant of experience, 
 which I confecrate to the Kind's- fervice, and your Ma- 
 ieftie's ; for whom I pour out my daily prayers to God, 
 that he would give your Majeftie a fortune worthy your rare 
 vertues ; which fome good Spirit tells me, will be in the 
 end. I do in all reverence kifs your Majefties hands, ever 
 refline Tour Majefties mofl humble and devoted Servant. 
 
 Fr. St. Alban. 
 
 * Printed amorg his Lordfhip's mifcelkny works in 1629, &c.
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 189 
 
 To the Lord Bifhop of Lincoln. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 IAm much bound to your Lordfhip, for your honou- 
 rable promife to Doctor Raw ley : he choofeth rather 
 to depend upon the fame in general, than to pitch upon 
 any particular, which modefty of choice I commend. 
 
 I finde that the antients (as Cicero, Demojlhenes, Pli- 
 nius fecundus and others) have preferved both their Ora- 
 tions, and their Epiftles ; in imitation of whome I have 
 done the like to myne owne, which neverthelefs I will not 
 publifh while I live. But I have been bold to bequeath 
 them to your Lordfhip and Mr. Chancellor of the Dutchy. 
 My Speeches perhaps you will think fit to publifh : the 
 letters many of them touch too much upon late matters 
 of eftate, to be publimed -, yet I was willing they mould 
 not be loft. 
 
 I have alfo by my will erected two Lectures in perpetu- 
 ity, in either Univerfity one, with an endowment of 200 /. 
 per ann. apiece j they to be for natural Philofbphy, and 
 the Sciences thereupon depending, which foundations I 
 have required my Executor to order, by the advice and 
 direction of your Lordfhip, and my Lord Bifhop of Co- 
 ventry and Litchfield. Thefe be my thoughts now. I 
 refl Tour Lordjhip's mojl affectionate, to do you Service, 
 
 Fr.St. Alban.. 
 
 err 
 
 The
 
 i$o Letters of the Lord 
 
 The Bijhops Anfwer to the preceding Letter. 
 
 Right honourable and my very noble Lord, 
 
 MR. Doctor Rawley, by his modefl choice , hath 
 much obliged me to be careful of him , when 
 God fhall fend any opportunity. And if his Majeftie 
 mall remove me from this See, before any fuch occafion 
 be offered, not to change my Intentions with my Bifhop- 
 prick. 
 
 It is true that thofe antients, Cicero, Demojlhenes, and 
 Tlinius fecundus, have preferved their Orations (the heads 
 and effects of them at the leaft) and their Epiflles ; and I 
 have ever been of opinion, that thofe two Pieces, are the 
 principal Pieces of our Antiquities. Thofe Orations dis- 
 covering the forme of adminiftring juftice, and the letters 
 the carriage of the affairs in thofe times. For our Hifto- 
 ries (or rather Lives of men) borrow as much from the 
 affections and Phantafyes of the writers, as from the 
 truth itfelf, and are for the moft of them built altogether 
 upon unwritten relations and traditions. But Letters 
 written e re nata, and bearing a fynchronifme or equali- 
 tie of time, cum rebus gefiis, have no other fault, than 
 that which was imputed unto Virgil, nihil peccat niji, 
 quod nihil peccet, they fpeake the truth too plainely, and 
 caft too glaring a light for that age, wherein they were, 
 or are written. 
 
 Your Lordfhip doeth mofl worthily therefore in pre- 
 ferring thofe two Pieces, amongit the reft of thofe match- 
 lefs Monuments you fhall leave behind you ; confidering 
 that, as one age hath not bred your experience, foe is it 
 
 not
 
 Chancellor Bacon. i$i 
 
 not fit it fhould be confined to one age, and not imparted 
 to the times to come. For my part therein, I doe im- 
 brace the honour with all thankfulnefs, and the trull: 
 impofed upon me, with all Religion and Devotion. For 
 thofe two Lectures in natural Philojophy, and the Sciences 
 woven and involved with the fame ; it is a great and a 
 noble Foundation both for the ufe, and the fallary, and a 
 foot that will teach the age to come, to guefs in part at 
 the greatnefs of that Herculean mynde, which gave them 
 their exiftence. Onely your Lordfhip may be advifed for 
 the feates of this foundation. The two Univerfitys are 
 the two eyes of this land, and fitteft to contemplate the 
 luftre of this bounty j thefe two Lectures, are as the two , 
 apples of thefe eyes. An apple when it is fingle is an or- 
 nament, when double a pearle, or a blemifh in the eye. 
 Your Lordfhip may therefore inform yourfelf if one Sid- 
 ley of Kent hath not already founded in Oxford a Lecture 
 of this nature and condition. But if Oxford in t]iis kind 
 be an Argus, I am fure poor Cambridge is a right Poly- 
 phemus, it hath but one eye, and that not fo ftedily or arti- 
 ficially placed, but, bonum eft facile fut diffuftvum ; 
 your Lordfhip being fo full of goodnefs, will quickly find 
 an object to pour it on. That which made me fay thus 
 much, I will fay in verfe, that your Lordfhip may re- 
 member it the better,. 
 
 Sola ruinojis ft at Cantabrigia pannis 
 Atque inopi lingua difertas invocat Artes. 
 
 I will conclude with this vowe. Deus, qui animum 
 iftum tibi, animoifti tempus quam longijfimumtribuat. It 
 
 is
 
 ip2 Letters of the Lord 
 
 is the moft affe&ionate prayer of Tour Lord/hip's moft 
 humble Servant, 
 
 Buckden the laft of Jo. Lincolne. 
 
 December, 1625. 
 
 To the Earl 0/". Arundel and Surrey. 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 IWas likely to have had the fortune of Caius Plinius^ 
 the elder, who loft his life by trying an experiment, 
 about the burning of the mountain Vefuvius. For I was 
 alfo defirous to try an experiment or two, touching the 
 confervation, and induration of bodies. As for the expe- 
 riment it felf, it fucceeded excellently well ; but in the 
 journey (between London and Highgate) I was taken with 
 mch a fit of catting, as I knew not whether it were the 
 ftone, or fomefurfeit, or cold, or indeed a touch of them 
 all three. But when I came to your Lordfhip's houfe, I 
 was not able to go back, and therefore was forced to take 
 up my lodging here, where your Houfe-keeper is very 
 careful and diligent about me ; which I afiure my felf, 
 yourLcrdfhip will not only pardon towards him, but (think 
 the better of him for it. For indeed your Lordfhip's 
 houfe was happy to me j and I kifs your noble hands, for 
 the welcome, which I am fure you give me to it. 
 
 I know how unfit it is for me to write to your Lordfhip 
 with any other hand than my own ; but by my troth, my 
 fingers are fo disjoynted with this fit of ficknefs, that I 
 cannot fleadily hold a pen. 
 
 . 
 
 ^ 
 
 z 
 
 Of
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 193 
 
 
 Of the true greatnefs of the Kingdom of Britaine, 
 
 
 to King James. 
 
 THE greatnefs of Kingdoms and Dominions in 
 bulk and territorie, doth fall under meafure and 
 demonftration that cannot erre : but the juft meafure and 
 eftimate of the forces and power of an Eflate, is a matter 
 than the which, there is nothing among civil affaires more 
 fubjecl: to error, nor that error more fubject to perilous 
 confequence. For hence may proceede many inconfide- 
 rate attempts and infolent provocations in States that 
 have too high an imagination of their own forces : and 
 hence may proceed on the other fide, a toleration of ma- 
 ny grievaunces and indignities, and a lofs of many fair 
 opportunities, in States that are not fenfible enough of 
 their owne ftrength. Therefore that it may the better 
 appear what greatnefs yourMajeftie hath obtained of God, 
 and what greatnefs this Ifland hath obtained by you, and 
 what greatnefs it is, that by the gracious pleafure of Al- 
 mighty God, you fhall leave and tranfmit to your Chil- 
 dren and generations as the firft founder : I have thought 
 good as far as I can comprehend, to make a true furvey 
 and reprefentation of the greatnefs of this your Kingdom 
 of Brittaine, being for mine own part perfwaded, that 
 the fuppofed prediction Video folem orient em in Occident e, 
 may be no leffe true a Vifion applyed to Brittaine than 
 to any other Kingdom of Europe, and being out of doubt 
 that none of the great Monarchies, which in the memo- 
 ry of times have rifen in the habitable world, had fo faire 
 feeds and beginnings as hath this your eftate and king- 
 
 C c dome.
 
 j 94 Letters of the Lord 
 
 dome, whatfoever the event mall be, which muft depend 
 upon the difpenfation of God's will and providence, and 
 his bleffing upon your defcendents. And becaufe I have 
 noe purpofe vainlie or anentatorilie to reprefent this great- 
 nefs, as in water, which mews things bigger than they 
 are, but rather as by an Inftrument of Art, helping the 
 fenfe to take a true magnitude anddimenfion : therefore I 
 will ufe no hidden order, which is fitter for infinuations 
 than found proofes, but a clear and open order. Firfl by 
 confuting the errours, or rather correcting the excefles of 
 certaine immoderate opinions, which afcribe too much 
 to fome points of greatnefs, which are not fo efTentiall, 
 and by reduceing thofe points to a true value and eftima- 
 tion : than by propounding and confirming thofe other 
 points of greatnefs which are more folide and principal!, 
 though in popular difcourfe lefs obferved : and incident- 
 lie by making a brief application in both thefe parts, of 
 the general principles and poiitions of pollicie unto the 
 flate and condition of thefe your Kingdoms. Of thefe 
 the former part will branch it felf into thefe articles. 
 
 Firji, That in the meafuring or balancing of great- 
 nefs, there is commonly too much afcribed to 
 
 f 
 
 largenefs of territorie. 
 Secondly, That there is too much afcribed to treafure 
 
 or riches. 
 T'loirdly, That there is too much afcribed to the 
 
 fruitfullnefs of the foile, or affluence of commodi- 
 
 * 
 
 And Fourthly, That there is too much afcribed to the 
 ftrength and fortification of townes, or holds. 
 
 The 
 
 2
 
 
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 
 
 The latter will fall into this diftribution. 
 
 Firft, That true greatnefs doth require a fit fituation 
 of the place or region. 
 
 Secondly, That true greatnefs confifteth efTentially in 
 population and breed of men. 
 
 Thirdly, That it confifteth alfoe in the valour and 
 militarie difpofition of the people it breedethj 
 and in this, that they make profeffion of armes. 
 
 Fourthly, That it confifteth in this point that every 
 common fubject by the Powle, be fit to make a 
 foldier, and not only certaine conditions or de- 
 grees of men. 
 
 Fifthly, That it confifteth in the temper of the 
 government fit to keep fubjects in heart and cou- 
 rage, and not to keep them in the condition of 
 fervile vaffailes. 
 
 And Sixthly, That it confifteth in the commande- 
 ment of the fea. 
 
 i55 
 
 And let no man fo much forget the fubjecl: propounded, 
 as to find ftrange, that here is no mention of Religion^ 
 Lawes, Pollicie. For we fpeake of that which is proper 
 to the amplitude and growth of States, and not of that 
 which is common to their prefervation, happinefs, and 
 all other points of well being. Firft therefore, touching 
 largenefs of territories, that true greatnefs of Kingdoms 
 upon Earth is not without fome analogie with the King- 
 dome of Heaven, as our Saviour defcribes it : which he 
 doth refemble, not to any great Kernell or Nutt, but to 
 one of the leaft Graines, but yet fuch a one, as hath a 
 propertie to growe and fpread. For as for large Coun- 
 
 C c 2 tries
 
 1 96 Letters of the Lord 
 
 tries and multitude of Provinces, they are manie times 
 rather matters of burden than of ftrength, as may mani- 
 feftly appeare both by reafon and example. By reafon 
 thus. There be two manners of fecuring of large terri- 
 tories, the one by the natural armes of every Province, 
 and the other by the protecting armes of the principal 
 Eftate, in which cafe commonlie the provincialls are held 
 difarmed. So are there two daungers incident unto everie 
 eftate, foreign invauon, and inward rebellion. Now fuch 
 is the nature of things, that thofe two remedies of Eftate 
 doe fall refpe<5tivelie into thefe two daungers, in cafe of 
 remote Provinces. For if fuch an eftate reft upon the na- 
 tflrali armes. of the Provinces, it is fure to be fubject to 
 rebellion or revolt j if upon protecting armes, it is fure to 
 be weak againft invauon : neither can this be avoided. 
 Now for examples, proving the weaknefs of States pof- 
 feiTed of large territories, I will ufe only two, emi- 
 nent and felected. The firft (hall be of the Kingdom 
 of Perjia, which extended from JEgypt inclufive unto 
 B/itfn'a, and the borders of the Eaji India^ and yet ne- 
 yertheiefte was overrun and conquered in the fpace of ie r 
 veri years, by g. nation not much bigger than this Ifle of 
 BrittainCy and newly grown into name, having been ut- 
 terly obfcure till the time of Philip the Son of Amyntas. 
 Neither was this affected by any rare or heroicall prow- 
 eile in the conqueror, as is vulgarly conceived (for that 
 Alexander the Great goeth now for one of the wonders 
 of the world :) for thofe that have made a judgement 
 grounded upon reafon of Eftate, do find that conceipt to 
 be meerly popular, for fo Livie pronounceth of him, Ni- 
 hil ahud quam bene aufns vana contemner e. Wherein he 
 
 judgeth 
 

 
 Chancellor Bacon. 197 
 
 judgeth of vaftnefs of Territorie as a vanitie that may 
 aftonifh a weak mind, but no ways trouble a found refo- 
 lution. And thofe that are converfant attentively in the 
 Hiftories of thofe times, mail find that this purchafe 
 which Alexander made and compared, was offered by 
 fortune twice before to others, though by accident they 
 went not through with it; namelie to Agejilaus and Ja- 
 fin of Thejfaly : for Agejilaus after he had made himfelf 
 matter of mofl of the low Provinces of A/ia, and had 
 both defigne and commifHon to invade the high Countries, 
 was diverted and called home upon a warre excited againft 
 his Countrie by the States of Athens and Thebes, being in- 
 cenfed by their Orators and Counfellors, which were 
 bribed and corrupted from Perfia, as Age/ilaus himfelf 
 avouched plealantlie, when he faid, That an hundred 
 thoufand archers of the King of Perfia had driven him 
 home, underftanding it, becaufe an Archer was the ftamp 
 upon the Perfian coyne of Gold. And J a/on of The (fa- 
 lie being a man born to no greatneis, but one that made 
 a fortune of himfelf, and had obtained by his owne vi- 
 vacitie of fpirit joined with the opportunities of time, a 
 great armie compounded of Voluntariesvand Adventurers., 
 Co the terror of all Gr&cia, that continually expected 
 where that cloud would fall ; diiclofed himfelf in the 
 end, that his defign, was for an expedition into Perfia 
 (the iame which Alexander not many years after aicheived) 
 wherein he was interrupted by a private confpiracie 
 againft, his life, which took effect. So that it appeareth 
 a# was faid, f that it was not anie miracle of accident, that 
 railed the Macedonian Monarchic, but only the weak 
 compolition of that vail: State of Perfia, which was pre- 
 pared for a preye to the firlt refolute Invader. The
 
 i > 3 Letters of the Lord 
 
 - 
 
 The fecond Example that I will produce, is of the 
 Roman Empire, which had received no dimunition in 
 Territorie, though great in virtue and forces, till the time 
 of Jovianus. For fo it was alledged by fuch as oppofed 
 themfelves to the rendering Nifibis upon the dishonoura- 
 ble retreat of the Roman armie out of Perjia. At which 
 time it was avouched, that the Romans by the fpace of 
 800 years, had never before that day, made any ceffion or 
 renunciation to any part of their Territorie, whereof they 
 had once had a conftant and quiet porTeffion. And yet ne- 
 verthelerTe, immediatlie after the fhort reign of Jovianus, 
 and towards the end of the joint reigne of Valentinianus 
 and Fakns, which were his immediate fucceflbrs, and 
 much more in the times fucceeding, the Roman Empire, 
 notwithftanding the magnitude thereof, became no better 
 than a carcafe, whereupon all the Vultures, and Birds of 
 preye of the world, did feize and ravine for many ages, 
 for a perpetual monument of the erTential difference be- 
 tween the fcale of miles, and the fcale of forces. And 
 therefore upon thefe Reafons and Examples, we may fafe- 
 ly conclude, that largenefs of Territorie is fo far from 
 being a thing inseparable from greatnefs of Power, as it is 
 many times contrariant and incompatible with the fame. 
 But to make a reduction of that errour to a truth, it will 
 ftand thus, that then greatnefs of Territorie addeth ftrength, 
 when it hath thefe four conditions : 
 
 Firft, That the Territories be compacted, and not 
 difperfed. 
 
 Secondly,
 
 Chancellor Bacon 159 
 
 Secondly, That the Region which is the heart and feat 
 
 of the State, be fufficient to fupport thofe parts, 
 
 which are but Provinces and additions. 
 'Thirdly, That the armes or martiall vertue of the 
 
 State be in fome degree anfwerable to the greatnefs 
 
 of Dominion. 
 And Laftly, That no Part or Province of the State be 
 
 utterly unprofitable, but do confer fome ufe or 
 
 fervice to the State. 
 
 The firft of thefe is manifeftly true, and fcarcely 
 needeth any explication. For if there be a State that 
 confifteth of fcattered Points inftead of Lines, and flender 
 Lines inftead of Latitudes, it can never be folide, and in 
 the folide figure is ftrength. But what fpeak we of ma- 
 thematical principles ? The reafon of State is evident, 
 that if the parts of an Eftate be disjoined and remote, and 
 fo be interrupted with the Provinces of an other Sove- 
 reigntie ; they cannot poffiblie have ready iiiccours, in 
 cafe of invafion, nor ready fuppreflion, in cafe of rebel- 
 lion, nor ready recovery in cafe of lofie or alienation by 
 either of both means. And therefore we fee what an end- 
 lefs work the King of Spayne hath had to recover the 
 Low Countries, although it were to him patrimonie and 
 not purchafe; and thatchieflie in regard of the great di- 
 ftance. So we fee that our Nation kept Calice a hundred 
 yeares fpace after it loft the reft of Fraunce, in regard of 
 the neer fituation, and yet in the end they that were near- 
 er, carried it by furprize. 
 
 Therefore Titus ^uintius made a good comparifon of 
 the State of the Achaians to a Tortoife, which is fafe 
 
 when
 
 200 Letters of the Lord 
 
 when it is retired within the Shell, but if any part be put 
 forth, then the part expofed endangereth all the reft. For 
 fo it is with States that have Provinces difperfed, the de- 
 fence whereof doth commonlie confume and decaye and 
 fometimes mine the reft of the Eftate. And foe likewife 
 we may obferve, that all the great Monarchies, the Per- 
 Jians, the Romanies, (and the like of the Turks) they had 
 not anie Provinces to the which they needed to demand 
 acceue through the Countrie of another : neither had they 
 any long races or narrow angles of Territorie, which were 
 environed or clafped in with foreign States, but their Do- 
 minions were continued and entire, and had thicknefs 
 and fquarenefs in their orbe or contents. But thefe things 
 are without contradiction. 
 
 For the fecond, concerning the proportion between the 
 principal Region, and thofe which are but fecondarie, 
 there muft^ver more diftiroftion be made between the 
 bodie or ftemme of the Tree, and boughs and branches. 
 For if the top be over great, and the ftalk too fender, 
 there can be no ftrength. Now, the bodie is to be ac- 
 counted fo much of an Eftate, as is not" feparated ordi- 
 ftinguimed with any mark of foreigners, but is united 
 fpeciallie with the bond of naturalization ; and therefore 
 we fee that when" the State of Rome grew great, they were 
 enforced to naturalize the Latines or Italians; becaufe the 
 Romaine ftemme could not bear the Provinces and Italy 
 both as branches : and the like they were contented after 
 to do to moft of the Gauls. So on- the contrarie part we 
 lee in the State of Lacedamon, which was nyce in that 
 point, and. wouldnot admit their Confederates to be incor- 
 porate with them, but refted upon the natural borne fub- 
 
 jefts
 
 Chancellor Bacon, 20 1 
 
 ;ets of Sparta, how that a fmall time after they had em- 
 braced a larger Empire, they were prefentlie furcharged, 
 in refpedl: to the flendernefs of the Stemme. For fo in 
 the defection of the tfhebans and the reft againfl them , 
 one of the principal Revolters fpake moll aptlie, and with 
 great efficacye in the arTemblye of the ArTociates, telling 
 them, that the State of Sparta was like a River, which 
 after that it had runne a great way, and taken other Rivers 
 and Streams into it, ranne ftrong and mighty, but about 
 the Head and Fountaine of it was mallow and weake, 
 and .therefore advifed them to arTaile and invade the Mayne 
 of Sparta, knowing they mould there find weak refifir 
 aunce eyther of towns or in the field : of tOwnes, hecaufe 
 upon confidence of their greatnefs, they fortified not upon 
 the Mayne; in the field, becaufe their people was exhaufl: 
 by Garrifons and Services farre off. Which Counfel proved 
 found, to the aftonifhment of all Gracia at that time. 
 
 For the third, concerning the proportion of the mili- 
 tarie forces of a State to the amplitude of Empire, it can- 
 not be better demonftrated than by the two firfl examples, 
 which we produced of the weaknefs of large Territorie, 
 yf they be compared within themfelves according to dif- 
 ference of time. For Perfia at a time was flrengthened 
 with large Territorie, and at another time weakened j 
 and fo was Rome. For while they flourished in armes, 
 the largenefs of Territorie was a ftrength to them, and 
 added forces, added treafures, added reputation : but 
 when they decayed in armes, then greatnefs became a bur- 
 den. For their protecting forces did corrupt, fupplant, 
 and enervate the natural and proper forces of all their 
 Provinces, which relyed and depended upon the fucCours 
 
 D d and
 
 202 Letters of the Lord 
 
 and directions of the State above. And when that waxed 
 impotent and flouthfull, then the whole State laboured 
 with her own magnitude, and in the end fell with her 
 owne weight. And that no queftion was the reafon of 
 the ftrange inundations of people which both from the 
 Eail and Northweft overwhelmed the Romaine Empire in 
 one age of the world, which a man upon the fodaine 
 would attribute to fome conftellation or fatal revolution 
 of time, being indeed nothing elfe but the declination of 
 the Roman Empire, which having effeminated and made 
 vile the natural ftrength of the Provinces, and not being 
 able to fupplie it by the flrength emperial and foveraigne, 
 did as a Lure caft abroad, invite and entice all the Nations 
 adjacent, to make their fortunes upon her decays. And 
 by the fame reafon, there cannot but enfue a diflblution to 
 the State of the lurke, in regard of the largenefs of Em- 
 pire, whenfoever their martial vertue and difcipline fhall 
 be further relaxed, whereof the time feemeth to approach. 
 For certainlie like as great ftature in a natural body is fome 
 advantage in youth, but is but burden in age, fo it is with 
 great Territorie, which when a State begineth to decline, 
 doth make it ftoop and buckle fo much the fafter. 
 
 For the fourth and laft,. it is true, that there is to be re- 
 quired and expected as in the parts of a bodie, fo in the 
 members of a State, rather proprietie of fervice, than equa- 
 litie of benefit. SomeProvinces are more wealthie, fome 
 more populous, and fome more warlike j fome fituate apt- 
 lie for the excluding or expulfing of foreigners, and fome 
 for the annoying and bridleing of fufpected and tumultu- 
 . pus fubjects j fome are profitable in prefent, and fome 
 may be converted and improved to profit by Plantations 
 
 i and.
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 203 
 
 and good Pollicie. And therefore true conlideration of 
 Eftate, can hardlie find what to reject, in matter of Ter- 
 ritorie in any Empire, except it be fome glorious acquefts 
 obtained fometime in the braverie of warres, which can- 
 not be kept without exceffive charge and trouble, of 
 which kind were the purchafes of King Henri e VIII. 
 that of 'Tournay, and that of ' Bulloigne ; and of the fame 
 kind are infinite other the like examples almoft in everie 
 warre, which for the moft part upon treaties of peace are 
 reflored. 
 
 Thus have we now defined where the largenels of Ter- 
 ritorie addeth true greatnefs, and where not. The appli- 
 cation of thefe pofitions unto the particular or fuppofition 
 of this your Majeftie's Kingdome of Britaine requireth 
 few words. For as I profefied in the beginning, I mean 
 not to blazon oramplifie, but onlie to obferve andexprefle 
 matter. 
 
 Firji^ Your Majeftie's dominion and Empire, com- 
 prehendeth all the Hands of the North weft Ocean, where 
 it is open, untill you come to the imbarred^or frozen fea, 
 towards Ifelland j in all which tract, it hath no inter- 
 mixture or interpofition of anie foreigne land, but onlie 
 of the fea, whereof you are alfo abfolutelie Maifter. 
 
 Secondlie, The quantitie and content of thefe Countries is 
 farre greater than have been the principal or fondemen- 
 tal Regions of the greateft Monarchies, greater than 
 Perjia proper, greater than Macedon, greater than Italie. 
 So as heere is potentially bodie and ftemme enough for 
 Nabuchodonofors tree, yf God fhould have fo ordained. 
 
 Thirdlie, The prowefle and valour of your fubjects is 
 able to maifter and weilde farre more Territorie than fal- 
 
 D d 2 leth,
 
 204 Letters of the Lord 
 
 leth to their lott. But that followeth to be fpoken of in 
 the proper place. 
 
 And lajllie, It muft be confened, that whatfoever part 
 of your Countries and Regions mail be counted the mean- 
 eft, yet is not inferior to thofe countries and regions, 
 the people whereof fome ages fince overranne the world. 
 We fee furder by the uniting of the continent of this 
 Hand, and the {hutting up of the Pofterne, (as it was not 
 unfitlie tearmed -,) all entraunce of foreiners is excluded : 
 and we fee againe, that by the fit fituation and configura- 
 tion of the North of Scotland toward the North of Ire- 
 land, and the reputation, commoditie and terrour there- 
 of, what good effects have enfued for the better quieting 
 of the troubles of Ireland. And fo we conclude this firft 
 braunch touching largenefs of Territorie. 
 
 The fecond Article was, 
 
 That there is too much afcribed to treafure or riches 
 in the ballancing of greatnefs. 
 
 "Wherein no man can be ignorant of the idolatrie that is 
 generallie committed in theis degenerate times to monie, 
 as if it could do all things publique and private ; but 
 leaving popular errours, this is likewife to be examined 
 by reafon and examples, and fuch reafon, as is no newe 
 conceipt or invention, but hath formerlie bene difcernedby 
 the founder forte of judgments. For we fee that Solon, 
 who was no contemplative wifeman, but a Statefman and 
 a Lawgiver, ufed a memorable cenfure to Crcejus, when 
 he fhewed him great treafures, and ftore of Gould and Sil- 
 ver that he had gathered, telling him, that whenfoever 
 an other mould come that had better Iron than hee, he 
 1 , would
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 205 
 
 would bemaifter of all his Gould and Silver. Neither is the 
 authoritie of Machiavel to be defpifed, fpeciallie in a 
 matter whereof he faw the evident experience before his 
 eyes in his own times and countrie, who derideth the re- 
 ceived and currant opinion and principle of eflate taken 
 nrft from a fpeech of Mutianus the Lieutenant of Vejpa- 
 fian\ ThatMonie was the Sinews of War, affirming, 
 that it is a mockrie, and that there are no other true Si- 
 news of War, but the Sinews andMuiclesof Mens Armes: 
 and that there was never anie Warr, wherein the more va- 
 liant people had to deale with the more wealthie, but that 
 the Warre, yf it were well conducted, did nourifh and pay 
 it felf. And had he not reafon fo to think, when he faw 
 a needie, and ill provided Annie of the French (though 
 needie, rather by negligence than want of means, as the 
 French manner often times is) make their pauage only 
 by the reputation of their fwordes by their fides undrawn, 
 thorough the whole length of Italie, (at that time abound- 
 ing in wealth after a long peace) and that without re- 
 fiftaunce, and to feize and leave what Countries and Places 
 it pleafed them ? but it was not the experience of that time 
 alone, but the recordes of all times that do concurr to fal- 
 fifie that couceipt, that Wars are decided not by the fharp- 
 efr. Sworde, but by the greater! Purfe. And that verie 
 text or faying of Mutianus which was the original of 
 this opinion, is mifvouched, for his Speech was Fecunia 
 funt nervi belli civilis, which is true, for that civil Warres 
 cannot be between people of differing valour ; and againe, 
 becaufe in them men are as oft bought as vanquifhed. But 
 in cafe of forrein Warres, you fhail fcarcelie find any of tile 
 great Monarchies of the world, but have had their foun- 
 dations
 
 20 6 Letters of the Lord 
 
 dations in povertie and contemptible beginnings, being in 
 that point alfo conform to the heavenlie Kingdom, of 
 which it is pronounced, Regnum Dei non venit cum obfer- 
 vatione. Perjia, & mountainous Countrie, and a poor 
 People in comparifon of the Medes, and other Provinces 
 which they fubdued. The State of Sparta, a State 
 wherein Povertie was enacted by Lawe and Ordinaunce ; 
 all ufe of Gould and Silver and rich Furniture being inter- 
 dicted. The State of Macedonie, a. State mercinarie and 
 ignoble until the time of Phillip. The State of Rome, a 
 State that had poor and paftoral beginnings. The State 
 of the 'Turks, which have been fince the terrour of the 
 world, founded upon a Tranfmigration of fome Bandes 
 of Sarmatian Scythes that defcended in a vagabond man- 
 ner upon the province that is now tearmed Turcomannia, 
 out of the remnants whereof, after great varietie of for- 
 tune fprang the Othoman family. But never was anie po- 
 rtion of Eftate fo vifiblie and fubftantiallie confirmed as 
 this, touching the preheminence, yea and praedominancie 
 of Valour above Treafure, was by the two defcents and in- 
 undations of necefiitous and indigent Poople, the one 
 from the Earl: and the other from the Weft, that of the 
 Arabians or Sarracens, and that of the Gothes, Vandals 
 and the reft : who, as if they had been the true inheritours 
 of the Romaine Empire, then dieing, or at leaft growne 
 impotent and aged, entered upon Mgipt, AJia, Grcecia, 
 Afrike, Spaine, Fraunce, comeing to thefe Nations, not 
 as to a Preye, but as to a Patrimony, not returning with 
 Spoile, but feating and planting themfelves in a number of 
 Provinces, which continue their Progenie, and bear their 
 Names till this daye. And all theis men had no other 
 
 Wealth
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 
 
 Wealth but their Adventures, nor no other Title but their 
 Swords, nor no other Prefle but their Povertie. For it was 
 not with moil of thefe People as it is in Countries reduced 
 to a regular Civilitie, that no Man almoil marrieth ex- 
 cept he fee he have means to live ; but population went on> 
 howfoever fuftentation followed, and taught by Necefli- 
 tie, as fome Writers report, when they found themfelves 
 furchargde with People, they divided their Inhabitants in- 
 to three parts, and one third, as the Lott fell, was fent a- 
 broad and left to their Adventures. Neither is the reafon 
 much unlike (though the effect hath not followed in re- 
 gard of a fpecial diverfion) in the Nation of the Swijfes 
 inhabiting a Countrie, which in regard of the moun- 
 tanous Situation, and the popular Eflate, doth generate 
 fatter than it can fuftaine. In which People, it well ap- 
 peared what an Authoritie Iron hath over Gould at the 
 battaile of Granfon, at what time one of the principal 
 jewels of Burgundie was fold for twelve Pence by a poor 
 Swifle, that knew no more a pretious Stone, than did 
 Mfop's Cocke. And although this People have made no 
 Plantations with their Armes, yet we fee the reputation of 
 them fuch, as not onlie their Forces have bene employed 
 and waged, but their Alliaunce fought and purchafed by 
 the greater!: Kings and States of Europe. So as though 
 Fortune, as it fares fometimes with Princes to their Ser- 
 vaunts, hath denied them a graunt of Lands, yet flie hath 
 graunted them liberal Pensions, which, are made memora- 
 ble and renowned to. all pofteritie, by the event which in- 
 fued to Lewes the twelveth, who being preffed uncivillie 
 by meffage from them for the inhaunfing their Penfions, 
 entered into choller and broke out into thefe words, What ! 
 
 will
 
 2c8 Letters of the Lord 
 
 will thefe Villaines of the mount aines put a Tax upon me f 
 which wordes con: him his Dutchy of Millaine, and utterlie 
 ruined his affaires in Italy. Neither were it indeed pof- 
 fible at this daye, that that Nation mould fubfift without 
 defcents and impreffions upon their Neibours, were it 
 not for the great utteraunce of People which they make 
 into the Services of foreign Princes, and Eftates, there- 
 by difcharging not onlie number, btrt in that number, fuch 
 Spirits as are moil flirring and turbulent. 
 
 And therefore we may conclude, that as largenefs of 
 Territorie fevered from milkarie Virtue, is but a burden: 
 fo thatTreafure and Riches fevered from the fame, is but 
 apreye. It refteth therefore to make a reduction of this 
 errour alfo unto a truth" by diftinction and lymitation, 
 which will be in this manner : ' 
 
 . 
 
 Treafure and Monies do then add true greatnefs and 
 ftrength to a State, when they are accompanied with 
 thefe three conditions : 
 
 Fyrjl, The fame condition which hath been annexed 
 to largenefs of Territorie, that is, that they be 
 joyned with martial prowefs and valour. 
 Secondlie, That Treafure doth then advance greatnefs, 
 when it is rather in mediocritie than in great 
 abundance. And againe better, when fomc part of 
 the State is poore, than when all parts of it are 
 rich. 
 And Laftlie, That Treafure in a State is more or 
 lefle ferviceable, as the hands are in which the 
 wealth chiefly refteth. 
 
 For
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 209 
 
 For the firft of thefe, it is a thing that cannot be de- 
 nyed, that in equalitie of valour, the better Purfe is an 
 advantage. For like as in wreftling between man and 
 man, yf there be a great overmatch in ftrength, it is to 
 little purpofe, though one have the better breath ; but if 
 the ftrength be near equall, then he that is fhorter wynd- 
 ed will (if the wager confift of manie falls) in the end 
 have the worft : fo it is in the warres, if it be a match be- 
 tween a valiant people and a cowardlie, the advantage of 
 treafure will not ferve ; but if they be neere in valour, 
 then the better monied State, will be the better able to 
 continue the warre, and fo in the end to prevaile. But 
 yf anie man think that Monie can make thofe provifions 
 at the firft encounters, that no difference of valour can 
 countervaile, let him look back but into thofe examples 
 which have been brought, and he muft confefs, that all 
 thofe furnitures whatfoever are but mewes and mumme- 
 ries, and cannot fhrowde fearagainfl refolution. For there 
 mall he find companies armed with armour of proofe ta- 
 ken out of the ftately armories of Kings who fpared no 
 coft, overthrowne by men armed by private bargaine and 
 chaunce as they could get it : there fhall he find armie 
 appointed with Horfes bread of purpofe, and in choyce 
 races, Chariots of warre, Elephants, and the like ter- 
 rours, maiftered by armies meanlie appointed. So of 
 Townes ilronglie fortified, bafelie yielded, and the like, 
 all being but Sheep in a Lion's fkinne where valour fail- 
 cth 
 
 For the fecond poynt, That competencie of Treafure is 
 better than furfeit, is a matter of common place or ordina- 
 te difcourfe 5 in regard that excefle of Riches, neither in 
 
 E e publique v
 
 2 1 o The true Greatnefs of the 
 
 publique nor private, ever hath anie good effects, but ma- 
 keth men eyther flothfull and effeminate, and fo no enter- 
 prizours ; or infolent or arrogant, and fo over great em- 
 bracers 5 but moft generalliecowardlie and fearfull to loofe, 
 according to the adage, Himidus Plutus, fo as this needeth 
 no further fpeech. But a part of that arlertion requireth 
 a more deep confideration, being a matter not fo familiar, 
 but yet moft affuredlie true. For it is neceffarie in a State 
 that fhall grow and inlarge, that there be that compofi- 
 tion which the Poet fpeaks of, Multis utile bellum, an 
 ill condition of a State (no queftion) if it be meant of a 
 civil warre, as it was fpoken, but a condition proper to 
 a State that fhall encreafe, if it be taken of a foreign 
 warre. For except there be a fpurre in the State, that 
 mall excite and prick them on to warres, they will but 
 keep their owne, and feek no further. And in all expe- 
 rience and ftories you fhall finde but three things that pre- 
 pare anddifpofe an Eftate to warre ; the ambition of Go- 
 vernours, a ftate of Souldiours profeffed, and the hard 
 meanes to lyve of many Subjects. Whereof the laft is the 
 moft forcible and the moft conftant. And this is the true 
 reafon of that event which we obferved and rehearfed be- 
 fore, that moft of the great Kingdomes of the World have 
 iprung out of hardnefs and fcarfenefs of means, as the 
 ftrongeft herbs out of the barreneftfoyles. 
 
 Fbr the third point, concerning the placeing and de- 
 ftributing of Treafure in a State, the pofition is fimple, that 
 then Treafure is greateft ftrength to a State, when it is fo 
 difpofcd, as it is readier!: and eafieft to come by for pub- 
 liek fervice and ufe -, which one pofition dot& infer three 
 conclufions, 
 
 ? Firji,
 
 Kingdom of Great-Britain 211 
 
 Firjl) That there be quantity fufficient of Treafure as 
 well in the Treafury of the Crown or State, as in the 
 Purfe of the private Subject. 
 
 Secondly j That the Wealth of the Subject be rather in 
 many hands then in fewe. 
 
 And Thirdly | That it be in thofe hands, where there is 
 likeft, to be greater!: fparing, and encreafe, and not in thofe 
 hands, wherein there ufeth to be greateft expence and con^ 
 fumption. 
 
 For it is not the abundance of Treafure in the fubjects 
 hands that can make fudden fupply of the want of a 
 State, becaufe reafon tells us, and experience both, that 
 private perfons have leaft will to contribute, when they 
 have moft caufe, for when there is noyfe or expectation of 
 warres, then is allways the deadeft times for Moneys, in 
 regard every man reftrayneth and holdeth faft his meanes 
 for his own Comfort and Succour, according as Solomon 
 faith, The riches of a man are as a jlrong hold in his own 
 imagination j and therefore we fee by infinite examples, 
 and none more memorable than that of Coriftantinus the 
 laft Emperor of the Greekes, and the Citizens of Con~ 
 Jlantinople t that Subjects do often chufe rather to be fru- 
 gal difpenfers for their Enemyes, than liberal lenders to 
 their Prince. Again, wherefoever the Wealth of the 
 Subject is engrofled into few hands, it is not poflible it 
 fhould be fo refpondent and yielding to payments and 
 contributions for the publick, both becaufe the true efti- 
 mation or aneffment of great Wealth is more obfcure 
 and uncertaine ; and becaufe the burden feemeth lighter 
 when the charge lyeth upon many hands -, and further* 
 becaufe the fame greatnefs of Wealth is for the moft- part 
 
 E e 2 not
 
 212 The true Greattiefs of the 
 
 not collected and obtayned without fucking it from many, 
 according to the received fimilitude of the Spleene, which 
 never fwelleth but when the reft of the body pyneth and 
 abateth, and laftlie it cannot be that any Wealth mould 
 leave a fecond overplus, for thepublique that doth not firft 
 leave an overplus to the private ftock of him that gathers 
 it, and therefore nothing is more certaine, than that thofe 
 States are leaft able to ayde and defraye great charge for 
 warres or other publique difburfements, whofe Wealth 
 refteth chiefly in the hands of the Nobility and Gentlemen. 
 For what by reafon of their magnificence and wafte in ex- 
 pence, and what by reafon of their defire to advance and 
 make great their owne families, and againe upon the co- 
 incidents of the former reafon, becaufe they are allways 
 the fewefl ; fmall is the help, as to payments or charge, 
 that can be levied or expected from them towards the oc- 
 cafions of a State. Contrary it is of fuch States whofe 
 wealth refteth in the hands of Merchants, Burghers,Trade- 
 men, Freeholders, Farmers in the countrey, and the like, 
 whereof we have a moft evident and prefent example be- 
 fore our eyes, in our neighbours of the Low Countries, 
 who could never have endured and continued fo ineftimable 
 and infupportable charge, either by their naturall fruga- 
 lity, or by their mechanicall induftrye, were it not alfo 
 that there was a concurrence in them of this laft reafon, 
 which is, that their wealth was difperfed in many hands, 
 and not ingrofled into few, and thofe hands were not 
 much of the Nobility, but moft and generally of inferior 
 conditions. 
 
 To make application of this part concerning treafure to 
 your Majeftie's Kingdom.es. 
 
 Firft,
 
 Kingdom of Great-Britain. 2 1 3 
 
 Firrt, I fuppofe I cannot erre, That as to the endow- 
 ment of your Crowne, there is not any Crowne of Europe, 
 that hath fo great a proportion of Demefne and Land re- 
 venew ; agayne, he that mall look into your Preroga- 
 tive mall find it to have as many ftreames to feed your 
 Treafury, as the Prerogative of any of the faid Kings, 
 and yet without oppreiTion or taxing of your people. For 
 they be things unknown in many other States, that all rich 
 mynes mould be yours, though in the Soyle of your Sub- 
 jects j That all wardships mould be yours, where a Te- 
 nure in chief is, of Lands held of your Subjects ; That all 
 confifcations and efcheates of Treafon mould be yours, 
 though the Tenure be of the Subject ; That all actions po- 
 pular, and the Fynes and Cafualities thereupon may be 
 informed in your name, and mould be due unto you, 
 and a moity at the leaft where the fubject himfelf informs; 
 and further, he that mail looke into your Revenues at 
 the Ports of the Sea, your Revenews in Courts of 
 Jultice, and for the ftirring of your Seales, The Reve- 
 news upon your Clergye, and the reft, will conclude, 
 That the Lawe of England ltudied how to make a rich 
 Crowne, and yet without Levyes upon your . Subject. 
 For Merchandizing it is true, it was ever by the Kings of 
 this Real me defprzed, as a thing ignoble and indigne for 
 a King, though it is manifeft, the fituation and commo- 
 dityes of this Ifland coniidered, it is infinite, what your 
 Majefly mought rayfe if you would doe as a King of Por- 
 tugal doth, or a Duke of Florence in matter of Mer- 
 chandize. As for the Wealth of the Subject. * 
 
 
 * Mem. Here was a blank fide left to continue the Senfe, 
 
 To
 
 214 Tb e *r ue Greatnefs of the 
 
 To proceede to the Articles affirmative, the firSt was, 
 That the true greatnefs of an Eftate confifteth in the 
 
 natural and fit fituation of the Region or Place. 
 Wherein I mean nothing fuperftitiouflie touching the 
 fortunes or fatal deftinie of anie places, nor philofophical- 
 lie touching their configuration with the fuperiour Globe. 
 But I understand proprieties and refpects meerlie Civili 
 and according to the nature of humaine Actions, and the 
 true confederations of Eftate. Out of which dulie 
 weighed, there doth arife a triple distribution of the fit- 
 nefs of a Region for a great Monarchic Firft, that it be 
 of hard acceffe. Secondlie, That it be feated in no ex- 
 treame Angle, but commodioufly in the middeft of ma- 
 nie Regions. And Thirdly, That it be Maritime, or at 
 the leaft upon great navigable Rivers ; and be not Inland 
 or Mediterrane. And that thefe are not conceipts, but 
 notes of event, it appeareth manifeftlie, that all great 
 Monarchies and States have been feated in fuch manner, 
 as if you would place them againe, obferving theis three 
 Points which I have mentioned, you cannot place them 
 better, which fhewes the preheminence of Nature, unto 
 which humaine Induftrie or Accident, cannot be equall, 
 fpeciallie in anie continuance of time ; nay, if a Man 
 look into thefe things more attentivelie, he fhall fee diverfe 
 of thefe feats of Monarchies, how Fortune hath hovered 
 ftill about the places, comeing and goeing only in regard 
 of the fixed reafon of the conveniency of the place, which 
 is immutable. And therefore firft we fee the excellent fitu- 
 ation of Mgjpt which feemeth to have bene the moft an- 
 tient Monarchic, how convenientlie it Stands upon a neck 
 of Land commanding both Seas on either fide, and em- 
 bracing
 
 Kingdom ^Great-Britain. 2 1 $ 
 
 bracing as it were with two armes, AJia and Africk, be- 
 befides the benefit of the famous River of Nilus. And 
 therefore we fee what hath been the fortune of that Coun- 
 trie, there having been two mighty returns of fortune, 
 though at great diftaunce of time, the one in the times 
 of Sejoftris, and the other in the Empire of the Mamalukes, 
 betides the middle greatnefs of the Kingdome of the 
 Ptolomeys, and of the greatnefs of the Caliphes and Sultans 
 in the latter times. And this Region we fee likewife, is 
 of ftreite and defenfible accefle, being commonlie called 
 of the Romaines, Claujira Mgypti. * Confider in like man- * Mem. To 
 ner the fituation of Babiion, being planted moft nxonglyjL^/^?//&r** 
 in regard of Lakes and overflowing grounds between xhQ Pro P ertuu 
 two great navigable Rivers of Euphrates and T'ygris, and 
 in the very heart of the World, having regard to the four 
 car dines of Eaft and Weft and Northerne and Southerne 
 Regions. And therefore we fee that although the Sove- 
 raigntie alter, yet the feat ftill of the Monarchic remaines 
 in that place. For after the Monarchies of the Kings of 
 AJfyria, which were natural Kings of that place, yet 
 when the foreign Kings of Perjia came in, the feat re- 
 mained. For although the manfion of the Perfons of thd 
 Kings of Perjia were fometimes at Sija, and fometimes 
 at Ecbatana, which were tearmed their Winter and their 
 Sommer Parlours, becaufe of the mildnefle of the Ayre in 
 the one, and the fremnefs' in the other, yet the Citie of 
 Eftate continued to be Babylon. Therefore we fee, that 
 Alexander the Great, according to the advice of Cala- 
 nus the Indian, that fhewed him a bladder, which if it 
 were borne down at one end, would rife at the other, 
 and therefore wifhed him to keep himfelf in the middle 
 
 1 of
 
 2 1 6 The true Greatnefs of the 
 
 of his Empire, chofe accordingly Babylon for his Scat and 
 died there. And afterwards likewife in the familie of Se- 
 leucus and his defendants, Kings of the Eaft, although 
 diverfe of them for their own glorie, were Founders of 
 Cities of their owne names, as Antiochia, Seleucia, and 
 diverfe others, (which they fought by all meanes to raife 
 and adorne) yet the greatnefs ftill remained according 
 unto nature with the antient feate. Nay further on, the 
 fame remained during the greatnefs of the Kings of Par- 
 thia, as appeareth by the verfe of Luca?ie who wrote in 
 Nero's time. 
 
 Cumq-, fuperbajiaret Babilonfpolianda trophais. 
 
 And after that, againe it obtained the feate of the higheft 
 Caliph or SuccefTors of Mahomet. And at this day, 
 that which they call Bagdat which joines to the mines of 
 the other, containeth one of the greateft Satrapies, of the 
 Levant. Soe again, Perfia being a Countrie imbarred 
 with Mountains, open to the Sea, and in the middle of 
 the World, we fee hath had three memorable revolutions 
 of great Monarchies. 
 
 The firft in the time of Cyrus-, the fecond in the time 
 of the new Artaxerxes, who raifed himfelf in the reign 
 of Alexander Severus Emperour of Rome ; and now of 
 late memorie, in Ifmael the Sophie, whofe Defendants 
 continue in Empire and Competition with the Hurks to 
 this day. 
 
 So again, Confiantinople being one of the moft excel- 
 lent Seats of the World in the confines of Europe and 
 AJia. 
 
 2 Sir
 
 Chancellor B a c o n. 1 9 3 
 
 
 Sir Francis Bacon'* Speech, being the Kings So- 
 licitor at Lord Sanquir's Arraignment, copied 
 from the Draught correBed by Sir Francis 
 Bacon'* own hand. 
 
 The Lord Sanquir'* Caufe. 
 
 IN this caufe of life and death, the Juries part is in 
 effect difcharged; for after a frank and formal con- 
 feffion, their labour is at end : fo that what hath been 
 faid by Mr. Attorney, or (hall be faid by my felf, is rather 
 convenient than neceffary. 
 
 My Lord Sanquir, your fault is great, and cannot be 
 extenuated , and it need not be aggravated ; and if it 
 needed, you have made fo full an anatomy of it out of 
 your own feeling, as it cannot be match'd by my felf, or 
 any man elfe, out of conceipt, fo as that part of aggra- 
 vation I leave. 
 
 Nay, more, this chriftian and penitent courfe of yours 
 draws me thus far, that I will agree, it in fome fort exte- 
 nuates ; for certainly, as even in extream evils there are 
 degrees; fo this particular of your offence is fuch, as 
 though it be foul fpilling of blood ; yet there are more 
 foul ; for if you had fought to take away a man's life for 
 his vineyard, as Achab did ; or for envy, as Cain did, or 
 to poffefs his bed, as David did ; furely the murther had 
 been more odious. 
 
 Your temptation was revenge, which the more natural 
 it is to man, the more have laws both divine and hu- 
 mane fought to reprefs it ; mihi innditfa. But in one 
 
 F f thing
 
 1 94 Letters of the Lord 
 
 thing you and I fhall never agree, that generous fpirits 
 (you fay) are hard to forgive; no contrariwife, generous 
 and magnanimous minds are readier! to forgive; and it is 
 a weaknefs and impotency of mind to be unable to for- 
 give ; Corpora magnanimo fatis eJl.profi.raJfe leoni. 
 
 But howfoever murthers may arife from feveral mo- 
 tives, lefs or more odious, yet the law both of God and 
 Man involves them in one degree, and therefore you may 
 read that in J oak's cafe, whicn was a murther upon re- 
 venge, and matcheth with your cafe; he for a dear bro~ 
 ther, and you for a dear part of your own body, yet there 
 was a fevere charge given, it mould not be unpunifhed. 
 
 And certainly the circumftance of time is heavy upon 
 you, it is now five years fince this unfortunate man Turner 
 be it upon accident, or be it upon defpight, gave the pro- 
 vocation, which was the feed of your malice : ail paflions 
 are fwaged by time, love, hatred, grief, fire it felf burns 
 out with time, if no fuel be put to it. Therefore for you 
 *o have been in the gall of bitternefs fo long, and to have 
 been in a reftlefs chafe of this blood fo many years, is a 
 ftrange example; and I muil tell you plainly, that I con- 
 ceive you have fuck'd thofe affections of dwelling in ma- 
 lice, rather out of Italy > and outlandijfh manners, where 
 you have converfed, than out of any part of this ifland, 
 England or Scotland. 
 
 But that which is fitteft for me to fpend time in (the 
 matter being confefied) is to fet forth and magnifie to the 
 hearers the juftice of this day; firft of God and then of. 
 the King. 
 
 My Lord you have friends and entertainments in foreign 
 parts; it had been an eafy thing for you to fet Carlijle, or. 
 
 forne
 
 Qoancelhr Bacon. 195 
 
 
 fome other bloodhound on work, when your perfon had 
 been beyond the feas, and fo this news might have come 
 to you in a packett, and you might have looked on how 
 the ftorms would pafs, but God bereaved you of this 
 forefight, and clofed you here under the hand of a King, 
 that though abundant in clemency, yet is no lefs zealous 
 ofjuftice. 
 
 Againe, when you came in at Lambeth , you might 
 have perfifted in the denial of the procurement of the 
 fact. Carlijle, a refolute Man, might perhaps have 
 cleared you (for they that are refolute in Mifchief, are 
 commonly obftinate in concealing the procurers) and fo 
 nothing fhould have been againft yu but prefumption. 
 But then alfo God, to take away all obftruction ofjuftice 
 gave you the grace (which ought indeed to be more true 
 comfort to you than any device whereby you might have 
 efcaped) to make a clear and plain confeffion. 
 
 Other impediments there were (not a few) which 
 might have been an interruption to this day's juftice, had 
 not God in his providence removed them. 
 
 But now that I have given God the honour, let me 
 give it like wife where it is next due, which is to the 
 King our foveraign. 
 
 This murther was no fooner committed, and brought 
 to his Majefty's ears, but his j lift indignation wherewith 
 firft he was moved, cart it felf into a great deal of care 
 and providence to have juftice done : firft came forth his 
 Proclamation fomewhat of a rare form, and devifed, and 
 in effect dictated by his Majefty himfelf, and by I hat he did 
 profecute the offenders, as it were with the breath and 
 blaft of his mouth : then did his Majefty ftreteh forth his 
 
 F f 2 long
 
 196 Letters of the Lord 
 
 long arms (for Kings have long arms when they will ex- 
 tend them) one of them to the Sea, where he took hold 
 of Grey {hipped far Sweden, who gave the firft light of 
 teftimony j the other arm to Scotland, and took hold of 
 Carlijle, e'er he was warm in his houle, and brought him 
 the length of his Kingdom under fuch fafe watch and 
 cuftody, as he could have no means to efcape, no nor to 
 mifchief himfelf, no nor learn any leffons to ftand mute; 
 in which cafes perhaps, this day's juftice might have re- 
 ceived a flop. So that I may conclude his Majefty hath 
 mewed himfelf God's true lieutenant, and that he is no 
 refpecter of perfons ; bnt the Englijh, Scotijh, Nobleman, 
 Fencer, are to him alike in refpect of juftice. 
 
 Nay I muft fay further, that his Majefty hath had, in 
 this, a kind of prophetical fpirit; for what time Carlijle 
 and Grey, and you, my Lord your felf, were fled, no man 
 knew whither to the four winds ; the King ever fpake in 
 a confident and undertaking manner, that wherefoever 
 the offenders were in Europe, he would produce them 
 forth to juftice ; of which noble word God hath made 
 him mafter. 
 
 Laftly, I will conclude, towards you my Lord, that 
 though your offence hath been great, yet your confeflion 
 hath been free, and your behaviour and fpeech full of di- 
 fcretion j and this fhewa, that though you could not refift 
 the tempter, yet you bear a chriftian and generous mind, 
 anfwerable to the noble family of which you are defend- 
 ed. This I commend in you,. and take it to be an affured 
 token of God's mercy and favour, in refpect whereof all 
 worldly things are but trafh ; and fo it is fit for you, as 
 
 your 
 
 *
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 197 
 
 your ftate now is, to account them j and this is all I will 
 fay for the prefent. 
 Examirid. 
 
 My Lady ShrewfburyV Caufe. 
 Your Lordfhips do obferve the nature of this Charge. 
 
 MY Lady of Shrewjbury, a Lady wife, and that 
 ought to know what duty requireth, is charged 
 to have refufed, and to have perfifted in refufal to an^- 
 fwer, and to be examined in a high caufe of ftate, being 
 examined by the Council Table, which is a reprefenta- 
 tive body of the King. 
 
 The nature of the Caufe upon which fhe was examined, 
 is an effential point which doth aggravate and increafe 
 this contempt and prefumption, and therefore of necef- 
 fity with that we mull begin. 
 
 How gracioufly and parent-like his Majefty ufed the 
 Lady Arabella , before fhe gave him caufe of indignation, 
 the world knoweth* 
 
 My Lady, notwithftanding, extreamly ill advifed, trans- 
 acted the moft weighty and binding part and action of her 
 life, which is her marriage, without acquainting his Ma- 
 jefty, which had been a neglect even to a mean parent. 
 But being to our Soveraign, and fhe ftanding fo near to 
 his Majefty as fhe doth, and then choofing fuch a conditi- 
 on as it pleafed her to choofe, all parties laid together, 
 how dangerous it was, my Lady might have read it in the 
 fortune of that houfe wherewith fhe is matched j for it 
 was not unlike the cafe of Mr. SeymerH grand-mother. 
 
 The King nevenhelefs fo remembred he wasa King, as 
 
 he:
 
 198 Letters of the Lord 
 
 he forgot not he was a kinfman, and placed her only fub 
 libera cujlodid. 
 
 But now did my Lady accumulate and heap up this of- 
 fence with a far greater than the former, by feeking to with- 
 draw her felf out of the King's power, into foreign parts. 
 
 That this flight, or efcape into foreign parts, might 
 have been feed of trouble to this State, is a matter where- 
 of the conceipt of a vulgar perfon is not capable. 
 
 For although my Lady mould have put on a Mind to 
 continue her loyalty, as nature and duty did bind her; yet 
 when me was in another Sphere, me muft have moved in 
 the motion of that orbe, and not of the planet itfelf. And 
 God forbid the King's felicity mould be fo little, as he 
 mould not have envy and enviers enough in foreign parts. 
 
 It is true, if any foreigner had wrought upon this oc- 
 cafion, I do not doubt but the intent would have been 
 as the prophet faith, they have conceived mi/chief and 
 brought forth a vaine thing. But yet your Lordmips 
 know that it is wifdom in Princes, and it is a watch they 
 owe to themfelves, and to their people, to flop the be- 
 ginnings of evils, and not to defpife them. Seneca faith 
 well, non jam amplius leviafunt pericula, Ji levia vide- 
 antur, dangers ceafe to be light, becaufe by defpifing they 
 grow and gather ftrength. 
 
 And accordingly hath been the practice both of the wi- 
 feft and ftouteft Princes to hold for matter pregnant of pe- 
 ril, to have any near them in blood to fly into foreign 
 parts. Wherein I will not wander, but take the example 
 of King Henry VII. a Prince not unfit to be paralelled 
 with his Majefly, I mean not the particular of Per kin 
 Warbecke, for he was but an idol or a difguife; but the 
 
 example 
 
 8
 
 Chancellor Bacon. 199 
 
 example I mean, is that of the Earl of Suffolk, whom 
 the King extorted from Philip of Aufiria. The Story- 
 is memorable. That Philip, after the death of Ifabella, 
 coming to take poffemon of his Kingdome of Cajlile 
 (which was but matrimonial to his father-in-law Ferdi- 
 nando of Arragon) was caft by weather upon the coaft of 
 Yarmouth, where the Italian ftory faith, King Henry 
 ufed him in all things elfe as a Prince, but in one thing as 
 a prifoner; for he forced upon him a promife to reftore 
 the Earl of Suffolk that was fledd into Flanders ; and yet 
 this 1 note, was in the twenty firft year of his reign, 
 when the King had a goodly Prince at man's eftate, be- 
 lides his daughters, nay, and the whole line of Clarence- 
 nearer in title, for that Earl of Suffolk was defcended of 
 a Sifter of Edward IV. fo far off did that King take his 
 aim. 
 
 To this action of fo deep confequence, it appeareth 
 you (my Lady of Shrewjbury) were privy, not upon fo- 
 reign fufpicions or {trained inferences, but upon vehe- 
 ment prefumptions, now clear and particular teftimony, 
 as hath been opened to you j fo as the King had not only 
 reafbn to examine you upon it, . but to have proceeded 
 with you upon it, as for a great contempt ; which if it be 
 referved for the prefent, your Ladyfhip is to understand 
 it aright, that it is not defect of proof, but abundance of. 
 grace that is the caufe of this proceeding; and your Lady-- 
 fhip mail do well to fee into what danger you have brought . 
 your felf. All offences conflfr. of the fact which is open,, 
 and the intent which is fecret ; this fact 'of confpiring in 
 the flight of this Lady, may bear a hard and gentler 
 eonftruction j if upon over much affection to your kinf- 
 
 woman,
 
 aoo Letters of the Lord 
 
 woman, gentler ; if upon practice or other end, harder ; 
 you muft take heed how you enter into fuch actions, 
 whereof if the hidden part be drawn unto that which is 
 open, it may be your overthrow, which I fpeak not by 
 way of charge, but by way of caution. 
 
 For that which you are properly charged with, you 
 muil know that all fubjects without diftinction of degrees, 
 owe to the K4ng tribute and fervice, not only of their 
 deed and hand, but of their knowledge and difcovery. 
 
 If there be any thing that imports the King's fervice, 
 they ought themfelves undemanded, to impart it; much 
 more if they be called and examined, whether it be of 
 their own fact, or of another's, they ought to make di- 
 rect anfwer: neither was there ever any fubject brought 
 into caufes of Eftate to tryal judicial, but nrft he pafied ex- 
 amination ; for examination is the entrance of juftice in 
 criminal caufes ; it is one of the eyes of the King's poli- 
 tick body : there are but two, information and examina- 
 tion: it may not be endured that one of the lights be 
 put out by your example. 
 
 Your excufes are not worthy your own judgment, rafh 
 
 vows of lawful things are to be kept, but unlawful vows 
 not; your own divines will tell you fo. For your exam- 
 ples, they are fome erroneous traditions. My Lord of 
 Pembroke fpake fomewhat that he was unlettered, and it 
 was but when he was examined by one private counfellor, 
 to whom he took exception. That of my Lord Lumley is 
 a fiction; the preheminences of nobility, I would hold 
 with to the lafl grain ; but every day's experience is to the 
 contrary. Nay you may learn duty of my Lady Ara- 
 bella her felf, a Lady of the Blood, of an higher rank 
 
 than
 
 Lord Chancellor Bacon. 225 
 
 than your felf, who declining (and yet that but by re- 
 queft neither) to declare of your fa&j yielded ingenuoufly 
 to be examined of her own : I do not doubt but by this 
 time you fee both your own error, and the King's grace 
 in proceeding with you in this manner. 
 
 Notes of a Speech, concerning a War with 
 
 S P Ai N E. 
 
 THAT ye conceive there will be little difference 
 in opinion, but that all will advife the King not 
 to entertain further a treaty, wherein he hath been fo 
 manifeftly and fo long deluded. 
 
 That the difficulty therefore will be in the confequences 
 thereof, for to the breach of treaty, doth necefTarily fuc- 
 ceed a difpaire of recovering the Palatinate by treaty, and 
 fo the bufinefs falleth upon a Warre. And to that you 
 will apply your Speech, as being the point of impor- 
 tance, and befides, moft agreeable to your profeffion and 
 
 place. 
 
 To a Warre (fuch as may promife fuccefle) there are 
 
 three things required. A juft quarrell, fufficient forces, 
 and provifions, and a prudent and politique choice of the 
 defignes and adtions whereby the Warre mail be ma- 
 naged. 
 
 For the quarrell, there cannot be a more juft quarrell 
 by the laws both of nature and nations, than for the re- 
 covery of the ancient patrimony of the King's children, 
 gotten from them by an ufurping fword, and an infidious 
 treaty. 
 
 G g But
 
 zz6 Some State Papers of the 
 
 But further, that the warre well confidered is not for 
 the Palatinate onely, but for England and Scotland; for if 
 we ftay till the Low Country-men be ruined, and the 
 party of the Papifts within the Realm be grown too 
 ftrong, England, Scotland, and Ireland, are at the flake. 
 
 Neither doth it concern the flate onely, but pur 
 church ; other Kings, papifts, content themfelves to 
 maintaine their religion in their own dominions; but the 
 Kings of Spaine run a courfe to make themfelves pro- 
 tectors of the Popifh Religion, even amongft the fubjects 
 of other Kings : almoft like the Ottomans, that profefs to 
 plant the law of Mahomet by the fword ; and fo the Spa- 
 niards do of the Pope's law : and therefore, if either the 
 King's blood, or our owne blood, or Chrift's blood be 
 dear unto us, the quarrell is juft, and to be imbraced. 
 
 For the pointe of fufficient forces, the ballanceing of 
 the forces of thefe Kingdoms and their allies, with 
 Spaine and their allies, you know to be a matter of great 
 and weighty confederation ; but yet to weigh them in a 
 common understanding, for your part, you are of opi- 
 nion that Spaine is no fiich giant ; or if he be a giant, it 
 will be but like Goliah and David, for God will be on 
 our fide. 
 
 But to leave thefe fpiritual confiderations, you do not 
 fee in true difcourfe of Peace and Warre, that we ought 
 to doubt to be over-matched. To this opinion you are led 
 by two things which lead all men ; by Experience, and 
 by Reafon. 
 
 For experience, you do not find that for this age (take it 
 for ioo years) there was ever any encounter bet ween Spani/h 
 and Englijh of importance, either by fea or land, but the 
 
 Engltjh
 
 Lord Chancellor Bacon. 227 
 
 Englifh came off with the honour ; witnefs the Lammas- 
 Day, the retraite of Gaunt, the battail of Newport, and 
 fome others : but there have been fome actions both by 
 fea and land, fo memorable as fcarce fuffer the lefs to be 
 fpoken of. By fea, that of 88, when the Spaniards put- 
 ting themfelves moil upon their ftirrops, fent forth that 
 invincible Armada which mould have fwallowed up Eng- 
 land quicke ; the fuccefs whereof was, that although that 
 fleet fwam like mountaines upon our feas, yet they did 
 not fo much as take a Cocke-boate of ours at fea, nor 
 fire a Cottage at land, but came through our Channel, 
 and were driven, as Sir Walter Raleigh fays, by Squibbs 
 (tire Boats he meanes) from Calais, and were foundly 
 beaten by our Ships in fight, and many of them funke, 
 and finally durft not return the way they came, but made 
 a fcattered perambulation full of Shipwrecks, by the 
 Irijh and Scottijh feas to get home again j juft according 
 to the curfe of the Scripture, that they came out againjl 
 us oneway, andjled before us /even ways. By land, who 
 can forget the two voyages made upon the continent it 
 felf of Spaine, that of Lijbone, and that of Cales, when 
 in the former we knockt at the gates of the greater! City 
 either of Spaine or Portugall, and came off without 
 feeing an enemy to look upon us in the face ; and though 
 we failed in our foundation (for that Antonio whom we 
 thought to replace in his Kingdom found no party at all) 
 yet it was a true tryal of the gentlenefs of Spaine, which 
 fuffered us to goe and come without any difpute : and for 
 the latter, of Cales, it ended in victory ; we ravifhed a 
 principal City of wealth and ftrength in the High Coun- 
 tries, lacked it, fired the Indian fleet that was in the 
 
 G g 2 port,
 
 aa8 Some State Papers of the 
 
 port, and came home in triumph ; and yet to this day 
 were never put in fuit for it, nor demanded reafon for 
 our doings. You ought not to forget the battaile of 'Kin/ale 
 in Ireland, what time the Spanijh forces were joyned with 
 the Irijh (good foldiers as themfelves or better) and exceed- 
 ed us far in number, and yet they were foon defeated, 
 and their General D'Avila taken prifoner, and that warre 
 by that battaile quenched and ended. 
 
 And it is worthy to be noted how much our power in 
 thofe days was inferiour to our prefent ftate. Then, a Lady 
 old, and owner onely of England, intangled with the re- 
 volt of Ireland, and her confederates of Holland much 
 weaker, and in no conjuncture. Now, a famous King, 
 and flrengthened with a Prince of lingular expectation, 
 and in the prime of his years, owner of the entire Ifle of 
 Britain, enjoying Ireland populate and quiet, and infi- 
 nitely more fupported by Confederates of the Low-Coun- 
 tries, Denmarke, divers of the Princes of Germany and 
 others. As for the Comparifon of Spaine as it was then, 
 and as it is now, you will for good refpe&s forbear to 
 fpeak j onely you Will fay this, That Spaine was then re- 
 puted to have the wifeft council of Europe, and not a 
 council that will come at the whiffle of a favourite. 
 
 Another pointe of Experience you would not fpeak of, 
 if it were not that there is a wonderfull erroneous obfer- 
 vation, which walketh about, contrary to all the true ac- 
 count of time , and it is , That the Spaniard where he 
 once gets in, will feldome or never be got out again (and 
 they give it an ill-favoured Jimile which you will not 
 name) but nothing is lefs true ; they got footing at Brejl 
 and fome other parts in Britaine, and quitted it : they 
 
 had
 
 Lord Chancellor Bacon. 229 
 
 had Calice, Ardes, Amiens, and were part beaten out, and 
 part they rendred : they had Vercelles in Savoy and fairly 
 left it ; they had the other day the Valtoline, and now 
 have put it in depofite. What they will doe at Ormus 
 we fhall fee. Soe that to fpeak truely of later times, 
 they have rather poached and offered at a number of en- 
 terprifes, than maintained any conftantly. And for Ger- 
 many, in more ancient time, their great Emperor Charles 
 after he had Germany almoft in his fift, was forced in the 
 end to go from Ijburgh as it were in a malk by torch 
 light, and to quit every foot of his new acquefts in Ger- 
 many, which you hope likewife will be the hereditary 
 IfTue of this late purchafe of the Palatinate. And thus 
 much for Experience. 
 
 For Reafon. It hath many branches ; you will but ex- 
 tract a few firft. It is a Nation thin fowne of men, 
 partly by reafon of the fterility of their foile; and 
 partly becaufe their Natives are exhaufl by fo many 
 imployments in fuch vaft Territories as they poffefle, fo 
 that it hath been counted a kind of miracle to fee together 
 ten or twelve thoufand native Spaniards in an army j and 
 although they have at this time great numbers of mifceU 
 lany foldiours in their armies and garrifons, yet if there 
 mould be the misfortune of a battaile, they are ever long 
 about it to drawe on fupplyes. 
 
 They tell a tale of a Spanijh Ambaffador that was 
 brought to fee their Treafury of St. Marke at Venice, and 
 ftill he looked down to the ground j and being afked the 
 reafon, faid, He was looking to fee whether the treafure 
 had any roote, fo that if that were fpent, it would grow 
 again as his Maflers had. But howfoever it be of their 
 3 Treafure,
 
 230 Some State Papers of the 
 
 Treafure, certainly their Forces have fcarcely any roote, 
 or at leaft fuch a roote as putteth forth very poorly and 
 flowly, whereas there is not in the world again fuch a 
 fpring and feminary of military people as is England, 
 Scotland, and Ireland; nor of Seamen as is this Ifland, and 
 the Low Countries: So as if the Warres mould mo we them 
 downe, yet they fuddenly may be fupplyed and come up 
 againe. 
 
 A fecond Reafon is (and it is the principall) that if wee 
 truely confider the greatnefle of Spaine, it confifteth 
 chiefly in their Treafure, and their Treafure in their In- 
 dies, and their Indies (both of them) is but an acceffion 
 to fuch as are mailers by fea j fo as this axell-tree where- 
 upon their greatneffe turnes is foon cut a two by any that 
 fhall be flronger than they at fea. So then you report 
 your felfe to their opinions, and the opinions of all men, 
 enemies or whofoever j whether that the maritime forces 
 of Britaine, and the Low-countries, are not able to beat 
 them at fea. For if that be, you fee the chaine is broken 
 from Shipping to Indies, from Indies to Treafure, and 
 from Treafure to Greatneffe. 
 
 The third Reafon (which hath fome affinity with this 
 fecond) is a pointe comfortable to heare in the ftate that 
 we now are ; Warres are generally caufes of poverty and 
 confumptidn. The nature of this Warre you are per- 
 fwaded will bee matter of reftorative and enriching '; fo 
 that if we go roundly on with fupplies and provifions at 
 the firft, the Warre in continuance will finde it felf. That 
 you do but pointe at this, and will not enlarge it. 
 
 Laftly, That it is not a little to be confidered, that the 
 greatnefs of Spain* is not only diftra&ed extreamly, and 
 
 therefore
 
 Lord Chancellor Bacon. 2,3 1 
 
 therefore of leffe force, but built upon no very found 
 foundations -, and therefore they can have the lefTe ftrength 
 by any arTured and confident confederacie with France, 
 they are in competition for Navarre, Milan, Naples, and 
 the Franch County of Burgundy, with the See of Rome, 
 for Naples alfo \ for Portugall, with the right heirs of 
 that Line. For that they have in their Low Countries, with 
 the United Provinces: for Ormus (now) with Perfta; for 
 Valencia, with the Moores expulfed and their confede- 
 rates j for the Eajl and Weft Indies, with all the World. 
 Soe that if every bird had his feather, Spaine would be 
 left wonderful naked. But yet there is a greater confede- 
 ration againft them than by meanes of any of theie quar- 
 rells or titles, and that is contracted by the fear that al- 
 moft all Nations have of their ambition, whereof men 
 fee no end. And thus much for the ballanceing of their 
 forces. 
 
 For the laft pointe, which is the choice of the defignes 
 and enterprifes, in which to conduct the Warre -, you will 
 not now fpeake, becaufe you mould be forced to defcend 
 to diverfe particulars, whereof fome are of a more open, 
 and fome of a- more fecret nature. But that you would 
 move the Houfe to make a felected Committee for that 
 purpofe. Not to eftrange the Houfe in any forte, but to 
 prepare things for them, giveing them power and com- 
 mimon to call before them, and to conferr with any 
 martial men or others that are not of the Houfe that 
 they fhall think fit for their advice and information. 
 And foe to give an account of the bufinefs to a general 
 Committee of the whole Houfe.
 
 THE preceding Letters and Pa- 
 pers were committed to the Prefs 
 ly Mr. Stephens frefore his lllnefs ; 
 and thofe which follow, Wing found 
 among his Papers, are added from 
 Originals ; that no genuine Remains 
 of the Lord Bacon, in our Power, 
 may he loft. 
 
 The Speeches and State Papers are 
 taken from a Manufcript Volume cor- 
 rected throughout ly his Lordjhip^s 
 Hand, which lears the following Ti- 
 tle.
 
 Orationes, Afta^ Inftrumenta circa res civiles, 
 
 Fr. Bacon. 
 
 A 
 
 BOOK of SPEACHES 
 
 I N 
 
 PARLAMENT, 
 
 Or otherwife delivered by 
 
 Sir Francis Bacon 
 
 THE 
 
 Kings Sollicitor-General: 
 
 ALSO 
 DECLARATIONS, PROCLAMATIONS, 
 
 Or other 
 
 Acts or Instruments touching Matters of Eftate, 
 Penned by him.
 
 i 
 
 t 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 

 
 *35 
 
 Mr. Bacons Difconrfe in the prayfe 
 of his Soveraigne. 
 
 NO prayfe of magnanymitye, nor of love, nor of 
 knowlege, can intercept her prayfe that planteth, 
 and nouryfheth magnanymitye by her example, love by 
 her perfon, and knowlege by the peace and ferenitie of 
 her times. And if thefe rych peeces be fo faire unfet f 
 what are they fet, and fet in all perfection ? Magnany- 
 mitye no doubt confifteth in contempt of peryl, in con- 
 tempt of profit, and in meriting of the times wherein one 
 lyveth. For contempt of peryl, fee a Ladye that cometh 
 to a crowne after the experyence of fome adverfe fortune> 
 which for the mofte parte extenuateth the minde, and 
 maketh it apprehenfive of feares. Noe fooner me ta- 
 keth the fcepter into her facred hands, but (he putteth on 
 a refolution to make the greateft, the moft importante, 
 the moft dangerous that can be in a ftate - y the alteration 
 of religion. This (he doth, not after a foveraintie efta- 
 blyfhed and contynewed by fundrye yeres, when cu- 
 ftome might have bred in her people a more abfolute o- 
 bedyence ; when tryal of her fervants mought have made 
 her more afliired whom to imployj when the reputation 
 of her policy and vertue might have made her govern- 
 ment redoubted. But at the verye entrance of her rayne, 
 when (lie was greene in audthorytie, her fervants fcant 
 knowen unto her, the adverfe parte not weakened, her 
 
 H h 2 own
 
 2^6 Some State Papers of the 
 
 own parte not confirmed. Neither doth fhee reduce or 
 reunite her realme to the religion of the ftates about her, 
 that the evil inclynation of the fubjec~t might be counter- 
 vayled by the good correfpondence in foreine partes : But 
 contrarywyfe, fhee introduceth a religion exterminated 
 and perfecuted both at home and abroade. Her pro- 
 ceedinge herein is not by degrees and by ftealth, but ab- 
 folute and at once. Was fhee incoraged therto by the 
 flrength fhe found in legues and alliances with great and 
 potent confederates ? Noe, but fhee found her realme in 
 warres with her neerefl and mightiefl neyghbours. Shee 
 flood fingle and alone, and in legue only with one, that 
 after the people of her natyon had made his warres, left 
 her to make her own peace ; one that could never be by 
 anye follicytation moved to renewe the treaties; and one 
 that fince hath proceeded from doubtful termes of amy- 
 tie to the hyghefl actes of hoftylitie. Yet, notwithftand- 
 ing the oppofytion foe great, the fupporte foe weake, the 
 feafon foe unproper ; yet, I faye, becaufe it was a rely- 
 gion wherein fhe was nourifhed and brought up; a reli- 
 gion that freed her fubjects from pretence of foreine pow- 
 ers, and indeed the true relygion; fhe brought to pane 
 this great worke with fuccene worthy foe noble a refo- 
 lution. See a Queene,. that when a deepe and fecret con- 
 fpiracj was plotted againfV her facred perfon, practyfed 
 by fubtile inftruments, embraced by violent and defpe- 
 rate humors, ftrengthened and bound by vowes and fa- 
 craments, and the fame was revealed unto her (and yet 
 the nature of the affayres required further ripening be- 
 fore the apprehenfion of anie of the parties) was content 
 to put her felf into the garde of the divine providence > 
 
 and
 
 Lord Chancellor Bacon. 237 
 
 and her owne prudence, to have forne of the confpira- 
 tors in her eyes, to fuffer them to approach to her per- 
 fon, to take a petytion of the hand that was conjured for 
 her death ; and that with fuch majeftie of countenance, 
 fuch myldnes and ferenitie of gefture, fuch arte and im- 
 prefiion of wordes, as had bene fufficient to have reprefl 
 and bound the hand of a confpirator, if he had not been 
 difcovered. Laftly, fee a Queene, that when her realmc 
 was to have bene invaded by an armye, the preparation 
 whereof was like the travel of an Olyphant, the provi- 
 fions were infinite, the fetting forth whereof was the ter- 
 ror and wonder of Europe j it was not feene that her 
 cheere,. her fafhion, her ordinary manner was anie thing 
 altered : not a cloud of that ftorme did appeare in that 
 countenance wherein peace doth ever mine ; but with ex- 
 cellent afliirance, and advifed fecuritie me infpyred her 
 council, animated her nobylitie, redoubled the courage 
 of her people, ftill having this noble apprehenfion, not. 
 only that fhe would communicate her fortune with them, 
 but that it was lhe that would protect them, and not 
 they her : which fhe teftified by noe lefle demonftration 
 than her prefence in campe. Therefore, that magnany- 
 mytie that neyther feareth greatnes of alteration, nor the 
 views of confpirators, nor the power of enemy, is more, 
 than heroicah 
 
 For contempt of profit, confider her offers, conflder 
 her purchafes. Shee hath rayned in a moft populous, and 
 wealthie peace, her people greatly multiplied, welthily 
 appointed, and fingularly devoted. Shee wanted not the 
 example of the power of her armies in the memorable 
 voyages and invafions profperouily made and atchieved 
 
 h Y
 
 238 Some State Papers of the 
 
 by fundrie her noble progenitors. Shee hath not wanted 
 pretences, as well of claime and ryght, as of quarrel and 
 revenge. Shee hath rayned during the minoritie of fome 
 of her neyghbour princes, and during the factions and 
 divifions of their people upon deepe and irreconcileable 
 quarrels, and during the imbracing greatnes of fome one 
 that hath made himfelfe foe weake through too much 
 burthen, as others are through decaye of ftrength; 
 and yet fee her fitting as it were within the compafle of 
 her fands. Scotland, that doth as it were eclipfe her 
 ilandj the United Provinces of the Low Countries, which 
 for welth, commoditie of trafique, affection to our na- 
 tion were moft. meete to be annexed to this crowne j fhee 
 lefte the pofleffion of the one, and refufed the foveraintie 
 of the other : foe that notwithstanding the greatnes of 
 her meanes, the juftnes of her pretences, and the rare- 
 nes of her opportunitie j fhee hath contynewed her firfr. 
 mynde, fhe hath made the pofTeflions which fhe received 
 the limits of her dominions, and the World the limits 
 of her name, by a peace that hath flained all victo- 
 ries. 
 
 For her merits, who doth not acknowledge, that fhe 
 hath bene as a ftarre of moft fortunate influence upon 
 the age wherein fhe hath fhined? fhall we fpeake of me- 
 rit of clemencie ? or merit of beneficence ? where fhall a 
 man take the moft proper and natural tryal of her royal 
 clemencie ? Will it beft appeare in the injuries that were 
 done unto her before fhe attiyned the crowne? or after 
 fhe is feated in her throne ? or that the Commonwealth 
 is incorporated in her perfon ? Then clemencie is drawn 
 in queftion, as a dangerous encounter of juflice and po- 
 
 3 lic y-
 
 Lord Chancellor Bacon. 239 
 
 licy. And therefore, who did ever note, that fhee did' 
 relent (after that fhee was eflablifhed in her Kingdom) of 
 the wrongs done unto her former eftate ? who doth not 
 remember how fhee did revenge the rigour and rudenefc 
 of her jaylor by a word, and that no bitter but falte* 
 and fuch as mewed rather the excellencie of her wit 
 than any impreflion of her wrong ? Yea, and further, 
 is it not fo manifefl, that fince her rayne, notwithstanding 
 the principle that Princes mould not neglect that the 
 Commonwelthes wrong is included in themjelves-, yet 
 when it is queftion of drawing the fworde, ther is ever a 
 conflict between the juftice of her place joyned with the 
 neceflitie of her ftate and her royal clemencye, which as 
 a foveraigne and pretious balme continually diftilleth 
 from her fayer hands, and falleth into the wounds of 
 manie that have incurred the offence of her lawe. 
 
 Nowe, for her beneficence, what kinde ofperfons have 
 breathed during her moft happie rayne, but have had 
 the benefit of her vertues conveyed unto them ? Take a 
 view, and confider, whether they have not extended to 
 fubjects, to neighbours, to remote ftrangers, yea, to her 
 greateft enemies. For her fubjects, where mall we be- 
 gin in fuch a maze of benefits as prefenteth itfelf to re- 
 membrance ? Shall we fpeak of the purging away of the 
 droffe of religion, the heavenly treafure ; or that of mo- 
 ney, the earthly treafure ? The greater was touched be- 
 fore, and the latter deferveth not to be forgotten. For 
 who believeth not (that knoweth any thing in matter of 
 eftate) of the great abfurdities and fraudes that arife of 
 divorcing the legal eftimation of monies from the gene- 
 ral and (as I may term it) natural eftimation of the me- 
 
 talSj
 
 240 Some State Papers of the 
 
 tals, and againe of the uncertaintie and wavering va- 
 lewes of coynes, a very labyrinth of cofinages and abufe> 
 yet fuch as great Princes have made their profit of to- 
 wards their owne people. Pafle on from the Mint to 
 the revenew and receits : there Shall yow finde, no rayfing* 
 of rents, notwithstanding the alteration of prices and the 
 ufage of the times j but the overvalew befydes a reafona- 
 ble fine left for the relief of Tenants and reward of Ser- 
 vants -, noe rayfing of cuftomes notwithstanding her con- 
 tinual charges of fetting to the Sea ; noe extremitie taken 
 of forfeyture and penal lawes, meanes ufed by fome 
 Kings for the gathering of great treafures. A fewe for- 
 feytures indeed, not taken to her owne purfe, but fet 
 over to fome others for the tryal only, whether gaine 
 could bring thofe lawes to be well executed, which the 
 Ministers of juflice did neglect But after it was found, 
 that only companions were ufed, and the law never the 
 nearer the execution, the courfe was Straight fupprefled 
 and difcontynewed. Yea, ther have bene made lawes 
 more than one in her time for the reflrainte of the vex- 
 ation of Informers and Promoters : naye, a courfe taken 
 by her owne direction for the repealing of all heavie 
 and fnared lawes, if it had not bene crofied by thofe to 
 whom the benefit Should have redounded. Ther Shall 
 you finde, no new taxes, impofitions nor devycesj but 
 the benevolence of the Subject freely orTred by afient of 
 Parliament according to the ancient rates, and with great 
 moderation in aiTeSTement; and not fo only, but Some new 
 formes of contribution orTred likewife by the Subject in 
 t Parliament j and the demonstration of their devotion only 
 accepted, but the thing never put in ufe. Ther Shall you 
 
 finde
 
 Lord Chancellor Bacok. 241 
 
 ndc loanes, but honourablie anfwered and payd as it 
 were the contracte of a private man. To conclude, 
 there mall you find moneys levied upon failts of lands, 
 alienation (though not of the ancient patrimonie) yet of 
 the rich and commodious purchafes and perquifites of 
 the Crowne only, becaufe fhee will not be grevous and 
 burthenfome to the People. This treafure, foe inno- 
 cently levyed, fo honorablye gathered and rayfed, with 
 fuch tendernes to the fubject, without any bafenes or 
 drynes at all; how hath it bene expended and imployed? 
 Where be the wafleful buildings, and the exorbitant and 
 prodigal donatives, the fumptuous diflipations in plea- 
 fures , and vaine oflentations which we finde have ex- 
 haufted the coffers of fo many Kings ? It is the honour 
 of her houfe, the royal remunerating of her fervants, the 
 prefervation of her people and flate, the protection of 
 her fuppliants and allies, the encounter, breaking and de- 
 feating the enemies of her realme that hath bene the on- 
 ly pores and pipes whereby the treafure hath iflued. Hath 
 it bene the finewes of a blefied and profperous peace, 
 hath fhee bought her peace ? hath fhee lent the King of 
 Spaine monie upon fome cavillation not to be repeated ? 
 and foe bought his favour ? and hath fhee given large 
 penfions to corrupt his Counfel ? Noe, but fhee hath ufed 
 the moft honourable diverfion of trobles that canne be in 
 the world. Shee hath kept the fyer from her own 
 walles by feeking to quench it in her neighbours. That 
 poore brand of the State of Burgundy, and that other of 
 the Crowne of France that remayneth, had bene in afhes 
 but for the readie fountaine of her continual benignitie. 
 Eor the honour of her houfe it is well known, that al- 
 
 I i moil
 
 242 ; mftd Stdtt Fapn vf the 
 
 m6ft thte univerfal manners of the times dotheMinetoa 
 'Certaine parfimonie and dfynes in" that Mndeof eXpence: 
 /yet fhee retaiheth the auncient magnificence, the allow- 
 tthce^as full, the charge greater tfran in time of her Fa- 
 ther, or anie Km'g before * the bookes appeare, the com- 
 putation will not flatter., Arid for the remunerating and 
 rewarding of her fervants, and the attendance of the 
 Oourte, let a man caftemnd fumme up all the bookes 
 bf giftes, fee farmes, leafes and cuftodies that have paffed 
 her bountiful hali'ds. Let him confider again what a 
 tramber of commodious and gaineful offices heretofore 
 beftoWed tipon men of bthet education and profeffion 
 have bene WithdraWen and conferred upon her Courte. 
 et him remember, what a number of other giftes dif- 
 guifed by other names, but in effect as good as monie 
 given out of her cofers, have bene granted by her, and 
 he will conclude, that her royal minde is far above her 
 meanes. The other benefits of her politick clement and 
 gratious government towards the fubjedts are without 
 'number j the ftate of juftice good, notwithftanding the 
 great $\ibtiltie and humorous affection's of thefe times; 
 the fecuritie of peace greater than can be defcribed by 
 
 that Verfe ; 
 
 . . 
 
 'tutus bos etenim rura pemmbulat: 
 Nutrit rura Ceres, almaque Faufiitas.. 
 
 Or that other, 
 
 Gondii qui/que Mem collibus infuis. 
 
 The opuJency of the peace fuch as if you have refpect 
 (to take one figne for manie) to the number of fayre 
 
 houfes
 
 Lord Chancellor B a e q *. 243 
 
 houfes that have bene built fince her raigne, as Auguftus 
 faid, that he had received the city of brick, and lefte it 
 of marble : fo. fhee maye faye, fhee received it a realme 
 of cottages, and hath made it a realme of palaces : th^ 
 irate of traffique great and rich : the cuftomes, notwith- 
 standing thefe warres and interruptions not fallen-: ma-. 
 nie profitable trades, manie honourable difcoveries: and 
 laftly to make an end, where no end is \ {he flapping of 
 this realme foe advanced and made foe mighty and po-* 
 tent, as this Hand is become (as the natural lite thereof 
 defer ved) the Ladie of the Sea -, a point of foe high con- 
 fequence, as it may be truly faid, that' the commaunde^ 
 ment of the fea is an abridgement or a quinteifence o 
 ..an univerfal monarchy. 
 
 This, and much more hath fhee merited of her fub^ 
 iecls : now to fet forth the merit of her neyghboura and 
 the States about her. It femeth the- things have made 
 themfelves purveyors of continual, newe and noble occa- 
 fions for her to fhewe them henignitie, and. that t]ie fyers. 
 of trobles abrode have bene ordayned to be as lights and ta- 
 pers to make her vertew and magnanimitie more appa- 
 rent. For when that one, ftranger borne, the familie 
 of Guife, being as a haftie weed fprung up in a night, 
 had fpred itfelf to a greatnes, not civil but feditious ; a 
 greatnes, not of encounter of the auncyent nobilitie, not 
 of preheminencie in the favor of Kings, and not ret#ii& 
 of arfayres from Kings ; but a greatnes of innovation in 
 ftate, of ufurpations of authoritye, of affecting f 
 crownes, and that accordingly under colour of confangui- 
 nitie and religion : they had brought French forces into 
 Scotland, in the abfence of their King and Queen being 
 
 I i 2 within 
 
 R
 
 244 Same State Papers of the 
 
 within their ufurped tutele : and that the auncient nobili- 
 tie of this realme, feeing the imminent danger of reducing 
 that kingdom under the tyranny of foreiners and their fadti- 
 #n, had according to the good intelligence betwixt the two 
 Crownes prayed her neyghbourly fuccours: fhee under- 
 tooke the action, expelled the ftrangers, reftored the no- 
 bilitie to their degree; and lefle anie man mould think 
 her intent was to unneftle ill neyghbours, and not to ayde 
 good neyghbours, or that fhee was readier to reftore 
 what was invaded by others than to render what was in 
 her owne hands : fee if the tyme provided not a newe 
 occafion afterwards, when through their owne divifions 
 (without the intermife of ftrangers) her forces were a- 
 gayne fought and required -, fhee forfooke them not, pre* 
 vayled fo farre as to be poffefTed of the caftell of Eden- 
 borough : the principal ftrength of that kingdome, with 
 peace, incontinently, without cundtations or cavillations 
 (the preambles of a wavering fayth) fhee rendered with 
 all honour and fecuritie; and his perfon to fafe and 
 faytheful hands ; and foe ever after during his minority 
 continewed his principal gardein and protedtour. In the 
 time and betweene the two occafions of Scotland, when 
 the fame faction of Guife, covered ftill with pretence of 
 religion, and ftrengthened by the defire of retaining go- 
 vernment in the Queen Mother of France, had raifed and 
 moved civil warres in that kingdome, only to extirpate 
 the auncient nobilitie, by fhocking them one againft an- 
 other, and to wafte that realme as a candel which is 
 lighted at both ends: and that thofe of the religion, be- 
 ing neare of the blood royal, and otherwife of the great- 
 eft howfe in France, and great officers of the crownc 
 
 oppofed
 
 Lord Chancellor Bacon. 245 
 
 ppofed themfelves only againft their infolencie, and to- 
 their fupports called in her ayde, giving unto them New- 
 haven for a place of fecuritie: fee with what alacritic 
 in tender regard towards the fortune of that young King, 
 whofe name was ufed to the fuppliants of his ftrength,. 
 fhee embraced the enterprife ; and by their fupport and 
 reputation the fame partie fodainlie made great proceed- 
 ings, and in conclufion made their peace as they would 
 themfelves: and although they joined themfelves againft 
 her, and performed the parts rather of good patriots than 
 of good confederates, and that after great demonftration 
 of valour in her fubjects. For as the Frenche will to 
 this day report, fpecially by the great mortalitie by the 
 hande of God, and the rather becaufe it is knowea 
 fhee did never much affecle the holdeing of that towne 
 to her owne ufe; it was lefte, and her forces with- 
 drawen, yet did that nothing diminifh her meriteofthe 
 Crowne,. and namely of that partye who recovered by 
 it fuch ftrength as by that and no other thing they fub- 
 fifted longe after : and lefte that anie fhould linifterly and 
 maliciouflye interpret that fhee did noryihe thofe divifi- 
 ons j who knoweth not what fay thful advice, continual 
 and earneft follicitation fhee ufed by her EmbafTadors and 
 Minifters to the French Kings fucceflively, and to the? 
 Mother, to move them to kepe their edicts of pacification* 
 to retaine their owne authoritye and greatnes by the union: 
 of her fubjects ? Which Counfel, if it had bene as happily 
 followed, as it was prudently and fincerely given; Frances 
 at this daye had bene a moft florifhing kingdome, which 
 no we is a theatre of miferye. And nowe at laft,. when the 
 faid howfe.of Guife, being one of the whippes of God^ 
 whereof themfelves are but the cordes, and Spayne the: 
 
 ftocke,,
 
 246 Same State Papers of the 
 
 ftocke, had- by! their infinite afpyring practifes wrought th 
 miracle of States, to make a Kinge in poifemon longe efta- 
 blimed to plaie againe for his Crown, without anie tytte 
 of a Competitour, without anie invafion -of a foreine Ene- 
 mye , yea, without anie combination in fubftance of a 
 blood royal or Nobilitie : but only by furring in auda- 
 cious perfons into fondry government, and by making 
 the populace of townes drunke with feditious- preachers : 
 and that King Henry the third, awaked by thofe premng 
 dangers, was compelled to execute the Duke of Guije 
 without ceremony ; and yet neverthelefs, found the de- 
 fpayre of foe manie perfons embarked and engaged in 
 that confpiracye, foe violent, as the flame thereby was 
 little affwaged; foe that he was inforced to implore her 
 aydes and fuccors : eonftder, howe benigne care and good 
 cor ref pondence fhee gave to the diftrefTed reque&y of 
 that Kfogj and he foone after being by the facrilegious 
 hand of a wretched Jacobyn lifted up againft the fa- 
 cred perfon of his natural foveraigne taken awaie, not 
 wherein the criminous blood of Guife, but the innocent 
 blood which he hath often fpilled by inftigation of him 
 and his houfe was revenged, and that this worthy Gen- 
 tleman who nowe reigneth come to the Crowne ; it 
 will not be forgotten by foe grateful a King, nor by fo 
 obferving an Age, howe ready, howe opportune and rea- 
 fonable, howe royal and fufficient her fuccors were, 
 whereby fhee enlarged Kim at that tyme, and preferred 
 him to his better fortune: and ever fince in thofe tedi- 
 ous wasres wherein he hath to doe with a Hydra, or a 
 monfter with many heads, fhee hath fupported him 
 with treafure, with forces, and with imployment of one 
 
 th^
 
 that ftre&vorerh moft. 'What fhall tW&k of the of- 
 fering of Bm -Anthony? 'to- his fortune; a devoted Ca- 
 tholick, only commended unto her by his oppreffed 
 ftate? Whaft fhall I %>s -of the great ftormeofa'Tnyghtre 
 ittvaiion, --*#- ttf preparation, but in aOe ty MPftfir 
 'uporci-the King of Poland} lately diffipated only by the 
 fcea-mes of hef reputation : which with-tffc 'Qrtttti Sigt&r 
 is greater *hatftt*a?t of Hi trie ftates of 'Europe put *oge_ 
 ther ? Butlet me tfeft up On-tfoe horterable and continual ayde 
 .awd ccikfe tfhfe feath- gotten to %he difttfefled and defolaSte- 
 people of thetfw<? Countries-, a ipbopfe retommen#ed unto 
 3*fei? by auweient &rde-de*acye ; and day lye entetcoutffe., %y 
 .their caufe foe-inftioceflt, ^frdrbeir fortune L foe teittenta- 
 We. : And y^ flotwitMan ding, to keepe the conform*- 
 xk of her owne preceding- never* &ayned "with the teaft 
 , jiote of ambition or malice, fhee refufed tfce fover aitftie of 
 dyvers of thofe goodly provinces offred unto her wMl 
 greate infta&ce, to -have bene -accepted with great corf- 
 tentment feoth of her owne people and others, an&'ijaMy 
 to be derived either in rented of the hoftilitie -ofSpaynb, 
 or in refpect. of the conditions, 7 liberties and privilege's 
 . of &ofe fubjects, and without -charge danger andotfence 
 to the King of Sfaynt and his partifans. Shee hath ta- 
 ken upon her their defence and protection without anie 
 further avayle or profit unto her felfe than the honor and 
 merite of her benignitie to the people that hath bene pur- 
 sued by their natural 1 Ringe only upon paffion and 
 wrath, in fuch forte that he doth confume his meanes 
 upon revenge. And,, having to verifie that which I faid, 
 that her merites have extended to her ereateft'ienemies: 
 let k be remembred what hath 'paifedin that matter *be- 
 
 tweene
 
 348 Some State Papers of the 
 
 tweene the King of Spayne and her: ho we in the begin- 
 ning of the trobles there, fhee gave and imparted to him, 
 faythful and friendly advice touching the courfe that was 
 to be taken for quieting and appeafing of them. Then 
 fhee interpofed her felfe to moft juft and reafonable ca- 
 pitulations, wherein alwayes mould have bene preferved 
 unto him as ample intereft jurisdiction and fuperioritie 
 inthofe countries as he in right could claime, or a Prince 
 well minded would feeke to have: and (which is the greateft 
 point) fhee did by her advice, credit and policy, and 
 all good meanes, interrupt and appeache, that the fame 
 people by defpaire mould not utterly alien and diftracte 
 themfelves from the obedience of the King of Spayne, 
 and caft themfelves into the armes of a ftranger: info- 
 much, that it is moft true, that fhee did ever perfuade 
 the Duke of Anjou from that action, notwithftanding 
 the affection fhee bare to that Duke, and the obftinacy 
 which fhee fawe day lye growing in the King of Spayne. 
 Laftly, to touch the mightie general merite of this 
 Queene, beare in minde, that her benignitie and benefi- 
 cence hath bene as large as the oppreftion and ambition 
 of Spayne. For to beginne with the Church of Rome, 
 that pretended apoflolick See is become but a donative 
 cell of the King of Spayne j the Vicar of Chrifi is be- 
 come the Kinge of Spayne' Chaplen ; he partem the co- 
 ming in of the newe Pope, for the treafure of the olde : 
 lie was wont to exclude but fome two or three Cardi- 
 nals, and to leave the election of the reft: but nowe he 
 doth include, and prefent directly fome fmall number, 
 all incapable and incompatible with the Conclave, put in 
 cnly for colour, except one or two : The States of Italy e, 
 
 they
 
 
 Chancellor Bacon. ^. 
 
 they be like little quillets of Freehold being intermixt 
 in the midft of a great Honour or Lordfhip : France is 
 turned upfide downe, the fubject againft the Kinge, cut 
 and mangled infinitely , a countrey of Rodamonts and 
 Roytelets, farmers of the wayes : Portugal ufurped by 
 no other tytle than ftrength and vicinitie : The Lowe 
 Countries warred upon becaufe he ieeketh, not to porTefle 
 them, for they were po'flefled by him before, but to 
 plant there an abfolute and martial government, and to' 
 fupprefTe their liberties: The like at this daye attempted 
 upon Arragon : The poore Indies, whereas the Chriflian 
 religion generally brought infranchifement of Haves in all 
 places where it came, in a contrary courfe are brought 
 from Freemen to be flaves, and flaves of moft miserable 
 condition : Sondrye traines and practyfes of this King's 
 ambition in Germanye, Denmarke, Scotlande, the Eaft 
 townes, are not unknowen. Then it is her government, 
 and her governement alone, that hath bene the fkonce 
 and forte of all Europe, which hath lette this prowde 
 nation from overrunning all. If any flate be yet free 
 from his factions erected in the bowels thereof; if there 
 be anie ftate wherein this faction is erected, that is not 
 yet fyred with civil trobles ; if there be anie State under 
 his protection upon whom he ufurpeth not j if there be 
 anie fubject to him that enjoyeth moderate libertie upon 
 whom he tyrannifeth not : let them all knowe, it is by 
 the mercie of this renowned Queene, that flandeth be- 
 tweene them and their misfortunes. Thefe be fome of 
 the beames of noble and radiant magnanimitie, in con- 
 tempt of peryl which fo manifestly, in contempt of profit 
 which fo many admire, and in merite of the worlde which 
 
 Kk foe
 
 250 Some State Papers of the 
 
 foe manye include in themfelves; fet forth in my fim- 
 
 plicitie of fpeech with much lone of luftre, but with 
 
 neare approach of truth j as the funne is fene in the 
 water. 
 
 A pcrfona. Now to paffe to the excellencies of her perfon ; the viewe 
 of them wholly and not feverallie, do make foe fweete a 
 wonder, as I feare to divide them. Againe, nobilitie 
 extracted out of the royal and victorious lyne of the 
 Kings of England ; yea,, both rofes, white and red, doe 
 as well florifhe in her nobilitie as in her beautie, as 
 health, fuch as was like, fhee fhould have that was 
 brought forth by two of the moll goodly princes of the 
 world, in the ftrength of their yeares, in the heate of 
 their love ; that hath bene injured neither with an over 
 liberal nor overcurious diet, that hath not bene fu- 
 ftained by an umbratile life frill under the roofe, but 
 ilrengthened by the ufe of the pure and open ayre, that 
 ftill retayneth flower and vigour of youth. For the beau- 
 tie and manie graces of her pre fence, what colours are 
 fine enough for fuch a portraiture? Let noe light Poet 
 be ufed for fuch a defcription, but the chaftefl and the 
 royalefh 
 
 Of her gate; Et vera incejfu pat u it Dear. 
 Of her voice; Nee vox hominemfonat. 
 
 
 Of her Eye ; Et latos oculis afflavit honored 
 
 Of her colour -, Indumfanguineos veluti violav.erat ojlro 
 
 Sjquis ebur. 
 Of her necke.; Et rofea cervice refidfit. 
 Of her breftj Veftefmus collegia jiuentcs. 
 
 
 Of
 
 Lord Chancellor Bacon. 51 
 
 Of her hearej Ambrofitzque comce divinum vertice odo- 
 rem 
 
 Spiravere. 
 
 
 If this be prefumption, let him beare the blame that 
 oweth the verfes. What mall I fpeake of her rare qua- 
 lities of compliment ; which as they be excellent in the 
 things themfelves, fo they have alWayes befides fomewhat 
 of a Queen : and as Queenes ufe fhadowes and vailes 
 with their rych apparel 5 methinke in all her qualities 
 ther is fomewhat that flyeth from orientation, and yet 
 inviteth the minde to contemplate her more ? 
 
 What mould I fpeake of her excellent gifte of fpeache, A fermonc. 
 being a character of the greatnes of her conceyte, the 
 highte of her degree, and the fweetnefs of her nature ? 
 What life, what edge is ther in thofe wordes and glances 
 wherewith at pleafure {he canne give a man long to 
 thinke ; be yt that fhee meane to daunte him, to en- 
 corage him, or to amaze him ! How admirable is her 
 difcourfe, whether yt be in learning, ftate, or love ! 
 What varietie of knowlege ; what rarenes of conceyte J 
 what choice of wordes -, what grace of utterance ! Doth 
 it not appeare, that though her wit be as the adamant 
 of excellencyes, which draweth out of anie booke aunci- 
 ent or newe, out of any writing or fpeache, the beft : 
 yet fhee refineth it, fhee enricheth it far above the value 
 wherein it is received. And is her fpeache only that lan- 
 guage which the childe learneth with pleafure, and not 
 thofe which the fludious learne With induftrye? hath 
 fhee not attayned, befide her rare eloquence in her owne 
 language, infinitely polifhed fince her happy times, 
 
 K k 2 changes
 
 2 5 a Letters of the Lord 
 
 changes of her languages both learned and modernet fo 
 that fhee is able to negotiate with diverfe AmbafTadors in 
 their owne languages ; and that with no difadvantage 
 unto them, who I think cannot but have a great parte 
 of their wittes diffracted from their matters in hand to 
 the contemplation and admiration of iiich perfections. 
 What mould I wander on to fpeake of the excellencies of 
 her nature, which cannot endure to be looked on with a 
 difcontented eye : of the conftancye of her favors, which 
 maketh fervice as a jorney by land, whereas the fervice 
 of other princes is like an embarking by fea : for her 
 royal wyfdome and policie of government, he that fhaH 
 note and obferve the prudent temper fhee ufeth in ad- 
 mitting accelfe} of the one fide maintayning the majeftie 
 of her degree, and on the other fide not prejudicing her 
 felfe by looking to her eftate through too fewe windows : 
 her exquifite judgment in choofing and finding good fer- 
 vants (a point beyond the former), her profound difcre^ 
 tion in afhgning and appropriating every of them to 
 their aptefl employment : her penetrating fight in difco- 
 vering every man's ends and drifts: her wonderful arte in 
 keeping, fervants in fatisfaction and yet in appetite : her 
 inventing wit in contriving plots and overturnes : her ex- 
 act caution in cenfuring the propofitions of others for 
 her fervice: her forefeing events ; her ufageof occafions; 
 he that fhall confyder of thefe, and other things that 
 maye. not well be touched, as he fhall never ceafe to won- 
 der atfuch a Queene, ,foe he fhall wonder the lefs, that 
 in foe dangerous times when wyttes are foe cunning, hu- 
 mors extravagant, paflions foe violent, the corruptions 
 foe great, the diflirnulaticns foe deepe, factions foe ma- 
 
 nie:
 
 Chancellor Bacon, 2,5 3 
 
 nie : Shec hath notwithftanding done fuch greate things, 
 
 and rayned in felicitie. 
 . To fpeake of her fortune, that which I did referve A fortuna. 
 
 for a garlande of her honour ; and that is that fhee li- 
 veth a virgin, and hath noe children: Soe it is that which 
 maketh all her other vermes and acts more facred, more 
 augufl, more divine. Let them leave children, that 
 leave no other memorie in their times : Brut or urn ater- 
 nitas, foboles. Revolve in hiftories the memories of happy 
 men, and you fhall not finde anie of rare felicitie, but ei- 
 ther he dyed childelefs, or his lyne fpent foone after his 
 death; or elfe was unfortunate in hisChildren. Should a 
 man have them to be flayne by his vafTalles, as the pojlhu- 
 mus of Alexander the great was ? or to call them his 
 impoftors, as Augujlus Ccefar called his? Perufe the ca- 
 talogue: Cornelius Sylla, Julius Ccefar, Flavius Vejpa- 
 fianus, Sever us , Conjlantinus the great, and manie moe, 
 Generare & liberi, humana : Creare ? opera, divina* 
 And therefore, this objection removed, let* us proceed- to 
 take a view of her felicitie. 
 
 A mate of fortune fhee never tooke: only fome adver- a felicitate. 
 fitie fhee paffed at the firft, to give her a quicker CenCe 
 of the profperitie that fhoulde followe, and to make 
 her more repofed in the divine providence. Well, fhee 
 cometh to the Crowne: It was noe fmall fortune to finde 
 at her entrance fome fuch fervants and Counfellors as 
 fhee then found. The Frenche Kinge, who at this time 
 by reafon of the peace concluded with Spayne, and of 
 the intereft. he had in Scotland, mought have proved a 
 dangerous neyghbour : by howe flrange an accident 
 was he taken away? The Kinge of Spay w, who, if he 
 
 would*
 
 154 Some State Papers of the 
 
 would have enclyned to reduce the Lowe Countries by 
 lenitie, confydering the goodly revenewes which he 
 drewefrom thofe Countries, the great commoditye to an- 
 noye her ftate from thence, might have made mightyc 
 and perilous matches againft her repofe > putteth on a 
 refolution not only to ufe the meanes of thofe Countries, 
 but to fpend and confume all his other meanes, the trea- 
 fure of his Indies, and the forces of his ill compacted 
 dominions there and upon them. The Carles that re- 
 belled in the Northe, before the Duke of Norfolk's plot 
 (which indeed was the ftrength and feal of that commo- 
 tion) was fully rype, brake forth and prevented their 
 time. The Kinge, Sebajiian of Portugale, whome the 
 Kinge of Spayne would faine have perfuaded that it was 
 a devouter enterprife to purge Chriftendome than to en- 
 large it (though I knowe fome thinke that he did arti- 
 ficially nourifhe him in that voyage) is cut a pieces with 
 his armie in Africa : Then hath the Kinge of Spayne 
 worke cut out to make all things in redines during the 
 old Cardinal's time for the conqueft of Portugale; where- 
 by his defyer of invading of England was flakened and 
 put off fome yeares, and by that meanes was put in ex- 
 ecution at a time for fome refpects much more to his 
 difadvantage : And the fame invalion, like and as if it 
 had bene attempted before, it had the time much more 
 proper and favorable ; foe likewife, had it in trew dif- 
 courfe a better feafon afterwards: for, if it had bene dif- 
 folved till time that the League had bene better con- 
 firmed in France; which noe doubt would have bene, if 
 the Duke of Guife, who was the only man of worth on 
 that fide, had lived; and the French Kinge durft never 
 3 have
 
 Lord Chancellor Bacon. 25 
 
 have layed hand upon him, had he not bene animated 
 by the Inglifhe vidtorye againft the Spaniards precedent. 
 And then, if fome maritime towne had bene gotten in- 
 to the hands of the League, it had bene a great furetye 
 and ftrengthe to the enterpriie. The Popes, to confider 
 of them whofe courfe and policie it had bene (knowing 
 her Majeftie's natural clemencye) to have temporized and 
 difpenfed with the Papifb coming to Church, that 
 through the mafke of their hypocrifie they mought have 
 bene brought into places of government in the ftate and 
 in the Countrye: thefe, contrary wife, by the inftigation 
 of fome fugitive fcholars that advifed them, not that was 
 beft for the fee of Rome, but what agreed beft with their 
 egar humours and defperate ftates j difcover and declare 
 themfelves foe farre by fending moft Seminaries, and 
 taking of reconcilements, as there is nowe feveritie of 
 lawes entroduced for the repreffing of that forte,, and 
 men of that religion are become the fafpecT:e. What 
 mould I fpeakc of foe manie confpiracies miraculoufly 
 dete&ed ? The records (hew the treafons: but it is yet hid- 
 den in manie of them ho we they came to light. What 
 mould I fpeake of the oportune death of her enemies ? 
 and the wicked inftruments towards her eftate ? Don 
 yuan dyed not amifle: Darleigh, Duke of Lenox who 
 was ufed as an inftrument to divorce Scotland from the 
 amytie of England, dyed in no ill feafon : a man with- 
 drawen indeed at that time to France; but not without 
 o-reat helpe. I maye not mention the death of fome that 
 occurrre to minde : but ftill methinke, they live that 
 fhould live, and they dye that fhould dye. I would not 
 have the Kinge of Spayne dye yet ; he hfeges gloria : 
 
 but
 
 2,56 Letters of the Lord 
 
 but when he groweth dangerous, or "anie other befides 
 him ; I am perfuaded they will dye. What mould I 
 fpeake of the fortunes of her armies, which notwith- 
 standing the inward peace of this nation, were never 
 more renowned ? What mould I recount Leith and New- 
 haven for the honorable fkirmifhes and fervices ? They 
 are noe blemifh at all to the Militia of England. 
 
 In the Lowe Countries $ the Lammas daie, the re- 
 trai&e of Gante, the daye of Zatphen, and the profpe- 
 rous progrerTe of this fommer: the Bravado in Pbrtugale y 
 and the honourable exploits in the ayde of the Frenche 
 Kinge, befides the memorable voyages in the Indies ; 
 and laftly, the good entertaynment of the invincible Na- 
 vy -, which was chafed till the chafers were wearye, after 
 infinite lone, without taking a Cockboate, without fy- 
 ring a fhepecoat, fayled on the mercyes of the winde, 
 and the difcretion of their adventures, making a peram- 
 bulation or pilgrimage about the Northern feas, and ig- 
 nobling manie mores and points of land by mipwreck : 
 and foe returned home with fkorne and difhonour, much 
 greater than the terrour and expectation of their fetting 
 iorth. 
 
 Thefe vertewes and perfections, with foe greate felici- 
 tie, have made her the honour of her tymes, the admi- 
 ration of the worlde, the fuite and afpyring of greater!: 
 Kings and Princes, who yet durfr, never have afpyred 
 unto her, but as their mindes were rayfed by Love. 
 
 But why doe I forget, that wordes doe extenuate and 
 
 embafe matters of foe great wayghte. Tyme is her bed 
 
 commender, which never brought forth fuch a Prince 
 
 whofe imperial vertewes contend with the excellencie of 
 
 3 her
 
 Lord Chancellor Bacon. 
 
 her perfon : both vertewes contend with her fortune : and 
 both vertew and fortune contend with her fame. 
 
 Or bis amor, f am & carmen, ccelique pupilla; 
 T'u decus omne tuis> tu decus ipja tibi! 
 
 *57 
 
 The Proceedings of the Rarle ofEffex. 
 
 The pointes of forme worthy to be obferved. 
 
 TH E fifth of June in Trinity erm> upon rfhurf- 
 da)\ being no Starr-Chamber Day, at the ordi- 
 nary houre when the Courts fit at JVeftminJler, were af- 
 fembled together at the Lord-Keeper's houfe in the Great 
 Chamber, her Majefly's Privy-Council, inlarged and aril- 
 fled for that time and caufe by the fpecial call and af- 
 fociating of certaine felected perfons, viz. four Earls, 
 two Barons, and four Judges of the law, making in the 
 whole a Council or Court of eighteen perfons, who were 
 attended by four of her Majefly's learned Counfel for 
 chargeing the Earl ; and two clerks of the Council, the 
 one to read, the other as aRegifler, and an auditory of per- 
 fons, to the number, as Icouldguefs, of two hundred, al- 
 mofl all men of quality, but of every kind or profefrion - r 
 Nobility, Court, Law, Country, City. The upper end of 
 the table left void for the Earl's appearance, who, after 
 the CommirTioners had fat a while, and the Auditory was 
 quiet from the firfl throng to get in, and the Doors 
 
 L 1 (hut 
 
 - 

 
 258 Some State Papers of the 
 
 mut, prefented himfelf and kneeled down at the bord's 
 end, and fo continued till he was licenfed to ftand up. 
 
 Tloe Names of the Commissioners. 
 
 Lord Archbifhop, 
 Lord Keeper, &c. 
 
 A Declaration T T was opened, that her Majeftie being imperial, and 
 ffi'proeeeiing. A immediate under God, was not holden to render ac- 
 count of her actions to any; howbeit, becaufe me had 
 chofen ever to governe, as well with fatisfaction as with 
 foveraignty; and the rather, to command down the 
 windes of malicious and feditious rumors wherewith 
 mens conceits maie have been toned to and fro, fhe was 
 pleafed to call the World to an underftanding of her 
 princely courfe held towards the Earle of Efex, as well 
 in herebefore protracting as in now proceeding. 
 
 The Earle repairing from his government into this 
 realme in Augnjl laft, contrary to her Majefty's exprefs 
 and moft judicial commandment, though the contempt 
 Were in that point vifible, and her Majefty's mind pre- 
 pared to ajuft and high difpleafure, in regard of that 
 realme of Ireland fet at hazard by his former difobe- 
 dience to her royal directions, yet kept that flay, as fhe 
 commanded my Lord only to his chamber in court, un- 
 til his allegations might by her Privy-Council be questi- 
 oned and heard; which account taken, and my Lord's 
 anfwers appearing to be of no defence, that fhadow of 
 defence which was offered confifled of two parts, the 
 one his owne conceit of fome likelyhood of good effects 
 to enfue of the courfe held, the other a vehement and 
 
 over-
 
 Lord Chancellor Bacon. 259 
 
 over-ruling perfwafion of the Council there (though he 
 were indeed as abfolutely freed from opinion of the 
 Council of Ireland, as he was abfolutely tied to her 
 Majefty's truffc and in ft ructions.) Neverthelefs her Maje- 
 flie not unwilling to admit any extenuation of his offence* 
 and confidering the one point required advertizement 
 out of Ireland, and the other further expectation of 
 the event and fequel of the affaires there (and fo both 
 points afked time and protraction ;) her Majeftie pro- 
 ceeded ftill with refervation, not to anie reflraint q 
 my Lord according to the nature and degree of his of- 
 fence, but to a commitment of him, fub libera cuJlodia y 
 in the Lord Keeper's houfe. 
 
 After, when both partes of this difference plainly 
 failed my Lord, yea and proved utterly adverfe to him 
 (for the Council of Ireland in plaine termes difavowed 
 all thofe his proceedings, and the event made a mifera- 
 ble interpretation of them,) then her Majeftie began to 
 behold the offence in nature and likenefs, as it was de- 
 vefted from any palliation or cover, and in the true pro- 
 portion and magnitude thereof, importing the peril of a 
 Kingdom ; which confideration wrought in her Majeftie 
 a ftrange effect (if any thing which is heroical in vertue 
 can be ftrange in her nature) for when offence was 
 grown unmeafurably offenfive, then did grace fupera. 
 boundj and in the heat of all the ill news out of Ire- 
 land, and other advertizements thence to my Lord's dis- 
 advantage, her Majeftie entred into a refolution, out of 
 her felf and her infcrutable goodnefs, not to overthrow 
 my Lord's fortune irreparably, by publique and propor- 
 tionable juftice: Notwithstanding, inafmuchas about that 
 
 LI 2 time
 
 26 o Some State Papers of the 
 
 time there did fly about in London ftreets and theatres di- 
 vers feditious libels; and Powles and Ordinaries were full 
 of bold and factious difcourfes, whereby not onely many 
 of her Majefty's faithful and zealous Counfellors and fer- 
 vants were taxed, but withal the hard eftate of Ireland 
 was imputed to any thing rather then unto the true caufe 
 (the Earl's defaults) though this might have made any 
 Prince on earth to lay afide ftraightways the former re- 
 folution taken, yet her Majeftie in her moderation per- 
 fifted in her courfe of clemencie, and bethought her felf 
 of a meane to right her own honour, and yet fpare the 
 Earle's ruine ; and therefore taking a juft and moft ne- 
 ceffary occafion upon thefe libels, of an admonition to 
 be given feafonably, and as is oft accuftomed - T the laft 
 Star^Chamber day of Michaelmas terme was pleafed, that 
 declaration fhould be made, by way of teftimonie, of 
 all her honourable Privy-Council of her Majefty's infi- 
 nite care, royal provifions, and prudent directions for 
 the profecutions in Ireland, wherein the Earles errors 
 (by which meanes foe great care and chardge was fru- 
 flrated) were incidently touched. 
 
 But as in bodies very corrupt, the medicine rather ftir- 
 reth and exafperateth the humor than purgeth it, foe fome 
 turbulent fpirits laid hold of this proceeding in foe lin- 
 gular partialitie towards my Lord, as if it had been to 
 his difadvantage, and gave out that this was to condemn 
 a man unheard, and to wound him on his back, and to 
 leave juftice her fword, and take away her ballance, 
 'which confifted of an accufation and a defence, and fuch 
 other feditious phrafes ; whereupon her Majeftie feeing 
 her felfe interefted in honour, which flie hath ever 
 
 fought 
 
 3
 
 Lord Chancellor Bacon. 26 1 
 
 fought to preferve as her eye, cleere and without mote, 
 was inforced to refolve of a judicial hearing of the caufe, 
 which was accordingly appointed in the end of Hilary 
 terme. At the which time warning being given to 
 my Lord to prepare himfelf, he falling as it feemed in a 
 deep confideration of his eftate, made unto her Majeflie 
 by letter an humble and effectual fubmiffion, befeech- 
 ing her that, that bitter cup of juftice mought pafs from 
 him (for thofe were his wordes ;) which wrought fuch art 
 impreffion in her Majefty's mind, that it not only re- 
 vived in her her former refolution to forbear any pub- 
 lique hearing, but it fetched this vertue out of mercy 
 by the only touch, as few days after my Lord was re- 
 moved to further liberty in his own houfe, her Majeflie 
 hoping that thefe bruits and malicious imputations would 
 of themfelves wax old and vanifh ; but rinding it other- 
 wife in proofe, upon tafle taken by fome intermiffion of 
 time, and efpecially beholding the humor of the time in 
 a letter prefumed to be written to her Majeflie her felf 
 by a Lady, to whom though neareft in blood to my 
 Lord, it appertained little to intermeddle in matters of 
 this nature, otherwife then in courfe of humility to have 
 follicited her grace and mercy; in which letter, in a 
 certain violent and mineral fpirit of bitternefs, remon- 
 ftrance and reprefentation is made to her Majeflie, as if 
 my Lord fuffered under paflion and faction, and not un- 
 der juftice mixed with mercy: which letter, though 
 written to her facred Majeflie, and therefore unfit to pafs - 
 in vulgar hands, yet was firfl divulged by copies every 
 where (that being as it feemeth the newefl and finefl 
 forme of libelling) and fince committed to the prefs,, 
 
 her
 
 2.6 a Some State Papers of the 
 
 her Majeftie in her wifdom feeing manifestly thefe ru- 
 mors thus nourished had got too great a head to be re- 
 preiTed without fome hearing of the caufe, and calling 
 my Lord to anfwer. And yet on the other fide being 
 ftill informed touching my Lord himfelf, of his conti- 
 nuance of penitence and iubmimon, did in conclufion 
 refolve to ufe juftice, but with the edge and point ta- 
 ken off and rebated ; for whereas nothing leaveth that 
 teint upon honor (which in a perfon of my Lord's con- 
 dition is hardlieft repaired) in queftion of juftice, as to be 
 called to the ordinary and open place of offenders and 
 criminals, her Majeftie had ordered that the hearing 
 fhould be intra domejiicos parietes, and not luce for enji. 
 And whereas again in the Star-Chamber there be cer- 
 taine formalities (not fit in regard of example to be dif- 
 penfed with) which would ftrike deeper both into my 
 Lord's fortune and reputation ; as the fine which is in- 
 cident to a fentence there given, and the imprifonment 
 of the Tower, which in cafe of contempts that touch 
 the point of eftate doth likewife follow -, her Majeftie 
 turning this courfe, had directed that the matters fhould 
 receive before a great, honourable, and felected Council, 
 a full and deliberate (and yet in refpect) a private mild 
 and gracious hearing. 
 
 All this was not fpoken in one undivided fpeech, but 
 partly by the firft that fpake of the learned Counfel, 
 and partly by fome of the Commiflioners : for in this and 
 the reft I keep order of matter, and not of circum- 
 ftance. 
 
 
 The
 
 Lord Giancellor Bacon. 263 
 
 tfbe matters laid to my Lord's charge. 
 
 The matters wherewith my Lord was chardged were *& charge. 
 of two feveral natures ; of an higher, and of an inferior 
 degree of offence. 
 
 The former kind purported great and high contempts 
 and points of mifgovernance in his office of her Ma- 
 jefty's Lieutenant and Governor of her realme of Ire- 
 land; and in the trufi and authority thereby to him 
 committed. 
 
 The latter contained divers notorious errors and ne- 
 glects of duty, as well in his government as otherwife. 
 
 The great contempts and points of mifgovernmen* 
 and malverfation in his office, were articulate into three 
 heads. 
 
 I. The firft was the army into MunJIer, whereby the The three prin- 
 profecution in due time upon Tyrone in Uljler yf^ ci P al ^ rttcles - 
 overthrowne, wherein he proceeded contrary to his 
 directions, and the whole defign of his employment; 
 whereof enfued the confumption of her Majefty's 
 
 army, treafure and proviiions, and the evident pe- 
 ril of that kingdom. 
 
 II. The fecond was the dishonourable and dangerous 
 treaty held, and ceflation concluded with the fame 
 arch rebel Tyrone. 
 
 III. The third was his contemptuous leaving his go- 
 vernment, contrary to her Majefty's abfolute man- 
 date under her hand and lignet, and in a time of fo 
 imminent and inftant danger, 
 
 For 
 
 3
 
 i6& Some State Tapers of the 
 
 For the firft, it had two partes; that her Majefty's re- 
 folution and direction was precife and abfolute for the 
 Northern profecution, and that the fame direction was 
 by my Lord, in regard of the journey to Munjltr y will- 
 fully and contemptuoufly broken. 
 ?hat her Ma- It was therefore delivered that her Majeftie, touched 
 wlprecife and***$* a tr ue and princely fenfe of the torne and broken 
 abfolute fir the e fl- a t e f t h at Kingdom of Ireland, entered into a mofl 
 
 ftorthern fro- % 
 
 fedutm. chriftian and magnanimous refolution to leave no facul- 
 tie of her regal power or policy unimployed for the re- 
 duction of that people, and for the fupprefling and utter 
 quenching of that flame of rebellion, wherewith that 
 Countrey was, and is wafted : whereupon her Majeftie 
 was pleafed to take knowledge of the general conceipt, 
 how the former makeing and manageing of the actions 
 there had been taxed, upon two exceptions ; the one, 
 that the proportions of forces which had been there 
 maintained and continued by fupplies, were not fuffici- 
 ent to bring the profecutions to a period: the other, 
 that the profecutions had been alfo intermixed and in- 
 terrupted with too many temporizing treaties, where- 
 by the Rebel did not only gather ftrength, but alfo 
 find his ftrength more and more, foe as ever fuch 
 fmothers broke forth again into greater flames. Which 
 kind of difcourfes and objections, as they were entertain- 
 ed in a popular kind of obfervation, foe were they ever 
 chiefly patronized and apprehended by the Earle, both 
 upon former times and occafions, and now laft when 
 this matter was in deliberation. Soe as her Majeftie to 
 acquit her honor and regal function, and to give this fa- 
 tisfaction to her felf and others, that fhe had left no way 
 
 untried,
 
 Lord Chancellor Bacon. 26 s 
 
 untried, refolved to undertake the action with a royal 
 Army and puifEmt forces, under the leading of fome 
 principal Nobleman ; in fuch fort, that as far as hu- 
 mane difcourfe might difcerne, it might be hoped that 
 by the expedition of a Summer, things might be brought 
 to that ftate, as both realms may feele fome eafe and re- 
 fpiration ; this from chardge and levies, and that from 
 troubles and perilles. Upon this ground her Majeftie 
 made choice of my Lord of Effex for that fervice, a 
 principal Peere and officer of her realme, a perfon ho- 
 noured with the truft of a Privy Counfellor, graced with 
 the note of her Majefty's fpecial favor, infalliblie be- 
 tokening and redoubling his worth and value, inabled 
 with the experience and reputation of former fervices, 
 and honorable chardges in the warrs ; a man every way 
 eminent, felect and qualified for a General of a great en- 
 terprize, intended for the recovery and reduction of 
 that Kingdom, and not onely or meerly as a Lieutenant 
 or Governor of Ireland. 
 
 My Lord, after that he had taken the chardge upon 
 him, fell ftraightways to make propofitions anfwerable 
 to her Majefty's ends, and anfwerable to his own for- 
 mer difcourfes and opinions ; and chiefly did fet down 
 one full and diftinct refolution, that the defigne and acti- 
 on, which of all others was moft final and fummary to- 
 wards an end of thofe troubles, and which was worthy 
 her Majefty's enterprize, with great and puiflant forces 
 was a profecution to be made upon the Arch-traitor 
 I'yronne in his own ftrengths within the province of 
 Ulfter, whereby both the inferior rebels which relie up- 
 on him, and the forrener upon whom he relieth might 
 
 M m be
 
 266 Proceedings agaipft 
 
 be difcouraged, and fo to cutafiinder both dependances: 
 and for the proceeding with greater ftrength and polli- 
 cy in that action, that the main invafion and imprefli- 
 on of her Majefty's army mould be accompanied and 
 correfponded unto by the plantation of ftrong garri- 
 fons in the North, as well upon the river of Logb- 
 foile as a pofterne of that province, as upon the hether 
 frontiers, both for the diftracting and brideling of the 
 rebells forces during the action ; and againe, for the keep- 
 ing pofleffion of the victory, if God mould fend it. 
 
 This propofition and project: moving from my Lord r 
 was debated in many confultations. The principal men 
 of judgment and fervice in the warrs, as a councill of 
 warr, to affift a councill of ftate were called at times unto 
 it; and this opinion of my Lord was by himfelfe fortified, 
 and maintained againft all contradiction and oppofite ar- 
 gument; and in the end, ex unanimi confenfu, it was 
 concluded and refolved that the axe mould be put to the 
 root of the tree; which refolution was ratified and con- 
 firmed by the binding and royal judgment of her facred 
 Majeitie, whoe vouch fafed her kingly prefence at moft 
 of thofe confultations. 
 
 According to a propofition and enterprize of this na- 
 ture, were the proportions of forces and provifions there- 
 unto allotted. The firrt proportion iet downe by my 
 Lord was the number of 12000 foote and 1200 horfe; 
 which being agreed unto, upon fome other accident out 
 of Ireland the Earle propounded to have it made 14000 
 foot, and 1300 horfe, which was likewife accorded : 
 within a little while after the Earle did newly Infift to 
 have an augmentation of 2000 more, ufeing great per- 
 
 fwafions
 
 the Earl of Essex. 267 
 
 fwafions and confident fignifications of good effecl: if 
 thofe numbers might be yielded to him, as which he 
 alfo obtained before his departure; and befides the flip- 
 plies of 2000 arriving in July, he had authority to raife 
 2000 Irijb more, which he procured by his letters out of 
 Ireland, with pretence to further the Northern fervice; 
 foe as the army was raifed in the conclufion and lift to 
 16000 foote, and i3oohorfe, fupplied with 2000 more 
 at three months end, and increafed with 2000 Irijb 
 upon this new demand ; whereby her Majeftie at that 
 time paid 18000 foote and 1300 horfe in the realme of 
 Ireland. Of thefe forces, divers companies drawne out 
 of the experienced bands of the Low-Countries, fibecial 
 care taken that the new levies in the country mould be 
 of the ableft, and moft difpofed bodies ; the army alfoe 
 animated and encouraged with the fervice of divers brave 
 and valiant Noblemen and Gentlemen voluntaries; in 
 fumme, the moft flourifhing and compleat troupes that 
 have been known to have been fent out of our nation in any 
 late memory. A great mafs of treafure provided and ifiiied, 
 amounting to fuch a total, as the chardge of that army, all 
 manner of ways, from the time of the firft provifions and 
 fetting forth, to the time of my Lord's returning into Eng- 
 land, was verified to have drawn out of the cofers, befides 
 the chardge of the country, the quantity of 300000 /. 
 and foe ordered, as he carried with him three months 
 pay before hand, and likewife victual, munition, and all 
 habiliments of warr whatfoever, with attendance of Ship- 
 ping allowed and furnifhed in a fortable proportion, and 
 to the full of all my Lord's own demands; for my Lord 
 being himfelfe a principal Counfellor for the preparatL 
 
 M m 2 ons,
 
 a68 Proceedings againft 
 
 ons, as he was to be an abfolute Commander in the ex- 
 ecution, his fpirit was in every conference and conclusi- 
 on, in fuch fort, as when there happened any points of 
 difference upon demands, my Lord uling the forceible 
 advantages of the toleration and liberty which her Ma- 
 jefty's fpecial favor did give unto him, and the great 
 devotion and forwardnefs of his fellow Counfellors to the 
 general caufe, and the neceffity of his then prefent fer- 
 vice, he did ever prevail and carry it ; infomuch as it 
 was objected and laid to my Lord's charge as one of 
 his errors and preemptions, that he ^id oftentimes up- 
 on their proportions and demands enter into conteftati- 
 ons with her Majeftie, more a great deal than was fit, 
 AH which ( propolitions before mentioned being to the 
 utmoft of my Lord's own afkeings, and of that height 
 and ,greatnefs, might really and demonftrativelie exprefs 
 and intimate unto him, befides his particular knowledge 
 which he had aB a Counfellor of eilate, of the meanes 
 both of her Majeftie and this kingdom, that he was not 
 to expect to have the commandment of 16000 foot and 
 1300 horfe as an appurtenance to his lieutenancy of Ire- 
 land, which was imporhble to be maintained, but contra- 
 riewife, that in trueth of intention, he was defigned as 
 General for one j great action and expedition, unto which 
 the reft of his authority was but acceflary and accom- 
 modate. 
 
 It was delivered further, 'that in the authority of his 
 commirlion , which was more ample in many points 
 than any former Lieutenant had been vefted with ; there 
 were many direct and evident marks of his deiignation 
 to- the Northern action, as principally a claufe whereby 
 
 1 Merum
 
 the Earl of Essex. 2,69 
 
 Merum arbitrium belli & pacts, was repofed in his fole 
 truft and difcretion, whereas all the Lieutenants were 
 ever tied unto the peremptory affiflance and admonition 
 of a certaine number of voices of the Council of Ire- 
 land. The occafion of which claufe foe paffed to my 
 Lord, doth notably difclofe and point unto the precife 
 truft committed to my Lord for the Northern journeys 
 for when his commimon was drawne at finft according 
 to former prefidents, and on the other fide my Lord in- 
 fifted ftrongly to have this new and prima facie vaft and 
 exorbitant authority, he ufed this argument; that the 
 Councel of Ireland had many of them iliveings and pof- 
 feffions in or near the province of Lemfier and Munjler : 
 but that Ulfter was abandoned from any fuch -particular 
 refpe&s, whereby it was like the Council there would be 
 glad to >ufe her Majefty's forces for the clearing and af- 
 fureingof thofe territories and countries where their for- 
 tunes and eftates were planted ; foe as if he mould be 
 tied to their voices, he were like to be diverted from 
 the maine iervice intended, upon which reafon that 
 claufe was yielded unto. 
 
 Soe as it was then concluded that all circumftances 
 tended to one point, that there was a full and precife 
 intention and direction for Ulfter, and that my Lord 
 could not difcend into the connderation of his owne qua- 
 litie and valew, he could not mufter his faire army, he 
 could not account with the Treafurer and take confidera- 
 tion of the great mafs of treafure iffued, he could not 
 look into the ample and new claufe of his letters patents, 
 he could not look back, either to his own former dif- 
 courfes, or to the late propositions whereof himfelfe was 
 
 author,
 
 27 Proceedings againfl 
 
 author, nor to the conferences, confutations and con- 
 clufions thereupon, nor principally to her Majefty's royal 
 direction and expectation , nor generally to the conceit 
 both of fubjects of this realm, and the Rebels themfelves 
 in Ireland; but which way foever he turned, he muft 
 find himfelfe trufted, directed, and engaged wholly for the 
 Northern expedition. 
 
 The parts of this that was charged were verified by 
 three proofes; the firft, the moil authentical but theleaft 
 profefled, and that was her Majefty's own royal affirma- 
 tion, both by her fpeech now and her precedent letters ; 
 the fecond, the teftimony of the Privy Council, who up- 
 on their honours did avouch the fubflance of that was 
 chardged, and referred themfelves alfoe to many of their 
 Lordfhips letters to the fame effect ; the third, letters 
 written from my Lord after his being in Ireland, where- 
 by the refolution touching the defigne of the North is 
 often knowledged. 
 The proofes. There follow fome claufes both of her Majefty's let- 
 ters arid of the Lords of her Council, and of the Earle's 
 and the Councel of Ireland for the verification of this 
 point. 
 
 Her Majeftie, in her letter of the 19 th of July to my 
 Lord of EJex, upon the lingering of the Northern jour- 
 ney, doubting my Lord did value fervice, rather by the 
 labor he indured, then by the advantage of her Majefty's 
 royal ends, hath thefe words: 
 
 TYou have in this difpatch given us fmall light, either 
 
 Her Maje/Is f } . . , r ? , , , 
 
 //v ,;>-/ */Ef- when or m what order you intend particularly to pro- 
 ^immetiately' ceec * to tne Northern action ; wherein if you compare the 
 after tbeMxm.- { imt t ] iat j s run 0Dj anc j t h e exceffive chardges that are 
 
 Jter journey. 
 
 fpent
 
 the Earl of Essex. 271 
 
 fpent, with the effects of any thing wrought by this voy- 
 age (howfoever we remaine fatisfied with your own par- 
 ticular cares and travels of body and mind) yet you 
 mult needs think that we that have the eyes of forreign 
 Princes upon our actions, and have the hearts of people 
 to comfort and cherim, who groan under the burden of 
 continual levies and impofitions, which are occafion- 
 ed by thefe late actions, can little pleafe our felfe hether- 
 to with any thing that hath been effected.] 
 
 In another branch of the fame letter, reflecting her 
 royal regard upon her owne honour interefled in this 
 delay, hath thefe words. 
 
 [Whereunto we will add this one thing that doeth dficond daufe 
 more difpleafe us then any chardge or offence that hap- f er . ejc1 ' 
 pens, which is, that it mufl be the Queen of England's 
 fortune (who hath held down the greateft enemy me 
 had) to make a bafe buihkerne to be accounted foe fa- 
 mous a Rebel, as to be a perfon againft whome foe many 
 thoufands of foote and horfe, befide the force of all 
 the Nobility of that kingdom, mufl be, thought too little 
 to be imployed.]; 
 
 In another branch, difcovering as upon the advantage 
 ground of her princely wifdom what would be the if- 
 fue of the courfes then held, hath thefe words.. 
 
 [And therefore although by your letter, we found your A third daufe 
 purpofe to go Northwards, on which depends the main jj he f amlet - 
 good of our fervice, and which we expected long fince 
 mould have been performed ; yet becaufe we do hear it 
 bruited (befides the words of your letter written with 
 your own hand, which carries fome fuch fenfe) that you 
 who alledge fuch ficknefs in your army by being tra- 
 velled
 
 zjz Proceedings against 
 
 veiled with yon, and find foe great and important affairs 
 to digeft at Dublin, will yet ingage your felf perfonally 
 into Ophalie (being our Lieutenant) when you have 
 there foe many inferiors able^ might victual a fort, or 
 feek revenge againft thofe who have lately profpered a- 
 gainft our forces. And when we call to mind how 
 far the fun hath run his courfe, and what dependeth 
 upon the timely plantation of garrifons in the North* 
 and how great fcandal it would be to our honour to 
 leave that proud Rebel unafTaied, when we have with fo 
 great an expectation of our enemies engaged our felves 
 fo far in the action ; foe that without that be done, all 
 thofe former courfes will prove like via navis in mari: 
 befides that our power, which hetherto hath been dread- 
 ed by potent enemies, will now even be held contemp- 
 tible amongfr. our Rebels. We muft. plainely chardge 
 you according to the duty you owe to us, foe to unite 
 foundnefs of judgment to the zeal you have to doe us 
 fervice, as with all fpeed to pafs thether in fuch fort, 
 as the axe might be put to the root of that tree, which 
 hath been the treafonable flock from whom foe many 
 poyfoned plants and grafts have been derived ; by which 
 proceedings of yours, we may neither have caufe to re- 
 pent our imployment of your felfe for omitting thofe 
 opportunities to fhorten the warrs, nor receive in the 
 eye of the world imputation of foe much weaknefs in 
 our felfe to begin a worke without better forefight, 
 what would be the end of our excemVe chardge, the ad- 
 venture of our peoples lyves, and the holding up of our 
 own greatnefs againft a wretch whom we have raifed 
 from the duft, and who could never profper, if the 
 
 chardgcs
 
 the Earl of Essex. 2,73 
 
 chardges wee have been put to were orderly im- 
 ployed. 
 
 Her Majeftie in her particular letter written to my Her Majejiie 
 Lord the 30 th of July, bindeth flill expreily upon the ^3^ 
 Northern- profecution, my Lord, ad principal! a rerum, m^' 
 thefe words. 
 
 [Firft, you know right well when wee yielded to this 
 exceflive chardge, it was upon no other foundation then 
 to which your felfe did ever advife us as much as any, 
 which was to affaile the Northern traitor , and to plant 
 garrifons in his countreyj it being ever your firm opini- 
 on, amongft other our Council, to conclude that all that 
 was done in other kind in Ireland, was but wafte and 
 confumption.] 
 
 Her Majeftie in her letter of the 9 th of Augufi to my 
 Lord of E/fex and the Councel of Ireland, when after 
 Munjler journey, they began in a new time to diflwade 
 the Northern journey in her excellent ear, quickly find- 
 ing a difcord of men from themfelves, chardgeth them in 
 thefe words. 
 
 [Obferve well what wee have already written, and ap- ^ j^ a : e a ie 
 ply your Counfels to that which may ihorten, and not * m y Lordand 
 
 . , r r r , tbt CoUmH e f 
 
 prolong the warr; feeing never any of you was of other Ireland 9^ 
 opinion, then that all other courfes were but confump- ugu 
 tions, except we went on with the Northern profe- 
 cution.] 
 
 The Lords of her Majefty's Council in their letter of 
 the 10 th of Augufi to my Lord of Efex and the Coun- 
 cil of Ireland, do in plaine termes lay before them the 
 firft plot, in thefe words. 
 
 N n Wee
 
 z 74 Proceedings again ft 
 
 <tbe Lords of [Wee cannot deny but wee did ground ourCounfels up- 
 
 tke Council to L . . - i . , 1 t * i i r 
 
 my Lord and on this foundation, that there mould have been a proie- 
 SkndTo^ 7 cution of the capital rebels in the North, whereby the 
 Auguji. warr might have been fhortened; which refolution, as it 
 was advifed by your felfe before your going, and affent- 
 ed to by moil part of the Council of warr that were 
 called to the queilion, foe mufl wee confefs to your Lord- 
 ihip, that we have all this while concurred with herMa- 
 jeftie in the fame defire and expectation.] 
 
 My Lord of EJJex and the Council of Ireland, in 
 their letter of the 5 th of May to the Lords of the Coun- 
 cil before the Munjier journey, write in hac verba. 
 My Lord of [Moreover, in your Lordfhip's great wifdom, you will 
 CmnciUflxL likewife judge what pride the rebels will grow to, what 
 land t0 *e advantage the forreigne enemy may take, and what lofs 
 her Majeftie Ihall receive, if this Summer the arch traitor 
 be not aflailed, and garrifons planted upon him.] 
 
 My Lord of EJfex in his particular letter of the 11 th 
 of July, to the Lords of the Council after Munfier 
 journey, writetn thus. 
 <L%e Earl to the [As faft as I can call thefe troops together, I will goe 
 j y . r ' looke upon yonder proud rebel, and if I find him on hard 
 
 ground, and in an open countreyj though I mould find 
 him in horfe and foot three for one, yet will I by God's 
 grace diflodge him, or put the Council to the trouble 
 of, &c] 
 
 The Earle of Efjex in his letter of the 14 th o$ Anguft 
 to the Lords of the Councel, writeth out of great af- 
 fection, as it feemeth, in thefe words. 
 The Ear/ to Yet mull thefe rebels be aflailed in the height of their 
 
 the Lords, 14 a 
 
 Auguit pride, and our bafe clownes mufl be taught to fight a- 
 
 gain,
 
 the Earl of Ess ex. 275 
 
 gain, elfe will her Majefty's honc^r never be recovered, 
 nor our nation valued, nor this kingdom reduced.] 
 
 Befides it was noted, that whereas my Lord and the 
 Council of Ireland, had by theirs of the 15 th of July 
 defired an increafe of 2000 Irijh purpofely for the bet- 
 ter fetting on foot of the Northern fervice j her Maje- 
 ftie, notwithstanding her proportions by often gradations 
 and rifeings, had been raifed to the higheft elevation^ 
 yet was pleafed to yield unto it. 
 
 1. The firft part concerneth my Lord's ingrefs into 
 his chardge, and that which palled here before his go- 
 ing hence i now followeth an order, both of time and 
 matter, what was done after my Lord was gone into 
 Ireland, and had taken upon him the government by 
 her Majefty's Commimon. 
 
 2. The fecond part then of' the firft article was to that my Lord 
 (hew, that my Lord did wilfully and contemptuoufly in ^$t^ 
 this great point of eftate, violate and infrindge her Ma- mflyv'wUttbtr 
 
 . j Majejifs dire- 
 
 jefty's direction before remembred. tiion touching 
 
 In delivering of the evidence and proofes of this P& '&%**? 
 it was laid down for a foundation, that there was a full 
 performance on her Majefty's part of all the points a- 
 greed upon for this great profecution, fo as there was 
 no impediment or caufe of interruption from hence. 
 
 This is proved by a letter from my Lord of Effex, 
 and the Council of Ireland to the Lords of the Council 
 here, dated 9 th May, which was fome three weeks af- 
 ter my Lord had received the fword, by which time he 
 might well and thorowly inform himfelf whether pro- 
 mife were kept in all things or no, and the words of the 
 letter are thefe. 
 
 N n 2 As
 
 276 Proceedings againft, &c. 
 
 <[he Earl of [As your Lordfhips do very truly fet forth, we do very 
 Council of ire- humbly acknowledge her Majefty's chardgeable magnifi- 
 Tordsofthe cence and royal preparations and tranfportations of men, 
 Council, 9^ munition, apparel, money and victuals for the recovery 
 of this diftrefled kingdom,] where note, the tranfporta- 
 tions acknowledged as well as the preparations. 
 
 Next, it was fet down for a fecond ground, that there 
 was no natural nor accidental impediment in the eftate 
 of the affairs themfelves, againft the profecution upon 
 c Tyron?te y but only culpable impediments raifed by the 
 journey of Munjler. 
 TbeEarhfEX- This appeared by a letter from my Lord and the 
 Coumihf ire- Council of Ireland to the Lords of the Council here, 
 ^TV'nbe ^ ate( * $ 2 ^ th &rfPf& whereby they advertize, that the 
 Council '28 th profecution ofUIJler, in regard of lack of grafs and for- 
 rage, and the poornefs of cattle at that time of year, 
 and fuch like difficulties of the feafon, and not of the 
 matter, will in better time, and with better commodity 
 for the army, be fully executed about the middle of 
 'June or beginning of July -, and fignifye, that the Earle 
 intended a prefent profecution mould be fet on foot in 
 Lemfier, to which letters the Lords make anfwer by 
 theirs of the 8 th of May , fignifyeing her Majefty's tolera- 
 . tion of the delay. 
 
 
 
 Of
 
 277 
 
 Of the State of EUROPE. 
 
 IN the confideration of the prefent flate of Chrijlen- 
 dom, depending on the inclinations and qualities of 
 the Princes, governors of the fame : Firfl the perfon of 
 the Pope, acknowledged for fupreme of the Princes Ca- 
 tholick, may be brought forth. 
 
 Gregory the XIII. of the age of feventy yeares,p^. 
 by furname Roncompagno y born in Bolonia of the mean- 
 eft flate of the people; his father a fhoemaker by 
 occupation, of no great learning nor underflanding, 
 bufye rather in praclyfe, then defirous of warres, and 
 that rather to further the advancement of his fonne 
 and his home (a refpecl highly regarded of all the 
 Popes) then of any inclination of nature, the which yet 
 in thefe yeares abhorreth not his lecret pleafures. How- 
 beit, two things efpecially have fet fo fharp edge to him, 
 whereby he doth bend himfelf fo vehemently againil Re- 
 ligion. The one is a meer neceffitie, the other the fo- 
 licitation of the King of Spaine. For if we confider du- 
 lye the eftate of the prefent time, we fhall find that he 
 is not fo much carryed with the defire to fuppreile our 
 religion, as driven with the fear of the downfall of his 
 own, if in time it be not upheld and reflored. 
 
 The reafons be thefe ; he feeth the King of Spaine 
 already in yeares, and worn with labour and trobles, 
 that there is little hope in him of long life. And he 
 
 failing
 
 2*7% 'Of the State 0/ Europe. 
 
 failing there were likelie to enfue great alterations of 
 ftate in all his dominions, the which mould be joined 
 with the lyke in religion, efpecially in this divided time, 
 and in Spaine alreadie fb forward, as the fury of the in- 
 quifttion can fcarce keep in. 
 
 In Fraunce, the ftate of that Church feemeth to de- 
 pend on the fole life of the King now reigning, being 
 of a weak conftitution full of infirmities, not lykely to 
 have long lyfe, and quite out of hope of anie hTue. Of 
 the Duke of Anjou he doth not ami re himfelf, beiides 
 the opinion conceived of the weaknefs of the complexi- 
 on of all that race, giving neither hope of length of life 
 nor of children. And the next to the fucceflion mak e 
 alreadie profeflion of Religion, befides the increafe there- 
 of dailie in Fraunce -, England and Scotland are alreadie, 
 God be thanked, quite reformed, with the better part 
 of Germany. And becaufe the Queen's Majefty hath that 
 reputation to be the defender of the true religion and 
 faith, againft .her Majeffy as the head of the faithful, is 
 the drift of all their mifchieves. 
 
 The King of Spaine haveing erected in his conceipt 
 a monarchic, wherein feeking reputation in the prote- 
 ction of Religion, this conjunction with the Pope is as 
 necefTary to him for the furtherance of his purpofes, as 
 to the Pope behoveful for the advancing of his houfe 
 and for his authority ; the King of Spaine haveing al- 
 readie beftowed on the Pope's fonne, degree of title and 
 of office, with great revenews. To encourage the Pope 
 herein, being head of the Church, they fet before him 
 the analogy of the name Gregory 'e, faying that we were 
 firft under a Gregorye brought to the faithe, and by a 
 
 Gregorye
 
 Of the State 0/ Europe. 279 
 
 Gregorye are againe to be reduced to the obedience of 
 Rome. 
 
 A prophecy likewife is found out that foretelleth, the 
 Dragon fitting in the chair of Peter, great things fhould 
 be brought to pafs. 
 
 Thus is the King of Fraunce follicited againft thofe 
 of the Religion in Fraunce ; the Emperor againft. thofe 
 in his dominions j divifions fet in Germany, the Lowe 
 Countrie miferably oppreffed; and daily attempts againft 
 her Majeftie, both by force and pra&yfe : Hereto ferve the 
 feminaries, where none are now admitted, but take the 
 oath againft her Majefty. 
 
 The feci: of the Jefuites are fpecial inftruments to a- 
 lienate the people from her Majeftie, fowe faction, and to 
 abfolve them of the oath of obedience, and prepare the 
 way to rebellion and revolt. 
 
 Befides, for confirmation of their owne religion they 
 
 have ufed fome reformation of the Clergie, and brought 
 
 in catechyfing. 
 
 
 It goe forth with the Princes of Italy next in fyf nation. 
 
 The Great Duke of T^ufcane, Francefco de Medici, Duie f TnG " 
 fonne to Cofmo, and the third Duke of that family and 
 province j of the age of forty yeares, of difpofition ie- 
 vere and fadde, rather than manly and grave; no princely 
 port or behaviour more then a great jufticer, inclined to 
 peace, and gathering money. All Hufcany is fubject un^- 
 to him, wherein were diverfe Commonwealths; where- 
 of the chief were Florence, Siena and Pifa, Prato and 
 Piftoia,. faveing Lucca and certaine fortes on the Sea- 
 coaft, held by the King of Spaine. 
 
 lie
 
 280 Of the State ^Europe." 
 
 He retayneth in his fervice few, and they ftrangers, 
 to whom he giveth penfions. In all his Citadels he 
 hath garrifon of Spaniards, except at Siena-, in houfe- 
 keeping fpendeth little, being as it were in penfion, a- 
 greeing for fo much the year with a Citizen of Florence 
 for his dyet, he has a fmall guard of Swijfers, and when 
 he rideth abroad a guard of forty light horfemen. The 
 militia of his country amounteth to forty thoufand fol- 
 diers, to the which he granteth leave to weare their 
 weapons on the holy daye, and other immunities. Re- 
 fides, he entertaineth certaine men of armes, to the which 
 he giveth feaven crowns the month. He alfo maintain- 
 eth feaven gallies, the which ferve under his Knights> 
 creeled by his Father in Pyfa, of the order of St. Ste- 
 phano ; of thefe gallies, three goe every year in chafe. 
 
 His common exercife is in diftillations, and in trying 
 of conclufions, the which he doth exercife in a houfe 
 called CaJJino in Florence, where he fpendeth the moft 
 part of the day, giving ear in the mean feafon to matters 
 of affaires, and conferring with his chief officers. His 
 revenues are efteemed to amount to a million and a half 
 of crownes, of the which fpending half a million, he. 
 layeth up yearly one million. But certainlye he is the 
 richeft Prince in all Europe of coyne. The forme of his 
 government is abfolute, depending only of his will and 
 pleafure, though retayneing in manye things the auncient 
 offices and mew. But thofe magiftrates refolve nothing 
 without his exprefs directions and pleafure. Privie 
 Council he ufeth none, but repofeth moft his truft on 
 found fecretaryes, and conferreth chiefly with his Wife, 
 as his Father did with one of his Secretaryes. For mat- 
 ters
 
 Of the State of Europe. a8i 
 
 ter of examinations, one Corbolo hath the efpecial truft j 
 he doth favour the people more than the Nobilitie, be- 
 caufe they do bear an old grudge to the Gentlemen, and 
 the people are the more in number, without whome 
 the Nobilitie can doe nothing. One thing in him giveth 
 great contentment to the fubjects, that he vouchfafeth to 
 receive and heare all their petitions himfelf. And in his 
 abfence from Florence, thofe that have fuite do reforte 
 to the office, and there exhibit their bill endoffed; where- 
 of within three days abfolute anfwer is returned thent, 
 unlefs the matter be of great importance, then have they 
 direction how to proceed. He is a great jufticer, and 
 for the eafe of the people ; and to have the better eye 
 over juftice, hath built hard by his pallace a faire rowe 
 of houfes for all offices together in one place. 
 
 Two years fithence he marryed la Signora Bianca his 
 concubine, a Venetian of Cafa Capelli y whereby he en- 
 tered {freighter amitie with the Venetians ; with the Pope 
 he had good intelligence, and fome affinitie by the mar- 
 riage of Signor Jacomo, the Pope's fonne, in Cafa 
 Sforza. 
 
 To the Emperor he is allyed, his firft wife being the 
 Emperor Maxi my Han's lifter. 
 
 With Spaine he is in ftreight league, and his mother 
 was of the houfe of Toledo-, his brother likewife D> 
 Pietro married in the fame houfe. With Fraunce he 
 ftandeth at this prefent in fome miflikeing. 
 
 With Ferrara alwaies at jarr, as with all the Dukes 
 of Italye for the prefeance fome controverfy. 
 
 All his revenues arife of taxes and cuftomsj his do- 
 maynes are very fmall. 
 
 Oo He
 
 282 
 
 ferrara. 
 
 Mantua. 
 
 Of the State of Europe. 
 
 He hath by his firft wife one fonne, of the age of four 
 or five yeares, and four daughters -, he hath a bafe child 
 by this woman, and a bafe brother D. Joanni, fixteen 
 yeares of age, of great expectation. 
 
 Two brothers, D. Pietro, and the Cardinal. 
 The Duke of Ferrara Alfonfo D'Ejle the fifth Duke, 
 now about forty yeares of age, his firft wife Lucrecia, 
 daughter to Cofmo de Medici, whom they fay he poy- 
 fonedj his fecond, Daughter to Ferdinand 'the Emperor; 
 his third wife now living, Anne daughter to the Duke 
 of Mantua. He hath no child. The chief citties of his 
 ftate are Ferrara, Modona, and Reggio : he is rich in 
 money, groweing as the moft of Italy of exactions ; of 
 all the Princes of Italy alone inclineth to the French, 
 with the Pope hath fome jar about the paffage of a river. 
 The Venetians and he fall in great hatred, with Florence 
 hath enmitye, with Lucca little fkirmifhes every year 
 for a caftle, he buildeth on their confines to raife a great 
 tole in a ftraight paffage, by reafon of his mother a 
 Guife. 
 
 William of the houfe of Gonfaga, the third Duke of 
 Mantua ; his wife Barbara daughter to the Emperor 
 Ferdinand, by whom he hath a fonne of twenty two 
 yeres of age, and a daughter. His fonne is called Vin- 
 centio y his daughter Anne married of late to the Duke 
 of Ferrara-, his fon likewife marryed a yere fithence to 
 the Prince of Parma's daughter. The Duke his felf 
 very deformed and crook-backed, well in yeres. Mont~ 
 f err at likewife appertayneth to him ; diverfe of his houfe 
 have penfion alwaies, and ferve the King of Spaine-, his 
 brother the Duke of Nevers remaineth in Fraunce. He 
 
 only
 
 Of the State of Europe. 2,83 
 
 only feeketh to maintaine his eftate and enrich himfelf ; 
 his greater! pleafure is in horfes and building. 
 
 The Duke of Urbin Francefco Maria, of the houfe. of IW/*. 
 Rovere, the fecond of that name, a Prince of good be- 
 haviour and wittie. In his ftate are feaven reafonable 
 faire citties, Pefaro, Augitbio, Sinigaglia, Fojfomlrone, 
 Sanleo, Cagli, Urbino j Pefaro and Synigaglia are for- 
 trerTes on the fea fide, Urbin and Sanleo on thzAppenine, 
 well fortified. He holdeth three provinces, Montefeltro, 
 Majfa T^rebaria, and Vicariate di Mondavio. 
 
 There have been good Princes and valiant of that 
 houfe, not fo great exactors as the reft of Italye, there- 
 fore better beloved of their fubjedts, which love reftored 
 their houfe, being difplaced by Pope Leo the X th . 
 
 His wife Leonora, fifter to the Duke of Ferrara, by 
 whom he hath no children, and now is dyvorfed. He 
 hath two fifters, the one marryed to the Duke of Gra- 
 inna, the other to the Prince Byftgnano, aud a third is 
 to marry, whofe name is Lavinia. 
 
 Ottaviano, firftDuke of Cajlro, then of Camerino, and Parma. 
 after of Parma and Piacenza, with great trouble refto- 
 red to his eftate ; nowe is aged and lyveth quietly : his 
 wife, Marguerite daughter to Charles the Fifth, firft 
 wife to Alexandre de Medici firft Duke of Florence. He 
 hath one fonne called Alexandre, now General for the 
 King of Spaine in the Lowe Countries ; his daughter Vit- 
 toria was mother to the Duke of Urbin. 
 
 The Cardinal Farnefe,, his uncle of great credit in 
 that colledge, long time hath afpired to be Pope, but 
 withftood by the King of Spain -, on whome thoughe 
 now that houfe depend, yet forgetteth not, as he think- 
 
 Oo 2 eth,
 
 284 Of the State of Europe. 
 
 eth, the death of Pier Luigi, and the lofs of Parma 
 and Piacenza, reftored to their houfe by the French. 
 
 The young Princes of Myrandola, in the government 
 of their mother Fulvia Correggio, and under the protecti- 
 on of the King S)f Fraunce, who maintaineth there a 
 garrifon. 
 Savoye. The Duke of Savoye, Carlo Emanuel, a young Prince 
 
 of twenty one yeres, very little of flature, but well 
 brought up and difpofed. His territorye is the greateft 
 of any Duke of Italy e , having Piemont beyond the 
 Alpes, and Savoye on this fide; diverfe faire townes and 
 ftrong holdes, richly left of his father, who was accomp- 
 ted a very wife Prince. This Duke, as is thought, is ad- 
 vifed to remayne alwayes indifferent between Spaine and 
 Fraunce, being neighbour to them both, unlefs fome ac- 
 cident doe counfel him to declare himfelf in behalf of either. 
 Therefore both thofe Princes go about by marryage to 
 have him nearer allyed to them. His mother was fitter to 
 King Franncis the Great, his father being expulfed his 
 dominions by the French, was reflored by the King of 
 Spaine, with whom while he lived he had ftraight in- 
 telligence. As yet his inclination doth not appear; he 
 retaineth his father's alliances with Venice, efpecially in 
 Italye., and with the Emperor. With Florence he hath 
 queftion for preheminence. 
 
 His revenues are judged to a million of crowns yearly; 
 now he is in armes againit Geneva and guarded againfl; 
 Bern. 
 Luua. Of f ree elates, Lucca the leaft, is under the protecti- 
 on of the King of Spaine, fmall in territorie ; the cittie
 
 Of the State tff Europe. 285 
 
 it felf well fortified and provided, becaufe of the doubt 
 they have of the Duke of Florence. 
 
 Genoa is recommended to the King of Spaine, thtirc Genoa. 
 gallies ferve under him , and the chiefeft of their citie 
 are at his devotion. Though there is a faction for the 
 French, whereto he doth hearken fo weakly, that the 
 Spaniard is there all in all ; by whom that ftate in few 
 yeres hath made a marvelous gaine. And the King of 
 Spaine hath great need of their friendship, for their 
 portes, where embarke and land all men, and whatfoever 
 is fent between Spaine and Milan. 
 
 They hold Corfica an Ifland, and Savona a faire 
 cittie, and the goodlieft haven in Italye, until it was 
 deftroyed by the Genevoys j the which now make noe 
 profeffion but of merchandize. 
 
 There is a dangerous faction amongft them, between 
 the auncient houfes and the new, which were admitted 
 into the auncient familyes. 
 
 St. George is their treafure houfe and receiver, as at 
 Venice St. Mark. 
 
 Venice retaining ftill the auncient form of government, y tn i te% 
 is alwaies for it felf in like eftate and all one ; at this 
 time between the rfurk and the King of Spaine in con- 
 tinual watche, feeming to make more accompt of 
 Frannce, not fo much in hope of any great arfyance at 
 this prefent to be hadde in him, but for the reputation 
 of that nation, and the amitie alwaies they have had 
 with the fame, and behoving them fo to doe. They 
 ufe it with good foreiight and fpeedie preventing, fpa- 
 ring for noe charge to meet as they may with every ac- 
 cident. Of late they have hadde fome jarr with the 
 
 Pope,
 
 286 Of the State of Europe. 
 
 Pope, as well about the inquifition, as title of land. With 
 Ferrara and the Venetians is auncient enmity, fpeciallie 
 becaufe he receiveth all their banifhed and fugitives. 
 They make moft account of the Duke of Savoy e a- 
 mongft the Princes of Italye. They maintaine diverfe 
 AmbafTadors abroad, with the Furke, the Emperor, 
 Fraunce, Spaine, and at Rome : with them is an Am- 
 barTador of Fraunce and Savoye alwaies relident, and an 
 agent of Spaine , becaufe they gave the prefeance to 
 Fraunce. 
 
 In this it feemeth all the potentates of Italye doe agree 
 to let all private grudges give place to foreign invafion, 
 more for doubt of alteration in Religion, than for any 
 other civil caufe. 
 
 There is none amongft them at this day in any like- 
 lihood to growe to any greatnefs. For Venice is bridled 
 by the T^urke and Spaine.. The Duke of I'ujcane feek- 
 eth rather title than territorie, otherwaies than by pur- 
 tchafing. 
 
 Savoye is yet young ; the reft of no great force of 
 themfelves. Fraunce hath greatly loft the reputation 
 they had in Italye by neglecting the occasions offered, 
 and fuffering the King of Spaine to fettle himfelf. 
 Emperor. The Emperor Adolphe of the houfe of Auftriche, 
 
 fonne to Maximilian, about thirty yeres of age 5 no 
 ftrong conftitution of body, and greatly weakened by 
 immoderate pleafurej no great quicknefs of fpirite. In 
 fafhion and apparel all Spanifi, where he had his edu- 
 cation in his youth. He was moft governed by his mo- 
 ther while me remained with him, and yet altogether 
 
 by his fteward Dyetriftan, and his great Chamberlaine 
 
 Rompbe,
 
 Of the State of Europe. 287 
 
 Romphe, both penfyonaryes of'Spaine, and there with 
 him maintained. 
 
 Of the empire, he hath by the laft emperial Dyet one 
 million of dollars towards the maintenance of the garri- 
 fons of Hungary j and befide?, his guards are paid of the 
 Empire. 
 
 To the Turke he paieth yearly tribute for Hungary 
 40000 dollars, betides the charge of the prefents and his 
 AmbarTadors, amounting to more than the tribute > m 
 all 100,000 dollars. 
 
 The ordinary garriibns in Hungary 'are to the nomber 
 f but evil paid at this time. 
 
 The revenues and fubiidies of Hungary doe not pafs 
 100,000 Florins. The laft Emperor affirmed folemnly, 
 that the charge of 'Hungary amounted to one million and 
 a half. 
 
 The revenues of Bohemia, ordinary and extraordina- 
 rye, amount to 50000 dollars. 
 
 In the abfence of the Emperor, the Baron of Rofem- 
 berge is governor of Bohemia, who poflerTeth almoft a 
 fourth part of that countrie, and is a papift ; neither he 
 nor his brother have children, he beareth the Emperor 
 in hand to make him his heire. 
 
 Of Sylefia and Moravia, the Emperor yerely may 
 have 200,000 Florins. 
 
 Out of Aujiriche of fubfidie and tribute 100,000 Flo- 
 rins, for his domaynes are all fold away and engaged. 
 
 Thus all his revenues make half a million of Florins. 
 
 To his brothers Maximilian and Erneji, he alloweth 
 
 yerely by agreement made between them 45000 Florins 
 
 a piece, as well fcr Juftrichc, as that might hereafter 
 
 fall 
 

 
 288 Of the State of Europe. 
 
 fall unto them by the deceafe of the Archduke Ferdi- 
 nand in Tyroll, the which mall come to the Emperor. 
 
 The Emperor altogether dependeth on Spaine, as well 
 in refpect of his houfe, as the education he received 
 there, and the rule his mother hath over him with the 
 chief of his Council. He is utter enemy to Religion, 
 having well declared the fame in baniming the Minifters 
 out of Vienna, and divers other townes, where he go- 
 eth about to plant Jefuites. 
 
 Of his fubjects greatlie mifliked, as his houfe is hate- 
 ful to all Germany. 
 
 The Archduke Charles holdeth Styria and Carynthia y 
 his chief abode is at Gratz ; his wife is fifler to the Duke 
 of Bavyre, by whom he hath children. 
 
 The Archduke Ferdinand hath Tyrol/, and remaineth 
 the moll part at lljburg. For his eldeft fonne he hath 
 bought in Germany a pretty ftate, not far from Ulms; 
 the lecond is a Cardinal. Now he is a widower, and 
 faid, that he (hall marry a daughter of the Duke of 
 Mantua. 
 
 Thefe are uncles to the Emperor -, befides Maxymilian 
 and Ernejl, he hath two brothers', the Archduke Mathias 
 that hath a penfion of the eflates of the Lowe Coun- 
 try, and a Cardinal Archbifhop of Toledo. 
 Germany. I n Germany there are divers Princes diverfly affected. 
 
 The Elector Palatine Ludovic a Lutheran, his chief a- 
 bode is at Hedelberge. 
 
 His brother John Cajimir, Calvinift at Keifers-lautern, 
 or Nieujiadt. 
 
 Richard their uncle at Symmeren. 
 
 During the life of the laft Elector, Ludovic dwelt at 
 
 Amberve in the higher Palatinate. 
 
 Philip
 
 Of the State of Europe. 2,89 
 
 Philip Ludovic dwelt 2xNorbourge on the Danow, and 
 is commonly called Duke of 
 
 John dwelleth at Rypont, or Siveybourgh, or in Ber- 
 gejaber ; the other three brethren have noe certain dwel- 
 linge place. George John, fonne of Rupert, Count Pa- 
 latin dwelleth at Lyjfelfieyn. 
 
 Augufius Duke and Elector of Saxen, remaineth the Princes of 
 raoft part at Drefden on the Elbe-, fometimes at forge 
 on Elbe, a goodly cattle fortifyed by John Frederick. 
 This Elector is Lutheran, and great enemy to our pro- 
 feflion ; of fixty yeres of age, half frantick, fevere, go- 
 verned much by his wife, greater exactor than the Ger- 
 maine Princes are wont to be, and retaineth in his fer- 
 vice divers Italians ; his eldeft fonne marryed of late the 
 daughter of the Duke of Brandeburg, 
 
 The fonnes of John Frederick captive, and yet in pri- 
 fon, remayn at Coburge in Eafi Franconia, near the fo- 
 reft of furinge. 
 
 The fonnes of John William abide at Vinaria in 7#- 
 ringia, 
 
 Joachim Frederick, fonne of John George Elector of 
 Bratidebourge at Hala in Saxonye on the river of Sala, 
 as administrator of the Archbifhopricke of Magdebourge. 
 George Frederick, fonne of George, dwelleth at Orf- 
 buche in Eafi Franconia, or at Blaffenbourge, the which 
 was the manfion of his uncle Albert the warrior. 
 
 The Elector of Brandebourge John George remaineth 
 at Berime on the river of Sprea, his uncle John dwel- 
 leth at Cafiryne beyond Oder a, very ftrong both by the 
 iituation, and fortifyed. 
 
 P p William
 
 xgo Of the State of Europe. 
 
 William Duke of Bavyre, a.Papift at Munich in^Ba- 
 vary, married the daughter of the Duke of Lorrayn. 
 
 His fecond brother .Ferdinand remaineth moll at Land- 
 Jhiitt. 
 
 The third Ernejl, isBi(itop t '0:FnjSffgIfen and Hilde- 
 Jheim, and late of Lyege. 
 
 Julius Duke of Brunfwick, at ..the . ftroug cattle, of 
 Wolfenbuttel on Qker.- . 
 
 Eriche o.BrunJwick y fonne to Magnus y uncle to Ju- 
 lius.,, remaineth 2tMunda y or where the rivers of Werra 
 and< Fulda doe/joine, makeing the river. of Vifurgis na- 
 vigable. 
 
 William. Duke of Luneburge hath his being at Cell-a 
 on. the river Allera. 
 
 Henry his brother v&Gifhorn, where beforej their un- 
 cle Francis was wont to dwell. 
 
 Otho their cofin Duke of Luneburge inhabiteth Har- 
 burge on this fide the Elbe, over right againft. Ham- 
 burgh, 
 
 The Dukes of Pomerania y John Frederick dwelleth 
 at Sfatin. 
 
 Bugjlaus at Campena y fometime an Abbey in the 
 countie of Bardrufe. 
 
 Ernejl Ludovic ,at Wolgaft on the river of Panis that 
 runneth into the Baltick Sea. 
 
 Barmin at Rugenwald in further Pomerania, on the 
 borders of Poland and Prujjia. 
 
 Cajymire at Camyn y which Bifhopricke he holdeth, 
 either as administrator , or in his owne poileiTion and 
 right. 
 
 Ulriche 
 8
 
 Of the State of Europe. 291 
 
 Vlriche Duke of ' Meckelbourg^ remaineth mod at Gu~ 
 firow\ his brother John Albert dwelleth at ISwerin, 
 whofe two fonnes are in the court of the Duke of 
 Saxon. 
 
 A-dolphe Duke of Holfi and Dytmurch ; His chief feat 
 is at'Gdttorp in the Dutchy of Slejwick. 
 
 John his elder brother unmarried, hath his abode atHtf- 
 derfehlebeijdhn, fonne toGhrijlyern King oDe?i?iemafk i 
 and brother to' the Duke of -Holft >'$&& to. Frederick now 
 King of Dennfmarke, Bifhop ofOefely-a and Courldnd 
 in Lyvonia. 
 
 William Duke of Juliers Cleve , and Bergen , hath 
 ifeis Court at Dujfeldorp in the Dukedom of Bergenfe. 
 
 William Landgrave of i^/fc, xiwelleth ax C^/ on 
 
 Fa///*. 
 
 Ludovicke at Marpurge. 
 
 Phillip at Br ub ache on the Rhine. 
 
 George at I>armftadt. 
 
 Ludowick Duke of Wyrtenberge, his chief houie at 
 Stutgard. 
 
 Frederick at Montbelgartf. 
 
 The Marquifes of- Bathe : the elder Bmijl, the fecond 
 y#a>, the third brother yet yonger ; their chief dwel- 
 ling place is at ^Forcheim, or &t Burlmh. 
 
 The fonnes of Philip at the ifoM galled Baden. 
 
 Erneft Joachim Prince of idnhult at Zerbejl, in the 
 midway between Magdebourge and Wittemberge t his 
 other manfion is at Deff'au on Elbe, where he was born, 
 new built and fortified by his grandfather Ernejl, he 
 hath befides the caftle of Catbmen, the which was the 
 
 P p 2 l itetbita-
 
 292, Of the State of Europe. 
 
 habitation of Wolfgang Prince of Anhalt his great un-r 
 cle j Erne ft favoureth religion. 
 
 George Erneft Prince and Earl of ' Henneberge at Scblew- 
 Jing, by the foreft called during. 
 
 George Duke of Si left a and Briege, of the family of 
 the Kings of Poland, dwelleth at Briege ; his eldeft fon, 
 Joachim Frederick, hath married the daughter of the 
 Prince of Anhault, his fecond fonne, John George. 
 
 Henry Duke of Sylefia and Lygnitz, fonne to the bro- 
 ther of George, dwelleth at Lygnitz ; he hath no chil- 
 dren alive. 
 
 Frederickc, brother to Henry unmarryed. 
 Charles Duke of Munjlerberge and Olffe, his wife the 
 Countefs of Sternberge in Bohemia, where he maketh his 
 abode. 
 
 Henry, brother to Charles, remayneth at Olffe, 
 John Frederick Duke of J'efchen. 
 Charles Duke of Lorrayn, his chief court at Nancy. 
 His eldeft fonne Henry of man's eftate. 
 Charles Cardinal Archbifhop of Mets 
 A daughter in the French Court. 
 Befides, there are mXxcrmany three Ele&ors Bifhops, 
 and divers Bifhops of great livings. 
 
 The free townes of greateft importance are Norem- 
 berge , Aufpurge , Ulmes , and Strajburge : Then the 
 Cantons of the Swiffes, the Gryfons and Valois. 
 
 The greateft trouble in Germany at this time is about 
 the Concordate, furthered by the Duke of Saxon, and 
 the Count Palatin. 
 
 There is at this prefent no Prince in Germany greatly 
 toward or redoubted. 
 
 The 
 8
 
 Of the State 0/* Europe. 293 
 
 The Duke Cafamyre's credit is greatly empayred, and 
 his ability fmall. 
 
 The Dyet imperial fhortly mould be held, where the 
 concordate mall be urged, collection for Hungary made, 
 and a King of Romans named. 
 
 The French King, Henry the Third, of thirty yeares f raU ncu 
 of age, of a very weak constitution, and full of infir- 
 mities ; yet extreamly given over to his wanton plea- 
 fures, having only delight in danceing, feafling and en- 
 tertaining Ladyes and chamber pleafures : No great wit, 
 yet a comely behaviour and goodly perfonage, very poor 
 through exacting inordinately by all devices of his fub- 
 jects, greatly repining that revenge and hungary govern- 
 ment, abhorring warres and all action, yet daily work- 
 eth the ruine of thofe he hateth, as all of the religion 
 and the houfe of Bourbon, doting fondly on fome he 
 choofeth to favour extremely, without any virtue or 
 caufe of defert in them to whom he giveth prodigally. 
 His chief favourites now about him are the Duke Joy- 
 eufe, la Valette, and Monfieur D'Au. The Queen mo- 
 ther ruleth him rather by pollicie and fear he hath of 
 her, then by his good will ; yet he alwayes doth mew 
 great reverence towards her. The Guife is in as great 
 favour with him as ever he was ; the houfe is now the 
 greateft of all Fraunce, being allyed to Ferrara, Savoy e, 
 Jjorrayn, Scot land, and favoured of all the Papifts : The 
 French King having his kinfworrian to wife, and diverfe 
 great perfonages in that realme of his houfe. 
 
 The chiefeft, at this prefent in credit in Court whofe 
 counfel he ufeth are, Villeroye, Villaquier, Bellievre, the 
 Chancellor and Lord Keeper, Birague and Chivemy. 
 
 He
 
 ^94 Of the Statu of Ei/rope. 
 
 He greatly entertaineth no amitye with any Prince, 
 other than for forme j neither is his friendship other- 
 wife refpected of others, fave in refpecl of the reputa- 
 tion of fo great a Kingdome. 
 
 The Pope beareth a great fway, and the King of 
 Spabic, -by means of his penfionsj and of the Queen 
 mother with the Guife ; the for her two daughters, he 
 for T)ther regard, can doe what he lift there, or hinder 
 what he -would not have done. 
 
 The divifion in his country for matters of religion 
 and ftate, through mifcontentment of the Nobilitie to 
 fee ftrangers advanced s to the greateft changes of the 
 realme, the offices of juftice fold, the treafury wafted, the 
 people poled, the country deftroyed, hath bred great 
 troble, and like to fee more. The faction between the 
 houfe of Guife againft that of Montmorancy, hath got- 
 ten great advantage. 
 
 At this prefent the King is about to reftore Don An- 
 tonio King of Portugal, whereto are great levys and pre- 
 paration. 
 Duke o/Bra- Francis Duke ofAnjou and of Brabant, -for his call* 
 bant. ingand qualitie greatly to be confidered as any Prince 
 
 'this day living, being fecond perfon to the King his 
 -brother, and in likelyhood to.fucceedhim. There is no- 
 ted in the difpofition of this Prince, a quiet mildnefs, 
 giving fatisfaction to all men -, facility of accefs and na- 
 tural courtefie; underftanding and fpeech great and elo- 
 quent^ fecrefy more than commonly is in the French > 
 from his youth alwaies defirous of action, the which 
 thing hath made him alwaies followed and refpected. 
 And though hitherto he hath brought to pafs no great 
 
 purpofe,
 
 Of the State tffEuRopB. 295 
 
 purpofe, having fuffered great wantes, and refinance 
 both at home and abroad, yet by the intermedling is 
 grown to good experience, . readinefs and judgment, the 
 better thereby able to guide and govern his affaires, both 
 in practyfe, in treaty, and action. Moreover, the di- 
 eafed-eftate of the world doth fo concur with this his 
 active forwardnefs, as it givetli him matter to work up- 
 on : and he is the only man to be feene of all them in 
 diflrefs, or defirous of alteration. A -matter of fpecial 
 furtherance to all fuch as have atchieved great things* 
 when they have found- matter difpofed to* receive 
 forme. 
 
 And there is to be found no other Prince in this part 
 of the world fo towards and forward as the Duke, to* 
 wards whom they in dLftreffe may turn their e^es. 
 Wee do plainly fee in the moft countries of Chriften* 
 dame fo unfound and fhaken an eflate, as defireth the 
 help: of fome great perfon, to fet together and join 
 again . the pieces afonder and out of joint. 1 Wherefore 
 the' prefumption is great, that if this Prince continue 
 this his courfe, he is likely to become a mighty potefK 
 tate : for one enterpryfe failing, other will be offered, 
 and ftill men evil at eafe, and defirous of a head and 
 Captaine, will run to him that is fitter! to receive 
 them. Befides, the French defirous to make off the ci- 
 vil warres, muft needs attempt fomewhat abroad. This 
 Duke firft had intelligence with the Count Lkdovic in 
 King Charles's days,- and an enterpryfe to efcape from 
 the Court, and in this King's time joined with them of 
 the religion and malcontents: after was carried againft 
 them feeketh the marriage with her Majefty fo mighty a * 
 
 Princefs,
 
 296 Of the State of Europe] 
 
 Princefs, as it were to marry might with his activity. 
 
 He hath had practyfe in Germany to be created King of 
 Romans, made a foddain voyage with great expedition 
 into the Lowe Countries, now is there againe with better 
 fuccefle then fo foon was looked for. 
 Sfaine. The King of Spaine, Philip fonne to Charles the Fift, 
 
 about fixty yeres of age ; a Prince of great undemand- 
 ing, fubtle and afpiring, diligent and cruel. This King 
 efpeciallie hath made his benefit of the time, where his 
 laft attempt on Portugal deferveth exact confideration, 
 thereby as by the workmanfhip to know the matter. 
 
 The firft fuccefle he had was at St. Quintin, where 
 he g<pt a notable hand of the French -, he fought to re- 
 duce the Lowe Countries to an abfolute fubjection. 
 
 He hath kept Fraunce in continual broile, where, by his 
 pennons and the favour of the houfe of Guife, by meanes 
 of the Queen mother in contemplation of her nieces, 
 he beareth great fway. With the Pope he is fo linked, 
 as he may do what him lift, and difpofe of that autho- 
 rise to ferve his purpofes. As he has gotten great authori- 
 se in pretending to protect the Church and Religion. 
 
 He poflefleth the one half of Italye, comprehending 
 Sicily and Sardinia, with Naples and Milan j the which 
 eftates do yield him little other profit, fave the mainte- 
 nance of ib many Spanyards as he keepeth there al- 
 wayes. 
 
 The Duke of Florence relyeth greatly upon him, as 
 well in refpect of the ftate of Syena, as of the portes he 
 holdeth, and of his greatnefs. Lucca is under his pro- 
 tection. Genoa, the one faction at his devotion, with 
 
 their
 
 Of the State of Europe. 297 
 
 their gallies: at his peniion is mofl of the greateft 
 there. 
 
 Befides the Lowe Countries, he holdeth the Tranche 
 Comte, the beft ufed of all his fubjects, and Luxem- 
 bourgei the Weft-Indies furnifh him gold and filver, the 
 which he confumeth in the warres of the Lowe Coun- 
 tries^ and in penfions, and is greatly indebted, while he 
 worketh on the foundation his father laid, to erect a 
 monarchie, the which if he fucceed in the conqueft of 
 Portugal, he is lykely to atchieve, unlefs death doe cut 
 him off. 
 
 He hath one fonne of the yeres of five by his laft wife, 
 two daughters by the French King's fitter, two bafe 
 fonnes. 
 
 He hath greatly fought the marriage of the Queen's 
 daughter of Fraunce, fitter to his laft wife, and cofen 
 Germain removed. 
 
 His revenues are reckoned to amount to fixteen mil- ^ Tufts re- 
 lions. ""? are , 
 
 thought to Le 
 
 The chief in credit with him of martial men and fox ejualwtb Hi. 
 Council are, 
 
 He maketh account to have in continual pay 50000 
 foildiers. 
 
 He maintaineth gallies to the number of 140, where- 
 of there are 60 in Portugal, the reft are at Naples, 
 and other places. Now is on league with the Turk. 
 
 D. Antonio, elect King of Portugal, thruft out by the Portugal 
 King of Spaine, of forty five yeres of age, a mild fpirit, 
 fober and difcreet : he is now in Fraunce, where he hath 
 levyed foldiers, whereof part are embarked, hoping by 
 the favour of that King, and the good will the Portu- 
 
 QS gals
 
 298 Of the State of Europe? 
 
 gals do bear him, to be reftored againe. He holdeth 
 the forges, and the Eaft-Indians yet remain well affected 
 to him, a cafe of it felf deferving the confidering and re- 
 lief of all other Princes. Befides inhisperfon, his election 
 to be noted with the tytle he claimeth very fingular, 
 and feldom the like feene, being chofen of all the peo- 
 ple j the great daungers he hath efcaped likewife at fun- 
 dry times. 
 Poknd. The King of Poland, Stephen Batoaye, a Baron of 
 
 Hungary, by the favour of the Turke chofen King of the 
 Pollacks, after the efcape made by the French King; a 
 Prince of the greateft value and courage of any at this 
 day, of competent yeres, fufficient wifdom, the which 
 he hath fhewed in the fiege of Danjke, and the warres 
 with the Mufcovite. 
 
 The Hungarians could be content to exchange the 
 Emperor for him. The Bohemians likewife wifh him 
 in the ftead of the other. He were like to attain to the 
 Empire, were there not that mortal enmity between 
 thofe two nations as could not agree in one fubjection. 
 
 Streight upon his election he married the Infant of 
 Poland, fomewhat in yeres and crooked, only to con- 
 tent the Pollacks, but never companied with her. He 
 doth tolerate there all religions, himfelfe heareth the 
 mane, but is not thought to be a Papift: he had a great 
 part of his education in furky, after ferved the lafl Em- 
 perour. 
 Denmark. Fredericke the fecond, of forty eight yeres, King of 
 
 Denmark and Norway ; his Wife Sophia, daughter to 
 Vlriche Duke of Mechelebourge, by whome he hath fix 
 1 children, j 
 

 
 Of the State of Europe. 299 
 
 children, four daughters and two fonnes, Chrifiianus 
 and XJlricus, the eld eft of five yeres of age. 
 
 The chiefeft about him, Nicholas Cofe his Chancellor, 
 in whofe Counfel he doth much repofe. 
 
 He hath alwaies 800 horfe about his Court, to whom 
 he giveth ten dollars the month. 
 
 His Father deceafed in the year 1559, after which 
 he had warres ten years fpace with the Swede, which 
 gave him occafion to arme by Sea. His navy is fix great 
 fhips of 1500 tunn, and fifteen fmaller, ten gallies which 
 faile to paffe the Streights. 
 
 His revenues grow chiefly in cuftomes, and fuch li- 
 ving as were in the hands of the abbeys, and Byfhops, 
 whereby he is greatly enriched : his chiefe haven is 
 Copenhagen, where alwaies his navy lyeth. 
 
 His brother John Duke of Hol/l in Jutland, married 
 to the daughter of the Duke of inferior Saxonie. 
 
 Magnus his other Brother Bifhop of Courland, mar- 
 ried the Daughter of the Mu/covite's brother. 
 
 The chiefeft warres that the King of Denmark hath is 
 with Sweden, with whom now he hath peace. The 
 Duke of Holft is uncle to the King now reigning; they 
 make often alliances with Scotland. 
 
 John King of Sweden, fonne of Gujlavus. Sweden. 
 
 This Gujlavus had four fonnes, Erick, John, Mag- 
 nus 9 Charles. 
 
 Erick married a foul dyer's daughter, by whome he 
 had divers children, and dyed in prifon. 
 
 John, now King, marryed the fifter of Sygifmondhte 
 King of Poland. 
 
 Magnus beftraught of his witts. 
 
 Charles marryed a Daughter of the Pal/grave. 
 
 Qcj 2 Five
 
 300 Of the State of Europe. 
 
 Five daughters of Gujiavus. 
 
 Katherine marryed to the Earl of Eajl-Fryfeland. 
 
 Anne to one of the Pal/graves. 
 
 Cicylia to the Marquis of Baden. 
 
 Sophia to the Duke of inferior Saxonie. 
 
 Elizabeth to the Duke of Mecleburg. 
 
 This Prince is of no great force nor wealth, but of 
 late hath encreafed his navigation by reafon of the 
 warres between him and the Dane, the which, the 
 warres ceafing, they hardly maintaine. 
 Mufcovy. The Mufcovite Emperor of Rujia, John Bafi/l> of 
 threefcore yeres of age, in league and amitie with no 
 Prince; alwayes at warres with the Tartar ians, and 
 now with the Pollake. 
 
 He is advifed by noe Council, but governeth altoge- 
 ther like a tyrant. He hath one fonne of thirty yeres of 
 age. Not long fithence this Prince depofed himfelf, and 
 fet in his place a c Tartare i whom he removed againe. 
 Of late fent an AmbafTador to Rome, giving fome hope 
 to fubmit himfelf to that fee. Their religion is neareft 
 the Greek Church, full of fuperflition and idolatrie. 
 
 Written about the Tear 15^80.. 
 
 . 
 
 Statb. 

 
 . 
 
 3i 
 
 
 State Pieces in the Reign of King 
 JAMES. 
 
 A Proclamation drawne for his Majeflys 
 firfl coming in^ prepared, but not ufed. 
 
 HAVING great caufe at this time to be moved 
 with diverfitye of affections, wee doe in firfl 
 place condole with all our loving fubjects of England* 
 for the lofTe of their fo vertuous and excellent Queen : 
 being a Prince that we alwaies found a dear fitter, yea a 
 mother to our felf in many her actions and advifes. A 
 Prince whom we hold and behold as an excellent pat- 
 tern and example to imitate in many her royal vermes 
 and parts of government, and a Prince whofe daies wee 
 could have wifhed to have been prolonged ; wee reporting 
 our felves not only to the teftimony of our royal heart, but 
 to the judgment of all the world, whether there ever 
 appeared in us any ambitious or impatient defire to pre- 
 vent God's appointed time. Neither are we fo partial 
 to our own honour, but that wee do in great part afcribe 
 this our moft peaceable and quiet entrance and coming 
 to thofe our crownes, next under the ble'ffing of al- 
 mighty God, and our undoubted right to the fruite of 
 her Majefly's peaceable and quiet government, accuftom- 
 ing the people to all loyalty and obedience. As for 
 t<hat which concerneth our felves, we ^vould have all 
 
 * >U
 
 02 State Pieces in the 
 
 our loving fubjedts know, that we do not take fo much 
 gladnefs and contentment in the devolving of thefe 
 kingdoms unto our royal perfon, for anie addition or 
 encreafe of glory, power or riches, as in this, that it is 
 fo manifeft, an evidence unto us (efpecially the manner 
 of it confidered) that wee ftand (though unworthy) in 
 God's favour, who hath put more meanes into our 
 hands to reward our friends and fervants, and to pardon 
 and obliterate injuries, and to comfort and relieve the 
 hearts and eftates of our people and loving fubjects, and 
 chiefly to advance the holy religion and church of al- 
 mighty God, and to deferve well of the Christian Com- 
 monwealth. And more efpecially we cannot but gratu- 
 late and rejoice in this one point, that it hath pleafed 
 God to make us the inftrument, and, as it were, the cor- 
 ner ftone, to unite thefe two mighty and warlike nati- 
 ons of England and Scotland into one kingdom. For 
 although thefe two nations are fcituate upon the conti- 
 nent of one ifland, and are undivided either by feas or 
 mountains, or by diverfitye of language} and although our 
 neighbour kingdomes of Spaine and Fraunce have alrea- 
 dy had the happinefs to be reunited in the feveral mem- 
 bers of thofe kingdoms formerly disjoined ; yet in this 
 ifland it appeareth not in the records of any true hifto- 
 ry, no nor fcarcely in the conceipt of any fabulous nar- 
 ration or tradition, that this whole ifland of Great Brit- 
 tany was ever united under one fovereign Prince before 
 this day. Which as we cannot but take as a lingular ho- 
 nour and favour of God unto our felves : fo wee may 
 conceive good hope that the kingdoms of Chrijiendom 
 ftanding diftributed and counterpoifed, as by this laft 
 
 union
 
 Reign of King James. 33 
 
 union they now are ; it will be a foundation of the uni- 
 verfal peace of all chriftian Princes, and that now 
 the ftrife that fhall remaine between them, mail be but 
 an emulation who mall governe beft, and moll to the 
 weal and good of his people. 
 
 Another great caufe of our juft rejoicing is, the allu- 
 red hope thit wee conceive, that whereas our kingdome 
 of Ireland hath been fo long tyme torne and afflicted 
 with the miferies of warres, the making and profecuting 
 of which warres hath coft uch an infinite deale of 
 blood and treafure of our realme of England, to be fpilt 
 and confumed thereupon, wee mall be able, through 
 God's favour and affiftance, to put a fpeedy and an ho- 
 nourable end to thofe warres. And it is our princely de- 
 figne and full purpofe and refolution, not only to reduce 
 that nation from their rebellion and revolt, but alfo to 
 reclayme them from their barbarous manners, to juftice 
 and the fear of God; and to populate, plant, and make 
 civil all the provinces in that kingdom, which alfo be- 
 ing an action that not any of our noble progenitors, 
 Kings of England^ hath ever had the happinefs through- 
 ly to profecute and accompliih, we take fo much to 
 heart as we are perfwaded it is one of the chief caufes 
 for the which God hath brought us to the Imperial 
 crowne of thefe kingdoms. 
 
 Further, we cannot but take great comfort in the 
 ftate and correfpondence which we now ftand in of 
 peace and unity with all chriftian Princes, and other- 
 wife, of quietnefs and obedience of our own people at 
 home: whereby wee fhall not need to expofe that our 
 kingdom of England to any quarrel or warre, but ra* 
 
 ther
 
 304 State Pieces in the 
 
 tber have occafion to preferve them in peace and tran- 
 quility, and openefs of trade with all foreign na- 
 tions. 
 
 Laftly and principally, wee cannot but take unfpeaka- 
 ble comfort in the great and wonderful confent and uni- 
 ty, joie and alacrity, wherewith our loving fubje&s of 
 our kingdom of England have received and acknow- 
 ledged us their natural and lawful King and Governor, 
 according to our moft cleare and undoubted right, in fo 
 quiet and fettled manner, as if we had been long agoe 
 declared and eftablifhed fucceffar, and had taken all mens 
 oathes acid homages j greater and more perfect unity and 
 readinefs could not have been : for confidering with our 
 felves, that notwithftanding difference of religion, or any 
 other faction, and notwithftanding our abfence fo far 
 off, and notwithftanding the fparing and referved com- 
 municating of one another's minds: yet all our loving 
 Subjects met in one thought and voice, without any the 
 leaft difturbance or interruption, yea, hefitation or doubt- 
 fulnefs, or any fhew thereof ; we cannot but acknow- 
 ledge it is a great work of God, who hath an immedi- 
 ate and extraordinary direction in the difpofing of king- 
 doms and flows of peoples hearts. 
 
 Wherefore after our moft humble and devout thanks to 
 almighty God, by whom Kings reigne, who hath efta- 
 blifhed us King and governor of thefe kingdoms j wee 
 return our hearty and affectionate thanks unto the Lords 
 fpiritual and temporal, the Knights and Gentlemen, the 
 Citties and Towns, and generally unto our Commons, 
 and all eftates and degrees of that our kingdom of En- 
 gland, for their fo acceptable firft fruits of their obedi- 
 ence
 
 Reign of King James. 305 
 
 cnce and loyalties offered and performed in our abfence ; 
 much commending the great wifdom, courage, and 
 watchfulnefs ufed by the Peers of that our kingdom 
 /according to the nobility of their bloods and lineages, 
 many of them mingled with the blood royal : and there- 
 fore in nature affectionate to their rightful King.) And 
 likewife of the Councellors of the late Queen according 
 to their gravity and oath, and the fpirit of their good 
 miftrene (now a glorious Saint in Heaven) in carrying 
 and ordering our affairs with that fidelity, moderation, 
 and confent, which in them hath well appeared: and 
 alfo the great redinefs, concord and cheerfulnefs in the 
 principal Knights and Gentlemen of feveral countries, 
 with the head officers of great citties, corporations and 
 towns : and do take knowledge by name of the redinefs 
 and good zeale of that our chiefeft and moil famous 
 citty, the citty of London ; the chamber of that our 
 kingdom : alluring them, that we will be unto that cit- 
 ty by all meanes of confirming and encreafing their hap- 
 py and welthy eflate, not only a juft and gracious fo- 
 vereign Lord and King, but a fpecial and bountiful pa- 
 tron and benefactor. 
 
 And we on our part, as well in remuneration of all 
 their loyal and loving affections, as in difcharge of our 
 princely office, do promife and affure them, that as all 
 manner of eftates have concurred and contented in their 
 duty and zeale towards us, fo it fhall be our continual 
 care and refolution to preferve and maintain every fe- 
 veral eftate in a happy and flourifhing condition, with- 
 out confufion or overgrowing of any one to the preju- 
 dice, difcontentment, or difcouragement of the reft; 
 
 R r and
 
 306 State Pieces in the 
 
 and generally in all eftates wee hope God will ftrengtheti 
 and affiffc us, not only to extirpate all grofle and notori- 
 ous abufes, and corruptions of fimonys, briberies, ex- 
 tortions, exactions, oppreflions, vexations, burdenfome 
 payments, and overcharges, and the like : but further 
 to extend our princely care to the fupply of the very 
 neglects and omifiions of any thing that may tend to 
 the good of our people : So that every place and fervice 
 that is fit for the honour or good of the Commonwealth 
 {hall be filled, and no man's vertue left idle, unimploy- 
 ed, or unrewarded; and every good ordinance and con- 
 ftitution, for the amendment of the eflate and tymes, be 
 revived and put in execution. 
 
 In the mean tyme^Nminding by God's Leave (all delay 
 fet apart) to comfort and fecure our loving fubjects in 
 our Kingdom of England by our perfonal prefence there, 
 we require all our loving fubjects joyfully to expect the 
 fame: And yet fo, as we fignifie our will and plea- 
 fore to be, that all fuch ceremonys and preparations aa 
 fhall be made and ufed to do us honour, or to exprefs 
 gratulation, be rather comely and orderly, then fump- 
 tuous and glorious; and for the exprefling of Magnifi- 
 cence, that it be rather imployed and beftowed upon the 
 funeral of the late Queene, to whofe memory we are 
 of opinion too much honour cannot be done or per- 
 formed. 
 
 A draught
 
 Reign of King James. 307 
 
 A draught of a Proclamation touching his 
 Majeftys ftyle 2 do Jacobi. 
 
 AS it is a manyfeft token, or rather a fubftantial 
 effect of the wrath and indignation of God, when 
 Kingdomes are rent and divided, which have formerly- 
 been entire and united under one Monarch and Gover- 
 nour; fo on the contrary parte, when it mall pleafc 
 the Almighty (by whom Kings reign as his Deputies and 
 Lieutenants) to enlarge his commiffions of empire and 
 foveraignty, and to commit thofe nations to one King 
 to governe, which he had formerly committed to feve- 
 ral Kings, it is an evident argument of his great favour 
 both upon King and upon people ; upon the King, in 
 as much as he may with comfort conceive that he is 
 one of thofe fervants to whom it was faid, Thou haft 
 been faithful in the lefs, I will make thee Lord of more-, 
 upon the people, becaufe the greatnefs of kingdoms and 
 dominions, efpecially not being fcattered but adjacent 
 and compact, doth ever bring with it greater fecurity 
 from outward enemyes, and greater freedom from in- 
 ward burdens, unto both which people under petty and 
 weake eftates are more expofed : which fo happy 
 fruit of the union of kingdoms is chiefly to be under- 
 ftood, when fuch conjunction or augmentation is not 
 wrought by conquefl: and violence, or by pacte and fub- 
 miffion, but by the law of nature and hereditary de- 
 fcent ; for in conquefl it is commonly feen, although 
 
 R r 2 the
 
 308 State Papers in the 
 
 the bulke and quantity of territory be encreafed, yet 
 the ftrength of kingdoms is diminimed, as well by the 
 wafting of the forces of both parts in the conflict, as 
 by the evil coherence of the nation conquering and 
 conquered, the one being apt to be infolent, and the 
 other difcontent ; and fo both full of jealoufies and dif- 
 cord. And where countrys are annexed onely by act 
 of eflates and fubmiffions, fuch fubmiffions are common- 
 ly grounded upon fear, which is no good author of 
 continuance, befides the quarrels and revolts which do 
 enfue upon conditional and articulate fubje&ions : But 
 when the lynes of two kingdoms do meet in the per- 
 fon of one Monarch, as in a true point or perfect an- 
 gle ; and that from marriage (which is the firft con- 
 junction in humane fociety) there mall proceed one in- 
 heritor in blood to feveral kingdoms, whereby they are 
 actually united and incorporate under one head ; it is 
 the worke of God and nature, whereunto the works of 
 force and policy cannot attaine ; and it is that which hath 
 not in it felfe any manner of feeds of difcord or difunion, 
 other then fuch as envy and malignity fhall fowe, and 
 which groundeth an union, not onely indiflbluble, but 
 alfo moft comfortable and happy amongft the people. 
 Wee therefore in all humblenefs acknowledge, that it is 
 the great and blefled worke of Almighty God, that 
 thefe two antient and mighty realms of England and 
 Scotland, which by nature have no true but an imaginary 
 reparation, being both fituate and comprehended in one 
 moft famous and renowned ifland of Great Britainy, 
 compared by the ocean without any mountains, feas, 
 or other boundaries of nature, to make any partition, 
 
 wall
 
 Reign of King James. 309 
 
 wall or trench between them, and being alio exempted 
 from the firft curfe of difunion , which was the confu- 
 fion of tongues, and being people of a like conftitution 
 of mind and body, efpecially in warlike prowefs and 
 difpofition : and yet neverthelefs have in fo many ages 
 been disjoyned under feveral Kings and governors, are 
 now at the laft by right inherent in the comixture of 
 our blood, united in our perfon and generation, where- 
 in it hath pleafed God to anoint us with the oyle of glad- 
 nefs and gratulation above our progenitors, Kings of ei- 
 ther nation. Neither can we fufficiently contemplate 
 and behold the paflages, degrees and infinuations, where- 
 by it hath pleafed the eternal God (to whom all his 
 workes are from the beginning knowne and prefente) to 
 open and prepare a way to this excellent worke ; having 
 firft ordained that both Nations mould be knytte in one 
 true and reformed religion, which is the perfecteft band 
 of all unity and union j and fecondly, that there mould 
 preceed fo long a peace continued between the nations 
 for fo many years laft patted, whereby all feeds and 
 fparks of ancient difcord have been laid afleep, and 
 grown to an obliteration and oblivion ; and laftly, that 
 our felves in the true meafure of our affections, mould 
 have fo juft caufe to imbrace both nations with equal 
 and indifferent love and inclination, inafmuch as our 
 birth and the paffing of the firft part of our age hath 
 been in the one nation, and our principal feat and manfion, 
 and the paffing of the latter part of our days is like to 
 be in the other. Which our equal and upright holding of 
 the ballance between both nations, being the higheft 
 point of all others in our diftributive juftice, we 
 1 give
 
 310 State Pieces in the 
 
 give the world to know, that we are conflantly refolved 
 to preferve inviolate againft all emulations and partiali- 
 ties, not making any difference at all between the fub- 
 jects of either nation, in affection, honours, favours, 
 guifts, employments, confidences, or the like 5 but one- 
 ly fuch as the true diftinctions of the perfons, being ca- 
 pable or not capable, fit or not fit, acquainted with af- 
 faires or not acquainted with affaires, needing our 
 princely bounty or not needing the fame, approved to 
 us by our experience or not approved, meriting or not 
 meriting, and the feveral degrees of thefe and the like 
 conditions fhall in right reafon tye us unto, without any 
 manner of regard to the country in it felfe, to the end 
 that they may well perceive, that in our mind and ap- 
 prehenfion they are all one and the fame nation; and 
 that our heart is truly placed in the center of govern- 
 ment, from whence all lynes to the circumference are equal 
 and of one fpace and diftance. But for the further ad- 
 vanceing and perfecting of this worke, we have taken 
 into our princely care and cogitations, what it is that 
 may appertain to our owne imperial power, right, and 
 authority ; and what requireth votes and afients of our 
 parliaments or eftatesj and again, what may prefently 
 be done, and what muft be left to further time, that 
 our proceeding may be void of all inconvenience and in- 
 formality ; wherein by the example of almighty God, 
 who is aecuftomed to begin all his great works and de- 
 fignments by alterations or impofitions of names, as 
 the fitted meanes to imprint in the hearts of people a 
 character and expectation of that which is to follow. 
 We have thought good to withdraw and difcontinue the 
 
 divided
 
 Reign of King James- 311 
 
 divided names of England and Scotland out of our regal 
 itile and title, and to ufe in place of them the com- 
 mon and contracted name of Great Britany > not upon 
 any vaine glory, whereof we perfuade our felves our 
 actions doe fufficiently free us in the judgment of all the 
 world : And if any fuch humor mould reign in us, it 
 were better fatisfied by length of ftile, and enumeration 
 of kingdoms ; but only as a fit lignification of that 
 which is already done, and a fignificant prefiguration of 
 that which we further intend ; for as in giveing names 
 to natural perfons, it is ufed to impofe them in infancy, 
 and not to flay till fulnefs of growth ; fo it feemed to 
 us not unfeafonable to bring in further ufe this name at 
 the firft, and to proceed with the more fubflantial points 
 of the union after, as fafl and as far as the common 
 good of both the realms mould permit, efpecially confi- 
 dering the name of Britany was no coyned or new de- 
 vifed or affected name at pleafure, but the true and an- 
 cient name which God and time hath impofed, extant* 
 and received in hiftories, in cards, and in ordinary 
 fpeech and writing, where the whole ifland is meant to 
 be denominate, fo as it is not accompanied with fo much 
 as any ftrangenefs in common fpeech. And although we 
 never doubted, neither ever heard that any other pre- 
 fumed to doubt, but that the forme and tenor of our 
 regal ftile and title, and the delineation of the fame, 
 did only and wholly of meer right appertaine to our 
 fupreame and abfolute prerogative to exprefs the fame, 
 in fuch words or fort, as feemed good to our royal plea- 
 fure : Yet becaufe we were to have the advice and a- 
 fent of our parliament concerning other points of the 
 
 union.
 
 3i a State Pieces in the 
 
 union, we were pleafed our faid Parliament mould, a- 
 
 mongft the reft, take alfo the fame into their confedera- 
 tion. But finding by the grave opinion of our Judges, 
 who are the interpreters of our laws, that in cafe that 
 alteration of ftyle which feemed to us but verbal, mould 
 be eftablifhed and ena&ed by Parliament, it might in- 
 volve by implycation and confequence, not onely a more 
 prefent alteration, but alfo a further innovation then we 
 any wayes intended : or at leaft might be fubject to fome 
 colourable fcruple of fuch a perilous conftruction, we reft- 
 ed well fatisfied to refpit the fame, as to require it by 
 act of parliament. But being ftill refolved and fixed 
 that it may conduce towards this happy end of the bet- 
 ter uniting of the nations, we have thought good by the 
 advice of our Council to take the fame upon us by our 
 proclamation, being a courfe fafe and free from any of 
 the perils or fcruples aforefaid. And therefore we do 
 by thefe prefents, publifh, proclaim, and alTume to our 
 felves from henceforth, according to our undoubted right, 
 the ftile and title of King of Great Britany, France, 
 and Ireland, and otherwife as followeth in our ftile for- 
 merly ufed. And we doe hereby ftraightly charge and 
 command our Chancellour, and all fuch as have the cu- 
 ftody of any of our feals ; and all other our officers and 
 fubjecls whatfoever, to whom it may in any wife apper- 
 taine, that from henceforth in all commiffions, patents, 
 writs, proceiles, grants, records, inftruments, impreflions, 
 fermons, and all other writings and fpeeches whatfoever, 
 wherein our ftile is ufed to be fet forth or recited, that 
 our faid ftile, as is before by thefe prefents declared and 
 prefcribed, be onely ufed, and no other. And becaufe 
 
 we
 
 Reign of King James. 313 
 
 we do but now declare, that which in truth was before 
 our will and pleafure, is, that in the computation of our 
 reign, as to all writings or inflruments hereafter to be 
 made, the fame computation be taken and made, as if 
 we had taken upon us the flile aforefaid immediately af- 
 ter the deceafe of our late dear fifter. And we do noti- 
 fie to all our fubjects, that if any perfon, of what de- 
 gree or condition foever he be, fhall impugne our faid 
 flile, or derogate and detract from the fame by any ar- 
 guments, fpeeches words or otherwife ; we fhall proceed 
 againfl him, as againft an offender againfl our crowne 
 and dignity , and a diflurber of the quiet and peace of 
 our Kingdom, according to the utmofl feverity of our 
 laws in that behalfe. Neverthelefs our meaning is not 
 that where in any writ, pleading, or other record, wri- 
 ting, inftrument or fpeech, it hath been ufed for men- 
 tion to be made of England, or the realm of England, 
 or any other word or words derived from the fame; 
 and not of our whole and entire flile and title, that 
 therein any alteration at all be ufed by pretext of this 
 our proclamation, which we intend to take place onely 
 where our whole flile fhall be recited, and not other- 
 wife -, and in the other cafes the ancient forme to be 
 ufed and obferved. 
 
 
 
 
 Sf The
 
 314 State Pieces in the 
 
 
 
 The mofl humble Certificate or Returne of the 
 Commiffioners of England and Scotland, au- 
 thor if ed to treat of an Union for the Weak of 
 both Realmes, z Jac. I. 
 
 WE E the Commiffioners for England and Scot- 
 land refpectively named and appointed, in all 
 humblenefs doe fignifye to his mofl excellent Majeflie, and 
 to the mofl honourable high Courts of Parliament of both 
 realmes, that we have afiembled our felves, confulted and 
 treated according to the nature and limits of our com- 
 miffion ; and for as much as we doe find that hardly 
 within the memory of all times, or within the compafs 
 of the univerfal world, there can be fhewed forth a fit 
 example or prefident of the worke we have in hand con- 
 curring in all points material, we thought our felves fo 
 much the more bound to refort to the infallible and ori- 
 ginal grounds of nature and common reafon, and freeing 
 our felves from the leading or mifleading of examples, 
 to infifl and fix our confiderations upon the individual 
 bufinefs in hand, without wandring or difcourfes. It 
 feemed therefore unto us a matter demonflrative by the 
 light of reafon, that we were in firfl place to begin with 
 the remotion and abolition of all manner hoflile, en- 
 vious, or maligne laws on either fide, being in them- 
 'fctves mere temporary, and now by time become directly 
 contrary to our prefent mofl happy eflate j which laws, as 
 they are already dead in force and vigor, fo we thought 
 
 fit
 
 Reign of King James. 315 
 
 fit now to wifh them buried in oblivion ; that by the 
 utter extinguishment of the memory of difcords paft, we 
 may avoid all feeds of relapfe into difcords to come: 
 Secondly, as matter of nature not unlike the former, 
 we entered into confederation of fuch limitanye conftitu- 
 tions as ferved but for to obtaine a forme of juflice be- 
 tween fubjefts- under feveral Monarchs, and did in the 
 very grounds and motives of them prefuppofe incurfions, 
 and intermixture of hoflilitye : All which occafions, as 
 they are in themfelves now vanifhed and done away, fo we 
 wifh the abolition and ceflation thereof to be declared. 
 Thirdly, for fo much as the principal degree to union is 
 communion and participation of mutual commodityes 
 and benefits, it appeared to us to follow next in order, 
 that the commerce between both nations be fet open and 
 free, foe as the commodityes and provifions of either 
 may pafs and flow to and fro, without any flops or ob- 
 ftructions into the veines of the whole body, for the 
 better fuftentation and comfort of all the parts : with cau- 
 tion neverthelefs, that the vital nouriihment be not fo 
 drawne into one part, as it may endanger a confumpti- 
 on and withering of the other. Fourthly, after the 
 communion and participation by commerce, which can 
 extend but to the tranfmimon of fuch commodyties as 
 are moveable, perfonal and tranfitory, there lucceeded 
 naturally that other degree, that there be made a mu- 
 tual endowment and donation of either realm towards 
 other of the abilityes and capacityes to take and enjoy 
 things which are permanent, real and fixed; as namely, 
 freehold and inheritance, and the like: And that as well 
 the internal and vital veines of blood be opened from 
 
 S f 2 inter--
 
 3*6 State Pieces in the 
 
 interruption and obftrudtion in making pedigree, and 
 claiming by difcent, as the external and elemental veines 
 of paffage and commerce, with refervation neverthelefs 
 unto the due time of fuch abilityes and capacityes onely, 
 as no power on earth can confer without time and edu- 
 cation. And laftly, becaufe the perfection of this blefled 
 worke confifteth in the union, not only of the folid 
 parts of the'eftate, but alfo in the fpirit and finews of 
 the fame, which are the laws and government which 
 neverthelefs are already perfectly united in the head, but 
 require a further time to be united in the bulk and 
 frame of the whole body; in contemplation hereof we 
 did conceive that the firft ftep thereunto was to pro- 
 vide, that the juftice of either realm fhould aide and af- 
 fift, and not fruftrate and interrupt the juftice of the o- 
 ther, fpecially in fundry cafes criminal; fo that either 
 realme may not be abuled by malefactors as a fanctuary 
 or place of refuge, to avoid the condigne punifhment 
 of their crimes and offences. All which feveral points, as 
 we account them, fummed up and put together, but as a 
 degree or middle terme to the perfection of this blefied 
 worke; fo yet we conceived them to make ajuft and fit 
 periode for our prefent confultation and proceeding. 
 And for fo much as concerneth the manner of our pro- 
 ceedings, we may truly make this atteftation unto our 
 felves, that as the mark we ftiot at was union and unity, 
 ib it pleafed God in the handling thereof, to blefs us 
 with the fpirit of unity, infomuch as from our firft fit- 
 ting unto the breaking up of our aflembly (a thing moft 
 rare, the eircumftance of the caufe and perfons confider- 
 ed) there did not happen or intervene, neither in our 
 
 debates
 
 Reign of King James. 317 
 
 debates or arguments, any manner altercation or ftrife 
 of words; nor in our refolutions any variety or divifion 
 of votes, but the whole paffed with an unanimity and 
 uniformity of confent ; and yet fo, as we fuppofe, there 
 was never in any confutation greater plainenefs and li- 
 berty of fpeech, argument and debate, replying, contra- 
 dicting, recalling any thing fpoken where caufe was, 
 expounding any matter ambiguous or miftaken ; and all 
 other points of free and friendly interlocution and con- 
 ference, without cavillations, advantages or overtakings: 
 A matter that we cannot afcribe to the fkill or temper 
 of our owne carriage, but to the guiding and conduct- 
 ing of God's holy providence and will, the true author 
 of all unity and agreement ; neither did we, where the 
 bufinefs required, reft fo upon our own fenfe and opi- 
 nions, but we did alfo aide and aflift our felves, as well 
 with the reverend opinion of Judges and perfons of 
 great fcience and authority in the laws, and alfo with 
 the wifdom and experience of Merchants, and men ex- 
 pert in commerce. In all which our proceedings not- 
 withstanding, we are fo far from pretending or aiming 
 at any prejudication, either of his royal Majefty's fove- 
 raigne and high wifdom, which we do moll dutifully 
 acknowledge to be able to pierce and penetrate far be- 
 yond the reach of our capacityes, or of the folid and 
 profound judgment of the high Courts of Parliament of 
 both realms, as we do in all humblenefs fubmit our 
 judgments and doeings to his facred Majefty, and to the 
 Parliaments, protefting our fincerity and craving gra- 
 cious and benigne conftruction and acceptation of our 
 travailes. 
 
 We
 
 $18 State Pieces in the, &c. 
 
 We therefore with one mind and confent have agreed 
 and concluded, that there be propounded and prefented 
 to his Majeftie and the Parliament of both realmes, thefe 
 articles and propofitions following. 
 
 A PRE- 

 
 3*9 
 
 PREPARATION 
 
 Toward the 
 
 Union of the LAWS 
 
 O F 
 
 ENGLAND and SCOTLAND* 
 
 YOUR Majefiy's defire of proceeding towards 
 the union of this whole ifland of Great Brit- 
 taine under one law, is (as far as I am capable 
 to make anie opinion of foe great a caufe) very agreea- 
 ble to pollicie and juftice. To pollicie, becaufe it is 
 one of the beft aflurances (as humaine events can be af- 
 fured) that there will be never anie relapfe in anie fu- 
 ture ages to a feparation. To juftice, becaufe dulcis 
 traftus pari jugo, it is reafonable that communication of 
 priviledge, drawe on communication of difcipline and 
 rule. This work being of greatnefs and difficultie need- 
 
 * This was very imperfectly and incorrectly printed without the dedication, 
 under this title, Cafts ofTrtaftn, &c. 4 t0 . 1641. 
 
 cth
 
 3^ A Preparation for 
 
 eth not to embrace any greater compaffe of defignment, 
 then is neceffary to your Majefly's maine end and in- 
 tention. I confider therefore, that it is a true and re- 
 ceived divifion of law into jus publicum and privatum, 
 the one being the finews of propertie, and the other of 
 government ; for that which concerneth private interefl 
 of meum and tuum, in my fimple opinion, it is not at 
 this time to be meddled with; Men love to hold their 
 owae as they have held, and the difference of this la we 
 carrieth no marke of feparation ; for we fee in anie 
 one kingdome, which is moft at unitie in itfelf, there 
 is diverfity of cuftomes for the guiding of property and 
 private rights, In vejle vari etas Jit, fcijfura nonjit. All 
 the labour is to be fpent in the other part, though per- 
 haps not in all the other part; for it may be, your Ma- 
 jeftie in your high wifdom will difcerne that even in 
 that part, there will not be requifite a conformitie in all 
 points. And although fuch conformitie were to be 
 wifhed, yet perchance it will be fcarcely porlible in ma- 
 nie points to pafle them for the prefent by affent of 
 Parliament. But becaufe we that ferve your Majeftie in 
 the fervice of our fkill and profeffion, cannot judge what 
 your Majeftie, upon reafon of eflate, will leave and take; 
 therefore it is fit for us to give as near as we can a ge- 
 neral information : wherein I for my part, think good 
 to hold my felf to one of the parallels, I meane that 
 of the Englijh lawes. For although I have read, and 
 read with delight, the Scottijh flatutes, and fome other 
 collection of their lawes ; with delight I fay, partlie to 
 fee their brevitie, and proprietie of fpeech, and partlie 
 to fee them come fo near to our lawes : Yet I am un- 
 willing
 
 The Union of Laws. 321 
 
 willing to put my fickle in anothers harveft, but to 
 leave it to the Lawiers of the Scottifh nation, the rather, 
 becaufe I imagine with my felf, that if a Scottijh Lawier 
 mould undertake by reading of the Engli/h ftatutes, or 
 other our books of lawe, to fet down pofitively in arti- 
 cles, what the lawe of England were, he mought often- 
 times erre, and the like errours I make account I mought 
 incurre in theirs. And therefore, as I take it, the right 
 way is, that the Lawiers of either nation, doe fet downe 
 in brief articles what the lawe is of their nation, and 
 then after a book, of two columnes, either having the 
 two lawes placed refpectively, to be offered to your Ma- 
 jeftie, that your Majeftie may by a ready view fee the 
 diverfities, and foe judge of the reduction, or leaving it 
 as it is. 
 
 Jus publicum I will divide, as I hold it fitteft for the 
 prefent purpofe, into four parts. The firft, concerning 
 criminal caufes, which with us are truly accompted/#- 
 lici juris , becaufe both the prejudice and the profecution, 
 principally pertaine to the crowne and publique eftate. 
 The fecond, concerning the caufes of the Church. The 
 third, concerning magiftrates, offices, and courts, where- 
 in falleth the confideratiori of your Majefty's regal pre- 
 rogative, whereof the reft are but ftreames. And the 
 fourth, concerning certain fpecial politique lawes, ufages 
 and conftitutions, that doe import the publique peace, 
 ftrength and wealth of the kingdome. In which part I 
 doe comprehend not only conftant ordinaunces of lawe, 
 but likewife fourmes of adminiftration of lawe, fuch as 
 are the commifiions of the Peace, the vifitations of the 
 provinces by the Judges of the circuits, and the like. For 
 
 T t thefe
 
 3^2 A Preparation for 
 
 thefe in niy opinion, for the purpofe now in hand, de- 
 ferve a fpecial obfervation, becaufe they being matters 
 of that temporarie nature, as they may be altered, as I 
 iuppofe, in either kingdome without Parliament, as to 
 your Majefty's wifdom may feeme beft, it may be the 
 moft profitable and ready part of this labour will confift 
 in the introducing of fome uniformitie in them. 
 
 To begin therefore with capital crimes, and firft that 
 of Treason. 
 
 CASES of TREASON. 
 
 WHERE a man doth compaffe or imagine the 
 death of the King, if it appeare by anie overt 
 at, it is treafon. 
 
 Where a man doth compafle or imagine the death of 
 the King's wife, if it appeare by anie overt act, it is 
 treafon. 
 
 Where a man doth compafle or imagine the death of 
 the King's eldeft fonne and heire, if it appeare by anie 
 overt act, it is treafon. 
 
 Where a man doth violate the King's wife, it is treafon. 
 
 Where a man doth violate the King's eldeft daughter 
 unmarried, it is treafon. 
 
 Where a man doth violate the wife of the King's eL 
 deft fonne and heire, it is treafon. 
 
 Where a man doth levie warre againft the King in 
 his realme, it is treafon. 
 
 When.
 
 The Union of Laws. 323 
 
 Where a man is adherent to the King's enemies, gi- 
 ving them aide and comfort, it is treafon. 
 
 Where a man counterfeiteth the King's great feale, it 
 is treafon. 
 
 Where a man countetfeiteth the King's privie feale, it 
 is treafon. 
 
 Where a man counterfeiteth the King's privie fignet, 
 it is treafon. 
 
 Where a man doth counterfeit the King's figne ma- 
 nuall, it is treafon. 
 
 Where a man counterfeits the King's monie, it is 
 treafon. 
 
 Where a man bringeth into the realme falfe monie, 
 counterfeited to the likenefle of the coyne of England ' 
 with intent to marchandize or make payment therwith, 
 and knowing it to be falfe, it is treafon. 
 
 Where a man counterfeiteth any foreyne coyne cur- 
 rant in payment within this realme, it is treafon. 
 
 Where a man doth bring in foreyne monie, being 
 currant within the realme, the fame being falfe and 
 counterfeit, with intent to utter it, and knowing the 
 fame to be falfe, it is treafon. 
 
 Where a man doth clippe, warn, round, or file any of 
 the King's monie, or any foreyne coyne, currant by 
 proclamation, for gayne's fake, it is treafon. 
 
 Where a man doth anie waies impaire, diminifh, fal- 
 fifie, fcale, or lighten the King's monies, or any fo- 
 reyne monies, currant by proclamation, it is treafon. 
 
 Where a man killeth the Chancellour, being in his 
 place, and doiag his office, it is treafon. 
 
 T t 2 Where
 
 324 46 Preparation jfar 
 
 Where a man killeth the Treafurer, being in his place, 
 and doing his office, it is treafon. 
 
 Where a man killeth the King's Juftice in Eyre, be- 
 ing in his place, and doing his office, it is treafon. 
 
 Where a man killeth the King's Juftice of AJfife, be- 
 ing in his place, and doing his office, it is treafon. 
 
 Where a man killeth the King's Juftice of Oyer and 
 Detertniner, being in his place, and doing his office, 
 it is treafon. 
 
 Where a man doth perfwade or withdrawe any of the 
 King's fubjecls from his obedience, or from the religion 
 by his Majeftie eftablifhed, with intent to withdrawe him 
 from the King's obedience, it is treafon. 
 
 Where a man is abfolved, reconciled, or withdrawne 
 from his obedience to the King, or promifeth his obedi- 
 to any foreyne power, it is treafon. 
 
 Where any Jefuite, or other prieft ordained fince the 
 firft yeere of the reign of Queene Elizabeth, mail come 
 into, or remaine in any part of this realme, it is 
 treafon. 
 
 Where any perfon being brought up in a colledge of 
 Jefuites, or Seminarie, fhall not returne within fix 
 moneths after proclamation made, and within two dayes 
 ^after his returne, fubmit himfelfe to take the oath of 
 fupremacie, if otherwife hee doe returne, or be within 
 the realme, it is treafon. 
 
 Where a man doth affirme or maintaine any authori- 
 ty of jurifdiction fpirituall, or doth put in ure or exe- 
 -cvfte any thing for the advancement or fetting forth 
 thereof, fuch offence the third time committed, is trea- 
 fon. 
 
 Where 
 8
 
 The Union of Laws. 32,5 
 
 Where a man refufeth to take the oath of fupremacy, 
 
 being tendred by the Bifhop of the diocerTe, if hee bee 
 
 an ecclefiaftical perfon; or by commimon out of the 
 
 Chancery, if hee bee a temporall perfon ; fuch offence, 
 the fecond time, is treafon. 
 
 Where a man committed for treafon, doth voluntarily 
 breake prifon, it is treafon. 
 
 Where a jaylor doth voluntarily permit a man com- 
 mitted for treafon to efcape, it is treafon. 
 
 Where a man procureth or confenteth to a treafon, it 
 is treafon. 
 
 Where a man relieveth or comforteth a traitor,, know- 
 ing it, it is treafon. 
 
 T'he punijhment, triall> and proceedings in cafes of treafon. 
 
 In treafon, the corporall punimment is by drawing on 
 a hurdle from the place of the prifon to the place of ex- 
 ecution, and by hanging and being cut downe alive, bow- 
 elling and quartering : and in women by burning. 
 
 In treafon, there enfueth a corruption of bloud in the 
 line afcending and defcending. 
 
 In treafon, lands and goods are forfeited, and inheri- 
 taunces, as well intalled as fee Iknple, and the profits of 
 ftates for life. 
 
 In treafon, the efcheats goe to the King, and not to 
 the Lord of the fee. 
 
 In treaion, the lands forfeited fliall be in the King's 
 actual poffefnon, without office. 
 
 In treafon there be no accedfaries, but all are princi- 
 palis. 
 
 In
 
 326 A Preparation for 
 
 In treafon, no benefit of clergie, or fandtuary, or pe- 
 remptory challenge. 
 
 In treafon, if the party ftand mute, yet neverthelefle 
 judgment and attainder fhall proceed all one as upon 
 verdit 
 
 In treafon, bayle is not permitted. 
 
 In treafon, no Counfell is to bee allowed to the partie. 
 
 In treafon, no witneffe fhall be received upon oth for 
 the partie's juftification. 
 
 In treafon, if the fact bee committed "beyond the feas, 
 yet it may bee tried in any countie where the King will 
 -award his commiflion. 
 
 In treafon, if the partie bee non fanae memorice, yet if 
 hee had formerlie confefled it before the King's counfel, 
 and that it bee certified that hee was of good memorie a* 
 the time of his examination and confeflion, the court 
 may proceed to judgement without calling or arraigne- 
 mg the partie. 
 
 In treafon, the death of the partie before conviction 
 difchargeth all proceedings and forfeitures. 
 
 In treafon, if the partie be once acquitt, hee fhall 
 not bee brought in queftion againe for the fame fad:. 
 
 In treafon, no newe cafe not exprefled in the flatute 
 of 25 K. E. 3. nor made treafon by anie fpecial fta- 
 tute fince, ought to bee judged treafon, without con- 
 sulting with the Parliament. 
 
 In treafon, there can be no profecution but at the 
 King's fuite, and the King's pardon difchargeth. 
 
 In treafon, the King cannot grant over to anie fubjedt 
 power and authoritie to pardon it. 
 
 In treafon, a triall of a Peere of the kingdome is to 
 
 bee
 
 The Union of Laws. 3 2 7 
 
 bee by fpeciall commifTion before the Lord high Steward, 
 and thofe that pane upon him to be none but Peers : 
 And the proceeding is with great folemnitie, the Lord 
 Steward fitting under a cloth of eftate with a white rodde 
 of juftice in his hand, and the Peeres may conferre to- 
 gether, but are not any waies fhut up ; and are de- 
 manded by the Lord Steward their voices one by one, 
 and the plurality of voices carrieth it. 
 
 In treafon, it hath been an auncient ufe and favour 
 from the Kings of this realme to pardon the execution 
 of hanging , drawing , and quartering ; and to make 
 warrant for their beheading. 
 
 The proceeding in cafe of treafon with a common 
 fubject is in the King' s-Bench, or by commiflion of Oyer 
 and Determiner. 
 
 MISPRISION of TREASON. 
 
 Cafes ofmifprifion of 'Treafon: 
 
 WHERE a man concealeth high treafon onely,. 
 without any comforting or abetting, it is mif- 
 prifion of treafon. 
 
 Where a man counterfeiteth any foreigne coyne of 
 gold or filver not currant in the realme, it is mifprifioa 
 of treafon. 
 
 ttr
 
 32,8 A Preparation for 
 
 < Thepunijhment i try all, and proceeding in cafes of mif- 
 prifon of Treafon. 
 
 The punifhment of mifprifion of treafon is by perpe- 
 tuall imprifonment, loffe of the iflues of their lands du- 
 ring life, and loffe of goods and chattels. 
 
 The proceeding and triall is, as in cafes of treafon. 
 
 In mifprifion of treafon bayie is not admitted. 
 
 PETIE TREASON. 
 
 Cafes ofpetie Treafon. 
 
 WHERE the fervant killeth the matter, it is 
 petie treafon. 
 
 Where the wife killeth her hufband, it is petie trea- 
 fon. 
 
 Where a fpiritual man killeth his prelate, to whom 
 hee is fubordinate, and oweth faith and obedience, it 
 is petie treafon. 
 
 Where the fonne killeth the father or mother, it hath 
 bene queftioned whether it be petie treafon, and the late 
 experience and opinion feemeth to weigh to the con- 
 trarie, though againil lawe and reafon in my judge- 
 ment. 
 
 Tht
 
 The Union of Laws. 32,9 
 
 I'he puni/hmenf, try ally and proceeding in cafes of petie 
 
 'Treafon. 
 
 In petie treafon, the corporall punifhment is by draw- 
 ing on an hurdle, and hanging. 
 
 In petie treafon, the forfeiture is the fame with the 
 cafe of felony. 
 
 In petie treafon, all acceflaries are but in cafe of fe- 
 lonie. 
 
 FELONY. 
 
 Cafes of Felony, 
 
 WHERE a man committeth murder, that is, 
 homicide of prepenfed malice, it is felony. 
 
 Where a man committeth manflaughter, that is, ho- 
 micide of fudden heate, and not of malice prepenfed, it 
 is felony. 
 
 Where a man committeth burglarie, that is, break- 
 ing of an houfe with an intent to commit felony, it is 
 felony. 
 
 Where a man rideth armed, with a felonious intent, 
 it is felony. 
 
 Where a man doth maliciouflie and feloniouflie burne 
 a houfe, it is felony. 
 
 Where a man doth maliciouflie and feloniouflie burne 
 corne upon the ground, or in ftacks, it is felony. 
 
 Where a man doth maliciouflie cut out another's 
 tongue, or put out his eyes, it is felony. 
 
 Where a man robbeth or ftealeth, that is, taketh 
 away another man's goods, above the value of twelve 
 
 U u pence,
 
 33 A Preparation for 
 
 pence, out of his poffeflion, with an intent to conceale 
 it, it is felony. 
 
 Where a man imbefileth or withdraweth any the 
 King's records at Wefiminjler, whereby anie judgment is 
 reverfed, it is felony. 
 
 Where a man that hath cuftody of the King's 
 armour, munition, or other abiliments of warre, doth 
 maliciouflie convey away the fame, to the value of 
 twenty millings, it is felony. 
 
 Where a fervant hath goods of his mailer's delivered 
 unto him, and goeth away with them, it is felony. 
 
 Where a man conjures* or invocates wicked fpirits,. 
 it is felony. 
 
 Where a man doth ufe or pradtife any manner of 
 witchcraft, whereby any perfon fhall bee killed, wafted, 
 or lamed in his body, it is felony. 
 
 Where a man practifeth any witchcraft, to difcover 
 treafure hid, or to difcover ftolne goods, or to provoke 
 unlawfull love, or to impaire or hurt any man's cat- 
 tell or goods, the fecond time, having been once before 
 convicted of like offence, it is felony. 
 
 Where a man ufeth the craft of multiplication of 
 gold or filver, it is felony. 
 
 Where a man committeth rape, it is felony. 
 Where a man taketh away a woman againft her will, 
 not clayming her as his ward or bondwoman, it is fe- 
 lony. 
 
 Where any perfon marrieth againe, his former huf- 
 band or wife being alive, it is felony. 
 
 Where a man committeth buggery with man or Dealt* 
 it is felony. 
 
 Wl" ^
 
 The Union of Laws. 331 
 
 Where any perfons, above the number of twelve, mall 
 afTemble themfelves with intent to put downe inclofures, 
 or bring down prices of victuals, &c. and do not depart 
 after proclamation, it is felony. 
 
 V/here a man mall ufe any words to encourage or 
 draw any people together, utfupra, and they doe afTem- 
 ble accordingly, and doe not depart after proclamation, 
 it is felony. 
 
 Where a man being the King's fworne fervant, con- 
 fpireth to murder any Lord of the realme, or any of the 
 privie council, it is felony. 
 
 Where a fouldier hath taken any parcel of the King's 
 wages, and departeth without licence, it is felony. 
 
 Where a man receiveth a feminary prieft, knowing 
 him to be fuch a prieft., it is felony. 
 
 Where a recufant, which is a feducer, and perfwader, 
 and incyter of the King's fubjects againft the King's au- 
 thority in ecclefiaftical caufes, or a perfuader of conven- 
 ticles, &c. fhall refufe to abjure the realme, it is felony. 
 
 Where vagabonds bee found in the realme, calling 
 themfelves Egyptians, it is felony. 
 
 Where a purveyor taketh without warrant, or other- 
 wife doth offend againft certaine fpeciall lawes, it is fe- 
 lony. 
 
 Where a man hunteth in any forreft, parke, or war- 
 ren, by night or by day, with vizards or other difguife- 
 ments, and is examined thereof and concealeth his fact, 
 it is felony. 
 
 Where a man ftealeth certaine kinds of hawkes, it is 
 felony. 
 
 U u 2 Where
 
 33 2 A Preparation for 
 
 Where a man committeth forgery the fecond time, 
 having been once before convicted, it is felony. 
 
 Where a man tranfporteth rammes or other fheepe out 
 of the King's dominions, the fecond time , it is fe- 
 lony. 
 
 - Where a man being imprifoned for felony, breaks pri- 
 fon, it is felony. 
 
 Where a man procureth or confenteth to a felony to 
 bee committed, it is felony, as to make him acceffarie 
 before the fact. 
 
 Where a man receiveth or relieveth a felon, knowing 
 thereof, it is felony, as to make him acceffary after 
 fact. 
 
 Where a woman, by the constraint of her hufband, 
 in his prefence, joyneth with him in committing of fe- 
 lony, it is not felony, neither as principally nor as ac- 
 ceffary. 
 
 the punijhmenty try all > and proceeding in cafes offelonie. 
 
 In felony, the corporal punifhment is by hanging, 
 and it is doubtfull whether the King may turn it into 
 beheading in the cafe of a Peer, or other perfon of dig- 
 nity, beeaufe in treafon the finking off the head is part 
 of the judgement, and fo the King pardbneth the reft : 
 but in felony, it is no part of the judgement, and the 
 King cannot alter the execution of law -, yet prefidents 
 have beene both waves. 
 
 In
 
 The Union of Laws. 333 
 
 In felony, there followeth corruption of 'bloud, ex- 
 cept it bee in cafes made felony by fpeciall ftatutes, 
 with a provifo that there mall be no corruption of 
 bloud. 
 
 In felony, lands in fee fimple, and goods are for- 
 feited, but not lands intailed, and the profits of ftate 
 for life are likewife forfeited: And by fome fpeciall 
 cuftomes lands in fee fimple are not forfeited; 
 
 The father to the bough, fonne to the plough. 
 
 In felony, the efcheats goe to the Lord of the fee, 
 and not to the King, except hee be Lord : But the pro- 
 fits of ftates for lives, or in taile during the life of 
 tenant in taile, goe to the King j and the King hath 
 likewife in fee fimple lands holden of common Lords, 
 annum, diem, & vaftum. 
 
 In felony, the lands are not in the King before office, 
 nor in the Lord before entrie or recovery in writ of 
 efcheate, or death of the party attainted. 
 
 In felony, there can bee no proceeding with the ac- 
 ceflary before there bee a proceeding with the princi- 
 pall , which principall if hee die, or plead his pardon, 
 or have his clergie before attainder, the acceflaries can 
 never be dealt with. 
 
 In felony, if the party ftand mute, and will not put 
 himfelfe upon his tryall, or challenge peremptorily above 
 the number that the law allowes, hee (hall have judge- 
 ment not of hanging, but of penance of prefiing to death s 
 but then he faves his lands and forfeits only his goods. 
 
 In
 
 334 d Preparation for 
 
 In felony, at the common law, the benefit of clergie 
 or fan&uary was allowed; but now by ftatutes it is ta- 
 ken away in moft cafes. 
 
 In felony, baile may be admitted where the fact is not 
 notorious, and the perfon not of evil fame. 
 
 In felony, no counfell is to bee allowed to the party, 
 no more than in treafon,. 
 
 In felony, no witnefle fhall bee received upon oath 
 for the parties justification, no more than in treafon. 
 
 In felony, if the fat bee committed beyond the feas, 
 or upon the feas, fuper altum mare, there is no tryall at 
 all in the one cafe, nor by courfe of jury in the other 
 cafe, but by the jurifdiclion of the Admiralty. 
 
 In felony, if the party bee non fance memoria, al- 
 though it bee after the fad:, hee cannot be tryed nor ad- 
 judged, except it be in courfe of outlawry, and that is 
 alfo erroneous. 
 
 In felony, the death of the party before conviction 
 difchargeth all proceedings and forfeitures. 
 
 In felony, if the party bee once acquitt, or in peril* 
 of judgement of life lawfully, hee fhall never be brought 
 in queftion againe for the fame fad!:. 
 
 In felony, the profecution may bee either at the King's 
 fuit, by way of inditement, or at the partie's fuit, by 
 way of appeale ; and if it be by way of appeal, the defen- 
 dant fhall have his counfell and produce witnefles upon 
 oath, as in civill caufes. 
 
 In felony, the King may grant hault juftice to a_ fub- 
 je&, with the regality of power to pardon it. 
 
 In felony, the tryall of Peers is all one as in cafe of 
 treafon. 
 
 In
 
 The Union of Laws. 335 
 
 In felony, the proceedings are in the King's Bench, 
 or before Commiffioners of Oyer and Determiner , or 
 of goale delivery, and in fome cafes before juftices of 
 peace. 
 
 Cafes of felonia de fe, with the punijhment, triall y and 
 proceeding therein. 
 
 In the civill law, and other lawes, they make a diffe- 
 rence of cafes of felonia de fe- y for where a man is called 
 in queftion upon any capita!! crime, and killeth him- 
 felfe to prevent the law, they give the fame judgement 
 in all points of forfeiture, as if they had been attainted 
 in their life time: And on the other fide, where a man 
 killeth himfelfe upon impatience of ficknefs, or the 
 like, they doe not punifh it at all : But the law of England 
 taketh it all in one degree,, and punifheth it onely with 
 lofle of goods to bee forfeited to the King, who generally 
 granteth them to his Almoner, where they bee not for- 
 merly granted unto fpeciall liberties. 
 
 Offences of PREMUNIRE. 
 
 Cafes of Premunire. 
 
 WHERE a man purchafeth or accepteth any 
 provifion, that is, collation of any fpirituall 
 benefice or living from the fea of Rome, it is cafe of 
 premunire. 
 
 Where a man fhall purchafe any procefse to draw any 
 people of the King's allegeance out of the realme, in 
 plea-, whereof the cognizance pertaines to the King's 
 court, and cometh not in perfon to anfwer his contempt 
 
 in
 
 33^ ^ Preparation for 
 
 in that behalfe before the King and his councell, or in 
 his Chan eerie, it is cafe of premunire. 
 
 Where a man doth fue in any court which is not the 
 King's court, to defeat or impeach any judgement given 
 in the King's court, and doth not appeare to anfwer 
 his contempt, it is cafe of premunire. 
 
 Where a man doth purchafe or purfue in the court 
 of Rome , or elfewhere, any proceffe, fentence of ex- 
 communication, bull, inftrument, or other thing which 
 toucheth the King in his regality, or his realme in pre- 
 judice, it is cafe of premunire. 
 
 Where a man doth affirme or maintain any foreine 
 authority of jurifdiction fpirituall, or doth put in urs 
 or execute any thing for the advancement or fetting 
 forth thereof} fuch offence, the fecond time committed, 
 is cafe of premunire. 
 
 Where a man refufeth to take the oath of fupremacy 
 being tendred by the Bifhop of the diocefle, if he bee an 
 ecclefiaflicall perfon -, or by commiffion out of the chan- 
 cery, if he bee a temporal perfon, it is cafe of pre- 
 munire. 
 
 Where the Deane and Chapiter of any church upon the 
 Conge delier of an Archbifhop or Bifhop doth refufe to 
 elect any fuch Archbifhop or Bifhop as is nominated 
 unto them in the King's letters miffive, it is cafe of 
 premunire. 
 
 Where a man doth contribute or give reliefe unto 
 
 any Jefuite or feminary priefts, or to any colledge of 
 
 Jefuites or feminary priefts, or to any perfon brought up 
 
 therein, and called home, and not returning, it is cafe 
 
 of premunire. 
 
 Where
 
 The Union of Laws. 337 
 
 Where a man is broker of an ufurious contract above 
 ten in the hundred, it is cafe of premunire. 
 
 *fhe punijhment, try all, and proceeding in cafes of pre- 
 munire. 
 
 The punifhment is by imprifonment during life, 
 forfeiture of goods, forfeiture of lands in fee fimple, 
 and forfeiture of the profits of lands intailed, or for 
 life. 
 
 The triall and proceeding is as in cafes of mifprifion 
 of treafon, and the tryall is by peers where a Peer of 
 die realme is the offender.. 
 
 Offences of Abjuration and Exile. 
 
 Cafes of abjuration and exile, and the proceeding therein 
 
 t 
 
 WHERE a man committeth any felony, for 
 the which at this day hee may have priviledge 
 of fanctuary, and taketh fanctuary, and confeffeth the 
 felony before the Coroner, he mall abjure the liberty of 
 the realme, and chufe his fanctuary ; and if hee commit 
 any new offence, or leave his fanctuary, hee mail lofe 
 the priviledge thereof, and fufFer as if hee had not ta- 
 ken fanctuary. 
 
 Where a man not coming to the church, and not be- 
 ing a Popifh recufant, doth perfwade any the King's 
 fubjects to impugne his Majefties authority in caufes 
 eeclefiaftieall, or mail perfwade any fubject from co- 
 ming to the church, or receiving the communion, or 
 
 X x perfwade
 
 338 A Preparation for 
 
 perfwade any fubjet to come to any unlawfull con- 
 venticles, or (hall be prefent at any fuch unlawful 
 conventicles, and mall not after conforme himfelfe 
 within a time, and make his fubmiffion, hee mall ab- 
 jure the realme, and forfeit his goods and his lands du- 
 ring life j and if hee depart not within the time pre- 
 fixed , or returne , hee mall bee in the degree of a 
 felon. 
 
 Where a man. being a Popifh recufant, and not ha- 
 ving lands to the value of twenty marks by the year ? 
 nor goods to the value of forty pound, fhall not repaire 
 to his dwelling, or place where hee was borne, and there 
 confine himfelfe within the compaffe of five miles, hee 
 fhall abjure the realme -, and if he returne, he fhall be 
 in the degree of a felon. 
 
 Where a man kills the King's deere in chafes or fo- 
 refls, and can find no fureties after a yeeres imprifon- 
 ment, he mall abjure the realme. 
 
 Where a man is a trefpaffer in parkes, or in ponds of 
 fifh, and after three yeeres imprifonment cannot finde 
 furetie, hee fhall abjure the realme. 
 
 Where a man is a ravifher of any childe within age 
 whofe marriage belongs unto any perfon, and marriv- 
 cth the faid childe after yeeres of confent, and is not 
 able to fatisfie for the marriage, he fhall abjure the 
 realme. 
 
 Offence 

 
 The Union of Laws, 339 
 
 Offence of H E R E S I E. 
 Cafes ofHereJie, and the tri all and proceeding therein. 
 
 THE declaration of Herefie, and likewife the 
 proceeding and judgement upon Hereticks is by 
 the common lawes of this realme referred to the juris- 
 diction ecclefiafticall, and the fecular arme is reached 
 unto them by the common lawes, and not by any fta- 
 tute, for the execution of them by the King's writ de 
 Haretico comburendo. 
 
 Here ends the original Maniifcript. 
 
 Xx 2 An
 
 34 Argument df Impofitions. 
 
 An Argument of Sir Francis Bacon, the 
 King's So Hi c it or , in the lower houfe of 
 Parliament , proving the King's right of Im- 
 pofitions on merchandtfes imported and ex- 
 ported *. 
 
 AND it pleafe you, Mr. Speaker, this queftion 
 touching the right of impofitions is very great j 
 extending to the prerogative of the King on the one part, 
 and the liberty of the Subject on the other ; and that in 
 a point of profit and value, and not of conceite or fancy, 
 and therefore as weight in all motions increafeth force, 
 (o I do not marvaille to fee men gather the greateft 
 ftrength of argument they can to make good their opi- 
 nions. And fo you will give me leave likewife , being 
 ftrong in mine own perfualion that it is the King's right, 
 to mew my voice as free as my thought. And for my 
 part I mean to obferve the true courfe to give ftrength 
 to this caufe, which is, by yielding thofe things which 
 are not tenable, and keeping the queftion within the 
 true ftate and compafs, which will difcharge many po- 
 pular arguments, and contracte the debate into a lefs 
 roome. 
 
 Wherefore I doe deliver the queftion, - and exclude or 
 fett by, as not in queftion, five things, firft, the que- 
 ftion is de fortorio, and not de tributo , to ufe the Ro- 
 man words for explanation fake; it is not, I faye, touch- 
 ing any taxes within the land, but of payments at the 
 
 * This matter was much debated by the Lawyers and Gentlemen in the Parliament, 
 1610 and 1614, (Jc. and afterwards given up by the Crown in 1641. 
 
 ports.
 
 Argument of Impofitions. 34 
 
 ports, fecondly, it is not touching any import from 
 porte to porte, but where cloves regni the keys of the 
 kingdom are turned to lett in from foreign partes, or to 
 fend forth to foreign partes ; (in a word) matter of com- 
 merce and intercourfe, not fimply of carryage or ve&ure. 
 thirdly, the queftion is (as the diftindtion was ufed a- 
 bove in another cafe) dt vero & fatfo-> and not de bono & 
 malo, of the legall point, and not of the inconvenience, 
 otherwife then as it ferves to decide the law. fourthly, 
 I doe fett apart three commoditys, woolls, woollfells, 
 and leather, as being in different cafe from the reft ; be- 
 caufe the cuftom upon them is antiqua cujiuma. laft- 
 ly, the queftion is not whether in matter of impofing, 
 the King may alter the law by his prerogative, but 
 whether the King have not fuch a prerogative by lawe. 
 
 The ftate of the queftion being thus cleared and freed, 
 my propofition is , that the King by the fundamentall 
 lawes of this kingdom hath a power to impofe upon 
 merchandize and commoditys both native and foreign. 
 In my proofe of this propofition all that I mail fay, be 
 it to confirm or confute, I will draw into certain di- 
 ftincl heades or confiderations which move me and may 
 move you. 
 
 The firft is an univerfall negative : there appeareth 
 not in any of the King's courts any one record where- 
 in an impofition layed at the portes , hath been over- 
 thrown by judgment j nay more, where it had been que- 
 ftioned by pleading. This plea, quod J'umma prceditta 
 minus jufte impofita fait, Gf contra leges ? confuetudines 
 regni hujus Anglia, unde idem Bates illam Jblvere recu- 
 Jdvit prout ei bene licuit ; is primes imprejjionis. Bates 
 
 was
 
 34^ Argument of Impofitions. 
 
 was the firfl man ab origine mundi (for any thing that 
 appeareth) that miniftred that plea; whereupon I offer 
 this to confideration, the King's a&es that grieve the 
 fubjecl: are either againft law and fo voyd, or accord- 
 ing to ftriclnefs of law, and yet grievous : and accord- 
 ing to thefe feveral natures of grievance there be feveral 
 remedy s : be they againft law ? overthrow them by judg- 
 ment : bee they too ftreight and extreame, though legall ? 
 propound them in Parliament: for as much then as im- 
 pofitions at the portes, having been fo often layed were 
 never brought into the King's courts of juftice, but flill 
 brought to Parliament, I may moil certainly conclude, 
 that they were conceived not to be againft law. And if 
 any man mail think that it was too high a pointe to que- 
 ftion by law before the Judges, or that there mould want 
 fortitude in them to ayd the fubjecl: j noe, it mail appear 
 from time to time in cafes of equal reach where the King's 
 actes have been indeed againft law, the courfe of law hath, 
 runne, and the Judges have worthily done their duty. 
 
 1 2 Hen. 4. As in the cafe of an impofition upon linnen cloth for 
 
 13 en. 4. the a i na g e . overthrown by judgment. 
 
 40 Ajfif. The cafe of a commiflion of arreft and committing of 
 
 fubjects upon examination without convi&ion by Jurye, 
 difallowed by the Judges. 
 2 Eliz. A commiffion to determine the right of the Exigenter's 
 
 ScroggjC*>. pi acCj Jecundum fanam difcrettonem , difallowed by the 
 Judges. 
 Eliz Tk e cafe of the monopoly of cardes overthrowne and 
 
 condemned by judgment. 
 
 I might make mention of the jurifdiction of fome 
 courtes, of difcretion wherein the Judges did not decline 
 
 to
 
 Argument of Impofitions. 543 
 
 to give opinion. Therefore had this been againfte lawe, 
 there would not have been altiim filcntium in the King's 
 courtes. Of the contrary judgments I will not yet fpeake ; 
 thus much now, that there is no judgment, no nor plea 
 againft it. though I fayed noe more, it were enough, in 
 my opinion, to induce you to a non liquet ; , to leave it a 
 doubt. 
 
 The fecond confideration is the force and continuance 
 of payments made by graunts of Merchants, both ftran- 
 gers and Englifh without confent of Parliament. Herein I 
 lay this grounde, that fuch graunts confidered in them- 
 felves are void in lawe : for Merchants, either ftrangers 
 or fubjects, they are no bodie corporate, but fingular and 
 difperfed perfons^j they cannot bind fucceffion, neither 
 can the major^ part bind the refidue : how then mould 
 their graunts have force ? noe otherwife but thus ; that the 
 King's power of impoling was only the legall virtue 
 and ftrength of thofe graunts \ and that the confent of a 
 Merchant is but a concurrence, the King is principale a- 
 gens, and they are but as the patient, and fo it becomes 
 a binding act out of the King's power. 
 
 Now if any man doubt that fuch graunts of Merchants 
 mould not be of force, I will alledge but two memo- 
 rable recordes, the one for the Merchants ftrangers, the 
 other for the Merchants Englifh. That for the ftrangers 
 is upon the graunte of chart, mercator. of three pence in 3 x Ed. i. 
 
 . . . Lbart. merca' 
 
 value ultra antiquas cuftumas-, which graunt is in ufetoria. 
 and practice at this day. For it is well known to the 
 Merchants, that that which they call ftranger's cuftome, 
 and erronioufly double cuftome, is but three pence in the 
 pound more than Englifh. Now look into the ftatutes 
 
 of
 
 1 7 Ed- 3 
 
 344 Argument of Impofitions. 
 
 of fubfidy of tonnage and poundage, and you mall find 
 (a few merchandife only excepted) the poundage equal 
 upon alien and fubjecl: ; fo that this difference or ex- 
 cefs of three pence hath noe other ground than that 
 graunt. It falleth to be the fame in quantity j there is 
 no ftatute for it, and therefore it can have no fhrength 
 but from the Merchant's graunts \ and the Merchants 
 graunts can have noe ftrength but from the King's 
 power to impofe. 
 
 For the merchants Englijh take the notable record in 
 i j .3. where the Commons complained of the fortie 
 millings upon the fack of wooll as a maletolle fet by 
 the affent of the Merchants without confent of Parlia- 
 ment ; nay they difpute and fay it were hard that the 
 Merchant's confent mould be in damage of the Commons. 
 What fayeth the King to them.?' doth he grant it or 
 give way to it? noe; but replyes upon them and fayeth 
 it cannot be rightly conftrued to be in prejudice of Com- 
 mons, the rather becaufe provifion was made, that the 
 Merchants mould not worke upon them, by colour of 
 that payment to encreafe their price ; in that there was- 
 & price certain fett upon the woolls, and there was an 
 end of that matter j which plainly affirmeth the force of 
 the Merchant's graunts. fo then the force of the graunts 
 of Merchants both Englijh and ftr angers appeareth, and 
 their graunts being not corporate are but noun adjecti- 
 ves without the King's power to impofe. 
 
 The third confideration is of the nrfl and mofl an- 
 cient commencement of cuftoms ; wherein I am fome- 
 what to feek ; for as the poet faith Ingrediturque fob, 
 & caput inter nubila condit. the beginning of it is ob- 
 
 fcure ;
 
 Argument of Impojitions. 345 
 
 fcure ; but I rather conceive that it is by common law 
 than by grant in Parliament; for firft, Mr. Dier's opi- 
 nion was, that the ancient cuftom for exportation was 
 by the common lawes ; and goeth further, that that an- 
 cient cuftom was the cuftom upon woolles woollfelles and 
 leather, he was deceived in the particular, and the di- 
 ligence of your fearch hath revealed it ; for that cu- 
 ftome upon thefe three merchandizes grew by grant of 
 Parliament 3 E. I. but the opinion in general was 
 founde ; for there was a cuftom before that ; for the 
 records themfelves which fpeak of that cuftom do term 
 it a new cuftom alentour del novel cujlome, as concern- 
 ing the new cuftom granted, &c. this is pregnant there 
 was yet a more ancient. So for the ftrangers, the graunt 
 in 31 E. I. Chart. Mercator. is that the three pence 
 graunted by the ftrangers mould be ultra antiquas cuftu- 
 mas, which hath no affinity with that cuftom upon the 
 three fpecies, but prefuppofeth more auncient cuftoms in 
 general ; now if any man think that thofe more ancient 
 cuftoms were likewife by act of Parliament, it is but 
 a conjecture ; it is never recited ultra antiquas cuftumas 
 prius concejfas , and acts of Parliament were not much 
 ftirring before the great charter, which was 9 H. III. 
 And therefore I conceive with Mr. Dyer that whatfo- 
 ever was the ancient cuftom was by the common law. 
 And if by the common law, then what other means can 
 be imagined of the commencement of it but by the 
 King's impofing. 
 
 The fourth confideration is of the manner that was 
 held in Parliament in the abolifhing of impofitions lav- 
 ed, wherein I will confider firft the manner of the pe- 
 
 Y y titions
 
 34 6 Argument of Impofitions. 
 
 titions exhibited in Parliament ; and more fpecially the 
 nature of the King's anfweres. For the petitions I 
 note two things ; firfl, that to my remembrance there 
 was never anie petition made for the revoking of anie 
 impofition upon foreign merchants only. It pleafed the 
 Decemviri in 5 E. II. to deface chart. Mercator. and 
 fo the impofition upon Grangers as againfl lawe : but 
 the opinion of thefe reformers I doe not much trufl, for 
 they of their gentlenefs did likewife bring in doubte the 
 demye mark, which it is manifefl was graunted by Par- 
 liament, and pronounced by them the King mould have 
 it, s'il avoir le doiti but this is declared voyd by i E. III. 
 which reneweth thart. Mercator. and voyde muft it 
 needs be, becaufe it was an ordinance by commiffion on- 
 ly, and that in the time of a weak King, and never ei- 
 ther warranted or confirmed by Parliament. Secondly I 
 note that petitions were made promifcuoufly for taking 
 away impofitions fett by Parliament as well as without 
 Parliament ; nay that very tax of the neufiefme the ninth 
 fheafe or fleece which is recited to be againfl the King' 8 
 oath and in blemifhment of his crown was an act of 
 Parliament, 14 E. III. fo then to inferr that impofiti- 
 ons were againfl lawe, becaufe they are taken away by 
 fucceeding Parliaments it is no argument at all, becaufe 
 the impofitions fett by the Parliaments themfelves, which 
 noe man will fay were againfl lawe were neverthelefs 
 afterwards pulled downe by Parliament. But indeed the 
 argument holdeth rather the other waye , that becaufe 
 they took not their remedye in the King's courtes of ju- 
 ftice, but did flye to the Parliament, therefore they were 
 thought to fland with lawe. 
 
 Now
 
 Argument of Itnpofitions. 347 
 
 Now for the King's anfweres : if the impofitions com- 
 plained of had been againfl lawe, then the King's an- 
 fwere ought to have been fimple, tanquam refponfio cate- 
 goric a j non hypothetic a, as lett them be repealed, or lett 
 the law runne ; but >contrarywife they admitt all man- 
 ner of diverfitys and qualifications for 
 
 Sometimes the King difputeth the matter and doth 
 
 nothing, as 17 E. III. 
 Sometimes the King diflinguifheth of reafonable and 
 
 not reafonable, as 38 E. III. 
 Sometimes he abolilheth them in part, and letteth 
 them ftand in part, as 1 1 E. II. the record of 
 the Mutuum, and 14 E. III. the printed flatute, 
 whereof I fhall ipeak more anon. 
 Sometimes that no impofition fhall be fett during 
 the time that the grauntes made of fubfidies by 
 Parliament fhall continue, as 47 E. III. 
 Sometimes that they fhall ceafe ad voluntatem no- 
 fir am. 
 And fometimes that they fhall hold over their term 
 prefixed or afTeifed. 
 All which fheweth that the King did not difclaime 
 them as unlawfull, for adius legit imus non recipit tempus 
 aut conditionem. If it had been a difaffirmance by lawe 
 they mufl have gone down in folido , but now you fee 
 they have been tempered and qualifyed as the King fa we 
 convenient. 
 
 The fifth confideration, is of that which is offered by 
 way of objection ; which is, firft, that fuch grauntes have 
 been ufually made by confent of Parliament j and fe- 
 condly, that the ftatutes of fubfidys of tonnage and poun- 
 dage have been made as a kind of flint and limitation, 
 
 Yy 2 that
 
 348 Argument of Itnpofitions. 
 
 that the King mould hold himfelf unto the proportion 
 fo graunted and not impofe further, the rather becaufe 
 it is exprefTed in fome of thefe flatutes of tonnage and 
 poundage, fometimes by way of proteftation, and fome- 
 times by way of condition that they fhall not be taken 
 in prefident, or that the King {hall not impofe any fur- 
 ther rates or noveltys, as 6 R. II. 9 R. II. 13 H. IV. 
 1 H. V. which fubfidies of tonnage and poundage have 
 fuch claufes and cautions. 
 
 To this objection I give this anfwer. Firft, that it 
 is not ftrange with Kings, for their own better ftrength, 
 and the better contentment of their people, to doe thofe 
 things by Parliament which neverthelefs have perfection 
 enough without Parliament. Wee fee their own rights 
 to the crown which are inherent, yet they rake recogni- 
 tion of them by Parliament. And there was a fpeciall 
 reafon why they mould doe it in this cafe, for they had 
 found by experience that if they had not content in Par- 
 liament to the fetting of them up , they could not have 
 avoided fuite in Parliament for the taking of them 
 downe. Befides there were fome things requifite in the 
 manner of the levy for the better ftrengthning of the 
 fame, which percafe could not be done without Par- 
 liament, as the taking the oath of the party touch- 
 ing the value, the inviting of the difcovery of conceal- 
 ment of cuftom by giving the moiety to the informer, 
 and the like. Now in fpeciall for the flatutes of fubfi- 
 dyes of tonnage and poundage, I note three things. Firft, 
 that the confideration of the graunt is not layed to be for 
 the reftrayning of impofitions, but exprefly for the guard- 
 ing of the fea. Secondly, that it is true that the anci- 
 ent
 
 Argument of Impofitions. 349 
 
 cnt form is more peremptory, and the modern more fub- 
 mifs; for in the ancient forme fometimes they infert a 
 rlatt condition that the King fhall not further impofe j 
 in the latter they humbly pray that the merchants may 
 be demeaned without opprefiion paying thofe rates ; but 
 whether it be fupplication , or whether it be condition, 
 it rather implieth the King hath a power ; for elfe both 
 were needlefs, for conditio anneSlitur ubi libertas prefu- 
 mitur, and the word opprefiion feemeth to referr to ex- 
 cefiive impofitions. And thirdly, that the ftatutes of 
 tonnage and poundage are but cumulative and not pri- 
 vative of the King's power precedent appeareth notably 
 in the three pence overplus, which is paid by the mer- 
 chants firangers, which mould be taken away quite, if 
 thofe ftatutes were taken to be limitations j for in that, 
 as was touched before, the rates are equal 1 in the gene- 
 rality between fubjects and Grangers, and yet that im- 
 pofition, notwithftanding any fuppofed reftriction of thefe 
 actes of fubfidies of tonnage and poundage remaineth at 
 this day. 
 
 The fixth confideration is likewife of an objection, 
 which is matter of practife, viz. that from R. II. time 
 to (X Marie, which is almoft 200 years, there was 
 an intermifiion of impofitions, as appeareth both by re- 
 cords and the cuftome books. 
 
 To which I anfwer ; both that we have in effect an 
 equal number of years to countervayle them, namely, 
 100 years in the times of the three Kings Edwards 
 added to 60 of our laft yeares ; and extrema obruunt me- 
 dia ; for wee have both the reverence of antiquity and 
 the pofieflion of the prefent times, and they but the 
 
 middle
 
 350 Argument of Impo fit ions. 
 
 middle times ; and befides in all true judgment there is 
 a very great difference between an ufage to prove a thing 
 lawful, and a non-ufage to prove it unlawful : for the 
 practice plainly implieth confent ; but the difcontinuance 
 may be either becaufe it was not needful, though law- 
 ful ; or becaufe there was found a better meanes, as I 
 think it was indeed in refpect of the double cuflomes by 
 meanes of the ftaple at Calls. 
 
 
 The
 
 35 1 
 
 The judicial Charge of Sir Fr ancis Bacon, the 
 Kings Solltcitor^ upon the Commiffion of Oyer 
 and Determiner held for the Perge of the 
 Court *. 
 
 YOU are to know and consider well, the duty and 
 fervice to which you are called , and whereupon 
 you are by your oath charged. It is the happy eflate 
 and condition of the fubjed: of this realm of E?igland t 
 that he is not to be impeached in his life, lands, or 
 goods, by flying rumours or wandring fames and re- 
 ports, or fecret and privie inquilitions j but by the oath 
 and presentment of men of honefl condition, in the face 
 of juftice. But this happy eflate of the fubject, will 
 turn to hurt and inconvenience, if thofe that hold that 
 part which you are now to perform, fhall be negligent 
 and remifs in doing their duty; for as of two evils it were 
 better mens doings were looked into over flrictly and 
 feverely, than that there mould be a notorious impunity 
 of malefactors ; as was well and wifely faid of ancient 
 time, a man were better live where nothing is lawful, 
 than where all things are lawful. This therefore refls 
 in your care and conference, forafmuch as at you juftice 
 begins , and the law cannot purfue and chafe offenders 
 to their deferved fall, except you firfl put them up and 
 difcover them, whereby they may be brought to anfwer ; 
 for your verdict is not concluding to condemn, but it 
 
 * Several times incorreftly printed, without the proper title, now amended 
 by the original. , 
 
 is 
 
 2
 
 35 2 Judicial Charge upon the 
 
 is necefTary to charge, and without it the Court cannot 
 proceed to condemn. 
 
 Confidering therefore that yee are the eye of Juftice, 
 ye ought to be fingle without partial affection ; watchful, 
 not afleep, or falfe afleep in winking at offenders, and 
 fharp fighted to proceed with undemanding and difere- 
 tion; for in a word, if you fhall not prefent unto the 
 Court all fuch offences, as fhall appear unto you either 
 by evidence given in, or otherwife (mark what I fay) of 
 your own knowledge, which have been committed with- 
 in the verge, which is as it were the limits of your fur- 
 vey, but fhall fm other and conceal any offence willingly, 
 then the guiltinefs of others will cleave to yoiir confci- 
 ences, before God ; and befides, you are anfwerable in 
 fbme degree to the King and his law, for fuch your de- 
 fault and fuppreflionj and therefore take good regard un- 
 to it, you are to ferve the King and his people, you are to 
 keep and obferve your oath, you are to acquit your felves. 
 
 But there is yet more caufe why you fhould take more 
 efpecial regard to your prefentments , than any other 
 grand juries, within the counties of this Kingdom at large. 
 for as it is a neerer degree and approach unto the King, 
 which is the fountain of juftice and government, to be 
 the King's fervant, than to be the King's fubjecl: j fo this 
 commiffion ordained for the King's fervants and houf- 
 hold, ought in the execution of Juftice to be exempla- 
 ry unto other places ; David faith (who was a King) 
 The wicked man Jhall not abide in my houfe ; as taking 
 knowledge that it was impoflible for Kings to extend 
 their care, to banifh wickednefs over all their land or em- 
 pire ;
 
 Commijfwn for the Verge. 353 
 
 pire ; but yet at leaft they ought to undertake to God for 
 their houfe. 
 
 We fee further that the law doth fo efteem the dignity 
 of the King's fettled manfion-houfe, as it hath laid unto 
 it a plot of twelve miles round, which we call the Verge, to 
 be fubjecl: to a fpecial and exempted jurifdiction, depending 
 upon his perfon and great officers. This is as a half pace, 
 or carpet fpread about the King's chair of eflate, which 
 therefore ought to be cleared and voided more than other 
 places of the kingdome j for if offences fhall be fhrouded 
 under the King's wings, what hope is there of difcipline and 
 good juftice in more remote parts ? We fee the fun when it 
 is at the brighteft, there may be perhaps a bank of clouds 
 in the north or the weft , or remote regions, but near his 
 body few or none; for where the King cometh, there 
 mould come peace, and order, and an awe and reverence 
 in mens hearts. And this jurifdiction was in ancient time Articuli fuper 
 executed, and fince by ftatute ratified by the Lord Steward, ^S?2 ''K 
 with great ceremony in the nature of a peculiar King's 33 H. 8. e.iz. 
 Bench, for the Verge, for it was thought a kind of e- 
 clipfing to the King's honour, that where the King was, 
 any juftice mould be fought but immediately from his own 
 officers. But in refpect that office was oft void, this com- 
 miffion hath fucceeded , which change I do not diflike, 
 for though it hath lefs ftate, yet it hath more ftrength le- 
 gally ; therefore I fay, you that are a jury of the Verge, 
 mould lead and give a pattern unto others in the care 
 and confcience of your prefentments. 
 
 Concerning the particular points and articles whereof 
 you fhall inquire , I will help your memory and mine 
 own with order, neither will I loade you or trouble my 
 
 Z z felf 

 
 354 Judicial Charge upon the 
 
 felf with every branch of feveral offences, but ftand upon 
 thofe that are principal and m oft in ufe: The offences 
 therefore that you are to prefent are of four natures. 
 
 i 
 r. The firft, fuch as concern God and his Church. 
 
 2. The fecond, fuch as concern the King and his 
 eftate. 
 
 3. The third, fuch as concern the King's people, and 
 are capital. 
 
 4. The fourth, fuch as concern the King's people, not 
 capital. 
 
 . 
 God and bis The fervice of Almighty God, upon whofe bleiTing the 
 peace, fafety, and good eftate of King and kingdom doth 
 depend, may be violated, and God difhonoured in three 
 manners; by profanation, by contempt, and by diyifion, 
 or breach of unity. 
 Trofariatiem. Firft, if any man hath depraved or abufed in word or 
 & 1 Eliz. c. 2. deed the bleffed Sacrament, or difturbed the preacher or 
 5 Ed. 6. ^ 4. congregation in the time of divine fervice, or if any have 
 13 E. 1. Star, malicioufly ftricken with weapon, or drawn weapon in 
 any church or church-yard, or if any fair or market have 
 been kept in any church-yard, thefe are prophanations 
 within the purview of feveral ftatutes, and thefe you are 
 to prefent ; for holy things, actions, times, and facred pla- 
 ces, are to be preferved in reverence and divine refpedt. 
 Contempts. For contempts of our church and fervice , they are 
 
 comprehended in that known name, which too many (if 
 it pleafed God) bear, recufancy; which offence hath many 
 branches and dependencies: the wife recufant, fhe tempts; 
 the church-papift, he feeds and relieves ; the corrupt 
 
 fchool- 
 
 Recufancy.
 
 Commiffion for the Verge. 355 
 
 fchool-mafter, he foweth tares j the diffembler, he con- 
 formeth and doth not communicate. Therefore, if 
 any perfon, man, or woman, wife, or fole, above the 
 age of fixteen years, not having fome lawful excufe, have 
 not repaired to church according to the feveral ftatutes, 
 the one for the weekly, the other for the monthly repair> 
 you are to prefent both the offence, and the time how 
 long. Again, fuch as maintain, relieve, keep in fervice of 
 livery, recufants, though themfelves be none, you are 
 likewife to prefent ; for thefe be like the roots of nettles, 
 which fting not themfelves , but bear and maintain the 
 ilinging leaves, fo of any that keepeth a fchool-mafter 
 that comes not to church , or is not allowed by the Bi- 
 fhop, for that infection may fpread farre. fo fuch recu- 
 fants as have been convicted and conformed, and have not 
 received the facrament once a year, for that is the touch- 
 ftone of their true converfion. and of thefe offences of 
 recufancie, take you fpecial regard. Twelve miles from 
 court is no region for fuch fubjeds. In the name of God, 
 why mould not twelve miles about the King's chair be 
 as free from papift recufants, as twelve miles from the 
 city of Rome (the popes chair) is from Proteftants. There 
 be hypocrites and atheifts, and fo I fear there be a- 
 mongftus; but, no open contempt of their religion is 
 endured. If there muft be recufants, it were better they 
 lurked in the country, than here in the bofome of the 
 kingdome. 
 
 For matter of di vifion and breach of unity , it is not Breach of U. 
 without a myftery, that Chrift's coat had no feam, nor *'">- 
 no more mould the Church, if it were poflible. There- 
 fore if any minifter refufe to ufe the book of common- 
 
 Z z 2 prayer,
 
 35 6 Judicial Charge upon the 
 
 prayer, or wilfully fwerveth in divine fervice from 
 that book, or if any perfon whatfoever do fcandalize 
 that book, and fpeak openly and malicioufly in deroga- 
 tion of it, fuch men do but make a rent in the garment, 
 and fuch are by you to be enquired of. But much more, 
 fuch as are not only differing, but in a fort oppofite unto 
 it, by ufing a fuperflitious and corrupted form of divine 
 fervice, I mean fuch as fay or hear mafic. 
 
 Thefe offences which I have recited to you, are a- 
 gainft the fervice and worfhip of God : There remain 
 two which likewife pertain unto the difhonour of God; 
 the one* is the abufe of his name, by perjury ; the other 
 is, the adhering to God's declared enemies, evil and out- 
 caft fpirits, by conjuration and witchcraft. 
 Perjury. For perjury, it is hard to fay, whether it be more 
 
 odious to God, or pernicious to man j for an oath, faith 
 the Apoflle, is the end of controverfies ; If therefore 
 that boundary of fuits be taken away or mis-fet, where 
 fhall be the end ? Therefore you are to enquire of wil- 
 ful and corrupt perjury in any of the King's courts, 
 yea, of court barons and the like, and that as well of 
 the actors, as of the procurer and fuborner. 
 
 Csnjuratim For witchcraft, by the former law it was not death, 
 
 md witch- . ' ; , ,_ . . *...,.. 
 
 craft. except it were actual and grofle invocation of evil fpi- 
 
 rits, or making covenant with them, or taking away 
 life by witchcraft : But now by an act: in his Majefty's 
 
 i jac. /. i, 2, times, charms and forceries in certain cafes of procuring 
 of unlawful love or bodily hurt, and fome others, are 
 made felony, the feeond offence : the firfl being imprf- 
 fonment and pillory. 
 
 i And
 
 Commiffion for the Verge. 357 
 
 And here I do conclude my firft part concerning re- Supremacy 
 
 ... 1 i_ i_ Pined *uit& 
 
 ligion and ecclefiaftical caufes ; wherein it may be thought, offences of 
 that I do forget matters of Supremacy, or of Jefuits, and 
 Seminaries, and the like, which are ufually forted with 
 caufes of religion : But I muft have leave to direct my 
 felf according to mine own perfuafion, which is, that 
 whatfoever hath been faid or written on the other fide, 
 all the late ftatutes which inflict capital punifhment 
 upon extollers of the Pope's fiipremacy, deniers of the 
 King's fupremacy, Jefuits and Seminaries, and other of- 
 fenders of that nature, have for their principal fcope, 
 not the punifhment of the error of confcience, but the 
 reprefling of the peril of the eftate. This is the true 
 fpirit of thefe laws, and therefore I will place them un- 
 der my fecond divifion, which is, of offences that con- 
 cern the King and his eftate, to which now I come. 
 
 Thefe offences therefore refpect either the fafety oi <rhe King and 
 the King's perfon, or the fafety of his eftate and king- tbe s ' aie ' 
 dome, which though they cannot be diffevered in deed, 
 yet they may be diftinguifhed in fpeech. Firft then, if 
 any have confpired againft the life of the King, which <n, e King* 
 God have in his cuftody, or of the Queen's majefty, ox^ on ' 
 of the moft noble Prince their eldeft fon ; the very- com- 
 paring and inward imagination thereof is high treafon, 
 if it can be proved by any fact that is overt: for in the 
 cafe of fo fuddain,. dark, and pernicious, and peremp- 
 tory attempts, it were too late for the law to take a 
 blowe before it gives, and this high treafon of all other 
 is moft heynous, of which you fhall enquire, though, I 
 hope, there be no caufe. 
 
 These
 
 35 8 Judicial Charge upon the 
 
 Prh-y Council There is another capital offence that hath an affinity 
 with this, whereof you here within the Verge are mofl 
 properly to enquire ; the King's Privy council are as the 
 principal watch over the fafety of the King, fo as their 
 fafety is a portion of his : If therefore any of the King's 
 fervants within his cheque roll (for to them only the 
 law extends) have confpired the death of any of the King's 
 Privy council; this is felony, and thereof you mall 
 enquire. 
 Reprefentation And fince we are now in that branch of the King's 
 of bu perjon. p er on . j w \[[ fp ea k a lfo of the King's perfon by repre- 
 fentation, and the treafons which touch the fame. 
 
 The King's perfon and authority is reprefented in 
 three things ; in his Seals, in his Moneys, and in his 
 principal Magiftrates : if therefore any have counterfeit- 
 ed the King's great Seal, privy Seal, or Seal manual j or 
 counterfeited, clipped, or fcaled his moneys, or other 
 moneys currant, this is high treafbn ; fo is it to kill cer- 
 tain great Officers or Judges executing their office. 
 Vbt ejlate. We will pafle now to thofe treafons, which concern 
 
 the fafety of the King's eftate, which are of three kinds 
 anfwering to three perils which may happen to an e- 
 ftate : Thefe perils are foreign invafion, open rebellion 
 and fedition, and privy practice, to alienate and eftrange 
 the hearts of the fubjects. and to prepare them, either 
 to adhere to enemies, or to burft out into tumults and 
 commotions of themfelves. 
 Invapn and Therefore if any perfon have follicited or procured 
 Rebellion. an y j nva f 10n f rom foreigners, or if any have com- 
 bined to raife and ilir the people to rebellion within 
 the realm; thefe are high treafons, tending to the over- 
 throw
 
 Commtffion for the Verge. 359 
 
 throw of the eftate of this Common-wealth, and to be 
 enquired of. 
 
 The third pare of practice hath divers branches, but Alienation of 
 one principal root in thefe our times, which is the vaft 
 and over-fpreading ambition and ufurpation of the See 
 of Rome : for the Pope of Rome is, according to his late 
 challenges and pretences, become a competitor and cor- 
 rival with the King, for the hearts and obediences of 
 the King's fubjects. he ftands for it, he fends over his 
 love tokens and brokers (under colour of conference) to 
 fteal and winne away the hearts and allegiances of the 
 people, and to make them as fuel ready to take fire up- 
 on any his commandments : This is that yoke which 
 this kingdom hath happily call: off, even at fuch time 
 when the Popim religion was neverthelelTe continued, 
 and that divers ftates which are the Pope's vaiTals do 
 likewife begin to (hake off. 
 
 If therefore any perfon have maintained and extolled Supremacy,. 
 the ufurped authority of the bifhop of Rome, within the j52? c. i. 
 King's dominions, by writing, preaching, or deed, ad- J efuits > &c - 
 vifedly, directly, and malicioufly; or if any perfon have 3 j ac . Ct ^ s , 
 published or put in ure any of the Pope's bulls or in- 
 ftruments of abfolution $ or if any perfon have with- 
 drawn and reconciled any of the King's fubjects from 
 their obedience, or been withdrawn and reconciled -, or 
 if any fubject have refufed the fecond time, to take the 
 oath of fupremacy lawfully tendred; or if any Jefuit or 2gE]i2 , 2 . 
 Seminary come and abide within this realm; thefe are 
 by feVeral ftatutes made cafes of high treafon, the 
 law accounting thefe things as preparatives, and the firft 
 wheels and fecret motions of feditions and revolts from 
 
 the
 
 1 3 Eliz. c. 2 
 23 Eliz. c. 1 
 
 Military. 
 
 360 Judicial Go arge upon the 
 
 the King's obedience. Of thefe you are to enquire both of 
 the actors and of their abettors, comforters, receivers, 
 maintainers, and concealers j which in fome cafes are 
 traitors, as well as the principal, in fome cafes in prae- 
 munire, in fome other in mifprifion of treafon, (which 
 I will not fland to diftinguifh) and in fome other, fe- 
 lony ; as namely, that of the receiving and relieving of 
 Jefuits and Priefts : The bringing in and difperfing of 
 Agnus Dei's. Agnus Dei's, crofles, pictures, or fuch trafh, is likewife 
 praemunire, and fo is the denial to take the oath of fu- 
 premacy the nrft time. 
 
 And becaufe in the difpofition of a ftate to troubles 
 and perturbations, military men are moll tickle and 
 dangerous j therefore if any of the King's fubjects go 
 over to ferve in foreign parts, and do not firfr. endure 
 the touch, that is, take the oath of allegiance -, or if he 
 have born office in any army, and do not enter into bond 
 with fureties as is prefcribed, this is made felony, and 
 fuch as you mail enquire. 
 
 Laftly, becaufe the vulgar people are fometimes led 
 with vain and fond prophecies ; If any fuch fhall be pub- 
 limed, to the end to move ftirs or tumults, this is not 
 felony, but punifhed by a year's imprifonment, and lone 
 of goods ; and of this alfo fhall you enquire. You fhall 
 likewife underftand that the efcape of any prifoner com- 
 mitted for treafon, is treafon ; whereof you are likewife 
 to enquire. 
 
 Now come I to the third part of my divifion, that 
 is, thofe offences which concern the King's people, and 
 are capital, which neverthelefs the law terms offences 
 againft the Crown, in refpect of the protection that the 
 
 King 
 
 Prophecies 
 
 The people 
 Capital.
 
 Commijffion for the Verge. 361 
 
 King hath of his people, and the intereft he hath in 
 them and their welfare; for touch them, touch the 
 King ; thefe offences are of three natures : 
 
 The firft concerneth the confervation of their lives. 
 The fecond, of honour and honefty of their perfons 
 and families. 
 
 And the third, of their fubftance. 
 
 Firft for life 5 I muft fay unto you in general, that^- 
 life is grown too cheap in thefe times, it is fet at the 
 price of words, and every petty fcorn or difgrace, can 
 have no other reparation j nay fo many mens lives are 
 taken away with impunity, that the very life of the law 
 is almoft taken away, which is the execution ; and there- 
 fore though we cannot reftore the life of thofe men 
 that are flain, yet I pray let us reftore the law to her 
 life, by proceeding with due feverity againft the offen- 
 ders ; and moft fpecially this plot of ground, (which as 
 I faid is the King's carpet) ought not to be ftained with 
 blood, crying in the ears of God and the King. It is 
 true nevertheleffe, that the law doth make divers juft 
 differences of life taken away ; but yet no fuch differ- 
 ences as the wanton humors and braveries of men, have 
 under a reverend name of honour and reputation invent- 
 ed. The higheft degree is where fuch a one is killed, 
 unto whom the offender did bear faith and obedience ; 
 as the fervant to the mailer, the wife to the hufband,, 
 the clerk to the prelate ; and I fhall ever add, (for fo I 
 conceive the law) the child to the father or the mo- 
 ther, and this the law termes petty treafon. 
 
 A a a. The
 
 3,6 2 Judicial Charge upon the 
 
 The fecond is, where a man is (lain upon forethought 
 malice, which the law termes murther, and it is an 
 offence horrible and odious, and cannot be blaunched 
 nor made fair, but foul. 
 
 The third is, where a man is killed upon a fuddain 
 heat or affray, whereunto the law gives fome little fa- 
 i Jac. e. 8. vour, becaufe a man in fury is not himfelf, Ira furor 
 brevis, wrath is a fhort madnefs j and the wifdome of 
 law in his Majeflies time hath made a fubdivifion of 
 the flab given, where the party flabbed is out of de- 
 fence, and had not given the firfl blowe, from other man- 
 flaughters. 
 
 The fourth degree, is that of killing a man in the 
 parties own defence, or by mifadventure, which though 
 they be not felonies, yet neverthelene the law doth not 
 fuffer them to go unpunifhed ; becaufe it doth difcern 
 fome fparks of a bloody mind in the one, and of care- 
 lefnefs in the other. 
 
 And the fifth is, where the law doth admit a kind of 
 juflification, not by plea, for a man may not (that hath 
 ihed blood affront the law with pleading not-guilty) 
 but when the cafe is found by verdict, being difclofed 
 upon the evidence a as where a man in the King's high 
 way and peace is affailed to be murthered or robbed, or 
 when a man defends his houfe, which is his caflle, a- 
 gainfl unlawful violence ; or when a fheriff or minifter 
 of juflice, is refilled in the execution of his office j or 
 when the patient dyeth in the chyrurgions hands, upon 
 cutting or otherwife, for thefe cafes the law doth privi- 
 ledge, becaufe of the neceility, and becaufe of the inno- 
 cency of the intention. 
 
 Thus
 
 Commiffion for the Verge. 363 
 
 Thus much for the death of man, of which cafes you 
 are to enquire, together with the acceffaries before and 
 after the fact. 
 
 For the fecond kind, which concerns the honour and Hone/iy of 
 chaftnerTe of perfons and families -, you are to enquire of 
 the ravifhment of woman, of the taking of women out 
 of the pofieflion of their parents or guardians againft 
 their will, or marrying them, or abufing them, of dou- 
 ble marriages, where there was not firffc feven years ab- l J ac - r - 
 fence, and no notice that the party fo abfent was alive, 
 and other felonies againfl: the honeily of life. 
 
 For the third kind, which concerneth men's fubftance, Suhfttm*. 
 you mail inquire of burglaries, robberies, cutting of 
 purfes, and taking of any thing from the perfon j and 
 generally other ftealths, afwell fuch as are plain as thofe 
 that are difguifed, whereof I will by and by fpeak : But 
 firft I muft require you to ufe diligence in prefenting fpe- 
 cially thofe purloynings and imbezilments , which are 
 of plate, verTell, or whatfoever within the King's houfe.. 
 The King's houfe is an open place, it ought to be kept 
 fafe by law, and not by lock, and therefore needeth the 
 more feverity. 
 
 Now for coloured and difguifed robberies, I will name 28 Ed. r. 
 two or three of them. The purveyor that takes with- charms, c. 2. 
 out warrant, is no better than a thief, and it is felony 5 i 1 ^ ' ? 
 the fervant that hath the keeping of his matter's goods, 2I H - 8 c -7> 
 and going away with them, though he came to the pol- 
 feffion of them lawfully, it is felony. Of thefe you mall 
 likewife enquire, principals and acceffaries y The volun- 
 tary efcape of a felon is alfo felony. 
 
 Aaa 2 For
 
 364 Judicial Charge upon the 
 
 f be People, net For the laft part, which is of offences concerning the 
 people, not capital, they are many: But I will feled: only 
 fuch as I think fitteft to be remembred unto you, ftill di- 
 viding to give you the better light j They are of four 
 natures. 
 
 i. The firft, is matter of force and outrage. 
 
 2. The fecond, matter of fraud and deceipt 
 
 3. Publick nufances and grievances. 
 
 4. The fourth, breach and inobfervance of certain 
 wholfome, and politick laws for government. 
 
 Tom. For the firft, you mail enquire of riots and unlawful 
 
 afiemblies, of forcible entries, and detainers with force ; 
 and properly of all aflaults, flriking, drawing weapon or 
 other violence, within the King's houfe, and the pre- 
 cincts thereof: for the King's houfe, from whence ex- 
 ample of peace mould flowe unto the farther!: parts of 
 the Kingdome, as the ointment of Aaron $ head to the 
 fltirts of his garment, ought to be facred and inviolate 
 from force and brawls, afwell in refpect of reverence to 
 the place, as in refpedt of danger of greater tumult, 
 and of ill example to the whole Kingdome : And there- 
 fore in that place all mould be full of peace, order, re- 
 gard, forbearance and filence. 
 
 Befides open force, there is a kind of force that co- 
 meth with an armed hand, but difguifed that is no leffe 
 hateful and hurtful, and that is, abufe and oppreffion by 
 authority. And therefore you fhall enquire of all ex- 
 tortions in officers, and miniftersj as fheriffs, bailiffs 
 of hundreds, efcheators, coroners, conftables, ordinaries, 
 
 and 
 8
 
 Commiffion for tide Verge. 365 
 
 and others, who by colour of office do pole the people. 
 
 For frauds and deceipts, I do chiefly commend to your Fraud, 
 care, the frauds and deceipts in that which is the chief 
 means of all juft contract and permutation, which is, 
 weights and meafures, wherein, although God hath pro- 
 nounced, that a falfe weight is an abomination, yet the 
 abufe is fo common and fo general, I mean of weights, 
 (and I fpeak it upon knowledge and late examination) 
 that if one were to build a church, he mould need but 
 falfe weights, and not feek them far, of the piles of brafle 
 to make the bells, and the weights of lead to make the 
 battlements : And herein you are to make fpecial enquiry, 
 whether the Clerk of the market within the Verge, to 
 whom properly it appertains, hath done his duty. 
 
 For nufances and grievances, I will for the prefent Nufance. 
 only fingle out one, That yee prefent the decayes of 
 high- ways and bridges j For where the majefty of a 
 King's houfe draws recourfe and acceffe, it is both dis- 
 graceful to the King, and difeafeful to the people, if the 
 ways near abouts be not fair and good ; wherein it is 
 flrange to fee the chargeable pavements and cawfeys in the 
 avenues and entrances of the towns abroad beyond the feas, 
 whereas Londvn, the fecond city, at the leafl, of Europe, 
 in glory, in greatnefs, and in wealth, cannot be difcerned 
 by the fairnefle of the wayes, though a little perhaps by 
 the broadneffe of them, from a village. 
 
 For the laft part, (becaufe I paffe thefe things over Breach ofsu- 
 briefly) I will make mention unto you of three laws. tuta ' 
 
 1. The one concerning the King's pleafure. 
 
 2. The fecond, concerning the people's food. 
 
 3. And
 
 366 Judicial Charge upon, &c 
 
 3. And the third, concerning wares and manufactures. 
 
 King's pha- You mal1 therefore enquire of the unlawful taking 
 
 ("- partridges, and pheafants, or fowle, the deftru&ion of 
 
 the eggs of the wild-fowle, the killing of hares or deer r 
 and the felling of venifon, or hares : for that which is 
 for exercife, and fport, and courtefie mould not be. 
 turned to gluttony and fale victual. 
 
 Fted. You mail alfo enquire, whether bakers, and brewers 
 
 keep their affife, and whether afwell they, as butchers, 
 inn-holders, and victuallers, do fell that which is whol- 
 fome, and at reafonable prices j and whether they do 
 link and combine to raife prices. . 
 
 ManufaBures. Laftty, you mall enquire, whether the good flatute 
 be obferved, whereby a man may have that he thinketh 
 he hath, and not be abufed or miflerved in that he 
 
 5 Eliz. c. 4. buyes : I mean, that flatute that requireth that none ufe 
 any manual occupation, but fuch as have been {even years 
 apprentice to it, which taw being generally tranfgreffed, 
 makes the people buy in effect chaffe for corn, for that 
 which is mifwrought will mifwear. 
 
 There be many more things inquireable by you, through- 
 out all the former parts, which it were over-long in parti- 
 cular to recite -, you may be fupplyed either out of your 
 own experience, or out of fuch bills and informations as 
 fhal! be brought unto you, or upon any queflion that you 
 mail demand of the Court, which will be ready to give 
 you any further direction, as far as is fit : But thefe which 
 I have gone through are the principal points of your 
 charge, which to prefent, you have taken the name of 
 God to witneffei and in the name of God perform it. 
 
 A 
 8
 
 3*7 
 
 A Certificate to his Majefty, touching the projetls 
 of Sir Stephen Proctor, relating to the 
 penal Laws. 
 
 It may pleafe your f acred Majeftie, 
 
 WITH the firft free time from your Majefty's 
 fervice of more prefent difpatch, I have per- 
 ufed the projects of Sir Stephen Proctor, and do find it a 
 collection of extream diligence and inquifition, and more 
 than I thought could have met in one man's knowledge. 
 For though it be an eafy matter to run over many offices 
 and profeflions, and to note in them general abufes or 
 deceipts : yet neverthelefs to point at and trace out the 
 particular and covert practices, fhifts, devifes, tricks, and 
 as it were ftratagems in the meaner fort of the minifters 
 of juftice or publick fervice, and to do it truly and un- 
 derftandingly, is a difcovery whereof great good ufe may 
 be made for your Majefties fervice and good of your peo- 
 ple. But becaufe this work I doubt not hath been to 
 the gentleman the work of yeres, whereas my certificate 
 muft be the work but of houres or dayes, and that it is 
 commonly and truely faid, that he that imbraceth much, 
 ftreyneth and holdeth the lefie, and that proportions 
 .have wings, but operation and execution hath leaden 
 feet j I molt humbly defire pardon of your Majefty, if I 
 do for the prefent onely felect fome one or two princi- 
 pal points, and certifie my opinion thereof; reserving 
 the reft as a fheafe by me to draw out at further tyme 
 further matter for your Majefty's information for fo much 
 as I mail conceive to be fit or worthy the consideration. 
 
 For
 
 36 $ Certificate touching 
 
 For that part therefore of thefe projects which con- 
 cerneth penal lawes, I doe find the purpofe and fcope to 
 be, not to prefs a greater rigor or feverity in the execu- 
 tion of penal lawes ; but to reprefs the abufes in com- 
 mon informers and fome clerks and under minifters that 
 for common gaine partake with them : for if it had 
 tended to the other point, I for my part mould be very 
 farre from advifing your Majefty to give ear unto it. 
 For as it is faid in the Pfalme, If thou Lord Jhould be 
 extream to mark what is done ami/s, who may abyde it ? 
 So it is moft certaine, that your people is fo enfnared in 
 a multitude of penal lawes, that the execution of them 
 cannot be borne. And as it folio weth > But with thee is 
 mercy, that thou maieji be feared : fo it is an intermix- 
 ture of mercy and juftice, that wilL bring you fear and 
 obedience : for too much rigor makes people defperate. 
 And therefore to leave this, which was the only blemifh 
 of King Henry VII. reigne, and the unfortunate fervice 
 otEmpJon and Dudley, whom the people's curfes, rather 
 than any law, brought to overthrow - y The other work, 
 is a worke not only of profit to your Majefly, but of 
 piety towards your people. For if it be true in any pro- 
 portion, that within thefe five yeares of your Majefty's 
 happy reigne, there hath not five hundred pounds benefit 
 come to your Majefty by penal lawes (the fynes of the 
 Starchamber, which are of a higher kind onely except) 
 and yet neverthelefs there hath been a charge of at leafl 
 fifty thoufand pounds which hath been layed upon your 
 people, it were more than time it received a remedy. 
 
 This remedy hath been fought by diverfe ftatutes, as 
 principally by a ftatute in 18. and another of 31. of 
 
 the
 
 the Penal Laws. 369 
 
 the late Queen of happy memory. But I am of opinion 
 that the appointing of an officer proper for that pur- 
 pofe, will doe more good than twenty flatutes, and will 
 do that good effectually, which thefe flatutes aim at in- 
 tentionally. 
 
 And this I do allow of the better, becaufe it is none 
 of thofe new fuperintendencies, which I fee many tymes 
 offered upon pretence of reformation, as if Judges did not 
 their duty, or ancient and fworn Officers did not their 
 duty and the like : but it is only to fet a Cujios or watch- 
 man, neither over Judges nor Clerks, but onely over a kind 
 of people that cannot be fufficiently watched or overlook- 
 ed, and that is the common Promoters or Informers ; the 
 very awe and noife whereof will do much good, and the 
 practice much more. 
 
 I will therefore fet down firfl what is the abufe or in- 
 convenience, and then what is the remedy which may 
 be expected from the induflry of this officer, and I will 
 divide it into two parts, the one, for that that may concerne 
 the eafe of your people (for with that I will crave leave 
 to begin, as knowing it to be principal in your Majefly's 
 intention) and the other for that, that may concerne 
 your Majefly's benefit. 
 
 Concerning the eafe of his Majefty's fubjecls, 
 polled and vexed by common Informers. 
 
 The Abufes or Inconveni- The remedies by the induflry 
 
 encies. of the officer. 
 
 1. An Informer exhibits i. The Officer by his di- 
 
 an information, and in that ligence finding this cafe, is 
 
 one B b b to
 
 370 Certificate touching 
 
 one information, he will put to inform the Court there- 
 an hundred feveral fubjects of, who thereupon may 
 of this information, every grant good cofts againft the 
 one fhall take out copies , Informer, to every of the 
 and every one mall put in fubjects vexed: and withal 
 his feveral anfwer. This not fuffer the fame Infor- 
 will coft perhaps a hundred mer to revive his informal- 
 marks : that done, no fur- tion againft any of them ; 
 ther proceeding. But the and laftly fine him, as for a 
 Clerks have their fees, and mifdemeanor and abufe of 
 the Informer hath his divi- juftice, and by that time a 
 dend for bringing the wa- few of fuch examples be 
 ter to the mylne. made, they will be foon 
 
 It is to be noted, that weary of that practice, 
 this vexation is not met 
 with by any ftatute. For it 
 is no compofition,but a dis- 
 continuance; and in that 
 cafe there is no penalty, but 
 cofts : and the poor fubject 
 will never fue for his cofts, 
 leaft it awake the Informer 
 to revive his information > 
 and fo it fcapeth clearly. 
 
 2. Informers receive pen- 2. This is an abufe that 
 fions of divers perfons to appeareth not by any pro- 
 forbear them. And this is ceeding in Court, becaufe 
 commonly of principal of- it is before fuite commen- 
 fenders, and of the wealthi- ced, and therefore requireth 
 eft fort of tradefmen. for a particular enquiry. 
 if one tradefman may pre- But when it fhall be the 
 fume to breake the law , care and cogitation of one 
 
 I and man 

 
 the Penal Laws. 37 r 
 
 and another not, he will be man to overlook Informers, 
 
 foone richer than his fel- thefe things are eafily dif- 
 
 lowes. As for example, if covered : for let him but 
 
 one Draper may ufe ten- look who they be that the 
 
 ters, becaufe he is in fee Informer calls in queftion, 
 
 with an Informer, and o- and hearken who are of 
 
 thers not, he will foon out- the fame trade in the fame 
 
 ftrip the good tradefman place and are fpared, and it 
 
 that keeps the law. will be eafy to trace ai>ar- 
 
 And if it be thought ftrange gain. 
 
 that any man mould feek I n this cafe, having dif- 
 
 his peace by one Informer, covered the abufe, he ought 
 
 when he lyeth open to all ; to in forme the Barons of 
 
 the experience is otherwife : the Exchequer, and the 
 
 for one informer will beare King's learned Counfel, that 
 
 with the friend of another, by the Star-chamber, or o- 
 
 looking for the like meafure. therwife fuch taxersof the 
 
 And befides they have de- King's fubjects may be pu- 
 
 vifes to get priority of in- nifhed. 
 
 formation, and to put in an 
 
 
 
 information, de bene effe y 
 
 
 
 
 to prevent others, and to 
 
 
 . 
 
 protect their penfioners. 
 
 
 \ 
 
 And if it be faid this is a 
 
 
 I 
 
 pillory matter to the Infor- 
 
 
 i 
 
 mer, and therefore he will 
 
 
 1 
 
 not attempt it; although 
 
 
 ' 
 
 therein the flatute is a little 
 
 
 
 doubtfull: yet if hanging 
 
 
 
 will not keep thieves from 
 
 
 
 ftealing, it is not pillory will 
 
 
 
 keep Informers from pol- 
 
 
 
 ling. 
 
 Bbb z 
 
 And
 
 37* 
 
 Certificate touching 
 
 And herein Sir Stephen 
 addeth a notable circum- 
 ftance : that they will per- 
 ufe a trade, as of Brewers 
 or Victuallers, and if any 
 ftand out, and will not be 
 in fee, they will find means 
 to have a dozen informa- 
 tions come upon him at 
 once. 
 
 3. The fubjecl: is often 
 for the fame offence vexed 
 by feveral informations : 
 fometimes the one Infor- 
 mer not knowing of the 
 other j and often by confe- 
 deracy to weary the party 
 with charge: Upon every of 
 which goeth procefs, and 
 of every of them he mult 
 take copies, and make an- 
 fwers, and fo relieve him- 
 felf by motion of the Court 
 if he can ; all which mul- 
 tiplied charge and trou- 
 ble. 
 
 
 3. The Officer keeping a 
 book of all the informa- 
 tions put in, with a brief 
 note of the matter, may be 
 made acquainted with all 
 informations to come in : 
 and if he finde a precedent 
 for the fame caufe, he may 
 inform fome of the Barons, 
 that by their order the re- 
 ceiving of the later may 
 be flayed without any 
 charge to the party at all ; 
 fo as it appear by the due 
 profecution of the for- 
 mer, that it is not a fuite 
 by collufion to protect the 
 party. 
 
 Concerning
 
 the Penal Laws. 373 
 
 Concerning the King's benefit, which may 
 grow by a moderate profecution of fome 
 penal lawes. 
 
 *The Abufes or Inconveni- The Remedies, 
 
 encies. 
 
 1. After an information i. The Officer in this 
 
 is exhibited and anfwered, point is to perform his 
 
 (for fo the ftatiite requires) greater!: fervice to the King, 
 
 the Informer for the moft in folliciting for the King 
 
 part groweth to compofi- in fuch fort as licences be 
 
 tion with the Defendant : duely returned, the deceipts 
 
 which he cannot do with- of thefe fraudulent compo- 
 
 out peril of the ftatute, ex- fitions difcovered, and fynes 
 
 cept he have licence from may be fet for the King in 
 
 the Court ; which licence fome good proportion, ha- 
 
 he ought to return by or- ving refpect to the values 
 
 der, and courfe of the Court, both of the matter and the 
 
 together with a declaration perfon : for the King's fines 
 
 upon his oath of the true are not to be delivered, as 
 
 fumme that he takes for the moneys given by the party 
 
 compofition. Upon which ad redimendamvexationem, 
 
 licence fo returned, the but as moneys given, ad 
 
 Court is to taxe a fyne for redimendam culpam & pce- 
 
 the King. nam legis ; and ought to 
 
 This ought to be, but as be in fuch quantity, as may 
 
 it is now ufed, the licence not make the lawes altoge- 
 
 is feldom returned. And ther trampled down and 
 
 although it contain a claufe contemned. Therefore the 
 
 that the licence {hall be Officer ought firft to be 
 
 void, if it be not duely re- made acquainted with every 
 turned ; licence,
 
 374 Certificate touching 
 
 turned -, yet the manner is licence, that he may have 
 to fuggefl that they are ftill an eye to the fequel of it ; 
 in termes of compofition, Then ought he to be the 
 and fo to obtaine new daies, perfon that ought to pre- 
 and to linger it on till a fer unto the Judges or Ba- 
 Parliament and a pardon rons, as well the bills for 
 come. . the taxations of the fynes, 
 Alfo when the licence is as the orders for giving fur- 
 returned j and thereupon ther daies, to the end that 
 the Judge or Baron to fefle the Court may be duely in- 
 afine: there is none for the formed both of the weight 
 King to inform them of of caufes, and the delayes 
 the nature of the offence, therein ufed : and laftly, he 
 of the value to grow to is to fee that the fynes fef- 
 the King if the fuite pre- fed be duely put in procefTe, 
 vaile 3 of the ability of the and anfwered. 
 
 
 perfon, and the like. By 
 reafon whereof, the fyne 
 that is fet is but a trifle, as 
 20, 30, or 40 s. and it runs 
 in a forme likewife which ^ 
 
 I do not well like : for it is t 
 
 ut parcatur mifis, which 
 purporteth, as if the party 
 did not any way fubmit 
 himfelf, and take the com- 
 pofition as of grace of the 
 Court, but as if he did ju- - 
 
 ftifie himfelf, and were con- 
 tent to give a trifle to avoid 
 charge. 
 
 Which point of forme 
 
 hath
 
 the Penal Laws. 375 
 
 hath a (hrewd confequence: 
 for it is fome ground that 
 the fine is fet too weak. 
 
 And as for the Informer's 
 oath touching his compo- 
 fition, which is commonly 
 a trifle, and is the other 
 ground of the fmallnefs of 
 the fine, it is no doubt ta- 
 ken with an equivocation : 
 as taking fiich a fumme in 
 name of a compofition, 
 and fome greater matter'by 
 fome indirect or collateral 
 mean. 
 
 Alfo thefe fynes (light as 
 they be) are feldom an- 
 fwered and put in procefs. 
 
 2. An information goeth 2. The officer is tofol- 
 on to tryal, and pafTeth for low for the King, that the 
 the King. In this cafe of Pqfteas be returned, 
 recovery, the Informer will 
 be fatisfyed, and will take 
 his whole moiety (for that 
 he accounts to be no com- 
 pofition) that done, none 
 will be at charge to return 
 the pojlea, and to procure 
 judgment and execution for 
 the King, for the Informer 
 hath that he fought for, the 
 Clerks will do nothing with- 
 
 01 
 
 
 .
 
 I 
 
 76 Certificate touching 
 
 out fees paid, which there 
 being no man to profecute, 
 there can be no man like- 
 wife to pay, and fo the 
 King loofeth his moiety, 
 when his title appears by 
 verdict. 
 
 3. It falleth out fome- 3. The Officer in fuch 
 times in informations of cafe is to inform the King's 
 weight, and worthy to be learned Counfel, that they 
 profecuted , the Informer may profecute if they think 
 dyeth, or falls to poverty, fit. 
 or his mouth is flopped, 
 and yet fo as no man can 
 charge him with compofi- 
 tion, and fo the matter dy- 
 eth. 
 
 4. There be fundry fei- 4. The Officer is to take 
 fures made, in cafe where knowledge of fuch feifures, 
 the lawes give feifures, and to give information to 
 which are releafed by a- the Court concerning them, 
 greements underhand, and This is of more difficulty, 
 fo money wrefted from the becaule feifures are matter 
 fubjec~t, and no benefit to in fad!:, whereas fuites are 
 the King. matter of record : and it 
 
 All feifures once made may require moe perfons 
 
 ought not to be difcharged, to be employed, as at the 
 
 but by order of the Court, ports where is much a- 
 
 and therefore fome entry bufe. 
 ought to be made of them. 
 
 There 
 

 
 the Penal Laws. 377 
 
 There be other points wherein the Officer may be of 
 good ufe, which may be comprehended in his grant or 
 inftructions, wherewith I will not now trouble your Ma- 
 jefty, for I hold thefe to be the principal. 
 
 Thus have I according to your Majefty's reference 
 certified my opinion of that part of Sir Stephen ProSiors 
 projects, which concerneth penal lawes : which I do 
 wholly and mod humbly fubmit to your Majefty's high 
 wifdom and judgement, wiihing withal that fome con- 
 ference may be had by Mr. Chancellor and the Barons, 
 and the reft of the learned Counfel, to draw the fervice 
 to a better perfection. And moft fpecially, that the tra- 
 vels therein taken may be confidered and difcerned of 
 by the Lord Treafurer, whofe care and capacity is fuch f 
 as he doth always either find or choofe that which is 
 beft for your Majefty's fervice. 
 
 The recompence unto the Gentleman, it is not my 
 part to prefume to touche, otherwife than to put your 
 Majefty in remembrance of that proportion, which your 
 Majefty is pleafed to give to others out of the profits 
 they bring in, and perhaps with a great deal lefte la- 
 bour and charge. 
 
 C c c A Cer-
 
 378 
 
 A Certificate to the Lords of the Council, upon 
 information given , touching the fcarcity of 
 fdver at the Mynt, and reference to the two 
 Chancellors, and the Kings Sollicitor. 
 
 It may pleafe your Lordjhips, 
 
 ACCORDING unto your Lordfhips letters unto 
 us directed, grounded upon the information, 
 which his Majefty hath received concerning the fcarcity 
 of filver at the Mynt, we have called before us as well 
 the officers of the Mynt, as fome principal Merchants, 
 and fpent two whole afternoones in the examination of 
 the bufmefs ; wherein we kept this order, firft to exa- 
 mine the fact, then the caufes, with the remedies. 
 
 And for the fact, we directed the officers of the Mynt 
 to give unto us a diftinguifhed accompt how much gold 
 and filver hath yearly been brought into the Mynt, by 
 the fpace of fix whole yeares laft part, more fpecially 
 for the laft three months fucceeding the laft proclama- 
 tion touching the price of gold, to the end we mought 
 by the fodainnefs of the fall, difcerne whether that pro- 
 clamation mought be thought the efficient caufe of the 
 prefent fcarcity j upon which accompt it appeares to us, 
 that during the fpace of fix years aforefaid, there hath 
 been ftill degrees of decay in quantity of the filver 
 brought to the Mynt, but yet fo, as within thefe laft 
 three months it hath growne far beyond the proportion 
 pf the former time, in fo much as there comes in now 
 little or none at all. And yet notwithftanding it is fome 
 
 opinion,
 
 Certificate relating to the Mynt. 379 
 
 opinion, as well amongft the officers of the Mynt as the 
 Merchants, that the ftate need be the leffe apprehenfive 
 of this effect, becaufe it is like to be but temporary, and 
 neither the great fluih of gold that is come into the 
 Mynt fince the proclamation, nor on the other ride the 
 great fcarcity of filver, can continue in proportion as it 
 now doeth. 
 
 Another point of the fact, which we thought fit to 
 examine, was, whether the fcarcity of filver appeared 
 generally in the realme, or onely at the Mynt 5 wherein 
 it was conferled by the Merchants, that filver is conti- 
 nually imported into the Realme, and is found ftirring 
 amongft the Goldimiths, and otherwife much like as in 
 former times, although in refpect of the greater price 
 which it hath with the Goldfmith, it cannot find the 
 way to the Mynt : And thus much for the fact. 
 
 For the caufes with the remedies, we have heard many 
 propofitions made, as well by the Lord Knevet, who af- 
 fifted us in this conference, as by the Merchants -, of which 
 propofitions few were new unto us, and much leffe can 
 be new to your Lordfhips; but yet although upon former 
 confultations, we are not unacquainted what is more or 
 leffe likely to ftand with your Lordfhips grounds and o- 
 pinions, we thought it neverthelefle the beft fruite of our 
 diligence to fet them downe in articles, that your Lord- 
 ihips with more eafe may difcard or entertaine the par- 
 ticulars, beginning with thofe which your Lordfhips do 
 point at in your letters, and fo defcending to the reft. 
 
 The firft propofition is, touching the difproportion of 
 the price between gold and filver, which is now brought 
 to bed, upon the pointe of fourteen to one, being before 
 
 C c c 2 but
 
 380 Certificate relating to the Mynt. 
 
 but twelve to one. This we take to be an evident caufe 
 of fcarcity of filver at the Mynt, but fuch a caufe as will 
 hardly receive a remedy ; for either your Lordfhips muft 
 draw down againe the price of gold, or advance the 
 price of filver ; whereof the one is going back from that 
 which is fo lately done, and whereof you have found 
 good effecl:, and the other is a thing of dangerous confe- 
 quence in refpecl of the lofTe to all monyed men in their 
 debts, gentlemen in their rents, the King in his cuftoms, 
 and the common fubject in railing the price of things 
 vendible. And upon this point it is fit we give your 
 Lordfhips underftanding what the Merchants intimated 
 unto us, that the very voycing or fufpect of the rayfing 
 of the price of filver, if it be not cleared, would make 
 fuch a deadnefs and retention of money this vacation, as 
 (to ufe their own wordes) will be a mifery to the Mer- 
 chants, fo that we were forced to ufe proteftation, that 
 there was no fuch intent. 
 
 The fecond propofition is, touching the charge of 
 coynage; wherein it was confidently avouched by the 
 Merchants, that if the coynage were brought from two 
 fhillings unto eighteen pence, as it was in Queen Eliza- 
 beth's time, the King mould gaine more in the quantity 
 than he mould lofe in the prife ; and they ayded them- 
 felves with that argument, that the King had been plea- 
 fed to abate his coynage in the other metal, and found 
 good of it ; which argument, though it doth admit a 
 difference, becaufe that abatement was coupled with the 
 raifing of the price, whereas this is to go alone, yet ne- 
 verthelefs it feemed the Officers of the Mynt were not 
 unwilling to give way to fome abatement,, although they 
 
 preiumed
 
 Certificate relating to theMynt. 381 
 
 prefumed it would be of fmall effect, becaufe that abate- 
 ment would not be equivalent to that price which Spanijh 
 filver bears with the Goldfmith ; but yet it may be ufed 
 as an experiment of ftate, being recoverable at his Ma- 
 jefty's pleafure. 
 
 The third proportion is, concerning the exportation of 
 filver more than in former times, wherein we fell firfl 
 upon the trade into the Eajl Indies, concerning which it 
 was materially in our opinions anfvvered by the Mer- 
 chants of that Company, that the filver which fupplies 
 that trade being generally Spanijh moneys, would not be 
 brought in but for that trade, fo that it fucks in as well 
 as it drawes forth. And it was added likewife, that as 
 long as the Low Countries manteined that trade in the 
 Indies, it would help little though our trade were dif- 
 folved, becaufe that filver which is exported immediately 
 by us to the Indies, would be drawn out of this Kingdom 
 for the Indies immediately by the Dutch j and for the lil - 
 ver exported to the Levant, it was thought to be no great 
 matter. As for other exportation, we faw no remedye 
 but the execution of the lawes, fpecially thofe of em- 
 ployment being by fome mitigation made agreeable to 
 the times. And thefe three remedies are of that nature, 
 as they ferve to remove the caufes of this fcarcity. There 
 were other proportions of policies and meanes, directly 
 to drawe filver to the Mynt. 
 
 The fourth point thereof was this ; It is agreed that the 
 filver which hath heretofore fed the Mynt, principally 
 hath been Spanijh money. This now comes into the 
 real me plentifully, but not into the Mynt. It was pro- 
 pounded in imitation of fome prefident in France, that 
 
 his
 
 382 Certificate relating to the My nn 
 
 ' his Majefty would by proclamation reftraine the coming 
 in of this money fub modo, that is, that either it be 
 brought to the Mynt, or otherwife to be cut and defa- 
 ced, becaufe that now it pafTeth in payments in a kind 
 of currancy. To which it was colourably objected, that 
 this would be the way to have none brought in at all, be- 
 caufe the gaine ceafing, the importation would ceafe; 
 but this objection was well anfwered, that it is not gaine 
 altogether, but a neceffity of fpeedy payment, that cau- 
 feth the Merchant to bring in filver to keep his credit, 
 and to drive his trade ; fo that if the King keep his four- 
 teen days payment at the Mynt, as he always hath done, 
 and have likewife his exchangers for thofe moneys in 
 fome principal parts, it is fuppofed that all Spanijh mo- 
 neys, which is the bulk of filver brought into this realme 
 would by means of fuch a proclamation come into the 
 Mynt ; which may be a thing confiderable. 
 
 The fifth propofition was this ; It was warranted by 
 the lawes of Spaine to bring in filver for corne or victu- 
 als j it was propounded that his Majefty would reftraine 
 exportation of corne, fub modo, except they bring the 
 filver which refulted thereof unto his Mynt, that trade 
 being commonly fo beneficial, as the Merchant may well 
 endure the bringing of the filver to the Mynt, although 
 it were at the charge of coynage, which it now beareth 
 further, as incident to this matter. There was revived 
 by the Merchants, with fome inftance, the ancient pro- 
 portion concerning the erection of granaries for foreign 
 corne, forafmuch as by that encreafe of trade in corne, 
 the importation of filver would likewife be multi- 
 plied. 
 
 The
 
 Certificate relating to the Mynt. 3S3 
 
 The fixth proportion was, That upon all lycence of 
 forbidden commodities, there fhall be a rate fet of filver 
 to be brought into the Mynt, which neverthelefs may 
 feem fomewhat hard, becaufe it impofeth upon the fub- 
 jet, that which caufeth him to incurre perill of confif- 
 cation in forreign parts. To trouble your Lordfhips fur- 
 ther with difcourfes which we had of making forreign 
 coynes currant, and of varying the King's ftandard to 
 weighte, upon the variations in other ftates, and repref- 
 fing furfeit of forreign commodities, that our native 
 commodities, furmounting the forreign, may draw in 
 treafure by way of overplus, they be common places fo 
 well knowne to your Lordfhips, as it is enough to men- 
 tion them onely. 
 
 There is onely one thing more, which is, to put your 
 Lordfhips in mind of the extream excefle in the wafting 
 of both metals both of gold and filver foliate, which 
 turns the nature of thefe metals, which ought to be per- 
 durable, and makes them perifhable, and by confumption 
 muft be a principal caufe of fcarcity in them both, which 
 we conceive may receive a fpeedy remedy by his Ma- 
 jefty's proclamation. 
 
 Laftly, we are humble fuitors to your Lordfhips, that 
 for any of thefe propofitions, that your Lordfhips mould 
 think fit to entertaine in confultations, your Lordfhips 
 would be pleafed to heare them debated before your 
 felves, as being matters of greater waight than we are 
 able to judge of. And fo craving your Lordfhips pardon 
 for troubling you fo long, we commend your Lordfhips 
 to God's goodnefs. 
 
 A Frame 
 

 
 384 Declaration for the 
 
 A Frame of Declaration for the Mafler of the 
 WardeS) at his firji fitting- 
 
 TH E King (whofe vermes are fuch, as if wee, that 
 are his minifters, were able duely to correfpond 
 unto them, it were enough to make a goulden tyme ) 
 hath commanded certaine of his intentions to be pub- 
 lifhed, touching the adminiftration of this place, becaufe 
 they are fomewhat differing from the ufage of former 
 tymes, and yet not by way of novelty, but by way of 
 reformation, and reduction of things to their auncient 
 and true inftitution. 
 
 Wherein nevertheleffe it is his Majefty's exprefle plea- 
 fure it be fignified, that he underftands this to be donne, 
 without any derogation from the memory or fervice of 
 thofe great perfons, which have formerly held this place, 
 of whofe doings his Majefty retaineth a good and gra- 
 cious remembrance efpecially touching the fincerity of 
 their owne myndes* 
 
 But now that his Majefty meaneth to be as it were 
 Mafter of the Wardes himfelf, and that thofe that hee 
 ufeth, be as his fubftitutes, and move wholly in his 
 motion; hee doth expect things be carryed in a forte 
 worthy of his own care. 
 
 Firft therefore his Majefty hath had this princely con- 
 fideration with himfelf, that as he is Pater Patrice, fo 
 he is by the ancient lawe of this kingdome, Pater Pu- 
 pillorum, where there is any tenure by knight's fervice 
 of himfelf: which extendeth almoft to all the great 
 families noble and generous of this kingdome; and 
 
 therefore
 
 Mafier of the Wardes. 385 
 
 therefore being a reprefentative father, his purpofe is to 
 imitate, and approach as neere as may be to the duties 
 and offices of a natural father, in the good education, 
 well beftowing in marriage, and prefervation of the 
 houfes, woods, lands, and eftates of his Wardes. 
 
 For as it is his Majefty direction, that that part which 
 concerns his owne profit and right, be executed with mo- 
 deration, fo on the other fide, it is his princely will that 
 that other parte, which concerneth protection, be over- 
 fpred and extended to the utmoft. 
 
 Wherein his Majefty hath three perfons in his eye, 
 the Wardes themfelves, Ideots, and the reft of like na- 
 ture j the fuitors in this Court, and the fubjects at 
 large. 
 
 For the firft, his Majefty hath commanded fpeciall 
 care be taken in the choice of the perfons, to whome 
 they be committed, that the fame be found in religion, 
 fuch whofe houfes and families are not noted for dirTo- 
 lute, no greedy perfons, no ftepmothers, nor the like, 
 and with thefe qualifications of the neareft friends; 
 nay further, his Majefty is mynded not fo to delegate 
 this truft to the Committees, but that he will have once 
 in the yeare at the leaft, by perfons of credit in every 
 countye, a view and infpection taken of the perfons, 
 houfes, woods, and lands of the Wards, and other per- 
 fons under the protection of this Court, and certificate < 
 to be made thereof accordingly. 
 
 For the Suitors, which is the fecond ; his Majefty* s 
 princely care, falls upon two points of reformation ; the 
 firft, that there be an examination of fees, what are due 
 and auncyent, and what are new and exacted ; and thofe 
 
 Ddd of
 
 386 Declaration for, dec. 
 
 of the latter kind put downe : the other, that the Court 
 do not entertaine caufes too long upon continuances of 
 lyveryes after the parties are come of full age, which 
 ferveth but to wafte the parties in fuite considering the 
 decrees cannot be perpetual, but temporary ; and there- 
 fore controverfies here handled, are feldom put in peace, 
 till they have pail a tryall and decifion in other courtes. 
 
 For the third, which is the Subject at large ; his Ma- 
 jesty hath taken into his princely care, the unnecefTary 
 vexations of his people by feodaries, and other inferior 
 minifters of like nature, by color of his tenures; of which 
 part I fay nothing for the prefent, becaufe the parties 
 whom it concernes, are for the moft part abfent : but 
 order mall be given, that they mall give their attendance 
 the laft day of the terme, then to underfland further 
 his Majefly's gracious pleafure. 
 
 Thus much by his Majefty's commandment ; now we 
 may proceed to the bufinefs of the Court. 
 
 Direffiom
 
 387 
 
 Directions for the Mafler of the Wardes, to ob- 
 ferve for his Majefiys better fervke> and the 
 general good. 
 
 FIRST, that he take an accompte how his Majefty's 
 laft inftructions have been purfued -, and of the en- 
 creafe of benefit accrued to his Majefty thereby, and the 
 proportion thereof. 
 
 Wherein firft in general it will be good to caft up a 
 year's benefite, viz. from February 1610, which is the 
 date of the inftructions under the great Seale, to Febru- 
 ary 161 1, and to compare the totall with former yeares 
 before the inftructions, that the tree may appeare by the 
 fruite, and it may be fcen how much his Majefty's pro- 
 fit is redoubled or encreafed by that courfe. 
 
 Secondly, It will not be amifle to compute not onely 
 the yearly benefit, but the number of wardships graunted 
 that yeare, and to compare that with the number of for- 
 mer years ; for though the number be a thing cafiial, yet 
 if it be apparently lefle than in former yeares, then it 
 may be juftly doubted, that men take advantage upon 
 the laft claufe in the inftructions (of exceptions of Wards 
 concealed) to practife delays and mif-finding of offices, 
 which is a thing moil dangerous. 
 
 Thirdly, In particular it behooveth to perufe and re- 
 view the bargaines made, and to confider the rates, (men's 
 eftates being things, which for the molt part cannot be 
 hidde) and thereby to difcern what improvements and 
 good hufoandry hath been ufed, and how much the King 
 
 D d d 2 hath
 
 388 Directions for the 
 
 hath more now when the whole benefit is fuppofed to 
 goe to him, than he had when three parts of the bene- 
 fit went to the Committee. 
 
 Fourthly, It is requifite to take confideration what 
 commiflions have been granted for copyholds for lives, 
 which are excepted by the inftructions from being leafed, 
 and what profit hath been raifed thereby. 
 
 Thus much for the time paft, and upon viewe of 
 thefe accompts, res dabit confilium, for furder 
 order to be taken. 
 
 For the time to come, fir ft it is fit that the Mafter of 
 the Wardes, being a meaner perfon, be ufually prefent as 
 well at the treaty and beating of the bargaine, as at the 
 concluding ; and that he take not the bufinefs by re- 
 porte. 
 
 Secondly, When fuite is made, the information by 
 furvey and commiflion is but one image, but the way 
 were by private diligence to be really informed : Nei- 
 ther is it hard for a perfon that liveth in an inne of 
 Court, where there be underftanding men of eyery 
 county of England, to obtaine by care certaine informa- 
 tion. 
 
 Thirdly, This kind of promife of preferring the next 
 a kynne, doth much obfcure the information, which be- 
 fore by competition of divers did better appeare, and 
 therefore it may be necefiary for the Mafter of the 
 Wardes fometimes to direct letters to fome peribns neare 
 the Warde living, and to take certificate from them ; it 
 being alwayes intended the fubjecl: be not racked too 
 
 high,
 
 Mafter of the Wardes. 389 
 
 high, and that the neareft friends that be found in re- 
 ligion, and like to give the Wardc good education, be 
 preferred. 
 
 Fourthly, That it be examined carefully whether the 
 Wardes revenues confift of copyholdes for lives, which 
 are not to be comprifed in the leafe, and that there be 
 no neglect to graunt commiflions for the fame, and that 
 the Mailer take order to be certifyed of the profits of for- 
 mer Courts held by the Wardes anceftor, that it may be 
 a prefident and direction for the Commiflioners. 
 
 Fifthly, That the Mafter make aceompt every fix 
 months (the ftate appoints one in the yeare) to his Ma- 
 jefty; and that when he bringeth the bill of graunts of 
 the body for his Majefty's fignature, he bringeth a fche*- 
 dule of the truth of the ftate of every one of them, (as 
 it hath appeared to him by information) and acquaint 
 his Majefty both with the rates and ftates. 
 
 Thus much concerning the improvement of the 
 King's profit, which concerneth the King as 
 Pater famih as, now as Pater -Patrice. 
 
 Firft for the Wardes themfelves, that there be fpecial 
 care taken in the choife of the Committee, that he be 
 found in religion, his houfe and family not dhTolute, no 
 greedy perfon, no ftepmother, nor the like. 
 
 Further,, that there be letters written once every year 
 to certaine principal Gentlemen of credit in every coun- 
 trey, to take view not onely of the perfon of the Wardes 
 in every county, and their education; but of their houfes, 
 woods, grounds, and eftate j and the fame to certifye that 
 
 the
 
 39 o Dire&ions for, &c. 
 
 the Committees may be held in fome awe, and that the 
 bleffing of the poor orphanes and the pupills may come 
 upon his Majefty and his children. 
 
 Secondly, for the Suitors j that there be a ftraight ex- 
 amination concerning the rayfing and multiplication of 
 fees in that Court, which is much fcandalized with opi- 
 nion thereof, and all exacted fees put downe. 
 
 Thirdly, for the Subjects at large ; that the vexation 
 of efcheators and feodaries be repreffed, which (upon no 
 fubftantial ground of record) vex the countrey with in- 
 quifitions and other extortions : and for that purpofe that 
 there be one fet day at the end of every term appointed 
 for examining the abufes of fuch inferior Officers, and 
 that the Matter of Wardes take fpecial care to receive 
 private information from Gentlemen of quality and con- 
 fcience, in every mire touching the fame. 
 
 
 SOME 
 
 /
 
 @@@&@@@@@@@@ 
 
 SOME 
 
 Philosophical Pieces 
 
 O F T H E 
 
 Lord BACON.
 
 . 
 
 
 i iH. j. 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 

 
 393 
 
 Mr. BACON 
 
 I N 
 
 Prayfe of Knowledge. 
 
 SILENCE were the befl celebration of that, which 
 I meane to commend, for who would not ufe fy- 
 lence, where fylence ys not made, and what cryer canne 
 make fylence in fuch a noyfe and tumulte of vaiiie and 
 popular opinions ? My prayfe fhalbe dedycated to the 
 minde yt felfe. the minde ys the man, and the know- 
 ledge of the minde. a man is but what he knoweth. 
 The minde yt felfe ys but an accident to knowledge ; for 
 knowledge ys a dowble of that which ys. The truth of 
 being, and the truth of knowing, ys all one. And the 
 pleafures of the afFectyons greater than the pleafures of 
 the fences. And are not the pleafures of the intellect 
 greater than the pleafures of the arTedlyons ? Is yt not a trew 
 and only naturall pleafure, whereof there ys noe facyetie ? 
 Is yt not knowledge that doth alone cleere the minde of 
 all perturbations ? How manie things are there which 
 wee imagine not ? how manie things doe wee efteeme 
 and valew otherwyfe than they are ? This yll proportyon- 
 ed eflimatyon, thefe vaine imaginatyons, thefe be the 
 
 E e e clowds
 
 394 In Prayfe of Knowledge. 
 
 clowds of error that turne into the ftormes of perturba- 
 tion. Is there anie fuch happines as for a man's minde 
 to be rayfed above the confufyon of things j where he 
 maye have the profpect of the order of nature, and the 
 errour of men ? Is this but a vayne only of delyght, and 
 not of difcoverye : of contentment, and not of benefytt ? 
 Shall he not afwell dyfcerne the ryches of natures ware- 
 howfe, as the benefytt of her fhopp ? Is truth ever bar- 
 ren ? Shall he not be able thereby to produce wor- 
 thy effects : and to indowe the lyfe of man with infinite 
 comodyties ? But fhall I make this garland to be putt 
 upon a wronge head ? would anie bodie beleve me yf I 
 mould verefye this, upon the knowledge that ys nowe 
 in ufe ? are wee the rycher by one poore invention, by 
 feafon of all the learning that hath bene thefe manie hun- 
 dred yeares ? The induftrie of artyfycers maketh fome 
 fmall improvement of thinges invented j and chance fome- 
 times in experimenting, maketh us to flumble upon 
 fomewhat which is newe : But all the dyfputation of the 
 learned never brought to light one effect of nature be- 
 fore unknowen. When thinges are knowen and fownd 
 out, then they can ne defcant upon them, they canne 
 knitt them into certaine caufes, they canne reduce them to 
 their princyples. If anie inflance of experyence ftand a- 
 gainft them, they canne range yt in order by fome dy- 
 ftinctions. But all this ys but a webbe of the wytte, yt 
 canne worke nothinge. I doe not dowbt but that comon 
 notyons which wee call reafon, and the knitting of them 
 together, which wee call logicke, are the arte of reafon 
 and ftudyes. But they rather carte obfcurytie, than gaine 
 light to the contemplatyon of nature. All the philofo- 
 
 phy
 
 In Prayfe of Knowledge. 395 
 
 phy of nature which is now receyved, ys eyther the phi* 
 lofophye of the Grecyans, or that other of the Alchu- 
 miftes. That of the Grecyans hath the foundation in. 
 wordes, in oftentation, in confutation, in fects, in fcooles, 
 in difputatyons. The Grecyam were (as one of themfelves 
 fayeth) Tow Grecyans ever children. They knewe lyttle 
 antyquitie -, they knewe (except fables) not much above 
 fyve hundreth yeares before themfelves. They knewe but 
 a fmall portyon of the worlde. That of the x\lchumiftes 
 hath the foundatyon in impofture, in auricular tradytions 
 and obfcuritie. Yt was catching hold of religion, but the , 
 principle of yt is, Popidus vult decipi. So that I knowe 
 noe great dyference betwene thefe great philofophers, but 
 that the one ys a lowde crying follye, and the other is 
 a whyfpering follye. The one ys gathered out of a fewe 
 vulgar obfervations, and the other out of a fewe experi- 
 ments of a furnace. The one never fayleth to multiplye 
 wordes, and the other ever fayleth to multiplye gold. 
 Who would not fmile 2XArifiotle^ when he admireth the 
 eternitie and invariablenes of the heavens, as there were 
 not the lyke in the bowells of the earth ? Thofe be the 
 confines and borders of thefe two kingdomes, where the 
 continuall alteration and incurfion are. The fuperhxies 
 and upper partes of the earth are full of varyetyes. The 
 fuperficies and lower partes of the heavens (which wee 
 call the middle region of the ayre) ys full of varyetie. 
 There ys much fpiryt in the one parte that cannot be 
 brought into mails. There ys much mafTy bodye, in 
 the other place that cannot be refined to fpiryt. The 
 comon ayre ys as the wafte grownd betwene the borders. 
 Who would not fmile at the Aflronomers, I meane not 
 
 E e e 2 thefe
 
 In Prayfe of Knowledge. 
 
 thefe fewe carremen which dryve the earth abowte, but 
 the ancyent Aftronomers, which fayne the moone to be 
 the fwyfteft of the planetes in motyon, and the reft in 
 order, the hygher the flower; and foe are compelled to 
 imagine a dowble motyon : whereas ho we evydent ys yt, 
 that that which they call a contrarye motyon, is but an 
 abatement of motyon ? The fixed ftarres overgoe Sa- 
 turne> and foe in them and the reft all ys but one mo- 
 tyon, and the neerer the earth the flower. A motyon al- 
 fo whereof ayre and water doe participate, though much 
 interrupted. But why doe I in a conference of pleafure 
 enter into thefe great matters, in forte that pretending 
 to knowe much I fhould forgett what ys feafonable? par- 
 don me, yt was becaufe all thinges maye be indowed and 
 adorned with fpeaches, but knowledge yt felfe ys more 
 beautifull than anie apparrell of wordes that canne be 
 putt uppon yt. And lett not me feeme arrogant without 
 refpect to thefe great reputed authors. Lett me foe give 
 everye man his dewe, as I give time his due, which ys 
 to dyfcover truth. Manie of theife men had greater wittes, 
 farre above mine owne, and foe are manie in the Uni- 
 verfytyes of Europe at this daye. But alas, they learne 
 nothing there but to beleve : fyrft to beleve that others 
 knowe that which they knowe not ; and after themfelves 
 knowe that which they knowe not. But indeed facilitye 
 to beleeve, impatience to dowbte, temerytie to anfweare, 
 glorye to knowe, dowbte to contrady&e, ende to gaine, 
 flothe to fearche, fceking thinges in woordes, refting in 
 parte of nature; thefe and the like have bene the 
 thinges which have forbydden the happye matche be- 
 twene the minde of man, and the nature of thinges : and 
 
 in
 
 In Prayfe of Knowledge. 397 
 
 in place thereof have marryed yt to vaine notyons, and 
 blinde experiments : And what the pofterytye and yfliie 
 of foe honorable a matche maye be, it is not hard to con- 
 fyder. Printing, a grofle inventyon ; Artyllerye, a thinge 
 that laye not farre out of the wayej the Needle, a thinge 
 partly knowen before : what a change have thefe three 
 made in the worlde in thefe times, the one in ftate of 
 learninge, the other in ftate of the warre, the third in the 
 ftate of treafure, comodyties and navigation ? and thofe 
 I faye were but ftumbled upon and lighted upon by 
 chance. Therefore, noe dowbt the foveraintie of man 
 lyeth hid in knowledge ; wherein manie thinges are re- 
 ferved, which Kinges with their treafure cannot buye, 
 nor with their force comaunde j their fpyalles and in- 
 telligencers canne give noe newes of them, their feamen 
 and difcoverers cannot fayle where they growe : Nowe 
 ^wee governe Nature in opinions, but we are thrall unto 
 her in necerTytie: but yf wee would be ledd by her in 
 inventyon, wee ftiould comaund her in actyon. 
 
 VALE-
 
 39 8 Of fl e Interpretation 
 
 VALERIUS TERMINUS 
 
 O F T H E 
 
 Interpretation of Nature ; 
 
 With the Annotations of 
 
 HERMES STELLA 
 
 A few fragments of the firft book, viz. 
 i. The firft chapter entire, Of the ends and limits of 
 knowledge. 
 
 2. A portion of the 11 th chapter, Of the Scale. 
 
 3. A fmall portion of the 9 th chapter, being an induce- 
 
 ment to the Inventory. 
 
 4. A fmall portion of the 10 th chapter, being the pre- 
 
 face to the Inventary. 
 
 5. A fmall portion of the 10 th chapter, being a preface 
 
 to the inward Elenches of the mind. 
 
 6. A fmall portion of the 4 th chapter, Of the impedi- 
 
 ments of knowledge in general. 
 
 7. A fmall portion of the 5 th chapter, Of the diverfon 
 
 of wits. 
 
 8. The 6 th chapter intire. 
 
 9. A portion of the 7 th chapter. 
 
 10. The 8 th chapter intire. 
 
 1 1. Another portion of the 9 th chapter. 
 
 12. The
 
 of Nature. 399 
 
 12. The abridgment of the 12 th , 13 th , 14 th , 15 th , 16 th , 
 
 17 th , 18 th , 19 th , 21 st , 22 d , 25 th and 26 th chapters 
 of the firft book. 
 
 13. The firfl chapter of a book of the fame argument, 
 
 written in Latin, and deftined to be feparate and 
 not publick. 
 
 None of the annotations of Stella are fet down 
 in thefe fragments. 
 
 Cap. I. Of the limits and end of knowledge. 
 
 IN the divine nature ; both religion and philofophy 
 hath acknowledged goodnefs in perfection, fcience 
 or providence comprehending all things, and abfolute 
 foveraigntie or kingdom. In afpiring to the throne of 
 power, the Angels tranfgrefled and fell ; in prefiiming to 
 come within the Oracle of knowledge, Man tranfgrefled 
 and fell ; but in purfuit towards the fimilitude of God's 
 goodnefs or love (which is one thing, for love is nothing 
 elfe but goodnefs put in motion or applied) neither 
 Man or Spirit ever hath tranfgrefled, or fhall tranf- 
 grefs. 
 
 The Angel of light that was, when he prefumed be- 
 fore his fall, faid within himlelf, / will afcend and be- 
 like unto the Highefi ; not God, but the Highefl. To be 
 like to God in goodnefs, was no part of his emulation: 
 knowledge being in creation an Angel of light, was not 
 the want which did. moft fcllidt him y only because he 
 
 was;
 
 400 Of the Interpretation 
 
 was a rninifter he aimed at a fupremaeyj therefore his 
 climbing or afcenfion was turned into a throwing down 
 or precipitation. 
 
 Man on the other fide, when he was tempted before 
 he fell, had offered unto him this fuggeftion, "That he 
 Jhould be like unto God. But how ? not limply, but in 
 this part, knowing good and evil. For being in his crea- 
 tion inverted with foveraignty of all inferiour creatures, 
 he was not needy of power or dominion, but again, be- 
 ing a fpirit newly enclofed in a body of earth, he was 
 fitreft to be allured with appetite of light and liberty of 
 knowledge, therefore this approaching and intruding 
 into God's fecrets and myfteries, was rewarded with a 
 further removing and eftranging from God's prefence. 
 But as to the goodnefs of God, there is no danger in con- 
 tending or advancing towards a fimilitude thereofj as that 
 which is open and propounded to our imitation. For that 
 voice (whereof the Heathen and all other errors of reli- 
 gion have ever confefied that it founds not like man) 
 Love your enetnies-, be you like unto your heavenly father, 
 that fuffereth his rain to fall both upon the jujl and the 
 unjujl, doth well declare, that we can in that point com- 
 mit no excefs. fo again we find it often repeated in tfce 
 old law, Be you holy as I am holy ; and what is holinefs 
 elfe but goodnefs, as we confider it feparate, and guarded 
 from all mixture, and all excefs of evil ? 
 
 Wherefore feeing that knowledge is of the number of 
 thofe things which are to be accepted of with caution 
 and diftinction ; being now to open a fountain, fuch as 
 it is not eafy to difcern where the ifiiies and flreams 
 thereof jvill take and fall -, I thought it good and necef- 
 
 fary
 
 of Nature. 401 
 
 fary in the firft place, to make a ftrong and found head 
 or bank to rule and guide the courfe of the waters j by 
 fetting down this pofition or firmament, namely, That 
 all knowledge is to be limited by religion, and to be re- 
 ferred to life and action. 
 
 For if any man fhall think by view and enquiry into 
 thefe fenfible and material things, to attain to any light 
 for the revealing of the nature or will of God ; he fhall 
 dangeroufly abufe himfelf. It is true, that the contem- 
 plation of the creatures of God hath for end (as to the 
 natures of the creatures themfelves ) knowledge ; but as 
 to the nature of God, no knowledge, but wonder; which 
 is nothing elfe but contemplation broken off, or loofing 
 it felf. Nay further, as it was aptly faid by one of 
 Plato's fchool, The fence of man refembleth the funne, 
 which openeth and revealeth the terrejlrial globe, but ob- 
 fcureth and concealeth the celejlial ; fo doth the fence 
 difcover natural things, but darken and fhut up divine ; 
 and this appeareth fufficiently in that there is no pro- 
 ceeding in invention of knowledge, but by fimilitude; 
 and God is only felf-like, having nothing in common 
 with any creature, otherwife than as in fhadow and 
 trope. Therefore attend his will as himfelf openeth it, 
 and give unto faith that which unto faith belongethj for 
 more worthy it is to believe than to think or know, con- 
 fidering that in knowledge (as we now are capable of it) 
 the mind fuffereth from inferior natures ; but in all be- 
 lief it fuffereth from a fpirit which it holdeth fuperior, 
 and more authorized than it felf. 
 
 To conclude, the prejudice hath been infinite, that 
 both divine and human knowledge hath received by the 
 
 Fff inter-
 
 402 Of the Interpretation 
 
 intermingling and tempering of the one with the other ; 
 as that which hath filled the one full of herefies, and 
 the other full of fpeculative fictions and vanities. 
 
 But now there are again, which in a contrary extre- 
 mity to thofe which give to contemplation an overlarge 
 fcope, do offer too great a reftraint to natural and law- 
 ful knowledge j being unjuftly jealous that every reach 
 and depth of knowledge wherewith their conceipts have 
 not been acquainted, mould be too high an elevation of 
 man's wit, and a fearching and ravelling too far into 
 God's fecretsj an opinion thac arifeth either of envy 
 (which is proud weaknefs, and to be cenfured and not 
 confuted) or elfe of a deceitful fimplicity. For if they 
 mean that the ignorance of a fecond caufe doth make 
 men more devoutly to depend upon the providence of 
 God, as fuppofing the effects to come immediately from 
 his hand : I demand of them, as Job demanded of his 
 friends, Will you lie for God, as man will for man to 
 gratife him f But if any man, without any finifter hu- 
 mour, doth indeed make doubt that this digging further 
 and further into the mine of natural knowledge, is a 
 thing without example, and uncommended in the fcrip- 
 tures, or fruitlefs \ let him remember and be inftructed : 
 for behold it was not that pure light of natural know- 
 ledge, whereby man in paradife was able to give unto 
 every living creature a name according to his propriety 
 which gave occafion to the fall ; but it was an afpiring 
 delire to attain to that part of moral knowledge, which 
 defineth of good and evil, whereby to difpute God's 
 commandments, and not to depend upon the revelation 
 of his will, which was the original temptation. And the 
 
 firft
 
 of Nature; 
 
 firft holy records which within thofe brief memorials of 
 things which paffed before the flood, entered few things 
 as worthy to be regiftred, but only linages and propa- 
 gations, yet neverthelefs honour the remembraunce of 
 the inventor both of mufique and works in metal. Mo- 
 fes again (who was the reporter) is faid to have been 
 feen in all the Egyptian learning, which nation was early 
 and leading in matter of knowledge. And Solomon the 
 King, as out of a branch of his wifdom extraordinarily 
 petitioned and granted from God, is faid to have written 
 a natural hiflory of all that is green, from the Cedar to 
 the Mofs (which is but a rudiment between putrefaction 
 and an herb) and alfo of all that liveth and moveth. 
 And if the book otjob be turned over, it will be found 
 to have much afperfion of natural philofophy. Nay the 
 fame Solomon the King afrlrmeth directly, that the glory 
 of God is to conceal a thing, but the glory of the King 
 is to find it out, as if according to the innocent play of 
 children, the divine Majefty took delight to hide his 
 works, to the end to have them found out ; for in name- 
 ing the King he intendeth man, taking fuch a condition 
 of man as hath mofl excellency and greatefr. command- 
 ment of wits and means, alluding alfo to his own per- 
 fon, being truly one of thofe cleareft burning lamps, 
 whereof himfelf fpeaketh in another place, when he 
 faith, T'he fpirit of man is as the lamp of God, where- 
 with he fearcheth all inwardnefs ; which nature of the 
 foul the fame Solomon holding precious and ineflimable, 
 and therein confpiring with the affection of Socrates, 
 who fcorned the pretended learned men of his time for 
 raifing great benefit of their learning (whereas Jlnaxa- 
 
 Fff 2 goras
 
 404 Of the Interpretation 
 
 goras contrarywife, and divers others being born to ample 
 patrimonies decayed them in contemplation) delivereth 
 it in precepte yet remaining, Buy the truth and fell it 
 not ; and fo of wifdom and knowledge. 
 
 And left any man mould retain a fcruple, as if this 
 thirft of knowledge were rather an humour of the mind,, 
 than an emptynefs or want in nature and an inftincl: from 
 God ; the fame authour defineth of it fully, faying, God 
 hath made every thing in beauty according to feafon ; alfo 
 he hath jet the world in mans heart \ yet can he not Jind 
 out the work which God worketh from the beginning to 
 the end, declaring not obfcurely that God hath framed 
 the mind of man as a glafs, capable of the image of the 
 tiniverfal world, joying to receive the fignature thereof, as 
 the eye is of light ; yea, not only fatisfied in beholding 
 the variety of things, and viciffitude of times, but raifed 
 alfo to find out and difcern thofe ordinances and decrees, 
 which throughout all thefe changes are infallibly ob- 
 ferved. And although the higheft generality of motion, 
 or fummary law of nature, God mould ftill referve with- 
 in his own curtain -, yet many and noble are the inferior 
 and fecondary operations which are within man's found- 
 ing. This is a thing which I cannot tell whether I may 
 fo plainly fpeak as truly conceive, that as all knowledge 
 appeareth to be a plant of God's own planting, fb it may 
 feem the fpreading and flourifhing, or at leaft the bear- 
 ing and fructifying of this plant, by a providence of 
 God, nay, not only by a general providence, but by a 
 fpecial prophecy, was appointed to this autumn of the 
 world : for to my understanding, it is not violent to the 
 letter, and fafe now after the event, fo to interpret that 
 
 place
 
 of Nature. 405 
 
 place in the prophecy of Daniel \ where fpeaking of the 
 latter times, it is faid, Many jhall pafs to and fro, and 
 fcience Jhall be encreafed\ as if the opening of the world 
 by navigation and commerce,, and the further difcovery 
 of knowledge mould meet in one time or age. 
 
 But howfoever that be, there are befides the authorities 
 of fcriptures before recited, tworeafons of exceeding great 
 weight and force, why religion mould dearly protect all 
 encreafe of natural knowledge : the one, becaufe it leadeth 
 to the greater exaltation of the glory of God ; for as the 
 pfalmes and other fcriptures do often invite us to confi- 
 der, and to magnifie the great and wonderful works of 
 God ; fo if we mould reft only in the contemplation of 
 thofe mews which firft offer themfelves to our fences, 
 we mould do a like injury to the majefty of God, as if 
 we mould- judge of the ftore of fome excellent Jeweller, 
 by that only which is fet out to the ftreet in his mop. the 
 other reafon is, becaufe it is a lingular help and a prefer- 
 vative againft unbelief and error : For faith our Saviour, 
 Tou erre, not knowing the fcriptures, nor the power of God; 
 laying before us two books or volumes to ftudy, if we 
 will be fecured from error; firft, the fcriptures revealing 
 the will of God, and then the creatures expreffing his 
 power j for that latter book will certify us, that nothing 
 which the firft teacheth mall be thought impoflible.. 
 And moft fure it is, and a true conclufion of experience, 
 that a little natural Philofophy inclineth the mind to A- 
 theifm, but a further proceeding bringeth the mind back 
 to Religion. 
 
 To conclude then, ; let no man prefume to check the 
 liberality of God's giftes,, who as was faid, Hath fet the 
 
 world'
 
 406 Of the Interpretation 
 
 world in man's heart. So as whatfoever is not God, but 
 parcel of the world, he hath fitted it to the comprehen- 
 sion of man's mind, if man will open and dilate the 
 powers of his underftanding as he may. 
 
 But yet evermore it muft be remembred, that the 
 leaft part of knowledge paffed to man by this fo large a 
 charter from God, muft be fubject to that ufe for which 
 God hath granted it, which is the benefit and relief of 
 the ftate and fociety of man ; for otherwife all manner 
 of knowledge becometh maligne and ferpentine, and there- 
 fore as carrying the quality of the ferpent's fling and 
 malice, it maketh the mind of man to fwell ; as the 
 fcripture faith excellently, Knowledge bloweth up, but 
 Charity buildeth up. -And again, the fame author doth 
 notably difavow both power and knowledge, fuch as is 
 not dedicated to goodnefs or love ; for faith he, If J have 
 all faith fo as I could remove mountains (there is power 
 active) if I render my body to the fire (there is power 
 paflive) if I fpeak with the tongues of men and angels, 
 (there is knowledge, for language is but the conveyance 
 of knowledge) all were nothing. 
 
 And therefore it is not the pleafiire of curiofity, nor 
 the quiet of refolution, nor the raifing of the fpirit, nor 
 victory of wit, nor faculty of fpeech, nor lucre of pro- 
 feffion, nor ambition of honour or fame, or inablement 
 for bufinefs, that are the true ends of knowledge ; fome 
 of thefe being more worthy than other, though all infe- 
 rior and degenerate : But it is a reftitution and reinvent- 
 ing (in great part) of man to the foveraignty and power, 
 (for whenfoever he fhall be able to call the creatures by 
 their true names, he fhall again command them) which 
 
 he
 
 of Nature* 407 
 
 he had in his firft flate of creation. And to fpeak plainly 
 and clearly, it is a difcovery of all operations and pom- 
 bilities of operations from immortality (if it were poffible) 
 to the meaneft mechanical practice. And therefore know- 
 ledge, that tendeth but to fatisfaction, is but as a cour- 
 tifan, which is for pleafure and not for fruit or genera- 
 tion. And knowledge that tendeth to profit or profefiion, 
 or glory, is but as the golden ball thrown before Ata- 
 lanta j which while fhe goeth afide, and ftoopeth to take 
 up, fhe hindereth the race, and knowledge referred to 
 fome particular point of ufe, is but as Harmodius, which 
 putteth down one tyrant : and not like Hercules, who 
 did perambulate the world to fupprefs tyrants and gy- 
 ants and monflers in every part. 
 
 It is true, that in two points the curfe is peremptory,, 
 and not to be removed : the one, that vanity mull be the 
 end in all human effects ; Eternity being refumed, though 
 the revolutions and periods may be delayed. The other, 
 that the confent of the creature being now turned into 
 reludtation, this power cannot otherwife be exercifed and 
 admin iflred but with labour, as well in inventing as in exe- 
 cuting ; yet neverthelefs chiefly that labour and travel, 
 which is defcribed by the fweat of the brows, more than 
 of the body ; that is, fuch travel as is joyned with the 
 working and difcurfion of the fpirits in the brain : for 
 as Solomon faith excellently, 'The fool putteth to more 
 Jlrength, but the wifeman conjidereth which way ; figni- 
 fying the election of the meane to be more material than 
 the multiplication of endeavour. It is true alfo, that 
 there is a limitation rather potential than actual, which 
 is when the effect is poflible, but the time or place yield- 
 
 eth
 
 40 8 Of the Interpretation 
 
 cth not the matter or bafts whereupon man fhould work. 
 But notwithstanding thefe precincts and bounds, let it 
 be believed, and appeal thereof made to time, (with 
 renunciation neverthelefs to all the vain and abufing pro- 
 mifes of ' Alchymijis and Magicians, and fuch like light, 
 idle, ignorant, credulous and fantaftical wits and feds) 
 that the new found world of land was not greater addition 
 to the antient continent, then there remaineth at this day 
 a world of inventions and fciences unknown, having re- 
 fpect to thofe that are known, with this difference, that 
 the antient regions of knowledge will feem as barbarous 
 -compared with the new ; as the new regions of people 
 ieem barbarous, compared to many of the old. 
 
 The dignity of this end (of endowment of man's 
 life with new commodities ) appeareth by the estimation 
 that antiquity made of fuch as guided thereunto.; for 
 whereas founders of ftates, lawgivers, extirpers of ty- 
 rants, fathers of the people, were honoured but with the 
 titles of Worthies or Demigods, inventors were ever con- 
 fecrated amongft. the Gods themfelves. And if the or- 
 -dinary ambitions of men lead them to feek the amplifica- 
 tion of their own power in their countries, and a better 
 .ambition than that hath moved men to feek the amplifi- 
 cation of the power of their own countries amongft o- 
 ther nations ; better again and more worthy muft that 
 afpiring be, which feeketh the amplification of the power 
 and kingdom of mankind over the world : the rather, 
 becaufe the other two profecutions are ever culpable of 
 much perturbation and injufticej but this as a work 
 truly divine, which cometh in aura Ieni, without noife 
 
 or obfervation. 
 
 The
 
 of Nature. 409 
 
 The accefs alfo to this work hath been by that port 
 or pafTage, which the divine Majefty (who is unchange- 
 able in his ways) doth infallibly continue and obferve ; 
 that is, the felicity wherewith he hath blerTed an humi- 
 lity of mind, fuch as rather laboureth to fpell, and fo by 
 degrees to read in the volumes of his creatures, than to 
 follicit and urge, and as it were to invocate a man's own 
 fpirit to divine, and give oracles unto him. for as in the 
 inquiry of divine truth, the pride of man hath ever in- 
 clined to leave the oracles of God's word, and to vanifh 
 in the mixture of their own inventions ; fo in the felf- 
 fame manner in inquifition of nature, they have ever left 
 the oracles of God's works, and adored the deceiving 
 and deformed imagery, which the unequal mirrours of 
 their own minds have reprefented unto them. Nay it is 
 a point fit and neceiTary in the front, and beginning of 
 this work, without hefitation or refervation to be profef- 
 fed, that it is no lefs true in this humane kingdom of 
 knowledge, than in God's kingdom of heaven, that no 
 man fhall enter into it, except he become Jirji as a little 
 child. 
 
 The chapter immediately following the Inven- 
 taryi being the nth in order ^ a part there- 
 of. 
 
 IT appeareth then what is now in propofition, not by 
 general circumlocution, but by particular note, no 
 former philofophy varied in terms or method ; no new 
 placet or fpeculation upon particulars already known ; 
 no referring to action, by any manual of practice j but 
 
 G g g the
 
 41 o Of the Interpretation 
 
 the revealing and discovering of new inventions and ope- 
 rations. This to be done without the errors and con- 
 jectures of art, or the length or difficulties of experience; 
 the nature and kinds of which inventions have been de- 
 fcribed as they could be difcovered; for your eye cannot 
 pafs one kenning without further failing ; only we have 
 flood upon the beft advantages of the notions received, 
 as upon a mount, to fhew the knowledges adjacent and 
 confining. If therefore the true end of knowledge, not 
 propounded, hath bred large error, the befl and per- 
 fecteft condition of the fame end, not perceived, will 
 caufe fome declination, for when the butt is fet up, men 
 need not rove, but except the white be placed, men can- 
 not level. This perfection we mean, not in the worth 
 of the effects, but in the nature of the direction, for our 
 purpofe is not to ftir up mens hopes, but to guide their 
 travels. The fullnefs of direction to work, and produce 
 any effect, confifteth in two conditions, certainty and 
 liberty. Certainty is, when the direction is not only 
 true for the moil part, but infallible. Liberty is, when 
 the direction is not retrained to fome definite means, but 
 comprehendeth all the means and ways poffible ; for the 
 Poet faith well, Sapientibw undique lata junt vice ; and 
 where there is the greater!; plurality of change, there is 
 the greateft Angularity of choife. Befides, as a conjectu- 
 ral direction maketh a cafual effect, fo a particular and 
 reftrained direction is no lefs cafual than uncertain, 
 for thofe particular means whereunto it is tyed, may be 
 out of your power, or may be accompanied with an over- 
 value of prejudice ; and fo if for want of certainty in di- 
 rection, you are frustrated in fuccefs, for want of variety 
 
 in
 
 ^/Nature, 411 
 
 in direction, you are flopped in attempt. If therefore 
 your direction be certain, it mult refer you, and point 
 you to fomewhat, which if it be prefent, the effect you 
 feek will of neceflity follow, elfe may you perform and 
 not obtain. If it be free, then muft it refer you to fome- 
 what, which if it be abfent, the effect you feek will of 
 neceffity withdraw, elfe may you have power and not 
 attempt. This notion Arifiotle had in light, though not 
 in ufe. for the two commended rules by him fet down, 
 whereby the axioms of Sciences are precepted to be made 
 convertible, and which the latter men have not without 
 elegancy furnamed j the one the rule of truth, becaufe it 
 preventeth deceipt ; the other the rule of prudence, be- 
 caufe it freeth election, are the fame thing in fpeculation 
 and affirmation, which we now obferve. An example 
 will make my meaning attained, and yet percafe make 
 it thought that they attained it not. Let the effect to be 
 produced be whitenefs j let the firft direction be, that if 
 air and water be intermingled, or broken in fmall por- 
 tions together, whitenefs will enfue j as in fnow, in the 
 breaking of the waves df the fea and rivers, and the like. 
 This direction is certain , but very particular ; and re- 
 trained, being tyed but to air and water. Let the fecond 
 direction be, that if air be mingled as before with any 
 tranfparent body, fuch neverthelefs as is uncoloured and 
 more grofly tranfparent than air it felf, that then, &c. as 
 glafs or cryftal, being beaten to fine powder, by the in- 
 terpofition of the air becometh white ; the whyte of an 
 egg, being clear of it felf, receiving air by agitation, be- 
 cometh white, receiving air by concoction, becometh 
 white , here you are freed from water, and advanced to 
 
 Ggg 2 a
 
 4* 2 Of the Interpretation 
 
 a clear body, and ftill tyed to air. Let the third di- 
 rection exclude or remove the reftraint of an uncoloured 
 body, as in amber, fapphires, &c. which beaten to fine 
 powder, become white in wine and beer ; which brought 
 to froth, become white. Let the fourth direction ex- 
 clude the reftraint of a body more grofly tranfparent than 
 air, as in flame, being a body compounded between air 
 and a finer fubftance than air, which flame, if it were not 
 for the fmoak, which is the third fubftance that incor- 
 porateth it felf and dyeth, the flame would be more per- 
 fect white. In all thefe four directions, air ftill beareth 
 a part. Let the fifth direction then be, that if any bo- 
 dies, both tranfparent, but in an unequal degree, be 
 mingled as before, whitenefs will follow : as oyl and wa- 
 ter beaten to an oyntment, though by fettling, the air 
 which gathereth ia the agitation be evaporate, yet re- 
 maineth white; and the powder of glafs or Cryftal, put 
 into water, whereby the air giveth place, yet remaineth 
 white, though not fo perfect. Now are you freed from 
 air, but ftill you are tyed to tranfparent bodies. To a- 
 fcend further by fcale I do foffcear, partly becaufe it 
 would draw on the example to an over great length, but 
 chiefly becaufe it would open that which in this work 
 I determine to referve ; for to pafs through the whole 
 hiftory and obfervation of colours and objects vifible, 
 were too long a digreflion j and our purpofe is now to 
 give an example of a free direction, thereby to diftin- 
 guifh and defcribe it ; and not to fet down a form of 
 interpretation how to recover and attain it. But as we 
 intend not now to reveal, fo we are circumfpect not to 
 miflead ; and therefore (this warning being given) re- 
 turning
 
 o/N 
 
 ATURE, 413 
 
 turning to our purpofe in hand, we admit the fixth di- 
 rection to be, that all bodies, or parts of bodies, which 
 are unequal equally, that is, in a fimple proportion, do 
 reprefent whitenefs ; we will explain this, though we in- 
 duce it not. It is then to be underftood, that abfolute 
 equality produceth tranfparence, inequality in fimple or- 
 der or proportion produceth whitenefs, inequality in 
 compound or refpective order or proportion produceth 
 other colours^ and abfolute or orderlefs inequality pro- 
 duceth blacknefs ; which diverfity, if fo grofs a demon- 
 stration be needful, may be fignified by four tables ; a 
 blank, a chequer, a fret, and a medley; whereof the 
 fret is evident to admit great variety. Out of this afler- 
 tion are fatisfled a multitude of effects and obfervations, 
 as that whitenefs and blacknefs are moft incompatible 
 with tranfparence; that whitenefs keepeth light, and 
 blacknefs ftoppeth light, but neither paifeth it; that 
 whitenefs or blacknefs are never produced in Rainbows, 
 Diamonds, Cryftals, and the like ; that white giveth no 
 dye, and black hardly taketh dye; that whitenefs feem- 
 eth to have an affinity with drynefs; and blacknefs with 
 mohture; that aduftion caufeth blacknefs; and calcina- 
 tion whitenefs; that flowers are generally of frefh co- 
 lours, and rarely black, &c. all which I do now men- 
 tion confufedly by way of derivation, and not by way of 
 induction. This fixth direction, which I have thus ex- 
 plained, is of good and competent liberty, for whitenefs 
 fixed and inherent ; but not for whitenefs fantaftical, or 
 appearing, as fhall be afterwards touched. But firft do 
 you need a reduction back to certainty or verity ? for it is 
 not all pofition or contexture of unequal bodies- that will 
 
 produce-
 
 414 Of the Interpretation 
 
 produce colours - y for Aqua fortis y oyl of Vitriol y &c. more 
 manifestly, and many other fubftances more obfcurely, 
 do confift of very unequal parts, which yet are tranfpa- 
 rent and clear. Therefore the reduction muft be, that 
 the bodies or parts of bodies fo intermingled as before, be 
 of a certain groffnefs or magnitude j for the unequalities 
 which move the light muft have a further dimenfion and 
 quantity, than thofe which operate many other effects. 
 Some few grains of faffron will give a tincture to a 
 tunn of water, but fo many grains of civet will give a 
 perfume to a whole chamber of air. And therefore when 
 Democritus (from whom Epicurus did borrow it) held 
 that the pofition of the folid portions was the caufe of 
 colours j yet in the very truth of this aflertion he mould 
 have added, that the portions are required to be of fome 
 magnitude. And this is one caufe why colours have little 
 inwardnefs, and neceffitude with the nature and proprie- 
 ties of things, thofe things refembling in colour, which 
 otherwife differ moft, as fait and fugar; and contrary- 
 wife differing in colour, which otherwife refemble moft, 
 as the white and blue violets, and the feveral veins of 
 one Agate or Marble, by reafon that other virtues confift 
 in more fubtile proportions then colours do ; and yet are 
 their virtues and natures, which require a groffer mag- 
 nitude than colours, as well as fcents and divers other re- 
 quire a more fubtile; for as the portion of a body will 
 give forth fcent, which is too fmall to be feen, fo the 
 portion of a body will {hew colours, which is too fmall 
 to be endued with weight ; and therefore one of the pro- 
 phets with great elegancy defcribing how all creatures 
 carry no proportion towards God the Creator, faith, 
 
 'That
 
 ^Nature. 415 
 
 'That all the nations in refpeB of him are like the dufi 
 upon the ballance, which is a thing appeareth, but weigh- 
 eth not. But to return, there refteth a further freeing of 
 this fixth direction ; for the clearnefs of a river or ftream 
 fheweth white at a diffcance, and cryftalline glaues de- 
 liver the face or any other object falfifyed in whitenefs, 
 and long beholding the fnow, to a weak eye, giveth an 
 impreffion of azure, rather than of whitenefs. So as for 
 whitenefs in apparition only, and reprefentation, by the 
 qualifying of the light, altering the intermedium, or af- 
 fecting the eye it felf, it reacheth not. But you muft 
 free your direction to the producing of fuch an incidence, 
 impreflion or operation, as may caufe a precife and de- 
 terminate parTion of the eye, a matter which is much 
 more eafy to induce than that which we have part 
 through ; but yet becaufe it hath a full coherence both 
 with that act of radiation (which hath hitherto been 
 conceived and termed fo unproperly and untruly, by 
 fome an effluction of fpiritual fpecies, and by others an 
 inverting of the intermedium, with a motion which fuc- 
 ceffively is conveyed to the eye;) and with the act of 
 fence, wherein I mould likewife open that which I think 
 good to withdraw, I will omit. Neither do I contend, 
 but that this notion, which I call the freeing of a di- 
 rection in the received philofophies, as far as a fwim* 
 ming anticipation could take hold, might be perceived 
 and difcerned ; being not much other matter, than that 
 which they did not only aim at in the two rules of 
 axioms before remembred, but more nearly alfo than 
 that which they term the form or formal caufe, or that 
 which they call the true difference \ both which never- 
 
 thelefs
 
 4i 6 Of the Interpretation 
 
 thelefs it feemeth they propound rather as impoffibilities 
 and wifhes, then as things within the compafs of human 
 compreheniion j for Plato cafteth his burden, and faith, 
 'That he will revere him as a God> that can truly divide 
 and define ; which cannot be but by true forms and dif- 
 ferences, wherein I joyn hands with him, conferling as 
 much, as yet afTuming to my felf little ; for if any man 
 can, by the ftrength of his anticipations, find out forms, 
 I will magnify him with the foremoft.. But as any of 
 them would fay, that if divers things, which many men 
 know by inftrudtion and obfervation, another knew by 
 revelation, and without thofe means they would take him 
 for fomewhat fupernatural and divine ; fo I do acknow- 
 ledge, that if any man can by anticipations reach to that 
 which a weak and inferior wit may attain to by inter- 
 pretation, he cannot receive too high a title. Nay I for 
 my part do indeed admire to fee how far fome of them 
 have proceeded by their anticipations; but how ? it is as 
 I wonder at fome blind men to fee what fhift they make 
 without their eyefight ; thinking with my felf that if I 
 were blind I could hardly do it. Again, Ari/lotle's fchool 
 confefTeth, That there is no true knowledge but by cau- 
 fes, no true caufe but the form, no true form known 
 except one, which they are pleafed to allow; and there- 
 fore thus far their evidence ftandeth with us, that both 
 hitherto there hath been nothing but a fhadow of know- 
 ledge, and that we propound now that which is agreed 
 to be worthier!: to be fought, and hardeft to be found, 
 there wanteth now a part very necefTary, not by way of 
 fupply, but by way of caution ; for as it is feen for the 
 moft part, that the outward tokens and badge of excel- 
 lency
 
 of N 
 
 ATURE. 417 
 
 lency and perfection are more incident to things meerly 
 counterfeit, than to that which is true, but for a meaner 
 and baler fort ; as a Dubline is more like a perfect Ruby 
 than a Spinel, and a counterfeit Angel is made more like 
 a true Angel, than if it were an Angel coyned of China 
 gold. In like manner, the direction carryeth a relem- 
 blance of a true direction in verity and liberty, which 
 indeed is no direction at all. for though your direction 
 feem to be certain and free, by pointing you to nature 
 that is unfeparable from the nature you enquire up- 
 on \ yet if it do not carry you on a degree or remove 
 nearer to action, operation or light, to make or produce, 
 it is but fuperficial and counterfeit ; wherefore to fe- 
 cure and warrant what is a true direction, though that 
 general note I have given be perfpicuous in it felf (for a 
 man mall foon call: with himfelf whether he be ever the 
 near to effect and operate or no, or whether he have 
 won but an abftract or varied notion) yet for better in- 
 ftruction, I will deliver three particular notes of cau- 
 tion. The firft is, that the nature difcovered be more 
 original than the nature fuppofed, and not more fecon- 
 dary, or of the like degree j as to make a ftone bright, or 
 to make it fmooth, it is a good direction to fay, make 
 it even ; but to make a ltone even , it is no good dire- 
 ction to fay, make it bright, or make it fmooth ; for the 
 rule is, that the difpofition of any thing referring to the 
 ltate of it in it felf, or the parts, is more original than 
 that which is relative or tranfitive towards another 
 thing. 
 
 So evennefs is the difpofition of the ltone in it felf, 
 but fmooth is to the hand and bright to the eye, and yet 
 
 Hhh never-
 
 4i 8 Of the Interpretation 
 
 neverthelefs they all clufter and concur ; and yet the di- 
 rection is more imperfect, if it do appoint you to fuch a 
 relative, as is in the fame kind, and not in a diverfe. for 
 in the direction, to produce brightnefs by fmoothnefs, 
 although properly it win no degree, and will never 
 teach you any nw particulars before unknown, yet by 
 way of fuggeftion, or bringing to mind, it may draw 
 your confideration to fome particulars known but not re- 
 membred ; as you fhall fooner remember fome practical 
 means of making fmoothnefs, than if you had fixed your 
 confideration only upon brightnefs; but if the direction 
 had been to make brightnefs, by making reflexion as 
 thus, make it fuch as you may fee your face in it; this 
 is meerly fecondary, and helpeth neither by way of in- 
 forming, nor by way of fuggefting. So if in the enquiry 
 of whitenefs you were directed to make fuch a colour as 
 fhould be feen furtheft in a dark light ; here you are ad- 
 vanced nothing at all. for thefe kinds of natures are but 
 proprieties, effects, circumftances, concurrences, or what 
 elfe you will like to call them, and not radical and for- 
 mative natures towards the nature fuppofed. The fe- 
 cond caution is, that the nature inquired be collected by 
 divifion before compofition, or to fpeak more properly 
 by compofition fubaltern, before you afcend to compofi- 
 tion abfolute, &c. 
 
 A part
 
 ^/ Nature 1 . 419 
 
 A part of the 9th chapter , immediately pre- 
 cedent to the Invent ary , and inducing the 
 fame, 
 
 BUT yet never thelefs here I may be miftaken, by 
 reafon of fome which have much in their pen the 
 referring fciences to action and the ufe of man, which 
 mean quite another matter than I do. for they mean a 
 contriving of directions, and precepts for readinefs of 
 practife, which I difcommend not, fo it be not occafion 
 that fome quantity of the fcience be loft; for elfe it will 
 be fuch a piece of hufbandry, as to put away a man- 
 nour lying fomewhat fcattered, to buy in a clofe that ly- 
 eth handfomely about a dwelling. But my intention 
 contrarywife is to encreafe and multiply the revenues and 
 poffemons of man, and not to trim up only, or order 
 with conveniency the grounds whereof he is already 
 ftated j wherefore the better to make my felf underftood, 
 that I mean nothing lefs than words, and directly to de- 
 monftrate the point which we are now upon, that is, 
 what is the true end, fcope, or office of knowledge, 
 which I have fet down to confift not in any plaufible, 
 delectable, reverend or admired difcourfe, or any fatis- 
 factory arguments, but in effecting and working, and in 
 difcovery of particulars not revealed before, for the bet- 
 ter indowment and help of man's life ; I have thought 
 good to make, as it were, a Kalendar or Inventary of the 
 wealth, furniture, or means of man, according to his 
 prefent eftate, as far as it is known ; which I do not to 
 {hew any univerfality of fence or knowledge, and much 
 
 Hhh 2 lefs
 
 4^0 Of the Interpretation 
 
 lefs to make a fatyr of reprehenfion in refpect of wants 
 and errors, but partly becaufe cogitations new had need 
 of fome groffnefs and inculcation to make them perceived, 
 and chiefly to the end, that for the time to come (upon 
 the accompt and ftate now made and cail up) it may ap- 
 pear what encreafe this new manner of ufe and admini- 
 ftration of the ftock (if it be once planted) fhall bring 
 with it hereafter ; and for the time prefent ( in cafe I 
 mould be prevented by death to propound and reveal this 
 new light as I purpofe) yet I may at the leaft give fome 
 awaking note, both of the wants in man's prefent con- 
 dition , and the .nature of the fupplies to be wifhed ; 
 though for mine own part neither do I much build up- 
 on my prefent anticipations, neither do I think our felves 
 yet learned or wife enough to wifh reafonably : for as it 
 afks fome knowledge to demand a queftion not imper- 
 tinent -, o it afketh fome fence, to make a wifh not 
 abfurd. 
 
 The Inventory, or an enumeration and view of 
 inventions already difcovered in ufe, together 
 with a note of the wants, and the nature of 
 the fupplies, being the ioth chapter; and 
 this a fmall fragment thereof, being the 
 preface to the Inventary. 
 
 THE plaineft method, and moft directly pertinent 
 to this intention, will be to make diftribution of 
 fciences, arts, inventions, works and their portions, ac- 
 cording to the ufe and tribute which they yield and render 
 
 to
 
 ^Nature. 42,1 
 
 to the conditions of man's life, and under thofe feveral 
 ufes, being as feveral offices of provifions, to charge and 
 tax what may be reafonably exacted or demanded, not 
 guiding our felves neither by the poverty of experiences 
 and probations, nor according to the vanity of credulous 
 imaginations ; and then upon thofe charges and taxations 
 to diftinguifh and prefent, as it were, in feveral columns, 
 what is extant and already found, and what is defective 
 and further to be provided. Of which provifions, becaufe 
 in many of them after the manner of flothful and faulty 
 officers and accomptants, it will be returned (by way of 
 excufe) that no fuch are to be had, it will be fit to give 
 fome light of the nature of the fupplies, whereby it will 
 evidently appear, that they are to be compaffed and pro- 
 cured. And yet neverthelefs on the other fide again, it 
 will be as fit to check and controul the vain and void a- 
 fignations and gifts, whereby certain ignorant extrava- 
 gant and abufing wits have pretended to indue the ftate 
 of man with wonders, differing as much from truth in 
 nature, as Cafar's Commentaries differeth from the adts 
 of King Arthur, or Huon of Bourdeaux in flory. for it isr 
 true that Cafar did greater things than thofe idle wits had- 
 the audacity to fain their fuppofed Worthies to have: 
 done ; but he did them not in that monftrous and fa- 
 bulous manner; 
 
 /
 
 422 Of the Interpretation 
 
 Of the internal and profound errors and fuper- 
 fittions in the nature of the mind y and of the 
 four forts of Idols or fictions which offer them- 
 felves to the underjlandmg in the inquifition 
 of knowledge^ being the 1 6th chapter, and 
 this a fmall fragment thereof, being a pre- 
 face to the inward elenches of the mind. 
 
 TH E opinion of Epicurus, that the Gods were of 
 humane fhape, was rather juftly derided than fe- 
 rioufly confuted by the other feels, demanding whether 
 every kind of fenfible creatures did not think their own 
 figure faireft, as the Horfe, the Bull, and the like, which 
 found no beauty but in their own forms, as in appetite 
 of luft appeared. And the herefy of the Anthropomor- 
 phites was ever cenfured for a grofs conceit bred in the 
 obfeure cells of folitary Monks that never looked abroad. 
 Again, the fable fo well known of Quis pinxit leonem, 
 doth fet forth well, that there is an error of pride and 
 partiality, as well as of cuftom and familiarity. The 
 reflexion alfo from glaffes fo ufually refembled to the i- 
 magery of the mind, every man knoweth to receive er- 
 ror and variety both in colour, magnitude and fhape, 
 according to the quality of the glafs. But yet no ufe 
 hath been made of thefe and many the like obfervations 
 to move men to fearch out, and upon fearch to give true 
 cautions of the native and inherent errors in the mind of 
 man, which have coloured and corrupted all his notions 
 and impreflions. 
 
 I do
 
 of Nature. 423 
 
 I do find therefore in this inchanted glafs four Idols, 
 or falfe appearances of feveral and diftinct forts, every 
 fort comprehending many fubdivifions j the firft fort, I 
 call Idols of the Nation or tribe ; the fecond, Idols of the 
 Palace ; the third, Idols of the Cave ; and the fourth, I- 
 dols of the Theatre, &c. 
 
 Of the impediments of knowledge ; being the 
 4th chapter, the preface only of it. 
 
 IN fome things it is more hard to attempt than to at- 
 chieve ; which falleth out, when the difficulty is not 
 fo much in the matter or fubject, as it is in the croflhefs 
 and indifpofition of the mind of man to think of any 
 fuch thing, to will or to refolve it ; and therefore 'Titus 
 Livius in his declamatory digreflion, wherein he doth 
 deprefs and extenuate the honour of Alexander 's con- 
 quefls, faith, Nihil aliud quam bene aufus vana content- 
 nere y in which fort of things it is the manner of men 
 firft to wonder that any fuch thing mould be poffible, 
 and after it is found out to wonder again how the world 
 mould mifs it fo long ; of this nature, I take to be the in- 
 vention and difcovery of knowledge, &c. 
 
 The impediments which have been i?i the times^ 
 and in diverfion ofwits^ being the jth chapter, 
 a fmall fragment in the beginning of that 
 chapter. 
 
 T 
 
 HE incounters of the times have been nothing 
 favourable and profperous for the invention of 
 
 knowledge.
 
 424 Of the Interpretation 
 
 knowledge, Co as it is not only the daintinefs of the feed 
 to take, and the ill mixture and unliking of the ground 
 to nourifh or raife this plant, but the ill feafon alfo of 
 the weather, by which it hath been cheked and blafled. 
 Efpecially in that the feafons have been proper to bring 
 up and fet forward other more hafty and indifferent 
 plants, whereby this of knowledge hath been ftarved and 
 overgrown ; for in the defcent of times always there hath 
 been fomewhat elfe in reign and reputation, which hath 
 generally aliened and diverted wits and labours from that 
 employment. 
 
 For as for the uttermoft antiquity, which is like 
 Fame that muffles her head, and tells tales, I cannot 
 prefume much of it, for I would not willingly imitate 
 the manner of thofe that defcribe maps, which when 
 they come to fome far countries, whereof they have no 
 knowledge, fet down how there be great waftes and de- 
 farts there: So I am not apt to affirm that they knew little, 
 becaufe what they knew is little known to us. But if you 
 will judge of them by the laft traces that remain to us, 
 you will conclude, though not fo fcornfully as Arijlotle 
 doth, that faith our anceftors were extreme grofs, as thofe 
 that come newly from being moulded out of the clay, or 
 fome earthly fubftance, yet reafonably and probably thus, 
 that it was with them in matter of knowledge, but as the 
 dawning or break of day. for at that time the world 
 was altogether home-bred, every nation looked little be- 
 yond their own confines or territories ; and the world 
 had no through lights then, as it hath had fince by 
 commerce and navigation, whereby there could neither 
 be that contribution of wits one to help another, nor that 
 
 variety
 
 ^Nature. 4 2 5 
 
 variety of particulars for the correcting the cuftomary 
 conceits. 
 
 And as there could be no great collection of wits of 
 feveral parts or nations, fo neither could there be any 
 fucceffion of wits of feveral times, whereby one might 
 refine the other, in regard they had not hiflory to any 
 purpofe. And the manner of their traditions was utterly 
 unfit and unproper for amplification of knowledge. And 
 again, the ftudies of thofe times you (hall find, befides 
 wars incurfions and rapines, which were then almoft 
 every where betwixt ftates adjoyning (the ufe of leagues 
 and confederacies being not then known) were to popu- 
 late by multitude of wives and generation, a thing at 
 this day in the waiter part of the Weft Indies principally 
 affected ; and to build, fometimes for habitation towns 
 and cities, fometimes for fame and memory monu- 
 ments, pyramids, colofTes, and the like. And if there 
 happened to rife up any more civil wits : then would 
 he found and erect fome new laws, cufloms and ufages, 
 fuch as now of late years, when the world was revo- 
 lute almofl: to the like rudenefs and obfcurity, we fee 
 both in our own nation and abroad many examples of, 
 as well in a number of tenures referved upon men's 
 lands, as in divers cuftoms of towns and mannors, being 
 the devifes that fuch wits wrought upon in fuch times of 
 deep ignorance, &c . 
 
 Iii tbi
 
 42,6 Of the Interpretation 
 
 The impediments of knowledge for want of a 
 true Juccejfion of wits, and that hitherto the 
 length of one mans lije hath been the greatefl 
 meafure of knozvledge\ being the 6th chapter, 
 the whole chapter. 
 
 IN arts mechanical the firft devife comes fhorteft, and 
 time addeth and perfecteth. But in fciences of con- 
 ceit, the firft author goeth further!:, and time leefeth and 
 corrupteth. Painting, Artillery, Sayling, and the like 
 grofly managed at firft, by time accommodate and refined. 
 The philofophies and fciences of Ariftotle, Plato, De- 
 mocritus, Hippocrates, of molt vigour at firft, by time 
 degenerated and imbafed. In the former many wits and 
 induftries contributed in one. In the latter many mens 
 wits fpent to deprave the wit of one. 
 
 The error is both in the deliverer and in the receiver. 
 he that delivereth knowledge, defireth to deliver it in 
 fuch form as may be fooneft believed, and not as may 
 eafilyeft examined, he that receiveth knowledge, de- 
 fireth rather prefent fatisfacYion than expe&ant fearch, 
 and fo rather not to doubt than not to err. Glory ma- 
 keth the author not to lay open his weaknefs : and floth 
 maketh the difciple not to know his ftrength. 
 
 Then begin men to afpire to the fecond prizes, to be 
 a profound interpreter and commenter, to be a fharp 
 champion and defender, to be a methodical compounder 
 and abridger. And this is the unfortunate fucceflion of 
 wits which the world hath yet had, whereby the patri- 
 mony of all knowledge goeth not on hufbanded or impro- 
 ved,
 
 ^/Nature. 427 
 
 ved, but wafted and decayed, for knowledge is like a 
 water that will never arife again higher than the levell 
 from which it fell. And therefore to go beyond Arijiotle 
 by the light of Ariflotle, is to think that a borrowed 
 light can encreafe the original light from whom it is ta- 
 ken. So then, no true fuccemon of wits having been in 
 the world; either we muft conclude, that knowledge is 
 but a tafk for one man's life, and then vain was the 
 complaint, that Life is Jhort, and Art is long : or elfe, 
 that the knowledge that now is, is but a fhrub ; and not 
 that tree which is never dangerous, but where it is to the 
 purpofe of knowing good and evil ; which defire ever 
 rifeth upon an appetite to elect, and not to obey, and fo 
 containeth in it a manifeft defection. 
 
 That the pretended fuccejjion of wits hath been 
 
 evil placed, for as much as after variety of 
 
 feBs and opinions^ the mofl popular and not 
 
 the truefl prevaileth and wear eth out the refl $ 
 
 being the 7 th chapter, a fragment. 
 
 IT is fenfible to think, that when men enter firft into 
 fearch and enquiry, according to the feveral frames 
 and compofitions of their underftanding, they light upon 
 differing conceipts, and fo all opinions and doubts are 
 beaten over ; and then men having made a tafte of all, 
 wax weary of variety, and fo rejecT: the worft, and 
 hold themfelves to the beft, either fome one if it be e- 
 minent ; or fome two or three, if they be in fome e- 
 qualityj which afterwards are received and carried on, 
 and the reft extinct 
 
 Iii 2 But
 
 42,8 Of the Interpretation 
 
 But troth is contrary; and that time is like a river, 
 which carrieth down things which are light and blown 
 up, and finke.th and drowneth that which is fadde and 
 weighty, for Ijiowfoever Governments have feveral forms, 
 fometimes one governing, fometimes few, fometimes the 
 multitude \y yet the ftate of knowledge is ever a Demo- 
 cratic, .and that prevaileth which is moil agreeable to the 
 fences and conceits of people. As for example, there is 
 no great doubt, but he that did put the beginnings of 
 things to be folid, void, and motion to the center, was in 
 better earneft than he that put matter, form and fhift, 
 or he that put the mind, motion and matter, for no man 
 fhall enter into inquifition of nature, but fhall pafs by 
 that opinion of Democritus-, whereas he mail never come 
 hear the other two opinions, but leave them aloof, for 
 the fchools and table-talk, yet thofe of Ariflotle and 
 Plato, becaufe they be both agreeable to popular fenfe, 
 and the one was uttered with fubtilty and the fpirit of 
 contradiction, and the other with a flile of ornament 
 and majefly, did hold out, and the other gave place, &c. 
 
 Of the 'impediments of knowledge , in handling 
 it by parts , and in flipping off particular 
 fciences, from the root and flock of univerfal 
 knowledge \ being the 8 th chapter, the whole 
 chapter. 
 
 S^ICERO the orator, willing to magnify his own pro- 
 feflion, and thereupon fpending many words to main- 
 tain that eloquence was not a {hop of good words and 
 elegancies, but a treafury and receipt, of all knowledges, 
 
 fo
 
 of N 
 
 ATURE, 429 
 
 &> far forth as may appertain to the handling and mo- 
 ving of the minds and affections of men by fpeech ; 
 maketh great complaint of the fchool of Socrates ; that 
 whereas before his time the fame profeffors of wifdom 
 in Greece did pretend to teach an univerfal fapience and 
 knowledge both of matter and words, Socrates divorced 
 them, and withdrew philofophy, and left rhetorick to 
 it felf, which by that deftitution became but a barren 
 and unnoble fcience. And in particular fciences we fee, 
 that if men fall to fubdivide their labours, as to be an 
 oculift in phyfick, or to be perfect in fome one title of 
 the law or the like, they may prove ready and fubtile, 
 but not deep or fufficient, no not in that fubject which 
 they do particularly attend, becaufe of that confent which 
 it hath with the reft. And it is a matter of common 
 difcourfe, of the chain of fciences, how they are linked 
 together, in fo much as the Grecians, who had terms at 
 will, have fitted it of a name of Circle Learning. Ne- 
 verthelefs I that hold it for a great impediment towards 
 the advancement and further invention of knowledge, 
 that particular arts and fciences have been difincorporated 
 from general knowledge, do not underfland one and the 
 fame thing, which Cicero's difcourfe, and the note and 
 conceit of the Grecians in their word Circle Learning 
 do intend, for I mean not that ufe which one fcience 
 hath of another for ornament or help in pradtife, as the 
 orator hath of knowledge of affections for moving, or 
 as military fcience may have ufe of geometry for fortifi- 
 cations j but I mean it directly of that ufe by way of 
 fupply of light and information, which the particulars 
 and inftances of one fcience do yield and prefent for the 
 
 framing
 
 43 Of the Interpretation 
 
 framing or correcting of the axioms of another fcience 
 in their very truth and notion. And therefore that ex- 
 ample of Oculifts and Title Lawyers doth come nearer 
 my conceit than the other two ; for fciences diftinguifhed 
 have a dependance upon univerfal knowledge to be aug- 
 mented and reclined by the fuperior light thereof; as well 
 as the parts and members of a fcience have upon the 
 maxims of the fame fcience, and the mutual light and 
 confent which one part receiveth of another. And there- 
 fore the opinion of Copernicus in Afixonomy, which A- 
 ftronomy it felf cannot correct, becaufe it is not repug- 
 nant to any of the appearances; yet natural philofophy 
 doth correct. On the other fide, if fome of the ancient 
 philofophers had been perfect in the obfervations of A- 
 itronomy, and had called them to councel when they 
 made their principles and firft axioms, they would never 
 have divided their philofophy, as the Cofmographers do 
 their defcriptions by globes, making one philofophy for 
 heaven, and another for under heaven, as in effect they 
 do. 
 
 So if the moral philofophers, that have fpent fuch an 
 infinite quantity of debate touching good, and the high- 
 eft good, had caft their eye abroad upon nature, and be- 
 held the appetite that is in all things to receive and to 
 give ; the one motion affecting prefervation, and the o- 
 ther multiplication ; which appetites are mod evidently 
 feen in living creatures, in the pleafure of nourifhment 
 and generation; and in man do make the apteft and 
 mod natural divifion of all his defires, being either of 
 fenfe of pleafure, or fenfe of power ; and in the univer- 
 fal frame of the world arc figured, the one in the beams 
 
 of
 
 (?/ N A T U R E, 431 
 
 of heaven which iffue forth, and the other in the lap of 
 the earth which takes in. and again, if they had ob- 
 ferved the motion of congruity, or fituation of the parts 
 in refpect of the. whole, evident in fo many particulars, 
 and laftly, if they had confidered the motion (familiar 
 in attraction of things) to approach to that which is 
 higher in the fame kind, when by thefe obfervations, fo 
 eafy and concurring in natural philofophy, they mould 
 have found out this quaternion of good, in enjoying or 
 fruition, effecting or operation, confenting or proportion, 
 and approach or affumption ; they would have faved and 
 abridged much of their long and wandring difcourfes of 
 pleafure, vertue, duty and religion. So likewife in this 
 fame Logick and Rhetorick, or acts of argument and 
 grace of fpeech, if the great matters of them would but 
 have gone a form lower, and looked but into the obfer- 
 vations of Grammar concerning the kinds of words, 
 their derivations, deflexions and fyntax, fpecially inrich- 
 ing the fame, with the helpes of feveral languages, with 
 their differing proprieties of words, phrafes and tropes, 
 they might have found out more and better footfteps of 
 common reafon, help of difputation, and advantages of 
 cavillation, than many of thefe which they have pro- 
 pounded. So again, a man mould be thought to dally, 
 if he did note how the figures of Rhetorick and Mufick, 
 are many of them the fame. The repetitions and tra- 
 ductions in fpeech, and the reports and hauntings of 
 founds in mufick, are the very fame things. Plutarch 
 hath almoft made a book of the Lacedemonian kind of 
 jefting, which joyned ever pleafure with diftafle. Sir 
 (faith a man of art to Philip King of Macedon, when 
 
 he
 
 43 2 Of the Interpretation 
 
 he controlled him in his faculty) God forbid your for- 
 tune fiould be fuch as to know thefe things better than J. 
 In taxing his ignorance in his art, he reprefented to 
 him the perpetual greatnefs of his fortune, leaving 
 him no vacant time for fo mean a fkill. Now in Mu- 
 fick it is one of the ordinarieft flowers to fall from a 
 difcord> or hard tune, upon a fweet accord. The figure 
 that Cicero and the reft commend, as one of the beft 
 points of elegancy, which is the fine checking of ex- 
 pectation, is no lefs well known to the Muficians, when 
 they have a fpecial grace in flying the clofe or cadence. 
 And thefe are no allufions but direct communities, the 
 fame delights of the mind being to be found not only in 
 Mufick, Rhetorick, but in moral philofophy, policy 
 and other knowledges, and that obfcure in the one, which 
 is more apparent in the other, yea and that difcovered 
 in the one, which is not found at all in the other, and 
 fo one fcience greatly aiding to the invention and aug- 
 mentation of another. And therefore, without this in- 
 tercourfe, the axioms of fciences will fall out to be 
 neither full nor true ; but will be fuch opinions, as Ari- 
 fiotle in fome places doth wifely cenfure, when he faith, 
 thefe are the opinions of perfons that have refpefl but to 
 aft W things. So then we fee, that this note leadeth us 
 to an adminiftration of knowledge in fome fuch order 
 and policy, as the King of Spain, in regard of his great 
 dominions, ufeth in ftate : who though he hath particu- 
 lar councils for feveral countries and affairs, yet hath one 
 council of ftate, or laft refort, that receiveth the adver- 
 tifements and certificates from all the reft, hitherto of 
 the diverfion, fucceftion and conference of wits. 
 
 that
 
 of Nature* 433 
 
 That the end and J cope of knowledge hath been 
 generally miftaken, and that men were never 
 well advifed what it was they fought ; being 
 the 9th chapter, whereof a fragment (which 
 is the end of the fame chapter) is before. . 
 
 IT appeareth then how rarely the wits and labours of 
 men have been converted to the fevere and original 
 inquifition of knowledge ; and in thofe who have pre- 
 tended, what hurt hath been done by the affectation of 
 profeffors, and the diffraction of fuch as were no profef- 
 fors j and how there was never in effect: any conjunction 
 or combination of wits in the firfl and inducing fearch, 
 but that every man wrought apart, and would either 
 have his own way, or elfe would go no further than his 
 guide, having in the one cafe the honour of a firft, and 
 in the other the eafe of a fecond -, and laftly, how in 
 the defcent and continuance of wits and labours, the fuc- 
 ceflion hath been in the moft popular and weak opi- 
 nions, like unto the weakeft natures, which many times 
 have moft children ; and in them alfo the condition of 
 fucceffion hath been rather to defend and to adorn than 
 to add j and if to add, yet that addition to be rather a 
 refining of a part than an encreafe of the whole. But 
 the impediments of time and accidents, though they have 
 wrought a general indifpolition, yet are they not fo pe- 
 remptory and binding, as the internal impediments and 
 clouds in the mind and fpirit of man, whereof it now 
 followeth to fpeak. 
 
 K k k The
 
 434 Of the Interpretation 
 
 The Scripture, fpeaking of the worft fort of error, 
 faith, Err are fecit eos in invio & non in via. for a man 
 may wander in the way, by rounding up and down ; 
 but if men have failed in their very direction and addrefs, 
 that error will never by good fortune correct it felf. Now 
 it hath fared with men in their contemplations, as Seneca 
 faith it fareth with them in their actions, De partibus 
 vitce qui/que deliberate de fumma nemo. A courfe very 
 ordinary with men who receive for the mofl part their 
 final ends from the inclination of their nature, or from 
 common example and opinion, never queftioning or exa- 
 mining them, nor reducing them to any clear certainty j 
 and ufe only to call themfelves to accompt and delibera- 
 tion touching the means and fecond ends, and thereby 
 fet themfelves in the right way to the wrong place. So 
 likewife'upon the natural curiofity and defire to know, 
 they have put themfelves in way without forefight or 
 confideration of their journeys end. 
 
 For I find that even thofe that have fought knowledge 
 for it felf, and not for benefit, or oflentation, or any 
 practical inablement in the courfe of their life, have ne- 
 verthelefs propounded to themfelves a wrong mark, 
 namely fatisfaction (which men call truth) and not ope- 
 ration, for as in the courts and fervices of princes and 
 ftates, it is a much eafier matter to give fatisfaction than 
 to do the bufinefs ; fo in the inquiring of caufes and rea- 
 fons it is much eafier to find out fuch caufes as will fa- 
 tisfy the mind of man and quiet objections, than fuch 
 caufes as will direct him and give him light to new ex- 
 periences and inventions. And this did Celfus note wife- 
 ly and truly, how that the caufes which are in ufe, and 
 
 whereof
 
 of Nature. 435 
 
 whereof the knowledges now received do confift, were in 
 time minors and fubfequents to the knowledge of the 
 particulars out of which they were induced and collected; 
 and that it was not the light of thole caufes which difco- 
 vered particulars, but only the particulars being firft 
 found, men did fall on gloffing and difcourfing of the 
 caufes; which is the reafon, why the learning that now 
 is hath the curfe of barrennefs, and is courtefan like for 
 pleafure, and not for fruit. Nay, to compare it rightly, 
 the ftrange fiction of the poets of the transformation of 
 Scylla, feemeth to be a lively emblem of this philofophy 
 and knowledge. A fair woman upward in the parts of 
 fhow, but when you come to the parts of ufe and gene- 
 ration, barking monfters, for no better are the endlefs 
 diflorted questions, which ever have been, and of necef- 
 
 fity muft be, the end and womb of fuch knowledge. 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 Here followeth an abridgment of divers chapters 
 of the firfi book of the Interpretation of Na- 
 ture, 
 
 Chap. XII. 
 
 i 
 
 THAT in deciding and determining of the truth of 
 knowledge, men have put themfelves upon tryals 
 not competent. That antiquity and authority, common 
 and confefled notions, the natural and yielding confent of 
 the mind, the harmony and coherence of a knowledge 
 in it felf, the eftablifhing of principles with the touch 
 and reduction of other propofitions unto them, indu- 
 ctions without inftances contradictory, and the report of 
 the fenfes, are none of them abfolute and infallible evi- 
 
 K k k 2 dence
 
 436 Of the Interpretation 
 
 dence of truth ; and bring no fecurity fufficient for ef- 
 fects and operations. That the difcovery of new works 
 or active directions not known before, is the only tryal 
 to be accepted of; and yet not that neither, in cafe 
 where one particular giveth light to another ; but where 
 particulars induce an axiom or obfervation, which axiom 
 found out, difcovereth and defigneth new particulars. 
 That the nature of this tryal is not only upon the point, 
 whether the knowledge be profitable or no, but even up- 
 on the point, whether the knowledge be true or no. not 
 becaufe you may always conclude, that the axiom which 
 difcovereth new inftances is true ; but contrary wife you 
 may fafely conclude, that if it difcover not any new in- 
 ftance, it is vain and untrue. That by new inftances are 
 not always to be underftood new Recipes, but new affigna- 
 tions ; and of the diverfity between thefe two. That the 
 fubtilty of words, arguments, notions, yea of the fenfes 
 themfelves, is but rude and grofs in comparifon of the 
 fubtilty of things. And of the flothful and flattering^ opi- 
 nions of thofe which pretend to honour the mind of man 
 in withdrawing and abftracting it from particulars ; and 
 of the inducements and motives whereupon fiich opinions 
 have been conceyved and received. 
 
 Chap. XIII. 
 
 
 
 OF the error in propounding, chiefly the fearch of 
 caufes and productions of things concreate, which 
 are infinite and tranfitory ; and not of abflract natures, 
 which are few and permanent. That thefe natures are as 
 the alphabet or fimple letters, whereof the variety of 
 
 things
 
 of Nature. 437 
 
 things confifteth; or as the colours mingled in the pain- 
 ter's fhell, wherewith he is able to make infinite variety 
 of faces or fhapes. An enumeration of them according to 
 popular note. That at the firft one would conceive that 
 in the fchools by natural philofophy were meant the 
 knowledge of the efficients of things concreate ; and by 
 Metaphyfick the knowledge of the forms of natures Am- 
 ple ; which is a good and fit divifion of knowledge : but 
 upon examination there is no fuch matter by them in- 
 tended. That the little enquiry into the production of 
 fimple natures, fheweth well that works were not fought; 
 becaufe by the former knowledge fome fmall and fuper- 
 ficial deflexions from the ordinary generations and pro- 
 ductions may be found out, but the difcovery of all pro- 
 found and radical alteration muft arife out of the latter 
 knowledge.. 
 
 
 
 C H A P. XIV. 
 
 
 
 OF the error in propounding the fearch of the ma- 
 terials, or dead beginnings or principles of things, 
 and not the nature of motions, inclinations and applica- 
 tions. That the whole fcope of the former fearch is im<- 
 pertinent and vain j both becaufe there are no fuch be- 
 ginnings, and if there were they could not be known. 
 That the latter manner of fearch (which is all) they pais 
 over compendioufly and flightly as a bye matter. That 
 the feveral conceits in that kind ; as that the lively and 
 moving beginnings of things mould be fhift or appetite 
 of matter to privation ; the fpirit of the world, working 
 in matter according to platform ; the proceeding or fructi- 
 fying
 
 438 Of the Interpretation 
 
 fying of diftinct kinds according to their proprieties; 
 the intercourfe of the elements by mediation of their 
 common qualities ; the appetite of like portions to unite 
 themfelves ; amity and difcord, or fympathy and antipa- 
 thy ; motion to the centre, with motion of rtripe or prefs ; 
 the cafual agitation , aggregation, and erfays of the folid 
 portions in the void fpace; motion of fhuttings and o- 
 penings, are all mere nugations. And that the calculating 
 and ordination of the true degrees, moments, limits and 
 laws of motions and alterations (by means whereof all 
 works andi effects are produced) is a matter of a far other 
 mature, than to confiil in fuch eafy and wild generalities. 
 
 C h A p. XV. 
 
 F the great error of inquiring knowledge in anti- 
 cipations. That I call anticipations ; the voluntary 
 collections that the mind maketh of knowledge, which 
 is every man's reafon. That though this be a folemn 
 thing, and ferves the turn to, negotiate between man and 
 man (becaufe of the conformity and participation . of 
 -men's minds in the like errors) yet towards enquiry of 
 the truth of things and works, it is of no value. That 
 civil refpects are a lett that this pretended reafon mould 
 not be' fo contemptibly fpoken of, as were fit and medi- 
 cinable, in regard that hath been too much exalted and 
 glorified, to the infinite detriment of man's eftate. Of 
 the nature of words, and their facility and aptnefs to 
 cover and grace the defects of anticipations. That it is 
 no marvail if thefe anticipations have brought forth fuch 
 diverfity and repugnance in opinions, theories or philo- 
 
 fophies, 
 
 O
 
 of Nature. 439 
 
 jfophies, as fo many fable of feveral arguments. That 
 had not the nature of civil cuftoms and government been 
 in moft times fomewhat adverfe to fuch innovations, 
 though contemplative, there might have been, and would 
 have been many more. That the fecond fchool of the 
 Academiques and the feci; of Pyrrho, or the Confiderers, 
 that denied comprehenfion as to the difabling of man's 
 knowledge (entertained in anticipations) is well to be 
 allowed: but that they ought, when they had overthrown 
 and purged the floor of the ruins, to have fought to 
 build better in place. And more efpecially that they did 
 unjuftly and prejudicially, to charge the deceipt upon the 
 report of the fenfes, which admitteth very fparing re- 
 medy j being indeed to have been charged upon the anti- 
 cipations of the mind, which admitteth a perfect reme- 
 dy. That the information of the fenfes is fufficient, not 
 becaufe they err not, but becaufe the ufe of the fence in 
 difcovering of knowledge is for the moil: part not imme- 
 diate. So that it is the work, effect or inftance, that tri- 
 eth the axiom, and the fence doth but try the work 
 done or not done, being or not being. That the mind 
 of man in collecting knowledge needeth great variety of 
 helps, as well as the hand of man in manual and me- 
 chanical practices needeth great variety of inftruments. . 
 And that it were a poor work, that if inflxuments were 
 removed, men would overcome with their naked hands. 
 And of the diftinct points of want and infufficiency in 
 the mind of man. 
 
 
 
 Chap.
 
 440 Of the Interpretation 
 
 Chap. XVI. 
 
 THAT the mind of a man, as it is not a veffel of 
 that content or receipt to comprehend knowledge 
 without helps and fupplies ; fo again it is not fincere, but 
 of an ill and corrupt tincture. Of the inherent and pro- 
 found errors and fuperftitions in the nature of the mind, 
 and of the four forts of idols or falfe appearances that of- 
 fer themfelves to the underftanding in the inquifition of 
 knowledge: that is to fay, the Idols of the Tribe, the 
 Idols of the Pallace, the Idols of the Cave, and the Idols 
 of the Theatre. That thefe four, added to the incapacity 
 of the mind, and the vanity and malignity of the af- 
 ie&ions, leave nothing but impotency and confufion. A 
 recital of the particular kinds of thefe four idols, with 
 fome chofen examples of the opinions they have begot, 
 fuch of them as have fupplanted the ftate of knowledge 
 moft 
 
 Chap. XVII. 
 
 - 
 
 OF the errors of fuch as have defcended and applied 
 themfelves to experience, and attempted to induce 
 knowledge upon particulars. That they have not had 
 the refolution and ftrength of mind to free themfelves 
 wholly from anticipations, but have made a confufion 
 and intermixture of anticipations and obfervations, and 
 fo vanifhed. That if any have had the ftrength of mind 
 generally to purge away and difcharge all anticipations ; 
 they have not had that greater and double ftrength and 
 patience of mind, as well to repel new anticipations af- 
 ter 
 
 8
 
 of Nature. 441 
 
 ter the view and fearch of particulars, as. to reject old 
 which were in their mind before ; but have from parti- 
 culars and hiftory flown up to principles without the 
 mean degrees, and fo framed all the middle generalities 
 or axioms, not by way of fcale or afcenfion from particu- 
 lars, but by way of derivation from principles, whence 
 hath iffued the infinite chaos of fhadows and moths, 
 wherewith both books and minds have been hitherto, and 
 may be yet hereafter much more peftered. That in the 
 courfe of thofe derivations to make them yet the more 
 unprofitable they have ufed, when any light of new in- 
 ftance oppofite to any aflertion appeared, rather to re- 
 concile the inftance, than to amend the rule. That if 
 any have had, or mall have the power and refolution to 
 fortify and inclofe his mind againft all anticipations, yet 
 if he have not been or mail not be cautioned by the full 
 underftanding of the nature of the mind and fpirit of 
 man, and therein of the ftates, poors and pafTages both 
 of knowledge and error, he hath not been nor fhall not 
 be poffibly able to guide or keep on his courfe aright 
 That thofe that have been converfant in experience and 
 obfervation have ufed, when they have intended to difcover 
 the caufe of any effect, to fix their confideration narrow- 
 ly and exactly upon that effect it felf, with all the cir- 
 cumflances thereof, and to vary the trial thereof as many 
 ways as can be devifed; which courfe amounteth but to 
 a tedious curiofity, and ever breaketh off in wondring 
 and not in knowing. And that they have not ufed to en- 
 large their obfervation to match and fort that effect with 
 inftances of a diverfe fubject, which muft of neceflity be 
 before any caufe be found out. That they have pafied 
 
 L 1 1 over
 
 442^ Of the Interpretation 
 
 over the obfervation of inftances vulgar and ignoble, and 
 flayed their attention chiefly upon inftances of markj 
 whereas the other fort are for the moft part more figni- 
 ficant, and of better light and information. That every 
 particular that worketh any effect, is a thing compounded 
 (more or lefs) of diverfe fingle natures (more manifefl 
 and more obfcure) and that it appeareth not to whether 
 of the natures the effect is to be afcribed ; and yet not- 
 withstanding they have taken a courfe without breaking 
 particulars, and reducing them by exclufions and inclu- 
 fions to a definite point, to conclude upon inductions in 
 grofs, which empirical courfe is no lefs vain, than the 
 fcholafhical. That all fuch as have fought action and 
 work out of their enquiry, have been hafty and preffing 
 to difcover fome practices for prefent ufe, and not to dif- 
 cover axioms, joining with them the new affignations as 
 their fureties. That the forerunning, of the mind to frame 
 recipes upon axioms at the entrance,, is like Atalantdi 
 golden ball that hindereth and interrupteth the courfe j. 
 and is to be inhibited till you have afcended to a certain 
 ftage and degree of generalities ; which forbearance will 
 be liberally recompenced in the end : And that chance 
 difcovereth new inventions by one and one, but fcience 
 by knots and clufters. That they have not collected fuf- 
 fkient quantity of particulars, nor them in fuffieient cer- 
 tainty and fubtilty, nor of all feveral kinds, nor with thofe 
 advantages and difcretions in the entry and forting which 
 are requifite, and of the weak manner of collecting na- 
 tural hiftory, which hath been ufed. Laftly, that they 
 had no knowledge of the formulary of interpretation, 
 the work whereof is to abridge experience, and to make 
 
 things
 
 of Nature. 443 
 
 things as certainlie found out by axiom in mort time, 
 as by infinite experiences in ages. 
 
 Chap. XVIII. 
 
 THAT the cautels and devifes put in practife in the 
 delivery of knowledge for the covering and pal- 
 liating of ignorance, and the gracing and over-valuing of 
 that they utter, are without number ; but none more bold 
 and more hurtful than two : the one, that men have ufed 
 of a few obfervations upon any fubject, to make a folemri 
 and formal art, by filling it up with difcourfe, accom- 
 modating it with fome circumflances and directions to 
 practife, and digefting it into method, whereby men 
 grow fatisfied and fecure, as if no more enquiry were to 
 be made of that matter -, the other, that men have ufed to 
 difcharge ignorance with credit, in defining all thofe ef- 
 fects which they cannot attain unto to be out of the 
 compafs of art and human endeavour. That the very 
 ftiles and forms of utterance are fo many characters of 
 impofture, fome chufing a ftyle of pugnacity and con- 
 tention, fome of fatyr and reprehenfion, fome of plaufi- 
 ble and tempting fimilitudes and examples, fome of great 
 words and high difcourfe, fome of fhort and dark fen- 
 tences, fome of exactnefs of method, all of pofitive affir- 
 mation j without difclofing the true motives and proofs 
 of their opinions, or free conferring their ignorance or 
 doubts, except it be now and then for a grace and in 
 cunning to win the more credit in the reft, and not in 
 good faith. That although men be free from thefe er- 
 rors and incumbrances in the will and affection, yet it is 
 
 L 1 1 2 not
 
 444 Of the Interpretation 
 
 not a thing fo eafy as is conceived, to convey the conceit 
 of one man's mind into the mind of another, without 
 lofs or miftaking, fpecially in notions new and differing 
 from thofe that are received. That never any knowledge 
 was delivered in the fame order it was invented, no not 
 in the mathematicks, though it mould feem other wife, 
 in regard that the propofitions placed lafl do ufe the pro- 
 pofitions or grants placed firft for their proof and demon- 
 ftration, that there are forms and methods of tradition 
 wholly diflinct and differing, according to their ends- 
 whereto they are directed. That there are two ends of 
 tradition of knowledge, the one to teach and inflruct for 
 ufe and practice, the other to impart or intimate for re- 
 examination and progreflion. That the former of thefe 
 ends requireth a method not the fame, whereby it was 
 invented and induced, but fuch as is mofl compendious 
 and ready, whereby it may be ufed and applyed. That 
 the latter of the ends, which is where a knowledge is de- 
 livered to be continued and fpun on by a fucceffion of 
 labours, requireth a method whereby it may be tranfpo- 
 fedto another in the fame manner as it was collected, to 
 the end it may be difcerned both where the work is weak, 
 and where it breaketh off. That this latter method is 
 not only unfit for the former end, but alfo impomble 
 for all knowledge gathered and infinuated by anticipa- 
 tions, becaufe the mind working inwardly of it felf, no 
 man can give a juft account how he came to that know- 
 ledge which he hath received, and that therefore this 
 method is peculiar for knowledge gathered by interpreta- 
 tion. That the difcretion antiently obferved, though by 
 the prefident of many vain perfons and deceivers dis- 
 graced
 
 of Nature. 445 
 
 graced, of publifhing part and refer ving part to a private 
 fucceffion, and of publifhing in a manner whereby it 
 fhall not be to the capacity nor tafle of all, but fhall as 
 it were fingle and adopt his reader, is not to be laid a- 
 fide, both for the avoiding of abufe in the excluded, and 
 the flrengthening of affection in the admitted. That 
 there are other virtues of tradition, as that there be no 
 occafion given to error, and that it carry a vigour to 
 root and fpread againft the vanity of wits and injuries 
 of time, all which, if they were ever due to any know- 
 ledge delivered, or if they were never due to any human 
 knowledge heretofore delivered, yet are now due to the 
 knowledge propounded. 
 
 Chap. XIX. 
 
 OF the impediments which have been in the affe- 
 ctions, the principal whereof hath been defpair 
 or diffidence, and the ftrong apprehenfion of the diffi- 
 culty obfcurity and infinitenefs which belongeth to the. 
 invention of knowledge, and that men have not known 
 their own flrength ; and that the fuppofed difficulties and 
 vafmefs of the work is rather in fhew and mutter, than 
 in ftate or fubflance, where the true way is taken. That 
 this diffidence hath moved and caufed fome never to en- 
 ter into fearch, and others, when they have been en- 
 tred, either to give over, or to feek a more compendious' 
 courfe than can fland with the nature of true fearch. 
 That of thofe that have refufed and prejudged enquiry, 
 the more fober and grave fort of wits have depended up- 
 on authors and traditions, and the more vain and credu- 
 lous
 
 446 Of the Interpretation 
 
 lous reibrted to revelation and intelligence with fpirits 
 and higher natures. That of thofe that have entred in- 
 to fearch, fome having fallen upon fome conceipts, which 
 they after confider to be the fame which they have found 
 in former authors, have fuddenly taken a perfuafion that 
 a man mall (but with much labour) incur and light up- 
 on the fame inventions which he might with eafe re- 
 ceive from others, and that it is but a vanity and felf- 
 pleafing of the wit to go about again, as one that would 
 rather have a flower of his own gathering, than much 
 better gathered to his hand. That the fame humour of 
 (loth and diffidence fuggefteth, that a man mall but re- 
 vive fome ancient opinion which was long ago pro- 
 pounded, examined and rejected. And that it is eafy to 
 err in conceipt, that a man's obfervation or notion is the 
 fame with a former opinion, both becaufe new conceipts 
 mult of neceffity be uttered in old words, and becaufe 
 upon true and erroneous grounds men may meet in con- 
 fequence or conclufion, as feveral lines or circles that 
 cut in fome one point. That the greateft, part of thofe 
 that have defcended into fearch, have chofen for the 
 molt artificial and compendious courfe, to induce princi- 
 ples out of particulars, and to reduce all other propor- 
 tions unto principles, and fo inftead of the neareft way, 
 have been led to no way, or a meer labyrinth. That 
 the two contemplative ways have fome refemblance with 
 the old parable of the two moral ways, the one begin- 
 ning with incertainty and difficulty, and ending in plain- 
 nefs and certainty ; and the other beginning with fhew 
 of plainnefs and certainty, and ending in difficulty and 
 incertainty. Of the great and manifefl error and untrue 
 
 conceipt 
 8
 
 ^Nature. 447 
 
 conceipt or eftimation of the infinitenefs of particulars, 
 whereas indeed all prolixity is in difcourfe and deriva- 
 tions : and of the infinite and rnoft, laborious expence of 
 wit that hath been employed upon toys and matters of 
 no fruit or value. That although the period of one age 
 cannot advance men to the furthefl point of interpreta- 
 tion of nature (except the work mould be undertaken 
 with greater helps than can be expected) yet it cannot 
 fail in much lefs fpace of time to make return of many 
 fingular commodities towards the ftate and' occafions of 
 man's life. That there is lefs reafon of diftruft in the 
 eourfe of interpretation now propounded, than in any 
 knowledge formerly delivered, becaufe this eourfe doth 
 in fort equal mens wits, and leaveth no great advantage 
 or preheminence to the perfect and excellent motions of 
 the fpirit. That to draw a ftreight line, or to make a 
 circle perfect round by aim of hand only, there muft 
 be a great difference between an unfteady and unpracti- 
 fed hand, and a fteady and practifed; but to do it by 
 rule or compafs, it is much alike. 
 
 Chap. XXI. 
 
 OF the impediments which have been in the two 
 extream humours of admiration of antiquity and 
 love of novelty, and again of over-fervile reverence, or 
 over-light fcorn of the opinions of others. 
 
 e h a p.
 
 448 Of the Interpretation 
 
 Chap. XXII. 
 
 OF the impediments which have heen in the af- 
 fection of pride, fpecially of one kind, which is 
 the difdain of dwelling and being converfant much in 
 experiences and particulars, fpecially fuch as are vulgar 
 in occurrency, and bafe and ignoble in ufe. That befides 
 certain higher myfteries of pride, generalities feem to 
 have a dignity and Solemnity, in that they do not put 
 men in mind of their familiar actions, in that they have 
 lefs affinity with arts mechanical and illiberal, in that 
 they are not fo fubject to be controuled by perfons of mean 
 obfervation, in that they feem to teach men that they 
 know not, and not to refer them to that they know. 
 All which conditions directly feeding the humour of 
 pride, particulars do want. That the majefty of genera- 
 lities, and the divine nature of the mind in taking them 
 (if they be truly collected, and be indeed the direct re- 
 flexions of things) cannot be too much magnified. And 
 that it is true, that interpretation is the very natural and 
 direct intention, action and progreilion of the under- 
 standing, delivered from impediments. And that all an- 
 ticipation is but a deflexion or declination by accident. 
 
 Chap. XXV. 
 
 OF the impediments which have been in the flate 
 of heathen religion, and other fuperftitions and 
 errors of religion. And that in the true religion there 
 hath not, nor is any impediment, except it be by acci- 
 dent 
 
 8
 
 of Nat u r e. 449 
 
 dent or intermixture of humour. That a religion which 
 confifteth in rytes and forms of adoration, and not in 
 confeflions and beliefs, is adverfe to knowledge, becaufe 
 men having liberty to enquire and difcourfe of theology 
 at pleafure, it comech to pafs that all inquifition of na- 
 ture endeth and limiteth it felf in fuch metaphyseal or 
 theological difcourfe ; whereas if mens wits be fhut out 
 of that port, it turneth them again to difcover, and fo to 
 feek reafon of reafon more deeply. And that fuch was 
 the religion of the Heathen. That a religion that is jea- 
 lous of the variety of learning, difcourfe, opinions and 
 feds (as mifdoubting it may make the foundations) or 
 that cherifheth devotion upon fimplicity and ignorance, 
 as afcribing ordinary effects to the immediate working of 
 God, is adverfe to knowledge. That fuch is the religion 
 of the c Turk J and fuch hath been the abufe of Chriilian 
 religion at fome feveral times, and in fome feveral fa- 
 ctions. And of the Angular advantage which the Chri- 
 ilian religion hath towards the furtherance of true know- 
 ledge, in that it excludeth and interdicteth human rea- 
 fon, whether by interpretation or anticipation, from 
 examining or difcuffing of the myfteries and principles 
 of faith. 
 
 Chap. XXVI. 
 
 OF the impediments which have been in the nature 
 of fociety, and the policies of flate. That there 
 is no compofition of eftate or fociety, nor order or qua- 
 lity of perfons, which have not fome point of contra- 
 riety towards true knowledge. That Monarchies incline 
 wits to profit and pleafure, and commonwealths to glory 
 
 M m m and
 
 45 Of ^ e Interpretation 
 
 and vanity. That Univerlities incline wits to fophiftry 
 and affectation j Cloifters to fables and unprofitable fub- 
 tilty; Study at large to variety; and that it is hard to fay, 
 whether mixture of contemplations with an active life, 
 or retiring wholly to contemplations, do difable and hin- 
 der the mind more. 
 
 Temporis partus masculus, five de In- 
 ter pretat'ione Naturae, lib. 3. 
 
 1. Perpolitio & applicatio mentis. 
 
 2. Lumen Natura ; feu formula Interpret ationis. 
 
 3. Natura illuminata ; five Veritas rerum. 
 
 Cap. I. Tradendi modus legtttmus. 
 
 REPERIO (fili) complures in rerum fcientia, quam 
 ubi videntur adepti, vel proferenda vel rurfus oc- 
 cultanda neutiquam e fide fiia ac officio fe gerere. Eo- 
 dem damno, licet culpa fortaflis minore peccant, & illi 
 qui probe quidem morati, fed minus prudentes funt, nee 
 artem ac praecepta tenent quo quaeque modo lint propo- 
 nenda. Neque tamen de hac tradentium fcientiarum live 
 malignitate live infeitia querela ell inftituenda. Sane fi 
 Terum pondera docendi imperitia fregilfent^ non immerito 
 quis indignetur. Rerum vero ineptiis docendi importu- 
 nitatem vel jure deberi exiftimandum eft. Ego autem 
 longe ab his diverfus te impertiturus non ingenii com- 
 menta nee verborum umbras, nee religionem admiftam, 
 nee obfervationes quafdam populares, vel experimenta 
 quasdam nobilia in theoriae fabulas concinnata ; fed re- 
 
 vera
 
 #/ Nat u re 1 . 45 1 
 
 vera naturam cum foetibus fuis tibi addi&urus 6c manci- 
 paturus, num videor dignum argumentum prae manibus 
 habere quod traclandi vel ambitione vel infcitia, vel vitio 
 quovis polluam ? Ita fim (fili) itaque humani in uni- 
 verfum imperii anguftias nunquam fatis deploratas ad 
 datos fines proferam (quod mihi ex humanis folum in 
 votis eft) ut tibi optima fide, atque ex altifiima mentis 
 meae providentia, & exploratiflimo rerum 5c animorum 
 ftatu haec traditurus firrf, modo omnium maxime legi- 
 timo. Quis tandem ( inquies ) eft modus ille legitimus ? 
 Quin tu mitte artes 6c ambages, rem exhibe nudam no- 
 bis, ut judicio noftro uti poffimus. Atque utinam (fili 
 fuaviflime) eo loco fint res veftrae ut hoc fieri poflet. An 
 tu cenfes, cum omnes omnium mentium aditus ac meatus 
 obfcurifiimis idolis, iifque alte haerentibus 6c inuftis ob- 
 feffi 6c obftructi fint, veris rerum 6c nativis radiis finceras 
 6c politas areas adefle. Nova eft ineunda ratio, qua men- 
 tibus obdudlirlimis illabi pofiimus. Ut enim phrenetico- 
 rum deliramenta arte 6c ingenio fubvertuntur, vi 6c con- 
 tentione efTerantur, omnino ita in hac univerfali infania 
 mos gerendus eft. Quid ? leviores illse conditiones, quas 
 ad legitimum fcientiae tradendas modum pertinent, an 
 tibi tarn expedka? 6c faciles videntur ? ut modus inno- 
 ceris fit ; id eft, nulli prorfus errori anfam 6c occafio- 
 nem praebeat? ut vim quandam infitam 6c innatam ha- 
 beat, turn ad fidem conciliandam, turn ad pellendas inju- 
 rias temporis, adeo ut fcientia ita tradita, veluti planta 
 vivax 6c vegeta, quotidie ferpat 6c adplefcat ? ut idoneum 
 6c legitimum fibi ledtorem fe ponat 6c quafi adoptet ? 
 Atque ha?c omnia praeftiterim, necne, ad tern pus futu rum 
 provoco. 
 
 Mmm 2 FILUM
 
 45* 
 
 FILUM LABYRINTHI, 
 
 S I V E 
 
 Formula Inquisitionis. 
 
 Ad FILIOS: 
 
 PARS PRIMA. 
 
 i. TRAUNCIS BACON thought in this manner. 
 The knowledge whereof the world is now poffef- 
 fed, efpeciallie that of nature, extendeth not to magnitude 
 and certaintie of workes. The Phyfician pronounceth 
 many difeafes incurable, and faileth oft in the refl. The 
 Alchymifts \va.x old and dye in hopes. The Magicians 
 performe nothing that is permanent and profitable. The 
 Mechaniques take fmall light from natural] philofophie, 
 and doe but fpynne on their own little thridds. Chaunce 
 fometimes difcovereth inventions, but that worketh not 
 in years, but ages. So he fa w well, that the inventions 
 known are very unperfltt, and that newe are not like to 
 be brought to light, but in great length of tyme, and 
 that thofe which are, came not to light by philofophie. 
 
 2. He thought alfo this ftate of knowledge was the 
 worfe, becaufe men ftrive (againfl themfelves) to fave the 
 credit of ignorance, and to fatisfie themfelves in this po- 
 
 vertie.
 
 Fil-um Labyrinth i. 453 
 
 vcrtie. for the Phyfician, beiides the cauteles of practice, 
 hath this generall cautele of art, that he difchargeth the 
 weaknefTe of his art upon fuppofed impoffibilities ; nei- 
 ther can his art be condemned, when it felf judgeth. 
 That philofophy alfo, out of which the knowledge of 
 phyfick which nowe is in ufe is hewed, receyveth cer- 
 tain pofitions and opinions, which (if they be well weigh- 
 ed) induce this perfwafion, that no great workes are to 
 be expected from art, and the hand of man; as in parti- 
 cular, that opinion, that the heate of the funne and fire 
 differ in kind ; and that other, that compofition is the 
 work of man, and mixture is the wofk of nature, and 
 the like ; all tending to the circumfcription of man's 
 power, and to artificiall defpaire ; killing in men, not on- 
 lie the comfort of imagination, but the induftry of tryall : 
 only upon vaine glorye, to have their art thought perritt, 
 and that all is ;impoffible, that is not alreadie found. The 
 Alchymift difchargeth his art upon his own errors, ei- 
 ther fupporxng a mifunderftanding of the wordes of his 
 authors, iwiildhmaketh him liften after auricular tradi- 
 tions j or els a failing in the true proportions and fcru- 
 ples of practife, which maketh him renew infinitelie his 
 tryalls, and finding alfo that he lighteth upon fome mean 
 experiments and conclufions by the waye, feedeth upon 
 them,, and magnineth them to the moft, and fupplieth 
 the reft in hopes. The Magician, when he findeth fome- 
 thing (as he conceiveth) above nature, effected ; think- 
 eth, when a breach is once made in nature, that it is all 
 one, to perform great things and fmall ; not feeing, that 
 they are but fubjedts of a certaine kind, wherein magick 
 and fuperftition hath played in all times. The mechani- 
 cal!.
 
 454 Filum Labyrinthi. 
 
 call perfon, if he can refine an invention, or put two or 
 three obfervations or practifes together in one, or couple 
 things better with their ufe, or make the work in lefs 
 or greater volume, taketh himfelf for an inventor. So 
 he faw well, that men either perfwade themfelves of new 
 inventions as of impoffibilities j or els thinke they are 
 alreadie extant, but in fecret and in few hands ; or that 
 they accompt of thofe little induftries and additions, as 
 of inventions, all which turneth to the averting of their 
 minds from any juft and conftant labour, to invent fur- 
 ther in anie quantitie. 
 
 3. He thought alfo, when men did fet before them- 
 felves the variety and perfection of workes, produced by 
 mechanicall arts j they are apt rather to admire the pro- 
 vifions of man, than to apprehend his wants -, not confi- 
 dering, that the original inventions, and conclufions of 
 nature, which are the life of all that varietie, are not 
 many, nor deeply fetched j and that the reft is but the 
 fubtile and ruled motion of the inftrument and hand ; 
 and that the (hop therein is not unlike the librarie, which 
 in fuch number of books conteineth (for the far greater 
 part) nothing but iterations, varyed fometimes in forme, 
 but not new in fubftaunce. So he fawe plainlie, that o- 
 pinion of ftore was a caufe of Avant ; and that both 
 workes and doctrines appeare manie, and are few. 
 
 4. He thought alfo, that knowledge is uttered to men 
 in a forme, as if everie thing were finiihed j for it is re- 
 duced into arts and methods j which in their divifions 
 do feem to include all that may be. And how weaklie 
 foever the parts are filled, yet they carry the fhew and 
 reafon of a total -, and thereby the writings of fome re- 
 ceived
 
 Filum Labyrinth i. 455 
 
 ceived authors go for the verie art ; whereas antiquitie 
 ufed to deliver the knowledge which the mynd of man 
 had gathered, in obfervations, aphorifmes, or fhort and 
 difperfed fentences, or fmall tractates of fome partes that 
 they had diligentlie meditated and laboured; which did 
 invite men, both to ponder that which was invented, 
 and to add and fupplie further. But now, fciences are de- 
 livered as to be believed and accepted, and not to be exa- 
 mined and further difcovered; and the fucceflion is be- 
 tween mailer and difciple, and not between inventor and 
 continuer or advancer ; and therefore fciences fland at a 
 ftay, and have done for manie ages, and that which is 
 pofitive is fixed, and that which is queilion is kept que- 
 ftion, fo as the columnes of no further proceeding are 
 pitched : And therefore he fawe plainlie, men had cut 
 themfelves off from further invention; and that it is no 
 marvayle, that that is not obtained which hath not been 
 attempted, but rather fhut out and debarred. 
 
 5. He thought alfo, that knowledge is almoft gene- 
 rallie fought either for delight and fatisfaction, or for 
 gaine or proferlion, or for credit and ornament, and that 
 everie of thefe are as Atalantas balls, which hinder 
 the race of invention, for men are fo farre in thefe cour- 
 fes from feeking to encreafe the mafle of knowledge, as 
 of that maffe which is, they will take no more than will 
 ferve their turne : and if anie one amongft fo manie 
 feeketh knowledge for it felf, yet he rather feeketh to 
 knowe the varietie of things, than to difcern of the truth 
 and caufes of them ; and if his inquilition be yet more 
 levere, yet it tendeth rather to judgement than to inven- 
 tion ; and rather to difcover truth in controverfie, than 
 
 new
 
 45 6 
 
 Filum Labyrinth i. 
 
 new matter ; and if his heart be fo large as he propound- 
 ed to himfelf further difcoverie or invention, yet it is 
 rather of newe difcourfe and fpeculation of caufes, than 
 of effects and operations. And as for thofe that have fo 
 much in their mouthes, action and ufe and practife, and 
 the referring of fciences thereunto ; they meane it of ap- 
 plication of that which is knowne, and not of a difco- 
 verie of that which is unknowne. So he faw plainlie, that 
 this marke, namely, invention of further meanes to in- 
 dow the condition and life of man with newe powers 
 or workes, was almoft never yet fet up and refolved in 
 man's intention and enquirie. 
 
 6. He thought alfo, that amongft other knowledges, 
 natural philofophie hath been the leaft followed and la- 
 boured, for fince the Chriftian faith, the greateft num- 
 ber of wits have been employed, and the greateft helpes 
 and rewards have been converted upon Divinitie. And 
 before time likewife, the greateft part of the ftudies of 
 philofophers was confumed in moral philofophie, which 
 was as the heathen Divinity. And in both tymes a great 
 part of the beft wits betook themfelves to lawe, plead- 
 ings, and caufes of eftatej fpeciallie in the tyme of the 
 greatnefs of the Romans, who by reafon of their large 
 empire, needed the fervice of all their able men for 
 civill bufinefs. And the tyme amongft the Grecians, in 
 which naturall philofophie feemed moft to flouriih, was 
 but a fhort fpace j and that alfo rather abufed in dif- 
 fering feels and conflicts of opinions, than profitable 
 fpent. Since which time, naturall philofophie was ne- 
 ver any profefiion, nor never poffeffed any whole man, 
 except perchaunce fome monk in a cloyfter, or fome 
 
 gentleman
 
 Filum Labyrinth i. 45 7 
 
 gentleman in the countrie, and that very rarely; but be- 
 came a fcience of paffage, to feafon a little young and 
 unripe wits, and to ferve for an introduction to other 
 arts, fpeciallie phyfick and the practical mathematiques. 
 So as he fawe plainlie, that naturall philofophie hath 
 been intended by fewe perfons, and in them hath occu- 
 pied the leaft part of their time ; and that in the weakeft 
 of their age and judgement. 
 
 7. He thought alfo, how great oppofition and preju- 
 dice naturall philofophie had received by fuperftition , 
 and the immoderate and blind zeale of religion ; for he 
 found that fome of the Grecians, which flrft gave the rea- 
 fon of thunder, had been condemned of impietie ; and 
 that the Cofmographers, which firfl difcovered and de- 
 fcribed the roundnefs of the earth, and the confequence 
 thereof touching the Antipodes, were not much other- 
 wife cenfured by the auncient fathers of the Chriftian 
 church; and that the cafe is now much worfe, in re- 
 gard of the boldnefs of the Schoolmen and their depen- 
 daunces in the monafteries, who having made divinitie 
 into an art, have almoft incorporated the contentious 
 philofophie of Arifiotle into the body of Chriftian reli- 
 gion ; and generallie he perceived in men of devout fim- 
 plicitie this opinion, that the fecrets of nature were the 
 fecrets of God; and part of that glorie whereinto the 
 mind of man, if it feek to prerTe, fhall be oppreffed; 
 and that the defire in men to attain to fo great and hid- 
 den knowledge, hath a refemblaunce with that tempta- 
 tion which caufed the originall fall ; and on the other 
 fide, in men of a devout policie, he noted an inclination 
 to have the people depend upon God the more, when 
 
 N n n they
 
 45 
 
 FlLUM LaBYRINTHI. 
 
 they are lefs acquainted with fecond caufes ; and to have 
 no ftirring in philofophie, left it may lead to an innova- 
 tion in divinitie, or elfe mould difcover matter of further 
 contradiction to divinitie. But in this part, reforting to 
 the authoritie of the Scriptures, and holy examples, and 
 to reafon, he refted not fatisfied alone, but much con- 
 firmed, for firfl, he confidered that the knowledge of na- 
 ture, by the light whereof man difcerned of everie living 
 creature, and impofed names according to their pro- 
 prietie, was not the occafion of the fall -, but the morall 
 knowledge of good and evill, affected to the end to de- 
 pend no more upon God's commaundments, but for man 
 to direct himfelf. Neither could he find in any Scripture, 
 that the inquiric and fcience of man in any thing, un- 
 der the myfteries of the Deity, is determined and restrain- 
 ed, but contrary wife allowed and provoked, for con- 
 cerning all other knowledge, the Scripture pronounceth, 
 That it is the glory of God to conceale, but it is the glory 
 of man (or if the King, for the King is but the excel- 
 lency of man) to invent; and again, 'The Jpirit of man- 
 is as the lamp of God, wherewith he fearcheth every fe- 
 ret y and again moft eifectuallie, That God hath made 
 all things beautifull and decent, according to the retourne 
 of their feafons ; alfo that he hath fet the world in mans 
 heart, and yet man cannot find out the work which God 
 worketh from the beginning to the end -, mewing that the 
 heart of man is a continent of that concave or capacity, , 
 wherein the content of the world (that is, all fourmes of 
 the creatures, and whatfoever is not God) may be placed, 
 or received - T and complaining, that through the variety 
 of things, and vicifiitudes of times, (which are but im- 
 pediments
 
 Filum Labyrinthi. 459 
 
 pediments and not impuiflances) man cannot accomplifh 
 his invention. In prelident alio he fet before his eyes, 
 that in thofe few memorialls before the floud, the Scrip- 
 ture honoureth the name of the inventors of mufique 
 and workes in metall ; that Mofes had this addition of 
 praife, that he was feen in all the learning of the 'Egyp- 
 tians ; that Solomon, in his graunt of wifdom from God; 
 had conteyned as a branch thereof that knowledge, 
 whereby he wrote a naturall hiftorie of ail verdor, from 
 the cedar to the rnoiTe, and of all that breatheth ; that 
 the book of Job, and many places of the prophets, have 
 great afperfion of naturall philofophie ; that the church 
 in the bofome and lappe thereof in the greateft injuries 
 of tymes, ever preferved (as holie reliques) the bookes of 
 philofophie and all heathen learning; and that when 
 Gregory the bilhop of Rome became adverfe and unjuft . 
 to the memory of heathen antiquity, it was cenfured 
 for pufillanimitie in him, and the honour thereof foon 
 after reftored, and his own memorie almofl perfecuted 
 by his fuccerTor Sabinian ; and laftlie, in our tymes, and 
 the ages of our fathers, when Luther and the Divines 
 of the Proteftant church on the one fide, and the Jefuites 
 on the other, have enterprized to reforme, the one the 
 doctrine, the other the difcipline and manners of the 
 church of Rome, he fawe well how both of them have 
 awaked to their great honour and fuccour all humane 
 learning ; and for reafon, there cannot be a greater and 
 more evident than this, that all knowledge, and fpecial- 
 lie that of naturall philofophie, tendeth highlie to the 
 magnifying of the glorie of God in his power, provi- 
 
 N n n 2 dence
 
 46 
 
 Filum Labyrinth 1. 
 
 dence and benefits, appearing and engraven in his workes* 
 which without this knowledge are beheld but as through, 
 a vaile ; for if the heavens in the bodie of them do de- 
 clare the glorie of God to the eye, much more do they 
 in the rule and decrees of them declare it to the under- 
 ftanding; and another reafon, not inferior to this, is, 
 that the fame naturall philofophie principallie amongft 
 all other humane knowledge, doth give an excellent de- 
 fence againft both extreams of religion,, fuperftition and 
 infideljtie ; for both it freeth the mynd from a number 
 of weak fancies and imaginations, and it raifeth the mynd 
 to acknowledge that to God all things are poflible ; for 
 to that purpofe fpeaketh our Saviour in that firft canon 
 againft herefies, delivered upon the cafe of the resur- 
 rection, Tou erre y not knowing the fcriptures, nor the 
 power of God-y teaching, that there are but two foun- 
 taines of herefie, not knowing the will of God revealed 
 in the Scriptures, and not knowing the power of God 
 revealed or at leaft made moil fenlible in his creatures. 
 So as he fawe well, that naturall philofophie was of ex- 
 cellent ufe to the exaltation of the divine Majeftie j and 
 that which is admirable, that being a remedie of fuper- 
 ftition, it is neverthelefs an help to faith. He faw like- 
 wife, that the former opinions to the prejudice thereof,, 
 had no true ground j but mud fpring either out of meer 
 ignorance, or out of an excefle of devotion,, to have di- 
 vinitie all-in all, whereas it mould be only above all y 
 (both which ftates of mynd may be befl pardoned) or els 
 out of worfe caufes, namelie out of envie which is proud; 
 weaknefs, and deferveth to be defpifed y or out of fom e 
 
 mixture
 
 FlLUM LaBYRINTHI. 46 1 
 
 mixture of impofture, to tell a lye for God's caufe ; or 
 out of an impious diffidence, as if men mould fear to 
 difcover fome things in nature, which mought fubvert 
 faith. But ftill he faw well, howfoever thefe opinions 
 are in right reafon reproved, yet they leave not to be moft 
 efFedtuall hinderances to naturall philofophie and inven- 
 tion. 
 
 8. He thought alfo, that there wanted not great con- 
 trarietie to the further difcoverie of fciences in regard*of 
 the orders and cuftomes of univerfities, and alfo in re- 
 gard of common opinion, for in univerfities and colleges 
 mens ftudies are almoft confined to certayne authors, from 
 which if any diffenteth or propoundeth matter of redar- 
 gution, it is enough to make him thought a perfon tur- 
 bulent ; whereas if it be well advifed, there is a great dif- 
 ference to be made between matters contemplative and 
 active, for in government chaunge is fufpected, though 
 to the better; but it is naturall to arts to be in perpetual! 
 agitation and growth. Neither is the daunger alike of 
 new light, and of new motion, or remove j and for vul- 
 gar and received opinions, nothing is more ufual, nor 
 more ufuallie complained of, than that it is impofed for 
 arrogancy and prefumption, for men to authorife them- 
 felves againft antiquitie and authors, towards whom envy 
 is ceafed, and reverence by time amortifed; it not being 
 confidered what Arifiotle himfelf did; (upon whom the 
 philofophie that now is chiefly dependeth) who came 
 with a profeffed contradiction to all the world ; and did" 
 put all his opinions upon his own authoritie and argu- 
 ment, and never fo much as nameth an author, but to 
 
 confute- 1
 
 462 Filum Labyrinth i. 
 
 confute and reprove him ; and yet his fuccefs well fulfil- 
 led the obfervation of him that faid, // a man come in 
 his own name him will you receive. Men think likewife, 
 that if they mould give themfelves to the liberty of in- 
 vention and travaile of enquiry, that they mall light a- 
 gain upon fome conceits and contemplations, which have 
 been formerly offered to the world, and have been put 
 down by better, which have jprevayied and brought them 
 to oblivion ; not feeing that howfoever the property and 
 breeding of knowledges is in great and excellent wits, yet 
 the eftimation and price of them is in the multitude, or 
 in the inclinations of princes and great perfons meanlie 
 learned. So as thofe knowledges are like to be received 
 and honoured, which have their foundation in the fubti- 
 litie or fineft tryall of common fenfe, or fuch as fill the 
 imagination, and not fuch knowledge as is digged out 
 of the hard myne of hiflorie and experience, and falleth 
 out to be in fome points as adverfe to common fenfe, or 
 popular reafon, as religion or more. Which kind of 
 knowledge, except it be delivered with ftraunge advan- 
 tages of eloquence and power, may be likely to appeare 
 and difclofe a little to the world, and flraight to vanifh 
 and fhut againe. So that time feemeth to be of the na- 
 ture of a river or floud, that bringeth downe to 14s that 
 which is light and blown up, and finketh and drown- 
 eth that which is folid and grave. So he faw well that 
 both in the ftate of religion, and in the adminiilration 
 of learning, and in common opinion, there were manie 
 and continuall flops, and traverfes to the courfe of in- 
 vention, 
 
 9. He
 
 riLUM Labyrinth i. 
 
 9. He thought alfo, that the invention of workes and 
 further poffibility was prejudiced in a more fpeciall man- 
 ner than that of fpeculative truth ; for befides the impe- 
 diments common to both, it hath by it felf been nota- 
 blie hurt and difcredited by the vaine promifes and pre- 
 tenfes of Alchymy, Magick, Aftrologie, and fuch other 
 arts, which (as they now pafs) hold much more of ima- 
 gination and belief, than of fenfe and demonstration. But 
 to ufe the Poet's language, men ought to have remem- 
 bred, that although Ixion of a cloud in the likenefs of 
 Juno begat Centaures and Chimeras, yet Jupiter alfo of 
 the true Juno begat Vulcan and Hebe. Neither is it juft 
 to deny credit to the greatnefs of the acts of Alexander , 
 becaufe the like or more flraunge have been fained of an 
 Amadh or an Arthur, or other fabulous worthies. But 
 though this in true reafon mould be, and that men ought 
 not to make a confufion of unbelief ; yet he faw well, it 
 could not otherwife be in event, but that experience of 
 untruth had made accefs to truth more difficult, and 
 that the ignominie of vanitie had abated all greatnefs of 
 mind. 
 
 10. He thought alfo, there was found in the mynd of 
 man an affection naturallie bred and fortified, and fur- 
 thered by difcourfe and doctrine, which did pervert the 
 true proceeding towards active and operative knowledge.. 
 This was a falfe eftimation, that it mould be as a dimi- 
 nution to the mynd of man to be much converfant in 
 experiences and particulars, fubject to fenfe and bound in; 
 matter, and which are laborious to fearch, ignoble to 
 meditate, harm to deliver, illiberal to practife, infinite 
 
 as 
 
 4 6 3
 
 464 FlLUM LaBYRINTHL 
 
 iq& is fuppofed in number, and no wayes accommodate to 
 the glorie of arts. This opinion or frate of mynd rc- 
 ceyved much credit and ftrength by the fchool of Plato, 
 who thinking that particulars rather revived the notions, 
 or excited the faculties of the mynd, than meerly inform- 
 ed ; and having mingled his philofophie with fuperfti- 
 tion, which never favoureth the fenfe, extolleth too much 
 the underflanding of man in the inward light thereof. 
 And again, Arijlotle's fchool, which giveth the dew to 
 the fenfe in aflertion, denyeth it in practife much more 
 than that of Plato, for we fee the Schoolmen, Arijlotle's 
 Hicceflbrs, which were utterlie ignorant of hiftorie, rett- 
 ed only upon agitation of wit; whereas Plato giveth 
 good example of inquirie by induction and view of par- 
 ticulars -, though in fuch a wandering manner as is of no 
 force or fruit. So that he faw well, that the fuppofition 
 of the fufriciency of man's mynd, hath loft the meanes 
 thereof. 
 
 SEQUELA
 
 465 
 
 SEQUELA CHARTARUMj 
 
 S I V E, 
 
 Inquifitio Legitima 
 
 D E 
 
 CALORE et FRIGORE- 
 
 SECTIO ORDINIS. 
 Chart a fuggeflionis> Jive Memoria fixa. 
 
 THE fun beames hot to fenfe. 
 The moon beames not hot, but rather conceived 
 to have a quality of cold, for that the greateft coldes are 
 noted to be about the full, and the greateft heates about 
 the change, gu. 
 
 The beames of the flarres have no fenfible heat by 
 themfelvesj but are conceived to have an augmentative 
 heat of the fun beames by the inftance following. The 
 fame climate arctick and antarctick are obferved to differ 
 in cold, viz. that the antarctick is the more cold, and it 
 is manifeft the antardtick hemifphere is thinner planted 
 of ftarres. 
 
 O o o The
 
 466 Caloe 3c Frig us. 
 
 The heates obferved to be greater in July than in 
 June-, at which time the fun is nearefl the greater! fixed 
 flarres, viz. Cor Leonis, Cauda Leoms, Spica Virginis i 
 Syrius, Canicula. 
 
 The conjunction of any two of the three highefl pla- 
 nets noted to'caufe great heates. 
 
 Comets conceived by fome to be as well caufes as ef- 
 fects of heat, much more the flarres. 
 
 The fun beames have greater heat when they are 
 more perpendicular, than when they are more oblique ; as 
 appeareth in difference of regions, and the difference of 
 the tymes of fummer and winter in the fame region; and 
 chiefly in the difference of the houres of midday, morn- 
 ings, evenings in the fame day. 
 
 The heates more extream in July and Augufi than in 
 May or June, commonly imputed to the flay and con- 
 tinuance of heat. 
 
 The heats more extream under the Tropiques than 
 under the Lyne : commonly imputed to the flay and con- 
 tinuance of heat, becaufe the fun there doth as it were 
 double a cape. 
 
 The heats more about three or four of clock than 
 at noon j commonly imputed to the flay and continuance 
 of heat. 
 
 The fun noted to be hotter when it fhineth forth be- 
 tween cloudes, than when the fky is open and ferene. 
 
 The middle region of the air hath manifefl effects of 
 cold, notwithstanding locally it be nearer the fun, com- 
 monly imputed to Antiperijlajis, affuming that the beames 
 of the fun are hot either hy approach or by reflexion, 
 and that falleth in the middle term between both; or if 
 
 as
 
 Calor & Frtgus. 4 6 7 
 
 as fome conceive, it be only by reflexion, then the cold 
 of that region refteth chiefly upon diftance ; the inftan- 
 ces (hewing the cold of that region, are the fnowes which 
 defcend ; the hailes which defcend, and the fnowes and 
 extream coldes which are upon high mountaines. 
 
 But $u. of fuch mountaynes as adjoin to fandy vales 
 and not to fruitfull vales which minifter no vapours, or 
 of mountaynes above the region of vapours, as is report- 
 ed of Olympus, where any infcription upon the allies of 
 the altar remayned untouched of wind or dewe ; and 
 note, it is alfo reported, that men carry ed up fponges 
 with vinegar to thicken their breath, the air growing 
 too fine for refpiration, which feemeth not to ftand with 
 coldnefs. 
 
 The cloudes make a mitigation of the heat of the fun. 
 So doth the interpofition of any body which we term 
 fhades j but yet the nights in fummer are many times as 
 hot to the feeling of mens bodies as the days are within 
 doores, where the beames of the fun actually beat not. 
 
 There is no other nature of heat known from the ce- 
 leftial bodies or from the air, but that which cometh by 
 the fun beames. for in the countries near the Pole, we 
 fee the extream coldes end in the fummer monthes, as 
 in the voyage of Nova Zembla, where they could not 
 difengage their barques from the ice, no not in July, and 
 met with great mountaynes of ice, fome floating, fome 
 fixed at that time of year, being the heart of fummer. 
 
 The caves under the earth noted to be warmer in win- 
 ter than in fummer, and fo the waters that fpring from 
 within the earth. 
 
 O o o 2 Great
 
 46 8 Calor&FriguS. 
 
 Great quantitie of fulphur, and fometimes naturally 
 burning after the manner of Mtna in IJiand, the like 
 written of Gronland y and divers other the cold coun- 
 tries *. 
 
 The trees in the cold countries are fuch as are fuller 
 of rolin, pitch, tarre, which are matters apt for fire, and 
 the woodes themfelves more combuftible than thofe in 
 much hotter countries j as for example, Fyrr, Pyne- 
 Apple, Juniper ; ^u. whether their trees of the fame 
 kind that ours are, as Oak and Am, bear not in the more 
 cold countries, a wood more brittle and ready to take 
 fire than the fame kinds with us. 
 
 The fun beames heat manifeftly by reflection, as in 
 countries pent in with hills, upon walls or buildings, up- 
 on pavements, upon gravell more than earth, upon ara- 
 ble more than grafs, upon rivers if they be not very 
 open, fc. 
 
 The uniting or collection of the fun beames multipli- 
 ed heat, as in burning glaffes, which are made thinner 
 in the middle than on the fides (as I take it contrary to 
 fpectacles) and the operation of them is, as I remember, 
 firfl: to place them between the fun and the body to be 
 fired, and then to draw them upward towards the fun, 
 which it is true maketh the angle of the cone iharper. 
 But then I take it if the glafs had been firft placed at the 
 fame diftance, to which it is after drawn, it would not 
 have had that force, aud yet that had been all one to the 
 fharpnefs of the angle. $u. 
 
 * No doubt but infinite power of the heat of the fun in cold countries, 
 though it be not to the analogy of men, and fruites, IS (. 
 
 So
 
 Calor & Frigus. 469 
 
 So in that the fun's beams are hotter perpendicularly 
 than obliquely, it may be imputed to the union of the 
 beames, which in cafe of perpendicularity reflect into 
 the very fame lines with the direct, and the further from 
 perpendicularity the more obtufe the angle, and the 
 greater diftance between the direct beam and the reflect- 
 ed beam. 
 
 The fun beames rayfe vapours out of the earth, and 
 when they withdraw they fall back in dewes. 
 
 The fun beames do many times fcatter the mifts which 
 are in the mornings. 
 
 The fun beames caufe the diverfe returnes of the 
 herbs, plants and fruits of the earth ; for we fee in Ly- 
 mon trees and the like, that there is coming on at once 
 fruite rype, fruite unrype, and bloflbms; which may 
 fhew that the plante worketh to put forth continually, 
 were it not for the variations of the accefles and recerTes 
 of the fun, which call forth, and put back. 
 
 The exceffive heat of the fun doth wyther and de- 
 itxoy vegetables, as well as the cold doth nypp and blaft 
 them. 
 
 The heat or beames of the fun doth take away the 
 fmell of flowers, fpecially fuch as are of a milder odour. 
 
 The beames of the fun do difclofe fummer flowers, 
 as the Pimpernell, Marigold, and almoft. all flowers elfe, 
 for they clofe commonly morning and evening, or in 
 over-carl: weather, and open in the brightnefs of the 
 fun j which is but imputed to drynefs and moifhire, 
 - which doth make the beames heavie or erect ; and not to 
 any other propriety in the fun beames 1 So they report 
 
 not
 
 470 Calor &Frigus. 
 
 not onely a doling, but a bending or inclining in the 
 Heliotropium and Calendula. $u. 
 
 The fun beames do rype all fruites, and addeth to 
 them a fweetnefs or fatnefs; and yet fome fultry hot dayes 
 overeat! j are noted to rypen more than bright dayes. 
 
 The fun beames are thought to mend diflilled waters ; 
 the glaffes being well flopped, and to make them more 
 vertuous and fragrant. 
 
 The fun beames do turn wine into vinegar -, but u. 
 whether they would not fweeten verjuice. 
 
 The fun beames doth pall any wine or beer that is fet 
 in them. 
 
 The fun beames do take away the luflre of any filkes 
 or arras. 
 
 There is almofl no myne, but lyeth fome depth in the 
 earth ; gold is concey ved to lye higher!; and in the hot- 
 ter!: countries ; yet T^hracia and Hungary are cold, and 
 the hills of Scotland have yielded gold, but in fmall grains 
 or quantity. 
 
 If you fet a root of a tree too deep in the ground, 
 that root will perifh, and the flock will put forth a new 
 root nearer the fuperficies of the earth. 
 
 Some trees and plants profper befl in the made; as 
 theBayes, Strawberries, fome Wood-flowers. 
 
 Almofl all flyes love the fun beames, fo do Snakes ; 
 Toads and Wormes contrary. 
 
 The fun beames tanneth the fkin of man ; and in 
 fome places turneth it to black. 
 
 The fun beames are hardly indured by many, but caufe 
 head-ach, faintnefs, and with many they caufe rheums ; 
 yet to aged men they are comfortable. 
 
 The
 
 Ca lor 8c Frig us. 47* 
 
 The fun caufes peftilence, which with us rage about 
 Autumn ; but it is reported, in Barbary they break up 
 about June, and rage molt in the winter. 
 
 The heat of the fun, and of fire, and living creatures, 
 agree in fome things which pertain to vivification j as the 
 back of a chimney will fet forward an Apricocke tree as 
 well as the fun ; the fire will raife a dead Butterfly as 
 well as the fun ; and fo will the heat of a living crea- 
 ture, the heat of the fun in fand will hatch an egge. 
 %. 
 
 The heat of the fun in the hotteft countries nothing 
 fo violent as that of fire, no not fcarcely fo hot to the 
 fenle as that of a living creature. 
 
 The fun, a fountain of light as well as heat. The o- 
 ther celeftial bodies manifeft in light, and yet non con- 
 Jtat, whether all borrowed, as in the moon; but obfcure 
 in heat. 
 
 The fouthern and weftern wind with us is the warm- 
 eft, whereof the one bloweth from the fun, the other 
 from the fea ; the northern and eaftern the more cold. 
 >u. whether in the coafl of Florida, or at Brafil, the 
 eaft wind be not the warmeft, and the weft the coldeft ; 
 and fo beyond the Antarctique Tropique, the fouthern 
 wind the coldeft. 
 
 The air ufeth to be extream hot before thunders. 
 
 The fea and air ambient, appeareth to be hotter than 
 that at land ; for in the northern voyages two or three 
 degrees farther at the open fea, they find lefs ice than 
 two or three degrees more fouth near land ; but Qg. for 
 that may be by reafon of the fhores and fhallowes. 
 
 The
 
 4-7- Caj^or & Frigus. 
 
 T7 
 
 The fnowes diffolve fafleft upon the fea coafts, yet the 
 winds are counted the bittereft, from the fea, and fuch 
 as trees will bend from. $u. 
 
 The ftreames or cloudes of brightnefs which appear in 
 the firmament, being fuch through which the ftars may 
 be feen, and moot not, but reft, are fignes of heat. 
 
 The pillars of light, which are fo upright, and do 
 commonly fhoot and varye, are fignes of cold, but both 
 thefe are fignes of drowth, 
 
 The air when it is moved is to the fenfe colder ; as in 
 winds, fannings, Ventilabra. 
 
 The air in things fibrous, as fleeces, furs, &c. warm ; 
 and thofe fluffes to the feeling warm. 
 
 The water to man's body feemeth colder than the 
 air i and fo in fummer, in fwimming it feemeth at the 
 firft going in -, and yet after one hath been in a while, 
 at the coming forth again, the air feemeth colder than 
 the water. 
 
 The fnow more cold to the fenfe than water, and the 
 ice than fnow ; and they have in Italy meanes to keep 
 fnow and ice for the cooling of their drinks -, Qu. whether 
 it be fo in froth in refpedl: of the liquor. 
 
 Bathes of hot water feel hottefl: at the firfl going in. 
 
 The frofl dew which we fee in hoar froft, and in the 
 rymes upon trees or the like, accounted more mortifying 
 cold than fnow ; for fnow cherifheth the ground, and 
 any thing fowed in it ; the other biteth and killeth. 
 
 Stone and metal exceeding cold to the feeling more 
 
 than wood ; yea more than jett or amber, or horn, which 
 
 are no lefs fmooth. 
 
 The
 
 Calor & Frigus, 473 
 
 The fnow is ever in the wynter feafon, but the haile, 
 which is more of the nature of ice, is ever in the fum- 
 mer feafon, whereupon it is conceyved, that as the hol- 
 lowes of the earth are warmer!: in the winter, fo that 
 region of the air is coldeft in the fummer ; as if they 
 were a fugue of the nature of eyther from the contrary, 
 and a collecting it felf to an union, and fo to a further 
 itrength. 
 
 So in the fhades under trees in the fummer which 
 ftand in an open field, the made noted to be colder than 
 in a wood. 
 
 Cold erTe&eth congelation in liquors, fo as they do 
 confift and hold together, which before did run. 
 
 Cold breaketh glaffes, if they be clofe flopped in froft, 
 when the liquor freezeth within. 
 
 Cold in extreme maketh metalls, that are dry and 
 brittle, cleft and crack, JEraque dijjiliunt ; fo of pots of 
 earth and glafs. 
 
 Cold maketh bones of living creatures more fragile. 
 
 Cold maketh living creatures to fwell in the joints, and 
 the blood to clot, and turn more blue. 
 
 Bitter frofts do make all drinks to tafle more dead 
 and flat. 
 
 Cold maketh the arteries and flefh more afper and 
 rough. 
 
 Cold caufes rheums and diftillations by compreffing the 
 brain, and laxes by like reafon. 
 
 Cold increafes appetite in the ftomach, and willing- 
 nefs to flyrre. 
 
 Cold maketh the fire to fcald and fparkle. 
 
 P p p Para-
 
 474 Cai.or Sc Frigus. 
 
 Paracelfus reporteth, that if a glafs of wine be fet up- 
 on a tarras in a bitter froft, it will leave fome liquor un- 
 frozen in the center of the glafs, which zxcdlzthfpiritus 
 vini drawn by fire. 
 
 Cold in Mufcovy, and the like countries, caufes thofe 
 parts which are voideft of blood, as the nofe, the ears, 
 the toes, the fingers, to mortify and rot ; fpecially if you 
 come fowdaynely to fire, after you have been in the air 
 abroad, they are fure to moulder and diiTolve. They ufe 
 for remedy, as is faid, warning in fnow water. 
 
 If a man come out of a bitter cold fowdaynely to the 
 fire, he is ready to fwoon or overcome. 
 
 So contrarywife at Nova Zembla, when they opened 
 their door at times to go forth, he that opened the door 
 was in danger to overcome. 
 
 The quantity of fifh in the cold countries, Norway ', 
 &c. very abundant. 
 
 The quantity of fowl and eggs laid in the cliffs in great 
 abundance. 
 
 In Nova Zembla they found no beaft but bears and 
 foxes, whereof the bears gave over to be feen about Sep- 
 tember, and' the foxes began. 
 
 Meat will keep from putrifying longer in frofty wea- 
 ther, than at other times. 
 
 In If eland they keep fifh by expofing it to the coid 
 from putrifying without fait. 
 
 The nature of man endureth the coldes in the coun- 
 tries of Scricfinnia^ Biarmia, Lappia,. Ifeiand, Groen- 
 land'> and that not by perpetuall keeping in in ftoves in 
 the winter time as they do in Ru[jia\. but contrarywife, 
 their chief fairs and intercourfe is written to be in the 
 
 winter,
 
 Calor & Frigus. 475 
 
 winter, becaufe the ice evens and levelleth the paflages 
 of waters, plafhes, Gfc. 
 
 A thaw after a froft doth greatly rot and mellow the 
 ground. 
 
 Extreme cold hurteth the eyes, and caufes blindnefs in 
 many beafts, as is reported. 
 
 The cold maketh any folid fubflance, as wood, ftone, 
 metall, put to the flefli, to cleave to it, and to pull the 
 flefh after it, and fo put to any cloth that is moift. 
 
 Cold maketh the pelage of beafts more thick and long, 
 as foxes of Mufcovy, fabells, &c. 
 
 Cold maketh the pelage of moft beafts incline to gray- 
 nefs or whitenefs, as foxes, bears, and fo the plumage of 
 fowls -, and maketh alfo the crefts of cocks, and their 
 feet white as is reported. 
 
 Extreme cold will make nails leap out of the walls, 
 and out of locks, and the like. 
 
 Extreme cold maketh leather to be ftiffe like horn. 
 
 In frofty weather the ftars appear cleareft and moft 
 fparkling. 
 
 In the chaunge from froft to open weather, or from 
 open weather to frofts, commonly great mifts. 
 
 In extreme coldes any thing never fo little which ar- 
 refteth the air maketh it to congelej as we fee in cob- 
 webbs in windows, which is one of the leaft and weak- 
 eft thriddes that is, and yet drops gather about it like 
 chains of pearl. 
 
 So in frofts, the infide of glafs windows gathereth a 
 dew. Qu. if not more without. 
 
 <$u. Whether the fweating of marble and ftones be in 
 froft, or towards rain. 
 
 Ppp 2 Oyl
 
 476 Calor & FriguS. 
 
 Oyl in time of froft gathereth to a fubftance, as of 
 tallow ; and it is faid to fparkle fome time, fo as it giveth 
 a light in the dark. 
 
 The countries which lye covered with fnow, have a 
 haflier maturation of all grain than in other countries, 
 all being within three months, or thereabouts. 
 
 <%u. It is faid, that compofitions of hony, as meth, do 
 ripen, and are moft pleafant in the great coldes. 
 
 The frofts with us are cafuall, and not tyed to any 
 months, fo as they are not merely caufed by the recefs of 
 the fun, but mixed with fome inferior caufes. In the in- 
 land of the northern countries, as mRiiJ/ia, the weather 
 for the three or four months of November, December , 
 January > February is conftant, viz. clear and perpetuall 
 froft, without fnowes or rains. 
 
 There is nothing in our region, which by approach of 
 a matter hot, will not take heat by tranfition or excitation. 
 There is nothing hot here with us, but is in a kind of 
 confumption, if it carry heat in it felf; for all fired 
 things are ready to confume, chafed things are ready to 
 fire, and the heat of mens bodies needeth aliment to 
 reftore. 
 
 The tranfition of heat is without any imparting of 
 fubftance, and yet remaineth after the body heated, is 
 withdrawn ; for it is not like fmells, for they leave fome 
 airs or partes not like light, for that abideth not when 
 the firft body is removed, not unlike to the motion of the 
 load-ftone, which is lent without adhefion of fubftance, 
 for if the iron be filed where it was rubbed, yet it will 
 draw or turn. 
 
 REDAR-
 
 / 
 
 REDARGUTIO 
 
 PHILOSOPHIARUM 
 
 * 
 
 DUM haec tra&arem, intervenit amicus meus qui- 
 dam ex Gallia rediens, quern cum falutaffem, 
 atque ego ilium, ille me de rebus noftris fami- 
 liariter interrogaflemus : Tu vero, inquit, vacuisxuis ab 
 occupationibus civilibus intervallis, aut faltem remitten- 
 tibus negotiis quid agis ? Opportune, inquam, nam ne nil 
 me agere exiftimes, meditor inftaurationem philofophiae, 
 ejufmodi quae nihil inanis aut abftracti habeat, quaeque 
 vitas humanas conditiones in melius provehat. Honeftum 
 profe&o opus, inquit : & quos focios habes ? Ego certe, 
 inquam, profeclo nullos: quin nee quenquam habeo quo 
 cum familiariter de hujufmodi rebus colloqui poflim, ut 
 me faltem explicem & exacuam. Durae, inquit, partes 
 tuas funt: & ftatim addidit, atque tamen fcito hasc aliis 
 curae efle. Turn ego laetatus : guttula, inquam, me afper- 
 fifti, atque animam reddidifti. Ego enim anum quan- 
 dam fatidicam nou ita pridem conveni, quae mihi nefcio 
 quid obmurmurans, vaticinata eft, foetum meum in fo- 
 litudine periturum. Vis, inquit, ut tibi narrem qua? mihi 
 
 * Vide fcripra a Grutero edita, 1653. p. 318. 
 
 in.
 
 47 8 Redargutio Philofophiarum. 
 
 in Gallia circa hujufmodi negotium evenerunt. Liben- 
 timme, inquam, atque infuper gratiam habebo. 
 
 Turn retulit fe Parifiis vocatum a quodam amico fuo, 
 atque introductum in confeflum virorum, qualem, in- 
 quit, vel tu videre velles ; nihil enim in vita mihi acci- 
 dit jucundius. erant autem circiter quinquaginta viri, 
 neque ex iis quifquam adolefcens, fed omnes aetate pro- 
 vecliores, quique vultu ipfo dignitatem cum probitate 
 finguli prae fe ferrent. inter quos aiebat fe cognovifle 
 nonnullos honoribus perfunctos, atque alios ex fenatu ; 
 etiam antiftkes facrorum infignes, atque ex omni fere 
 ordine eminentiore aliquos , erant etiam quidam, ut aie- 
 bat/ peregrini ex diveriis nationibus. Atque cum ille 
 primo introiiffet, invenit eos familiariter inter fe collo- 
 quentesj fedebant tamen ordine fedilibus difpofitis, ac 
 veluti adventum alicujus expedtantes. 
 
 Neque ita multo poft ingrefliis eft ad eos vir quidam, 
 . afpe&us (ut ei videbatur) admodum placidi &c fereni, niii 
 quod oris compofitio erat tanquam miferantis, cui cum 
 omnes aflurrexiflent, ille cireumfpiciens & fubridens; Nun- 
 quam, inquit, exiftimavi potuiffe fieri, ut otium omnium 
 veftrum, cum fingulos recognofco, in unum atque idem 
 tempus coincideret, idque quomodo evenerit, fatis mi- 
 rari non poffum. Cumque unus ex caetu refpondiflet, 
 eum ipfum hoc otium illis feciife, cum quae ab ipfb ex- 
 pedtarent illi ducerent omni negolio potiora : Atque ut 
 video, inquit, univerfa ilia jactura ejus quod hie confu- 
 metur temporis, quo certe vos feparati multis mortalibus 
 profuifletis ad meas rationes accedet. Quod fi ita eft, vi- 
 dendum profe&o ne vos diutius morer : fimul confedit, 
 abfque fuggefto aut cathedra, fed ex aequo cum caeteris, 
 
 atque 
 8
 
 i. 
 
 Redargutio Philofophiarum. 479 
 
 atque hujufmodi quaedam apud eum confefTum verba fe- 
 cit ; nam aiebat, qui haec narrabat, fe ilia turn excepifle, 
 ut potuit, licet cum apud fe una cum illo amico fuo qui 
 eum introduxerat, ea recognofceret, fateretur ea longe 
 inferiora iis qua? turn dicta erTent, vifa efle. Exemplum 
 autem orationis quam exceperat, quod circa fe habebat; 
 proferebat. lllud ita fcriptum erat. 
 
 Vos certe, filii, homines eftis & mortales ; nee condi- 
 tionis veftrse tantum pceniteat, fi naturse veftra? fatis me- 
 mineritis. Deus mundi conditor & veftrum, animas vo* 
 bis donavit mundi ipfius capaces, nee tamen eo ipfo fa- 
 tiandas. itaque fidem veflram fibi fepofuit, mundum fenfui 
 attribuit : neutra autem oracula clara effe voluit, fed in- 
 voluta, ut vos exerceret, quandoquidem excellentiam 
 rerum rependeret. Atque de rebus divinis optima de vo- 
 bis fpero : circa humana autem, memo vobis, ne diutur- 
 nus error vos ufu ceperit. Exiftimo enim hoc apud vos 
 penitus credi, vos flatu uti fcientiarum florente & bono. 
 Ego rurfus moneo, vos ne eorum quae habetis aut copiam 
 aut utilitatem quafi ad magnum aliquod faftigium evedti, 
 & votorum compotes, aut laboribus perfuneti accipiatis. 
 Idque fie confiderate. 
 
 Si in omnem illam fcriptorum varietatem qua fcientise 
 tument &; luxuriantur, de eo quod afferunt interpelletis, 
 & ftri&e & prefle examinetis, ubique reperietis ejufdem 
 rei repetitiones infinitas ; verbis, ordine, exemplis, atque 
 illuftratione, diverfas j rerum fumma & pondere ac vera 
 poteftate prselibatas ac plane iteratas ; ut in pompa pau- 
 pertas fit, & in rebus jejunis faftidium. Atque fi vobif- 
 cum familiariter loqui & jocari hac de re liceat, videtur 
 doclrina veftra ccenae illi hofpitis Chalcidenfis fimil- 
 
 lima
 
 480 Redargutio Fhilofophiarum. 
 
 lima, qui cum interrogaretur unde tarn varia venatio ? 
 refpondit, ilia omnia ex manfueto fue efle facia. Neque 
 enim negabitis univerfam iftam copiam, nil aliud efTe 
 quam portionem quandam philofophiae Graecorum, eam- 
 que certe minime in faltu aut filvis naturae nutritam, fed 
 in fcholis & cellis, tanquam animal domefticum fagina- 
 tum. Quod fi a Graecis iifque paucis abfcedatis, quid 
 tandem habent vel Roman i, vel Arabes, vel noftri, quod 
 non ab Ariftotelis, Platonis, Hippocratis, Galen i, Eu- 
 clidis, Ptolemaei inventis derivetur, aut in eadem recidat ? 
 Itaque videtis in fex fortaffe hominum cerebellis & ani- 
 mulis, fpes & fortunas veftras fitas ene. Neque vero id- 
 circo Deus vobis animas rationales indidit, ut fuas partes, 
 (fidem fcilicet veftram quae divinis debetur) hominibus 
 . deferretis: neque fenfus informationem firmam & vali- 
 dam attribuit, ut paucorum hominum opera, fed ut fua 
 demum opera, caelum & terram, contemplaremini j lau- 
 des fuas celebrantes, & hymnum author! veftro canentes, 
 iis etiam viris, fi placet, (nihil enim obftat) in chorum 
 acceptis. 
 
 Quin etiam ifta ipfa doctrina, ufu veftra, origine 
 Graeca, quae tanta pompa incedit, quota pars fuit ilia 
 fapientiae Graecorum ? Ea enim varia fuit j varietas au- 
 tem ut veritati non acquiefcit, ita nee errorem flgit, fed 
 ad veritatem eft inftar iridis ad folem, quae omnium ima- 
 ginum eft maxime infirma, & quali deperdita, fed ta- 
 men imago. Verum &c hanc quoque varietatem nobis ex- 
 tinxit (Graecus & ipfe) Ariftoteles : credo, ut difcipuli res 
 -geftas aequaret. Atque difcipuli praeconium (fi redte me- 
 mini) tale celebratur : 
 
 Fcelix 
 .
 
 Redargutio Philofophiarurn. 481 
 
 Felix t err arum prcsdo, non utile mundo 
 Editus exemplum, terras tot pojfe fub uno 
 EfTe viro. 
 
 An & magifter, felix do&rinae prsedo ? Acerbe illud, 
 fed quae fequuntur optime. Nullo enim modo ille utilis 
 rebus humanis, qui tot egregia ingenia, tot, inquam, li- 
 bera capita in fervitutem redegerit. Itaque, filii, de copia 
 veftra audiftis quam arcta, quam ad paucos redacta. 
 Divitiae enim veftrae funt paucorum cenfus. De utilitate 
 jam attendite. 
 
 Atque tandem aditum ad mentes & fenfus veftros, non 
 
 dicam Impetrabimus (vos enim benevoli) fed ftruemus 
 
 aut machinabimur, res fiquidem difficilis. Quo fomite, 
 
 qua accenfione lumen nobis innatum excitabimus, idque 
 
 a praeftigiis luminis adventitii & infufi liberabimus ? 
 
 Quo modo, inquam, nos vobis dabimus, ut vos vobis 
 
 reddamus I Infinita praejudicia facia funt, opiniones hau- 
 
 ftae, receptee, fparfae. Theologi multa e philofophia ifta 
 
 fua fecerunt, & fpeculativam quandam ab utraque do- 
 
 ftrina coagmentatam condiderunt. Viri civiles, qui ad exi- 
 
 ftimationis fuae fructum pertinere putant, ut docti ha- 
 
 beantur, multa ubique ex eadem fcriptis fuis & orationi- 
 
 bus infpergunt. Etiam voces, filii, & verba ex dictamine 
 
 ejufdem philofophiae, & fecundum ejus praefcripta & pla- 
 
 cita, appofite conficta funt, adeo ut fimul ac loqui didi- 
 
 ceritis (felicem dicam an infelicem) hanc errorum Ca- 
 
 balam haurire & imbibere neceffe fuerit. Neque haec 
 
 tantum confenfu fingulorum firmata, fed & inftitutis aca- 
 
 demiarum, collegiorum, ordinum, fere rerumpublicarum 
 
 veluti fancita eft. 
 
 Q^q q Huic
 
 482 Redargutio Philofophiarum. 
 
 Huic itaque jam fubito renunciabitis ? id ne fumusvo- 
 bis authores ? Atqui ego, filii, hoc non poftulo, neque 
 hujufmodi philofophia? veftrae frudlus moror, aut eos vo- 
 bis interdico, neque in folitudinem aliquam vos abripiam. 
 Utimini philofophia quam habetis, difputationes veftras 
 ex ejus uberibus alite, fermones ornate, graviores apud 
 vulgus hominum hoc ipfo nomine eftote. Neque enim 
 philofophia vera ad haec multum utilis vobis erit : non 
 praefto eft, nee in tranlitu capitur, nee ex praenotionibus 
 intellectui blanditur, non ad vulgi captum (nifi per uti- 
 litatem & opera) defcendit. Servate itaque & illam alte- 
 ram, & prout commodum vobis erit, adhibete : atque 
 aliter cum natura, aliter cum populo negotiamini. Nemo 
 enim eft qui plus multo quam alius quis intelligit, quin 
 ad minus intelligentem, tanquam perfonatus fit, ut fe 
 exuat, alteri det. Verum illud vos familiariter pro more 
 noftro moneo, Habete Laidem dummodo a Laide non ha- 
 beamini. Judicium fuftinete, aliis vos date, non dedite; 
 & vos melioribus fervate. Atque videmur minus quiddam 
 vobis imponere, quod haec quae in manibus habetis, ufu 
 vobis & honore manebunt : ideoque aequiore animo paf- 
 furi eft is, eadem de veritate & utilitate in dubium vo- 
 cari. 
 
 Verum etiamfi vos optime animati efTetis, ut quascun- 
 que hacl:enus didiciftis aut credidiftis, fpretis opinionibus, 
 ac etiam rationibus veftris privatis, vel hoc ipfo loco de- 
 pofituri fitis, modo de veritate vobis conftaretj attamen 
 hac quoque ex parte haeremus : neque habemus fere quo 
 nos vertamus; ut fidem vobis rei tarn inopinatoe & nova? 
 faciamus. Certe difputationis lex penitus fublata eft, cum 
 de principiis nobis vobifcum non conveniat. Etiam fpes 
 
 ejufdem
 
 Rcdargutio Philofophiarum. 483 
 
 cjufdem praecifa eft, quia de demonftrationibus quae nunc 
 in ufu funt, dubitatio injecta eft, atque accufatio fuf- 
 cepta Atque hoc animorum ftatu Veritas ipfa vobis non 
 tuto committitur. Itaque intellectus vefter prscparandus 
 antequam docendus, animi fanandi antequam exercendi 
 funt, area denique purganda antequam inaedificanda : at- 
 que ad hunc finem hoc tempore conveniftis. Qua igitur 
 induftria aut commoditate hoc negotium difcutiemus aut 
 agemus ? Non defperandum. 
 
 Ineft profecto, filii, animae humanae utcunque occu- 
 patae & obfeflae, aliqua pars intellectus pura & veritatis 
 hofpita : eftque ad earn aliqua molli clivo orbita dedu- 
 cens. Agite, filii, vos & ego viros doctos, li quid in hoc 
 genere fumus, exuamus; & faciamus nos tanquam aliquos 
 e plebe j & omims rebus ipfis, ex fignis quibufdam ex- 
 ternis conjecturas capiamus. Hasc enim faltem nobis 
 cum hominibus communia funt. 
 
 Doctrina veftra, ut dictum eft, fluxit a Graecis. Qualis 
 natio ? Nil mihi rei cum convitio eft, filii j itaque quae 
 de ea di&a funt ab aliis, nee repetam, nee imitabor. 
 Tantum dico earn nationem fuifle femper ingenio prae- 
 properam, more profefToriam, quae duo fapientiae & veri- 
 tati funt inimiciffima. Nee praeterire fas eft verba fa- 
 cerdotis iEgyptii, praefertim ad virum e Graecia excellen- 
 tem prolata, ab authore etiam nobili e Graecia relata. Is 
 facerdos certe verus vates fuit cum diceret, Vos Greece 
 femper pueri. Annon bene divinatum eft ? veriflime 
 certe, Graecos pueros aeternos efte : idque non tantunx in 
 hiftoria & rerum memoria, fed multo magis in rerum 
 contemplatione. Quid ni enim fit inftar pueritiae ea phi- 
 lofophia, quae garrire & caufari novepit, generare 5c pro- 
 
 Q^q q 2 creare
 
 484 Redargutio Fhilofophiarum. 
 
 creare non poflit : difputationibus inepta, operibus ina- 
 nis ? Mementote ergo, (ut ait propheta) rupis ex qua 
 excifi eftis, & de natione cujus authoritatem fequimini, 
 quod Graeca fit, interdum cogitate. 
 
 Sequitur temporis nota, qua philofophia ifta veftra 
 nata eft 6c prodiit. iEtas erat, filii, cum ilia condita fuit, 
 fabulis vicina, hiftorias egena, peregrinationibus 6c no- 
 titia orbis parum informata aut illuftrata, quaeque nee 
 antiquitatis venerationem, nee temporum recentium co- 
 piam habebat, fed utraque dignitate & praerogativa care- 
 bat. Etenim antiquis temporibus credere licet fuine di- 
 vinos viros qui altiora quam pro hominum communi 
 conditione faperent. Noftram autem aetatem, fateri ne- 
 cene eft, prae ilia de qua loquimur (ut taceam ingenio- 
 rum & meditationum fructus & labores) etiam duorum 
 fere mille annorum eventis & experientia, 6c duarum ter- 
 tiarum orbis notitia auctam efle. Itaque videte quam 
 angufte habitaverint , vel potius conclufa fuerint illius 
 astatis ingenia, fi rem vel per tempora, vel per regiones 
 computetis. Neque enim mille annorum hiftoriam, quae 
 digna hiftoriae nomine fit, habebant; fed fabulas 6c fomnia. 
 Regionum vero tra&uumque mundi quotam partem no- 
 verant, cum omnes hyperboreos Scythas -, omnes occi- 
 dentales, Celtas, indiftincte appellarent; nil in Africa ultra 
 citimam ,/Ethiopiae partem, nil in Alia ultra Gangem, 
 multo minus novi orbis provincias, ne per auditum fane 
 aut fama noflent: imo & plurima climata 6c zonas, qui- 
 bus populi infiniti fpirant 6c degunt, tanquam inhabita- 
 biles ab illis'pronunciatas fint ? quinetiam peregrinationes 
 Democrki, Platonis, Pythagorae, non longinquae pro- 
 
 fefto,
 
 Redargutio PhilofopFtarutn. 485 
 
 fe&o, fed potius fuburbanae, ut magnum aliquid cele- 
 brantur. * 
 
 Atque experientia, filii, ut aqua, quo largior eft, eo 
 minus corrumpitur. Noftris autem temporibus (ut fcitis) 
 oceanus finus laxavit, & novi orbes patuere, & veteris 
 orbis extrema undique innotefcunt, idque diftincte ac 
 proprie. Itaque ex aetatis & temporis natura, veluti ex 
 nativitate & genitura philofophiae veftrae, nil magni de 
 ea Chaldaei praedixerint ? 
 
 De hominibus videamus. Qua in re Optimo fato hoc 
 fie, (neque id artificio aliquo noft.ro cautum eft, fed ipfa 
 res hoc non folum patitur, verum etiam poftulat) ut 6c 
 illis honor fervetur, & nos modeftiam noftram tueri & 
 retkiere poflimus, & tamen fidem liberare. Nos enim, 
 filii, nee invidiam nee jactantiae nobis confeii fumus, nee 
 de ingenii palma, nee de placitorum regno contendimusr 
 longe alia noftra ratio eft, & finis, hocque mox aperie- 
 tur. Itaque antiquorum ingeniis, excellentiae, facultati, 
 nihil detrahimus, fed generi ipfi, vias, inftituto, authori- 
 tati, placitis, neceflario derogamus. Immenfum enim eft, 
 quantum fcientiarum progrefliim deprimant, atque opinio- 
 copiae inter maximas caufas inopiae reperitur. 
 
 Atque duo funt viri, filii, quorum placita ex Iibris" 
 eorum propriis haurire licet. Plato & Ariftoteles : uti- 
 nam illud & reliquorum nonnullis contigiflet. Sed Ari- 
 ftoteles, Othomannorum more, regnare fe non potuifie 
 exiftimavit, nifi fratres trucidaftet. Idque ei non ftatim 
 fane, fed poftea ex voto nimis feliciter fucceflit. De hiis 
 itaque duobus pauca dicere inftituimus. Xenophontcra 
 autem tertium non adjungimus, fuavem fcriptorem & vi- 
 rum excellentem. Verum cum illis qui pliilofophiam 
 
 tanquatr*.
 
 486 Redargutio Philofophiarum. 
 
 tanquam ingenii peregrinationem amoenam & jucundam, 
 lion tanquam provinciam laboriofam & folicitam fufce- 
 perunt, nobis non multum rei eft. 
 
 Itaque hos duos viros, Platonem 6c Ariftotelem, fi 
 quis inter maxima mortalium ingenia non numeret, aut 
 minus perfpicit, aut minus aequus eft. Ingenia certe il- 
 lorum capacia, acuta, fublimia. Sed tamen videndum 
 primo, cujus generis philofophantium cenferi poffint. In- 
 venio enim tria genera apud Graecos eorum qui philofo- 
 phias cultores habiti lint. Primum erat Sophiftarum, qui 
 per plurimas civitates inftituta profe&ione, cc per fingu- 
 las manfitantes, adolefcentes recepta mercede, fapientia 
 imbuere profefti funt, quales fuere Gorgias, Protagoras, 
 Hippias ; quos Plato ubique exagitat, & fere in comcediae 
 morem deridendos propinat. neque enim hii rhetores 
 tantum erant, aut orationum confcriptores, fed univerfa- 
 lem rerum notitiam fibi arrogabant. Secundum erat eo- 
 rum qui majore faftu & opinione, locis certis & fedibus 
 fixis, fcholas aperiebant, atque placita & fe&am conden- 
 tes aut excipientes, auditores, fectatores, fucceflbres in- 
 fuper habebant. ex quo genere erant Plato, Ariftoteles, 
 Zeno, Epicurus, nam Pythagoras etiam auditores traxit, 
 & fectam conftituit, fed traditionum potius quam difpu- 
 tationum plenam, 8c fuperftitioni quam philofophiae pro- 
 piorem. Tertium autem genus erant eorum, qui re- 
 mote ftrepitu & pompa profefToria, ferio veritatis inqui- 
 litioni, & rerum contemplation i dediti, (& tanquam En- 
 dymion) folitarii, & quafi fopiti, fibi philofophabantur ; 
 aut adhibitis paucis, (quibus idem amor erat) in collo- 
 quiorum fuavitatem deftinata perficiebant : neque Ga- 
 latea? more, cujus lufus in undis, difputationum procellis 
 
 fe
 
 Redargutio Fhilofophiarutn. 4 8 7 
 
 fe oblectabant. atque tales fuere Empedocles, Heracli- 
 tus, Democritus, Anaxagoras, Parmenides. neque enim 
 reperietis hos fcholas aperuifle, fed tandem fpeculatio- 
 nes & inventa fua in fcripta redegifle, & pofteris tranf- 
 mififle. 
 
 Nunc autem videtis certe, nlii, quae res agatur. Ego 
 enim duo prima genera (utcunque fe invicem obnegent 
 & profcindant) tamen natura rei ipfius, connexa effe 
 ftatuo. Itaque non haefitabo apud vos dicere, me locum 
 Platoni & Ariftoteli tribuere inter Sophiftas : fed tan- 
 quam ordinis emendati & reformati. Eandem enim rem 
 prorfus video. Aberat fortafie loci mutatio & circum- 
 curfatio, & mercedis indignitas, & inepta oftentatio : at- 
 que lucet in illis certe quiddam folennius & nobilius $ 
 fed aderant fchola, auditor, fecta. Itaque genus ipfum 
 profedto cernitis. Jam vero de viris ipfis aliquid fepara- 
 tim dicamus, inftitutum fervantes, ut mims rebus, ex 
 fignis conjiciamus. 
 
 Itaque ab Ariftotele exorfi, memoriam veftram, nlii, 
 teftamur, fi in phyficis ejus & metaphyficis, non faepius 
 dialectics quam naturae voces audiatis. Quid enim fo- 
 lidi ab eo fperari pomt qui mundum tanquam e catego- 
 riis effecerit ? qui negotium materia? & vacui, & rarita- 
 tis & denfitatis per diftinetionem actus & potential tran- 
 fegerit ? qui animae genus non multo melius quam ex 
 vocibus fecundae intentionis tribuerit ? Verum haec ad res 
 ipfas penetrant. Itaque ab hujufmodi fermone abfiften- 
 dum. Nam cum confutationem juftam initituere imme- 
 moris plane fit : ita & opiniones tanti hominis per faty- 
 ram perftringere fuperbum foret. Signa autem in illo 
 non bona, quod ingenium incitatum & fe proripiens, nee 
 
 i alien
 
 488 Redargutio Fhtlofophiarum,, 
 
 aliens cogitationis nee propria? fere patiens, quod qua?- 
 ftionum artifex, quod contradi&ionibus continuus, quod 
 antiquitati infeftus & infultans, quod quaefita obfeuritas 
 eftj alia plurima, quae omnia magifterium fapiunt, non 
 inquilitionem veritatis. 
 
 Quod fi quis ad haec, cenfuram rem proclivem for- 
 taiTe efle, illud interim conftare, pbft Ariftotelis opera 
 edita, pleraque antiquorum veluti deferta exolevifle : 
 apud tempora autem quae fequuta funt, nil melius in- 
 ventum efle : magnum itaque virum Ariftotelem, qui u- 
 trumque tempus ad fe traxerit : atque verifimile efle phi- 
 lofophiam in eo ipfo tanquam fedes fixas pofuifle, ut nihil 
 reflet nifl ut confervetur 6c ornetur. Ego, filii, cogita- 
 tionem hanc efle exiflimo hominis vel imperiti, vel par- 
 tibus infecti, vel deiidis. Eft enim (ut dicit fcriptura) 
 defidia quaedam, quae fibi prudens videtur & feptemplici 
 rationum pondere gravior. Atque proculdubio (fl verum 
 omnino dicendum eft) ifta defidia hujus opinionis inve- 
 nietur pars vel maxima ; dum humanae naturae ingenita 
 iiiperbia vitiis propriis non foluni ignofcens, verum etiam 
 cultum quendam prophanum attribuensj laborum & in- 
 quirendi & experiendi fugam, pro ea quae prudentiae 
 comes fit dirfidentia, veneretur : neque ita multo poft fo- 
 cordia fingulorum judicium & authoritatem univerforum 
 repraefentet & effingat. 
 
 \ Nos vero primo illud interrogamus. An ob illud vir 
 magnus Ariftoteles, quod utrumque tempus traxerit ? 
 iCerte magnus : Itane ? At non major quam impoftorum 
 maximus. Impoftura enim, atque adeo principis impo- 
 fturae, Antichrifti, haec praerogativa fingularis eft. Vent 
 (inquit Veritas ipfa) in nomine fatris mei, nee recipitis 
 
 me :
 
 Redargutio Philofophiarum. 489 
 
 me : Jt quis verier it nomine fuo, eum recipietis. Audiftifne 
 filii ? fenfu non proprio certe, fed pio & vero, qui in 
 nomine paternitatis aut antiquitatis venerit, non recep- 
 tum iri, qui autem priora profternendo, deftruendo, au- 
 thoritatem fibi ufurpaverit, 6c in nomine proprio venerit, 
 eum homines fequi. Atque fi quis unquam in philofo- 
 phia in nomine proprio venit, is eft Ariftoteles, per om- 
 nia fibi author, quique antiquitatem ita defpexit, ut ne- 
 minem ex antiquis vel nominare fere dignetur, nifi ad 
 confutationem & opprobrium. Quin & difertis verbis di- 
 cere non erubefcit (bene ominatus certe etiam in male- 
 dicto) veriiimile efle majores noftros ex terra aliqua aut 
 limo procreatos fuiffe, ut ex opinionibus & inftitutis 
 eorum ftupidis, & vere terreis conjicere licet. 
 
 Neque tamen illud verum eft, antiquorum philefo- 
 rum opera, poftquam Ariftoteles de iis ex authoritate pro- 
 pria triumpharTet, ftatim extinda fuirTe. Videmus enim 
 qualis fuerit opinio de prudentia Democriti poft Csefa- 
 rum tempora, 
 
 Cuius prudentia mon/irat. 
 Magnos poJJ'e viros, & magna exempla daturos, 
 Vervecum in patria, craffoque fub a ere nafci. 
 
 Atque fatis conftat fub tempora excultiora imperii Ro- 
 mani, plurimos antiquorum Grascorum libros incolumes 
 manfiffe. Neque enim tantum potuiffet Ariftoteles (licet 
 voluntas ei non defuerit) ut ea deleret, nifi Attila & 
 Genfericus & Gothi ei in hac re adjutores fuhTent. Turn 
 enim poftquam doctrina humana naufragium perpefla 
 effet, tabula ifta Ariftotelicae philofophia? tanquam ma- 
 
 Rrr teri
 
 49 Redargutio Fhilofophiarum. 
 
 teri'ae alicujas levioris & minus folidae fervata eft, & ex,- 
 tinctis a?mulis recepta. 
 
 At quod de confenfu homines fibi fingunt, id 6c infi- 
 dum & infirmum eft. An vos, filii, temporis partus ha- 
 betis numeratos 6c defer iptos in faftis, eos inquam qui 
 perierunt, latuerunt, aut aliis orbis partibus innotuerunt? 
 An 6c abortus qui nunquam in lucem editi funt ? Itaque 
 definant homines anguftias fuas mundo 6c feculis attri- 
 buere & imponere. Quid fi de fuffragiis ipfis litem mo- 
 veamus, 6c negemus verum 6c legitimum confenfum efte, 
 cum homines addicti credunt, non perfuafi judicant ? 
 Tranfierunt, filii, ab ignorantia in pra}judicium : hrec de- 
 mum eft ilia coitio potius quam confenfus. Poftremo, fi 
 de ifto confenfu non diffiteamur, fed eum ipfum ut fuf- 
 pectum rejiciamus, an nos inter morbum iftum animo- 
 rum graffantem 6c epidemicum fanitatis pcenitebit ? Pef- 
 iimum certe, filii, omnium augurium eft de confenfu in 
 rebus intellectualibus, exceptis divinis, cum Veritas de- 
 fcendit ccelitus. Nihil enim multis placet, nifi aut ima- 
 ginationem feriat, ut fuperftitio, aut notiones vulgares, 
 ut doctrina fophiftarum : tantumque confenfus ifte a 
 vera 6c folida authoritate abeft, ut etiam violentam prae- 
 fumptionem inducat in contrarium. Optime enim Grae- 
 cus ille, Quid peccavi ? cum complauderent. 
 
 Quod fi is elTet vir qui putatur effe Ariftoteles, tamen 
 nullo modo vobis author fim, ut unius hominis cogitata 
 6c placita inftar oraculi recipiatis. Qua? enim, filii, eft 
 ifta voluntaria fervitus ? tantone auditoribus monachi il- 
 lius ethnici deteriores eftis ? ut illi fuum, ipfi dixit, poft 
 feptennium deponerent, vos illud poft annos bis mille 
 
 reti-
 
 Redargutio Philofophidritm. 491 
 
 retineatis ? Atque nee iftum ipfum praeclarum authorem 
 habuhTetis, fi antiquitatis ftudium valuiffet -, 6c tamen 
 eadem in ilium lege & conditione uti veremini. Quin fi 
 me audietis, dictaturam iftam non modo huic homini, 
 fed 6c cuivis mortalium qui funt, qui erunt in perpetuum 
 negabiris ; atque homines in rete inventis fequemini ; ut 
 videntes lucem, non in omnibus promifcue, ut caeci du- 
 cem. Neque certe vos virium poeniteat, fi experiamini : 
 neque enim Ariftotele in fingulis, licet forte in omnibus 
 inferiores eftis. atque quod caput rei eft, una certe re il- 
 ium longe fuperatis, exemplis videlicet, & experimentis 
 6c monitis temporis. Nam ut ille (quod narrant) librum 
 confecerit, in quo ducentarum quinquagmta quinque ci- 
 vitatum leges & inftituta collegerit j tamen non dubito 
 quin unius reipublicas Romans mores & exempla plus 
 ad prudentiam 6c militarem 6c civilem contulerint, quam 
 omnia ilia. Similia etiam 6c in naturali philofophia e- 
 venerunt. Itane vero animati eftis, ut non tantum dotes 
 veftras proprias, fed etiam temporis dona projiciatis? 
 Itaque vindicate vos tandem, 6c vos rebus addite, neque 
 acceffio unius hominis eftote. 
 
 De Platone vero ea noftra fententia eft y ilium, licet ad 
 rempublicam non accemlfet, fed a rebus civilibus admi- 
 niftrandis quodammodo refugiftet propter temporum 
 perturbationes, tamen natura 6c inclinatione omnino ad 
 xes civiles propenfum, vires eo praecipue intendifie ; ne- 
 que de philofophia naturali admodum follicitum fuifte ; 
 nifi quatenus ad philofophi nomen 6c celebritatem tuen- 
 dam, 6c ad majeftatem quandam moralibus 6c civilibus 
 dodrinis addendam 6c afpergendam fufficeret. Ex quo 
 fit, ut quae de natura fcripfit, nil nrmitudinis habeant. 
 
 Rrr 2 Quin-
 
 49- Redargittio Fhilofophiarum. 
 
 Quinetiam naturam theologia, non minus quam Arifto- 
 teles diale&ica infecit & corrupit. Optima autem in eo 
 figna (fi caetera confeniifTent) quod & formarum cogni- 
 tionem ambiret, & indudtione per omnia, non tantum 
 ad principia, fed etiam ad medias propofitiones uteretur : 
 licet & haec ipfa duo vere divina, & ob quae nomen di- 
 vini non dico tulit fed meruit, corruperit & inutilia red- 
 diderit, dum & formas abftractas prenfaret, & inductio- 
 nis materiam tantum ex rebus obviis & vulgaribus defu- 
 meret : quod hujufmodi fcilicet exempla (quia notiora) 
 difputationibus potius convenirent. Itaque cum ei dili- 
 gens naturalium rerum contemplatio & obfervatio de- 
 effet, quae unica philofophiae materia eft, nil mirum fi 
 nee ingenium altum, nee modus ifyquifitionis felix mag- 
 nopere profecerint. Verum nos ex^frgnorum confidera- 
 tione, nefcio quo modo in res ipfas prolabimur : non 
 enim facile feparari pofliint, neque ea ingrata vobis au- 
 dita fuifle arbitramur. 
 
 Quin etiam fortafle & illud infuper fcire vultis quid 
 de reliquis illis fentiamus, qui alienis, non propriis fcrip- 
 tis nobis noti funt, Pythagora, Empedocle, Heraclito, 
 Anaxagora, Democrito, Parmenide, aliis. Atque hac de 
 re, filii, nil reticebimus, fed animi noftri fenfum inte- 
 grum & fincerum vobis aperiemus. Scitote itaque, nos 
 fumma cum diligentia & cura omnes vel tenuiffimas au- 
 ras circa horum virorum opiniones & placita captafle : 
 ut quicquid de illis vel dum ab Ariftotele confutantur, 
 vel dum a Platone & Cicerone citantur, vel in Plutarchi 
 fafciculo, vel in Laertii vitis, vel in Lucretii poemate, 
 vel in aliquibus fragmentis, vel in quavis alia fparfa me- 
 moria & mentione, inveniri poflit, evolverimus, neque 
 
 curfim
 
 Redargntio Philofophiarum. 493 
 
 curfim aut contemptim, fed cum fide & deliberatione 
 examinaverimus. Atque dubium profedto non eft, quin 
 fi opiniones eorum, quas nunc per internuncios quofdam 
 minime fidos folummodo habemus, in propriis extarent 
 operibus, ut eas ex ipfis fontibus haurire liceret, majo- 
 rem firmitudinem habiturae fuhTent j cum theoriarum 
 vires in apta & fe mutuo fuftinente partium harmonia & 
 quadam in orbem demonftratione confiftant, ideoque per 
 partes traditae infirmas fint. 
 
 Neque negamus nos reperire inter placita tam varia, 
 haud pauca in contemplatione naturae & caufarum aflig- 
 natione non indiligenter notata. Alios autem in aliis (ut 
 fere fieri folet) conftat feliciores fuifTe. Quod fi cum 
 Ariftotele conferantur, plane cenfemus fuifTe ex iis non- 
 nullos qui in multis Ariftotele longe & acutius & altius 
 in naturam penetraverint, quod fieri necefle fuit, cum 
 experientiae cultores magis religiofi fuerint, praefertim De- 
 mocritus, qui ob naturas peritiam etiam magus habitus 
 eft. Veruntamen nobis necefle eft, fi fimpliciter & abs- 
 que perfona vobifcum agere ftat decretum ; nomina ifta 
 magna, brevi admodum fententia tranfmittere : efle ni* 
 mirum hujufmodi philofophorum placita ac theorias, ve* 
 luti diverfarum fabularum in theatro argumenta, in quan- 
 dam veri fimilitudinem, alia elegantius, alia negligentius 
 aut crafiius conficta ; atque habere quod fabularum pro- 
 prium eft, ut veris interdum narrationibus concinniora 
 & commodiora videantur : & qualia quis libentius cre- 
 deret. Sane cum ifti famas & opinioni tanquam fcens 
 minus fervirent quam Ariftoteles & Plato & reliqui e 
 fcholis, puriores fuere ab oftentatione & impoftura, atque 
 eo nomine faniores ; caetera fimiles erant. Una enim quafi. 
 
 navis
 
 494 Redargutio Philofophiarum. 
 
 navis phiiofophias Graecorum videtur, atque errores di- 
 verfi, caufae errandi communes. 
 
 Quinetiam nobis minime dubium eft, fi penes popu- 
 lum & civitatcs liberas res manfifient, fieri non potuifle 
 ut humani ingenii peregrinationes popularibus auris velifi- 
 cantes, utcunque inter tarn numerofa & varia theoriarum 
 commenta fe fiftere aut continere potuiflent. Quemad- 
 modum enim in aftronomicis, & iis quibus terrain ro- 
 tari placet, & eis qui per veterem conftructionem tenue- 
 rint, phaenomenorum in ccelis patrocinia aequa funt : quin 
 & tabularum calculi utrifque relpondent : eodem modo, 
 ac multo etiam facilius eft in naturali philofophia com- 
 plures theorias excogitare inter fe multum difFerentes, 
 fed tamen fingulas fibi conftantes, & experientiam & 
 praefertim inftantias vulgares quae in quaeftionibus philo- 
 fophicis (ut nunc fit) judicia exercere folent, in diverfum 
 trahentes & pro teftibus citantes. 
 
 Neque enim defuerunt etiam noftra aetate, in noftris 
 inquam frigidis praecordiis atque tempore quo res reli- 
 gionis ingenia confumferint, qui novas philofophiae na- 
 turalis fabricas meditati funt. Nam Tilefius ex Confentia 
 fcenam confcendit & novam fabulam egit, argumento 
 profecl:o magis probabilem quam plaufu celebrem. Et 
 Gilbertus ex Anglia, cum naturam magnetis laboriofif- 
 fime & magna inquifitionis firmitudine & conftantia, nec- 
 non experimentorum magno comitatu & fere agmine 
 perfcrutatus efiet, ftatim imminebat & ipfe novae philo- 
 fophiae condendae, nee Xenophanis nomen in Xenoma- 
 nem per ludibrium verfum expavit, in cujus fententiam 
 inclinabat. Quin 6c Fracaftorius, licet feclam non con- 
 
 diderit
 
 Redargtttio Philofophiarnm. 495 
 
 diderit, tamen libertate judicii bonefte ufus eft; eadem 
 aufus eft Cardanus, fed levior. 
 
 Atque exiftimo, filii, vos ad iftam quam ex nobis au- 
 ditis, tarn latam & generalem opinionum & authorum 
 rejectionem obftupefcere. Licet enim de nobis bene exi- 
 ftimetis, tamen vereri videmini, ut invidiam hujufce rei 
 nobifcum una fuftinere pomtis. Quin & rpfi (credo) mi- 
 rerhini 6c animi pendetis, quorfum res hrec evafura fit, 
 & quam tandem conditionem vobis afferarnus. Itaque 
 diutius fufpenfos vos non tenebimus : atque fimul & vos 
 admiratione, & nos invidia, ut fperamus, nil! admodum 
 iniqua fuerit, exolvemus. Atque meminiftis profecto e- 
 tiam ab initio nos tale quiddam fignificarTe. Antiquis 
 non certe authoritatem & fidem (id enim pernitiofum) 
 fed honorem ac reverentiam intadta & imminuta fore ; 
 tametfi porlemus pro jure noftro, neque eo ipfo alio 
 quam omnium, fi quid apud eos non recte inventum aut 
 pofitum fit, id reprehendere aut notare. Sed res ipfa 
 hoc non poftulat, fato quodam ut arbitramur ad invi- 
 diam & contradictionem extinguendam & depellendam. 
 meliore. 
 
 Audite itaque, filii, quas jam dicemus. Nos fi profi- 
 teamur nos meliora afferre quam antiqui, eandem quam- 
 antiqui viam ingreuos, nulla verborum arte efficere pof- 
 fimus, quin inducatur quaedam ingenii, vel excellentiae 
 vel facultatis comparatio five contentio : non ea quidem. 
 illicita aut nova ; fed impar ob v*rium noftrarum mo- 
 dum , quern eum effe fatis fentimus, ut non folum an- 
 tiquis, fed & vivis cedat. Cum autem (ut fimplicker 
 apud vos loquamur) claudus in via (quod dici folet) cur- 
 forem extra viam antevertat, commu rata ratio eft. Atque 
 
 de
 
 496 Redargutio Philofophiarum. 
 
 de via (mementote) non de viribus quaeftio oritur, nof- 
 qiie indicis non judicis partes fuftinemus. Itaqne aperte 
 vale juno omni fuco & artificio, fatemur nos in hac opi- 
 nione efle, omnia omnium aetatum ingenia R in unum 
 coierint eo quo nunc res geritur modo, hoc eft, (ut clare 
 loquamur) ex meditatione & argumentatione, in fcien- 
 tiis magnos procerlus facere non pone. Quin neque hie 
 finis, fed addimus infuper, quanto quis ingenio plus va- 
 let, eundem fi naturae lucem, id eft, hiftoriam 6c rerum 
 particularium evidentiam intempeftive deferat -, tanto in 
 obfeuriores 6c magis perplexos phantafiarum receftus, & 
 quali fpecus fe detrudere & involvere. 
 
 Annon forte animadvertiftis, filii, quanta ingeniorum 
 & acumina 6c robora apud philofophos fcholafticos otio 
 & meditationibus luxuriantes, & ob tenebras ipfas in 
 quibus enutriti erant feroces, quales nobis telas aranea- 
 rum pepererint, textura 6c fubtilitate fili mirabiles, ufus & 
 commodi expertes. Etiam illud fimul afhrmamus j no- 
 ilram quam ad artes adducimus rationem, & inquifitio- 
 nis formam talem effe, quae hominum ingenia & facul- 
 tates, ut haereditates Spartanas fere aequet. Nam quem- 
 admodum ad hoc, ut linea recta aut circulus perfectus 
 defcribatur, plurimum eft in manus ac vifus facultate, fi 
 per conftantiam manus 6c oculorum judicium tantum, 
 res tentetur ; fin per regulam admotam, aut circinum 
 circumdudtum, non item ; eadem ratione, 6c in contem- 
 platione rerum, quae mentis viribus folum incumbit j 
 homo homini praeftat vel maxime. In ea autem quam 
 nos adhibemus, non multo major in hominum intellectu 
 eminet inaequalitas, quam in fenfu ineffe folet. Quin Sc 
 ab ingeniorum acumine 6c agilitate, (ut dictum eft) dum 
 
 K
 
 Redargutio Philofophiarum. 497 
 
 fuo motu feruntur, periculum metuimus, atque in eo 
 toti fumus, ut hominum ingeniis non plumas aut alas, 
 fed plumbum & pondera addamus. Nullo enim modo 
 videntur homines adhuc noffe, quam fevera fit res veri- 
 tatis & naturae inquifitio; quamque parum hominum ar- 
 bitrio relinquat. Neque tamen nos peregrinum quiddam, 
 aut myfticum, aut Peum tragicum ad vos adducimus. 
 nil enim aliud eft noftra via, nifi literata experientia, at- 
 que ars five ratio naturam fincere interpretandi , & via 
 vera a fenfu ad intelledlum. 
 
 Verum annon videtis, filii, quid per haec quae diximus 
 effectum fit ? Primum antiquis fuus honos manet. nam 
 in iis quae in ingenio & meditatione pofita funt, illi mi- 
 rabiles viros fe praeftitere ; neque nobis fane earn viam 
 ingreflis longo intervallo eorum progreflus aequare, ut ar- 
 bitramur,' vires fuffeciflent. Deinde, intelligitis profedlo, 
 minus quiddam effe hanc rejedtionem authorum genera- 
 lem ; quam fi alios rejecifiemus, alios probaflemus. Turn 
 enim judicium quoddam exercuiffemus ; cum nunc tan- 
 tummodo (ut diclum eft) indicium faciamus. Poftremo 
 etiam perfpicitis quid nobis prorfus relinquatur : five nos 
 aliquid fumere, five aliis aliquid nobis tribuere libeat. 
 
 Non ingenii, non excellentiae, non facultatis laus, fed 
 fortuna quaedam, ea magis veftra quam noftra, cum res 
 fit potius ufu fructuofa, quam inventione admirabilis. 
 nam uti vos fortaffe miramini, quando hoc nobis in men- 
 tem venire potuerit : ita & nos viciffim miramur, quo- 
 modo idem aliis in mentem jam pridem non venerit: 
 non ulli mortalium cordi aut curae fuifle, ut intellectui 
 humano auxilia & praefidia ad naturam contemplandam 
 & experientiam digerendam compararet : fed omnia vel 
 
 S { tradi-
 
 49 8 Redargutio Philofophiamm. 
 
 traditionum caligini, vel argumentorum vertigini & tur- 
 bini, vel cafus 6c experimentorum uhdis 6c ambagibus 
 permifla. efle, nee mediam quandam viam inter experi- 
 entiam & dogmata aperiri potuifle ? fed tamen mirari 
 definimus, cum in multis rebus videre liceat, mentem 
 humanam tarn lasvam 6c male compofitam efle, ut primo 
 diffidat, 6c paulo poft fe contemnat : atque primo incredi- 
 bile videatur, aliquid tale inveniri poiTe ; poftquam autem 
 inventum lit, rurfus incredibile videatur id homines tarn 
 diu fugere potuifle : fed ut quod res eft proferamus - y 
 huic rei de qua nunc agimus impedimento fuit non tarn 
 rei obfeuritas aut difficultas, quam fuperbia humana, cui 
 natura ipfa magna ex parte eaque potiore fordefcit : 
 quaeque homines eo dementias provehit, ut fpiritus pro- 
 prios, non fpiritum naturae confulant ; ac fi artes face- 
 rent, non invenirent. 
 
 Atque, iilii, inter iftam veftram tanquam per ftatuas 
 anti quorum deambulationem, fieri poteft ut aliquam par- 
 tem porticus notaveritis velo efle difcretam. ea funt pe- 
 netralia antiquitatis ante doctrinam Grascorum. fed quid 
 me vocatis ad ea tempora quorum 6c res 6c rerum ve- 
 ftigia aufugerunt ? Annon antiquitas ilia inftar famas eft, 
 quaB caput inter nubila condit 6c fabulas narrat, facta 
 6c infecta fimul canens ? Atque fatis fcio, fi minus fin- 
 cera fide agere vellem, non difficile foret hominibus per- 
 fuadere, apud antiquos fapientes, diu ante Graecorum 
 tempora, fcientias 6c philofophiam majore virtute, licet 
 majore etiam fortafte filentio floruiffe : idque folennius 
 mihi foret ea quae jam afferuntur ad ilia referre, ut novi 
 homines folent, qui nobilitatem alicujus veteris profapias 
 per genealogiarum rumores 6c conjefturas fibi affingunt. 
 
 Verum
 
 Redargutio Philofophiarum. 499 
 
 Verum nobis flat fententia, rerum evidentia fretis, 
 omnem impofturae conditionem , quantumvis fit licet 
 bella & commoda, recufare. Itaque judicium noftrum 
 de illis faeculis non interponimus ; illud obiter dicimus, 
 licet poetarum fabulae verfatilis materia? fint, tamen nos 
 non multum arcani aut myfterii hujufmodi narrationibus 
 fubeffe baud cunclanter pronunciaffemus ; fi ab iis in- 
 vents a quibus traditae funt ; quod nos fecus ene exifti- 
 mamus : pleraeque enim traduntur tanquam prius creditae 
 & cognitse, non tanquam nova? ac tunc primo oblatae : 
 quae res earum exiftimationem apud nos auxit, ac fi e 
 fent reliquiae quaedam facrae temporum meliorum. Ve- 
 rum utcunque ea res fe habet, non plus interefTe puta- 
 mus (ad id quod agitur) utrum quae jam proponentur, 
 aut illis fortafTe majora, antiquis etiam innotuerint; 
 quam hominibus curae efTe debeat, utrum novus orbis 
 fuerit infula ilia Atlantis, & veteri mundo cognita, an 
 nunc primum reperta ; rerum enim inventio a naturae 
 luce petenda, non a vetuftatis tenebris repetenda eft. 
 
 Jam vero, filii, etiam fponte, non fortafTe interpellate 
 ab expeclatione veftra de philofophia Chimiftarum opi- 
 nionem fubjungemus. Etenim ilia veftra philofophia, 
 difputationibus potens, operibus invalida, artis chimicae 
 nonnullam exiftimationem apud quofdam peperit. Atque 
 fane quod ad pra&icam Chimiftarum attinet, fabulam il- 
 lam in earn competere exiftimamus, de fene qui filiis 
 fuis aurum in vinea defoffum (nee fe fatis fcire quo loco) 
 legaverit : unde illos protinus ad vineam fodiendam in- 
 cubuiffe : atque auri quidem nihil repertum, fed vinde- 
 miam ea cultura factam fuiffe uberiorem : fimili modo 
 & chimiae filii, dum aurum (five vere five fecus) in na- 
 
 S f f 2 turae
 
 500 Redargutio Philofophiarum. 
 
 turae arvo abditum 6c quafi defoflum, laboriofe eruere 
 conantur : multa moliendo 6c tentando, magno proven- 
 tui hominibus & utilitati fuere, & compluribus inventis 
 non contemnendis vitam & res humanas donavere. 
 
 Veruntamen fpeculativam eolum rem levem 6c mi- 
 nus fanam efle judicamus. Nam ut ille adolefcentulus 
 delicatus cum fcalmum in littore reperiflet, navem aedifi- 
 care concupivit : ita 6c hi arti fuae indulgentes ex paucis 
 fornacis experimentis philofophiam condere aggreffi funt. 
 Atque hoc genus theoriarum & faepius 6c manifeftius va- 
 nitatis coarguitur, quam illud alterum : quod certe ma- 
 gis fobrium 6c magis tedium eft -, nam philofophia vul- 
 garis omnia percurrens & nonnihil fere de fingulis de- 
 guftans, fe apud maximam hominum partem optime 
 tuetur. Qui autem ex paucis quibus ipfe maxime infuevit 
 reliqua comminifcitur : is 6c re ipfa errat magis, 6c apud 
 alios levior eft : atque ex hoc genere philofophiam chimi- 
 cam efle cenfemus. 
 
 Certe ilia opinionis fabrica qua? eorum philofophia? 
 bafis eft, efle nimirum quatuor rerum matrices five ele- 
 menta, in quibus femina rerum live fpecies foetus fuos ab- 
 folvunt, atque producla eorum quadriformia efle, pro 
 differentia fcilicet cujufque elementi : adeo ut in coelo, 
 aere, aqua, terra nulla fpecies inveniatur qua? non habeat 
 in tribus reliquis conjugatum aliquod 6c quafi parallelum 
 (nam hominem etiam pantomimum effecerunt, ex om- 
 nibus conflatum, abufi elegantia vocabuli microcofmi) 
 hoc, inquam, commentum neminem judicio fedatum poft 
 fe traxerit : quin 6c exiftimamus huic phantafticae rerum 
 naturalium phalangi, peritum naturae contemplatorem 
 vix inter fomnia fua locum daturum. 
 
 Verum.
 
 Redargutlo Philofophiarum. 501 
 
 Verum illud non incommode accidit ad prsecavendum, 
 quod haec philofophia (ut ccepimus dicere) erroris genere, 
 veluti antiftropha vuigari Philofophiae fit : vulgaris enim 
 philofophia ad materiam inventionis parum ex multis, 
 haec multum e paucis decerpit. Nos tamen, filii, libenter 
 Paracelfum hominem, ut conjicere licet, fatis vocalem no- 
 bis prseconem exoptemus, ut illud lumen nature quod 
 toties inculcat, celebret, & proclamet. 
 
 Atque mentio Chimiftarum nos admonet, ut aliquid 
 etiam de magia naturali ea quae nunc hoc vocabulum 
 folenne 6c fere facrum inquinavit, dicamus : ea enim in- 
 ter philofophos chimicos in honore erTe confuevit. Quae 
 nobis in hujufmodi fermone inferior videtur, quam ut 
 condemnetur : fed levitate ipfa effugiat. Quid enim ilia 
 ad nos, cujus dogmata plane phantafia be fuperititio : 
 opera praeftigiae & impoftura ? nam inter innumera fal- 
 fa, fi quid ad effectum perducitur, hujufmodi femper eft, 
 ut fit ad novitatem 6c admirationem conficta, non atl 
 ufum aut accommodata aut deftinata. Etenim evenit 
 fere femper de magicis experimentis, quod poeta lafcivus 
 ludit, Pars minima eft ipfa puella jut ; quemadmodum 
 an tern philofophiae proprium ell efficere, ut omnia mi- 
 nus quam fint admiranda videantur propter demonftra- 
 tiones; ita & impofturae non minus proprium eft ut 
 omnia magis quam funt admiranda videantur propter o- 
 ftentationem & falfum apparatum. Atque ifiia tamen - 
 vanitas nefcio quo modo contemnitur & recipitur ; unde 
 enim fatyrion ad venerem, pulmones vulpis ad phthi- 
 fim, nili ex hac officina ? verum nimis multa de nugis ; 
 nimis fane, fi, ut ineptae, ita innoxiae erlent. 
 
 Refumamus orationis rilum, 6c philofophiam quam 
 
 in
 
 $02 Redargutio Fhilofophiarum. 
 
 in manibus habcmus ex fignis excutiamus; ifta enim, 
 iilii, inferi oportuit ad intellectus veftri praeparationem, 
 quge res fola nunc agitur. Duplex enim eft animorum 
 praeoccupatio feu mala inclinatio ad nova, quando ea 
 proponi contigerit : una ab infita opinione de placitis re- 
 ceptis, altera ab anticipatione five praefiguratione erronea 
 de re ipfa quas affertur, ac fi pertineret ad aliqua ex jam- 
 pridem damnatis & rejectis, aut faltem ad ea quae animus 
 ob levitatem aut abfurditatem faftidit. 
 
 Itaque jam reverfi de fignis difpiciamus. Atque, filii, 
 inter figna nullum eft magis certum aut nobile quam ex 
 frutibus. Quemadmodum enim in religione cavetur, ut 
 fides ex operibus monftretur, idem etiam ad philofo- 
 phiam optime traducitur, ut vana fit quae fterilis. Atque 
 eo magis, fi loco frudluum uvae vel olivae, producat dif- 
 putationum & contentionum carduos & fpinas , de veftra 
 autem philofophia vereor ne nimis vere cecinerit poeta 
 non folum illo carmine j 
 
 Infelix folium & Jleriles dominantur avence : 
 Sed & illo 5 
 
 Candida fuccinB am latrantibus inguina monjlris. 
 
 Videtur enim ilia ex longinquo vifa virgo, fpecie non 
 indecora, fed partibus fuperioribus : habet enim gene- 
 ralia quaedam non ingrata, & tanquam invitantia j cum 
 vero ad particularia ventum fit, veluti ad uterum & par- 
 tes generationis, atque ad id ut aliquid ex fe edaf, turn 
 demum loco operum & actionum quae contemplationis 
 proles eft digna & legitima, monftra ilia invenias refo- 
 nantia, & oblatrantia 6c ingeniorum naufragiis famofa. 
 
 Atque
 
 Redargutio Philofophiarnm. 503 
 
 Atque hujus mali author imprimis Ariftoteles, altrix 
 ifta veftra philofophia. Illi enim vel ludo vel gloriae erat 
 quaeftiones minus utiles, primo fubornare, deinde confo- 
 dere j ut pro anertore veritatis contradictionum artifex 
 fit. Peilimo enim & exemplo & fucceftu fcientia traditur 
 per quaeftiones fubminiftratas, earumque folutiones. Qui 
 enim bene affirmat & probat, & conftituit & componit ; 
 is errores & objectiones longe fummovet & veluti eminus 
 impedit & abigit j qui autem cum lingulis colluctatur, 
 is exitum rei nullum invenit fed difputationes ferit. Quid 
 enim opus lit ei qui unum luminis & veritatis corpus 
 clarum & radiofum in medio ftatuit parva quaedam & 
 pallida confutationum ellychnia ad omnes errorum an- 
 gulos circumferre : folventi alia dubia, alia per ipfam il- 
 lam folutionem excitanti ac veluti generanti ? verum id 
 curae, ut videtur, praecipue fuit Ariftoteli, ut homines ha- 
 berent parata in lingulis quae pronunciarent, quse refpon- 
 derent, & per quae fe expedirent, potius, quam quid 
 penitus crederent, aut liquido cogitarent, aut vere fci- 
 rent. Philofophia autem veftra tarn bene authorem re- 
 fert, ut quaeftiones, quas ille movit, ilia figat & faciat 
 aeternas; ut quaeri videatur, non ut Veritas eruatur, fed 
 ut difputatio alatur : adeo ut Naficae fententia illi Ca- 
 tonis praeponderet. Neque enim illud agitur ut temporis 
 progreflli fublatis dubiis, tanquam hoftibus a tergo, ad 
 ulteriores provincias penetretur ; led ut perpetuas iftae 
 quaeftiones, tanquam Carthago, militiam iftam difputandi 
 exerceant. 
 
 Quod vero ad operum fructum & proventum attinet -, 
 exiftimo ex ifta philofophia, per tot annorum fpatia la- 
 borata & culta, ne unum quidem experimentum adduci 
 
 polfe,
 
 504 Redargutio PhilofopViarum. 
 
 porTe, quod ad hominum ftatum levandum & locuple- 
 tandum fpectet, 6c philofophiae fpeculationibus vere ac- 
 ceptum referri poffit : adeo ut brutorum animalium in- 
 itin&us plura inventa pepererint, quam dodtorum homi- 
 num fermones. Sane Celfus ingenue & prudenter fatetur 
 experimenta medicinae primo inventa fuiffe, ac poflea 
 homines circa ea philofophatos effe 6c caufas explorafle 
 6c aflignaffe; non ordine inverfo evenifle, ut ex philo- 
 fophia 6c caufarum cognitione ipfa experimenta de- 
 prompta effent ; neque hie finis. Non male enim merita 
 effet philofophia ifta de pradica, licet earn experiments 
 non auxiflet ; fi tamen ufum ejus caftiorem & pruden- 
 tiorem reddidiflet; (quod fortafle facit) atque interim 
 ejus incrementis 6c progreflibus nihil obfuifTet. Illud au- 
 tem magis damnofum, 6c perniciofum, quod inventa non 
 folum non edat, fed etiam opprimat 6c extinguat. 
 
 Nam afRrmare licet, filii, veriflime, Ariftotelis de qua- 
 tuor dementis commentum rem certe obviam 6c pin- 
 guem, quia hujufmodi corpora in maxima quantitate &c 
 mole cernuntur, cui tamen ille potius authoritatem quam 
 principium deditj cum Empedoclis eflet, a quo etiam 
 melius erat pofitum, quod poftea avide a Medicis ar- 
 reptum, quatuor complex ionum , quatuor humorum, 
 quatuor primarum qualitatum conjugationes poft fe traxit : 
 tanquam malignum 6c infauftum fidus infinitam, 6c 
 medicinae, 6c compluribus rebus mechanicis flerilitatem 
 attulifie, dum homines per hujufmodi concinnitates 6c 
 compendiofas ineptias fibi fatisfieri patientes, nil amplius 
 curant: 6c vivas 6c utiles rerum obfervationes prorfus 
 omiferunt. Itaque fi illud verum, ex fruttibus eorum, vi- 
 
 detis certe quo res redierit. 
 
 Agite
 
 Redargutio Philofophiarum. 505 
 
 Agite vero, filii, & figna ex increments capiamus : 
 certe, fi ifta doctrina plane inftar plantae a ftirpibus fuis 
 revulfae non eflet, fed gremio 6c utero naturae adhaereret> 
 atque ab eadem aleretur ; id minime eventurum fuiflet, 
 quod per annos bis mille jam fieri videmus, ut fcientiae 
 in eodem fere ftatu maneant 6c haereant, neque augmen- 
 tum aliquod memorabile fumferint. Poliuntur fortaile 
 nonnunquam ab aliquo, 6c illuftrantur 6c accommodan- 
 tur (dum tamen interim ab infinitis lacerentur 6c defor- 
 mentur 6c inquinentur) fed utcunque non dilatantur aut 
 amplificantur. In artibus autem mechanicis contra eve- 
 nire videmus ; quae ut fpiritu quodam repletae vegetant 
 6c crefcunt, primo rudes, deinde commodae, poll: excultae, 
 fed perpetuo auclse : philofophia autem 6c fcientiae intel- 
 leclus ftatuarum more adorantur 6c celebrantur, fed non 
 moventur. quinetiam in primo nonnunquam authore 
 maxime florent ; 6c deinceps declinant 6c exarefcunt. 
 
 Neque vero mirum eft ifta difcrimina inter mechani- 
 cam 6c philofophiam confpici, cum in ilia fingulorum 
 ingenia mifceantur, in hac corrumpantur 6c deftruantur. 
 Quod ft quis exiftimet, fcientiarum ut rerum ceterarum 
 effe quendam ftatum, idque fere in tempus unius authoris 
 incidere, qui beneficio temporis ufus 6c fuae aetatis prin- 
 ceps, infpedlis reliquis fcriptoribus 6c judicatis, fcientias 
 ipfas abfolvat 6c perficiat; quod poftquam factum fit, 
 juniores rite palmas fecundas petere ut hujufmodi autho- 
 ris opera vel explicent vel digerant, vel pro fui faeculi 
 ratione palato accommodent 6c vertant : nae ille majorem 
 rebus humanis prudentiam 6c ordinem 6c felicitatem 
 tribuir, quarh experiri fas eft, res enim cafum recipit, 
 nifi quod vanitas hominum etiam fortuita in deterius 
 
 T t t detorquet.
 
 506 Redavgutio Fhilofophiannn. 
 
 detorquet. nam vere fie fe res habet j poftquam fcientia 
 aliqua multorum obfervatione 6c diligentia, dum alius 
 alia apprehendir, per partes tentata ferio & tractata fit, 
 turn exoriri aliquem mente fidentem, lingua potentem, 
 methodo celebrem, qui corpus unum ex fingulis pro fuo 
 arbitrio efficiat 6c pofteris tradat : plerifque corruptis 6c 
 depravatis, & cum certiffima omiflione omnium quae al- 
 tiores & digniores contemplationes exhibere poffint, ut 
 opinionum immodicarum & extravagantium : 6c pofteri 
 rurfus facilitate rei & compendio gaudentes, fibi gratu- 
 lantur ac nil ulterius quaerunt, fed ad ilia minifteria fer- 
 vilia quae diximus fe convertunt. Verum vobis, filii, pro 
 certo fit, quae in natura fundata funt, ut aquas perennes, 
 perpetuo novas fcaturigines 6c emanationes habere ; quae 
 autem in opinione verfantur, variari fortafle fed non au- 
 geri. 
 
 Habemus 6c aliud fignum, fi modo figni appellatio in 
 
 hoc competit: cum potius teftimonium fit, imo tefti- 
 
 moniorum omnium validiflimum , hoc eft, propriam 
 
 authorum- quorum fidei vos committitis confeflionem 6c 
 
 judicium. Nam 6c illi ipfi qui didtaturam quandam in 
 
 fcientiis invaferunt, 6c tanta fiducia de rebus pronunciant : 
 
 tamen per intervalla, cum ad fe redeunt ; ad querimo- 
 
 nias demum de naturae fubtilitate, rerum obfeuritate, hu- 
 
 mani ingenii infirmitate, 6c fimilia fe convertunt : Ne- 
 
 que propterea, filii, haec modeftiae aut humilitati, virtu- 
 
 tibus in rebus intelleAualibus omnium feliciffimis, de- 
 
 putetis : non tarn faciles, aut boni fueritis : cum contra 
 
 ifta non confemo, fed profemo five praedicatio ex fuper- 
 
 bia, invidia, atque id genus affe&ibus ortum pro certo 
 
 habeat -, id enim prorfus volunt, quicquid in fcientiis fibi 
 
 t ipfis
 
 Red ar gut to Philofophiarum. 507 
 
 ipfis aut magiftris fuis incognitum aut intactum fuerit, 
 id extra terminos poffibiles poni & removed : haec eft 
 ilia modeftia atque humilitas. 
 
 Itaque peffimo fato res geritur. Nil enim in his rerum 
 humanarum anguftiis, aut ad praefens magis deploratum, 
 aut in futurum magis ominofum eft, quam quod homines 
 ignorantiam etiam ignominias (ut nunc fit) eximant, at- 
 que artis fuae infirmitatem in naturae calumniam v.ertant : 
 & quicquid ars ilia fua non attingit, id ex arte fcitu aut 
 fadtu impoffibile fupponant. neque fane damnari poteft 
 ars, cum ipfa judicet; ex hoc fonte haud paucas opi- 
 niones & placita in philofophia reperiatis, qua? nihil aliud 
 quam quaefitam iftam, & artificiofam, & in cognofcendo 
 .& in operando defperationem, ad artis decus & glo- 
 riam perditimmo hoc modo tuendum fapiant & fo- 
 veant. 
 
 Hinc fchola Academica quae acatalepiian ex profeflb 
 tenuit, & homines ad fempiternas tenebras damnavit. 
 Hinc opinio, quod formae live veras rerum differentia? 
 inventu impofhbiles funt; ut homines in atriis naturse 
 perpetuo obambulent, nee intra palatium aditum fibi 
 muniant. Hinc pofitiones illae infirmiffimae, calorem fo- 
 lis & ignis toto genere differre, atque compofitionerri 
 opus hominis, miftionem opus folius naturae ene: ne 
 forte ars naturam, ut Vulcanus Minervam follicitare aut 
 expugnaretentetautfperet; & compluria hujufmodi, quae 
 tarn ad confemonem tenuitatis propriae, quam ad repref- 
 fionem induftriae alienae pertinent. 
 
 Itaque neutiquam vobis, filii, pro amore & indulgentia 
 npftra confuluero, ut cum rebus non folum defperatis, fed 
 & defperationi devotis fortunas veliras mifceatis. Verum 
 
 T 1 1 2 filii
 
 508 Redargutio Fhilofopftiarum. 
 
 nlii, tempus fugit, dum capti amore & rerum & veftrum 
 circumvectamur,^ ac omnia movemus, & initiationem 
 hanc veftram, inftar Aprilis aut veris cujufdam ad con- 
 gelationem omnem & obflinationem folvendam & ape- 
 riendam efle cupimus. 
 
 Reflat fignum certiffimum de modis. Modi enim fa- 
 ciendi funt, potentia, res ipfae j & prout bene aut prave 
 inftitutae fuerint, ita res & effecta fe habent. Itaque ft 
 modi hujus veflras philofophiae condendae nee debiti fint 
 nee probabiles : non videmus quam fpem foveatis nifi 
 credulam & levem. Atque certe, nlii, fi obelifcus aliquis 
 magnitudine infignis ad triumphi fortafle aut hujufmodi 
 magnincentia; decus transferendus eflfet, atque id homines 
 nudis manibus tentarent ; annon eos helleboro opus ha- 
 bere cogitaretis ? quod fi numerum operariorum auge- 
 rent, atque hoc modo fe valere pofle confiderent, annon 
 tanto magis ? quod fi etiam delectum adhiberent, & im- 
 becilliores fepararent, & robuftis tantum & vigentibus uti 
 vellent, & hinc demum fe voti compotes fore praefume- 
 rent, aut ne hoc quidem contenti, etiam artem athleti- 
 cam confulerent, ac omnes cum manibus & lacertis & 
 nervis ex arte bene unctis & medicatis adeile juberent ; 
 annon prorfus eos dare operam ut cum ratione quadam 
 & prudentia infanirent clamaretis ? & tamen fimili ho- 
 mines malefano impetu feruntur in intelleclualibus, dum 
 intellectum veluti nudum applicant, & ab ingeniorurn 
 vel multitudine vel excellentia magna fperant, vel etiam 
 dialecticis quae mentis quaedam athletica cenferi poffit, 
 ingeniorurn nervos roborant : neque machinas adhibent 
 per quas vires & fingulorum intendantur, & omnium 
 coeant, 
 
 Atque
 
 Redargutio Fhilofophiarutn. 509 
 
 Atque ut menti debita auxilia non fubminiftrant : ita 
 nee naturam rerum debita obfervantia profequuntur. 
 Quid enim dicemus, an nihil aliud eft philofophiam 
 condere quam ex paucis vulgaribus 6c obviis experimen- 
 ts de natura judicium facere; ac dein tota faecula in me- 
 ditationibus volutare? Atque, filii, nefciebam nos tarn 
 naturae fuifie familiares, ut ex tarn levi & perfuncloria 
 falutatione ea nobis aut arcana fua patefacere aut bene- 
 ficia impertire dignaretur. Certe nobis perinde facere vi- 
 dentur homines, ac fi naturam ex longinqua & prsealta 
 turri defpiciant & contemplentur ; qu imaginem ejus 
 quandam feu nubem potius imagini fimilem ob oculos 
 ponat : rerum autem differentias (in quibus res hominum 
 & fortunae fitae funt) ob earum minutias & diftantiae in- 
 tervallum confundat & abfeondat. Et tamen laborant & 
 nituntur, & intellectum tanquam oculos contrahunt, ejuf- 
 demque aciem meditatione figunt, agitatione acuunt, 
 quinetiam artes argumentandi veluti fpecula artificiofa 
 comparant, ut iftiufmodi differentias & fubtilitates na- 
 turae mente comprehendere & vincere poflint. Atque ri- 
 dicula certe effet & praefradta fapientia & fedulitas, fi 
 quis ut perfectius & diftinctius cerneret, vel turrim con- 
 fcendat vel fpecula applicet, vel palpebras adducat, cum 
 ei liceat, abfque univerfa ifla operofa & ftrenua machina-- 
 tione & induftria, fieri voti compos per rem facilem, & 
 tamen ifta omnia beneficio & ufu longe fuperantem : hoc 
 eft, ut defcendat & ad res propius accedat. Atque certe 
 in intellectus ufu fimilis nos exercet imprudentia. 
 
 Neque, filii, poftulare debemus ut natura nobis obviam 
 eat : fed fatis habemus, fi accedentibus nobis idque cultu 
 debito fe confpiciendam det. Quod fi cui in mentem 
 
 veniat
 
 510 Redargutlo Fhilofophtarum. 
 
 veniat opinari tale quippiam, etiam antiquos atque ip- 
 fum Ariftotelem proculdubio a meditationum fuarum 
 principio magnam vim & copiam exemplorum five par- 
 ticularium paravifie, atque eandem viam, quam nos ve- 
 luti novam indicamus & fignamus, revera iniifie & con- 
 fecifle, adeo ut a&um agere videri poflimus : certe, filii, 
 haec de illis cogitare non eft integrum : formam enim & 
 rationem fuam inquirendi & ipfi profitentur & fcripta 
 eorum imaginem expreffam pra fe ferunt. Illi enim fta- 
 tim ab inductionibus nullius pretii ad conclufiones maxi- 
 me generales tanquam difputationum polos advolabant, 
 ad quarum conftantem & immotam veritatem reliqua 
 expediebant. Verum fcientia conftituta, turn demum fi- 
 qua controverlia de aliquo exemplo vel inftantia mota 
 eflet, ut pofitis fuis refragante : non id agebant ut pofitum 
 illud emendaretur; fed pofito falvo hujufmodi inftantias 
 quae negotium faciebant, aut per diftin&ionem aliquam 
 fubtilem & fapientem in ordinem redigebant, aut per ex- 
 ceptionem plane (homines non mali) dimittebant. Quod 
 fi inftantiae aut particularis rei non contradictorias recon- 
 ciliatio, fed obfcurse ratio quaereretur, earn ad fpecula- 
 tiones fuas quandoque ingeniofe accommodabant : quan- 
 doque mifere torquebant: quae omnis induftria & con- 
 tentio res fine fundamento nobis videtur. 
 
 Itaque nolite commoveri, quod frequens alicubi inter 
 nonnulla Ariftotelis fcripta inveniatur exemplorum & 
 particularium mentio. noveritis enim, id fero & poft- 
 quam decretum fuiffet, fadtum fuifie : illi enim mos erat 
 non liberam experientiam confulere, fed captivam often- 
 tare j nee earn ad veritatis inquifitionem promifcuam & 
 squam, fed ad didorum fuorum fidem follicitatam & 
 
 eledam
 
 Redargutio Philofophiarum. 5 11 
 
 ele&am adducere. Neque rurfus tale aliquod vobifcum 
 cogitate, earn quam nos tantopere defideramus differen- 
 tiarum fubtilitatem in diftindtionibus philofophorum 
 fcholafticorum haberi, atque adeo elucefcere : neque enim 
 exiftimetis ab hac praepoftera fubtilitate primae negli- 
 gentiae 6c feftmationi & temeritati fubventum efle. Longe 
 abeft, filii, ut hoc fieri poffit ; quin, credite mihi, quod 
 de fortuna dici folet, id de natura veriflimum eft, earn a 
 fronte capillatam, ab occipitio calvam efle. Omnis enim - 
 ifta fera fubtilitas & diligentia, poftquam verum tempus 
 obfervationis praeterierit, naturam prenfare aut captare 
 poteft, fed nunquam apprehendere aut capere. 
 
 Equidem fatis fcio, idque vos non ita multo poft ex- 
 periemini : poftquam verae & nativae rerum fubtilitati, & 
 differentiis in experientia fignatis & expreflis, & fenfui 
 fubjectis, aut faltem per fenfiim in lucem extractis, pau- 
 lulum infueviftis ; continuo fubtilitatem illam alteram 
 difputationum 8c verborum, * quae cogitationes veftras non 
 fine magna admiratione occupavit & tenuit, quail pro 
 re ludicra 6c larva quadam 6c incantatione habituri litis. 
 
 Quare miffis iftis philofophiis abftraclis, vos 6c ego, 
 filii, rebus ipfis nos adjungamus : neque ad fe&as con- 
 dendae gloriam animum adjiciamus ; fed utilitatis 6c am- 
 plitudinis humanae curam ferio fufcipiamusj atque, inter 
 mentem 6c naturam connubium caftum 6c legitimum 
 (pronuba mifericordia divina) firmemus ; precati etiam 
 Deum, cujus numine 6c nutu hax fiunt, quique ut homi- 
 num 6c rerum, ita luminum 6c confolationum pater eft, 
 ut ex illo connubio, non phantafiae monftra, fed ftirps 
 heroum, quae monftra domet 6c extinguat, hoc eft, inventa 
 falutaria 6c utilia ad necerlitates humanas (quantum fieri 
 
 datur)
 
 5ii Redargutio Philofophiarum. 
 
 datur) debellandas & relevandas fufcipiatur. Hoc epitha- 
 lamii votum fit. 
 
 Certe, filii, facultates, artium & fcientiarum omnium 
 confenfu, aut empiricae aut rationales funt. Has autem 
 bene commiftas & copulatas adhuc videre non licuit. Em- 
 pirici enim, formicae more, congerunt tantum & utuntur. 
 Rationales autem, aranearum more, telas ex fe conficiunt. 
 Apis ratio media eft, qua? materiam ex floribus tarn horti 
 quam agri elicit, fed fimul etiam earn propria faculjtate 
 vertit & digerit. Neque abfimile vers philofophia? opi- 
 ficium eft, quae ex hiftoria naturali & experimentis me- 
 chanicis praebitam materiam, non in memoria integram, 
 fed in intellect mutatam & fubaclam reponit. Itaque 
 hujufmodi mellis coeleftia dona fperate : neque dicite cum 
 pigro, Leo eft in via : fed vincla quae vos premunt excu- 
 tite, & vos recipite. 
 
 Atque fane, poft virtutem veftram propriam, nihil ani- 
 mos vobis magis addiderit, quam fi induftriam & felici- 
 tatem, & facinora aetatis noftras cogitetis. Nos noftrum 
 plus ultra antiquorum non ultra haud vane oppofuimus : 
 Nos iidem, contra antiquorum non imitabile fulmen 
 effe j imitabile fulmen effe, minime dementes, fed fobrii, 
 ex novarum machinarum experimento & demon ftratione 
 pronuntiamus. Quin, & ccelum ipfum imitabile fecimus. 
 Cceli enim eft, circuire terrain : quod & noftrae naviga- 
 tions pervicerunt, Turpe autem nobis fit, fi globi mate- 
 rial tragus, terrarum videlicet & marium, noftris tem- 
 poribus in immenfum aperti & illuftrati fint : globi au- 
 tem intelle&ualis fines, inter veterum inventa & anguftias 
 
 fteterint. 
 
 Neque parvo inter fe nexu devincla 5c conjugata funt 
 
 i ifta
 
 Redargutio Philofophiarum. 5*3 
 
 ifta duo, perluftratio regionutn & fcientiarum. Plurima 
 enim per longinquas navigationes & peregrinationes in 
 natura patuerunt, quae novam fapientiae & fcientiae hu- 
 manae lucem afFundere pofiint, & antiquorum opiniones 
 & conjecturas expcrimento regere. Eadem duo non ra- 
 tione fblum fed etiam vaticinio conjuncta videntur. Nam 
 eo prophetae oraculum haud obfcure fpe&are videtur : 
 ubi de noviffimis temporibus loquutus, illud fubjungit, 
 Multi pertranjibunt > & multiplex erit fcientia ; ac fi 
 orbis terrarum pertranfitus five peragratio, & fcientia- 
 rum augmenta five multiplicatio, eidem aetati & faeculo 
 deftinarentur. 
 
 Praefto etiam eft imprimendi artificium veteribus in- 
 cognitum, cujus beneficio fingulorum inventa fulguris 
 modo tranfcurrere poflint, & fubito communicari ad ali- 
 orum ftudia excitanda, & inventa mifcenda. Quare uten- 
 dum eft aetatis noftrae praerogativa, neque committendum, 
 ut, cum haec tanta vobis adfint, vobis ipfi defitis. Nos au- 
 tem, filii, ab animorum veftrorum prseparatione aufpicatij 
 in reliquis vobis non deerimus. probe enim novimus ta- 
 bellas mentis, a tabellis communibus difFerre. in iis non 
 alia infcripferis nifi priora deleveris, in illis priora aegre 
 deleveris, nifi nova infcripferis. 
 
 Itaque rem in longum non differemus : illud itidem 
 vos monentes, ne tanta vobis de noftris inventis pollicea- 
 mini, quin meliora a vobis ipfis fperetis. Nos enim A- 
 lexandri fortunam nobis fpondemus, (neque vanitatis nos 
 arguatis antequam rei exitum audiatis j ) illius enim res 
 geftae recenti memoria ut portentum stccipiebantur. Ita 
 enim loquitur unus ex aemulis oratoribus: Nos certe 
 vitam bumanam non degimus j fed in id nati fumus, ut 
 
 U u u pofteri
 
 5*4 Redargutio Phtlofophiarum. 
 
 pofteri de nobis portent a pradicent. Sed poftquam defer- 
 buiflet ita admiratio, atque homines rem atten this intro- 
 fpexiffent, operae pretium eft animadvertere quale judi- 
 cium de eo faciat fcriptor Romanus, Nil aliud quam 
 bene aufus eft vana contemnere. Ita & nos fimile quid- 
 dam a pofteris audiemus; poftquam emaneipati, & fui 
 jam fa&i, & proprias vires expefti initia noftra magnis 
 intervallis fuperaverint. In quo fane judicio illud recle, 
 noftra nil magni efle : illud non re&e, fi aufis tribuant 
 quae hum ilitati debentur : humilitati (inquam) "& priva- 
 tioni cuidam iftius humanae fuperbiae, quag univerfa per- 
 didit, quaeque volucres quafdam meditationes loco divinae 
 in rebus fignaturas confecravit. Hac enim ex parte revera 
 nobis grarulamur, & eo nomine felices nos & bene de 
 genere humano meritos erTe exiftimamus, quod oftendi- 
 mus quid vera & legitrma fpiritus humani humiliatio 
 poflit. Verum quid nobis ab hominibus debeatur, ipfi 
 viderint; flos'certe nos noftraque vobis debemus. 
 
 Omnibus qui aderant digna magnitudine generis & 
 nominis humanioratio i vifa eft, "&'' tamen libertati quam 
 arrogantiae prOpior. Ita astern inter fe colloquebantur : 
 fe inftar eorum efle, qui ex'locisopacis c 6c umbrofis in 
 lucem apertam fubito exierint, cum minus videant quam 
 prius 5 fed cum certa l &' laeta fpe facultatis melioris. 
 
 Turn ille qui haec narrabat; tuvero quid ad rfta di- 
 cis? inquit. Grata funt (inquam) quae 'narrafti. Atque 
 (inquit) fi'funt ut dicis grata, fi. tu forte aV his rebns 
 aliquid fcripferis, locum invenias ubi h'sec iriferas, neque 
 peregrinationis noftrae frucTus perire patiaris. ^quurn 
 poftulas, inquam, neque oblivilcar. 
 
 Mr.
 
 5*5 
 
 Mr. Francis Bacon of the Colours of Good 
 and Evil; to the Lord Mountjoye. 
 
 I Send you the laft part of the beft book of Arijiotle 
 of Stagira, who (as your Lordfhip knoweth) goeth 
 for the beft author. But faving the civil refpecl: which is 
 due to a received eftimation, the man being a Grecian, 
 and of a hafty wit, having hardly a difcerning patience, 
 much lefs a teaching patience, hath fo delivered the mat- 
 ter, as I am glad to do the part of a good houfe-hen, 
 which without any ftrangenefs will fit upon pheafants 
 eggs. And yet perchance, forrie that mall compare my 
 lines vi\\hAriftotle\ lines, will mufe by what art, or ra- 
 ther by what revelation I could draw thefe conceits out 
 of that place. But I that mould know beft, do freely 
 acknowledge, that I had my light from him ; for where 
 he gave me not matter to perfect, at the leaft he gave 
 me occafion to invent. Wherein as I do him right, be- 
 ing my felf a man that am as free from envying the dead 
 in contemplation, as from envying the living in action 
 or fortune : fo yet neverthelefs Hill I fay, and I fpeak it 
 more largely than before, that in perufing the writings 
 of this perfon fo much celebrated, whether it were the 
 impediment of his wit, or that he did it upon glory 
 and affectation to be fubtile, as one that if he had feen 
 
 Uuu 2 his
 
 5*6 A Dedication, Sec. : 
 
 his own conceits clearly and perfpicuoufly delivered, per- 
 haps would have been out of love with them himfelf ; 
 or elfe upon policy, to keep himfelf clofe, as one that 
 had been a challenger of all the world, and had raifed 
 infinite contradiction. To what caufe foever it is to be 
 afcribed, I do not find him to deliver and unwrap him- 
 felf well of that he feemeth to conceive j nor to be a 
 matter of his own knowledge. Neither do I for my part 
 alfo (though I have brought in a new manner of hand- 
 ling this argument to make it pleafant and lightfome) 
 pretend fo to have overcome the nature of the fubjecT: : 
 but that the full underftanding and ufe of it will be fome- 
 what dark, and beft pleafing the tafte of fuch wits as 
 are patient to flay the digefting and foluting unto them- 
 felves of that which is fharp and fubtile. Which was the 
 caufe, joined with the love and honour which I bare to 
 your Lordihip, as the perfon I know to have many ver- 
 tues, and an excellent order of them, which moved me 
 to dedicate this writing to your Lordfhip, after the an- 
 tient manner: choofing both a friend, and one to whom 
 I conceived the argument was agreeable. 
 
 
 
 A Letter
 
 S 1 7 
 
 A Letter of the Count de Gondomar to the Lord 
 B a c o n , on his Fall *. 
 
 Illuftriflimo Senor, 
 
 TENGO por fumma infelicidad aber recibido tan- 
 tos beneficios y con tarn buena boluntad de V. 
 S. I ma . en fu tiempo profpero : y agora en el adberfo 
 no baler yo para ferbirle, como debo, y defleo fatisfaeer 
 a mi reconocimiento, y obligacion. Y affi es peor mi 
 fortuna, pues mi perfona es aqui tan ynutil, que aun de- 
 cir eftoy yo mifmo a V. S. I ma , como lo e defleado ; 
 y befarle las manos perfonalmente, me e abftenido dello, 
 por no deferbille j y cierto, que todo efto me da fummo 
 dolor. Y affi, me ha parecido, que ya que no puedo 
 hazer lo que devo, hazer lo que puedo j y reprefentar a 
 V. S. I 1 "*, que ii la interceffion del Rey mi feiior con 
 fu Mageftad el Rey de la Gran Bretana, juzgare V. S. 
 I ma . que en fus. eofas puede fer utilj tengo por cierto 
 que fu Mageftad Chatolica la interporna con mucho 
 gufto : y yo el ferbir a V. S. I m \ para todo lo que 
 difpufiere de mi, con cordial y conftante boluntad. 
 Guarde Dios a V. S. I ma . muchos y felizes aiios como 
 defTeo. Londres, a 14. dejunio, 162 1. 
 
 EI Csnde de Gondomar. 
 
 * In an abfti-aft of letters and treatifes of the Lord Bacon, both loft and ex- 
 tant, one letter is thus defcribed: 
 
 No Date. Perfpexi & agnofc ; thanks for fotne good offices done for him in 
 bis troubles. To Gondomar. 
 
 POST-
 
 5 1 8: 
 
 POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 V HJ S Authour, who is ?tot infer iour to the great ejl 
 of Antiquity, happens to have this in common with 
 tbemi that a compleat edition of his works is never to be 
 had without the help of Manufcnpts. 
 
 As he thought him felf born for the good and inflru5lio?i 
 of his own and future ages -, he was working always upon 
 a jufl and regular plan for the inftitution of a true phi- 
 lofophy. Of this he gave out Jingle parts, either in print 
 or manufcript, as he could get them finijhed, fearing 
 they might run the hazard of never appearing at all, if 
 for the fake of his own better fame, hefhould have flayed 
 to publijh them all together. 
 
 And ef his works in the political and moral kind, he 
 fent copies to his friends. Tbe/e produced a multitude of 
 others, which injlead of the true ones came afterwards 
 imperfeB to the prefs, and have fo continued down through 
 all editions : the being once in print having put an end to 
 all enquiry for what was genuine. 
 
 When the prefs began to fwarm with fuchfalfe copies, 
 Dr. Rawley in 1657 was obliged to publijh the Refufci- 
 tatio from foul Ones : fo early was it that the fair 
 tranfcripts, conftgned to Archbijhop Williams and Sir 
 Humphrey May, were miflaid or lofl, or out of his 
 power. Nor was the fortune much better of the papers 
 
 committed
 
 Poftfcript. 519 
 
 committed to Sir W. Bofwell, and by him to Gruter : 
 who promifed fome political and moral pieces, and 1 think 
 fome others that have never yet appeared. 
 
 In this Jlate of my Lord Bacon'* works, it may be 
 wifhed, and is not impojjible, that many of the genuine 
 copies are yet in being. Upon comparing they might ea- 
 fily be known, and would be worth any pains and fe arches 
 to recover them. I fay this with the more affurance, ha- 
 ving lately met with a fair copy of the Difcourfe on Ire- 
 land, which corrects all others either manufcript or 
 printed. 
 
 Some Originals, and part of Dr. RawleyV collections, 
 coming into Jo good a hand as Mr. Stephens'*, he waited 
 long for others, of which he had received intelligence : 
 but at lajl refolved to preferve this volume of remains, 
 by printing it at his own expence. 
 
 And if the faithful uje that has here been made of 
 manufcripts, jhall incline any perfons to communicate 
 others in this way to the publick : I cannot but offer them 
 my fervice to be again an Editor : being perfuaded, that 
 much good learning has been lojl by trufling to a few, or 
 Jingle copies ; and that there is no fecurity for any thing 
 of this kind but from the prefs. 
 
 J. Locker* 
 
 FINIS.
 
 
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