GIFT OF Bernard Moses miE WAIL^Ii]E IS^ILIIK PUBLISHED BY OLlv^ER it BOYD, EDINBURGH. LIFE SIR WALTER RALEIGH. OLIVER & BOYDj EDINBURGH. LIFE OF SIR WALTER RALEIGH: ' FOUNDED ON AUTHENTIC AND ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS, SOME OF THEM NEVER BEFORE PUBLISHED : INCLUDING A VIEW OF THE MOST IMPORTANT TRANSACTIONS IN THE REIGNS OF ELIZABETH AND JAMES L; SKETCHES OP BURLEIGH, ESSEX, SECRETARY CECIL, SIDNEY, SPENSER, AND OTHER EMINENT CONTEMPORARIES: VINDICATION OF HIS CHARACTER FROM THE ATTACKS OF HUME AND OTHER WRITERS. BY PATRICK ERASER TYTLER, ESQ. F. R. S. AND F. S. A. WITH PORTRAITS, SEALS, AND AUTOGRAPHS, BY HORSBURGH, JACKSON, AND BRUCE. EDINBURGH: OLIVER & BOYD, TWEEDDALE-COURT; AND SIMPKIN & MARSHALL^ LONDON. MDCCCXXXIII. BtRIWBD raOSES ENTERED IN STATIONERS' HALL. Printed by Oliver & Boyd, Tweeddale Court, High Street, Edinburgh. PREFACE. I TRUST it will not be deemed presumptuous when I express a hope that this Life will be found the most authentic account of Sir Walter Raleigh which has yet been given to the Public. This is said not only with respect, but with gratitude for the labours of my predecessors, Oldys, Birch, Cayley, and latterly Mrs Thomson, whose Appendix of ori- ginal letters, although undervalued by herself, has assisted me in tracing to its real authors that ex- traordinary conspiracy against Raleigh, which ul- timately brought him to the scaffold. But whilst I acknowledge these obligations, I must add that in none of these works, so far as I can judge, has full justice been done to Raleigh. The mistakes and aspersions of Hume, and other writers, have been suffered (except by Cayley) to pass unno- ticed j the secret history of his offences, his trial, and condemnation, has been abandoned as obscure and imintelligible ; his famous and fatal Guianian voy- age has been misunderstood ; and the gross charges 8 PREFACE. against his honour and veracity^ have neither been sufficiently examined, nor their falsehood exposed. To supply these defects and omissions, to investigate with care, and determine with truth and clearness, the history and character of an extraordinary man, who, perhaps more than any other of his age, com- bined profound views with practical knowledge and activity, has been my object in the present work. I have endeavoured also to surround him with groups of his most eminent contemporaries, and, at the same time, to introduce into this biographical picture a fuller account than is to be found in our general his- torians, of those great political events in the reign of Elizabeth, in which he was a principal actor. In accomplishing this, the reader will perceive by the references in the text, and by the documents in the Appendix, that I have consulted some of Raleigh's manuscripts in the British Museum, and through the permission of Lord IMelbourne, which I gratefully acknowledge, have taken various ex- tracts from original letters and journals preserved in His Majesty's State-paper Office. I beg also to notice the courtesy of Mr Lemon and Mr Lechmere, who, although trammelled by strict official rules, showed every disposition to facilitate my researches. For the purposes of history and biography, these stores of original materials cannot perhaps be too highly appreciated, as may be seen by the interesting details which have been derived from this source alone, in the account I have given of the invasion PREFACE. 9 of England by the Spanish Armada. In truth, such materials are the only legitimate bases on which all history must be founded; and until not only these, but all our national papers and muni- ments, are made accessible to the public, no perfect History of England can be written. May we hope that by the labours of the New Record Commission, the freedom of consultation and transcription will be at length established, not only in the State-paper Office, but in the other great collections of the kingdom, many of which, as they at present exist, are not so much the repositories as the cemeteries of our national records. Torquay, Devonshire, December 15, 1832. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. FROM Raleigh's birth to his settlement of VIRGINIA. Birth of Raleigh — Early Education — Sent to Oriel Colleg-e, Oxford — Passes over to the War in France — State of tliat Kingdom — His Return to England — Goes to the Netherlands — Serves as a Volunteer under Sir John Norris — His Enthusiasm for Naviga- tion — Embarks in the Expedition of his Brother, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, to America— Its Failure — Raleigh engages in the War in Ireland— State of that Country — His eminent Services there — He returns to England — Court of Queen Elizabeth — Charac- ter of Burleigh— Of Leicester — Of Sussex — Of Sir Philip Sid- ney — First Introduction to thi Queen — Dispute with Lord Grey — Increases in Favour at Court— Sir Humphrey Gilbert's Second Voyage of Discovery — Raleigh's deep Interest in it— Its disas- trous Issue — Raleigh perseveres in his Schemes — He fits out two Ships — The Vo^'age — Discovery of the Island Okakoke and Coast of North Carolina — Return to England— The Queen calls the Country Virginia — Raleigh knighted — He sends a Fleet to Vir- ginia under Sir Richard Grenville — Settlement of Virginia — Diffi- culties of the Infant Colony — Introduction of Tobacco into Eng- land b}' Raleigh — Raleigh's Irish Estate —Spenser the Poet — Ra- leigh sends a new Fleet under Governor White to Virginia,.. Pcige 17 CHAPTER II. FROM THE DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA TO RALEIGH'S IMPRISON3IENT. Expected Invasion of England by the Spanish Armada — Conduct of Elizabeth — Consultations with Sir Walter Raleigh and other experienced Officers — Preparations for Defence — Drake, Haw- kins, Frobisher, and Lord Henry Seymour — Strength, Numbers, 12 CONTENTS. and Disposition of the Eng-lish Navy, shown from Original Do- cuments in the State-paper Office — Ehzabeth visits the Arm}"^ in tlie Camp at Tilbury — The Armada sails from the Tagus — Dis- persed and driven back — Sails the Second Time — Its Arrival off the Lizard — Cautious Tactics of the English — Their Success — Fight on the 22d, 23d, 25th, and 26th July—The Armada makes its Way up Channel to Calais — Its Discomfiture — Rejoicings for the Victory — Raleigh's Services rew^arded by the Queen — He sails with Drake and Norris in the Portuguese Expedition — Character of the Earl of Essex — Raleigh's Journey to Ireland — Visits Spenser at Kilcolman — Their Friendship — Three First Cantos of the Fairy Queen completed — Spenser returns vdth Ra- leigh to England — Introduced to the Queen — Raleigh's Defence of Sir Richard Grenville — Character and Fate of this great Officer — Raleigh's Amour with Elizabeth Throgmorton — They are pri- vately married — Elizabeth's Indignation, and Raleigh's Disgrace — Sent to the Tower — Singular Conduct in Confinement — He re- covers his Liberty, Page 74 CHAPTER III. DISCOVERY or GUIANA BY RALEIGH. Raleigh chosen a Member of the Parliament — Importance of the Period — Philip resolves to make a Second Attempt for the Destruction of England — Speech of Lord Burleigh — Raleigh's Plans for the Defence of England — He obtains a Grant of Sher- borne in Dorsetshire — Becomes a Planter and Horticulturist — His Project for the Discovery and Conquest of Guiana — Re- solves to conduct the Enterprise in Person — Fits out a Fleet Sails from Plymouth in 1595 — Arrives at Trinidad — Expedition up the Orinoco — Description of the People and the Country They enter the Plains of Saima — Penetrate to the Province of Aromaia — Forced to Return — Arrive at Wincapora — Return to Trinidad — Description of the Country — Ungenerously treated Raleigh's Dedication of his Discovery of Guiana to the Lord- admiral Howard and Secretary Cecil — Second Voyage under Captain Keymis — Researches into the Country, and Return to England — He finds Raleigh absent on the Cadiz Expedition CONTENTS. 13 Account of this Enterprise — Return of the Fleet — Encomiums on the Ability of Raleij^h — The Queen retains her Resentment Essex's Displeasure at the Preferment of Sir Robert Cecil — Character of Elizabeth — Character of Cecil — Raleij^li sends Cap- tain Bertie in a Ship of his own to Guiana — His Return to England, Page 135 CHAPTER IV. FROM Raleigh's restoration to favour to the fall OF ESSEX. Raleigh effects a Reconciliation between Cecil and Essex, and is himself restored to Favour — Designs of Philip II. — Elizabeth's Preparations against him — The Island-voyage — Raleigh ap- pointed Rear-admiral — He takes Fayal — Disputes with Essex — Their Reconciliation — Inexperience of Essex — A large Car- rack destroyed by Raleigh — Philip's Third Fleet intended for the Invasion of England is dispersed by a Storm — Essex returns to England — Elizabeth receives him with Reproaches — Decline of his Favour — Critical Circumstances of the Country — Cecil's Mis- sion to France — Cecil and Lord Burleigh advise a Peace with Spain — Essex violently opposes it — Rivalry of Raleigh and Es- sex — Their Splendour — State of Ireland — Essex's Quarrel with the Queen — Plot of Cecil — Essex appointed to the Government of Ireland — His Inactivit}" — His Letters — The Queen's severe An- swers — Essex's sudden Return to England — His Reception — Trial and Condemnation — Relative Position of Cecil and Raleigh — Contrast between their Characters — Superior Address of Cecil — His Correspondence with James, King of Scots — Raleigh retires for a short Season to Sherborne — His Employments — Mission to Boulogne — Elizabeth's Passion for tall and handsome Servants — Anecdote illustrative of this — Raleigh's magnificent Taste in Dress and Equipage — Queen's Progresses — Taste of the Times for solemn Masques and Pageants — Elizabeth's Passion for Hunt- ing — Her Love of Display — Elizabeth's Reception of the Mar- shal Biron at Basing, 180 14 CONTENTS. CHAPTER V. FROM Elizabeth's last parliament to the trial or RALEIGH. Elizabeth opens her last Parliament — Raleigh returned a Member — His Conduct in Parliament — Opposes the Bill making it com- pulsory to sow Hemp — Debate on voting a Subsidy — Subser- viency of Cecil and Bacon — Raleigh's Reply to their Speeches — Great Debate on Monopolies — Singular Speech of Secretary Ce- cil — His Condemnation of all Discussion without the Walls of Parliament — Pirates of Dunkirk — Debate on the Transport of Ordnance without the Kingdom — Raleigh's excellent Observa- tions upon this Subject — Debates on the Statute of Tillage — Raleigh argues for the Removal of all Restrictions on Agricul- ture — Evident Decay of the Intimacy between Cecil and Raleigh — Amusing Parliamentary Anecdote — A " No" pulled out by the Sleeve — Style of Parliamentary Speaking — Elizabeth's last Speech to the Deputation of the House of Commons — Raleigh sells his Irish Estate to the Earl of Cork — Character of this remarkable Man — Last Illness of Elizabeth — Her Death — Accession of James — Raleigh treated with Coldness and Ne- glect — Contrast between the Character of the King and that of Raleigh — Cecil's secret Correspondence with James — He is ap- pointed his Secretary and Prime Minister — Raleigh deprived of his Office of Captain of the King's Guard, and of his Patent of Wines — Involved in an Accusation of Treason — History of this mysterious Transaction — Raleigh's Trial — Observations upon it — The whole Conspiracy regarding Arabella Stewart a Fiction — The Plot against Raleigh to be traced to Secretary Cecil,.. Page 236 CHAPTER VI. TRGM RALEIGH'S FIRST CONFINEMENT IN THE TOWER TO HIS EXECUTION. Extraordinary Pageant of an Execution in the Case of Markliam and the Lords Grey and Cobham — Said to be the Invention of the King — Raleigh is reprieved and confined in the Tower — Reflections 5 CONTENTS. 15 on his Character at this Period — His Pursuits in the Tower — His History of the World — His Chemical Studies — Lady Raleigh shares his Confinement — His Son Carew born in the Tower — His Estate of Sherborne given to the Favourite Carr, Earl of Somerset — Raleigh's Correspondence and Friendship with Prince Henry — His various Writings addressed to this Prince — On War — On the Naval Power of England — On the Match with Savoy — Death of Prince Henry — Raleigh's Sorrow at this Event — His History of the World — Criticism upon this great Work — Death of Secretary Cecil — Raleigh's Epitaph on this Statesman — He regains his Liberty — Scheme for the Settlement of Guiana — Remonstrances of the Spanish Court — Character of Gondomar — Account of the Expedition — Its unfortunate Issue — Raleigh's Return to England — Proclamation against him — Inveteracy of the Spanish Government — James's Resolution to sacrifice him — Raleigh's Attempt to Escape — Betrayed by Stukely and Manou- rie — Recommitted to the Tower — His Examination by tlie Com- missioners — His Employments in Prison — Difficulties attending the Mode of executing the former Sentence — His Behaviour on the Scaffold — His Death — Reflections on his Character,. ... Page 302 APPENDIX. A. Raleigh's Account of Guiana defended — B. Club at the Mer- maid — C. Raleigh's alleged Attempt to stab Himself — D. Hume's Errors in his Account of Raleigh — E. Cecil's Enmity to Raleigh — F. Raleigh's Plot — Its Origin and secret History — G. Errors of Mr D'Israeli — H. Raleigh and the French Agent — Extracts from the Manuscripts in the State-paper Office — I. Raleigh in the Tower — His Unpublished Manuscripts — Hampden — K. In- ventory of Raleigh's Jewels and Trinkets, from State-papei Office— L. Portrait of Raleigh, 435 ENGRAVINGS. Portrait of Sir Walter Raleigh. Engraved by Hors- burgh. The Original in Granger's time was at West Wickham, in Kent — To face the Vignette. Vignette — Raleigh's Seal of Office. Engraved by Jackson. The Original is in the possession of Mr Cayley. Portrait of Lord Burleigh. Engraved by Jackson. The Origi- nal in Granger's time was in the possession of the Earl of Bur- lington, Page '62 Seal of Lord Burleigh, and Autograph. Engraved by Bruce,... 73 Portrait of Spenser. Engraved by Jackson. From Vertue's Print, 113 Private Seal of Raleigh, and Autograph. Engraved by Bruce, 179 Portrait of the Earl of Essex. Engraved by Jackson. The Original in Granger's time was in the Collection of Sir Ro- bert Wors%, 213 Essex's Seal and Autograph. Engraved by Bruce, 236 Portrait of Raleigh as he walked at the Funeral of Queen Eli- zabeth. Engraved by Bruce. From the Monumenta Ve- tusta, vol. iii. plate 24. The Original is supposed to be a Drawing of Camden's, 301 LIFE OP SIR WALTER RALEIGH. CHAPTER I. From Raleighi's Birth to his Settlement of Virginia. Birth of Raleigh — Early Education — Sent to Oriel College, Oxford — Passes over to the War in France — State of that Kingdom — His Return to England — Goes to the Netherlands — Serves as a Volunteer under Sir John Norris — His Enthusiasm for Naviga- tion — Embarks in the Expedition of his Brother, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, to America — Its Failure — Raleigh engages in the War in Ireland — State of that Country — His eminent Services there — He returns to England — Court of Queen Elizabeth — Charac- ter of Burleigh — Of Leicester — Of Sussex — Of Sir Philip Sid- ney — First Introduction to the Queen — Dispute veith Lord Grey — Increases in Favour at Court— Sir Humphrey Gilbert's Second Voyage of Discovery — Raleigh's deep Interest in it — Its Disas- trous Issue — Raleigh perseveres in his Schemes — He fits out two Ships — The Voyage — Discovery of the Island Okakoke and Coast of North Carolina — Return to England — The Queen calls the Country Virginia — Raleigh knighted — He sends a Fleet to Vir- ginia under Sir Richard Grenville — Settlement of Virginia — Diffi- culties of the Infant Colony — Introduction of Tobacco into Eng- land b)' Raleigh — Raleigh's Irish Estate — Spenser the Poet — Raleigh sends a new Fleet under Governor White to Virginia. Few subjects of biography present greater attrac- tions than the life of Sir Walter Raleigh. As a statesman, a soldier, a navigator, and a writer of original and varied genius, he is connected with all A 18 Raleigh's birth. that is interesting in perhaps the most interesting period of Englisli history, — the reign of Elizabeth ; and so much was he the child of enterprise and the sport of vicissitude, that he who sits down to write his life, finds himself, without departing from the severe simplicity of truth, surrounded with lights almost as glowing as those of romance. The family of Raleigh was one of ancient genti- lity, though neither rich nor noble. His father was Walter Raleigh, Esq. of Fardel, in Devonshire, a gentleman remarkable for nothing except his hav- ing thrice married. His third wife, Catherine, daughter of Sir Philip Champernon and widow of Otho Gilbert, Esq. of Compton, in the county of Devon, was Raleigh's mother. She was in all pro- bability a woman of talent, as by her first marriage she gave birth to Sir John, Sir Humphrey, and Sir Adrian Gilbert, — all men of eminence, knight- ed for their public services by Queen Elizabeth. Walter Raleigh, the youngest of two sons by this union, was born in the year 1552, at Hayes, a pleasant farm in the parish of East Badley, Devon- shire, situated on the coast, — a circumstance from which he perhaps acquired that early passion for maritime enterprise which afterwards distinguished him. It is certain he was much attached to the spot, as we find him in the days of his greatness endeavouring to purchase it, " from the natural disposition he had to the place^ being born in that house."* The same year in which he first saw * Original letter of Raleigh to Mr Duke, Works, vol. viii. p. 744. The edition of Raleigh's Works referred to throughout this Life, is that in eight volumes printed at Oxford University Press, 1 829. EDUCATION AT OXFORD. 19 the light closed the brief but hopeful reign of Ed- ward VI. ; and it was a happy circumstance, that during the sanguinary domination of Mary he was still a boy, and secluded in the retirement of his fa- ther's country-seat, where he received, either from a domestic tutor or in some school in the neighbour- hood, the rudiments of liis education. When very young he was sent to Oriel College, Oxford, where his ready wit and precocity of genius were such, that they have been deemed worthy of commemoration by his illustrious contemporary Lord Bacon.* He exhibited at the same time a restless ambition, which prompted him to seek distinction rather in the stirring scenes of the world than the cloistered solitude of a college ; and this natural inclination to adventure was fostered by the study of books relat- ing to the conquests of the Spaniards in the New World, — a species of reading which was the delight of his early years, and undoubtedly gave a colour to the whole tenor of his life. His stay at Oxford, therefore, was short ; and in 1.569 he seized the opportunity of the civil wars in France, between the Huguenots and the Catholics, to visit that kingdom, and commence his military education. A more excellent school could not have been selected; and in adopting this step young Raleigh was sure of the approbation of Elizabeth : for this great queen, although, to use the words of Camden, her hands were full of disorders at home, was not wanting either in commiseration or relief to the persecuted Protestants of France. She not only The first volume contains the Lives of Raleigh by Oldys and Birch; and tlie quotations from these writers are taken from it. * Apothegms, No. 66. 20 SERVES IN FRANCE. exhorted other princes to lend them assistance, but advanced a considerable sum to the Queen of Na- varre, and gave permission to Henry Champernon, Raleigh's near kinsman, to raise a troop of a hun- dred gentlemen volunteers, with v^hich he passed over to the continent. They were, according to the description in De Thou, " a gallant company, nobly mounted and accoutred, having on their colours the motto, Finem det 7nihi Virtus ;" and many of them rose afterwards to eminence. But the most noted of them all was Walter Raleigh.* The historian might have added, that a more im- portant or arduous period could hardly have been selected, in the history of France, for a young man to enter into public life. It was the crisis when the Protestants under the Prince of Conde and the Admiral Coligni, two of the greatest men of modern times, had risen in defence of their reli- gious liberty against the tyranny of the Catholics. In the very year when Raleigh joined the army was fought the battle of Jarnac, so disastrous to the Huguenots, in which Conde, having been made prisoner, was murdered in cold blood. About the same time the Prince of Navarre, afterwards Henry IV., commenced his military career under the care of the veteran Coligni. Of Raleigh's personal adventures in this army no account is preserved either by himself or others. But in his History of the World, written during his long imprisonment in the Tower, he alludes in more than one place to his French campaign. Speaking * Thuani Hist. B. 46, chap. ii. Camden, Annal. Reg-. Elis. ad Ann. 569. " Admodum adolescens jam priraum fatis monstratus." BATTLE OF MONCONTOUR. 21 of the dangers of intrusting equal power to the com- manders of an army, who seldom possess equal cour- age and judgment, '' I remember well/' says he, " that when the Prince of Conde was slain, after the battle of Jarnac the Protestants did greatly bewail their loss, in respect of his religion, person, and birth ; yet, comforting themselves, they thought it rather an advancement than a hinderance to their affairs ; for so much did the valour of the one (Conde) out- reach the advisedness of the other (Coligni), as whatsoever the admiral intended to win by attend- ing the advantage, the prince adventured to lose by being over confident in his own courage."* In this sentence, the style of its commencement, " I re- member well," creates a presumption that Raleigh was present in the battle. Not long after this occurred the disastrous defeat of the admiral at Moncontour, on which occasion the Catholic army was commanded by the Duke of An- jou, afterwards Henry III. It appears from Ra- leigh's own account, that having shared in the perils of this contest, he retired with Count Ludowick of Nassau, who, by his ability in conducting the re- treat, saved one-half of the Protestant army, then broken and disbanded, — " of which," says he, " I myself was an eyewitness, and one of them that had cause to thank him for it."t There is yet another allusion in his History to the scene of his military education. " I saw," he observes, "^ in the third civil war in France, certain caves in Languedoc, which had but one entrance and that very narrow, cut out in the midway of ■ Ralei|rh's Works, vol. vL pp. 157, 158. f Ibid, vol vi. p. 21 1. 22 DEATH OF CHARLES IX. high rocks, which we knew not how to enter by any ladder or engine, till at last by certain bundles of straw let down by an iron chain, and a weighty stone in the midst, those that defended it were so smothered, as they rendered themselves with their plate, money, and other goods therein hidden."* It seems certain, from a passage quoted by 01- dys, that Raleigh remained in France till after the death of Charles IX. This would make the period of his stay upwards of six years, — a circumstance which will account for a great chasm in all the me- moirs of his life. During this time we may pre- sume, to use the words of the same author, that " he was initiated in those accomplishments, both civil and military, through the language and politeness of the people, as well as their warlike and ministe- rial affairs, whereof he afterwards gave such mani- fold proofs."t That era was indeed remarkable for great changes, and not less so for men eminent in the arts of peace, of civil government, and of elegant literature^ as well as in war. If it was the age of Conde and Coligni, it produced also the Chancellor de I'Hopital, the President de Thou, Ronsard, and Muretus; and before leaving that kingdom, about the age of twenty-three, Raleigh had no doubt availed him- self of the advantages which it held out to a mind full of ambition and enthusiasm. On the conclusion of the peace in 1576, which secured to the Protest- ants the free exercise of their religion, he return- ed to England. It has been supposed by his bio- graphers, that he proved his early predilection for * Works, vol. V, p. 355. -|- Oldys's ife, pp. 16, 17. RETURNS TO ENGLAND. 23 poetry by prefixing some commendatory verses to Gascoigne's satire, entitled the Steel Glass ; but, al- though written in the quaint style of his age, their poetical merit is below his other pieces, and it is difficult to believe that they flowed from the same sweet vein which produced the answer to Marlowe's Passionate Shepherd. Be this as it may, he allowed himself but a short time for his domestic pleasures, or his recreations with the muses. Soon after quit- ting France he repaired to the seat of war in the Netherlands, where he served as a volunteer, under the Prince of Orange, against the Spaniards. Fortunately for Raleigh, the condition of this por- tion of Europe rendered it at that time an instruc- tive school, both for political wisdom and for the mi- litary art ; so that the rudiments of his education as a statesman and a soldier, which had been received in France, were matured in the Netherlands. In the great contest then maintained, despotic power was arrayed against the rights of conscience. It was the same struggle he had seen carried on in France, in which, under the banner of royal tyranny, superstition and cruelty were leagued against free- dom and truth ; and in both kingdoms he bore arms on the side of liberty. The same principles which determined Elizabeth to support the French Pro- testants, and to aim at the extinction of the power of the house of Guise, induced her to thwart the schemes of Philip II. of Spain. The advance of his imperious governor, the Duke of Alva, in the Ne- therlands, had at first, in 1567, driven the Prince of Orange, a man as illustrious for genius as for ancient lineage, to seek a retreat in his estates in Germany. But the determined spirit of resistance shown by 24 SERVES IN THE NETHERLANDS. Holland and Zealand drew him from seclusion ; and, at the head of a league^ by every member of which he was deservedly beloved, he organized a resistance against Spain, which, amidst frequent reverses and intolerable oppression, only grew more resolute and decided, till at last, in 1574, it triumphed in the defeat of the ferocious schemes of Alva, and his recall from the government of the Low Countries. Two years after, upon the death of Requesens, who had succeeded the duke, Don John of Austria, na- tural brother of Philip, was appointed viceroy of the Netherlands. He was a man of much pride, in^ ordinate ambition, and certainly of some genius. But his plans though vast were ill digested, and his imagination greatly outran his judgment. One of his projects, which had come to the ears of Eliza- beth, and deeply incensed her against Spain, con- sisted in a plot to marry the Queen of Scots, and, in her right, to acquire the sovereignty of the British dominions. It was this which changed the policy of the English queen from concealed encouragement to an avowed espousal of the cause of the Pro- testants, and a determined hostility to Spain. The same motives induced her to conclude a treaty with the States of Holland, to advance them a loan of £100,000, and to despatch to their assistance that force of 5000 foot and 1000 horse in which Raleigh now enlisted as a volunteer. The chief command was given to Sir John Norris, one of the most experienced soldiers in Europe, of whom it has been well said, that he was no less re- markable for his safe retreats than for his resolute onsets ; whilst his conduct and discipline were so ex- act, that for a long time his actions were considered BATTLE OF RIMENANT. 25 precedents, and his orders laws of war.* To serve under such a master could not fail to be of the high- est advantage ; and, although there is no direct re- ference to it in Raleigh's History, or in his other works, there can be little doubt that he shared in that famous action at Rimenant, in which the Spa- nish army, commanded by Don John of Austria and the Prince of Parma, was overthrown by the forces of the States. The English auxiliaries had been joined by a Scottish force, under Sir Robert Stuart ; and the success of the battle is ascribed by De Thou and Lord Bacon to the steady discipline and determined courage of the English and Scots, who, oppressed by a long march and the extreme lieat of the weather, stript off their armour and doublets, and fought in their shirts and drawers.t Although thus engaged in war, both in France and in the Netherlands, young Raleigh had found leisure to inform himself on those subjects of cos- mography and navigation, which at this time en- grossed the attention not only of the learned and the adventurous, but of crowned heads and impe- rial councils. He had studied the histories of the discoveries of Columbus, the conquests of Cortes, and the sanguinary triumphs of Pizarro ; and a writer of good authority, who bears the same name, informs us that such books were his especial favour- ites, and the subjects of his early conversation. Co- lonel Richard Bingham, his fellow-soldier, amongst other multifarious projects, was occupied with a scheme for the plantation of America. J Nor were • Lloyd's State Worthies, p. C19. ■f Thnani Historia, vol. iii. p. 608. ed. Bulkely. 41 Richard Bingham wjts an eccentric and extraordinary soldier 26 Raleigh's first voyage : there wanting, we may believe, in the army in which he served, many others whose society was fitted to encourage his early devotion to such pursuits. It is not surprising, therefore, that the ardent mind of Ra- leigh should have eagerly embraced an opportunity of embarking in an adventure of this nature, which offered itself whilst he was in Holland. His stepbrother. Sir Humphrey Gilbert, had pub- lished, in 1576, a treatise concerning a north-west passage to the East Indies, which, although tinc- tured with the pedantry of the age, is full of prac- tical sense and judicious argument.* The work appears to have made no inconsiderable impres- sion upon the government; and Sir Humphrey having obtained a patent from the queen to colo- nize such parts of North America as were not pos- sessed by any of her allies, prevailed with Raleigh to abandon his military pursuits and try his for- tune in the voyage. The project, however, failed. Many who had eagerly embarked in it became discontented ; all de- sired an equal share of power ; discord bred coldness and desertion ; and Sir Humphrey and Raleigh at last found themselves obliged to put to sea with a few friends who disdained to leave them under such adverse circumstances. " When the shipping was in a manner prepared," says Edmond Haies, who was of fortune, who had g-ained experience in the French, Scottish, and Venetian wars. He was a man of wonderfully versatile genius, a great projector, " of a fancy high and wild, too desultory and overvoluble," to use the expressive language of a quaint writer ; he had travelled over most parts of the world ; and although it was his fortune rather to be skilful in many mysteries than thriving in any, his conversation and society must have been agreeable to a young man of an enthusiastic turn of mind. * Hakluyt has printed it in his third volume, p. 11. ITS FAILURE. 27 a principal actor in the enterprise, " and men ready upon the coast to go aboard, some brake consort and followed courses degenerating from the voyage be- fore pretended, others failed of their promises con- tracted, and the greater number were dispersed, leaving the general with a few of his assured friends, with whom he adventured to sea, where, having tasted of no less misfortune, he was shortly driven to retire home with the loss of a tall ship."* On its homeward passage the small squadron of Gilbert was dispersed and disabled by a Spanish fleet, and many of the company were slain; but, perhaps owing to the disastrous issue of the fight, it has been slightly noticed by the English historians.t Although unsuccessful, however, in his first voyage, the instructions of Gilbert could not fail to be of service to Raleigh, who at this time was not much above twenty-five, whilst the admiral must have been in the maturity of his years and abilities. On his return from the American adventure in 1579, a new scene of activity was presented to his enterprising spirit by the rebellion in Ireland. The intrigues of Spain had kindled the flame of civil war in that misgoverned country, and the prospect was not a little alarming. James Fitz-Morris of the Geraldine family, with the Earl of Desmond and his two brothers, had raised the standard of revolt ; and soon afterwards three foreign ships, bearing a freight of Spanish and Italian chivalry, arrayed under the Papal banner and commanded by San Josepho, ar- rived at Smerwick in Kerry. Raleigh's military experience now entitled him to promotion, and we * Hakluyt, vol. iiL p. 146. f Oldys's Life of Raleigh, pp. 28, 2y. 28 SERVES IN IRELAND. find him commanding a company in Ireland. The chief conduct of the war was intrusted to the Earl of Ormonde governor of IMunster, who dislodged the foreign troops from the Fort del Ore^ in which they had entrenched themselves. It was found, from the testimony of the prisoners, that a scheme for the subjugation of the island had been concerted be- tween Philip of Spain and the Pope ; but we may be permitted to suspend our belief in the assertion of IMr George Whetstone, who insists that his holi- ness had provided a chalice to drink the Queen of England's precious blood as soon as she should be made a sacrifice.* Ormond had not used the precaution of destroy- ing the fort, for which his army was too small to spare a garrison; and this neglect led to its re-occu- pation by a larger body of the enemy than at that time it would have been prudent to attack. He fell back, accordingly, on the lord-deputy Arthur Lord Grey, who was stationed at Rakele with a body of 800 horse and foot mider Captains Raleigh, Zouch, Denny, and IMackworth ; on the strength of which re- enforcement he again advanced. On strik- ing their tents, Raleigh, who had observed that so soon as an encampment was abandoned the Irish flocked into it in great crowds, remained behind with his troop, and lay in ambush to receive them. Nor was he deceived in his expectation ; for the de- serted camp was broken into by a tumultuous body of the rebels, whom he instantly charged, and all were either slain or made prisoners. One of them when taken had a bundle of withies or willow-ropes * Whetstone's English Mirror, p. 154. Oldys's Life, p. 31. SIEGE OP FORT DEL ORE. 29 on his shoulder; and being asked what use he meant to put them to, answered, " Why, to hang up the English churls !" " Well," said Raleigh, '' they will now do for an Irish kerne," and commanded him to be suspended in one of his own collars, — an in- stance of severity too much in character with the stern and exasperating policy at that time pursued by the generals of Elizabeth.* Lord Grey having procured artillery, laid siege to the fort; and for the first three days Raleigh commanded in the trenches, where John Cheke, the son of that Sir John Cheke whose name has been preserved in a sonnet of ]\Iilton, was slain. " He was," says a quaint biographer, " a tall proper gen- tleman ; but he paid dear for his stature, for ven- turing to look over the parapet, a Spaniard levelled his piece and picked him off." The full batteries were now opened, and the assault prosecuted so desperately that the foreigners hung out a flag of truce. But Grey, a veteran and unrelenting soldier, refused to grant any terms except those of an un- conditional surrender. At this time the famous Ed- mund Spenser was at head-quarters, and he has left us an account of the conference. " When," says he, " their secretary. Seignior Jeffrey, an Italian, was sent to treat ^vith the lord-deputy for grace, he was flatly refused it; and afterwards when their colonel, named Don Sebastian, came forth to entreat that they might part with their arms like soldiers, and at least be spared their lives, according to the custom of war and law of nations, it was strongly denied him, and told him by the lord-deputy himself, that * Cox's History of Ireland, p. 376. 30 CORRESPONDS WITH LEICESTER. they could not justly plead either custom of war or law of nations^ for that they were not any lawful enemies. * * Neither were the Earl and John of Desmond any thing but rebels and traitors^ and therefore they that came to succour them no better than rogues and runagates ; wherefore it would be dishonourable for him, in the name of his queen, to make any terms with such rascals." It is painful to pursue the story farther. The fort surrendered, and orders were given by the inexorable deputy to put the garrison to the sword, — sparing only an Irish nobleman and a few Spanish officers, who were sent prisoners to England. Elizabeth, although she exculpated the inferior officers, who simply obeyed orders, expressed herself deeply dissatisfied with their leader on account of this piece of cruelty.* For some time after this the life of Raleigh w^as that of an aspiring soldier, enthusiastic in his pro- fession, and mortified '' by the poor place and charge which he enjoyed under the deputy. In a letter to the Earl of Leicester, whose favour he seems to have enjoyed at this time, he declares that were it not that Grey was the friend of that powerful fa- vourite, ' he would disdain his charge as much as to keep sheep,' and describes Ireland as a lost land, not a commonwealth, but a common wo."t This discontent, however, was of short duration. Sir Wal- ter rose in the confidence of the government ; and his activity was so great in reducing the seditious prac- tices of Lord Barry, and other leaders of the rebel- lion, — in the repulse of Fitz-Edmonds, — the capture * See a letter written about this time to the Earl of Leicester, Cayley's Life, p. 26. ■f Cayley's Life, vol. i. p. 25. SERVICES IN IRELAND. 31 of Lord Roch, — and restoring the country to a state of security, — that he was repeatedly promoted to situations of trust and responsibility. On the re- turn of the Earl of Ormond to England, the go- vernment of IMunster was committed to Raleigh, in conjunction with Sir William Morgan and Captain Pierce ; and the same year we find him holding the chief command in the city of Cork. The variety of his exploits, and the apparently contradictory qua- lities whicli he exhibited, were very remarkable. He united the daring courage of the old knight of chivalry with the calm judgment and the love of stratagem which distinguished a later and more re- fined age. Of the first he gave an example in the defeat of Fitz-Edmonds, where he twice rescued and saved the life of one of the gentlemen of his com- pany at the imminent peril of his own. Of the last he furnished a no less striking instance in the surprise and seizure of the Lord Roch in his own castle, surrounded by a powerful garrison, and in a comitry where the enemy had carefully occupied every road and fastness. But it is the characteristic of great minds, that they manifest new and irresist- ible vigour amid the pressure of those difficulties whicli paralyze inferior capacities. Upon the suppression of the rebellion Raleigh returned to his native country, with a reputation for valour and experience well known to those with whom he had served, but whicli was lost at court amidst the dazzling brilliancy of superior rank and power. Nor could it well be otherwise; for at this moment the throne of Elizabeth was sur- rounded by a nobility, amongst whom was to be found all that was illustrious in birth and pre- 32 CECIL, LORD BURLEIGH. eminent in genius, by statesmen, and warriors both by land and sea, whose names have become familiar and stirring words, indissolubly associated with every recollection of the glory of England. The sagacious and wary Burleigh was now in the zenith of his power, the favoured minister of his royal mistress, and possessing an influence over her masculine mind which no other amongst her ser- vants ever retained so long. Capricious, and ex- hibiting the weakness and mutability of a woman to his rivals Leicester and Essex, she maintained 5 CHARACTER OP BURLEIGH. 33 an invariable regard for Cecil ; her confidence in his councils was never shaken for a moment ; and upon every subject relating to internal administra- tion or foreign policy, his opinion, although openly and severely canvassed at the moment it was given, was silently followed in the end. But, although he was the chosen minister of this great queen, he was not a man of splendid genius or of brilliant and original endowments. In tracing the principles of his government, and studying the accounts of his private life, it will be found that the prominent qualities of Lord Burleigh were of a homelier nature. Prudence, calm and unimpassioned judg- ment, indefatigable application, and extreme taci- turnity in the despatch of business, were perhaps the most striking features in his mind and dispo- sition; and the exercise of these was not inter- rupted by the impediments of the heart or the ima- gination, which lead some men astray. No bursts of natural and generous feeling, — no enthusiasm for high intellectual talent, — no admiration for what was profound in science, or daring, or graceful, or beautiful in art, — no foolish feelings for chivalrous honour, or unproductive glory, interrupted the even tenor of his purposes, or shook a single principle which he felt to be expedient and necessary. His neglect of Spenser, when this delightful poet was recommended to his patronage by his royal mis- tress, — his contempt for military renown, unless the victory brought some tangible fruit in security or in solid coin, — his coldness to every thing in religion which did not affect the strictness of the Protestant doctrines or the integrity of established forms, all point the same way, and convince us that the cha- B 34 Burleigh's policy : racter of this great minister was less ardent than reflective. But this is only one side of the picture. Looking to the principles of his administration, and the energy with which he pursued them, nothing can be more great, consistent, and excellent. His determination to humble the Papal power, and to support the Protes- tant reformation, — his zeal on the side of liberty of conscience, — his consequent support of the Huguenot party in France, the Prince of Orange in the Low- Countries, and the Reformed Lords in Scotland, — his encouragement of all that serviceable learning which promised to further these objects,* — his decided op- position to a war for territorial conquest, — the gi- gantic energy with which he wielded the strength of the kingdom in the resistance of foreign invasion, and in crushing the Irish rebellion, — his wise en- couragement of the maritime power of England, — his ardour in humbling the naval supremacy of Spain, in fitting out fleets for the discovery and plant- ing of new countries, and enlarging the boundaries of foreign commerce, — his measures of internal po- licy, for the settlement of a form of ecclesiastical go- vernment, for the payment of the debts of the crown, the relief of the poor, the reformation of the coin of the realm, — all speak the great man, and justify the universal confidence of the nation in his prudence, vigilance, and wisdom, and the extraordinary repu- tation which he had acquired in foreign countries. No man perhaps ever lived in more difficult times. * Witness his enirag'ing his friend Sir Thomas Smith to write a Treatise on the Roman Money, which he deemed of practical utili- ty in guiding his own measures for the reformation of the coin. Biograph. Britannica, by Kippis, a t. Cecil, p. 387. HIS PRIVATE LIFE. 35 or survived them with greater credit and success ; and the circumspection and caution of his earlier years, under Henry VIII., Edward VI., and Mary, are as remarkable in a different way as his pre- eminence during the reign of Elizabeth. Raised to the peerage from the rank of a private gentleman, he yet thought little of the distinction. He had been as powerful under the name of William Cecil as lie now was when he wrote Burleigh ; and al- though on great occasions, where a political object was to be gained, he could assume a magnificence in his entertainments which almost rivalled those of his sovereign, and even ordinarily in his houses, gardens, and equipage, kept up a splendid state, it was more in obedience to the taste of the queen and of the times than from personal vanity or enjoyment. The common habits of his life were plain and unosten- tatious. " He had a little mule at his favourite seat at Theobalds, upon which he rode up and down the walks : sometimes he would look on those who were shooting with arrows or playing with bowls ; but as for himself he never engaged in any diversion, taking the word in its usual sense. He had a few friends who were constantly at his table because he liked their company ; but in all his life he never had one favourite, or suffered any body to get an ascendant over him. Basking, as he did, in the sunshine of royal favour, he rather suffered than enjoyed his greatness ; and whenever he had time to spare he fled, as his expression was, to Theobalds, and buried himself in privacy, where he would pleasantly throw off his gown and say, ' Lie there. Lord Treasurer !' "* * Lloyd's State Worthies, p. 478. 36 EARL OF LEICESTER. Yet these intervals of ease and domestic enjoyment were rarely snatched from the constant pressure of his employments, which continued to engross him from his first entrance into public life till he settled a treaty with the States, as he lay sick upon the bed from which he never rose. In striking contrast to the grave Burleigh, the next most conspicuous person in Elizabeth's court was the gay, profligate, and magnificent Dudley, earl of Lei- cester, the unremitting enemy of Cecil, and yet the highest favourite of the queen. It was as a woman, however, that Elizabeth loved and applauded Dudley, whilst as a sovereign she fully appreciated his rival. Noble birth, the devotion and suiferings of his an- cestors in her father's and her sister's reigns, a per- son and countenance of extreme beauty and grace- fulness, and a studied gallantry to his royal mis- tress, were qualities which endeared Leicester to Elizabeth, and blinded her to the darker parts of his character. Burleigh was earnest for the glory and security of England, and in labouring for his mis- tress's interest was content that his own should fol- low as an accessory. Leicester loved power for its own sake, and desired to be omnipotent at court and in the council, that he might gratify his pride and revenge, destroy his enemies, and raise himself upon their ruin. Endowed with a profound dissi- mulation, he intrigued with Spain and plotted with the Catholics, in order to undermine the Protestant interest of Cecil ; while, though abandoned in his principles and dissolute in his habits, he could as- sume the mask of religion and become the leader of the Puritans, that he might use their power to weaken the ecclesiastical establishment, for the sup- EARL OP LEICESTER. 37 port of which his rival was so deeply interested. His information was so secret, that liis spies and de- pendents were supposed to be as busy on the con- tinent as at home. He was little scrupulous as to the means employed to rid himself of an enemy; and whilst, to shame the coldness and parsimony of Cecil, he acted as a munificent patron of the sciences and learning, he scrupled not to deal with astrologers, wizards, and poisoners, provided they lent their dark assistance in the accomplishment of his designs. Yet all this was done so silently and circumspectly that no proof could be found against him, and the thread was lost before it could be traced to the master-hand which presided within the labyrinth. " Many," says Lloyd, " fell in his time, which saw not the grasp that pulled them down, and as many died that knew not their own disease."* At the period when Raleigh made his appearance at court, Dudley possessed some of the highest offices in the kingdom ; but whilst the re- putation of Burleigh is permanent, his once potent rival is now chiefly remembered as the uncle of Sir Philip Sidney and the patron of Spenser. At this time another great man at court was Rat- cliffe, earl of Sussex and Lord Chamberlain, whose blunt, open, and martial character comes out in strik- ing relief beside the polished and brilliant personages amongst whom he moved. His abilities in war were of the highest order, as was repeatedly shown in Ire- land ; and although the rust of the camp and the smoke of battle had rather besmirched and unfitted him for the office of chamberlain to a virgin queen, • Lloyd's State Worthies, p. 519. 38 RATCLIFFE, EARL OP SUSSEX. there was an affability and simplicity in his man- ners which attracted all honest men to his party^ and enal)led him, infinitely inferior as he was to Leicester in court-policy, to raise a party against him which had nearly ruined his great enemy, when Sussex showed the nobleness of mind to plead for a fallen foe. It was his custom to designate Dudley by the nickname of the Gipsy, and on his deathbed he is said to have given this singular advice to his friends who stood by : — " I am now passing into another world, and must leave you to your fortunes and to the queen's graces : — ^but beware of the Gipsy — he will be too hard for you all; you know not the beast so well as I do."* Leicester, from his lordly state and influence, had acquired amongst the common people the title of the Heart of the Court, while Sussex, by his martial virtue^ may be said to have been the soul of the camp; yet there was another at this time in the suite of Elizabeth, who, although bearing no higher title than that of a knight, was better known in England and throughout Europe than if he had borne a ducal star on his bosom. This was the all-accomplished Sir Philip Sidney, — a person of so versatile a genius, that he seemed born to arrive at excellence in almost every department, whether of knowledge or of action. " His descent," says Sir Robert Naunton, " was noble on both sides, and for his education, it was such as travel and the univer- sity could afford and his tutors infuse ; for, after an incredible proficiency in all species of learning, he left the academical life for that of the court,, whither * Naunton's Fragmenta Regalia, p. 49. SIR PHILIP SIDNEY. 39 he came by his uncle Leicester's invitation^ famed beforehand by a noble report of his accomplish- ments, which, together with a natural propension to arms, soon attracted the good opinion of all men, and was so highly prized in the esteem of the queen, that she thought the court deficient without him ; and whereas through the fame of his deserts he was in election for the kingdom of Poland, she refused to further his preferment, not out of emulation for his advancement, but out of fear to lose the jewel of his time."* This quaint encomium may savour of flat- tery; yet, judging in the calmest mood of his nu- merous endowments, and estimating him by the in- fluence which he acquired over his age, Sidney was doubtless an extraordinary man. His acquaintance with the affairs of Europe was so exact and pro- found, that William of Nassau assured Sir Fulke Greville he was deserving of a throne in foreign parts, although he filled no office in England. His abilities in war and wisdom in civil policy were of so high an order, that his uncle Leicester held his government in the Low Countries by his coun- cils and energy when alive, and lost, or rather found it prudent to resign it, after his death. As a writer. Indeed, we cannot speak of him so highly. His Arcadia, which had just been finished when Raleigh came to court, is an interminable and un- readable production, pedantic, and learned, although in some parts deficient neither in sweetness nor in energy ; yet we ought to criticise it with a refer- ence to the taste of those times, and not by the rules applicable to a modern novel or romance. That lie , . — . ■ :--"r -^ — • Naunton's Fraguienta Be^lia, p. 66t 40 SIR PHILIP SIDNEY. could sometimes write with no common vigour and elegance, his little piece entitled Valour Anatomized in a P'ancy, and his reply to the libel on his uncle Leicester, suflBciently demonstrate. He who was the friend and patron of Spenser, — who is styled by the judicious Camden the darling of the learned world, — whose natural genius and propensity to great designs are commemorated by Grotius, — and whose death at the age of thirty-two created a sensation throughout Europe, — could scarcely have been the inferior per- son to which the amusing and paradoxical attack of Walpole has laboured to reduce him. One other quality of Sidney, which he shared with some of the greatest men of his time, was an ambition for naval adventure and a zeal for the discovery and co- lonization of new countries, — a passion with which Raleigh, as we have already seen, could deeply sympathize, and which did not fail to attract these soaring spirits to each other. It is unnecessary to add to these sketches of the court of Elizabeth as it existed at the period when Raleigh returned from the Irish wars into England. The brilliant picture might be filled up by other illustrious and able men who surrounded her throne, carried the terror of her arms into fo- reign lands, or the thunder of her fleets into the re- motest seas of the New World, — by Drake, How- ard, Hawkins, Sir Francis Vere, Lord Willoughby, Walsingham, Sadler, Knowles, and many more. But I have preferred to select such as undoubtedly occupied the foreground, and who were leaders and masters in their various classes, — Burleigh among statesmen and civilians, Sussex among sol- diers, Leicester among courtiers, and Sidney amid Raleigh's introduction to the queen. 41 the assembled virtues and graces of them all ; and thus to convey to the reader some idea of the busy and extraordinary scene on which our hero was now called to act a part. That Cecil was at this time aware of the talents of an officer who had served with such distinction cannot be doubted ; but his personal introduction to Elizabeth has been ascribed by tradition to a circumstance which^ though well known, is too pleasing to be omitted. In her progress from the royal barge to the palace, the queen, surrounded by her nobles and officers, came to a spot where the ground was so moist that she scrupled for a moment to advance ; upon which Raleigh, stepping forward with an air of devoted gallantry, cast off and spread on the earth a richly- embroidered cloak which he then wore. Her ma- jesty, after pausing for a moment and regarding, not without some little emotion, the noble figure of the young soldier to whom she owed so fair a footcloth, passed over it and proceeded on her way ; but, as was to be expected, immediately sent for and took him into her service. The anecdote, though resting on no higher authority than that already mentioned, al- most proves itself to be true by the knowledge it evinces Raleigh to have possessed of the character of Eliza- beth. Her predilection for handsome men and her love of splendid apparel were well known ; while in his sacrifice of the gorgeous cloak, and the air of devoted admiration which none knew better how to assume, he displayed that mixture of generous feel- ing and high-flown gallantry, not imlikely indeed to meet the ridicule of the graver sort, yet fitted to surprise and delight the princess to whom it was addressed. 42 RALEIGH AND TUK PRINCE OF ORANGE. At this moment the subject of public talk and deliberation was the marriage of the queen to the Duke of Anjou, — a match apparently agreeable to Elizabeth, and having the countenance of Burleigh and Sussex ; but opposed on selfish grounds by Leicester, and argued against by Sidney on the basis of political expedience. Raleigh appears in this matter to have adopted the notions of the Trea- surer and Sussex, and to have been selected by the queen to execute some matters of state diplomacy connected with it. He accompanied Simier, the French ambassador, from England to his own court ; and when the intrigues of Leicester or the capricious versatility of the queen had defeated the match, and Anjou departed from England to assume the government of the Netherlands, Raleigh was one of that retinue of nobles and gentlemen who conducted him in a magnificent progress to Ant- werp, and saw him invested in his new charge. He was here recognised by the Prince of Orange, under whom he had served in the Low Countries, and in- vited to remain after the departure of Howard, Leicester, and Sidney, that he might be the bearer of letters to the English queen. Of this circum- stance, evincing the consideration in which he was held by no incompetent judge, he gives us an ac- count in his " Treatise on the Invention of Ship- ping." Speaking of the flourishing estate of the Hol- landers, he traces it in the first instance to the aid of his own country ; '' which," says he, '' the late worthy and famous Prince of Orange did always acknowledge ; and in 1582, when I took my leave of him at Antwerp, after the retui*n of the Earl of Leicester into England, when he delivered me his DISPUTE WITH LORD GREY. 43 letters for her majesty, he prayed me to say to the queen from him, that they lived under the shadow of her favour, and that certainly they had withered in the bud and sunk in the beginning of their na- vigation liad not her majesty assisted them."'-' Sir Robert Naunton, who had no predilection for Raleigli, describes him as possessing at this time a mind of uncommon vigour, with a person and manners which attracted all who saw him. His countenance was somewhat spoiled by the unusual height of his forehead ; but his expression was ani- mated, his conversation varied and brilliant, and in speaking on matters of state he possessed a ready and convincing eloquence. Of this, not long afterwards, he was called upon to give an example before the queen and council, which all authors agree had a surprising effect. The occasion arose out of a dispute with Lord Grey of Wilton. What was the matter in debate does not exactly appear ; though it is probable the severity of the late deputy in the mas- sacre of the garrison at Fort del Ore, and the part borne by Raleigh and IMackworth in its execution, may have called for inquiry. It is certain, that on this occasion he defended himself with such spirit, and brought forward the history of the transaction in which his credit was involved with so much force and clearness, that it made an extraordi- nary impression in his favour both on the queen and the council; whilst the old lord, who was more of a blunt soldier than an orator, found him- self overpowered by the weighty reasons urged against him. • Works, vol. viii. p. 331. 44 SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT. But amidst all this versatility of talent and pur- suit, there was one subject to which he was attach- ed from his early years, and which now engrossed his attention : This was the scheme for prosecuting discoveries in the New World, to which the near expiry of Sir Humphrey Gilbert's patent forcibly recalled his attention. The letters had only been granted for six years. Of these, four had elapsed ; and Gilbert determined, with the assistance of Raleigh, to fit out a second squadron to promote that plan of discovery which he had explained in his discourse upon a north-west passage to India. The fleet consisted of five ships and barks, — the Delight, Raleigh, Golden Hind, Swallow^ and Squirrel, — having on board a force of 260 men ; and all was ready for their departure on the 1st June 1583. Raleigh had studied navigation and cosmo- graphy, not only in their higher branches but even in the minuter details relative to the construction of vessels; and the largest ship in the squadron^ which bore his name, of 200 tons, was built under his own eye, equipped at his expense, and command- ed by Captain Butler, her master being Thomas Davis of Bristol. The proprietor, who had now risen into favour with the queen, did not embark in the expedition; but he appears to have induced his royal mistress to take so deep an interest in its success, that, on the eve of its sailing from Ply- mouth, she commissioned him to convey to Sir Humphrey Gilbert her earnest wishes for his suc- cess, with a special token of regard, — a little trinket representing an anchor guided by a lady. We find this interesting circumstance in the following letter written by Raleigh from the court : — SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT. 45 " Brother, — I have sent you a token from her majesty, — an anchor guided by a lady, as you see, — and further her Highness willed me to send you word, that she wished you as great good hap and safety to your ship as if she herself were there in person, desiring you to have care of yourself, as of that which she tendereth ; and therefore, for her sake^ you must provide for it accordingly. Farther, she commandeth that you leave your picture with me. For the rest I leave till our meeting, or to the report of this bearer, who would needs be the mes- senger of this good news. So I commit you to the will and protection of God, who sends us such life and death as he shall please, or hath appointed. — Richmond, this Friday morning. Your true bro- ther, Walter Raleigh."* The expedition which set out under these happy auspices was unfortunate even in its commencement, and ultimately fatal to its brave leader. In a short time the Raleigh returned into harbour, a con- tagious distemper having broken out on board. Gil- * This letter is indorsed as having' been received March 18,* 1582-3; and it may be remarked that it settles the doubt as to the truth ot Prince's-j- story of the golden anchor, questioned by Campbell in his Lives of the Admirals. In tlie Heroologia Anglia?, p. 65, there is a fine print of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, taken evi- dently from an original picture ; but, unlike the portrait mentioned by Granger in his Biographical History, vol. i. p. 24B, it does not bear the device mentioned in the text. Raleigh's letter explains this difference. When Sir Humphrey was at rh^mouth on the eve of sailimj, the queen commands liim, we see, to leave his picture with Raleigh. This must allude to a portrait already painted ; and of cx)urse the golden anchor tlien sent could not be seen in it. Now he perished on the vojag-e. The picture at Devonshire House mentioned by Granger, which bears this honourable badge, must therefore have been painted after his death. * Cayley, vol, i. p. 31. t Worthies of Devonshire. 46 DISASTERS OP THE VOYAGE." bert pursued his voyage ; and liaving reached the Baccalaos^ originally discovered by John Cabot and since called Newfoundland, took possession of it and the adjoining coasts in name of the English queen. The ceremony, although performed in the New World, was, according to the usages of the Old, en- tirely feudal ; the royal charter being first read;, and a rod and turf of the soil delivered to the admiral. After a partial survey of the island, and an interview with the natives, whose disposition was gentle and pacific,* they steered towards the south, with the intention of bringing the countries in that quarter under " the compass of the patent." But discontent, mutiny, and sickness, broke out in the fleet ; the Swallow was sent home with the sick, and soon after the Delight was completely wrecked. The re- maining barks were the Golden Hind and Squirrel ; the first of forty, the last of ten tons burden. For what reason does not appear, the admiral insisted, against the remonstrances of his officers and crew, in having his flag in the Squirrel. It was a fatal re- solution : the weather soon after became dark and lowering, the sailors with characteristic supersti- tion declared they heard strange voices commanding them to leave the helm ; fearful shapes were said to glare during the night around the ship, and the apparition of the ominous flame, called by sea- men " Castor and Pollux," flitted above the mast.t These portents w^re the preludes to a tremendous storm ; and on the 9th of September, at midnight, the little vessel w hich carried the admiral was swal- lowed up with all on board, and not a plank of her ever seen again. Sir Humphrey Gilbert was an * Hakluyt, vol. iii. pp. 151, 153. f Ibid. pp. 15«, 158, 159. DEATH OF GILBERT. 47 able and extraordinary man, and deserves the epi- thet bestowed on him by Campbell, '' the father of our plantations/' having been the first to establish a regular method of colonial settlement. When seen for the last time before they were cast away, he was sitting on deck with a book in his hand, and was heard to exclaim, as if encouraging his men, " Be of good heart, my friends ! we are as near to heaven on the ocean as at land." According to Captain Haies, an eycAvitness, he reiterated " the same speech, well becoming a soldier resolute in Jesus Christ, as I can testify he was."* After this disaster the Golden Hind pursued her homeward voyage, and arrived at Falmouth on the 22d of September 1583. The melancholy fate of his brother did not deter Raleigh from the prosecution of his schemes. By the study of tlie Spanish voyages, and his conver- sations with some skilful mariners of that nation whom he met in Holland and Flanders, he had learnt that the Spanish ships always went into the Gulf of Mexico by St Domingo and Hispaniola, and directed their homeward course by theHavannah and the Gulf of Florida, where they found a continued coast on the west side trending away north, which however they soon lost sight of by standing to the east to make the coast of Spain. Upon these grounds, and for reasons deduced from analogy and a knowledge of the sphere, he concluded there must be a vast ex- tent of land north of the Gulf of Florida, of which he resolved to attempt the discovery. It is not improbable, also, that during his resi- dence in France he might have become acquainted * Captain Edward Haics's Narrative of the Expedition of Sir Humphrey Gill>ert, Hakluj-t, vol. iii. pp. 143, 159. 6 48 EXPEDITION FITTED OUT. with the particulars of the voyage of Verazzano, or have seen the charts constructed by that navigator, who had explored the same coast nearly as far south as the latitude of Virginia.* Having fully weighed this project, he laid a memoir before the queen and council, who approved of the undertaking ; and in the beginning of 1584, her majesty granted, by her letters-patent, all such countries as he should discover in property to himself and his heirs, reserving to the crown the fifth part of the gold or silver ore which might be found. The patent contained ample au- thority for the defence of the new countries, the transport of settlers, and the exportation of provi- sions and commodities for their use. Burleigh was now anxious to retire from public life ; and although his royal mistress insisted on his remaining in office, and rallied him with great vi- vacity on his love of seclusion. Sir Walter, who was now in high favour at court, did not deem it pru- dent, or perhaps was not permitted to leave the country. He therefore selected for the command of his projected voyage two experienced officers, — Captains Philip Amadas and Arthur Barlow, — to whom he gave minute written instructions, and * Ramiisio, vol. iii. p. 417. In 1582 Hakluyt published a work entitled " Divers Vojages touching- the Discovery of America and the Islands adjacent." It is dedicated to Sir Philip Sidney ; and, among other subjects, urges the necessity of an attempt to discover a passage by the north-west to the East Indies. His reasons for tlie existence of such a passage are, first, the letter of Sebas- tian Cabot to Ramusio, stating his belief that the northern part of America was divided into islands ; and, secondl}', " That Master John Verazzano, who had been thrice on that coast, in an old excellent map had so described ; which map he j^ve to Henry the Eighth, and which," says Hakluyt, " is yet in the custody of Mr Lock." It is probable that Raleigh had seen this map, as Hak- luyt's book, published in 1582, the very year before his discovery was planned, contains a copy of it. DISCOVERY OP VIRGINIA. 49 who sailed with two ships, well manned and pro- visioned, on the 27th of April 1584. On the 10th of May they arrived at the Canaries ; after which, keeping a south-easterly course, they made the West Indies ; and, departing thence on the 10th of July, found themselves in shoal- water, discerning their ap- proach to the lands by the delicious fragrance with which the air was loaded, — " as if," to use the w^ords of their letter to Raleigh, ^' we had been in the midst of some delicate garden, abounding with all kinds of odoriferous flowers."* Arrived upon the coast, and sailing along upwards of 120 miles, they at length found a haven and dis- embarked. Their first step was to take possession of the country in name of the queen ; after which they ascended a neighbouring eminence, and discovered to their surprise that they had not landed on the continent, but on the island of Okakoke, which they found running parallel to nearly the whole coast of North Carolina. The valleys were finely wooded with cedars, around whose trunks wild vines hung in rich festoons ; and the grape seemed so native to the soil, that the clusters covered the ground, and dipt into the sea. For two days no inhabitants were seen ; but on the third a canoe with three men ap- proached. One of them was easily prevailed on to come aboard, when the present of a shirt and some trinkets gained his confidence. On returning to his boat he began to fish, and having loaded it heavily, paddled back to the English, and, dividing his cargo into two parts, intimated that one was for the ship and the other for the pinnace. * Haklu}-t, vol. iii. p. 246. 50 INTERVIEW WITH THE NATIVES. Next day they received a visit from some canoes, in which were forty or fifty men, amongst whom was Granganimeo, the king's brother. Having first rowed within a sliort distance, they landed on the beach ; and the cliief, attended by his suite, who were handsome and athletic persons, fearlessly approached opposite the ship. A long mat was spread for him, on which he sat down ; and four of his followers, apparently men of rank, squatted themselves on the corner. Signs were made for the English to come forward ; and on doing so Gran- ganimeo desired them to sit down beside him, show- ing every token of joy and welcome, first striking his own head and breast, and afterwards those of the strangers, as if to express that they were all brethren. Presents were exchanged; and such was the rever- ence with which these people treated their prince, that whilst he made a long harangue, they remained perfectly still, standing at a distance ; even the four chiefs only venturing to communicate their feelings to each other in a low whisper. The gifts were re- ceived with delight; but on some trinkets being offered to the chiefs, Granganimeo quietly rose up, and taking them away put them into his own bas- ket, intimating by signs that every thing ought to be given to him, these men being no more than his ser- vants, — a proceeding to which they submitted with- out a murmur. A trade was soon opened, in which the strangers made good profit, by exchanging beads and other trifles for rich furs and skins. On ex- hibiting their wares, Granganimeo's eye fixed with delight upon a pewter dish, for which he conceived the strongest desire. It became his at the price of twenty skins; and, having pierced a hole in the TRADE OPENED. 51 rim, he hung it round liis neck, making signs that it would serve as a breastplate to protect him against the arrows of his enemies. It was now found that these people were engaged in hostilities with a neighbouring nation, and that the absence of the king was occasioned by severe wounds lately received in battle, of which he lay sick at the chief town, six miles off. His brother, after a few days, again visited the English, attended by his wife and children, coming aboard and partaking of a col- lation, which they seemed to enjoy. Their manners were remarkable for ease and civility. The lady was a handsome little woman, extremely bashful. She wore a leathern mantle, with the fur next her skin, and her hair, which was long and black, was confined in a band of white coral ; strings of pearl, as large as peas, hung from her ears, reaching to her middle. Her children had earrings of the same pre- cious material, whilst those of her attendants were of copper. Granganimeo was dressed much in the same fashion as his wife. On his head he wore a broad plate of metal ; but, not being permitted to examine it, they were uncertain whether it was copper or gold. A brisk trade now began with the natives ; but no one was allowed to engage in it when the king's brother was present, except such chiefs as were dis- tinguished by having plates of copper upon their heads. When this prince intended to visit the ship he invariably intimated the number of boats which were to accompany him, by lighting on the shore an equal number of beacons. The navigators learnt that, about twenty years before their arrival, a vessel belonging to a Christian country had been wreck- 52 INGENUITY OF Till-: NATIVES; ed on the coast, all hands on hoard perishing; out of the planks oast ashore the people had drawn the nails and bolts, with which they had formed some edge-tools, not having possessed any previous to this accident ; but these were very rude, and their com- mon instruments consisted of shells and sharp flints. Considering such imperfect means their canoes were admirably made, and large enough to hold twenty men. When they wished to construct one, they either burnt down a large tree, or selected such as had been blown down by the wind, and laying a coat of gum and resin on one side, set fire to it, by which it was hollowed out ; after which they scraped and polished it with their shells ; and if found too shal- low, laid on more resin, and burnt it down to the required depth. The soil of the country w^as rich, the air mild and salubrious, and they counted fourteen kinds of sweet-smelling trees, besides an underwood of laurels and box, with oaks whose girth was greater than those of England. Their fruits were melons, wal- nuts, cucumbers, gourds, and esculent roots; and the woods were plentifully stocked with bucks, rabbits, and hares. After a short while the adventurers, by invitation of the natives, explored the river, on whose banks was their principal town ; but the dis- tance to be travelled being twenty miles, they did not see the city. They reached, however, an island called Aonoak, where they found a village of nine houses built of cedar, the residence of their friend Prince Granganimeo, who was then absent. His wife, with whom the}^ were already acquainted, re- ceived them with distinguished hospitality, running THEIR HOSPITALITY AND GENTLENESS. 53 out to meet them, giving directions to lier servants to pull their boats on sliore^ and to carry tlie white stranffers on their backs to her own liouse, where she feasted them with fish and venison, and after- wards set before them a dessert of fruits of various kinds. The people were gentle and faithful^ void of all deceit, and seemed to live after the manner of the golden age.* As the surf beat high on landing, they got wet, notwithstanding their mode of transport ; but this inconvenience was soon remedied, — a great fire be- ing kindled, and their clothes washed and dried by the princess's women, whilst their feet were bath- ed in warm water. The natives expressed asto- nishment at the whiteness of their skins, and kind- ly patted them as they looked wonderingly at each other. During the feast two men armed with bows and arrows suddenly entered the gate, when the visiters in some alarm took hold of their swords, which lay beside them, to the great annoyance of their hostess, who at once detected their mistrust. She despatched some of her attendants to drive the poor fellows out at the gate, and who, seizing their bows and arrows, broke them in an instant. These arrows were made of small canes, pointed with shell or the sharp tooth of a fish. The swords, breast- plates, and war-clubs, used by the natives, were formed of hardened wood ; to the end of this last weapon they fastened the horns of a stag or some other beast, and their wars w^re carried on with much cruelty and loss of life. The name of the country where the English land- • Hakluyt, vol. iii. \). 249. 54 SHIPS RETURN TO ilNGLAND. ed was Wingandaeoa^ and of the sovereign Wingi- na ; but his kingdom was of moderate extent, and surrounded by states under independent princes, some of them in alliance and others at war with him. Having examined as much of the interior as their time would permit, our countrymen sailed liomeward, accompanied by two of the natives named Wanchese and IManteo, and arrived in England in the middle of September. Raleigh was highly delighted with this new dis- covery, establishing in so satisfactory a manner the results of his previous reasoning, and undertaken at liis sole suggestion and expense. His royal mistress, too, was scarcely less gratified ; she gave her coun- tenance and support to the schemes for coloniza- tion, which he began to urge at court, and issued her command, that the new country, so full of amenity and beauty, should, in allusion to her state of life, be called Virginia.* He was soon afterwards chosen, along with Sir William Courtney, to represent the county of Devon in Parliament, and although the imperfect manner in which at this period the trans- actions of the House of Commons were recorded renders it difficult to follow the steps of his politi- cal career, it is certain that he served upon vari- ous committees, and took an active share in public business. In the beginning of December, the bill for the confirmation of his patent of discovery, al- ready mentioned, after having been read the second time, was referred to a committee, amongst whom we find the illustrious names of Walsingham, Sid- ney, Drake, and Grenville, by whom it was approved * Oldys's Life of Raleigh, p. 58. RALEIGH KNIGHTED. i),) without alteration ; and on the 18tli, after some dis- cussion, it passed the house. Not long after this Raleigh received the honour of knifjhthood, a dignity bestowed by Elizabeth with singular frugality and discrimination. In the time of this great queen, it was a certain cognizance of distinguished genius and valour^ very different from those titles of more pompous denomination conferred by her successor, who suffered lucre to corrupt the true fountain of nobility, and to divert it into vul- gar channels. It is a remarkable fact, that during her whole reign, extending to forty-four years, and perhaps more prolific of great men and great events than that of any former sovereign of England, she created only six earls and nine barons. With re- gard to the dignity of knight, it was reserved as the highest distinction which could be conferred upon a warrior and a gentleman. This was shown in the instances of Sir Francis Vere and Sir Walter Raleigh, men set apart for military service, and whom she never raised above the rank of knighthood; saying, when importuned to make the former a baron, — " that in his proper sphere and her estimation he was above it already.""" About the same period Sir Walter received a new mark of favour, in the grant of a patent to license the vending of wines throughout the kingdom, — a monopoly, however objectionable in principle, extremely lucrative in its returns, and which was probably bestowed by Eliza- beth to enable him more effectually to carry on his great schemes for the improvement of navigation, and the settlement of a colony in Virginia. * Osborne's Traditional Memoirs of the Reign of Queen Eliza- beth, vol. i. Secret Memoirs of Court of James I., pp. bU, 81. 5G SIR RICHARD GRENVILLE : It was at this time tliat a company was formed by some able men, under letters-patent from the queen, denominated The Colleagues of the Fellow- ship for the Discovery of the North-west Passage. The principal persons in this spirited undertaking were, Sanderson, a wealthy merchant of London, Sir Adrian Gilbert, and Sir Walter Raleigh. An account of the results of their labours, — the three celel)rated voyages of Davis, — has elsewhere been given ;* but some months previous to the depar- ture of this great seaman, Raleigh had fitted out a fleet for Virginia, the command of which he intrust- ed to his relative Sir Richard Grenville. This officer, whose life was as enterprising as his death was he- roic, had, in his early years, served against the Turks, and after sharing in the glory of the battle of Lepanto, returned to England with the reputa- tion of an experienced soldier, which he increased by his conduct during the Irish rebellion. The queen promoted him to be Sheriff of Cork ; and, on his coming to England, he was chosen to represent the county of Cornwall in Parliament, in which he exhibited uncommon talents and energy. The fleet of which he now assumed the direc- tion consisted of seven vessels, including the Do- rothy a small bark, and two pinnaces. The others were the Tiger of 140 tons burden, the Lion of 100, the Elizabeth of 50, and the Roebuck, a fly-boat of the same burden as the Tiger. Part of these were fitted out at Sir Walter's expense, the re- mainder by his companions in the adventure ; one of whom was Thomas Candish or Cavendish, after- * Edinburgh Cabinet Library, No I. Polar Seas and Regions, 3d edit, p. 212—223. HIS VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA. 57 wards so omiiient as a navigator^* wlio now served under Grenville. On tlie 19th of April the mariners readied the Canaries, from which they steered to Dominica in the West Indies, and landed at Puerto Rico, where they constructed a temporary fort ; and during their stay captured two richly-freighted Spanish ships, having on board some persons of rank, who pur- cJiased their liberty at a high ransom. On the 26th of June, after some delays at Hispaniola and Flo- rida, they proceeded to Wokoken in Virginia ; and having sent notice of their arrival by Manteo, one of the two natives who had visited England, they were soon welcomed by their old friend Grangani- meo, who displayed much satisfaction at their re- turn. IMr Ralph Lane, who had been invested with the dignity of chief governor, now disembarked with 108 men, having as his deputy Philip Amadas, one of the original discoverers. Grenville does not ap- pear to have been sufficiently impressed with the difficulties attending an infant colony in a new country ; and, accordingly, after a short stay, dur- ing which was collected a valuable cargo of skins, furs, and pearls, he returned to England, carrying into Plymouth a Spanish prize, which he had cap- tured on the homeward voyage, of 300 tons burden, and richly laden. There is a combination of qualities required in the governor of a new settlement, which are of rare occurrence. Courage, promptitude, and firmiTess, are absolutely necessary, but they must be under the control of much good temper, patience, and self-com- * Edinburgh Cabinet Library, Xo V. Early English Naviga- tors, p. 1 70. 58 FIRST COLONY AT VIRGINIA : mand. An aptitude to take offence, and an eager- ness to repel imaginary insults, are the most dan- gerous principles which such a dignitary can adopt; and unfortunately they seem to have been too pro- minent features in the character of IMr Ralph Lane. The consequence was a speedy and total failure. Yet the first survey of their new territory de- lighted the English ; and the governor in a letter to Hakluyt^ who appears to have been his intimate friend, informs him that " they had discovered the mainland to be the goodliest soil under the cope of heaven; abounding with sweet trees that bring sundry rich and pleasant gums ; * * and, more- over, of huge and unknown greatness, well peopled and towned, though savagely, and the climate so w^holesome that they had not one person sick since their arrival."* Lane fixed his abode on the island of Roanoak, and thence extended his researches eighty miles southward to the city of Secotan. He also pushed 130 miles north to the country of the Chesepians, a temperate and fertile region ; and north-west to Chawanook, a large province under a monarch named Menatonon. These proceedings, however, w^re soon interrupted by the threatening aspect of affairs at head-quarters. Even before the departure of Gren- "\ille for England an accident occurred in which the conduct of the settlers appears rash and impolitic. A silver cup had been stolen, and a boat was de- spatched to Aquascogok to reclaim it. Alarmed at this visit the savages fled into the woods, and the en- raged crew^ demolished the city and destroyed the corn-fields. A revenge so deep for so slight an * Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 254. ITS HISTORY. 69 injury incensed the natives; and, although they artfully concealed their resentment, from that mo- ment all cordiality between them and the strangers was at an end. Not long after, IMenatonon and his son Skyco were seized and thrown into irons; but the monarch was soon enlarged, whilst the youth was retained as a hostage for his fidelity. To all appearance this precaution had the desired effect. But the king, although an untaught savage, proved himself an adept in dissimulation. Working upon the avarice and credulity of the English, he enticed them into the interior of the country by a flattering report of its extraordinary richness and amenity. He as- serted that they would arrive at a region, where the robes of the sovereign and his courtiers were embroidered with pearl, and the beds and houses studded with the same precious material. IMena- tonon described also a remarkably rich mine, called by the natives Chaumis Temoatan, which was situ- ated in the country of the JMangaoaks, and produced a mineral similar to copper, although softer and paler. By these artful representations Lane was per- suaded to undertake an expedition by water, with two wherries and forty men. Instead, however, of the promised relays of provisions, they found the towns deserted, and the whole country laid waste. Their boats glided along silent and solitary banks; and after three days, during which they had not seen a human being, their last morsel of food was ex- hausted, and the governor, now aware of the treach- ery of IMenatonon, proposed to return. His men, however, entreated him to proceed, still haunted by dreams of the inexhaustible riches of the Manga- 60 EXPLORE THE COUNTRY. oaks' country^ and declaring tliey could not starve as long as they had two mastiffs, which they might kill, and make into soup. Overcome by such ar- guments Lane continued the voyage ; but for two days longer no living thing appeared. At night in- deed lights were seen moving on the banks, demon- strating that their progress was not unknown, though the observers were invisible. At last, on the third day, a loud voice from the woods suddenly called out the name of Manteo, who was now with the expedition. As the voice was followed by a song. Lane imagined it a pacific salutation; but the In- dian seized his gun, and had scarcely time to warn them that they were about to be attacked, when a volley of arrows was discharged into the boats. The travellers now landed and assaulted the savages, who fell back into the depths of the wood, and escaped with little injury; upon which it was resolved to return to the settlement. On their homeward voy- age, which, owing to their descending with the cur- rent, was performed with great rapidity, they had recourse to the mastiff-broth, or, as the governor terms it, " dog's porridge," and arrived at Roanoak in time to defeat a formidable conspiracy. The author of the plot was Wingina, who, since the death of his brother Granganimeo, had taken thenameofPemisapan. His associates were Skyco and iMenatonon; and these two chiefs pretending friendship, but concealing under its mask the most deadly enmity, had organized the plan of a gene- ral massacre of the colony. The design, however, was betrayed to Lane by Skyco, who had become attached to the English ; and, aware of the necessity of taking immediate measures before Pemisapan CONSPIRACY OF THE NATIVES. 61 could muster Iiis forces, tlie fjovernor gave instruc- tions to seize any canoes wliich might offer to depart from the island. In executing this order, two natives were slain, and their enraged countrymen rose in a body and attempted to overpower the colonists, but were instantly dispersed. Not aware, however, tliat his secret was discovered, and affecting to consider this as an accident, Pemisapan admitted Lane and his officers to an interview which proved fatal to him. The Virginian monarch was seated in state, sur- rounded by seven or eight of his principal weroanees, or high chiefs ; and after a brief debate, upon a sig- nal given, the Europeans attacked the royal circle and put them all to death. This alarming conspiracy had scarcely been put dow^n, when the natives made a second attempt to get rid of the strangers by neglecting to sow the ad- jacent lands, hoping in this manner to compel them to leave the country. At this decisive moment a fleet of twenty-three vessels came in siglit, which turned out to be the squadron of Sir Francis Drake, who had fortunately determined to visit the colony of his friend Sir Walter, and carry home news of their condition on his return from an expedition against the settlements in the Spanish Main. It was now long past the time when supplies had been expected from England, and Drake generously of- fered every sort of provisions. Lane, however, only requested a vessel and some smaller craft to carry them home, which was immediately granted ; but before they could get on board, a dreadful tempest, which continued four days, dashed the barks intend- ed for the colonists to pieces, and might have driven on shore the whole fleet, unless, to use the language 62 COLONY RKTURNS WITH DRAKE. of the old despatcli, " the Lord liad held his holy hand over them." Deprived in this way of all other prospect of return, they emharked in Sir Francis's fleet, and arrived in England on the 27th of July 1586. Scarcely, however, had they sailed when the folly of their precipitate conclusion, that Raleigh had for- gotten or neglected them, was manifested by the arrival at Roanoak of a vessel of 100 tons, amply stored with every supply. Deeply disappointed at finding no appearance of the colony, they sailed along the coast and explored the interior. But all their search was in vain, and they were compelled to take their departure for Europe. This, how^- ever, was not all. Within a fortnight after they weighed anchor. Sir Richard Grenville, with three well-appointed vessels, fitted out principally by Ra- leigh, appeared off Virginia, where, on landing, he found to his astonishment every thing deserted and in ruins. Having made an unsuccessful effort to procure intelligence of his countrymen, it became necessary to return home. But, unwilling to aban- don so promising a discovery, he left behind him fifteen men with provisions for two years, and, after some exploits against the Spaniards in the Azores, arrived in England.* Such repeated mismanagement would have dis- gusted any spirit less ardent and energetic than Raleigh's. But his zeal for the naval glory of the country, and his enthusiasm for the prosecution of maritime discovery continued unabated. At this moment he had commissioned two vessels, the Ser- • Haklujt, vol. iii. p. 265. Raleigh's cruisers. 63 pent and IMary Sparks, which he despatched under Captains Jacob Wliiddon and John Evesliam to cruise against the Spaniards. In this adventure more prizes were taken than they could carry home. Nor was he only enriched by the ships and com- modities which were captured, but by the ransom of prisoners, amongst whom were the commandant of St INIichaels, and Pedro de Sarmiento, gover- nor of the Straits of Magellan, one of the most able navigators in Spain. With him Sir Walter, who from a congeniality of pursuits could well appre- ciate his talents, entered into an intimate corre- spondence, treating him whilst under his roof with distinguished courtesy, discussing subjects of cos- mography, examining charts of the New World, and availing himself as far as was possible of the great experience of Sarmiento. We learn this from an amusing anecdote introduced in his History of the World, in comparing the extravagant conjec- tures with which some antiquaries have filled up the more obscure periods of ancient history to the pigmies and blocks of loadstone that geographers think themselves at liberty to set down in their tracts of unexplored countries : — "^ I remember," says he, "^ a pretty jest of Don Pedro de Sarmien- to, a worthy Spanish gentleman who had been employed by his king in planting a colony on the Straits of INIagellan ; for when I asked him, being then my prisoner, some question about an island in those Straits, which methought might have done either benefit or displeasure to his enterprise, he told me merrily that it was to be called the Painter's Wife's Island; saying that whilst the fellow drew that map, his wife sitting by desired him to put in 2 64 EARL OF CUMBERLAND. one country for lier, tliat slie in imagination might have an island of her own."* It was about tliis time that George Cliiford, earl of Cumberland, another celebrated admiral of Eliza- beth, fitted out a small squadron for an expedi- tion to the South Seas, to which Raleigh contri- buted a pinnace named the Dorothy. Clifford in his youth had been the pupil of the celebrated Archbishop Whitgift, and was probably intended by his father for a pacific and learned profession ; but his early knowledge in mathematics predis- posed him to navigation, and, in common with many other enterprising spirits of that age, he was seized with the passion for adventure. This expedition, how^ever, in which Raleigh w as a part- ner, proved unfortunate; and Sir Walter's attention was soon engrossed by the arrival of his colony from Virginia. It is asserted by Camden, that tobacco was now for the first time brought into England by these settlers, and there can be little doubt that Lane had been directed to import it by his master, who must have seen it used in France during his re- sidence there. t There is a wTll-known tradition, that Sir Walter first began to smoke it privately in his study, and the servant coming in with his tankard of ale and nutmeg, as he was intent upon his book, seeing the smoke issuing from his mouth, threw all the liquor in his face by w^ay of extin- guishing the fire, and running down stairs, alarmed the family with piercing cries that his master, be- fore they could get up, would be burnt to ashes. * H ist. of the World, book ii. c. xxiii. §4. Works, vol. iv. p. 684. -|- Camden in Kennet, vol. ii. p. 509. INTRODUCTION OF TOBACCO. 65 " And this/' continues Oldys^ " has notliing in it more surprising than the mistake of those Virgini- ans tliemselves, who the first time they seized upon a quantity of gunpowder which belonged to the EngHsh colony, sowed it for grain, or the seed of some strange vegetable in the earth, with full ex- pectation of reaping a plentiful crop of combustion by the next harvest to scatter their enemies."* '' On another occasion it is said that Raleigh, con- versing with his royal mistress upon the singular properties of this new and extraordinary herb, as- sured her that he had so well experienced the na- ture of it that he could tell her the exact weight of the smoke in any quantity proposed to be consumed. Her majesty immediately fixed her thoughts upon the most impracticable part of the experiment, that of bounding the smoke in a balance, suspecting that he was playing the traveller with her, and laying a wager that he could not solve the doubt. Upon this Raleigh selected the quantity agreed on, and having thoroughly smoked it, set himself to weighing — but it was of the ashes ; and in conclusion, demonstrat- ing to the queen the difference between the weight of the ashes and the original weight of the tobacco, her majesty did not deny that this must be the weight of what was evaporated in smoke. Upon this Elizabeth, paying down the money, remarked that she had heard of many labourers in the fire who had turned their gold into smoke, but that Raleigh was certainly the first who had turned his smoke into gold."t • Oldys's Life of Raleigh, p. 74. •|- Aj)othe^is of Enjjlisli Nation, a MS. quoted by Oldys in his Life ot Kalei^li, p. 75. 66 MR THOMAS HARIOT : Along with Lane, Raleigli had sent Mr Thomas Hariot, his master in tlie mathematics, in whose society and instructions he took so much delight, that he maintained him in his house, and allow- ed him a pension. He was a man of profound scientific acquirements ; the undoubted inventor of the mode of notation universally followed in modern algebra, so unjustly claimed by Descartes;* and being also an excellent naturalist. Sir Walter selected him as the person best fitted to accom- plish a minute survey of the extent and produc- tions of his new kingdom. The reader will be amused at his description of this plant, after- wards destined to become so famous throughout Europe : '' There is an herb," says he, " which is sowed apart by itself, and is called by the inhabi- tants yppouoc. In the West Indies it hath divers names, according to the several places and countries where it groweth and is used. The Spaniards ge- nerally call it tobacco. The leaves thereof being dried and brought into powder, they use to take the fume or smoke thereof by sucking it through pipes made of clay into their stomach and head, from whence it purgeth superfluous fleame and other gross humours, and openeth all the pores and passages of the body ; by which means the use thereof not only preserveth it from obstructions, but also, if any be, in short time breaketh them ; whereby their bodies are notably preserved in health. * * This yppouoc is of so precious estimation amongst them, that they think their gods are marvellously delighted there- with, whereupon sometimes they make hallowed * Biogr. Brit. art. Hariot. Wallis's Hist, of Algebra, cap. 30, 33. HIS ACCOUNT OP VIRGINIA. 67 fires, and cast some of the powder tlierein for a sa- crifice ; being in a storme in the waters to pacify their gods, they throw some up into the air and into the water; or aweare for fish being new ly set up, they cast some into the air.; also after an escape from dan- ger tliey perform the same ceremony, all being done with strange gestures, stamping, dancing, clapping of hands, and staring into the heavens, muttering at the same time, and chattering mysterious words and noises. We ourselves, during the time we were there, used to suck it in the same manner, as also since our return, and have found many rare and wonderful ex- periences of its virtues, of w hich the- relation would require a volume by itself. However," concludes jMr Hariot, evidently himself an enthusiastic smoker, " the use thereof of late by many, both men and wo- men of great calling, and also by some learned phy- sicians, is sufficient witness of this."* In the treatise on Virginia written by this author, we find ample proof, that very liberal terms were offered by the proprietor to those who chose to settle in his new^ colony. The smallest portion of land that he granted was 500 acres to any person who engaged in the adventure, and there seems to be little doubt that the failure of his first attempt ought to be ascrib- ed to the imprudent conduct of Lane, not only in his attacks upon the natives, but his precipitate desertion of the settlement. Yet Raleigh, undismayed by these misfortunes, and having a considerable command of money drawn from the prizes which his ships had taken, determined to send out a second colony, the preparations for which, however, he was for the • Hakluyt, vol. iii. pp. 271, 272. 68 GENTLEMEN UNDERTAKERS. present obliged to defer, on account of the multiplicity of affairs which pressed upon him at home. Of these one of the most difficult was the manage- ment of a large estate in Ireland, given him by the queen. On the suppression of the IMunster rebel- lion, the forfeited principality of the Earl of Des- mond was parcelled out by Elizabeth among those who had distinguished themselves in the war ; and in this plantation of Munster, as it was called, there was assigned to Raleigh a portion of 12,000 acres. The persons to whom these grants were made received the name of Gentlemen Undertakers ; and they were bound to improve their property, with the view of reducing the country to civilisation and good order. One of those who shared in this benevolence was the famous Spenser, who formerly filled the office of secretary to the lord-deputy, and with whom Sir Walter, during his campaign in Ireland, had contracted a warm friendship. The lot given to the poet of the Fairy Queen contained the Castle of Kilcolman, the ancient and romantic domain of the Earls of Desmond, which was watered by the plea- sant river Mulla. Although he remained in England, Sir Walter adopted with his characteristic energy immediate measures for the cultivation of his ter- ritory, not sparing his private fortune, reinclos- ing the lands laid waste by war, and encouraging the people to return to their deserted farms and hamlets. The subsequent rebellion, however, de- feated these salutary endeavours; and in 1601, by the advice of Sir George Carew, then President of JMunster, Raleigh sold his Irish estate to Boyle, afterwards Earl of Cork. The farms, as we learn from Carew, were then untenanted, and instead of RALEIGH SENESCHAL OF CORNWALL. 69 yielding any profit, cost their proprietor £200 a-year to keep tlieni from invasion and liavoc, — a consider- ation wliicli induced him very readily to accept the offer of Mr Boyle.* Sir Walter's favour at court had now risen so high, that he began to experience the jealousy which al- ways attends unusual promotion ; and yet his pre- ferments were rather honourable than lucrative. He was appointed Seneschal of the dutchies of Cornwall and Exeter, and Lord Warden of the Stanneries; and he sat in the parliament of 1586, in which the majority of the house recommended to Elizabeth to put to death the Scottish queen, as affording the only sure prospect of security to her dominions. On this point the opinion of Raleigh cannot now be disco- vered. His office of Warden of the Stanneries was no si- necure; and it may be necessary to explain it. Tin, from a remote period, has been the staple commodity of Cornwall, this produce having been famous even in the time of the Romans. After the conquest by the Normans, the earls of that county derived great re- venues from the same source, and in fact had the monopoly of the trade in Europe ; for the Spanish mines had ceased to be worked, and those of Ger- many were not yet discovered. Edmund, brother to Henry IH., having obtained possession of this dutchy, enacted the stannery-laws, by which a cer- tain impost, payable to the Duke of Cornwall, was laid upon this mineral. These laws were after- wards confirmed and enlarged by Edward IH., who divided the whole society of tinners, till then com- • Life of Boyle, Earl of Cork, Bjogra. Brit. 70 WARDEN OF THE STANNERIES. posing one body, into four parts, called from the places of their residence, Foymore, Blackmore, Tre- warnaile, and Penwith. Over these he constituted one general warden to judge in causes both of law and equity, and to set over each company a sub- warden, whose duty it was to determine controver- sies once a-month, — their sentences, from the stan- num or tin, being denominated stannery-judgments, from which an appeal lay to the lord- warden. And lest the tribute, forty shillings for every thousand pounds of tin, should not be regularly paid to the Duke of Cornwall, it was provided that the metal should be carried to one of the four towns to be weigh- ed, stamped, and charged with duty; after which the proprietor was at liberty to sell it, giving the first offer to the king. Such were the origin and uses of this ancient office. When conferred upon Ra- leigh, the title of Duke of Cornwall was extinct ; but the patent conveyed to him the same privileges which had belonged to the dukedom. Under his management the condition of the workmen was ame- liorated and their wages doubled, — a fact which shows that the monopoly, although injurious in it- self, was mildly and honestly administered. Amidst these multiplied cares, he found time to cultivate his literary taste, to enjoy the society of learned and scientific men, to extend his patronage to professors of the fine arts, and not only to make himself useful to the queen in the graver matters of state policy, but agreeable to her by his accom- plishments and fascinating conversation. " The queen," says Namiton, in speaking of his rise, " be- gan to be taken with his elocution, and loved to hear his reasons to her demands, and the truth is THIRD VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA. Jl she took him for a kind of oracle, which nettled them all."* It was now time to think of his Virginian colony, the failure of which was rather owing to the pre- cipitate desertion of Lane than to any fault in the original plan ; and he determined to make a new attempt for the settlement of a country which held out so many encouragements from its salubrious cli- mate and fertile soil. Hariot, who accompanied Lane, had by this time published his True Report of the New found Land of Virginia, which created much speculation ; so that he experienced little difficulty in procuring 150 settlers. He appointed as governor Mr John White, with twelve assistants, to whom he gave a charter, incorporating them by the name of the Governor and Assistants of the City of Ra- leigh in Virginia. These, in three vessels, furnish- ed principally at his own expense, sailed from Portsmouth on the 26th of April 1587, and on the 22d of July anchored in Hatorask harbour. White, with forty men, proceeded in the pinnace to Roanoak to confer with the fifteen colonists left by Sir Richard Grenville ; but to his dismay found the place deserted, and human bones scattered on the beach, — the remains, as was afterwards discovered, of their countrymen, all of whom the savages had slain. A party then hastened to the fort on the north side of the island. But here the prospect was equally discouraging. No trace of a human being was to be seen; the building was rased to the ground, and the wild deer were couching in the ruined houses and feeding on the herbage and melons which had overgrown the floor and crept up the walls. * Frdgmenta Re^ia, pp. 109, 110. 72 DISASTERS OP THE COLONY. Altliough the governor held Raleigh's written or- ders to make tlie settlement on the Bay of Chese- piock, lie was obliged to abandon that plan, and com- menced repairing the buildings at Roanoak. But disaster attended all their proceedings. Dissensions broke out among them ; and White, either from want of firmness or not being intrusted with suffi- cient authority, found it impossible to carry on ope- rations with success. The natives of Croatoan were friendly ; those of Secota and Aquascogok, who had murdered the former colonists, completely hostile ; but all were clothed alike, — and before going to war the Croatoans anxiously begged for some badge by which they might be recognised. In the confusion this was neglected, and it led to unhappy conse- quences. Howe, an English sailor, who had gone a-fishing, was slain by the savages, being pierced with sixteen arrows ; and White having in vain at- tempted to open a pacific communication with the weroansees or chief men of Secota and Pomeiock, de- termined not to delay his revenge. Guided, there- fore, by ]\Ianteo, he set out at midnight with Cap- tain Stafford and twenty-four men, and stealing in the dark upon the natives as they sat around a fire, shot some of them dead on the spot, while others fled shrieking into a thicket, and one savage who knew Stafford rushed up, calling out his name and embracing his knees. To the grief and horror of the governor it was then discovered that they had at- tacked a party of friends instead of enemies. Soon after, Manteo, in obedience to Raleigh's di- rections, was christened, and created Lord of Roan- oak and Dasamonwepeuk; whilst IMrs Eleanor Dare, the wife of one of the assistants, having given birth RETURN TO ENGLAND. f3 to a daughter, the infant was named Virginia, be- ing the first Christian born in tliat country.* White was now anxious to fulfil Sir Walter's in- structions ; but disputes arose with renewed bitter- ness among the settlers. Though they were not in want of stores, many demanded permission to go home; others violently opposed this; and at last, after stating a variety of projects, all joined in re- questing the governor to sail for England and return with a supply of every thing requisite for the es- tablishment of the colony. To this he reluctantly consented; and departing from Roanoak on the 27th of August 1587, where he left eighty-nine men, seventeen women, and eleven children, he arrived in England on the 5th of November.t Hakluyt, vol. iii. pp. 284, 285. t Ibid. p. 286. 74 SPANISH ARMADA. CHAPTER II. From the Defeat of the Armada to Raleigh's Imprisonment. Expected Invasion of England by the Spanish Armada — Conduct of Elizabeth — Consultations with Sir Walter Raleigh and other experienced Officers — Preparations for Defence — Drake, Haw- kins, Frobisher, and Lord Henry Seymour — Strength, Numbers, and Disposition of the English Navy, shown from Original Do- cuments in the State-paper Office — Elizabeth visits the Army in the Camp at Tilbury — The Armada sails from the Tagus — Dis- persed and driven back — Sails the Second Time — Its Arrival off the Lizard — Cautious Tactics of the English — Their Success — Fight on the 22d, 23d, 25th, and 26th July—The Armada makes its Way up Channel to Calais — Its Discomfiture — Rejoicings for the Victorj" — Raleigh's Services rewarded by the Queen — He sails with Drake and Norris in the Portuguese Expedition — Character of the Earl of Essex — Raleigh's Journey to Ireland — Visits Spenser at Kilcolman — Their Friendship — Three First Cantos of the Fair}^ Queen completed — Spenser returns with Ra- leigh to England — Introduced to the Queen — Raleigh's Defence of Sir Richard Grenville — Character and Fate of this great Officer — Raleigh's Amour with Elizabeth Throgmorton — They are pri- vately married — Elizabeth's Indignation, and Raleigh's Disgrace — Sent to tlie Tower — Singular Conduct in Confinement — He re- covers his Liberty. The governor of Virginia could not have returned home at a moment more unpropitious to the inte- rests of the infant colony. The mind of the whole nation was engrossed with one great subject, — the expected invasion of England by the fleet so proud- ly described as the Invincible Armada, — and Ra- EFFORTS OF PHILIP II. 75 leigh, along with a committee of the ablest coun- cillors and commanders, was engaged in devising measures of defence. He despatched White, how- ever, with supplies in two vessels; but they were attacked by a Spanish privateer, and so much dis- abled as to be obliged to put back, whilst it was impossible to refit the ships, owing to the urgency of more important matters. The crisis was indeed one of the deepest importance. The preparations of Spain were conducted on a greater scale than had ever before been witnessed ; and, whether we look to these mighty efforts, or to the consequences in- volved in their success or discomfiture, it is, per- haps, not too much to affirm that, in a reign crowded with events, this threatened annihilation of Eng- land, the Protestant bulwark of Europe, by the concentrated energies of a despotic and Catholic power, was the greatest of them all. The resources of Philip made him a most formi- dable enemy. His navy was vast and unrivalled, if we consider the size of his vessels and their ord- nance; the possession of Flanders gave him har- bours opposite to those of England; his influence with the Catholic party in France was great ; his exchequer rich in the gold of the New World ; and his army composed of the best-disciplined troops and the most experienced officers in Europe. His preparations had now continued for three years, and the result was the assembling of a fleet greater than had ever sailed from Spain. According to a letter of Sir John Hawkins, written at the time to Sir Francis Walsingham,* the main strength of the * Preserved in State-paper Office. 76 STRENGTH OF THE SPANISH FLEET. Armada consisted in a squadron of fifty-four " for- cible and invincible" sliips^ embracing nine galleons of Portugal,, twenty great Venetians and argosies of the seaSj twenty great Biscainers, four galleasses^ and one ship of the Duke of Florence of 800 tons. Be- sides these there were thirty smaller ships^, and thirty hulks, making in all 114 vessels; but another ac- count, derived from the Spanish historians, gives a higher estimate, affirming that the whole naval force extended to 134 ships and twenty caravels.* It was divided into seven squadrons. The first, consisting of twelve Portuguese galleons, under the command of the generalissimo, the Duke de IMedina Sidonia ; the second, of fourteen ships, being the fleet of Biscay, under the vice-admiral Juan IMartinez de Recaldo ; the third, that of Castile, of sixteen ships, commanded by Don Diego de Valdez; the fourth, the Andalusian squadron, of eleven ships, by Pedro de Valdez ; the fifth, the squadron of Guypus- coa, of fourteen ships, by Don IMichel de Oquendo ; the sixth, the eastern fleet, of ten ships, called Levantiscas, led by Don IMartin de Bertendona; and the seventh, of twenty-three ureas, or hulks, under the command of Juan Gomez de Medina. Besides these there were twenty-four vessels, called pataches or zabras, under Antonio de Mendoza, four galleasses of Naples, led by Hugo de Moncada, and four Portuguese galleys, by Don Juan Gomez de Medina. The united crews amounted to 8766 mari- ners ; and on board were 21,855 soldiers, besides 2088 * Kent, vol. ii. pp. 266, 267 This would make the total 154 ships. It will be seen that Howard afterwards, in stating- the whole force first seen off the Lizard, makes it 160 sail. It is difficult to arrive at the exact numbers. DUKE OF PARMA S FORCE. // galley-slaves. The ordnance was less than might have been expected, the whole fleet mounting only 3165 guns; but exclusive of this the Armada con- tained a large quantity of stores for the army, con- sisting of cannon, double cannon, culverines, and field-pieces ; 7000 muskets, 10,000 halberds, 5(5,000 quintals of o^unpowder, and 12,000 quintals of match. Confident of success, the Spaniards loaded the ships with horses, mules, carts, wheels, waggons, spades, mattocks, baskets, and every thing necessary for tak- ing possession of the country ; and the fleet and army were provisioned on an unexampled scale of profu- sion. Amongst other articles were 147,000 pipes of wine. The generalissimo, the oflicers under him, and the volunteers, who belonged to the noblest fa- milies in Spain, were attended by their suites, phy- sicians, and domestics. Every want had been pro- vided for, every wisli anticipated, with a splendour befitting more the progress of an Asiatic potentate than the passage of an army against a formidable an- tagonist. Superstition, too, had sent her sanguinary votaries, with the apparatus of her triumphs. One hundred and eighty monks and Jesuits embarked on board tlie Armada ; and chains, wheels, racks, whips, and other instruments of torture, to be em- ployed in the conversion or extirpation of the here- tics, formed part of the lading. But this was not all the force that Elizabeth saw arrayed against her. In the Netherlands the Duke of Parma had prepar- ed a flotilla of flat-bottomed boats, and collected an army of 30,000 men, commanded under him by Amadeus of Savoy, John of ^ledicis, and Vespasian Gonzaga, duke of Sabionetta; whilst the Duke of Guise was conducting 12,000 men to the coast of 78 COURAGE OF ELIZABETH : Nonnandy, in expectation of beiiig received on board tlie fleetj and landed on the west of England. Such was the force destined for the destruction of the liberty of England, and the overthrow of the Protestant religion; and it might have been thought the gathering of a storm so tremendous would have shaken the constancy of a female sovereign. But it was far otherwise. The mind of Elizabeth rose with the emergency; and, at all times decided, now assumed an attitude of strength, cheerful- ness, and preparation, which was truly noble. She knew the resources of her kingdom ; she express- ed her confidence that God would never desert the cause of the true faith, or permit its enemies to triumph, and she collected round her those wise mi- nisters and brave commanders who had been bred in her councils, and had gained knowledge and re- nown in her service. Amongst these one of the most distinguished was Raleigh ; and in the consulta- tions, as well as in the active duties of this season of trial, he bore a principal part. It is apparent from his writings, that he had long studied the question relative to the best means of opposing the power of Spain ; he was acquainted, better perhaps than any man in England, with the strength and resources of that kingdom ; he was an excellent soldier, and in- timately conversant with naval subjects; whilst his zeal for the honour of the queen, and the glory of his country, was not behind that of any of her servants. It was with good reason, therefore, that he was chosen one of the council of war, held on the 27th of November. Its object was to prepare an imme- diate scheme of defence; and along with Raleigh sat Lord Grey, Sir Francis Knolles, Sir Thomas Leigh- HER PREPARATIONS. 79 ton, Sir John Norris, Sir Richard Grenville, Sir Ricliard Bingham, Sir Roger Williams, and Ralph Lane, Esq. These councillors were chosen by the queen, as being not only men bred to arms, and some of them, as Grey, Norris, Bingham, and Gren- ville, of high military talents, but of grave expe- rience in affairs of state and in the civil government of provinces, — qualities by no means unimportant, when the debate referred not merely to the leading of an army or the plan of a campaign, but to the organization of a militia, and the communication with the magistrates for arming the peasantry and encouraging them to a resolute and simultaneous resistance. From some private papers of Lord Bur- leigh, it appears that Sir Walter took a principal share in these deliberations; and the abstract of their proceedings, a document still preserved, is supposed to have been drawn up by him. They first prepared a list of places where it was likely the Spanish army might attempt a descent, as well as of those which lay most exposed to the force under the Duke of Parma. They next considered the speediest and most effectual means of defence, whether by fortification or the muster of a military array ; and, lastly, deliberated on the course to be taken for fight- ing the enemy if he should land. When the lord-lieutenants of the different coun- ties returned their numbers, it was found that the total military force raised for defence of the king- dom amounted to 130,000 men, exclusive of the levies furnished by the city of London.* From this mass troops were drafted according to exigen- " Original document in the State-pajxjr Office. In the year 171MJ the late John Bruce, Esq. of Falkland, keeper of the State-paper 80 FORTIFIES THE COAST. cies. It was determined that at IMilford, whose haven afforded the best opportunity of disembarking, there should be assembled 2000 foot and 200 horse. Plymouth was still more anxiously provided with the means of defence^ its proximity to Spain render- ing it likely to be selected. There^ accordingly, were stationed the 5000 men of Devon and Cornwall, besides the force of the Stanneries which Raleigh commanded as lord-warden. It was probably at this crisis that the queen conferred upon Sir Walter the office of lieutenant-general of the county of Cornwall; and it was recommended by the commissioners that the utmost assiduity should be employed in discip- lining these troops, — one-half of the expense to be defrayed by the queen and the other by the country. Portland, of which Raleigh had the charge, was arm- ed both by fortification and with the troops from Dorsetshire and Wiltshire ; and the same order of defence was carried into effect in the Isle of Wight and Somerset, and upon the coasts of Kent and Sussex, Norfolk and Suffolk. In the event of the Spanish army landing, the order of battle was left to the discretion of the general ; only it was advised, if the enemy's advance into the interior could not Office, was directed by the Right Honourable Henry Dundas, at that time secretary at war, to make a search into the original documents under his charge, for the purpose of discovering what arrangements were made in 1588 for the mternal defence of the countrj-, when Spain by its Armada projected the invasion and conquest of England. Mr Bruce accordingly drew up a full and excellent report upon this ques- tion, illustrated Dy an appendix containing apparentl}^ the most valu- able of the contemporary documents relative to the Armada, which are preserved in the State-paper Office ; the original lists of the army and navy; and the correspondence of Howard, Hawkins, Drake, and Seymour, with the queen and her ministers. It is from this report, of which a verj" few copies were printed for the members of the Ca- binet, but which was never published, that the principal parts of this history of the Armada are derived. 6 PREPARATIONS AGAINST THE ARMADA. 81 be prevented, that tlie country sliould be driv^en and wasted, and the invaders liarassed by perpetual alarms. Nor was any serious opposition to be risked until the presence of a strong army should make the chance of victory more certain. The best measures for training the infantry and liorsemen, for providing arms for the pikemen and billmen, for transporting ordnance, provisioning gar- risons, and the rapid communication of intelligence, were also recommended ; and, in addition to this, Raleigh in a private correspondence directed the thoughts of the lord- treasurer to some more mi- nute precautions, which had probably escaped the attention of the general council.* In consequence of these able arrangements, second- ed by the spirit of the queen and the energy of the people, the kingdom soon presented an aspect which might have convinced Philip of the extreme teme- rity of his attempt. In a letter to Don Bernardin iMendoza, written by some Jesuit or spy, it is stated, '' that within a short time the whole of England rose simultaneously and in arms. There w^as not a cor- ner of the land which did not ring with preparation and muster its armed force ; and especially," says this eyewitness, " the maritime counties from Corn- wall to Kent, and thence eastward to Lincolnshire, were so furnished with soldiers, both of themselves and with the auxiliary militia of the neighbouring shires, that upon any one spot where a landing might be effected, within the space of forty-eight hours an army of 20,000 men could be assembled, provided with all manner of ammunition, carriages, and sup- * Strype's Annals, vol. iii. p. 452. £ 82 CAMP AT TILBURY. plies, and commanded by captains of the greatest military knowledge and experience."* In addition to these preparations, in which every man able to bear a weapon was eager to act his part, the queen directed two armies to be raised, — one, consisting of 22,000 foot and 2000 horse, encamped at Tilbury, in Essex, under the Earl of Leicester ; the other, which mustered 28,900 men, levied for the protection of her majesty's person, was commanded by Lord Hunsdon, her near kinsman, and a noble- man in whom she had a perfect confidence.t The city of London raised 10,000 men, which were ex- ercised in the presence of Elizabeth ; and in case of a more pressing emergency, they had a reserve in readiness. Thus the whole island, without exaggera- tion or metaphor, might be said, at this imperious challenge of Spain, to have stood up sword in hand, sheathed in complete steel. All this, however, against the overwhelming naval force of Philip, might have proved insufficient. Some indeed thought the kingdom strong enough to cut any army to pieces the moment of its landing, and underrated the necessity of any great effort at sea ; but the prime minister was aw^are that such an idea was not to be followed. Raleigh in particular de- precated so presumptuous a notion. " As to the ge- neral question," says he, in an admirable passage of his History of the World, " whether England, with- out help of her fleet, be able to debar an enemy from landing, I hold that it is unable so to do ; and, therefore, I think it most dangerous to make the ad- venture ; for the encouragement of a first victory to * Oldys's Life of Raleigh, p. 101. -j- Original documents in the State-paper Office. NAVAL ARMAMENT. 83 an enemy, and the discouragement of a being beaten to the invaded, may draw after it a most perilous consequence."* He proceeds to demonstrate the weakness of any argument drawn from France, or other European countries, possessed of many forti- fied places ; whereas the ramparts of England consist only of the bodies of men. There is a difference, he remarks, between an invasion by land and one by sea, where the choice of the place of debarkation remains with the enemy ; and he arrives at the con- clusion, that such an attempt cannot be successfully resisted on the coast of England without a fleet. " There is no man ignorant," says he, " that ships, without putting themselves out of breath, will easily outrun the soldiers that coast them. ' Armies neither fly nor run post,' said a marshal of France ; and I know it to be true, that a fleet of ships may be seen at sunset and after it at the Lizard ; yet by the next morning they may recover Portland ; whereas an army on foot shall not be able to march it in six days. Again, when those troops lodged on the sea- shore shall be forced to march from place to place in vain after a fleet of ships, they will at length sit down in the midway, and leave all in adventure." He maintained, therefore, ^' that a strong army, in a good fleet, could not possibly be prevented from landing where it deemed best upon the coast of Eng- land, unless hindered by a fleet of equal, or at least answerable strength."t These views, founded on a practical acquaintance with the comparative powers of a land and naval force, were adopted, and led to the equipment of a • Hist, of the World, Book v. cap. i. § x. vol. vi. Works, p. 100. t WorLs, vol. vi. pp. 102, 103. 84 DRAKE HAWKINS HOWARD. fleet suitable to the emergency. At this time the Jiavy of England included among its commanders some of the greatest names in our history. Drake, Hawkins, and Frobisher, the most intrepid and ac- i) Zealand, were stationed off Dunkirk, with orders to cruise along the coast of Flanders, block up its ports, watch the approach of the Spaniards by the Channel, and maintain a constant communication with Lord Howard. Elizabeth, at this trying crisis, experienced the fidelity of the great body of her Catholic subjects ; though on one side the Protestants assaulted them with suspicion and odium, and on the other they were invited by the Pope to throw off their allegi- ance, and combine in a general insurrection. But bred up as they had been in the errors of their fa- thers, these brave and honourable men were still devotedly attached to the land of their birth ; and hence many nobles of that faith served as volun- teers in the fleet and army. Some fitted out ves- sels at their own expense, intrusting the command to Protestant officers ; while others encouraged their dependants to neglect at such a moment the distinc- tions of politics and religion, and to unite in the ef- forts to repel an act of unprincipled aggression.* The queen, meanwhile, omitted nothing which might encourage her army and increase her popula- rity. The camp at Tilbury, where her favourite Leicester commanded, exhibited the appearance of a continual fete. She resided in the neighbourhood, frequently visited and held conferences with the officers, and when the arrival of the Armada be- gan to be daily expected, reviewed the army in per- son. On this occasion Elizabeth appeared in ar- mour, holding a marshal's truncheon in her hand, and riding a noble war-horse. Essex and Leicester * Kent, Memoirs of Illustrious Seamen, p. 27o. Stowe, p. 747. 86 MAGNANIMITY OF ELIZABETH. held her bridle- rein, whilst the lord-marshal. Sir John Norris, attended on foot ; and placing herself at their head, she made this memorable oration to her sol- diers : — " My loving people," said the lion-hearted princess, '' we have been persuaded by some that are careful of our safety to take heed how we commit our- selves to armed multitudes for fear of treachery ; but I assure you I do not desire to live to distrust my faithful and loving people. Let tyrants fear ! I have always so behaved myself that, under God, I have placed my chiefest strength and safeguard in the loyal hearts and good will of my subjects ; and, therefore, I am come amongst you at this time, not as for my recreation or sport, but being resolved in the midst and heat of the battle to live or die amongst you all ; to lay down for my God, for my kingdom, and for my people, my honour and my blood, even in the dust. I know that I have but the body of a weak and feeble woman ; but I have the heart of a king, and of a king of England too, and think foul scorn that Parma or Spain, or any prince of Europe, should dare to invade the borders of my realms I To which rather than any dishonour shall grow by me, I myself will take up arms, — I myself will be your general, — the judge and re warder of every one of your virtues in the field. I know already by your forwardness, that you have deserved rewards and crowns; and we do assure you on the word of a prince they shall be duly paid you. In the mean time my lieutenant-general shall be in my stead, than whom never prince commanded more noble or more worthy subject ; nor will I suffer myself to doubt, but that by your obedience to my general, by your concord in the camp, and your valour in the field. ARMADA SAILS. 87 we shall shortly have a famous victory over those ene- mies of my God;, of my kingdom, and my people."* On the 20tli of iMayt the Armada sailed from the Tagus, the decks crowded with an array of chivalry such as had seldom before been mustered, and amidst the shouts of a multitude which believed that the doom of England was sealed. From the instructions of the Spanish commander-in-chief, preserved in the State-paper Office, it appears that the fleet was to rendezvous first off Cape Finisterre ; but in case of separation they were to make for the Groyne. Thence they were to stretch for England, the point of meeting being the south side of the Scilly Islands ; or, if this should be impracticable, to make Mount's Bay on the coast of Cornwall. Prepa- rations had been hastened in Flanders to facili- tate a co-operation with the Armada; and a flo- tilla was equipped to receive troops, which were to sail for the opposite shore on receiving intelligence that the great fleet had arrived on the western coast. To ensure success, a squadron of large Portuguese galleasses were directed to separate from the Duke of Medina Sidonia the moment he reached his des- tination, for the purpose of supporting the Duke of Parma. These arrangements were unexpectedly discon- certed. Steering to the northward, within a league of Cape Finisterre the fleet was attacked by a vio- lent storm, which dispersed the greater ships, sunk some of the smaller, and drove others for shelter to the neighbouring harbours. It was soon after con- * Cabala, p. 373. -|- Substance of certain Mariners' Repoit touching the Sfjauibh Fleet, in State-paper Office. 88 DISPERSED AND DRIVEN BACK. fidently reported in England that the whole had been destroyed; and the queen^ with rather too hasty eco- nomy, ordered the high-admiral to lay up four of the largest vessels. To this he returned the noble an- swer, that rather than dismantle them at a moment of such danger, he would take upon him to disobey his mistress, and l^eep them at his own charges. Howard now called a council, in which it was deter- mined to sail towards Spain, to complete the destruc- tion of the Armada if disabled, or to ascertain if it had been refitted and was again at sea ; but though chase w^as given to fourteen ships, descried between Ushant and Scilly, they, as well as the great body of the fleet, escaped the English, and arrived in a shattered condition at the Groyne. Upon this the high-admiral, becoming afraid lest in his ab- sence they might reach Plymouth, returned thither with expedition; and, having discovered that all was still safe, allowed his men a short period of re- laxation on shore. It was fortmiate he did so return; for on the very day of his arrival, being the 12th July, the Duke de Medina Sidonia once more stood out to sea and sailed for England, having been informed by a fisherman that Howard had laid up his ships, and considered the danger over for that year. The Armada had a slow and perilous passage through the Bay of Biscay, at times becalmed, or involved in thick fogs ; but, on the 19th of Jul}^ it entered the British Channel, and at sunset was observed off the Lizard by Fleming, a Scottish pirate or rover, who brought the intelligence to Plymouth. At the moment this notice was given, the captains and com- manders were engaged in playing bowls on the Hoe; SAILS THE SECOND TIME. 89 and Sir Francis Drake, it is said, insisted, in the true spirit of a sailor, that the match must be played out, as there Avas ample time both to win the game and beat the Spaniards. All was now bustle and preparation, and the wind blowing stiffly in from the south-west, the ships were warped out, — a difficult task, but performed with great activity and skill. The object of the Spanish admiral was to make his way through the Channel to Calais, there to meet the squadron under the Duke of Parma. It was on the evening of Saturday, the 20th of July, that the English first descried the enemy. The Armada came majestically on, the vessels being drawn up in a semicircle, which from horn to horn covered an extent of seven miles.* Their appear- ance, owing to their height and bulk, though impos- ing to an inexperienced eye, inspired confidence in Howard, who reckoned upon having the advantage in tacking, and knew that, from the light build and better management of his own ships, he could out- manoeuvre them. He accordingly suffered the whole to pass, and doubling upon their rear, followed for some time without coming to close action. The Disdain, a pinnace, commanded by Captain Jonas Bradbury, was, in the feudal spirit of the times, despatched to carry a defiance to the enemy, and commence the battle by discharging her ordnance against the first antagonist she might approach. Im- mediately after this the English admiral, in his own ship, the Ark Royal, engaged a Spanish galleon commanded by Don Alphonso de Leva, into which he poured a well-directed broadside. At the same moment Drake in the Revenge, Hawkins in the * Camden, in Kennet, vol. ii p. 54. •j- Coker's Survey of Dorsetshire, p. 124. Oldys's Life, j) 17''- 142 Raleigh's love of gardening: grew in England were planted by him ; " for which/' says this writer, " he deserves no less commendation than Lucullus, for bringing cherry and filberd trees out of Pontus into Italy."* Carew, the proprietor of Beddington and kinsman of Raleigh, was himself ad- dicted to experiments in horticulture ; and on occa- sion of a visit from the queen gave an example of his skilfulness in such matters, much thought of in those days, although in our own it would be lightly re- garded. After a splendid entertainment, he led her majesty to a cherry-tree in his garden, which had on it fruit in their prime above a month after all cherries had taken their farewell of England. This retardation had been performed by straining a can- vass cover over the tree, and wetting it as the weather required ; so by obstructing the sunbeams they grew both great andw^ere very long before they gained their perfect cherry colour, and when he was assured of the time her majesty would come he removed the tent, and a few sunny days brought them to their maturity. + Being still interdicted from court, Raleigh em- ployed himself in drawing up a paper upon '' the dangers which might grow by a Spanish faction in Scotland" — a subject which had lately occupied the attention of the government. This he communicated to the queen ; but from the following letter, address- ed by him to his sovereign, little notice appears to have been taken of his labours : — * In Fuller's time the famous orange-trees were 100 years old ; and even when Old^-s \\Tote, several trees of the ancient orangery were the stateliest and most perfect bearers in England. Raleigh was related through his wife to Sir Francis Carew ; and in Beddington House, in the time of Oldj^s, was preserved a splen- did bed said to be his, with furniture of green silk, legs carved in the shape of dolphins and richly gilded. •f Plat's Garden of Eden, p. 165. 7 HIS LETTER TO THE QUEEN. 143 " I presumed to present your majesty witli a paper containing the dangers which might grow by the Spanish faction in Scotland : How it pleased your majesty to accept thereof I know not. I have since heard that divers ill-disposed have a purpose to speak of succession. If the same be suppressed I am glad of it ; yet, seeing the worst, I set dowii some reasons to prove the motive merely vain, dangerous, and unnecessary. And because I durst not myself speak in any matter without warrant, I have sent your majesty these arguments, which may perchance put others in mind of somewhat not impertinent, and who, being graced by your majesty's favour, may, if need require, use them among others more worthy. Without glory I speak it, that I durst either by writing or speech satisfy the world in that part, and in every part of their foolish conceits, which for shortness of time I could not so amply insert. This being upon one hour's warning, but one hour's work, I humbly beseech your majesty not to acquaint any withal unless occasion be offered to use them. Your majesty may perhaps speak hereof to those seeming my great friends ; but I find poor effects of that or any other supposed amity. For your majesty hav- ing left me, I am left all alone in the world, and am sorry that ever I was at all. What I have done is out of zeal and love and not by any encourage- ment ; for I am only forgotten in all rights and in all affairs, and mine enemies have their wills and desires over me. There are many other things con- cerning your majesty's present service, which me- thinks are not as tlie}^ ought remembered, and the times pass away unmeasured of which more profit might be taken. But I fear I have already pre- 144 DANGEROUS STATE OF IRELAND. Slimed too much, \viiioli love stronger than reason liath encouraged ; for my errors are eternal, and those of others mortal, and my labours thankless, I mean unacceptable, for that belongeth not to vassals. If your majesty pardon it, it is more than too great a reward. And so most humbly embracing and ad- miring the memory of the celestial beauties (which with the people is denied me to view), I pray God your majesty may be eternal in joys and happiness. Your majesty's most humble slave, W. R."* About the same time, in a letter to Sir Robert Ce- cil, Raleigh evinces his intimate acquaintance with the condition of Ireland, — then on the eve of a dan- gerous rebellion, — and exposes the ambitious policy of Spain. " Of this Irish combination," he ob- serves, ^' her majesty shall find it remembered to herself not long since ; but the Trojan soothsayer cast his spear against the wooden horse and was not believed. * * I had been able myself to have raised two or three bands of English well armed, till I was driven to relinquish and recall my people, of which the loss shall not be alone to me ; howsoever I am tumbled down the hill by every practice. We are so busied and dandled in these French wars, that we forget the defence next the heart. Her ma- jesty hath good cause to remember that £1,000,000 hath been spent in Ireland not many years since. A better kingdom might have been purchased at a less price, and that same defended with as many pence if good order had been taken. * * The King of Spain seeketh not Ireland for Ireland ; but, hav- Cayley's Life of Raleigh, p. 135. LETTER TO CECIL. 145 ing raised up troops of beggars on our back, trusts he shall be able to enforce us to cast our eyes over our shoulders, whilst those before us strike us on our brains." In the same letter. Sir Walter entreats the good offices of Cecil, as his enemies would not even allow him to rest in his rural banishment. " I am myself here, at Sherborne, in my fortune's fold. Wherever I be, and while I am, you shall command me. I think I shall need your farther favour for the little park ; for law and conscience is not suffi- cient in these days to uphold me. Every fool know- eth that hatreds are the cinders of affection, and, therefore, to make me a sacrifice shall be thank- worthy."-^ But, although thus complaining, it was not the nature of Raleigh to sink into indolent despondency : He was denied indeed all access to court ; but in his seclusion at Sherborne his inventive genius projected the conquest of Guiana, — a scheme which forms an interesting episode in his life. His youthful imagi- nation had caught fire from the perusal of the roman- tic adventures of the Spaniards in the New World ; and although a determined enemy to these rivals of his country, he eloquently extols their perseverance in the career of navigation. " I cannot forbear," says he, " to commend the patient virtue of the Spaniards. We seldom or never find that any nation hath en- dured so many misadventures and miseries as that people have done in their Indian discoveries ; yet, persisting in their enterprises with an invincible con- stancy, they have annexed to their kingdoms so many goodly provinces as to bury the remembrance of all • Hist, of the World, b. 5, c. 1, § 10. 146 GUIANA EL DORADO. past dangers. Tempests, sliipwreck, famine, over- throws, mutinies, heat and eold, pestilence, and all manner of diseases, both old and new, together with extreme poverty and want of all things needful, have been the enemies wherewith every one of their most noble discoverers at one time or other hath encoun- tered. IMany years have passed over their heads in the search of not so many leagues ; yea more than one or two have spent their labour, their wealth, and their lives, in search of a golden kingdom, without getting further notice of it than what they had at their first setting forth." It was to this golden kingdom, the fabled El Do- rado of the Spaniards, that the thoughts of Raleigh were now turned ; and before much is said against his credulity in giving heed to the extraordinary re- ports regarding it, we must consider the circum- stances of the age, and the ardent and romantic tem- perament of the man. It is not to be forgotten, that the first information given by the Indians regarding Mexico and Peru, which Cortes believed and Pizar- ro unhesitatingly embraced, appeared to graver and cooler heads as only the idle dreams of barbarians and enthusiasts ; and when we look to the evidence contained in the Spanish historians, relative to the wonderful city of Manoa and the riches of this extensive country, it is easy to perceive, that the task of achieving its discovery and completing its conquest was one of those grand designs peculiar- ly suited to the genius of this remarkable person. Eager to engage in an enterprise which had baflfled so many brave spirits, Raleigh, in 1594, despatched Jacob Whiddon, an officer who had been long in his service, to explore the territory and decide upon the RICHES OP GUIANA. 147 likelihood of success. His account made known the difliculty of approaching this kinirdom, but in no wise shook the resolution of the projector. Sir Wal- ter's description of it^ derived partly from the hearsay testimony of Whiddon and partly from the reports of Spanish writers, was calculated to excite the highest hopes. In this new empire he was assured there was more abundance of gold, and greater and richer cities, than Peru could boast even in its most brilliant days; and he had been informed by such Spaniards as had seen ]\Ianoa, the imperial city, that for size and wealth it far exceeded any in the world. To corro- borate this account, he referred to Lopez's General History of the Indies, where this writer, describing the court of Guanacapa, ancestor to the emperor of Guiana, has this highly-coloured passage : — '^ All the vessels of his house, table, and kitchen, were of gold and silver, and the meanest of silver and copper, for strength and hardness of metal. He had besides in his wardrobe hollow statues of gold, which seemed giants ; and the figures, in proportion and bigness, of all the beasts, birds, trees, and herbs which the earth bringeth forth ; and of all the fishes that the sea or waters of his kingdom breedeth. He had also ropes, budgets, chests, and troughs of gold and silver, besides heaps of billets of gold, which lay about as if they were logs of wood mark- ed out to burn. Finally, there was nothing in his country whereof he had not the counterfeit in gold. Yea, and they say the Yncas had a garden of pleasure in an island near Puna, where they went to recreate themselves when they would take the air of the sea, which had all kind of garden-herbs, flowers, and trees of gold and silver, — an invention and magnificence 148 JUAN MARTINEZ: till then never seen. Besides all this, he had an in- finite quantity of silver and gold unwrought in Cuz- co, which was lost by the death of Guascar ; for the Indians hid it, seeing that the Spaniards would have taken it and sent it to Spain."* The Spaniards had repeatedly attempted to find Guiana, but invariably failed, till a singular accident was said to have disclosed its situation : One John IMartinez, master of the ordnance in the second army that endeavoured to penetrate to this rich country, was condemned, at IVIorequito, a port on the river Orinoco, to be executed. His life^ how- ever, was spared, though he was thrown alone, vnth nothing but his arms, into a canoe, and set adrift. The barge floated down the stream, and after some time was descried by the Guianians, who drew it ashore, astonished to see in it a being whose uncom- mon appearance made them believe him to be the inhabitant of another world. They received him with respect, and led him to Manoa, the residence of Inga, their emperor, who at once knew him to be a Christian, and lodged him in the palace. '' He lived," says Raleigh, in his Discovery of Guiana, " seven months in Manoa, but was not suffered to wander into the country ; and the Indians who at first conducted him to the capital took the precau- tion of blindfolding him, not removing the veil from his eyes till he was ready to enter the city. It was at noon that he passed the gates, and it took him all that day and the next, walking from sunrise to sunset, before he arrived at the palace of Inga, where he resided for seven months, till he had made himself master of the language of the country." * Discovery of Guiana. Works, vol. viii. pp. 398, 399. HIS REPORT OP GUIANA. 149 Martinez expressing his wish to return, was dis- missed ; a party of natives being sent to conduct him to tlie Orinoco, with a present from the emperor of as much gold as they could carry. On the borders of the kingdom, a nation at war with Guiana attacked and plundered them, leaving only two gourds filled with gold beads curiously wrought, but supposed by their assailants to contain provisions. He then pro- ceeded down the Orinoco to Saint Juan de Puerto Rico, where he died. In his last illness, after receiving the sacrament, he related his travels to the priest, and presented the gold beads to the Church, requesting the usual prayers. Martinez first gave Manoa the far-travelled name of El Dorado, for reasons which are thus stated by Raleigh : — " Those Guianians are marvellous great drunkards; and at the times of their solemn feasts, when the emperor carouseth with his captains, tributaries, and governors, the manner is thus, — all those that pledge him are first stript naked, and their bodies rubbed over with a kind of white balsamum, by them called curcai. When they are thus anointed, certain servants of the emperor having prepared gold made into fine powder, blow it through hollow canes upon their naked bodies, until they are all shining from the foot to the head ; and in this sort they sit drinking by twenties and hundreds, continuing in drunkenness sometimes six or seven days together. Upon this sight, and for the abund- ance of gold which he saw in the city, the images of gold in their temples, the plates, armours, and shields of gold which they use in the wars, he called the city El Dorado."* * Discovery of Guiana, p. 403. See Remarks in Appendix. 150 RALEIGH SAILS FOR GUIANA. After the death of this adventurer various Spanish captains attempted, but witliout success, to reach that golden region. It was necessary to penetrate forests and deserts, wliere it was difficult to find means of transport or subsistence for troops ; and the fierce tribes on its borders bade defiance even to the dis- ciplined valour of the Christians. The last who had engaged in the enterprise, and with whom the Eng- lish came afterwards into contact, was Bereo, an officer of skill and courage, who had served in Italy, Naples, and the Low Countries, before he tried his fortune in Spain. Satisfied with the practicability of discovering this unknown country, Raleigh fitted out a considerable fleet, of which he took the command, and sailed from Plymouth on the 6th of February 1595. The ex- pedition was favoured by Sir Robert Cecil and the lord-high-admiral, w^ho sent a ship of his own, named the Lion's Whelp. The squadron consisted of five vessels, with barges, wherries, and tenders, for coasting and inland navigation. Besides mari- ners, the officers, gentlemen adventurers, and sol- diers, amounted to 100. Having reached Trinidad on the 22d March, the admiral surveyed the coast and opened a communication with the governor, An- tonio de Bereo, above mentioned. In the preceding year this man had behaved with great cruelty and treachery to Captain Whiddon, when sent to explore the Orinoco ; and it was soon discovered that he had adopted secret measures to put the navigators to the sword. But before his plot was ripe. Sir Walter attacked the settlement, rased the new city of San Joseph, liberated five Indian caciques whom he found bound in one chain, and imprisoned Bereo himself, DIFFICULTIES OF THE EXPEDITION. 151 wlio liad treated these unliappy princes witli horrible cruelty, basting their naked bodies witli burning ba- con to force a discovery of their treasures. Nothing could exceed the gratitude of those poor creatures on tlieir delivery ; and several years after, when some English adventurers in Guiana mentioned the cir- cumstance, it was still remembered by the Indians to Raleigh's honour. Sir Walter now assembled the chiefs, and inform- ed them that he was the servant of a virgin queen, the great Cacique of the North, who had more lead- ers under her than there were trees in the island ; and who hated the Castilians on account of their tyranny and oppression. He explained to them that, having rescued from Spanish servitude all the coast of the northern world, she had sent him to free them also, and to defend the country of Guiana from invasion. He then showed them her majesty's pic- ture ; and the simple natives almost worshipped it, calling Elizabetha, Cassipuna, Aquerewana, — Eli- zabeth the mighty princess, or greatest commander !* So far all had succeeded to his wishes ; but still the enterprise was attended with much difficulty. He now learnt that the distance of Guiana from the coast was greater by 600 miles than he at first im- agined. This he concealed from his men, and re- solved to proceed. He gives a striking picture of their hardships in the voyage. " Of this 600 miles," says he, " I passed 400, leaving my ships so far from me at anchor in the sea, more out of desire to per- form that discovery than of reason, especially hav- ing such poor weak vessels to transport ourselves in. • Discovery of Guiana. Works, voL viii. p. 396. 152 RIVER ORINOCO. In the bottom of an old gallego wliich I caused to be fashioned like a galley, and in one barge, two wherries, and a ship-boat of the Lion's Whelp, we carried 100 persons and their victuals for a month, being driven to lie during the rain in the open air, under a burning sun and on hard boards ; to dress our meat, and to carry all manner of furni- ture in them ; wherewith they were so pestered and unsavoury, that what with victuals, the wet clothes of so many men thrust together, and the heat of the sun, I will undertake there was never any person in England that could be found more unsa- voury and loathsome, especially to myself, who had for many years before been dieted and cared for in a sort far differing."* The Orinoco, at the mouth of which the ships were left at anchor, makes its way into the ocean by innumerable channels, and during the rainy sea- son inundates the plains, sometimes to the distance of eighty or ninety miles on each side. The banks were covered with gloomy forests, in such luxu- riance that they overarched the stream, shutting out the sky, and confining the view to the dim perspec- tive formed by the interminable avenue along which the adventurers guided their frail barges. Through this labyrinth they pursued their course many days, till on the 22d IVIay the boats fell into a river which they named the Redcross, being the first Christians who had navigated it. At first all was silent and desolate ; but Ferdinando, their Indian interpre- ter, having gone ashore, was suddenly attacked by the natives, and hunted through the woods with * Discovery of Guiana. Works, vol. viii. p. 397- Raleigh's interpreter attacked. 153 deer-dogs, who ran him so close, tliat he was forced to throw himself into the river and swim back to his friends. This inhospitable people, of whom Ra- leigh has left a minute account, were the inhabit- ants of that " insular or broken world," formed by the branches of the Orinoco. " In the summer," says he, "^ they have houses on the ground ; but in winter they dwell upon the trees, where they build very artificial towns and villages ; for between May and September the river of Orinoco riseth thirty foot upright, and then are those islands overflown twenty foot high above the level of the ground, saving some few raised grounds in the middle of them, and for this cause they are enforced to live in this manner. They never eat of any thing that is set or sown, and as at home they neither use planting nor other manurance, so when they come abroad they refuse to feed of ought but of that which nature without labour bringeth forth. They use the tops of palmetos for bread, and kill deer, fish, and porks, for the rest of their susten- ance, having also many sorts of fruits that grow in the woods, and great variety of birds and fowl. They were wont to make war upon all nations ; but of late they are at peace with their neighbours, esteeming the Spaniards their common enemy. When their commanders die they use great lamentation, and when they think the flesh of their bodies is putrified and fallen from their bones, then they take up the carcass again, and hang it in the cacique's house that died, decking his skull with feathers of all co- lours, and hanging all his gold plates about the bones of his arms, thighs, and legs. Those nations on the other hand which are called Arwacas, and dwell on the south of the Orinoco, are used to beat the 154 , BEAUTY OF THE COUNTRY. bones of their lords to powder, and their wives and friends drink it all in their several sorts of drinks."* Sir Walter continued his voyage^, passing up the river in the flood, and coming to anchor in the ebb; but his galley ran aground, and was only got afloat with great labour; after which he turned into the Amana, a branch of the Orinoco. Here the tide left him, and the crew being compelled to row against a rapid current, and under a scorching sun, began to sink with fatigue, and to languish from the failure of provisions. Their commander, however, displayed a cheerful countenance, willingly sharing in every privation, and holding out the hope of speedy success. As if to reward his confidence, a new reach of the river shifted the scene from desolate prospects to one of the most beautiful landscapes they had ever beheld. There opened upon them an amphitheatre of moun- tains, crowned with noble trees, while at their bot- tom verdant plains extended many miles, thickly in- terspersed with flowers of delicious odour. Unknow^n birds of rich colours sported in the groves, and fishes of various kinds were caught in great numbers with the net or rod. Nothing could exceed the amenity of the scene ; but their feelings of enjoyment were disturbed by multitudes of ravenous creatures, call- ed by the natives Lagartos, and apparently of the shark or crocodile genus, which abounded in the river, and in their sight devoured a negro servant of the admiral's, who had gone into the water to bathe. " On the banks," says Raleigh, " were divers sorts of fruits good to eat, besides flowers and trees of that variety as would be sufficient to make ten volumes of herbals. We relieved ourselves many * Discovery of Guiana. Works, vol. viii. p. 424. MAIN STREAM OF THE ORINOCO. 155 times with the fruits of the country, and sometimes with fowl and fish ; we saw also birds of all colours, — some carnation, some crimson, some tawny, purple, green, watched, and of all other sorts, both simple and mixed ; as it was unto us a great good passing of the time to behold them, besides the relief we found by killing some store of them with our fowi- ing-pieces ; without which, having little or no bread, and less drink, but only the thick and troubled wa- ter of the river, we had been in a very hard case."^" Beginning to suffer from want of provisions, they captured two canoes laden with excellent bread, which were run ashore the moment the natives discerned the English. The Indians fled to the woods ; but one of them was seized and compelled to act as a pilot. In chasing him through the un- derwood. Sir Walter found a refiner's basket^ in which were quicksilver, saltpetre, and other mate- rials for trying metals, which made him suspect the Spaniards had been there before him. In this idea he was confirmed by the pilot, who pointed out places where the white people had laboured for gold. Aware of the imprudence of delay, he pushed forward whilst the season permitted ; and, on the fifteenth day after leaving the ships, discovered in the distance the mountains of Guiana. In the even- ing, a northerly gale springing up, they entered the Orinoco, running east and west from the sea to Quito in Peru. Their sensations on launching their feeble craft upon this vast body of waters, whose tributaries were equal to the greatest rivers of the Old World, may be easily imagined. Anchoring near a sandy neck of land, where they • Discovery of Guiana. Works, vol. viiL p. 425. 156 TOPARIMACA. found a rich feast of tortoise-eggs, they were visited by Toparimaca, a powerful prince of the country, who brought with him two other caciques, and en- gaged in a friendly intercourse with the strangers. The wife of one of these chiefs was a beautiful woman, with dark eyes, excellent proportions, and tresses reaching almost to the ground. Her man- ners were graceful ; and, though modest, she sipped a cup of wine and conversed, taking great pride in her own comeliness.* Pursuing their voyage westward, a spacious cham- paign country opened, where the banks assumed a deep red colour. Raleigh sent a party to examine the prospect from some neighbouring heights. They found it a level of immense extent; which their pilot stated to be the plains of Sayma, reaching to Cumana and Caraccas in the West Indies, and in- habited by four great nations. Of these the first are the Sayma ; the next the Assawai ; the third and greatest the Wikiri, by whom Pedro de Serpa, one of the adventurers who attempted to reach Guiana, was overthrown ; and the last are the Aroras, a race like negroes, but having smooth hair. This people, it was said, possessed the secret of concocting " the strongest, deadliest, and most speedy poison in the world," and the slightest scratch from their arrows produced a very fearful death. The expedition now anchored at the port of More- quito in Aromaia, and despatched a messenger to To- piawari, the venerable sovereign of the district, who, although 110 years of age, was so stout that he walked twenty-eight miles to have an interview with the • Discovery of Guiana. Works, vol. viii. p. 433. INTERVIEW WITH TOPIAWARI. 157 English. A tent was pitched for him ; and Sir Walter explained the object of his voyage. Topiawari listen- ed with attention to the interpreter; and in his reply gave so distinct and accurate an account of the coun- try, that Raleigh " marvelled to find a man of such judgment and good discourse, without the help of learning and breeding."* From IMorequito they sail- ed westward, with the desire of exploring the river Caroli, of which they had been told many marvels, as also that it led to some of the strongest nations on the frontiers. When yet at a great distance, the roar of its cataracts was distinctly heard. The stream was as broad as the Thames at Woolwich, and the current ran so violently that an eight-oared wherry hardly advanced a stonecast in an hour. Raleigh, therefore, abandoned the idea of reaching the Cassi- pagalos, whose territories were forty miles distant ; and encamping upon the banks of the Caroli, opened an intercourse with the natives, who were the in- veterate enemies of the Spaniards. While waiting the return of his messengers from the town of Ca- purepana, he visited the waterfalls, and examined the province of Canari, through which the river runs. He has given an animated picture of its re- markable scenery. " When we ascended," says he, " to the tops of the first hills of the plains adjoin- ing to the river, we beheld that wonderful breach of waters which was precipitated down Caroli, and might from that mountain see the river how it ran in three parts above twenty miles off; there appeared ten or twelve falls in sight, every one as high over the other as a church-tower, the water de- • Discovery of GuiansL Works, vol. viii. p. 440. 158 BEAUTIFUL SCENERY. scendingwith that fury that the rebound made it seem as if it had been all covered over with a great shower of rain, and in some places we took it for a smoke that had risen over some great tow^n. For mine own part I w^as well persuaded from thence to have returned^ being a very ill footman ; but the rest were all so de- sirous to go near the said strange thunder of waters, as they drew me on by little and little into the next valley. * * I never," he continues, " saw a more beautiful country, nor more lively prospects : hills so raised here and there over the valleys ; the river winding into divers branches; the plains adjoining, without bush or stubble, all fair green grass; the ground of hard sand, easy to march on either for horse or foot ; the deer crossing in every path ; the birds towards the evening singing on every tree with a thousand several tunes; cranes and herons, of w^hite, crimson, and carnation, perching on the river's side; the air fresh, with a gentle easterly wind ; and every stone that we stopped to take up promising either gold or silver by his complexion."* Beyond this river they met some caciques, who seemed determined to work on their credulity ; af- firming that in the adjacent parts there dwelt a people called Ewaipanoma, whose heads did not ap- pear above their shoulders, in which their eyes were seated, whilst their mouth was placed in the breast. They were described as the most mighty men of all the land, having bows, arrow^s, and clubs, thrice as big as any of Guiana. This extravagant idea may possibly have arisen, as in the case of the Samoieds,t from their costume. * Discovery ot" Guiana. Works, vol. viii. p. 442. ■f The garments of" these Muscovite savages are made open only THE voyagp:rs compellp:d to return. 159 They were now 400 miles distant from their ships, their clothes were almost worn off their bodies, and they were warned by unequivocal indications of the approach of winter, which here consists not so much in any decided chanfj(^ from heat to cold, as in heavy rains and inundations, with frequent hurricanes, thunder, and lightning. Soon after the Orinoco rose with a sudden and awful swell, which dismayed the soldiers ; the rain descended in tor- rents; and every day they were drenched to the skin; so that it was judged absolutely necessary to return. Sailing with the stream, their progress was as ra- pid as the ascent had been tedious ; even against the wind they made little less than 100 miles a-day. At iMorequito they were visited a second time by Topiawari, who brought a number of men loaded with presents. At this interview Raleigh collected much valuable intelligence relative to the best me- thod of obtaining the co-operation of the bordering nations, and of conquering Guiana. He inquired minutely into the geography of the neighbouring pro- vinces, the habits of the people, their arts, and mode of working gold, their dispositions towards the Spa- niards, their friendships or enmities with each other. Before his departure the venerable cacique, besides promising to become the servant of the queen, de- livered his son Cayworaco to the admiral, who brought him to England, and christened him Gual- tero. In return, an English sailor named Sparrow, and a boy of the admiral's household, were left at the neck, and when the oohl is extreme they put their cosaques over their heads, the sleeves hanpng' down, and their faces not being visihk> except at the cleft which is at the neck ; whence some credulous writers have said these northern people are without heads, and have their faces in their breasts. 160 CACIQUE TIMITWARA. with the Indian king, to be taught the language of the country. Resuming their voyage, they entered a branch of the Orinoco called Wincapora, near which there was said to be a mountain of crystal. Owing to the inclemency of the season tliey were unable to pe- netrate so far ; but saw it in the distance, exceeding- ly high, and frlittering like a marble church-tower. '' There falleth over it," in the words of the Disco- very of Guiana, '' a mighty river, which toucheth no part of the side of the mountain, but rusheth over the top, and descendeth to the ground with a terrible noise and clamour, as if a thousand great bells were knocked one against the other." Upon this river is situated a town of the same name, where they were received by Timitwara, the chief of the place, with much kindness. His subjects, however, were not in a state to second his hospitable endea- vours ; " for it happened," says Raleigh, " to be one of their feast-days, and we found them all as drunk as beggars, the pots walking from one to another with- out rest, so that to soldiers weary and hot with march- ing such plenty and carousing was not unacceptable." Their delicate ''wine of pinas" proved very strong and heady; and without exposing his men to the tempta- tion of a second Indian carouse, the commander pressed forward, finding it a difficult task, amid tor- rents of rain and storms of thunder and lightning, to regain their galley. On embarking the water had risen, and the strength of the current threatened to dash their frail barge to pieces. The main stream of the Orinoco now raged with a fury which " made their hearts cold to behold it;" but, striking into a smaller branch, they at last reach- 5 RETURN TO TRINIDAD. 161 ed the sea. A dreadful storm coming on, tlieir gal- ley had much difficulty to live, and was so leaky that the admiral thought it better to remove to the barge. " After/' to use his own words, " it had cleared up, they committed themselves to God's keep- ing, and thrust out into the sea;" and so, being all very melancholy, one faintly cheering another to show courage, it pleased God that next day they descried Trinidad, and soon after reached the port of Curiapan, where to their great joy and gratitude they found their ships at anchor. Raleigh, in his interesting history of this dis- covery, which it appears to me has been treated by later writers with great injustice,* enumerates the various nations, describes their customs, and afterwards, in some passages of great vigour and beauty, though a little tinctured with credulity, de- tails the advantages of a conquest of the country : '' I will enter no further," says he, " into discourse of their manners, laws, and customs ; and because I myself have not seen the cities of Inga I cannot avow on my credit what I have heard, although it be very likely that the Emperor Inga hath built and erected as magnificent palaces in Guiana as his ancestors did in Peru, which were, for their riches and rareness, most marvellous, and exceeding all in Europe. * * For the rest which myself have seen, I will promise those things which follow and know to be true. Those that are desirous to dis- cover and observe many nations may be satisfied within this river, which bringeth forth so many arms and branches, leading to numerous countries • See Remarks in Appendix at the end of tlie volume. K 162 RETURN OF RALEIGH : and provinces, and extending above 2000 miles east and west, and 800 miles north and south, and of these regions the most either rich in gold or in other merchandise. * * There is no country which yieldeth more pleasure to the inhabitants for those common delights of hunting, hawking, fishing, fowling, and the rest, than Guiana doth ; it hath so many plains watered with clear rivers, and such abundance of pheasants, partridges, quails, rails, cranes, herons, and all other fowl, besides deer of all sorts, with porkers, hares, lions, tigers, leopards, and divers other sorts of beasts either for chase or food. * * To conclude, it is a country as yet untouched by the natives of the Old' World : never sacked, turned, or wrought ; the face of the earth hath not been torn, nor the virtue and salt of the soil spent by manurance ; the graves have not been opened for gold ; the mines not broken with sledges, nor their images pulled down out of their temples. It hath never been entered by any army of strength, and never conquered or possessed by any Christian- prince ; and it is besides so defensible, that if two forts be built in one of the provinces which I have seen, the flood setteth in so near the bank where the channel lieth, that no ship can pass but within a pike's length of the artillery, which would thus be a sufficient guard both to the empire of Inga and to the other kingdoms lying within the Orinoco."* On his return Sir Walter found his enemies had availed themselves of his absence to prepossess the queen's mind against him ; and instead of being welcomed as a discoverer, his descriptions w^re re- ceived with coldness and suspicion. A contempo- * Discovery of Guiana. Works, vol. viii. pp. 462, 464. HIS enemies' practices. 163 rary letter, indeed, informs us tliat lie lived about London very gallant, while great interest was made for his being again received at court. But Elizabeth for the present was inexorable ; and the dedication of the Discovery of Guiana to the lord-high-admi- ral and Sir Robert Cecil plainly alludes to his having fallen on evil days and evil tongues : '' The trial," says he, " that I had of both your loves when I was left of all but malice and revenge, makes me presume that you will still be pleased to an- swer that out of knowledge which others shall but object out of malice. In my more happy times, as I did especially honour you both, so I found that your loves sought me out in the darkest shade of adversity, and that the same affection which accom- panied my better fortune soared not away from me in my many miseries ; all which, though I cannot re- quite, I shall ever acknowledge. * * Of the little remaining fortime I had, I have wasted, in effect, all herein. I have undergone many constructions ; been accompanied with many sorrows — \\\i\\ labour, limiger, heat, sickness, and peril. * '•' From myself I have deserved no thanks, for I am returned a beg- gar and withered. But that I might have bettered my poor estate will appear by the following discourse, if I had not solely respected her majesty's future honour and riches. It became not the former for. tune in which I once lived to go journeys of piccory; and it sorted ill with the offices of honour which, by lier majesty's grace, I hold this day in England, to run from cape to cape, and place to place, for the pillage of ordinary prizes."" But although detraction was thus busy at the * Discovery of Guiana. Works, vol. viii. p. 381. 164 CHAPMAN. court, the muses espoused the cause of Raleigh. In an heroic poem, ascribed on good grounds to Chapman, the gifted translator of Homer, the enterprise is com- memorated in no ignoble strains. The poet having declared the subject of his song to be riches with honour, and conquest without blood, describes Guia- na bowing in submission to that sovereign princess, whose younger sister she is anxious to become : — " Guiana, whose ricli feet are mines of e^old, Whose forehead knocks ag'ainst the roof of stars, Stands on her tiptoe at fair England looking', Kissing her hand, howing her might}' breast, And every sign of all submission making. To be her sister and the daughter botli Of our most sacred maid." He then apostrophizes Elizabeth in some spirited lines, alludes to the incredulity with which Raleigh's reports were received, and introduces a picture of the prosperity of the British colonies cradled in this golden country, which is highly poetical, although it proved any thing but prophetic : — " And now a wind, as forward as their spirits, Sets their glad feet on smooth Guiana's breast. Where, as if each man were an Orpheus, A world of savages fall tame before them ; And there doth plenty crown their wealthy fields ; And all our youth take Hymen's lights in hand, And fill each roof with honour'd progen}^ There healthful recreations strew the meads. And make their mansions dance with neighbourhood, Which here were drown'd in churlish avarice. And there do palaces and temples rise Out of the earth and kiss th' enamour'd skies, Where new Britannia humbly kneels to Heaven, The world to her, and both at her blest feet In whom the circles of all empire meet." The parsimony of the queen and the malice of Sir Walter's enemies proved too powerful on this occa- sion; and instead of seeing his project embraced by his sovereign, and the promised country reduced and SECOND EXPEDITION TO GUIANA. 165 colonized, he found that he was defamed and dis- trusted, except by a few who appreciated his plans. Yet his spirit rose under his calamities. He deter- mined, if not to prosecute the discovery, at least to keep up an intercourse with the natives ; and, ac- cordingly, using the remains of his private fortune, and aided by Sir Robert Cecil and Howard, about six months after his return, he despatched the Dar- ling and the Discoverer, under Captain Keymis, who had served in the first expedition. On reaching Guiana, this officer found his friends much dispersed, but eagerly inquiring for Sir Wal- ter, and ready to join his armament. They were disappointed that a larger fleet had not been sent ; but the object of Raleigh was to continue the correspondence and peaceful traffic with the Indi- ans, not to engage in warlike adventure; and this Keymis ably accomplished. The Cacique of Ca- rapana, indeed, afraid of the hostility of the Spa- niards, avoided a personal interview; but others, loudly execrating their cruelties, compared their tyrannical conduct with the humanity and respect to individual rights exhibited by the English and their commander. He examined some parts of the country which had escaped attention on the former voyage — ascertained the strength of the nations which promised their assistance, and the best access to the interior ; after which he collected some farther reports respecting the wealth which might be ex- pected from the adventure, and sailing for England, arrived in the end of June 159G. During his absence, his indefatigable employer had engaged in the celebrated enterprise against Spain, known by the name of the Cadiz Expedition, 166 RALEIGH SERVES AT CADIZ: in whidi he held a principal command and greatly distinguished himself. When Spain meditated the invasion in 1588, Ra- leigh had urged the practicability of burning the for- midable fleet of Philip in his own harbour. These views were not then adopted ; but after an interval of eight years the queen had become convinced of their soundness. The seizure of Calais by the Spa- niards, the disordered condition of Ireland, the dis- affection of a large party in Scotland, — all arising out of Spanish intrigue, — and the failure in the Portuguese expedition, had greatly strengthened the interest of that monarch, and rendered it necessary for the English ministry to make a vigorous effort against him. The plan, therefore, which had been rejected in 1588, w^as revived by Elizabeth in 1596, and its execution intrusted to her four best officers, Essex, the lord-high-admiral. Sir Walter Raleigh, and Lord Thomas Howard, — the veterans Drake and Hawkins being now no more. One hundred and fifty vessels were equipped at Plymouth, seventeen of them first-rates, twenty- two ships of war furnished by the Dutch, and the rest tenders and small craft. The English fleet contained about 14,000 men, including 1000 gen- tlemen volunteers ; "^ for as yet," says Oldys, " the nobles and gentry had not learnt to live lazily and loosely at home, while their countrymen abroad were fighting for the safety of the nation." The number aboard the Dutch division is not certain ; but it was calculated that there might be spared from it 10,000 men to land on the Spanish coast. Although the chief command was intrusted to the high-admiral and the Earl of Essex^ yet the queen. HIS SKILFUL ADVICE. IG7 dreading the collision '' between an old head and a young one, appointed them a council of five, to keep them in due temper and harmony." These were Lord Thomas Howard, Raleigh^ Sir Francis Vere^ Sir Conyers Clifford, and Sir George Carew ; a con- trol and division of authority relented by the proud spirit of Essex, but to which a sharp letter from his royal mistress compelled him to submit. From the first every thing favoured the expedition. They had a rapid run to the Spanish coast ; every vessel which could have carried intelligence to the enemy was intercepted ; and the ships anchored in St Sebastian's Bay on the 20th June, only a league short of Cadiz, when the Spaniards believed them- selves in perfect security. The lord-admiral re- solved that a descent should be made first by the land-army upon the town, — a measure which Essex, their commander, although he perceived its danger, did not choose, from some chivalrous punctilio, to oppose. He proceeded, accordingly, to embark his forces in the boats, the surf being so tremendous, that every moment they were in danger of swamp- ing. Whilst this was going on, Raleigh, who had been absent on some necessary duties, arrived in the bay ; and perceiving the error of Howard, in not at once running his ships into the harbour and attacking the fleet, hastened on board to Essex, and conjured him to stop the embarkation, which would, if continued, utterly defeat the enterprise. His remonstrance was most acceptable to the earl, who threw the respon- sibility upon the admiral, and requested Sir Walter to interfere and induce him to recall the orders. This he immediately did, and Howard, becoming 168 Raleigh's plan of attack. convinced of his mistake, consented to enter the harbour. With this news Raleigh returned to Es- sex, and calUng out " Entramos ! Entramos !" the young earl, for joy, cast his hat into the sea, and gave instant orders to weigh anchor, — a precipitancy which might again have ruined all. The day was far spent ; time was necessary to remove the soldiers on board from the boats ; no plan of attack had been agreed on ; none knew who was to lead, or who was to be second. Sir Walter once more represented the danger of such intemperate haste, and by his advice the fleet again anchored. At night he wrote to the high-admiral, proposing that they should first run in and cannonade the enemy's ships with their great ordnance; after which two flyboats should board each of the great Spanish galleons ; for it was ex- pected that the San Philip and the rest of the men- of-war would burn and not yield ; in which case the queen's ships might be much endangered. All this was agreed to ; and, at his own request, he had the leading of the van, whilst Howard and Essex com- manded the great body of the fleet. The success with which this plan was executed reflects great credit on the gallantry of the assailants. With the first dawn of day, Raleigh in the War- spite weighed anchor, and taking the start of the rest bore in upon the enemy. He was supported by Sir George Carew in the Mary Rose, Sir Robert Southwell in the Lion, Sir Francis Vere in the Rainbow, Captain Cross in the Swiftsure, Sir Con- yers Clifford in the Dreadnought, and Captain Robert Dudley in the Nonpareil, besides some Lon- doners and flyboats adapted for boarding. The dis- position of the Spaniards rendered the attack both DISPOSITION OP THE ENEMY. 169 difficult and hazardous. Under the walls of Cadiz seventeen galleys were ranged with their prows to flank the entrance. The harbour was commanded by Fort St Philip^ and by the ordnance along the curtain upon the rampart towards the sea, besides other pieces of culverin which raked the channel. Although thus strongly guarded, the moment the San Philip per- ceived the hostile fleet, she crowded all sail, and was followed by the San Matthew, San Thomas, San An- drew, two great Portuguese galleons, three frigates, two argosies armed to the teeth, and forty other great ships bound for IMexico, on board which were the admiral and vice-admiral of New Spain. Of these who thus scoured away at the first wave of the Eng- lish flag, four of the largest galleons, the San Philip, Matthew, Andrew, and Thomas, anchored again under the guns of the fort of Puntal, a strait of the harbour leading towards Puerto Real. On theirright they placed the three frigates, at their back the two Portuguese galleons and argosies ; the seventeen galleys were reserved to occupy the intervals by three and three as occasion might require. The admiral of New Spain with the body of the fleet was station- ed behind them to defend the entrance, which was of that moderate breadth that their line stretched across like a bridge, having the fort just mentioned to guard it. Such being the order of the enemy, Raleigh, lead- ing the van, was first saluted by the garrison, next by the cannon on the curtain, and, lastly, in good order by the seventeen galleys. To these, as, to use his own expressions, he considered them but as " wasps" in comparison with the San Philip and the other galleons, he only replied by a flourish of trumpets. 170 RALEIGH LEADS THE VAN. reserving his ordnance for higher game. He now directed his course against the great vessels in the deepest part of the river^ drawing on the rest of the ships, which so battered the Spaniards that they soon began to ply their oars and take to flight. By this time Sir Walter had anchored beside the Philip and Andrew, and poured broadsides into them without intermission, trusting that the flyboats would speedily come up and enable him to board. The fight soon became very hot. Lord Thomas Howard, in the Lion, drew up on one side of the Warspite, and Carew, in the ]\Iary Rose, on the other, whilst Sir Francis Vere pushed on towards the side of Puntal ; and Essex, who was still at a distance, hearing the thunder of the ordnance, thrust up through the fleet, and anchored next Raleigh on the left hand. In this way the action continued for three hours ; the volleys of can- non and culverin coming as thick as in a skirmish of musketeers. By this raking fire Sir Walter's ship was so dreadfully shattered that, fearing she could not float much longer, he went aboard and assured Essex, that if the flyboats could not instantly be brought up he would board from the Warspite at all risks. The earl, with his accustomed gallantry, replied, that whatever Raleigh did he would, on his honour, second. The other, throwing himself into his boat, rowed back to his ship with all expedition, — an action which seemed to be a signal to the fleet who should be the first to run in on the great galleons. The high-admiral, finding the river so choked up that he could not pass in the Ark, joined his brother, in the Nonpareil. Vere, thinking it hard to be so far behind, got ahead of the Warspite with the Rainbow ; and he again^ in this race of valour, was GALLANTRY OF THE ENGLISH. 171 headed by Lord Thomas Howard. All this passed in the fifteen minutes during which Raleigh was absent. The moment he returned, finding that in- stead of being first he was only third, he slipped his anchor, and pushing between Lord Thomas and Vere, went ahead of both, and anchored within twenty yards of the San Philip, athwart the channel so as to prevent any ship from again passing him. Vere, upon this, fastened a rope to the side of the Warspite, in order to draw himself up alongside ; but one of the crew cut it asunder, and the Rain- bow fell back into its old place. Having no hopes of the flyboats, and prevented by the wind from running close up and boarding the San Philip, Sir Walter laid out a warp " to shake hands with her;" and Lord Thomas with other ships imitat- ing his example, the Spanish galleons in the utmost haste slipped anchor and ran aground, " tumbling into the sea heaps of soldiers like coals out of a sack," some drowning, some choking in the mud, and others mortally wounded. In the midst of this tumult a negro fired the powder in the San Philip, which blew up with a tremendous noise, the main-mast shoot- ing into the air like an arrow. The flames catching hold of the San Thomas at the same moment, she ex- ploded, and covered the sea with burning fragments. Raleigh, however, was too rapid in his movements to allow the San IMatthew and San Andrew to follow their example ; he took them before they could run aground, or be burnt by their crews. The picture he draws of the scene, in his relation of the Cadiz action, is striking : " The spectacle was very la- mentable on their side; many drowned themselves, many half- burnt leaped into the water, many were 172 SPANISH FLEET DESTROYED. seen hanging to the ships' sides by the ropes' ends up to the lips in the water, and many swimming with grievous wounds, strucken under water, and suddenly put out of pain, and withal so huge a fire and such tearing of the ordnance in the great Philip and the rest, when the fire came to them, as if any man had a desire to see hell itself it was there most lively figured. We ourselves spared the lives of all after the victory; but the Flemings, who did little or nothing in the fight, used merciless slaughter, till they were beaten off by myself, and afterwards by the lord-admiral."* The action continued from ten in the morning till late in the afternoon ; by which time the bay was cleared and entirely resigned to the English. The victory was justly described by Sir William IMonson, one of the officers engaged, as the most disgraceful overthrow ever given to the majesty of Spain, the battle being at his own home, in his port which he thought as safe as his chamber ; and it was particularly glorious to the English, when the great inequality of numbers was considered, — seven ships, led by Raleigh in the Warspite, destroying the Spanish fleet, including six galleons, three frigates, seventeen galleys, and the JNIexican squadron, in all fifty-five, backed by the fort of Puntal, and moored under their batteries. After this success the army landed, and, led by the Earl of Essex, carried the town by a coup de main, although 5000 foot and 800 horse, includ- ing the cavaliers of Xeres, made an attempt at re- sistance. Raleigh, during the seafight, had been hurt in the leg by a splinter. But his anxiety * Relation of the Cadiz Action, Raleigh's Works, vol. viii. p. 672. MEXICAN TREASURE-SHIPS BURNT. 173 would not suffer him to be absent from the army, and liaving been carried asliore he mounted his horse, and charging along with the rest entered the city. The pain of his shattered limb, liowever, be- came intolerable ; there was great danger of his be- ing trodden down by the English soldiers^ who aban- doned themselves to pillage, and after an hour he returned to the fleet. At this moment, although grievously incommoded and smarting under his wound, his great object was to capture the IMexican fleet, which had taken refuge in the roads of Puerto Real, where, had they been instantly followed, it would have been impossible for them to escape. With this view he sent repeated messages to obtain the admiral's consent. But owing to the confusion incident to the sacking of the town, and some jealousies between the seamen and the land-forces, Raleigh was only answered by a com- mand to come ashore. Before next morning the Duke of Medina Sidonia, apprehensive lest this in- estimable prize should fall into the enemy's hand, ordered them to be burnt. " So," says he in his ac- count of the action, " all that remained, galleons, ar- gosies, frigates, and merchantmen, were in one blaze converted into ashes, only the San IMatthew and San Andrew remaining in possession of the Englisli," Having destroyed the fortifications and city, the army reimbarked on the 5th July ; and Essex's de- sign of continuing at sea to intercept the West Indian fleet having been overruled, the victorious squa- dron directed their course homeward. On their way they sacked the town of Faro in Portugal, from which they carried off the famous library of Osorius ; and laden with bales of philosophy and literature, as well 174 RETURN TO ENGLAND. as with the rich plunder of Cadiz, they arrived at Plymouth on the 10th of August, from which Essex immediately posted to court. There can be little doubt that this great victory is mainly to be attributed to Raleigh. It was at his earnest entreaty that the absurd design of first attacking with the land-forces was abandoned ; it was he who drew up the plan of the action ; and to him the command of the van was intrusted. Many oflBcers, who were present and nowise favour- ably disposed to him, bore in their private letters the warmest testimony to his ability and gallantry ; books were dedicated to him, in which the glory he had acquired was commemorated; portraits en- graved or painted, in which the action was intro- duced as the most appropriate background ; and all seemed anxious that the cloud under which his merit had been lately obscured should be dispelled by the returning favour of his royal mistress. Yet, in spite of these testimonies, Elizabeth did not immediately recall him to court, or permit him to resume his offices. Aware of the influence of Essex, he had been careful to treat the favour- ite during the voyage with that courtesy to which his great bravery and talents entitled him ; and those who knew the secret enmity between them, ascribed this change to interested motives : — " Sir Walter's carriage," says Standen, who was pre- sent, " to my lord of Essex is with the cunning- est respect and deepest humility that ever I saw or have trowed." But the same writer, after the ac- tion, confesses, that among many excellent qualities his behaviour to the earl deserved high praise.* To * Oldys, p. 254. 2 I:SSEX'S FAVOUR DECLINES. 175 secure the favour of one so powerful as his rival, provided it were done by no sacrifice of honour, was to a man labouring under the displeasure of his sovereign no improper object ; and when engaged in such a service as the attack on the Spanish fleet, he must have been convinced it was their duty to forget private animosities. But Sir Walter's malignant star was still in the ascendant. Incapacitated by his wounds from sharing in the sack of Cadiz, the rich booty fell into the hands of others whom he taught to win the victory. Nor does it appear that he had gained the friendship of Essex, who, with all his nobleness of nature, probably felt hurt at the glory acquired by his inferior in command. The favourite, indeed, had himself cause for dis- satisfaction, and began to feel the insecurity of his giddy elevation. Before leaving court he had recom- mended his friend Sir Thomas Bodley for the va- cant post of Secretary of State. On his return he found that Elizabeth had preferred Sir Robert Cecil, Burleigh's second son ; and the indignation which he imprudently exhibited on this occasion seems to have been the first cause of that decline of his influ- ence which began soon after to be apparent. lie was too open, generous, and independent, for a professional courtier. He presumed upon his royal mistress' pas- sion for him ; and that she really felt as much love as could take possession of a heart on the borders of sixty-four is not to be doubted. But he forgot that the queen, however w^ak and capricious on some occasions, possessed a remarkable skill in se- lecting men fit for high offices, and that no con- siderations of personal attachment had ever been sufficient to blind her discernment. It is this fa- 176 CHARACTER OF ELIZABETH. culty of discriminating true genius, and attaching to her service tlie greatest talents in England, which is the peculiar feature in Elizabeth's character. To deny, as has lately been done, that she was a woman of high and commanding powers, is a refinement of modern ingenuity, — an opinion begot apparently be- tween prejudice and paradox, and contradicted by the whole history of her reign. She had weaknesses, all will allow. She was vain ; and, although of homely features, desired to be thought beautiful ; she affected at sixty the romantic feelings, the sighs, loves, tears, and tastes, of a girl of sixteen ; she danced " high and disposedly" before Secretary IMelville ; and sim- pered and frowned, and permitted the gallant and handsome cavaliers of her court to feed her with flatteries, and to celebrate her celestial graces, when time had blanched her tresses with snow and shri- velled her ordinary countenance into unnumbered wrinkles. But when seated at her council-table these foibles were in an instant abandoned. In no single instance did she permit them to influence the conduct of her government, or to weaken the grasp of her masculine judgment. Where did she ever select a mere courtier, or an empty and gilded ap- pendage of her processions, to execute a diflicult ser- vice ? How firmly did she cling through her long reign to Burleigh ! How uninterrupted was her fa- vour to the brave Sir Francis Drake, — to the ve- teran Vere, to Howard, and Gilbert, and Sidney, and Sussex, and, after a partial eclipse, to Raleigh ! When did she ever permit a fool to have a word to say when an important enterprise was in agitation } When did she ever select a weak person for her fa- vourite? and how completely at this moment did she CHARACTER OF CECIL. 177 convince her beloved Essex, that to be her secretary of state something more was required tlian his fa- vour, when he found that Sir Robert Cecil had been preferred to the man of his choice. Cecil was tlie friend of Raleigh ; as much so at least as the marked difference of their characters permitted. Under the eye of his grave and judicious father he had been bred a courtier. His person, in- deed, was little calculated to adorn a masque or a fes- tival, for it was mean and deformed ; but in this re- spect he only added another to the many examples of intellect being spurred on by this painful peculiarity to achieve distinction ; nor is it perhaps too refined or ingenious to trace to the same source the coldness of his heart, his sarcastic contempt for mankind, and the caution, dissimulation, and passion for poli- tical intrigue, which formed the leading features of his character. Little else could be expected from the puny but favourite child of Burleigh, educated in the severe and crooked school of Walsingham. His talents for business were high, though not equal to his father's ; but his application was as intense, and he had carried the system of private agency and secret information at home and abroad to greater perfection than even the old treasurer himself. His zeal in the service of his royal mistress was neither enthusiastic nor disinterested, but it was constant and sincere; because he knew his own greatness to be involved in the success of his public measures, and appreciated that discernment by which tlie queen could detect, and the rigour with which she would punish, any disposition to prefer himself or his friends to the good of the state. Such a person was well qualified for the oflice of secretary, at a L 178 Cecil's duplicity. time when Elizabeth required the assistance, not only of the bravest hearts, but of the best heads among her subjects. Yet, however able as a states- man, Cecil was proportionably dangerous as a friend, — subtle and insinuating, he esteemed men principally as tools to advance his own interests, and wa§ ready to cast them away, or even to break them to pieces, should they interfere with his policy, or cross the path of his ambition. Such was the person upon whom Essex, still in his palmy state of favour, did not scruple to let loose his resentment, and to w^hom Raleigh, having already experienced his patronage, attached himself with the earnestness of a man who, cut off from the good graces of his sovereign, caught at any prospect of a restoration. But both w^ere deceived. The noble, open, and fear- less earl fell at length into the toils of the little de- formed politician whom he had despised ; and the other, after he had served Cecil's private purposes, and co-operated in the overthrow of his enemies, was first coldly thrown aside, and afterwards de- stroyed by the hand which he had trusted. About two months after his return from the Cadiz action. Sir Walter fitted out a ship, called after him- self the Watt, for a third voyage to Guiana. The command was intrusted to Captain Leonard Bertie, who sailed from Weymouth in the end of December, and discovered the coast in the beginning of March. The crew came to anchor in a bay at the mouth of the Wiaponcow, 4° north of the line. The falls in the river did not permit their pinnace to proceed far in- land ; and, regaining the coast, they visited Aramatto, where the natives supplied them liberally with pro- visions, and besought them to come and kill the Spa- THIRD VOYAGE TO GUIANA. 179 niards. Thence they passed to the Cooshipwinee, wliich flows through Amano, and reaching IMarrac found the people ^"^ somewhat pleasant, having drunk much that day," but withal liumane, and anxious to furnish them with every thijig required. In their passage up the river, being the first Christians seen in this province, they were received with much reve- rence, and treated with uniform kindness. They found the country rich, the climate temperate, and the natives of extraordinary stature, and carrying bows with golden handles. The remainder of the voyage was deficient in novelty ; and, after a fruit- less attempt to penetrate to the Lake Perima, upon which ]Manoa was supposed to be situated. Captain Bertie returned to Plymouth on the 28th of June-. 180 ESSEX AND CECIL RECONCILED CHAPTER IV. From Raleigh's Restoration to Favour to the Fall of Essex. Raleigh effects a Reconciliation between Cecil and Essex, and is himself restored to Favour — Designs of Philip II. — Elizabeth's Preparations against him — The Island- voyage — Raleigh ap- jx)inted Rear-admiral — He takes Fayal — Disputes v^^ith Essex — Their Reconciliation — Inexperience of Essex — A large Car- rack destroyed by Raleigh — Philip's Third Fleet intended for the Invasion of F^ngland is dispersed by a Storm — Essex returns to England — Elizabeth receives him w^ith Reproaches — Decline of his Favour — Critical Circumstances of the Country — Cecil's Mis- sion to France — Cecil and Lord Burleigh advise a Peace with Spain — Essex violently opposes it — Rivalry of Raleigh and Es- sex — Their Splendour — State of Ireland — Essex's Quarrel with the Queen — Plot of Cecil — Essex appointed to the Government of Ireland — His Inactivity — His Letters — The Queen's severe An- swers — Essex's sudden Return to England — His Reception — Trial and Condemnation — Relative Position of Cecil and Raleigh — Contrast between their Characters — Superior Address of Cecil — His Correspondence with James, Kingof Scots — Raleigh retires for a short Season to Sherborne — His Employments — Mission to Boulogne — Elizabeth's Passion for tall and handsome Servants — Anecdote illustrative of this — Raleigh's magnificent Taste in Dress and Equipage — Queen's Progresses — Taste of the Times for solemn Masques and Pageants — Elizabeth's Passion for Hunt- ing — Her Love of Display — Elizabeth's Reception of the Mar- shal Biron at Basing. On reaching England, Bertie found Raleigh too much engrossed with very different matters to at- tend to schemes of discovery. His whole mind was occupied by two projects, — the first relating to an- other great naval expedition against Spain; the BY RALKIGII. 181 second, an affair perliaps more arduous altliough of a pacific nature, an attempt to effect a reconci- liation between Essex and Cecil ; in which, to the surprise of all, he at length succeeded. He was in- duced to make an effort to bring these two power- ful rivals together, from a conviction that till this were effected his own restoration to the queen's good graces was impossible. He possessed, indeed, the in- terest of the secretary; but for this very reason the favourite opposed him; — and he, though not so om- nipotent as before, was still too strong for them. To make himself acceptable to this great man, w^ho had hitherto treated him with jealousy and distrust, and to bring about a union between two minds which cherished a deep-rooted hostility to each other, was no easy task. But Raleigh brought to it an intimate knowledge of their characters ; and the courtiers saw with astonishment not only the progress of the reconciliation, but its consequence in the re-admis- sion of its author to court. On the 4th IMarch 1596-7, Rowland Whyte writes to Sir Robert Sid- ney, *' Sir Walter Raleigh hath been often very private with the Earl of Essex, and is the manager of a peace between him and Sir Robert Cecil, who likewise hath been private with him. He alleges how much good may grow by it, — the queen's con- tinual unquietness will turn to contentment."* Mr Whyte writes, on the 9th April 1597, "Sir Walter is daily at court ; and hope is had that he shall be admitted to the execution of his office as captain of the guard before his going to sea. His friends you know are of the greatest authority and • Sidney Letters, ii. 24. 182 RALEIGH RESTORED TO FAVOUR. power here ; and tlie Earl of Essex gives it no op- position, his mind being full, and only carried away witli the business he had in his head of conquer- ing and overcoming the enemy."* The final recon- cih'ation is thus described in a letter dated the 2d June, where we find Raleigh completely restored to favour, and once more officiating as captain of the guard to the sovereign: — " Yesterday, my lord of Essex rid to Chatham. In his absence Sir Walter was brought to the queen by Sir Robert Cecil, who used him very graciously, and gave him full authority to execute his place as captain of the guard, which immediately he undertook, and swore many men into the places void. In the evening he rid abroad with the queen, and had private conference with her ; and now he comes boldly to the privy-cham- ber as he was wont. Though this was done in the absence of the earl, yet it is known it was done with his liking and furtherance. Your lordship knows that Sir Walter had the victualling of the land-forces. I hear it is very well done, and that he hath let the Earl of Essex have much for his private provision. They are grown exceeding great, and often goes the earl to Sir Robert Cecil's house very private, where they meet."t This first difficulty being overcome, Raleigh had leisure to prepare for the expedition against Spain ; and the danger with which the country was once more threatened from that great power rendered it necessary to adopt decisive measures. Philip II., incensed by the severe loss sustained at Cadiz, con- centrated his naval strength at Lisbon with the re- * Sidney Letters, pp. ii. 37, 42, 44. i* Ibid. ii. p. 45. EXPEDITION AGAINST SPAIN. Io3 solution of invading England ; but the elements Once more arrayed themselves against him : in a few hours his boasted strength was laid prostrate, and thirty- six sail wrecked and dashed to pieces. The obstinate bigotry of the king, however, was unsubdued : such of his ships as had escaped were repaired ; the whole maritime resources of the kingdom again collected ; the wealth of the Indies profusely lavished ; and a few months had not elapsed, when a third armament rode proudly in the ports of Ferrol and the Groyne, destined, as it was affirmed, to make a simultaneous descent upon England and Ireland. It was to meet these formidable preparations that Elizabeth fitted out that naval expedition which has been called the Island-voyage. The force con- sisted of 120 sail, seventeen being her own ships, forty-tliree smaller vessels, and the rest tenders and victuallers. In this fleet were embarked 5000 new- ly-levied troops, and 1000 veterans from the Ne- therlands under Sir F'rancis Vere ; but the lord- high-admiral, Howard, having from indisposition declined the chief command, it was unfortunately given to Essex, whose talents for the sea-service were inferior to his abilities as a statesman and sol- dier. Under him Lord Thomas Howard was ap- pointed vice-admiral, and Sir Walter Raleigh rear- admiral ; wiiilst the ships were commanded by the most experienced captains in England, amongst whom were Sir William Monson, Sir George Carew, Sir Richard Lewson, and Sir Thomas Vavasour. — Before they were ready to put to sea, it was resolved to dismiss the whole of the land-forces excepting the veterans under Sir Francis, and to aim principally at intercepting the Indian fleet. 184 THE ISLAND- VOYAGE. They sailed on tlie 17th August; but Raleigh's ship, the Warspite^ had her maiiiyard broken by an accident ; and being obliged to lie behind for repair, she parted company from the commander. On ar- riving at Lisbon, he found a number of smaller ves- sels and tenders belonging to the fleet, and in com- pan}'^ with these, the main armament joined at the Azores. All this happened only in the ordinary course of events. But the creatures of Essex represented it as an intentional disrespect; and the earl, jealous of his dignity, and unacquainted with the sea-service and its casualties, was with difficulty reconciled to the rear-admiral. The Isle of Flores was ap- pointed for the general rendezvous; and here, the fleet being at last assembled, they found to their mortification that the secret intelligence, which had represented the Spanish armada to be stationed at the islands for the protection of the Indian mer- chantmen, was false. It was now necessary to determine upon the order of their proceedings; and Essex, who fully appre- ciated the naval experience of Raleigh, requested his counsels, to the surprise of those who had attempted to sow dissension between them. In this consulta- tion, it was resolved that they themselves should attack Fayal, whilst Howard and Vere should carry Graciosa; Lord IMountjoy and Sir Christopher Blount, St Michaels; and the Netherland forces, Pico : and last of all, they were to unite and storm Terceira. Matters being thus arranged, Sir Walter had scarcely completed his wood and water, when Captain Champernon arrived to bid him follow the admiral, who had borne away for Fayal, — an order which he instantly obeyed ; but although he made THE FLEET SEPARATES. 185 all sail, it was found impossible to overtake his leader. In these cireumstances nothing was left for Raleigli but to steer the straightest course for Fayal, of which he got sight by next morning. To his astonishment he found the road empty, and no news of the commander-in-chief. In this perplexity there was a division of opinion : Himself and the ve- terans of his own squadron. Brook, Gorges, and Har- vey, aware that every hour's delay was so much gain- ed by the enemy, who were busy fortifying the coast and town, earnestly advised an immediate descent; but others who were dependants of Essex strongly opposed any landing without his knowledge and pre- sence ; and Sir Walter, willing not to irritate the earl, agreed to postpone the enterprise for a short time. Scarcely had this been determined when the wind tacked about, and Raleigh with part of the fleet coasted round the point, and dropped anchor in a l)etter road than the first they occupied, having an inviting and beautiful view of the island, which appeared sprinkled with little villages and plea- sant fields. Such a sight increased the appetite for landing; and taking his barge, longboat, and pinnace, with threescore muskets and forty pikes, he resolved at least that they should have the comfort of filling their water-casks. The mo- ment, however, they were ready to push off, a strong party of Spaniards were seen hastening to meet them, and, preoccupying the trenches, stood waving their colours, brandishing their weapons, and daring the English to the attack. Observing this, Raleigh augmented his force to the number of 260 men, all drawn from his own squadron, and rowing along the line, was warmly greeted by the 186 GALLANTRY OF RALKIGH : Low Country captains, wlio begged him to accept a reinforcement from their companies. This he refused ; and Iiaving ordered the pinnaces, with some heavy ordnance in tliem, to play upon the trenches, wliilst he and liis men pulled to the land- ing-place as fast as oars could carry them, he leapt on shore, and heading his party made good his ground, although it was fortified by a barricade of earth and stone, which left only a narrow lane, com- pletely raked by the enemy's guns. It had been al- ways a principle of his, " that it was more difficult to defend a coast than to invade it ;"* the truth of which he now established by a practical example under circumstances which any eyewitness would have pronounced desperate. Leading in his own barge amid showers of shot, he waded through the wa- ter, and clambering up the rocks, cut his way at the head of his men through the narrow entrance, attacking the enemy with such resolution that they threw away their weapons and fled. In this service two lonsboats were sunk and a few soldiers slain or drowned, yet the loss was trifling in comparison with the advantage ; and when the officers of the Low Countries came on shore and examined the trenches, they paid the highest compliment to the skill and courage of the rear-admiral. Having completed the landing, and reduced the fortifications, the next object was to make themselves masters of the town. Raleigh sent forward some sergeants and musketeers to reconnoitre the enemy's lines; but intimidated by the formidable appearance of the batteries, one commanding the road and the other placed on a hill behind the town, they declined * History of the World, b. v, c. i. § 9. HE TAKES FAYAL. 187 the service. The admiral upon this, observing that these foreign troops, whose exploits they liad heard so vaunted, were likely to prove but commonplace warriors, declared that he would perform the duty Jiimself, although it belonged rather to a common soldier than a commander. This was at first taken for jest ; but he called for his casque and cuirass, and in spite of remonstrances, placing himself at the head of his men, proceeded to reconnoitre the town, and ascertain the approaches of the hill. In the midst of this service the cannon-shot and stones from the battered walls flew thick about him. Sir Arthur Gorges was wounded, two of the soldiers had their heads carried away, and the admiral was shot through the clothes in different places, yet without liaving the skin broken. Having completed his ob- servations he was joined by Captain Berry, and de- spatched orders for Captain Bret and the rest of the companies to come up, as he expected the fort, which seemed a complete military work, with curtain, ditch, and flankers, would give some trouble. All these precautions proved unnecessary ; for the first spirited attack had so disheartened the Spaniards, that they abandoned the post without firing a shot. They next marched against the town, and found it also deserted. In this manner, with the loss of about ten men killed and twenty wounded. Sir Walter rendered himself master of the whole island. The town thus easily occupied was called Villa Dorta, being somewhat similar to Dover in situa- tion, and about the size of Plymouth or Yarmouth as they were in Elizabeth's time. It was built of stone, divided into spacious streets, interspersed with gardens, and contained a handsome church, nun- J 88 DISPUTE BETWPIEN RALEIGH AND ESSEX: nery, and monastery ; its inhabitants were mostly of Dutch descent, tliough speaking Portuguese. As it was unwalled, Raleigli dreaded a surprise whilst his soldiers were scattered about in search of plunder or provisions ; for which reason he raised some strong barricades, planted a watch at intervals, ordered a guard to remain under arms in the market-place, and prohibited the men from straggling above 200 yards without the consent of an officer. Having adopted these precautions, they reposed during the night, and before daybreak Essex's fleet was discovered bearing in full sail to Fayal roads. We may easily conceive the disappointment of this high-spirited leader, when he fomid the victory gain- ed, and his rear-admiral in possession of the island. No one was ever more jealous than he of any in- trusion upon his command, or the slightest taint upon his honour ; and, unfortunately, as had already been shown at Flores, there were many of his flat- terers in the fleet, who scrupled not to represent the whole conduct of the rear-admiral as an insolent con- tempt of discipline, a marked disobedience of his su- l>erior in command, for which he might be called to answer at the risk of his head. Thus exasperated, the earl in the first ebullition of resentment laid all the officers who had engaged in the action under arrest ; and when Sir Walter arrived on board to welcome and conduct him to the town, he openly accused him of a breach of orders, there being an article in the instructions, that none should land any of the troops without the general's presence. Raleigh admitted the order ; but, craving leave to defend himself, explained in a temperate tone that it regarded captains and inferior officers, whilst he THEY ARE RECONCILED. 189 was a principal commander, and not subject to any such restriction, being nominated by her majesty's letters to take the guidance of the whole fleet, failing the earl and Lord Thomas Howard. To this, as it was true, Essex had no reply to offer; and when made aware that they had waited for his arrival, and that at first there was no serious intention of attacking the town, he became pacified, and by the kindly oflices of Lord Thomas Howard, matters were brought to an amicable conclusion. Although too facile and apt to be abused by flat- terers, the earl's disposition was noble and generous ; and finding himself in the wrong he was as quick to turn his anger against those who had deceived him, as he was anxious to ofTer reparation to all whom he had injured. His greatest failing was an excessive ambition for individual glory, and a desire to be universally popular, — qualities which some- times caused him to think more of himself than of the queen's service, and from which his present dis- content arose. Every thing, however, was now settled ; and hav- ing reduced the town to ashes, they proceeded to Graciosa. Here Essex suffered himself to be so com- pletely gained over by the chiefs of the island, who brought good store of provisions, that he gave up all thoughts of an assault, and steered for St INIichaels, where the fleet encountered and took three Spanish vessels, the greatest of whicli, of 400 tons, richly freighted with goods and passengers, was captured by Raleigh. On examination the prizes were found to be worth 400,000 ducats, being laden with cochineal, silver, gold, pearls, civet, musk, ambergris, and other profitable merchandise. Sir Arthur Gorges, who was 190 Essex's inexperience. Sir Walter's captain, and writes an account of this voyage, has here mentioned an amiable trait of his commander : On hearing from those who had exa- mined it the richness of the Spanish cargoes, the rear- admiral said privately to this ofl&cer, " All this will better us little, yet I rejoice for Essex's sake, as the money will please the queen, and there will be no repining against this poor lord for the expense of the voyage."* These kind anticipations might have proved true, had the commandant behaved with firmness and fol- lowed the advice of the veteran seamen ; but he list- ened to the suggestions of parasites, who possessed nei- ther skill nor honesty, and hence there followed only a series of failures and mortifications. On departing from Graciosa four sail were descried; one of which, from its size, was supposed to be a carrack belonging to the Plate-fleet. Upon this the earl divided his force into three squadrons, commanded by himself, Howard, and Raleigh, ordering Captain IMonson to steer southward, and make signals to the rest if he overtook the enemy. While concerting this a bark, which had passed the suspected vessels, as- sured him they were part of his own ships. The orders were then recalled. However, Monson was already out of sight, and within three hours he des- cried the whole Spanish fleet, fired guns, hung out lights, and made every signal ; but Essex, in pur- suit of some new fancy, had altered his course, and stood for St IMichaels. Even here his want of naval skill proved ruinous, for he chose the course by the north of Terceira ; whereas, if he had taken the shortest by Angra, he must have met the rich flo- ^ * Oldys, p. 297. THE platp:-fleet escapes. 191 tilla. '' None of the captains," says Sir William Monson, " could be blamed in this business. All is to be attributed to the want of experience in my lord of Essex, and his flexible nature to be over- ruled. When he first anchored at Flores, he was advised by myself to spread his ships north and south as far as the east wind which then blew would carry them ; * * and certain it is that, had he followed this advice, within less than forty hours he liad made the queen owner of that fleet. But he was diverted from it by divers gentlemen who, coming principally for land-service, found them- selves tired by the tediousness of the sea. * * * We may say truly, that there was never that possi- bility to have undone the state of Spain as now ; for every royal of plate we had taken had been two to them, by our converting it by war upon them."* Meanwhile the English steered for St Michaels; and as Raleigh lay there waiting the arrival of the commander-in-chief, who was again running after some fruitless enterprise, a carrack of 1800 tons, loaded with treasure, bore in with all sail amongst his ships, mistaking them for Spaniards, at which sight he gave orders to haul down every flag, and that no one should, at the highest peril, either fire a gun or put off a boat. All lay quietly at anchor eye- ing their golden victim, which without suspicion was proudly advancing, and in a few minutes retreat would have been impossible, when a loggerheaded Hollander, either neglecting or mistaking the signals, discharged a shot at the stranger, who, perceiving her error, changed her course as nimbly as a frightened * Monson's Naval Tracts in Churchill's Vovaffes, vol. iii. pp. 190,191. ^^ " 192 A RICH CARRACK BURNT. dove ; but at the same moment the wind cliopped aboutj and she ran aground under tlie town and fort. Here the rear-admiral followed in his barges with the design of boarding; upon wliieh, finding the danger inevitable, the Spaniards, after having set fire to lier in many places at once, betook themselves to the boats that came to their assistance from the shore. '' Still," says Gorges in his animated description of this incident, " Raleigh and his men pursued to board and prevent loss, though not without great danger to his row-barge where he was, the surge being very outrageous. But before he could get up to her she was all over thunder and lightning, her ordnance discharging from every port, and her whole hulk, masts, cordage, and furniture, overrun with such a thorough, yet distinct and unconfused blaze, as represented the figure of a ship more perfectly in fire than could be done by any painter with all his art and colours ; and when she was consumed even to the surface of the water, she exhaled as her last breath such clouds from her spicy entrails, as for a great way, and for many hours, perfumed the air and coast around." Having lost this opportunity of humbling the power of Spain by the capture of their treasure- fleet, Essex committed another error in delaying his return home, when assured by his best officers that nothing more at that season remained to be done. The time was vainly spent in attempts to repair his own glory b}'^ some exploit, whilst the armada of Philip sailed from the Groyne and Fer- rol, and, finding the coast of England undefended, contemplated an easy landing, and a sanguinary reckoning for the disasters of 1588. But at the mo- 7 ESSEX ILL RECEIVED BY THE QUEEN. 193 ment when human help seemed vain, the elements were onee more let loose, and the fleet of Philip for the third time scattered in a thousand frag- ments upon the ocean. ]\Ieanwhile Essex, after en- countering the same storms, made the western coast late in October, and posted to London, whilst Ra- leigh went to Plymouth. The object of the earl was to obtain the queen's ear to his own story first ; that of his rear-admiral to provide for the disem- barkation and payment of the troops, for repairing the ships damaged in the late gales, and for distri- buting the Low Country regiments along the coast of Cornwall, as a protection against any renewed attempt of the Spaniards. Both acted in conformity to their ruling dispositions, — Essex with a single eye to the defence of his own honour, which he felt was tarnished by his late errors, and Sir Walter with that strict attention to his duty, which became a commander of integrity and experience. The earl's reception at court was mortifying in the extreme. Instead of welcome the queen met him with reproaches ; accused him of misconduct ; proudly demanded why he had neither burnt nor taken the Ferrol fleet; blamed the escape of the Indian carracks; and drove him by her anger to shut himself up in his house at Wanstead. In his absence, too, she had promoted his rival Cecil to the post of Master of the Wards, and had raised the Lord-admiral Howard to the peerage by the title of Earl of Nottingham, mentioning in his patent that the reward was conferred for his services against the Armada, and his conduct in the attack at Cadiz. This last circumstance was deei)ly resented by Essex. He had himself been commander-in-chief in that M 194 ESSEX CHALLENGES HOWARD. action, and considering Howard's promotion as a direct impeachment of his lionour, sent him a chaL lenge. In a letter from Roland Whyte, who was then at court, to Sir Robert Sidney, the earl's dis- pleasure is strongly painted: "^ I hear my lord desires to have right done him, either by a commis- sion to examine it, or by combat against the Earl of Nottingham himself, or any of his sons or name that will defend it ; or that her majesty will please to see the wrong done unto him, and so will he suffer himself to be commanded by her as she please herself. Here is much ado about it, as it troubles this place and all other proceedings. Sir Walter Raleigh is em- ployed by the queen to end this quarrel, and to make reconciliation between them. But this is the reso- lution of Essex, not to yield but with altering the patent, which cannot be done but by persuasion to bring the Earl of Nottingham unto it."* These court-broils, which so disquieted the queen, were not easily allayed. On the first mention of altering his patent, old Howard pretended sickness, and shut himself up in his house at Chelsea ; whilst Elizabeth, tormented betwixt her regard for her fa- vourite and her desire to be just, accused Burleigh and Secretary Cecil of bringing her into the dilemma, '' who defended themselves with infinite protesta- tions, execrations, and vows." Sir Walter, however, at length effected an amicable arrangement : Not- tingham kept his patent, Essex was made earl-mar- shal, the queen was contented to forget his failures, and the courtiers wondered to observe the great fa- miliarity which again grew up between him, Cecil, and Raleigh. * Sidney Letters, ii. p. ^^. Raleigh's universality. 195 Havinfj succeeded thus far, and wearied with his constant liard service, Sir Walter retired to his seat at Sherborne, expecting that some honour would be conferred upon him ; yet the place of vice-cham- berlain, which about tiiis time became vacant, was carried olT by superior interest, and given to Sir Robert Sidney. But although disappointed in this object of his ambition, he found many resources in the useful, learned, or elegant studies, to which he devoted these brief intervals of leisure. With ordi- nary minds universality of pursuit is generally the grave of excellence, as it springs from a mischiev- ous ambition which too commonly dilutes and de- stroys all original talent ; but the case was diiferent with this remarkable man, whose genius was as va- ried and discursive as it was powerful. He could turn himself with surprising facility from mathema- tics to poetry, from profound cosmographical specu- lations or metaphysical disquisitions on the nature of the soul to the lighter subjects of music,* orna- mental gardening or painting, to historical or anti- quarian researches ; and all the while, instead of sinking as others similarly occupied would have done into a dreaming philosopher, or a mere literary re- cluse, he kept up his intercourse with the world, maintained his connexions with the court, had a vi- gilant eye upon the politics of England and the con- tinent, and was ready to avail himself of any new avenue which opened to his ambition or his love of glory. As a mathematician, his chief friends were Hariot, Dee, and the Earl of Northumberland. In the study of antiquities, we find him an original member of the earliest society established in Eng- • Oldjs, p. 81. 196 LITERARY CLUBS. land for the cultivation of this useful and inter- esting branch of knowledge ; an institution which reckoned amongst its numbers the celebrated names of Spelman, Selden, Cotton, Camden, Saville, Stow, and many others, — honoured by some of the greatest men in the country during the time of Elizabeth, but suffered to fall into neglect by her successor.* Upon the same subjects he appears to have corre- sponded with Selden and Cotton, availing himself of their collections of manuscripts, and communicat- ing to the former of these authors some of his own rarer pieces. But there was another and a more celebrated as- sociation, of which Sir Walter is said to have been the founder, known in the dramatic history of the times as the JMermaid Club, which had its meetings at the tavern of this name in Fleet Street. Shak- speare, Ben Jonson, Fletcher, Beaumont, Carew^ Donne, and other bright geniuses of that brilliant period, were numbered amongst its members ;t and the poems of Beaumont contain allusions to those encounters of nimble wit,'those rare tales and jests of subtle flame, in which he bore a part on such occasions. Pity it is that no record of these poetical symposia has been left, if we except an allusion of Fuller, which is obscure and somewhat apocryphal. J In the mean time, while Raleigh enjoyed a tempo- rary retirement at Sherborne, or passed his social and literary hours in the conversation of the choicest spi- * MS. quoted by Oldys, p. 317- •f GifFord's Life of Jonson, pp. 65, 66. Weber's Introduction to Beaumont and Fletcher, Seward's Preface, p. 158. None of these authors ffive their authority for this curious piece of literary his- tory. Tlie reader will find a short note on the subject at the end of the Tolume. J Worthies, vol. ii. p. 414. Cecil's mission to France. 197 rits of the time, the circumstances of the country be- came in no small degree critical. Spain, harassed by lier double war with France and England, was soli- citous for peace, and made overtures to Henry IV., who, before proceeding to negotiate, communicated ^vith Elizabeth and the States. The queen resolved to despatch Cecil to the French court to watch the conferences, and induce the monarch to adopt the course most favourable to the Protestant cause, of which she had so long been the champion. But this wary minister dreaded the machinations of his enemies. " His fear was that some might be ad- vanced in his absence whom he could not like of; and he artfully managed to have entertainments given him by Raleigh and his other friends, which delayed his voyage and afforded him time to arrange a secret correspondence, and set his spies and posts in training, who brought him letters of every thing that should be done." These singular particulars, which throw so strong a light upon the policy of this great minister, appear in the Sidney Letters. On the 19th January, Mr Whyte, then at court, informs Sir Robert Sidney, " that my Lord Compton, Lord Cobham, Sir Walter Raleigh, and my Lord South- ampton, do severally feast ]\Ir Secretary before he depart, and have plays and banquets; my Lady Darby, my Lady Walsingham, Mrs Anne Russel, being of the company, and my Lady Raleigh." On the 30th January he sends word, that Lord Thomas Howard, Sir Walter, and divers others had accom- panied Cecil to Dover ; and adds this little piece of private information regarding the dislike of his foreign embassy : — " I heard it said in very great secret, that this employment much troubled him. 198 PEACE OF VERVINS. and that within these very few days past he had no fancy to go, till Essex did assure him that in his absence nothing sliould be done here that is disa- greeable unto him." On the 11th of February, be- lieving he had provided against intrigues during his absence, Cecil departed. " Mr Secretary/' so Whyte writes, " is embarked and gone, unless these contrary winds drive him back again. I am credi- bly informed that before he went away, Essex and he agreed upon the bringing in of your lordship and Sir Walter Raleigh into council. During Mr Se- cretary's being at Dover, he had every day posts sent unto him of all things done, were they never so private : surely he hath great and inward and assured friends about the queen."* To remonstrate with Henry IV. against his inten- tion of concluding a peace, without the concurrence of Elizabeth and the States, formed the main object of the mission ; but on the secretary's arrival he had the mortification to find that the French king had al- ready committed himself, and that every attempt to break off the truce was vain. The treaty of Vervins was accordingly signed between France and Spain on the 2d of May 1598; and the favourable terms granted to Henry IV. appear to have changed the mind of the minister regarding the policy to be adopt- ed by England. The queen had lost her French ally; Spain was so weakened by repeated reverses that it •was conjectured her monarch, who was languishing imder the disease of which he soon after died, would not be difficult to deal wdth in a negotiation ; and the secretary, on considering these circumstances. « Sidney Letters, u. pp. 82, 86, 89, 90, Burleigh's last advice. 191) recommended pacific measures, in wiiicli opinion he was confirmed by tlie experience of his father. When he returned from France, the subject was brought before the privy-council and keenly debated. On this occasion the Lord-treasurer Burleigli appeared for the last time in public, and in vain attempted to convince Essex, who strongly opposed a peace, that this obstinate desire for an interminable and sanguinary contest was alike impolitic and un- christian. The earl, however, was immovable, and the venerable statesman concluded the debate in a singular manner; for, pulling a prayer-book from his pocket, he opened it at the Psalms, and, placing it before Essex, silently pointed to these words : " Men of blood shall not live out half their days ;" — a warning which, considering the near and sud- den fall of that nobleman, might to superstitious minds appear almost prophetic. Whilst such was the difference of opinion amongst the ministers, Raleigh continued to possess the favour of the queen, and to exert his influence for the good of the country. His time appears to have been divided between his seat at Sherborne and his at- tendance at court, where he distinguished himself by the splendour of his apparel, and vied in his taste for magnificence with the greatest lords, and even with the favourite Essex. A singular instance of this species of rivalry has been commemorated, though somewhat obscurely, by Lord Clarendon. No sovereign of England ever took greater delight, or boasted of having a more discerning taste in the masques, tournaments, pa- geants, and martial games of her court, than Eliza- beth. Great rejoicings were usually held upon 200 TOURNAMENTS. her birthday; on which occasion, surrounded by tlie fair and noble, and attended by her gravest counsellors, by foreign ambassadors and illustrious strangers, the queen presided in the tilt-yard, com- mending the combatants and adjudging the prize to the most wortliy knight. In such exhibitions Raleigh, a man of noble figure, skilful in the use of his weapons, and of an ingenious fancy in the various dresses and devices then in vogue, made a striking appearance. He carried off the victory, and wore the favour of his royal mistress — a jewel, or a scarf, or some such brilliant trifle — with as much display of devotion as if it had been a first gift from the lady of his affections. All this moved the jealousy of Essex ; and one birthday, having learnt that Sir Walter had prepared a pageant in which he and his company were to wear plumes of orange- tawny feathers, he chose to enter the barriers at the same moment, leading a troop of 2000 cavaliers, sumptuously accoutred, and every one having an orange plume; so that Raleigh and his followers were scarcely observed, but seemed merely to follow the banner of this nobler assembly. The triumph, how- ever, was short ; for when it came to the tilting, the earl, who was no great adept, ran so ill that his re- markable appearance only attracted all eyes to his failure. Sir Walter's victory was complete, and he saw his rival renounce the orange-tawny, in which he had gained little honour, and reappear in a green suit. It was on this occasion, as we learn fron^ Lord Bacon in his Apothegms, that " one of the spectators asking why this tilter, who seemed to be known in both habits, had changed his colours, another ironically answered, ' Surely because it may STATE OF IRELAND. 201 be reported that tliere was one in green who ran worse than he in orange colour.' " From these splendid yet trifling scenes of feudal display, the attention of the queen and her ministers was called to the alarming state of Ireland, and the necessity of determining on the policy to be pursued towards Spain. The rebellion which had broken out under Tyrone required the presence of some experienced ruler, who might hold the reins with a firm hand and humane spirit. The government of that island had hitherto been too fluctuating, either unscrupulously cruel and severe, or exceedingly in- dulgent and lenient. Attached to Spain by the ties of a common faith, the Catholics were swayed by the emissaries of Philip; and the Earl of Tyrone, whose first insurrection had been subdued by Sir John Norris, again organized an extensive conspi- racy; three Spanish ships landed ammunition on the northern coast; and the council of Elizabeth had no softer terms to describe the disturbances, than^Hhat it was a imiversal rebellion to shake off the English government." Raleigh had already served in Ire- land ; and, anxious to profit by his experience, the privy-council sent for him to deliver his opinion; but the original letters which inform us of this circum- stance do not describe the policy he recommended, though it may be gathered that he was averse from accepting the situation of lord-deputy. It was necessary, however, to recall the Earl of Ormond, with whose proceedings the queen was much dissatisfied, and to fix upon a successor. Eliza- beth had selected Sir Robert Knolles for the charge ; whilst his nephew, Essex, presumed to differ from her majesty, and earnestly recommended Sir George 202 THE QUEEN STRIKES ESSEX : Carew. On this occasion tliat extraordinary scene took place at the council-table, from which the fa- vourite's downfal is commonly dated. The earl argued keenly for Carew, the queen pleaded as strongly for Knolles; and Essex^ unable to com- mand his temper, abruptly and contemptuously turned his back upon his mistress^ who bestowed upon him a smart box on the ear. At this his fury knew no bounds, and, clapping his hand on his sword, he swore loudly, that " he would not have borne such an indignity from her father, Henry VIII." Elizabeth, who inherited not a little of her parent's temper and spirit, upbraided him with his insolence, and dismissed him from her presence: upon which the spoiled child of fortune instant- ly retired from court, and shut himself up in one of his houses. In vain did the Lord-keeper Eger- ton remonstrate against this foolish conduct, and point out, that it gave a dangerous advantage to his enemies, and rendered useless the service of his friends. Essex returned a passionate but elo- quent answer : — " Let Solomon's fool laugh when he is stricken ; let those who mean to make their profit of princes show no sense of princes' injuries; let them acknowledge an infinite absoluteness on earth, who do not believe an absolute infiniteness in heaven. — In this course do I any thing for mine enemies ? When I was present I found them abso- lute, and therefore I had rather they triumph alone than have me attendant upon their chariots. Or do I leave my friends } When I was a courtier, I could sell them no fruit of my love ; and now I am a hermit, they shall bear no envy for their love to me."* » Oldys's Life, p. 319. THEIR QUARREL. 203 Nothing could be more judicious tlian the keeper's advice in this matter, and it would have been happy for this unfortunate nobleman if he had conde- scended to follow it; but he persisted in his re- tirement, — lie pressed his own ideas regarding the proper mode of governing Ireland, — he exposed the errors of the late rulers, and still represented Carew as the only man able to reduce it to order and obe- dience. This overbearing conduct was not lost upon the enemies of the earl. His behaviour to Raleigh, who was now restored to a higher share of the queen's favour than he had ever enjoyed, had been repeatedly unjust and insulting; and he appears to have come to the conclusion, that he and Essex could not both remain upon the dangerous height to which they had been raised. From this moment there seems reason to believe that Sir Walter be- came Devereux's avowed enemy. Wearied at length by the insolence of her fa- vourite, Elizabeth, after a partial reconciliation, availed herself of a hint given by Cecil or Raleigh, and nominated Essex himself for the government of Ireland. That this was a snare on their part to bring about his disgrace cannot be doubted. They WTre aware of many impediments to the execution of his schemes for the pacification of that country, which had not presented themselves to his sanguine temper. The queen had been recently much in- censed against him, and was yet hardly reconciled. She had not forgotten the disasters of the Island- voyage and the escape of the Plate-fleet ; and any failure in Ireland, they knew, would be fatal to him. Whilst Cecil had her majesty's ear at home, and could artfully raise her expectations as to what 204 ESSEX GOVERNOR OF IRELAND. Essex miglit accomplish with the forces intrusted to him, he could also, as secretary of state, exercise a control over those details which render an army ef- ficient or otherwise, and might thus at once abridge his power, and blame him for not bringing the re- bellion to a speedier termination. The favourite himself considered the government of Ireland as little else than an honourable exile, and went with an avowed reluctance to that ill- fated country which had been the grave of his fa- ther's fortunes. But, by his late discourses, he had committed himself too far to recede; his pride would not allow any triumph to his enemies ; and his ardent temper perhaps anticipated a speedy reduc- tion of that island, and a brilliant return to court. The letter of farewell which he wrote to Elizabeth upon his departure is too extraordinary to be omit- ted. It is eloquent, desponding, and amorous, breath- ing the reproaches of a lover whose fate had been as cruel as his constancy was undying ; and this to a mistress w^ho was then in her sixty-fifth year! " From a mind delighting in sorrow, from spirits wasted with passion, from a heart torn in pieces with care, grief, and travel, from a man that hateth himself, and all things else that keep him alive, what service can your majesty expect, since any service past deserves no more than banishment and proscription to the cursedest of all islands .-^ It is your rebels' pride and succession must give me leave to ransom myself out of this hateful prison, out of my loathed body, which, if it happen so, your ma- jesty shall have no cause to mislike the fashion of my death, since the course of my life could never please you." PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. 205 " Happy is he could finish forth his fate In some unhaunted desart most obscure, From all society? from love and hate Of worldly folk ; then should he sleep secure, Then wake aj^ain, and yield God ever praise. Content with hips, and haws, and brambleberry, — In contem|)lation passing' out his days, And change of holy thoughts to make him merry, Who, when he dies, his tomb may be a bush Where harmless Robin dwells with gentle thrush." The events wiiich took place after the departure of Essex were of a nature as remarkable as their causes were obscure. He had been in his new go- vernment scarcely four months, during which hos- tilities against the rebels had rather been protracted than prosecuted, when Elizabeth, without any ap- parent reason, threw herself into a warlike attitude. Eighteen ships were fitted out with the utmost ex- pedition under Lord Thomas Howard and Sir Wal- ter Raleigh ; (JOOO soldiers were raised to guard the city and the queen's person; chains drawn across the streets of London, watches set, lights hung out at the doors, and every defence adopted against foreign invasion or domestic insurrection. But from what quarter the danger was apprehended none distinctly knew. Spain, after concluding a peace with France, was undoubtedly preparing a fleet at the Groyne. Yetj although its destination was mysterious, there seemed no reason to doubt that towards England the policy of this great power was pacific. Some fanciful speculators have imagined that this alarm had its rise in a suspicion of the Earl of Essex, whose inactivity had deeply incensed the queen, and enabled his enemies to possess her with the idea that he meditated an attack on his native country, and a subversion of the government. But whatever the causes might be, they ceased to operate within a 206 Essex's inactivity. short time ; for the fleet was ordered liome before it had been a month at sea, whilst the rapidity with wliieli the queen could assume a complete panoply, and make her people spring up in arms, astonished tlie foreigners then in London, and produced a hap- py effect in preparing the way for peace. Essex in the mean time had grievously disappoint- ed Elizabeth by his conduct in Ireland. He dis- covered, when it was too late to retract, that to put down the rebellion with speed and facility was quite impossible. His fault lay not so much in the measures he adopted ; for, considering the circum- stances of the country, there can be little doubt that they were judicious and humane, but in having so severely and ignorantly condemned the same policy in his predecessors, and in promising a change be- fore he knew that it was practicable. Of all this Cecil and Raleigh, who watched every opportunity to shake his power, availed themselves ; and there seems reason to believe they had a willing coadjutor in the Earl of Nottingham. To their royal mistress, no longer under the influence of the favourite's pre- sence, which never failed to revive her attachment and admiration, they exaggerated his delays and expenses ; to himself they used expressions of re- sentment more bitter than she probably would have sanctioned ; and, aware of the violent and haughty spirit upon which they worked, ungenerously anti- cipated the result which so soon took place. We have the testimony of an eyewitness. Sir W. Knolles, that the queen's temper with regard to Es- sex had become so exceedingly variable and distract- ed that he knew not what to advise. At one time she was disposed to melt into tenderness, and to con- Elizabeth's resentment. 207 sider herself and sweet Robin in tlie sole light of a mistress and her lover ; at another, when pressed by Cecil or by Raleigh with his increasing haughtiness, his demands for troops and money, the inactivity of the brave army he commanded, the spreading of the rebellion, and the repeated truces made with Tyrone, she became furious and abusive. She even upbraid- ed him with having betrayed her interests ; and she listened to suspicions of his intentions, to dark hints of his dangerous popularity, and the probability of his attempting some enterprise against the govern- ment. An interesting letter, written about this time by Essex to Elizabeth, shows how soon he de- tected all this, and how boldly he could reply to it. " May it please your majesty, — Although I see your style already changed, and nothing but gathering clouds and foul weather after me, yet my duty, faith, and industry, shall never alter, let me fall as low and as soon as destiny and yourself have decreed. I am prepared for all things. But, dear sovereign, when you are weary of me let me die as a private man. Take care of your honour; take pity of your brave army, whereof for the time I am the head and soul ; and take to heart that our suc- cess imports your estate. Value such honest men as we, that undergo all hazards and miseries for your safety and greatness, and cherish such gallant and worthy servants as this bearer, who will take it for as great happiness to be sacrificed for you, as others whom you favour most will to be made great and happy by you. Cherish them, I humbly beseech you upon the knees of my heart; for they must sweat and bleed for you, when a crew of those who 208 SEVERE LETTER OP ELIZABETH. now more delifjht you, will prove but unprofitable servants, — and if your majesty, if you I say, whose parting so pierced my very soul, can be thus trans- formed by those sirens that are about you, then think that you shall quickly hear that a brave death shall ransom from scorn and misery your majesty's humblest servant, Essex." These sirens about the queen were undoubtedly of the male gender ; and had the earl signed him- self her majesty's proudest lover, instead of her humblest subject, it would have been more in cha- racter. But in this instance Essex, himself open and forgiving, presumed too much on her partiality, and without proceeding against Tyrone, made a new demand for 2000 men. That these levies were ne- cessary, and that the earl had embraced a policy which in the end would have reduced the country more effectually than a war of extermination, is now apparent. But in the mean time he had belied his promises ; and his enemies triumphantly compared his present delay with his bold censures of former governors. This produced a letter from the queen, dated at Nonsuch, in which she assumes a tone of the utmost severity and bitterness ; observing that the manner of his proceedings had little accorded either with her directions or the world's expectation ; and accusing him of filling her with high hopes of the great things he would accomplish, which were overthrown by his actions, though he took care she should have no time to countermand them. She then breaks out into reproaches which must have galled him to the quick : " Who does not see, that if this course be continued, the wars are like to 6 THE queen's severe LETTER. 209 spend us and our kingdom beyond all moderation, as well as the report of the (rebels') success in all parts hath blemished our honour, and encouraged others to no small proportion? We know you can- not so much fail in judgment as not to understand what all the world seeth, — how time is dallied, — though you think the allowance of that council, whose subscriptions are your echo, should serve and satisfy us. How would you have derided any man else that should have followed your steps ! How often have you told us that others which preceded you had no intent to end the war ! How often have you resolved us, that until Loughfoyle and Bally- shannon were planted, there could be no hope of doing service upon the capital rebels ! We must therefore let you know that, as it cannot be igno- rance, so it cannot be want of means, for you had your asking ; you had choice of times ; you had power and authority more ample than ever any had, or any shall have." The queen concludes in a strain which adds suspicion to reproach ; as if Essex had held out threats, and intended to intimidate by the strength of his party rather than convince by the soundness of his arguments : " We have seen a writing in the form of a cartel, full of challenges that are impertinent, and of comparisons that are needless, such as hath not been before this time presented to a State, except it be done with a hope to terrify all men from censuring your proceedings. Had it not been enough to have sent us the testi- mony of the council, but you must call so many of those that are of slender experience, and none of our council, to such a form of subscription ! Surely, how- soever you may liave warranted them, we doubt not N 210 Essex's reply : but to let them know what belongs to us, to you, and to themselves."* This letter, in which the cold and piquant sar- casm of Cecil was undoubtedly mingled with the personal resentment of the queen, produced the in- tended catastrophe, goading the impetuous Essex to that excitement which blinds the understanding. His best friends had assured him his absence would give his enemies opportunities which might be fatal ; that they would exasperate the queen's mind, teach her to expect impossibilities, and infuse suspicions of his loyalty and affection, which they dared not breathe while he was present to confront them. All this it was now his lot to experience ; and he was aware, as his letters abundantly show, who they w^ere that plotted against him. " Is it not," says he, " believed by the rebels, that those whom you favour most do more hate me out of faction than them out of duty and conscience.^ Is it not la- mented of your majesty's faithfullest subjects, both here and there, that a Cobham or a Raleigh, — I will forbear others for their places' sake, — should have such credit and favour with your majesty, when they wish the ill success of your majesty's most important action, the decay of your greatest strength, and the destruction of your faithfullest servants } Yes, j^es ; I see my own destiny and your majesty's decree, and do willingly embrace the one and obey the other. Let me honestly and zealously end a wearisome life. Let others live in deceitful and inconstant pleasures : let me bear the brunt and die meritoriously. Let others achieve and finish the work, and live to erect tro- * Birch's Memoirs of the Reiffn of Queen Elizabeth, vol. ii. pp. 431,432. ^ ^ vv HE ABRUPTLY LEAVES IRELAND. 211 phies ; my prayer shall be, that when my sovereign loseth me her army may not lose courage, or this kingdom want physic, or her dearest self miss Es- sex, and then I can never go in a better time or in a fairer way."* But even allowing for the highest resentment, and his assurance of the power he yet possessed over Elizabeth's affections, his resolution to aban- don his government without leave, and to travel post to court, before the queen had received the slight- est intimation of his design, is much too desperate and abrupt to have sprung from the ordinary mo- tives assigned by our popular historians. It is for this reason I am disposed to credit a story repeat- edly treated as fabulous ; but corroborated both by the character of its author and the circumstances under which it took place. Secretary Cecil, it is said, contrived that a report should reach Essex of the des- perate illness of his royal mistress, ** all ships being stopped but what carried that false intelligence." This news, which came suddenly upon him, had the effect anticipated. Forgetting her reproaches, and actuated only by his attachment, the earl committed his government to Sir George Carey, and sailing straight for England, arrived at the court at Nonsuch early in the morning, while the queen was yet in her bedchamber. Although in his riding-dress, and co- vered with mud, he made haste up stairs, and boldly entered the bedroom, where he found her majesty, who had just risen, sitting in a loose wrapper, with the hair about her face. She screamed at the sudden- ness of the apparition, and the maids of honour ran about in confusion; but Essex knelt. The sight of a * Birch's Memoirs of the Keigo of Queen Ehzabeth, vol. ii. p. 418. 212 Elizabeth's reception op essex. lover at her feet brought back all Elizabeth's ten- derness ; she stretched out her liand, which he pas- sionately kissed ; and after some private talk with her, coming from the chamber to retire and change his dress, he showed great contentment, thanking God that, although he had sujffered much trouble and storms abroad, he had found a sweet calm at home. Yet these happy expectations were blasted in a few hours. When he went up again after dinner to see the queen, her manner was entirely changed. Indeed, from the moment of his arrival, the secre- tary and his party, one of the chief of whom was Raleigh, looked coldly on him ; and no doubt Cecil and Sir Walter had in the interval inflamed her mind against him. The latter, who avowed himself his enemy, on finding that Elizabeth showed some disposition to relent, either felt or affected so much chagrin that he took to his bed, which occasioned her majesty to send for him ; but Cecil, more cau- tious and refined, pretended pity, whilst he really studied to exasperate the royal resentment. All things now hurried on the fate of Essex : He was examined and arraigned before the council ; confined to his chamber ; cut off from intercourse with his family and friends ; and treated with a ri- gour for which it is difficult to account. One of the letters he at this time addressed to Elizabeth is striking ; and it says little certainly for her heart that she could resist it : — " My dear, my gracious, my admired Sovereign is semper eadem. It cannot be but that she will hear the sighs and groans, and read the lamentations and humble petitions of the afflicted. Therefore, ESSEX. 213 O paper, whensoever her eyes vouchsafe to behold thee, say that death is the end of all worldly misery, but continual indignation makes misery perpetual ; that present misery is never intolerable to them that are stayed by future hope, but affliction that is un- seen is commanded to despair ; that nature, youth, and physic, have had many strong encounters, but if my sovereign will forget me, I have nourished these contentions too long ; for in this exile of mine eyes, if mine humble letters find not access, no death 214 CONFLICT IN THE QUEEN's MIND. can be so speedy as it shall be welcome to me, your majesty's humblest vassal, Essex."'^ Another of his letters ends with this affecting sentence : " What therefore remaineth for me? Only this, — to beseech your majesty, on the knees of my heart, to conclude my punishment with misery, and my life together ; that I may go to my Saviour who hath paid himself a ransom for me, and whom me- thinks I still hear calling me out of this unkind world, in which I have lived too long, and once thought myself too happy." That the queen retained an affection for Essex cannot be doubted. She wept when informed that his anxiety had thrown him into a fever, from which he was hardly expected to recover ; ordered eight physicians of the greatest experience to consult upon his case ; and sent Dr James wdth some broth, and a message " that she would visit him if she might with her honour." But the malignant influence of Cecil counteracted every disposition to relent, though his habitual caution and love of working in the dark withheld him from coming forward as an open foe. He even professed neutrality ; yet, when the earl and his friends requested a personal recon- ciliation, he steadily refused it, '' because there was no constancy in his lordship's love,"t — an accusa- tion disproved by the whole tenor of Essex's life. With a prospective wariness, which, not satisfied with deceiving his contemporaries, provided blinds for posterity, Cecil took care that the letter recom- mending extreme proceedings should appear not * Birch's Memoirs of Queen Elizabeth, vol. ii. p. 436. t Ibid. p. 437. Cecil's duplicity. 215 under his own but another's hand. With an affect- ed pity for his victim^ he appears to have request- ed Sir Walter's advice, whose feelings were highly exasperated by the conduct of the earl during the Island-voyage; and the letter in which he replied still remains to mislead superficial inquiry, and transfer the wei. 251. 242 GROWTH OF THE NETHERLANDS. the conquest of this kingdom as the transportation of ordnance." The bill at this time was thrown out ; but Raleigh did not lose sight of the subject^ which most justly ap- peared to him to be one of the first importance. In his Discourse upon a War with Spain^ and the pro- tection of the Netherlands^ written not long after, lie points out to King James, in the strongest terms, the great diminution of national strength which had been the consequence of exporting ordnance. '^ Now- a-days," says he, " the Netherlands have as many ships of their own as any Christian prince hath ; their vessels are of one fashion, conduct, and swift- ness ; their mariners valiant and well-trained men of their own nation and language ; and they are so near us that they may ride in our ports in the course of a summer's day." To this it might possibly be objected, he observes, that during the wars of Henry VIII. with Charles V., who then possessed the Low Countries, their largest ships did no prejudice to England. But the reason w^as to be found in their inferior strength: — "^ I myself," says he, ^^ remember that within these thirty years two of her majesty's ships would have commanded 100 sail of theirs. I remember also, when I was a captain in Ireland, 100 foot and 100 horse would have beaten all the forces of the strongest provinces. But of late I have known an Easterling fight hand to hand with one of her majesty's ships ; and the Irish in this last war have been victorious with an equal, or even with an inferior force. And what is the reason } The Nether- lands in those days had wooden guns and the Irish had darts ; but the one is now furnished with as great a number of English ordnance as ourselves. STATUTE OF TILLAGE. 243 and the other with as good pikes and muskets as England liath."* Keen debates again took place in this parliament regarding the statute of tillage ; and it is curious to observe the prospective sagacity of Raleigh, who spoke powerfully for the removal of all restrictions. '' This law/' said he, " I find fit to be repealed. Many poor men cannot buy seed sufficient to sow the ground they are bound by the statute to plough, which drives them either to borrow or to incur the penalty. Besides wliich all nations at present abound in corn. France ofiiered the queen to serve Ireland with corn at sixteen shillings a-quarter, or two shil- lings a-bushel. If we should sell it so here, the ploughman would be beggared. The Low Country- man and the Hollander, who never sow corn, have by their industry such plenty, that they will serve other nations. The Spaniard, that often wanteth corn, had we never so much plenty, would not be beholden to the Englishman for it, neither to the Low Countryman, nor to France, but will fetch it even of the very barbarian. And that for which the barbarian hath been suing these two hundred years, — I mean for traffic of corn into Spain, — this king in policy hath set at liberty of himself, be- cause he will not be beholden to other nations. And therefore I think the best course is to set it at li- berty and leave every man free ; which is the desire of a true Englishman."t These views were vehe- mently opposed by Cecil, upon the ground that the bill was for the support and benefit of the plough- * Discourse touchinjr a War with Spain. Miscellaneous Works, ▼ol. viii. pp. ^i04, 305. -|- Townshend's Collections, p. 299. 244 RIVALRY OF CECIL AND RALEIGH. men. " If we debar tillage/' said he, " we give place to the depopulator; and then if the poor be thrust out of tlieir houses, straight we catch them with the statute of inmates. If they wander abroad and be stubborn, they are within the danger of the statute of rogues. If they be more humble and urgent beggars, then are they within the statute of the poor to be whipt or tormented. So by this means, undo this statute and you endanger many thousands. Fosterior dies discipulus prioris." His arguments, however, prevailed, and the bill ren- dering tillage compulsory was continued in force. Upon other subjects Raleigh delivered his opinion with equal freedom and knowledge; and he not only often opposed the ministerial measures, but on more than one occasion there was an evident rivalry between him and Cecil, which indicated the decay of their confidence. In the confusion which took place in voting on the bill to enforce the diligent repairing to church, it was directed that the Ayes should go out of the house ; and a gentleman com- plained that one of them when going out had been pulled back by the sleeve ; upon which Raleigh observed, " It was a small matter to make so great a stir about ; for lie had often himself pulled a friend by the sleeve." This remark, intended as a piece of humour, was magnified by the comptroller into a grievous offence : " As for the other gentle- man," observed he, referring to Raleigh, " that said he had often done the like, I think he may be ashamed of it ; for large is his conscience that in a matter of this consequence will be drawn either forward or backward by the sleeve." This absurd speech was echoed by the secretary, who was pleased PARLIAMENTARY ANECDOTE. 245 to give it as his opinion^ tliat "^ the offence committed by any wiio pulled another member by the sleeve was great and punishable ; and he whose voice may be drawn either backwards or forwards by the sleeve, like a dog in a string, is unworthy to continue a member of this house ; and I wish/' added he, '^ for his credit's sake he would not."* These attacks Sir Walter heard in silence, aware that their futility and injustice were palpable to all. Neither did such accusations proceed with peculiarly good grace from Cecil, whose conscience was as '' large" as his individual interest, and wonderfully easy to be pull- ed by the sleeve, whenever the queen chose to stretch out her hand, intimating her royal pleasure. But it is ever thus with the most subservient ministers : They make a blustering display of honesty and in- dependence when there is no need, and sink into ac- quiescence when opposition becomes a duty. Town- shend concludes his account of the discussion with this quaint note : — '' There was another gentleman (a No) pulled out, as well as the other who was kept in ; and, therefore, it had happened even as before : howsoever ]\Ir Edward Johns and Mr Barker pulled Mr Lionel Ducket out."t It is interesting to compare the manner of debate in this parliament with the usages of the present day. The style of speaking is brief and epigram- matic, — and on some occasions the dialogue becomes as spirited as a scene in a comedy. Let us, for ex- ample, look to the deliberations on the first read- ing of the bill to prevent double payment of debts, as reported by Townshend, who was at that time in the house. The subject was, the abuses of mer- • Townshend's Collections, pp. '62 1 , 322. t 1 ^>^'- 246 BRIEF EPIGRAMMATIC SPEECHES. chants' books in bringing up long bills, — a matter to which every senator seemed feelingly alive. The agitation of the first member who rose entirely overcame his powers of utterance. " Mr Zacha- rias Locke," says Townshend, '' began to speak; but for very fear shook so that he could not pro- ceed, but stood still awhile, and then — sat down." Mr Francis Bacon next observed, that " these merchants' books were springing books ; every year they would increase." — '' Aye/' said Sergeant Har- ris, evidently arguing under the irritation of per- sonal experience, " these same books are like Ba- singstock reckonings; overnight five shillings and sixpence, — and if you pay it not, it is grown in the morning to a just noble. This debt is a sleeping debt, which will lull young gentlemen into mer- chant books, with the golden hooks of being trusted. * * * I pronounce them matters dangerous and hurtful." Upon this Mr Thomas Johnes rose, and delivered an oration which reminds us of the pro- verbial responses of Sancho Panza. " It is now," said he, " my chance to speak something, and that without humming or hawing. I think this law is a good law. Even reckoning makes long friends ; as far goes the penny as the penny's master. Vigilan- tibus non dormientihus jura suhveniunt ; pay the reckoning overnight and you shall not be troubled in the morning. If ready money be mensura pub- lica, let every man cut his coat according to his cloth. When his old suit is in the wane, let him stay till his money bring him a new suit in the in- crease. Therefore I think the law to be good, and I wish it good passage." Mr Hakwell, of Lincoln's Inn, next presented himself; his exordium is amusing: Elizabeth's last address. 247 " I am a man of that rank and condition (it is evident he was an artificer, grown rich on the very abuse complained of), tliat I never sell, and seldom buy, and pay ready money, and this bill offers the safest course to me for my particular ; but the great mis- chief that will redound by it to the Commons is that which makes me speak. The bill hath a good face but an ill body. * * If I may pray you to put on a great deal of patience for a little time, I will make it somewhat plain."* We shall not, however, inflict upon our reader Mr Hakwell's exposition, which does not possess even the moderate perspicu- ity he claims for it. The abolition of monopolies by the queen gave so much satisfaction, that the house appointed the speaker, with a large deputation, to wait upon her and express the " inestimable joy and comfort which they had received from her gracious message." She received them in the great chamber before the council-room, and the speaker, walking in at tlie head of seven score members, declared " their de- termination to spend every drop of blood in their hearts, and the last spirit of breath in their nostrils, to be poured out and breathed up for the safety of their sovereign." Elizabeth's reply was her farewell public address to parliament, and the conclusion is striking and characteristic of this great princess: " To be a king and wear a crown is a thing more glo- rious to them that see it, than it is pleasant to them that bear it. For myself I was never so much en- ticed with the glorious name of a king, or royal au- thority of a queen, as delighted that God had made — ■ - 4, — ■*, - — — ■ ■■■■ - ...— — — , . — - , ■ .1 .. — * Townsheud, pp. 2»2, 2«3, 2W. 248 ItALEIGH SELLS HIS IRISH ESTATES. me his instrument to maintain his truth and glory, and to defend tliis kingdom from peril, dishonour, tyranny, and oppression. There will never queen sit in my seat with more zeal to my country, care for my subjects, and that sooner with willingness will venture her life for your good and safety than myself. For it is not my desire to live or reign longer than my life and reign shall be for your good ; and though you have had, and may have, many princes more mighty and wise sitting in this state, yet you never had nor shall have any that will be more careful and loving. Shall I ascribe any thing to myself and my sexly weakness ? I were not wor- thy to live then, and of all most unworthy of the great mercies I have had from God, who hath given me a heart which never yet feared foreign or home enemy. I speak it to give God the praise as a testi- mony before you, and not to attribute any thing to myself. For I, O Lord, what am I, whom practi- ces and perils past should not fear ; or what can I do ('^ these words she spake," says Townshend, '' with great emphasis,") that I should speak for any glory ? God forbid. * * I do assure you there is no prince that loveth his subjects better, or whose love can countervail our love. * * And though God hath raised me high, yet this I count the glory of my crown, that I have reigned with your loves. This makes me that I do not so much rejoice that God hath made me to be a queen, as to be a queen over so thankful a people."* It was not long after this that Raleigh sold his estates in Ireland to ]\Ir Richard Boyle, afterwards the great Earl of Cork, who had been sent from that * Townshend, pp. 263, 266. MEMORIALS OP RALEIGH IN IRELAND. 241) country by Sir George Carew with a message to the queen and a letter to his kinsman, strongly advising him to dispose of his land to so good a purchaser. It is asserted by Boyle, in the Memoirs of his own life, that these extensive tracts of country, of which he had become proprietor, were in many places in a barren condition ; and from Sir Walter's constant employment in England it was scarcely to be ex- pected that he could personally devote much time to their improvement. Yet it is a remarkable point about this eminent man, that wherever he had settled, or his influence extended even for a short period, he has left some traces of his usefulness and activity. At Youghall, in the county of Cork, of which town he was mayor, and where his house and gardens are still seen, the first potatoes ever planted in Ireland were introduced by Raleigh, who had brought them from Virginia; and he is also said to have been the first propagator of the cherry in that island, which was imported by him from the Canaries. At Lismore, which formed part of the extensive grant made to him by Elizabeth, we find a still more interesting memorial in a Free School which he founded ; and the large and beau- tiful myrtles in his garden at Youghall, some of them twenty feet high, are associated with that love of shrubs and sweet-smelling plants, and that ele- gance of taste in his rural occupations, which re- markably distinguished him.* His Irish estates, however, cost him so large an annual sum to keep them up, that he did not think it prudent to retain them. He accordingly closed with the offer of Boyle ; Smith's Hist, of Cork, vol. i. p. 1213. Croker's Researches in * Smiths Hist, of Cork, vol. i. p. i: the South of Ireland, pp. 124, l.")2, 127 250 THE queen's illness. and tlie person wlio managed the bargain was Sir Robert Cecil, — a proof that Raleigli was not yet fully aware of the secret arts already employed to undermine his power. He was now about to lose his best friend. Early in January 1602, the queen, who for some time had been in a declining state, was seized with a se- vere cold. She had been forewarned by Dr Dee, the famous astrologer and mathematician, whom she highly esteemed, to beware of Whitehall, and accordingly removed to Richmond, calling it the " warm box to which she could best trust her sickly old age." The air of the country seemed to revive her, and for some weeks her health improved ; but the malady returned in the end of February, and on the 15th of March she was so ill that the lords of council were sent for. They found her sunk in a deep melancholy, in which no entreaties could per- suade her to take food or medicine. At this sad mo- ment Sir Robert Carey, her warden on the borders, to whom she was much attached, arrived; and, though very weak, the queen requested to see him. '^ I found her," says he, in his JMemoirs, " in one of her withdrawing chambers sitting low upon her cushions. She called me to her ; I kist her hand, and told her it was my chiefest happiness to see her in safety and in health, which I hoped might long continue. She took me by the hand and wrung it hard, and said, ' No, Robin ; I am not well ;' and then discoursed with me of her indisposition, and that her heart had been sad and heavy for ten or twelve days, and in her discourse she fetched not so few as forty or fifty great sighs. * * I used the best words I could to persuade her from this melan- THE queen's illness. 251 choly humour^ but I found it was too deep rooted in her heart, and hardly to be removed."* She soon became obstinately silent ; and not only rejected nourishment, but forbore her sleep, refusing to go to bed, being persuaded if she once lay do\vn she should never rise again. The cushions v^ere laid on the floor of her chamber ; and there she sat a week, day and night, showing an utter carelessness of all that was passing around her. On the 23d of March, the day before she died, the chief members of her council thought it right to introduce that subject to which the queen had invariably shown a great aver- sion, the succession to the throne ; and their inter- rogations brought out from the expiring princess a flash of her wonted spirit and severity : — " I told you," said she, to the lord-high-admiral, who occu- pied the right side of the bed, whilst Cecil stood at the foot " that my seat had been the seat of kings ; and I will have no rascal to succeed me ! Trouble me no more. — He who comes after me must be a king. I will have none but our cousin of Scotland."t Soon after this she became speechless, but made signs that her chaplains and the Archbishop of Can- terbury should pray with her. Sir Robert Carey, who went into the chamber with them, has left us an affecting account of her behaviour. " I sat upon my knees," says he, '^ full of tears to see that heavy sight. The bishop kneeled down by her and exa- mined her first of her faith, and she so punctually answered all his several questions by lifting up her • Nichol's Progresses, vol. ii. -}- Character of Elizabetli, by Edward Bohun. Nidiol's Pro- gresses, vol. ii. Queen's last Sickness and Death, Cotton MS. Titus, c vii. iol. 4ti, printed in Nichol's Progresses, vol. ii. 2.52 Elizabeth's death — accession of jasies: eyes and holding up her hand as it was a confort to all the beholders. Then the good man told her plainly what she was and what she was to come to, and though she had been long a great queen here upon earth, yet shortly she was to yield an account of her stewardship to the King of kings. He then be- gan to pray, and all who were present joined in the responses ; after which, his knees being weary, he blessed her and prepared to depart, when the queen by signs requested him to continue in prayer. Hav- ing done so for a considerable time, he once more rose up to depart ; but the dying princess again laid her hand upon his, and mutely besought him not to leave her, appearing to have the greatest confort in his fervent petitions. Soon after she became insen- sible ; and^ as it grew late, all left the apartment except the women."* She expired about three in the morning on Thursday the 24th of March, in the same chamber where her grandfather Henry VII. breathed his last. Carey, whose affection was balanced by a consi- derable share of worldly wisdom, now slipped out of the palace, and took horse for Scotland. Riding post, he arrived at Edinburgh on Saturday night, and proceeding to the palace of Holyrood, found that the king had gone to bed. His errand, how- ever, gained him instant admittance ; and, kneel- ing by the bedside, he saluted James King of Eng- land, Scotland, France, and Ireland. The happy monarch gave the messenger his hand to kiss^ and after making many inquiries regarding the queen's sickness, asked what letters he brought from the * Nichol's Progresses, vol. ii. HIS EAKLY DISLIKE OF RALKIGH. 253 council. He answered none, and explained with what difficulty he had escaped being detained ; but added, that he had brought a blue ring from a fair lady to assure him of the truth of his intelligence. On presenting this, the king replied, " It is enough. Now I know you are a true envoy."* King James's magnificent progress to his new do- minions, and the unanimity of affection and loyalty with which he was received, are well known. It would perhaps have been better for Raleigh had he accommodated himself to the character of the new sovereign; though even this prudence might have failed; for the king's mind had been artfully preju^ diced against him. His fortunes now experienced a reverse; and that royal sunshine which he had enjoyed under Elizabeth w^as exchanged, even at the very commencement of the reign of her successor, for coldness, suspicion, and neglect. That we are to trace a great portion of James's conduct to the early dislike of Raleigh insinuated by Essex, and latterly by Cecil, cannot be doubted. But m uch is also to be ascribed to the strong contrast be- tween the character of the king and the eminent man upon whom he now looked with distrust. James was pacific even to timidity. The other, who had been bred in the lap of war, entertained a strong feel- ing of the glory of England. He was actuated, be- sides, by a jealousy of Spain, being convinced of the necessity of keeping under that proud power, and preserving the ascendency created by the energy and arms of Elizabeth. Here, at the outset, was an obvious cause of disunion. Again, Raleigh's mind * Nichol's Progresses, vol. ii. Wlio the lad}' was that sent the blue ring does not appear. It is iwissihle it may liave been I.ady Scroope, Carey's sister, who stood beside tlie queen at her death. 254 CONTRAST BETWEEN JAMES AND RALEIGH. was full of amLition for foreign adventure and dis- covery ; James was jealous of every thing that in- terrupted his repose^ or drove him into action. The former thouglit England ought to divide with Spain the rich provinces of the New World ; the latter could have listened to any scheme for supplying his exchequer, provided it involved neither danger nor enterprise. Raleigh's policy was animated by the principle, since so fully developed, that the strength of Britain rests in her ships and sailors; James, from the moment he came to the crown, showed no pride in the naval glory of the country, nor had he the penetration to perceive that attention to the resources of war is the best method of securing the continuance of peace. Even literature, — the tie which we might expect would have produced a sympathy between Sir Walter and his new sovereign, — was in- sufficient, and, indeed, did not form an exception to this intellectual contrast. The learning of James was various, but pedantic, superficial, and full of pre- tension. He talked like a cloistered schoolman ; and his inordinate vanity mistook the syllogistic exhi- bitions with which he astonished the council-table for the deepest wisdom of state. For such displays, we may believe, Raleigh did not at all times conceal his contempt. His erudition was as various as that of his royal master, but it was eminently practical and profound. His philosophy was that of observa- tion and experience. With eyes ever intent upon human character and the course of events in Europe, he had elicited the maxims of his policy from the actual condition of society. He was a scholar, but no schoolman ; a versifier like his royal master, but unlike him he was touched with the inspiration of 6 Cecil's secret enmity. 255 true genius ; no cold and correct fabricator of son- nets, whicli, like the essays of the Royal Prentise, possessing every requisite of rhyme and quantity, were yet intensely unpoetical. He knew, on the contrary, what poetry ought to be, and in his lighter hours he had swept the lyre with no unpractised fingers. His prose partook of the character of his mind, — original, vigorous, and imaginative. Between two such modes of learning there could be no congenial feeling, but rather a repulsion ; and yet, if Raleigh had paid his court with the usual servility this discrepancy might have been concealed. But he refused to imitate the flattery with which others fed the vanity of their new sovereign, and was too open not to declare his real opinion. The rivalry between him and Cecil, also, which for some time had been smouldering under apparent courtesy, broke out soon after the accession of James into active and declared hosti- lity. This crafty politician possessed the power as well as the inclination to hurt him. He had carried on a secret correspondence with the king before the death of Elizabeth, by which he was enabled to create prepossessions against those whose interest he thought it necessary to undermine; and from the let- ters of his agent. Lord Henry Howard, which, not- withstanding all his caution, have been preserved, we know that Sir Walter was among the number. He had acquainted himself with James's minutest peculiarities, and carefully accommodated his opi- nions to them all. The principles of his policy un- der Elizabeth, with slight exceptions, had been the same as those of Raleigh ; but the pliant minister was careful to modify and alter them in conformity 2;>G CECIL MEETS JAMES AT YORK. with the feeble and temporizing cliaracter of her suc- cessor. When tlie king was on liis way to his new dominions the secretary met him at York^ where he lay " close and unseen/' till he had secured the in- terest of the royal favourite. Sir George Hume, with whom he had many secret meetings. It was known that James had expressed the strongest antipathy to all connected with the conspiracy against Essex, and as Cecil was one of his chief enemies, his imme- diate removal from power was anticipated. But so cautiously had he provided against this, so ably had he employed " his purse and his wit" in securing the friendship of those who had most influence with his new master, that after his short incognito at York, '' he did appear," says Weldon, " to the ad- miration of all, and came out of his chamber like a giant to run his race for honour and fortune, and w^ho now in such dearness and privacy with the king as Sir Robert Cecil, as if he had been his faith- ful servant many years before !"* By these means he was continued in his office of principal secretary of state, equivalent to that of prime minister, whilst Raleigh was regarded with coldness and suspicion. We are informed by an author who has preserved some remarkable anec- dotes of the court of King James, that Sir Walter was one of those who advised that his majesty should be bound by articles before being called to the go- vernment. It has also been conjectured that offence was taken at a proposed alliance between his son and the daughter and heiress of Basset of Umber- * Weldon. Court and Character of King James, pp. 10, 11. But compare tliis with the Tract in Nichol's Progresses, vol. iii., en- titled, King James's Entertainment from Scotland to London, p. 20. RALEIGH DEPRIVED OF IIIS OFFICES. 257 Icigli, a family descended from tlie Plantagenets, as if he had meant to support their claim to the throne. This last pretence is ridiculous, and the former does not rest on satisfactory evidence ; but whatever was the cause he soon found, that to be merely neglected was considered too easy a fall for one who had soared so high. He held lucrative offices, and the king had needy favourites. He was deprived of the honourable post of captain of the guard, which was conferred on Sir Thomas Erskine. His wine-patent was withdrawn, and though some compensation was granted by a pension of £300 a- year, and by striking oiFan arrear of debt, the equi- valent was of little moment, for in less than three months after James's arrival, he was involved by his enemies in a charge of treason. Of this un- founded and mysterious accusation, — the commence- ment of the saddest portion of Raleigh's history, — which has left so deep a stain upon the government of James, we shall give a general sketch, previous to a more minute exposition of the complicated scene of injustice and persecution presented by his trial. One of Sir Walter's friends, or rather acquaintan- ces, was Lord Cobhain, a vain weak man, who, having been disappointed of preferment, courted the society of the discontented, and talked foolishly against the government. Even in the time of Elizabeth he had secretly negotiated with the Count Aremberg, a Flemish nobleman in the service of Spain. When this foreigner, after James's accession, came into Eng- land as ambassador from the Archduke of Austria, he renewed his intimacy with Cobham, and engaged his influence to further a peace with his most Ca- tholic majesty. One of the great enemies of such Q 258 COBHA^l's INTRIGUES. a measure was Raleigli, wliose wliole life had been signalized by a devoted hostility to Philip : he had recently written against his successor, and proposed to raise 2000 men at his own charges for the inva- sion of his kingdom. Aware of this, Cobham sug- gested to Aremberg that Sir Walter should have a pension, provided he consented to withdraw his opposition and promote their views. It was shown upon his trial, that his lordship offered him 8000 crowns, to which, considering it one of his idle con- ceits, he made no serious reply, but slightly an- swered he would tell him more when he saw the money. Such was the whole matter proved against Raleigh ; and as it was notorious that the king was as anxious for peace as Aremberg could be;* as it was certain that this Austrian grandee and the Spanish ambassador had been lavish of both money and pre- sents amongst the courtiers to further their master's interest ; and as Cecil himself with ready pliability had adopted the opinion of James, it might have been expected that no great objection would be made to a proposal which was never carried into effect. It happened, however, that nearly at the same time in which this transaction took place, the secretary had discovered a plot concerted by a few Popish priests against the king and royal family, in which one of the principal conspirators was Mr Brooke, brother to Cobham. With some of these traitors this nobleman had at various times held intercourse, though on the scaffold his relative absolved him from all know- ledge of their designs. But this was enough for Cecil to work on. Brooke was no sooner implicated than his kinsman became suspected ; and the latter * Lodge's Illustrations, vol. iii. p. 181. RALEIGH AND COBHAM EXAMINED. 259 was no sooner tainted with distrust tlian the ene- mies of Raleigh began to hint their douhts of him also. At this moment Sir Walter had followed the court to Windsor, and the secretary, accosting liim on the terrace, requested his attendance at a private meeting of the lords of the council. Obeying with readiness, lie was examined regarding Cobham's intercourse with Aremberg, and declared his rea- sons for disbelieving any unwarrantable practices. On being farther questioned he added, that La Rensy, the servant of that ambassador, might be better able to explain the correspondence ; and the same advice he afterwards gave in a letter to Cecil. All this he did with the conviction that nothing treasonable had passed between the principal par- ties. Immediately after, however, Raleigh received orders to remain a prisoner in his own house ; and his lordship, who had also been apprehended, hav- ing sent to know what had taken place at the council, he informed him by his servant Captain Keymis, that he had cleared him of all suspicion. Cobham was next examined at Richmond, and at first exculpated both himself and his friend from the charge of any improper correspondence. When it was found nothing could be drawn from him in this way, a device of a base and crafty description was employed. The letter to Cecil recommending that La Rensy should be interrogated, was shown to him; and the effect being artfully heightened by suggestions that he had been betrayed, he broke into a furious passion, and accused Sir Walter, who had written it, of being privy to a conspiracy against the government. He declared that '^' having a pass- port to go to the King of Spain, he intended lirot to 2f)0 RALEIGH IMPRISONED, confer with tlie arcliduke ; from tlience to proceed to Spain to solicit tlie king for ()()0,000 crowns ; thence to return by Jersey, and take Raleigh's advice re- garding the distribution of the money to the dis- contented in England." Various other accusations WTre thrown out during this fit of excitement; yet lie wavered and retracted them all on leaving the council-room, and before he reached the foot of the stair was seized with such remorse that he confessed he had falsely accused his friend. With the confer- ences between this nobleman and Aremberg there was afterwards blended the ridiculous charge against Raleigh, of a design to place the crown on the head of Arabella Stewart ; but it proved so absurd and contradictory that even his enemies appeared ashamed of it. Such is an impartial outline of the whole circum- stances which could be brought against Sir Walter ; and at first they seem to have been considered too trivial to be exaggerated into a serious accusation even by the obsequiousness of the judges and the inventive capacity of Cecil.'^ Eiforts were there- fore made to collect some more substantial proof against him ; and in the mean time he was confined to the Tower, and plied with private examinations. It is at this period that, in the diary of his enemy just named, and in a letter of one of the creatures of this minister, we find it asserted that Raleigh, in a fit of remorse or passionate carelessness of life, had attempted to stab himself in prison ; but the fact appears more than doubtful, and rests on evidence which is at best extremely suspicious. t During * Letter of Sir T. Edraondes, in Lodge's IllustrationSj vol. iii. p. 172. -}• See Remarks at the end of tliis volume. AND INDICTED AT STAINES. 261 this time Cobliam, whose cliaracter seems to have been a com pound of fear, weakness, and falsehood, was worked upon to reiterate the eharges which he had retracted ; and his brother, a much abler man but of equally loose principles, was flattered ])v Ce- cil, who, holding out the promises of pardon, induced him to act entirely in conformity with his wishes, and to perform any " services" required of him. What these services were, which Brooke alludes to in a remarkable letter to the secretary,'^' all who knew the enmity of the latter to Raleigh could be at no loss to determine. Little more, however, of any consequence was brought to light against the prisoner. Captain Keymis, an officer in his confidence, and Lord Grey of Wilton, who was a party to the conspiracy of the priests, discovered nothing which could be turned to his crimination. Yet on the vague and inconclusive circumstances which have been already detailed was this illustrious man indicted at Staines, on the 21st September ; a true bill was found by the grand jury ; he was appointed to take his trial for treason, and in the mean time remanded to the Tower. Raleigh was too well acquainted with the power of his enemies, and with the injustice and rigour of the English law of treason as it then stood, not to perceive the imminent risk wliich he now ran. The malignity of Cecil, the skill and virulence of Coke, the attorney-general, and the timidity of a jury acting under their influence, were all taken into his calculation ; and he felt that his fate was almost already decided. Under these circumstances * Published for the first time from a MS. in the State-paper Of- fice, bv Mrs Thompson in her Appendix to the Life of llaleigh, Note P. 2f)2 RALEIGH WRITES TO THE KING. it was right that he should neglect no opportu- nity to save himself from destruction ; and accord- ingly he made a last attempt to obtain from his accuser a declaration of his innocence. When the lieutenant of the Tower was at supper^ he got a poor man to cast in at the window where Cobham was confined an apple to which he had fastened a letter^ beseeching him for God's sake to do him justice ; and this unhappy person^ whose mind seems to have been in a perpetual vacillation be- tween remorse and terror^ was so far overcome by this appeal that he returned an answer, after- wards produced at the trial, in which he cleared him of all treason in the most solemn manner. About the same time Raleigh addressed a supplica- tion to the king, in which he adverted to the cruelty of a law which compounded treasons out of pre- sumptions and circumstances; and after asserting his perfect innocence, besought him to temper its severity with the highest attribute of a sovereign, — mercy. He directed also an able letter to the Lords Cecil, Henry Howard, and Sir Edward Coke, in which he established the absurdity and ground- lessness of the charges brought against him, by argu- ments which to this day have never been answered. But it does not appear that either of these attempts produced the least effect ; and he saw the day of trial arrive with the conviction that the heart of the king was too cold and indifferent, and those of the courtiers too cautious, to afford him the prospect of relief or even of justice. Weighed down, as he must have been by these depressing circumstances, it is impossible not to admire the vigour, courage, and ability with which he conducted his defence. Raleigh's trial. 263 The plague at this time raginfj in London, the term was lield at Wiiicliester on tlie 17th November 1003. Tlie principal commissioners were Howard, earl of SulTolk and lord-chamberlain; Charles Blunt, earl of Devon; Lord Henry Howard; Cecil himself; Lord Wotton of jMorley ; Sir John Stanhope^ vice-cham- berlain; and Popham, the lord-chief-justice. Some of these were Raleigh's determined enemies, and had conducted the examinations against him; others cared little whether he rose or fell; and the rest were pro- bably the subservient tools of government.* The prisoner might well wonder at the multiplicity and weight of the charges. He was accused of conspiring to dethrone the king ; of an attempt to raise sedition and to bring in the Roman superstition by means of a foreign invasion ; of consulting with Lord Cobham at Durham House to place the crown on the head of Arabella Stewart, for which end ()00,000 crowns were to be solicited from Aremberg, and a correspond- ence opened by his lordship with the Spanish go- vernment. Peace with Spain and the establishment of Popery were to be secured by the new princess ; and to further their designs, the peer j ust named, on his return from Spain, was to have visited Raleigh at his government in Jersey, to settle the best mode of employing the money in raising a rebellion. Other particulars were added : It was alleged that Cobham had communicated these treasons to his bro- ther, who readily joined in them ; and that in a con- versation it had been stated, " there never would be a good world in England till the king and his cubs • It is stated by a contemporary author, that the jury first ap- pointed bein^ .suspected of too much independence, a list of more obsequious persons was substituted the nijjht before the trial. 264 coke's address : were taken away." Raleigli^ it was lastly said^ had given tlie same nobleman a book against the king's title ; and for his assistance in managing the cor- respondence with Aremberg was to receive 8000 crowns. This indictment having been read, the jury was sworn, and no exception taken. Sir Edward Coke then commenced his charge ; but instead of confining himself to the real point at issue^ contrived to bring in a detailed account of the treason of Lord Grey, Brooke, and Markham, enlarging upon its baseness. He was interrupted by Sir Walter, who calmly en- treated him to remember that all this was matter introduced to create a prepossession against him, and related to a separate crime, not even alluded to in the indictment. Recalled in this manner to his sub- ject, Coke proceeded ; but we shall give his charge, and the extraordinary scene of violence and abuse to which it led, in the original words of the trial. " Now I come to your charge, my masters of the jury. The greatness of treason is to be considered in two things, — determmatione finis, et electione mediorum. This treason excelleth in both ; for that it was to destroy the king and his progeny. These treasons are said to be crimen Icesce majestatis ; this goetli farther, and may be termed crimen ex- tirpandce regice majestatis et totiiis progeniei suce. I shall not need, my lords, to speak any thing con- cerning the king, nor of the bounty and sweetness of his nature ; wliose tlioughts are innocent, whose words are full of wisdom and learning, and whose works are full of honour. Although it be a true say- ing, Nimquam nimis quod nunquam satis. But to whom do you bear malice ? To the children } HIS SCURRILITY. 265 " Baleigh. — To whom speak you this ? You tell me news I never lieard of. " Attortiey. — Oh, sir, do I ? I will prove you the notoriousest traitor that ever came to the bar. After you have taken away the king you would alter re- ligion; as you. Sir Walter Raleigh, have followed them of the Bye* by imitation ; for I will charge you with the words. ^^ Raleigh. — Your words cannot condemn me ; my innocency is my defence. Prove one of those things wherewith you have charged me, and I will confess the whole indictment, and that I am the hor- riblest traitor that ever lived, — that I am worthy to be crucified with a thousand torments. '' Attorney. — Nay, I will prove all. Thou art a monster ! Thou hast an English face but a Spanish heart. Now you must have money : Aremberg was no sooner in England — I charge thee, Raleigh — but thou incitest Cobham to go unto him and to deal with him for money to bestow on discontented per- sons to raise rebellion in the kingdom. " Raleigh. — Let me answer for myself. " Attorney. — Thou shalt not. " Raleigh. — It concerneth my life. " Attorney. — Oh ! do I touch you?" After this Coke enumerated the charges contain- ed in the indictment. " I do not hear yet," said Raleigh, '' that you have spoken one word against me. If my Lord Cobham be a traitor, what is that to me.''" Coke's answer was so remarkable that it passed into a proverb, and furnished Shakspeare * The name of" the " Bye" had heeii g'iven by some of the con- spirators themselves to the treason of Brooke and tlie priests. Tlie plot which Raleijjh was accused of instigating was called tlie " Main." 266 cobham's examination. with one of his amusing satirical touches in the cliaracter of Sir To])v Belcli. " Attorney. — All that he did was by thy instiga- tion, thou viper ! for I thou thee, thou traitor !* " Raleigh. — It becometh not a man of quality and virtue to call me so; but I take comfort in it; it is all you can do. " Attorney. — Have I angered you ? '' Ualeigh. — I am in no case to be angry." This singular dialogue, in which the temper and dignity of the accused are finely contrasted with the scurrility of the crown-counsel, was brought to a conclusion by the Chief-justice Popham. " Sir Walter Raleigh," said he, " Mr Attorney speak- eth out of the zeal of his duty for the service of the king, and you for your life : be patient on both sides." The clerk now read the proofs, the first be- ing the examination of Cobham, with the heads of wiiich we are already acquainted. It is to be re- gretted that only an abstract of it appears on the record. One sentence is worthy of notice, as indi- cating the temper in which the accusation was made. " At the first beginning he breathed out oaths and exclamations against Raleigh, calling him villain and traitor, saying he had never entered into these courses but by his instigation, and that he w^ould • " Sir Andrew Aguecheek. Will eitlier of 30U bear me a chal- leng'e to him ? " Sir Toby Belch. Go, write it in a martial hand; be curst and brief; it is no matter how witty? so it be eloquent, and full of in- vention : taunt him with the licence of ink: if thou thorCst him some thrice, it shall not be amiss ; and as man}' lies as will lie in thy sheet of paper, although the sheet were big- enough for the bed of Ware m England, set 'em down." Twelfth Night, act iiL sc 2. Raleigh's eloquent defence. 207 never let him alone. Besides he spake of plots and invasions, of the particulars whereof he could give no account, though they had conferred of them." When it is remembered that this examination was, by the admission of the worst enemies of the ac- cused, the solitary proof which could be brought against him ; that Cobham afterwards solemnly re- tracted it; and that these absurd speeches of plots and invasions, of which his lordship could furnish no par- ticulars, constituted the whole examination, it is dif- ficult to reprobate in terms sufficiently strong a jury who convicted upon such evidence. We are now arrived at the period of the trial where Raleigh was permitted to address the jury in his defence; and brief and garbled as his speech appears, it still gives some idea of the eloquence with which he repelled the charges. On the examination being read, he broke out into an exclamation of na- tural and unfeigned astonishment. " And this," said he, " is absolutely all the evidence which can be brouorht against me ? — Poor shifts ! Gentlemen of the jury, I pray you understand this : This is that which must either condemn or give me life — which must free me or send my wife and children to beg their bread about the streets : this is that must prove me a notorious traitor or a true subject to the king. But first let me see my accusation, that I may make my answer." The declaration of Lord Cobham was then shown ; after which he thus proceeded : — '' I will show you my answ^er to this, and how this accusation of my Lord Cobham arises. I was ex- amined before my lords of tlie privy-council at Wind- sor touching the Surprising Treason,* and also of the • The plot of Brooke, Grey, Markluim, and tlie priests, to surprise the kin^ went by this name. It was also sometimes called tlie Bye. 268 RALEIGH EXPLAINS COBHAM's ACCUSATION. Lord Cobham's practices with Aremberg, from all wliicli God knows I was free, for I never was privy to any of them ; and as concerning plotting for the Lady Arabella, I protest before God, at that time I never heard one word of it ! It is true that in my exami- nation I told the lords I knew of no plots between Aremberg and Cobham ; but afterwards I wrote to my Lord Cecil that I suspected Lord Cobham had intelligence with Aremberg. * * I suspected his visiting of him from this, that after he departed from me at Durham House, I saw him pass by his own stairs and cross over to St Mary Saviour's, where I knew La Rensy, a merchant and follower of Arem- berg, lay. I gave intimation of this by letter to the lords ; but I was requested by Lord Cecil not to speak of this, because the king at the first coming of Count Aremberg would not give him occasion of suspicion. Wherefore I wrote to the Lord Cecil that if La Rensy were not secured the matter would not be discovered, for he would fly; yet if he were then apprehended, it would give matter of suspicion to my Lord Cobham. This letter of mine being afterwards shown to the Lord Cobham, he thought I had discovered (and be- trayed) his dealing with Aremberg, and immediate- ly entered into a rage against me, and accused me ; but before he came to the stair-foot he repented, and, as I heard, acknowledged he had done me wrong. When he came to the end of his accusation he add- ed, that if he had brought this money to Jersey he feared I would have delivered both him and the money to the king. Mr Attorney, you said ' this never came out of Cobham's quiver — he is a simple man.' Is he so simple? No; he hath a disposition of his own ; he will not easily be guided by others, but when he has once taken head in a matter he is Spain's povp:rty and weakness. 260 not readily drawn from it; lie is no babe. But it is strange for me to devise with Cobliam that he should go to Spain to persuade the king to disburse so much money, he being a man of no love nor fol- lowing in England, and I having resigned my room of chiefest command, the wardenship of the Stan- neries. IMoreover, I was not so bare of sense but I saw that if ever this state was strong and able to defend itself it was now : I knew the kingdom of Scotland united, whence we were wont to fear all our troubles ; Ireland quieted, where our forces were wont to be divided ; Denmark assured, which be- fore was suspected ; the Low Countries, our nearest neighbours, at peace with us. I knew that, having lost a lady whom time had surprised, we had now an active king, a lawful successor, who would him- self be present in all his affairs. I was not such a madman as to make myself, in this time, a Robin Hood, a Wat Tyler, or a Jack Cade. I knew also the state of Spain well ; his weakness, and poor- ness, and humbleness at this time. I knew that he was discouraged and dishonoured. I knew that six times we had repulsed his forces, — thrice in Ireland, and thrice at sea, — once at Cadiz, on his own coast. Thrice had I served against him my- self at sea, wherein, for my country's sake, I had expended of my own property £4000. I knew the King of Spain to be the proudest prince in Christen- dom ; but now that he came creeping to the king, my master, for peace. I knew, whereas before he had in his port six or seven score sail of ships, he hath now but six or seven. I knew, of twenty-five mil- lions he had from his Indies he hath scarce one left. I knew him to be so poor that the Jesuits, his imps, 2 270 IMPROBABILITY OF COBIIAm's ACCUSATION. who were wont to have such large allowance, were fain to beg at the church-doors. Then, was it ever read or heard that any prince should disburse so much money without a sufficient pawn ? Whoso knows what great assurances the King of Spain stood upon with other states for smaller sums, will not think that he would so freely disburse to my Lord Cobham 600,000 crowns. And if I had minded to set the Lord Cobham to work in such a case, I should surely have given him some instructions how he should persuade the King of Spain and answer his objections ; for I know Cobham to be no such minion as could persuade a king who was in want, to advance so great a sum of money without reason, and some assurance for it. I knew her own sub- jects, the citizens of London, would not lend her late majesty money without lands in mortgage. I knew the queen did not lend the States money without Flushing, Brill, and other towns, for a pawn ; and can it be thought that he would let Cobham have so great a sum ? What pawn had we to give the King of Spain ? What did we offer him ? And to show I was not Spanish, as you term me, I had written at this time a treatise to the king's majesty of the present state of Spain, and the reasons against the peace. For my inwardness with the Lord Cob- ham, it was only in matters of private estate, where- in he communicated often with me, and I lent him my best advice. * * Whether he intended to travel to Spain or no, God in heaven knoweth. But for my knowing that he had conspired all those things with Spain for Arabella against the king, I protest before Almighty God I am as clear as whosoever here is freest." Cecil's subtlety. 271 When Cobliam's second declaration was read, tlit.' accused veliemently objected to it, on the ground that the examination had been conducted in the most partial manner ; that his passion had been roused by the exhibition of the letter to Cecil ; that the declaration liad not been read over to him, and that he had refused to subscribe it till compelled by the lord-chief-justice. The foreman of the jury requested to be informed regarding this letter, said to have been addressed by Raleigh to Cecil, and whether it was written before the time of the Lord Cobliam's accusation ; and the wary se- cretary thus replied, with an apparent tenderness to one who had in former years been his friend : — " I am in great dispute with myself how to speak in the case of this gentleman, — a former dearness be- tween me and him tied so firm a knot of my conceit of his virtues, now broken by a discovery of his im- perfections. I protest, did I serve a king that I knew would be displeased at me for speaking in this case, I would speak, whatever came of it ; but seeing he is compacted of piety and justice, — one that will not mislike of any man for speaking a truth, — I will answer your question. Sir Walter Raleigh was staid by me at Windsor, upon the first news that the king's person should be surprised by my Lord Grey and INIr George Brooke. When I found Brooke was in, I suspected Cobham ; then I doubt- ed Raleigh to be a partaker. I speak not this that it should be thought I had greater judgment than the rest of the lords, in making this haste to have them examined. Raleigh following to Windsor, I met with him upon the terrace, and willed him as from the king to stay, saying the lords had some- 272 Cecil's subtlety. tiling to say to him : he was tlien examined, but not concerning my Lord Cobham, but of the Sur- prising Treason. IMy Lord Grey was apprehended, and likewise Brooke. By Brooke we found, that he liad given notice to Cobham of the Surprising Trea- son as he delivered to us ; but with as much sparing- ness of a brother as he might. We sent for my Lord Cobham to Richmond, where he stood upon his justification and his quality : for a while, being froward, he affirmed he was not bound to subscribe (his examination), wherewith we made the king ac- quainted. He afterwards added, if my lord chief- justice would say it were a contempt, he would subscribe; whereof being resolved, he subscribed. For Sir W. Raleigh I must say, that there was a light given by him to me that La Rensy had dealt betwixt Count Aremberg and the Lord Cobham ; but that Sir W. Raleigh knew at that time of Lord Cobham's accusation I cannot say."* * In tliis repl}^ the reader will observe the dexterity with which Cecil evades the important question put to him b\^ the juryman. The object of the question was evident. Raleigh had asserted that his letter to Cecil had been shown to Cobham, and that this cir- cumstance had stimulated that nobleman to accuse him. The jury- man wished to find out if this was true, and requested to know the time or date of this letter, and whether it preceded Cobham's accu- sation. Nothing can be plainer than the question, — and Cecil had only to give the date, — to saj' yes or no. But mark the craft}' ob- scuritN' of his answer. " For Sir W. Raleigh, I must say, that there was a light given by him to me, that La Rensy had dealt betwixt Count Aremberg and the Lord Cobham; but that Sir JValter at thai tvtie kneic of the Lord Cobhaiii''s accusation., I cannot say ; for I think he was not then examined touching any matter concern- ing my Lord Cobham, — for onh' the Surprising Treason was then in suspicion." The truth was, that Sir Walter could not possiblj' have then known of Lord Cobham's accusation, because that accu- sation had not iheu been made, — a fact peri'ectlj' understood b}' Cecil, but which he did not choose to mention, because it corroborat- ed Raleigh's defence.* * Trial as printed by Cldys, p. £65. cobham's falsehood. 273 In reply to the allegation of Raleigh, that Cobham had accused him in a fit of passion, the attorney brought forward a circumstance afterwards shown to be false, and at the time unsupported by proof, but which, there can be little doubt, had its effect on the jury. " It hath been argued," said he, " that Cobham acted under a paroxysm of resentment. Yet it was no sudden ebullition, for at least two months before he had said to his brother Brooke, ' You are fools, you are in the Bye. Raleigh and I are on the Main. We mean to take away the king and his cubs.' " This speech, which was afterwards proved never to have been uttered, roused the indignation of the accused, who earnestly besought the court and the jury to have it investigated. '' I beseech you, my lords," said he, '^ let it be proved that Cobham so expressed himself. You try me by the Spanish In- quisition if you proceed only by the circumstances without witnesses. Good my lords, let it be proved, either by the laws of the land or the laws of God, that there ought not to be two witnesses appointed. It is no rare thing for a man to be falsely accused. A judge condemned a w^oman in Sarum for killing her husband, on the testimony of one witness. After- ward, when she was executed, the real murderer con- fessed. What said the j udge to Fortescue, touching the remorse of his conscience for proceeding upon such slender proof? ' That so long as he lived he would never purge his conscience of that deed.' I may be told, that the statutes I have before named are re- pealed. Yet the equity and reason of those laws re- mains : and at all events the law of God remaineth for ever ; and the canon of God saith, ' At the mouth of two or three witnesses shall he that is worthy of K 274 REFUSAL TO EXAMINE COBHAM. death be put to deatli — but at the mouth of one witness he shall not be put to death.' If then, by the statute law, by the civil law, and by God's words, it be required that there must be two witnesses at the least, bear with me if I desire one. Let Cobham be here ; let him speak it. Call my accuser before my face, and I have done. All is but his accusa- tion. No other thing hath been brought against me j and yet this accusation he never subscribed, — he never avouched. I beseech you, my lords, let this lord be sent for. Charge him on his soul, — on his allegiance to the king. If he affirm it I am content to be found guilty." It was the observation of James himself, — that weak monarch, under whose authority this scene of judicial severity was transacted, — that if Cobham could have spoken one word against Raleigh, his enemies would have brought him from Constantino- ple.* Cecil dreaded nothing more than the producing of the accuser. He knew that the whole of Cobham's evidence would break down under the cross-exami- nation of Sir Walter, and trembled lest his searching interrogations should bring to light his own courses and the plot he had laid for his victim. Deter- mined, therefore, that the prisoner's entreaty should not be listened to, he did not reject it himself, but with his usual art made the refusal come from the judges. They readily repelled every argument, and declared that it was illegal to grant a request which would promote the growth of treasons and open a door for the destruction of the king. Driven from this just ground, the trial proceeded, and an attempt was made to prejudice the jury by * Cajley, vol. ii. p. 77- Arabella's innocence. 275 implicating the prisoner in the crime of Clark, Wat- son, and the priests : — " Now," said Coke, " let us come to those words of Brooke regarding the destruc- tion of the king and his cubs." These expressions, all knowledge of which Raleigh indignantly abjured, were afterwards retracted by the accuser on the scaf- fold ; and yet an effort was now made to connect them with a circumstance stated in the indictment, that Cobliam had received from Sir Walter a book written against the king's title to4,he throne. Nothing could more strongly demonstrate the cruel and unjust manner in which every trifle was wrested than this circumstance. The book was found among Lord Burleigii's papers, which Raleigh had examined with the permission of that noble- man's son. It had been by mistake carried to his house ; it was taken oflf his table by Cobham, who declared that Sir Walter had said it was foolishly written : yet the attorney exaggerated the affair into a premeditated attempt to sow discontent and treason. The lord-high-admiral seized this moment of the trial to bring in his sister-in-law, the lady Arabella Stewart, who protested she never had dealt in these things, though Cobham had wTitten to her affirming that some about the king laboured to disgrace her. This letter she considered a foolish trick, and immedi- ately sent it to his majesty. Nothing, indeed, could be more ridiculous than the whole story, — nothing more completely established by the evidence, than that no conspiracy to place this lady on the throne existed any where except perhaps in the idle brain of Cobham. Raleigh knew this well ; and, confident of a success- ful issue were he permitted to cross-examine that peer, made another struggle to be confronted with 2'J(i Cecil's artful conduct liini: ^' The Lord Cobham/' said he/'liath accused me — you see in what manner lie liath forsworn it. Were it not for his accusation, all this were nothing. Let him be asked if I knew of the letter which La Rensy brought to him from Aremberg. Let me speak for my life ; it can be no hurt for him to be brought — he dares not accuse me. If you grant me not this favour I am strangely used. Campion was not de- nied to have his accusers face to face." To this the lord-chief-justice remarked, that Cobham could not be brought, because the acquitting of his old friend might move him to speak otherwise than the truth. Raleigh's reply was perfectly convincing : — " If," said he, "I had been the infuser of all these treasons into him, — you, gentlemen of the jury, mark this, — if I have been, as he is made to say, the cause of all his miseries and the destruction of his house, and that all evil hath happened unto him by my wicked counsel, — if this be true, whom hath he cause to ac- cuse and to be revenged on but on me ? — and I know him to be as revengeful as any man on earth." At this critical moment Cecil again introduced one of his artful speeches : — '' I am afraid," said he, '' my oft speaking, who am inferior to my lords here present, will make the world think I delight to hear myself talk. My affection to you. Sir Walter Raleigh, was not extinguished but slaked, in regard of your deserts. You know the law of the realm (which your mind doth not contest), that my Lord Cobham cannot be brought. Yet let me ask you this — If my Lord Cobham should be brought, and were we to ask him whether you were his only instigator to proceed in the treasons, dare you put yourself on his answer?" This appeal was met by Raleigh with EXPOSED BY RALEIGH. 277 the promptitude and confidence of innocence. *' I do dare it/' said he. " If Cobliam will declare before God and the king, that ever I knew of Arabella's matter, or of the money out of Spain, or of the Surprising Treason, I put myself upon it, — let me at once be pronounced guilty." " Then," said Cecil, " Sir Walter Raleigh, call upon Heaven, and prepare your- self; for I do verily believe my lords will prove this. Excepting your faults (I call them no worse), by God I am your friend ! The heat and passion in you, and the attorney's zeal in the king's service, makes me speak this. You argue that Cobham must have ac- quainted you with his conferences with Aremberg. That does not follow. If I set you on work, — and you give me no account, — does that make me inno- cent.'*" To this the reply of the accused conveyed more than met the ear. ^' Whoever," said he, '^' is the workman, it is reason he should give an account to the workmaster. But let it be proved that he gave me any account of his conferences with Aremberg." The reader will observe the courage with which Raleigh perils the whole case upon his being con- fronted with his accuser, and the subterfuge by which Cecil, who was not prepared for such bold- ness, slides out of the dilemma. Who does not expect, after this strong denunciation, " Then, Sir Walter Raleigh, call upon Heaven and prepare your- self !" that Cobham is to be brought in to prove the whole .'' Yet all that follows is the " verily believe" of this crafty politician, that the lords are to make out their case. A more impotent conclusion could not be imajjined. That this statesman was Ra- leigh's determined enemy, and even before the king's accession had done every thing to prejudice 278 EXAMINATION OP DYER A PILOT. the royal mind afjainst him, is proved by his own letters to James. What then are we to think of this awful obtestation of the great name of God in con- nexion with so gross a falsehood as the assurance that he still continued his friend ? But Cecil, who had been bred, as his biographers tell us, a courtier from his cradle, early acquired, in its highest per- fection, that most courtier-like quality — hypocrisy. Hardened, however, as he was in this school, it is difficult to believe that he was not stung by the dignified reproof of Raleigh, who gave him to under- stand that he knew him to be the " workman," or fabricator of the whole accusation. The attorney next called a low witness, one Dyer a pilot, to prove an idle speech of some nameless Portuguese who, at Lisbon, had said to him, '' Don Cobham and Don Raleigh would cut the king's throat before he was crowned." On this Sir Walter convincingly argued, that if Cobham was in correspondence with Aremberg, which he had no intention to deny, it must necessarily be known in Spain. " Why," said he, "' did they name the Duke of Buckingham with Jack Straw's treason, and the Duke of York with Jack Cade, but to countenance his treason ? Consider you, gentle- men of the jury, there is no cause so doubtful which the king's council cannot make good against the law. Consider my disability and their ability. They prove nothing against me ; and they bring the accusation of my Lord Cobham, which he hath lamented and repented as heartily as if it had been for a horrible murder. For he knew that all this sorrow which should come to me is by his means. Presumptions must proceed from precedent of sub- VIRULENCE OP COKE. 279 sequent facts. I have spent 40,000 crowns against the Spaniards. If I had died in Guiana, I had not left 300 marks a-year to my wife and son. I that have always condemned tlie Spanish faction — me- thinks it is a strange tiling that now I should affect it ! Remember wliat St Austin says, ' So judge as if you were about to be judged yourselves ; for in the end there is but one judge, but one tribunal for all men.* Now, if you yourselves would like to be hazarded in your lives and disabled in your de- scendants, — if you would be content to be delivered up to be slaughtered ; to have your wives and chil- dren turned into the street to beg their bread, — if you would be content all this should befal you upon a trial by suspicions and presumptions, upon an ac- cusation not subscribed by your accuser, without the open testimony of a single witness, — then so judge me as you would yourselves be judged." A singular interruption now took place. The attorney, having failed again in the proof, launch- ed forth into abuse, and was exhorted by Cecil to be less impatient; " upon which," says the record, '*^ Mr Attorney sat down in a chafe, and would speak no more until the commissioners urged and entreated him to proceed." He then, after much per- suasion, arose and broke out into still more violent invective, — but we shall present the dialogue which ensued in the words of the trial : — " Attorney. — Thou art the most vile and execrable traitor that ever lived. " Raleigh. — You speak indiscreetly, barbarously, and uncivilly. " Attorney. — I want words suflDicient to express thy viperous treasons. 280 cobham's accusation : " Raleigh. — I think you want words indeed, for you have spoken one thing half a dozen times. " Attorney. — Tliou art an odious fellow; thy name is hateful to all the realm of England for thy pride. '' Raleigh. — It will go near to prove a measuring- cast between you and me, Mr Attorney. '' Attorney. — Well, now will I make it appear to the world that there never lived a viler viper upon the face of the earth than thou." {In saying this he drew a letter from his pocket, and conti- nued.) " My Lords, you shall see. This is an agent who hath writ a treatise against the Spa- niard, and hath ever so detested him ! this is he that hath spent so much money against him in service ! and yet you shall see whether his heart be not wholly Spanish. The Lord Cobham, who of his nature was a good and honourable gentleman till overtaken by this wretch, now finding his conscience heavily burdened with some of the courses which the subtilty of the traitor had drawn him into, he could be at no rest in himself, nor quiet in his thoughts, until he was eased of that heavy weight. Out of which passion of his mind, and dis- charge of his duty to his prince and conscience to God, taking it upon his salvation that he wrote nothing but the truth, with his own hands he wrote this letter : — ^ I have thought fit to set doAvn this to my lords. Wherein I protest on my soul to write nothing but the truth. I am now come near the period of my time. Therefore I confess the whole truth before God and his angels. Raleigh, four days before I came from the Tower, caused an ap- ple to be thrown in at my chamber- window, the effect of it was to entreat me to right the wrong I coke's commentary on it. 281 had clone him in saying tliat I should come liome by Jersey ; which, under my liand, I liave retract- ed. His first letter I answered not, whicli was thrown in tlie same manner; wherein he prayed me to write liim a letter, which I did. He sent me word that the judges met at INlr Attorney's house, and that there was good hope the proceedings against us would be staid. He sent me another time a little tobacco. At Aremberg's coming Raleigh was to have procured a pension of £1500 a-year ; for which he promised that no action should be against Spain, the Low Countries, or the Indies, but he would give knowledge beforehand. He told me the States had audience with the king. He hath been the original cause of my ruin ; for I had no dealing with Aremberg but by his instigation. He hath also been the cause of my discontentment. He advised me not to be overtaken with preachers as Essex was ; and that the king would better allow of a constant denial than to accuse any.' " On this letter Mr Attorney resumed his commentary and pleading: — "Oh damnable atheist!" said he, "^ he hath learnt some text of scripture to serve his own purpose, but falsely alleged. He counselled him not to be counselled by preachers as Essex was. Essex died the child of God ; God honoured him at his death ; thou (Raleigh) wast present when he died. Et lupus et turpes instant morientibus ursce. '"" * I doubt not but this day God shall have as great a conquest by this traitor, and the son of God shall be as much glorified as when it w^as said Vicisti, Galihee. You know my meaning." It will be remarked by the reader, that this second declaration of Cobham contains nothing new against 282 COBHAM S EXCULPATORY LETTER. Raleigh. He had never denied the offer of money or a pension from Spain, — made to him, as it had been to many others, that lie might use his influence to procure a peace, — but that he had accepted the offer was nowhere shown; and his reply to the tis- sue of abuse and slander brought against him by Coke was calm and noble : — " You have heard," said he, '•^ a strange tale of a strange man. Now, Mr Attorney thinks he hath matter enough to destroy me. But the king and all of }^ou shall witness by our deaths which of us was the ruin of the other. I bid a poor fellow throw in the letter at Cobham's window, writ- ten to this purpose : — ' You know you have undone me; now write three lines to justify me.' In this I will die that he hath done me wrong. Why did he not acquaint me with his treasons if I did acquaint him with my dispositions? ' Sir Walter was here interrupted by the chief-justice, who asked, '^But what say you now of the letter, and the pension of £1500 per annum ?" "I say," he replied, '' that Cobham is a base, dishonourable, poor soul ; as this will show." He then produced a letter and re- quested Cecil to read it ; as he only of the commis- sioners knew the hand. It contained a complete exculpation, and made a great impression in the court. Its terms were these : — '' Seeing myself so near my end, for the discharge of my own conscience, and freeing myself from your blood, which else will cry vengeance against me, I protest upon my salva- tion I never practised with Spain by your procure- ment. God so confort me in this my affliction, as you are a true subject for any thing I know ! I will say as Daniel,* — Pnriis sum a sanguine Jmjus. So * It is evident that Cobham here substitutes Daniel for Pilate^ VERDICT OF GUILTY — SENTENCE OF DEATH. 203 God have mercy upon my soul as I know no trea- son by you !" This was the last piece of evidence adduced, — a marshal was then sworn to keep the court, and the jury being shut up, deliberated for a quarter of an hour, and returned a verdict of Guilty. Raleigh was now asked in the usual form, wliether he had any thing to say why judgment and execution of death should not pass against him ? To which, standing up, he answered with perfect equanimity, — " My Lords, — The jury have found me guilty. They must do as they are directed. I can say no- thing why judgment should not proceed. You see whereof Cobham hath accused me. You remember his protestations that I was never guilty. I only desire the king should know of the wrongs done me since I came hither by Mr Attorney. I desire my lords to remember three things to the king. 1st, I was accused to be a practiser with Spain. I never knew my Lord Cobham meant to go thither. I will ask no mercy at the king's hand if he will affirm it. 2d, I never knew of the practice with Arabella. 3d, I never knew of my Lord Cobham's unwarrantable practice with Aremberg, or of the Surprising Trea- son. I submit myself to the king's mercy. I know his mercy is greater than my offence. I recommend my wife and son, of tender years unbrought up, to his compassion." The chief-justice now pronounced the sentence of death ; and when, according to the form in cases of treason, he detailed with horrible minuteness the maimer of execution. Sir Walter requested the lords- 284 LETTER OF SIR DUDLEY CARLETON. commissioners to entreat the king, in consideration of tlie honourable places he liad held, that the ex- treme rigour of liis sentence might be qualified — that his death should not be ignominious. The court then broke up, and Raleigh accompanied the sheriff to the prison ; all being struck with his noble demeanour, which it was observed became a man conscious of innocence, and yet not insensible to his situation as being condemned by the laws of his country." In the Hardwicke Papers there is an interest- ing letter from Sir Dudley Carleton, who w^as pre- sent at the trial, which describes the impression made by the defence. " Sir Walter Raleigh," says he, " served for a whole act, and played all the parts himself. His cause was disjoined from the priests, as being a practice only between himself and Lord Cobham, to have brought in the Spa- niard, to have raised rebellion in the realm by fas- tening money upon discontents, to have set up the Lady Arabella, and to have tied her to certain con- ditions. * * The evidence against him was only Cobham's confession, which was judged sufficient to condemn him, and a letter was produced written by Cobham the day before, by which he accused Raleigh as the first practiser of the treason betwixt them, wiiicli served to turn against him, though he showed to countervail this a letter written by Cob- ham and delivered to him in the Tower, by which he w^as clearly acquitted. After sentence given, his request was to have his answers related to the king, and pardon begged ; of which if there were no hope, then that Cobham might die first. He answered * Cayley, vol. ii. p. 79- REMARKS ON THE TRIAL. 285 with that temper, wit, learninfj, courage, and judg- ment, tliat save that it went with tlie hazard of his life, it was the happiest day that ever he spent. And so w^ell he sliifted all advantages that were taken against him, that were not fama malum gravius quam res, and an ill name half hanged, in the opinion of all men he had been acquitted. The two first that brought the news to the king were Roger Ashton, and a Scotsman, whereof one affirmed that never any man spake so well in times past, nor would do in the world to come : and the other said, that whereas when he saw him first, he was so led with the common hatred, that lie would have gone a hundred miles to have seen him hang- ed, he would, ere he parted, have gone a thousand to have saved his life." To clear up tlie mystery with which this extra- ordinary trial has hitherto been covered, it will not be uninteresting to offer a few remarks ; and, first, I would observe, that Raleigh's innocence of any treasonable practices may be established almost to a demonstration. The only circumstance to con- nect him with the plot by Brooke and the priests, which in the trial is called the Surprising Trea- son, was the declaration stated to be made by Cob- ham to his brother, that " there never would be peace in England till the fox and his cubs were taken off," meaning the king. Now we have Ce- cil's evidence, the most unsuspected on this point certainly which could be given, that '' Brooke recall- ed to the bishop, on receiving the sacrament, that accusatioji which he had made of his brother concern- ing those odious words supposed to be uttered by the Lord Cobham (meaning thereby our gracious sove- 286 THE PLOT REGARDING ARABELLA reign and liis issue), that ' it never would be well until the fox and cubs were taken away.' " This charge, therefore, must be dismissed as unfounded ; and it is to be observed, that neither Brooke nor Grey, nor any of the others who suffered, uttered a word whicli could involve Sir Walter in any know- ledge of the Surprising Treason.'"' In the next place, as to Cobham's accusation, it consisted of two parts, the plan for setting up the Lady Arabella Stewart, and the receiving a pen- sion from Spain. The first scarcely deserves a mo- ment's consideration ; for it is impossible that any one should attentively read the evidence, garbled and partial as it is, without being convinced that the whole story is idle and ridiculous. A late author, in his character of Raleigh, has loosely asserted, " that he had certainly, in some measure, engaged in that conspiracy to place Arabella Stewart on the throne, the singular extravagance of which is well known to all readers of English history."t That no such plot existed may be satisfactorily demonstrated. There is no mention of any de- sign to set up that lady in Cecil's first account of the conspiracies of Brooke and Grey, and of Cob- ham and Raleigh, which he conveys in a letter to Sir Thomas Parry, ambassador in France. J There is no allusion to such a plot in the letter from the same politician to Mr Winwood, dated 3d Octo- ber,§ where he gives a sketch of both. In the first examination of Cobham there is not a word of Lady * See the Remarks at the end of this volume, on the errors com- mitted by Hume, Carte, and other writers, in their account of this trial. -f- Lodge's Portraits and Memoirs. % Cayley, vol. ii. p. 8. § Ibid. p. 13. A PIECE OP PURE INVENTION. 287 Arabella, though he was questioned as to plots and invasions of which he could give no particular ac- count.* In his second examination he is equally silent. When we look at the evidence on the trial, we find that none of the conspirators in the Sur- prising Treason, neither Brooke, Grey, Watson, nor Copley, say one word regarding that scheme. In the last letter written by Cobham accusing Raleigh, upon which the attorney-general founded his main proof, there is nothing said respecting it. On that nobleman's own trial we find, under Cecil's hand, " that for any thing that belonged to the Lady Ara- bella he (Cobliam) denied the whole accusation ;t and, lastly, we have, in the letter to Sir Thomas Parry, written after the conclusion of all the trials, when he had acquired the fullest information, this remark- able sentence : — '' There remaineth now, that I do resolve you of some doubts which you might con- ceive concerning Lady Arabella, Count Aremberg, and other persons named in the Lord Cobham's and Sir Walter Raleigh's indictment, how far they are to be touched with it or not. And therefore you shall understand that, as that practice was discover- ed in the very infancy of it, before it was either put in action or imparted to any, so far the Lady Ara- bella, the archduke, and King of Spain, they were merely ignorant of any such thing, which these men had but conceived in their minds and discoursed of among themselves. But for the Count of Arem- berg, with whom the Lord Cobham had had private meetings and intercourse of letters, it was always pretended to him, howsoever it might be intended by the Lord Cobham, to be for the advancemetd of • Cayley, vol. ii. p. 27. i* Ibid. j). 67. 288 CORRESPONDENCE WITH AREMBERG. the peace, and that the money which the count was contented to promise should be bestowed only for gaining of friends to stand for the treaty."* It is impossible to desire more convincing evidence that the plot existed nowhere but in the indictment. When we find Cecil declaring that the parties had discoursed of it among themselves, it gives us a poor opinion of the veracity of this statesman, to know that he was asserting what he was well aware had been contradicted by the whole evidence on the trial. Whether Cobham had ever conceived such an idea cannot now be discovered. In his last letter and on his trial he denied the whole story, and exculpated the accused ; and assuredly no one can maintain that such a conceit, imparted neither to Sir Walter, to the other conspirators, to the lady herself, nor to Arem- berg, who was to advance the money, but kept en- tirely to himself, is for an instant entitled to the name of a conspiracy. Having established Raleigh's innocence with re- gard to the treason of Brooke, and the imaginary plot concerning the Lady Arabella, it will require very few words to show that, so far as he was in- volved in the matter of Count Aremberg, he enter- tained no treasonable designs. All that was proved regarded the offer by Cobham of a sum of money or a pension, on condition of his promoting the peace with Spain, and giving intelligence to that government. On this point, from the first moment when he was examined to the last when he ima- gined he was preparing for death, he gave the same accomit. Being known to all England, to Europe, and indeed to the New World, as well as * Cayley, vol. ii. pp. 63, 64. EXTENT OF RALEIGH's GUILT. 289 tlie Old, to be one of the ablest and most determined enemies of Spain, it was considered material to in- duce him to withdraw his opposition to a peace ; and he readily acknowledged that Cobham had talked to him of 8000 crowns or of a pension, adding, that he would get the promised bribe within three days. This last circumstance was so improbable, that Ra- leigh thought the whole was one of his lordship's idle conceits, and answered lightly, that when he saw the money he would be ready to talk more on the subject.* At the same time he confessed, that he was to blame for concealing this offer which he never meant to accept. Such was the declaration to which Sir Walter adhered with all the constancy which belongs to truth. It is also material to observe, that Cobham corroborated this account in his examina- tions, in his last letter regarding Raleigh, and on his trial, whilst Cecil, in a paper already quoted, strik- ingly confirms it.t That such a proposal should be idly made by such a man, was nothing extraordi- nary. There would have been guilt in accepting it, or seriously entertaining it, or receiving the money ; but of this no proof whatever, either by witnesses or documents, was produced. From an impartial view of the whole evidence we arrive at these conclusions : — That Raleigh was in no way connected with the treason of Brooke and Grey ; that there was no plot regarding the Lady Arabella, and, of course, that he could not be in- volved in it ; and, lastly, that his sole offence lay in his discontent with the government, and in his hav- ing listened to Cobham while talking in a cursory manner of procuring him a sum of money provided he would further the peace with Spain. * Trial, p. 425. New edition. -f- Cayley, \u\. ii. [>. o3. 290 SECRETARY CECIL THE AUTHOR We have now ascertained, on what appears to be strong and sufficient grounds, the amount of Raleigh's guilt, if it deserve so grave a name, and it cannot be better described than in his own words in a letter to the king : " Lost I am for hearing a vain man ; for hearing only, and never believ- ing or approving ; and so little account did I make of that speech of his which was my condemnation (meaning Cobham's proposal of the pension), that I never remembered any such thing till it was at my trial objected against me." An interesting ques- tion yet remains, which, considering the historical importance of this trial, it is singular should not have been proposed for investigation by any of the numerous writers who have alluded to it. To whom are we to trace the invention of the charges against him ? by whose ingenuity was the net pre- pared in which he was irrecoverably entangled ? There is, I think, strong circumstantial evidence to show that the author of the whole was no other than Cecil. On the trial we have twice found him calling God to witness, in the most solemn manner, that he had a sincere friendship for Raleigh ; yet it can be shown under his own hand that this was an untruth. In that remarkable correspondence which this mi- nister, by means of his crafty agent. Lord Henry Howard, carried on with James VI. anterior to his accession to the English throne, it is completely es- tablished that, for a considerable time before the death of Elizabeth, although he preserved towards Sir Walter the appearance of affectionate confidence, he was his bitter political enemy, and had deter- mined on his ruin.* The discovery of these prac- tices naturally incensed the latter ; and soon after * See Remarks at the end of the volume. OP THE PLOT AGAINST RALEIGH. 291 James's accession^ it is said, he defended himself in a memorial, and accused Cecil not only of being a principal instrument in the fall of Essex, but of hav- ing a chief hand in the death of the Queen of Scots.* James took little notice of this; but the secretary from that moment determined to get rid of his rival. Yet so covertly did he for the most part proceed in his state intrigues, that it is sometimes difficult to trace his hand. In the instance before us, however, it may be detected very clearly: To begin, we have his own admission upon the trial, that he was the first who threw suspicion upon the prisoner. '^ When I found Brooke was in," says he, ^'^ I suspected Cobham; then I doubted Raleigh to be a partaker." In the next place, he was the person who recommended that the latter should be detained and examined before the lords of the council. '' Sir Walter," says he on the trial, " was staid by me at Windsor, upon the first news of Copley, that the king's person should be surprised by my Lord Grey and i\Ir Brooke. I say not this that it should be thought I had greater judgment than the rest of my lords in making this haste to have them examined." This sentence, un- der an affected modesty, shows the important fact, that he alone among the members of the council inti- mated suspicions of Raleigh, and made haste to have him examined. It was found that he could not pos- sibly be connected with the plot just mentioned ; the declarations of the conspirators completely exculpat- ed him ; but Cobham, Brooke's brother, was engaged in a correspondence with Aremberg. Sir Walter was intimately acquainted with his lordship ; and, as shown above, a base but ingenious " device" was * Kennet's Hist, of England, vol. ii. pp. G*'>3, l>t)4. 292 Cecil's plot against raleigh : fallen upon to induce this nobleman to criminate Raleigh. The reader already knows the manner in whicli this was accomplished. Tlie secretary ma- naged to procure from this last an epistle^ addressed to himself, about the correspondence with Arem- berg, which Sir Walter believed to relate to the Spa- nish peace. When Cobham came to be examined, this letter was lianded to him, accompanied by the observation, that Raleigh had accused him. The suc- cess of the scheme was complete ; for the baron, a vio- lent and unprincipled man, broke into a furious pas- sion, and in his turn denounced his supposed accuser as guilty of a treasonable correspondence with Spain.* We need not hesitate, therefore, to pronounce the evidence nearly complete, which shows Cecil to have been the principal inventor of that contrivance by which a man, whom he knew to be innocent, was in- volved in a charge which ultimately cost him his life. Raleigh was well aware of this. In a letter written, previous to his trial, to the Earls of Nottingham, Suf- folk, Devonshire, and Cecil himself, there is this sen- tence : ^' By what means that revengeful accusation was stirred, i/ou, my Lord Cecil, know right well, that it w^as my letter about Keymis ; and your lord- ships all know whether it be maintained, or w^he- ther, out of truth and a Christian consideration, it be revoked."t The malignity of the secretary is fully established by the despatches of the French ambassador De Beaumont, then in England, who declares that he w^as "^ violently set upon the prosecution, acting * TliLs fact is established by a contemporary letter in Sir Toby :Mathew's Collection, p. 281. "X Cayle}', vol. ii. p. 12. HIS VIOLENT DESIRE TO CONVICT HIM. 203 more from interest and passion than from any zeal for the public good."* The same enmity was exhi- bited during the trial. Had he been the prisoner's friend, which he declares before God he was^ it was in his power by a few words to have disposed the jury to acquit him : This is shown by a re- markable passage in a letter of Sir Dudley Carle- ton, describing the trial of Brooke, and the other conspirators. " Parham was acquitted. * * Yet had he gone the same way as the rest, as is thought, save for a word the Lord Cecil cast in, in the way as the cause was in handling, that the king's glory consisted as much in freeing the innocent as in condemning the guilty." Yet every word cast in by Cecil in Raleigh's trial was unfavourable to the accused; and the reader is already aware how steadily he opposed the viva voce examination of Cobham, — the last solitary hope left to Raleigh of establishing his innocence. In his letters written after the trial, the secretary gives a garbled and unfair representation of the grounds upon which Sir Walter was found guilty; and in his anxiety to account for the inconsistencies in the story of Cobham's plot, he directly contradicts himself on a very material point, which is worthy of notice. In a note, addressed to Sir Thomas Parry, pre- vious to the trial but after the examinations had been taken, he accuses Aremberg of a scheme to advance money to Cobham not to procure a peace, but for some other design by which he would pros- per better than by peaceA In a second communica- tion, written after the trial to the same person, then ambassador in France, he as positiveh'^ asserts a to- Carte, vol. iii. [). 21U. i" Cayley, vol. ii. pp. i}, 1>. 294 Cecil's contradictions : tally different story, namely, that " for the Count Aremberg, with whom the Lord Cobham had private meetings, and intercourse by letters, it was always pretended to him, howsoever it might be intended by the Lord Cobham, /gr speculum creaturarum ; that is, in the disposition, order, and variety of celestial and terrestrial bodies. * * By these potent effects we approach to the know- ledge of the Omnipotent Cause, and by these mo- tions their Almighty IMover. By his own Word, and by this visible world, is God perceived of men, which is also the understood language of the Almighty vouchsafed to all his creatures, whose hieroglyphi- cal characters are the unnumbered stars, the sun, and moon, written on these large volumes of the firmament, written also on the earth and seas, by the letters of all those living creatures and plants which inhabit and reside therein. Therefore, said that learned Cusanus, Mimdus universus nihil ali- ud est quam Deus expUcatus, — the world univer- sal is nothing else than God exprest. And ' the in- Raleigh's style. 339 visible things of God/ says St Paul, ' are seen by his creatures of the worlds being considered in his crea- tures.' Of all which there was no other cause pre- ceding than his own will ; no other matter than his own power ; no other workman than his own Word ; no other consideration than his own infinite good- ness. The example and pattern of these his crea- tures, as he beheld the same in all eternity in the abundance of his own love, so was it at length in the most wise order by his unchanged will moved, by his high wisdom disposed, and by his Almighty power perfected and made visible."* This is excel- lent writing, — noble and just ideas upon the highest theme which can employ the human intellect, — ex- pressed with great strength and dignity of language ; and yet the author of it has been arraigned by critics, who have chosen rather to copy the scurrility of Coke than to examine his own opinions, as " a notorious un- believer suspected of atheism."t Here, and through- out the work, the style partakes of the fault of the age, being rather stiff and cumbrous ; yet it is vigorous, purely English, and possesses an antique richness of ornament, similar to what pleases us when we see some ancient priory or stately manor-house, and compare it with our more modern mansions. In his first book, wiiich embraces the period from the cre- ation to the building of Nineveli, and more especi- ally in the early portion of it, Raleigh displays an intimate acquaintance with Scripture, and with the writings of the Fathers. He shows, at the same time, that he had studied the works of the most ce- • Hist, of the ^\'orld, pp. I, 2, 3. ■\ Lodge's Illustrations, vol. iii. p. 210. See Remarks on Hume's character of Raleigh, at the end of this volume. 340 Raleigh's fine imagination. lebrated schoolmen with tliat freedom of thought which, emancipating itself from the prejudices of the age, rejected the errors of their philosophy, whilst it admitted their refined dexterity of intel- lect. JMost of these authors, says he, " were rather curious in the nature of terms, and more subtile in distinguishing upon the parts of doctrine already laid down, than discoverers of any thing hidden in philosophy or divinity, of whom it may be truly said, ISlihil sapientice odiosius acumine nimio, — no- thing is more odious to true wisdom than too acute sharpness."* One of the most remarkable features in this w^ork, especially in the first book, is that fine poetical ima- gination, which irradiates the most abstruse discus- sions, and gives a bright colouring to subjects, which in the hands of other writers become cold and for- bidding. In his chapter on Fate, for example, what can be more beautiful than the mode in which he in- troduces his belief in the uses and influences of the stars? ^'^ And certainly it cannot be doubted," says he, '^ but the stars are instruments of far greater use than to give an obscure light, and for men to gaze on after sunset. '^ * And if we cannot deny but that God hath given virtues to springs and fountains, to cold earth, to plants, stones, minerals, and to the vilest parts of the basest living creatures, why should we rob the beautiful stars of their working powers ? for seeing they are many in number, and of eminent brightness and magnitude, we may not think that, in the treasury of his wisdom who is infinite, there can be wanting (even for every star) a peculiar vir- « Hist, of the World, vol. ii. pp. 17, 44. POWERS AND OFFICES OP THE STARS. 341 tue and operation, as every herb, plant, fruit, and flower, adorning the face of the earth, hath the same. For as these were not created to beautify tlie earth alone, and to cover and shadow her dusty face, but otherwise for the use of man and beast to feed them and cure them, so were not those mysterious and glo- rious bodies set in the firmament to no other end than to adorn it, but for instruments and organs of his Divine Providence, so far as it hath pleased his just will to determine. Origen, upon this place of Ge- nesis, ^Let there be light in the firmament,' afiirm- etli, that the stars are not causes, but are as open books, wherein are contained and set down all things whatsoever to come, but not to be read by the eyes of human wisdom. * * And though for the capacity of men we know somewhat, yet in the true and uttermost virtues of plants and herbs, which ourselves sow and set, and which grow under our feet, we are in effect ignorant, much more in the powers and working of the celestial bodies. ' For hardly,' saith Solomon, ' can we discern the things that are upon the earth, and with great labour find we out those things which are before us, who then can in- vestigate the things that are in heaven V But in this question of fate, the middle course is to be fol- lowed, that, as with the heathen, we do not bind God to his creatures in this supposed necessity of destiny ; so, on the contrary, we do not rob these beautiful creatures of their powers and offices."^-" Some striking examples of this pleasing manner of blending together the philosophy of the Fathers with his own rich imagination are to be found in his • Hist, of the World, vol. ii. p. 21). 342 MAN A LITTLE WORLD : chapter entitled, " That ]\Ian is, as it were, a little World." '' ' ]\Ian/ says Gregory Naiizianzine, ' is the bond or chain which tieth together both natures ;' and because in the little frame of man's body there is a representation of the universal, therefore man was called IMicrocosmos, or the little world ; * * for out of the earth and dust was formed the flesh of man, and therefore heavy and lumpish ; the bones of his body we may compare to the hard rocks and stones, and therefore strong and durable ; his blood, whioJi disperseth itself by the branches of veins through all the body, may be resembled to those waters which are carried by brooks and rivers over all the earth ; his breath to the air ; his natu- ral heat to the enclosed warmth which the earth hath in itself, which, stirred up by the heat of the sun, assisteth nature in the speedier production of those varieties which the earth bringeth forth ; our radical moisture is resembled to the fat or fertility of the earth ; the hairs of man's body, which adorn or overshadow it, to the grass which covereth the upper face or skin of the earth ; * * our determinations to the light, wandering, and unstable clouds, carried every where with uncertain winds ; our eyes to the light of the sun and moon, and the beauty of our youth to the flowers of the spring, which either in a very short time, or with the sun's heat, dry up and wither away, or the fierce puff's of wind blow them from their stalks ; the thoughts of our mind to the motions of angels, and our pure understand- ing, which always looketh upwards, to those intel- lectual natures which are always present with God ; and, lastly, our immortal souls, while they are righteous, are by God himself beautified with the HIS SEVEN AGES. 343 title of his own image and similitude ; and although in respect of God there is no man just, or good, or righteous, ' for behold he findeth folly in his angels/ saith Job, yet with such a kind of difference as there is between the substance and the shadow, there may be found a goodness in man." From this Raleigh proceeds to the opinion of Aristotle and Pythagoras, Homo est mensura om- nium rerum, the four complexions resembling the four elements, and the seven ages of man the seven planets ; a fanciful idea, upon which he dilates with much beauty. "Our infancy is compared to the moon, in which we seem only to live and grow as plants ; the second age to IMercury, wherein we are taught and instructed ; our third age to Venus, the days of love, desire, and vanity ; the fourth to the sun, the strong, beautiful and flourishing age of man's life ; the fifth to ]\Iars, in which we seek ho- nour and victory, and in which our thoughts travel to ambitious ends ; the sixth age is ascribed to Ju- piter, in which we begin to take account of our times, judge of ourselves, and grow to the perfection of our understanding; the last and seventh to Saturn, wherein our days are sad and overcast, and in which v/e find, by dear and lamentable experience, and by the loss which can never be repaired, that of all our vain passions and affections the sorrow only abideth. * * For this tide of man's life, after it once turneth and declineth, ever runneth with a perpe- tual ebb and falling stream, but never floweth again ; our leaf once fallen springeth no more, neither doth the sun or the summer adorn us again with the gar- ments of new leaves and flowers. " ' Redditur arborrbus florens revirentibns aetas, Er^ro non homini quod full ante, rediU* 344 CARE OF THE SOUL. " The plants and trees, made poor and old By winter envious, The spring-time bounteous Covers again from shame and cold But never man repaired again His 3'outh and beaut}' lost, Though art, and care, and cost, All promise Nature help, yet all is vain." The conclusion deduced in a former chapter from these premises, namely, that considering the base- ness and frailty of our bodies we should prefer to them the care of the soul, is in the highest strain of Christian philosophy : "In this time it is, when we for the most part, and never before, prepare for our eter- nal habitation, which we pass on unto with many sighs, groans, and sad thoughts. * * And though our own eyes do every where behold the sudden and resistless assaults of death, and nature assureth us by never-failing experience, and reason by infallible demonstration, that our times upon the earth have neither certainty nor durability ; that our bodies are but the anvils of pain and diseases, and our minds the hives of unnumbered cares, sorrows^ and pas- sions ; yet such is the blindness and true unhappi- ness of our condition, and the dark ignorance which covereth the eyes of our understanding, that we only prize, pamper, and exalt this vassal and slave of death, and forget altogether, or only remember at our cast-away leisure, the imprisoned immortal soul;, which can neither die with the reprobate, nor perish with the mortal parts of virtuous men, seeing God's justice in the one, and his goodness in the other, is exercised for evermore as the ever-living subjects of his reward or punishment. But when is it we examine this great account ? Never while we have one vanity left us to spend. We plead for titles till CHRISTIAN PHILOSOPHY. 345 our breath fail us ; dig for riches while our strength eiiableth us ; exercise malice while we can revenge ; and then, when time hath beaten from us both youth, pleasure, and health, and nature itself hateth the house of old age, we remember with Job, that we must go the way from whence we shall not re- turn, and that our bed is made ready for us in the dark ; and then, I say, looking over-late into the bottom of our conscience, which pleasure and ambi- tion had locked up from us all our lives, we behold therein the fearful images of our actions past, and withal this terrible inscription. That God will bring every work into judgment that man hath done un- der the sun. "' * But let us not flatter our immortal souls herein ; for to neglect God all our lives, and know that we neglect him, — to offend God voluntarily, and know that we offend him, — (casting our hopes on the peace which we trust to make at parting), is no other than a rebellious presumption, and that which is worst of all, a contemptuous laugh- ing to scorn and deriding of God, his laws, and precepts. Frustra sperant, says St Bernard, qui sic de misericordia Dei sibi hlandhmtur, — Thev hope in vain who in this sort flatter themselves with God's mercy."* In his translations of the poetical passages, quoted in the earlier part of his history, Raleigh is often very happy, keeping close to the original, and giv- ing both the spirit and meaning with much brevity and elegance. Thus in those fine lines of Virgil — " Principio caelum, ac terras, camposque liquentes, Lucenteiu(iue j^lobiiin liinaj, Titaniaque astra, Spiritus intus alit ; totainqiie intusa per artiis mens aj^itat moleni, et magno se c()r|K)re miscet." * Hist World, vol. iL pp. 59, (iU, Kl, 54, 55, 50. M() POETICAL TRANSLATIONS. " The heaven, the earth, and all the liquid main, — The moon's hrij^ht ^lobe, and stars Tilanian, A spirit within maintains ; and their whole mass, — A mind, which throuj;^h each part infused doth pass. Fashions and works, and wholly doth transpierce All this great body of the universe."* Another example is to be found in his translation of the following verses of Lucan : — " Primum cana salix, madefacto vimine, parvam Texitur in puppim, CTSoque induta juvenco, Vectoris patiens tumidum supernatat amnem. Sic Venetus stagnante Pado, fusoque Britannus Navigat oceano." " The moisten'd osier of the hoary willow Is woven first into a little boat, Then, clothed in bullock's hide, upon the billow Of a proud river lightly doth it float Under the waterman. So on the lakes of overswelling Po Sails the Venetian, and the Briton so On the outspread ocean."-]- From these remarks, supported hy the extracts we have given, some idea may be formed of the style and execution of this great w^ork. To pursue the criticism further, or to attempt to follow the au- thor into the w^ide ocean of Assyrian, Grecian, and Roman history, would carry us much beyond our li- mits. To characterize, in a few sentences, so exten- sive a performance, so diversified in its subjects, and presenting so many features of excellence, is im- possible. It is laborious without being heavy, learn- ed without being dry, acute and ingenious without degenerating into the subtile but trivial distinctions of the schoolmen. Its narrative is clear and spirited, and the matter collected from the most authentic sources. The opinions of the author on state policy, on the causes of great events, on the different forms * History of the World, vol. ii p. 14. f Ibid. p. 259. C03IPREHENSIVENESS OF THE WORK. 347 of government, on naval or military tactics, on agri- culture, commerce, manufactures, and other sources of national greatness, are not the mere echo of other minds, but the results of experience, drawn from the study of a long life spent in constant action and vicissitude in various climates and countries, and from personal labour in offices of high trust and responsibility. But perhaps its most striking fea- ture is the sweet tone of philosophic melancholy which pervades the whole. Written in prison dur- ing the quiet evening of a tempestuous life, we feel, in its perusal, that we are the companions of a superior mind, nursed in contemplation, and chastened and improved by sorrow, in which the bitter recollection of injury, and the asperity of resentment, have passed away, leaving only the heavenly lesson, that all is vanity. It may be re- marked, lastly, tliat the w^ork contains the most complete and satisfactory evidence of the absolute groundlessness of the charges of infidelity brought against Sir Walter at his trial, and since counte- nanced by the authority of Hume. That distin- guished writer could not have advanced this opinion had he consulted the History of the World, throufjh- out which runs a uniform strain of Christian faith and Christian doctrine, evinced by a learned refer- ence to the Scriptures as the Word of God, and an unhesitating condemnation of all those ingenious but mischievous inventions of ancient or of modern phi- losophy, which would allegorize their meaning, cir- cumscribe their inspiration, or impair their authority. Had this been otherwise. Bishop Hall, an author as eminent for piety as for eloquence, would not have commended the work so highly in his treatise en- 348 BISHOP HALL. titled, " Balm ofGilead, or Comforts for the Distrest," with whose eulogium we shall conclude these re- marks. " A wise man, as Laurentius, the presbyter, observed well, does much in solitude. So mayest thou employ the hours of thy close retiredness, and bless God for so happy an opportunity. How me- morable an instance has our age afforded us of an eminent person, to whose imprisonment we are all obliged, besides many philosophical experiments, for that noble History of the World now in our hands. The court had his youthful and freer years, and the Tower his latter age ; the Tower reformed the cour- tier in him, and produced those worthy monuments of art and industry, which we should have in vain expected from his freedom and jollity. It is ob- served that shining wood, when it is kept within doors, loses its light ; it is otherwise with this and many other active wits, which had never shined so much if not for closeness." During these literary occupations Raleigh never intermitted his efforts to recover his liberty; but the animosity of Cecil, the indifference of the king, and the influence of Somerset, who enjoyed the spoils of the captive, rendered all ineffectual. Un- der this severe disappointment, aggravated by the strictness with which he was guarded, and the cold and discomfort of his apartments, his health be- came seriously affected ; his breathing began to be short and laboured ; and, in an affecting letter to the queen, he complains, that after eight years he w^as as straitly locked up as on the first day ; that he had in vain petitioned for so much grace as to walk with his keeper up the hill within the Tower. These symptoms soon grew more alarming. Raleigh's dangerous illness. 349 The wliole of his left side was seized with a par- tial paralysis, his speech was perceptibly affected, and his physician, Dr Turner, sent a statement of his case to Cecil, entreating that he might have the accommodation of a warmer room, which, when per- .^ mitted more liberty, he had built near his labora- . '^^ry in the garden. The proof of this is contained "in a curious document preserved in the State-paper Office, which exhibits the secretary in the character of a jailor, heartlessly weighing the sufferings of his prisoner, and considering whether his illness de- manded a little more indulgence. It is addressed to the Earl of Salisbury, being indorsed in his own handwriting, '' The Judgment of Sir W. Raleigh's Case ;" and is evidently an abridgment of the phy- sician's memorial, which, after detailing the symp- toms, prays that Raleigh should be removed from his cold lodging, '" if it might stand with his honour's lyking."-^ Whether this miserable favour was granted does not appear ; but it was evident, that so long as Ce- cil retained his power there was no liberty for his victim. By the death of this minister, however, which happened soon after, one great obstacle to his enlargement was withdrawn. Raleigh could not refrain from commemorating his feelings on this occasion in a satirical epitaph, less severe, however, than the strictures on the cha- racter of the same person by Osborne and Weldon. " Here lies Hobbinol, our pastor while ere, That once in a quarter our Heeces did shear. To Ai He first gtive a triHe, tlien ofter'd up us; 1 iiai once in a quarier our neeces am snear. Fo plea.se us, his cur he kept under a clog, \nu was ever after both shepherd and doj^. Kor oblation to Pan, his custom was thus, — Mrs Thompson, Life of Raleigh, Appendix, letter U. 350 DEATH OF CECIL. And through his false worsliip such power he did gain, As Itept him o' th' mountain and us on the phiin ; Where many a hornpipe lie tuned to his Phillis, And sweetly sung \N alsingham to's Amaryllis; Till Atropos sna|)t him, the envious drab, And, spite of his tar-box, he died of the scab." Who tlie Phillis here alluded to was does not appear, unless we are to believe it to have been the Countess of Suffolk; the mistress, as Weldon in- forms us, of that " little great secretary, — little in body and stature, but great in wit and policy."* Raleigh touches on Cecil's power of fleecing the people and enriching himself. The last line refers to a story told by Sir Anthony Weldon, that he died of a very loathsome disease (the Herodian), which is confirmed by the statement of Osborne, though the evidence of both is to be received with caution. Yet even by his eulogists, Salisbury's illness, for which the use of the Bath hot-wells was recommended, is said to have been a complication of dropsy and scurvy. The general feeling on his death is probably described with impartiality in a letter of the Earl of Dorset to Sir Thomas Edmondes : — " When great men die, such is either their desert or the malice of the people, or both together, as commonly they are ill spoken of; and so is one that died but lately, — more, I think, than ever any one was, and in more several kinds ; and his death hath wiped away the memory of others' misdeeds, and as it were extin- guished their faults, — his being, if not greater, yet fresher in every man's mouth and memory. "t In his illness, Cecil thus addressed Sir Walter Cope, one of his most favourite and intimate servants : • Weldon, p. 338. Osborne, pp. 236, 237. t Birch's Hist. View, p. 347. ILLNESS OF THE PRINCE. 351 '-' Ease and pleasure quake to hear of death ; hut my life, full of cares and miseries, desireth to he dissolved,"* — a sentence which might be a warning to ambition, if such were ever heeded. The death of his enemy the Earl of Salisbury, and the continued friendship of the Prince of Wales, promised some alleviation to Raleigh's misfortunes ; but unhappily, before the generosity of Henry could take advantage of the change, and move the king for the liberation of his friend, he was himself seized with the malignant fever of which he died. The illness of this youth assumed from the first an alarming appearance, but was evidently aggravated by the ignorance of his physicians. One of them. Sir Theodore IMayerne, possessed of somewhat greater skill than the rest, urged the immediate necessity of bleeding, but was outvoted by his bretliren, who admi- nistered restoratives, and greatly aggravated the fury of the disease. " At length a few ounces of blood were permitted to be taken, and nature seemed to point out the excellence of the remedy, and to chide the ignorance of the physicians; for the poor sufferer did not cease desiring and calling on them to take more, as they were about to stop the same, finding some ease as it were upon the instant."t The operation was not repeated, though the fall of the pulse, the cessation of delirium, and evi- dent symptoms of convalescence, demonstrated the wisdom of Mayerne's opinion. The wretched quacks by whom he was surrounded " applied to the soles of his feet a cock cloven by the back ;" and the * Bio^r. Brit., art. Cecil (Robert). -|- Birch's Life of Henry Prince ot" Wale.s, compiled from liis own Papers, pp. 340, iJ4y. 352 DEATH OF PRINCE HENRV. queen obtained some of Raleigh's cordial, which was given among other remedies without the slightest success. The fever had now recurred with a force which defied all human skill ; and the prince ex- pired on the 6th of November, to the sincere grief of the whole nation, whose good will his virtues and excellent qualities had entirely gained. The passage in Welwood which refers to Sir Walter's drug is curious, as containing the probable ground- work of the absurd but general suspicion that the royal patient died of poison. " When the prince," says this author, " fell into his last illness, the queen sent to Sir Walter Raleigh for his cordial, which she herself had taken in a fever some time before with remarkable success. Raleigh sent it, together with a letter, to the queen, wherein he expressed a tender concern for the prince, and, boasting of his medicine, stumbled unluckily upon an expression to this purpose, that it would certainly cure him or any other of a fever, except in case of poison. The prince dying though he took it, the queen in the agony of her grief showed Raleigh's letter, and laid so much weight on the expression about poison, that to her latest day she could never be dissuaded from the opinion that her beloved son had had foul play done him."* The feelings with which Raleigh received this blow, one of the severest which could have befallen him, were not those of unavailing complaint, but of deep and manly sorrow. During the tedious years of his imprisonment he had been cheered by the correspondence of this talented youth. At his re- * Welwood's Notes on Wilson's Hist, of King- James. Kennet, vol. ii. p. 714. 7 Raleigh's sorrow. 353 quest, and for liis instruction, he engaged in that great work of which we have spoken ; and with such entliusiasm did the prince embrace tlie inte- rests of his friend, that shortly before his death he solicited the Sherborne estate from his father, with the purpose of restoring it to its former master. To have owed to him his liberty and the reinstate- ment of his fortunes, and to have devoted the rest of his life and the treasures of his long experience to so generous a patron, was a prospect he had often in- dulged with the sanguine hope that formed part of his character ; but it was now withered for ever. *' Of the art of war," says he in his History, " I had written a treatise for the Lord Henry, Prince of Wales, — a subject to my knowledge never handled by any man ancient or modern. But God hath spared me the labour of finishing it by his loss, — by the loss of that brave prince of which, like an eclipse of the sun, we shall find the effects hereafter. Im- possible it is to equal words and sorrows; I will therefore leave him in the hands of God that hath him : Curw leves loqiiuntur, ingentes stupent."^' With the same brief but profound sorrow he thus concludes his history : — " Lastly, whereas this book, by the title it hath, calls itself the First Part of the General History of the World, implying a second and third volume, which I also intended and have hewn out. Besides many other discouragements persuading my silence, it hath pleased God to take that glorious prince out of the world to whom they were directed, whose unspeakable and never-enough-lamented loss hath taught me to say with Job, Versa est in luctuni cithara meiiyetorganum meam invocemflentium."i • Hist of the World, b. v. c. 1. § fi! f Ibid. b. v. c. (i, § 1 2. Y 354 VENALITY OF THE COURT. Yet although agcain cast down by this grievous loss, it was not in the nature of Raleigh's mind to sink into despair ; and in the rise of a new favourite, Villiers, Duke of Buckingham, which also diminish- ed the power of Somerset, he perceived a revival of hope. By the influence of some friends with the duke, the liberty of the Tower was allowed him ; and the subsequent discovery of the murder of Over- bury by the earl and his infamous countess, whilst it led to their condemnation and disgrace, encou- raged Sir Walter to redouble his exertions to obtain a release. He addressed a petition to the queen, who was favourably disposed towards him, and both to her and to Sir Ralph Win wood, secretary of state, renewed his proposal for the settlement of Guiana, and the working of a gold mine, of which in his former voyages he had ascertained the existence. The scheme which Cecil had refused to countenance was recommended to the king by Win wood, and as the expense came out of the private fortunes of Raleigh, and those who embarked in the speculation, whilst his majesty was to receive a fifth part of the bullion imported, no stretch of generosity was required for the royal consent to an adventure by which he could lose nothing, and might be a gainer to a high amount. The remonstrances, however, of Gondo- mar, the Spanish ambassador, who was jealous of any expedition to that part of America, and represented the whole affair as an intended attack upon the pos- sessions of his master, shook the resolution of James, and would probably have put a stop to the enter- prise, had not Raleigh adopted a more efficacious mode of forwarding it by paying £1500 to Sir Wil- liam St John and Sir Edward Villiers, the uncles RALEIGH PROCURES HIS LIBERTY. 355 of Buckingham. It affords a striking proof of the corruption of the court, tliat in this way success was at length obtained, and tlie monarcli, who had for twelve years steeled his heart against all the demands of truth and justice, yielded at once to the desires of a capricious and venal favourite. Early in iMarch 1615, the prisoner was informed of the success of his suit, and wrote to Villiers this brief and dignified letter. " Sir, — You have by your mediation put me again into the world. I can but acknowledge it ; for to pay any part of your favour by any service of mine, as yet it is not in my power. If it succeed well, a good part of the honour shall be yours ; and if I do not also make it profitable unto you, I shall show myself exceeding ungrateful. In the mean while, and till God discover the success, I beseech you to reckon me among the number of your faith- ful servants, though the least able. — W. Raleigh.""^ Three days after the date of this letter Sir Walter was liberated from confinement. When expressing his reflections to some friends on the extraordinary dealings of Providence with regard to himself and Somerset, he remarked that the whole history of the world did not furnish a similar example, where free- dom came to a royal prisoner, and a halter to the bo- som favourite of the monarch, except in the instance of Mordecai and Haman. This was by some officious talebearer repeated to the king. His answer was remarkable : " Raleigh," said he, " may die in that • Oldys's Lite, p. 468. 356 VOYAGE TO GUIANA. deceit;" — an observation wliich, escaping by chance from the royal bosom, sliowed its deep unforgiving- ness. Too weak to resist the importunity of Buck- ingham, whom he both feared and loved, James gave a partial liberty to the object of his resentment ; but he retained the power of punishing, and felt an un- generous satisfaction in contemplating the probability of bringing him one day to a sanguinary reckoning. The moment Sir Walter regained his freedom, he embarked with ardour in his schemes of colonizing Guiana, and working the gold mine from which he looked for so rich a return. Whatever may have been his credulity as to the wealth to be derived from this source, or however slight the grounds of his expecta- tions of success, to doubt his sincerity seems unreason- able. During his long imprisonment he had never intermitted his plans, and the wreck of his fortune was employed in despatching agents, who kept up among the natives, and the few remaining English settlers, the hopes of relief from Spanish tyranny. Almost every second year an intercourse of this na- ture took place."^ Some of the Indians arrived in England, and had interviews with him in the Tower ; and an epistle to the queen is preserved in the State-paper Office, t in which he describes the great riches which might be derived from this province, and laments that malice had hitherto prevailed over wisdom so far as to prevent its coloniza- tion. So soon as he became certain that he was to be restored to freedom, he addressed this letter to Secre- tary Winwood, — a man in every respect the oppo- site of Cecil, — far his inferior in ability, but plain, * Apology. Works, vol. viii. p. 500. •j- Appendix to Thompson's hue of Raleigh, letter S. LETTER TO SECRETARY WINWOOI). 357 lionest, intelligent, and of the old English school in regard to his jealousy of Spain. "Honoured Sir, — I was lately persuaded by two gentlemen, my ancient friends, to acquaint your honour with some offers of mine, made heretofore for a journey to Guiana, who were of opinion that it would be better understood now than when it was first propounded ; which advice having surmounted my despair, I have presumed to send unto your honour the copies of those letters which I then wrote, both to his majesty and to the Treasurer Ce- cil ; wherein as well the reasons that first moved me are remembered, as the objections by him made are briefly answered. "" What I know of the riches of that place, not by hearsay, but what mine eyes have seen,* I have said it often ; but it was then to no end, because those that had the greatest trust were resolved not to believe it. Not because they doubted the truth, but because they doubted my disposition towards themselves ; where, if God had blessed me in the enterprise, I had recovered his majesty's favour and good opinion. Other cause than this, or other sus- picion, they never had any. Our late worthy Prince of Wales was extreme curious in searching out the nature of my offences. The queen's majesty hath informed herself from the beginning. The King of Denmark, at both times of his being here, was tho- roughly satisfied of my innocency. They would otherwise never have moved his majesty on my be- half. The wife, the brother, and the son of a king, • Oldys's Life, pp. 209, 221. 3.')8 THE KING ALLOWS THE VOYAGE. do not use to sue for men suspect. But, sir, since they all have done it out of their charity, and but with references to me alone, your honour, whose re- spect hatli only relation to his majesty's service, and strengthened by the example of those princes, may with the more hardness do the like ; being princes to whom his majesty's good estate is no less dear, and all men that shall oppugn it no less hateful, than to the king himself. " It is true, sir, that his majesty hath sometimes answered, that his council knew me better than he did ; meaning some two or three of them ; and it was indeed my infelicity, — for had his majesty known me I had never been here where I now am ; or had I known his majesty, they had never been so long there wiiere they now are. His majesty not knowing of me hath been my ruin, and his majesty misknowing of them hath been the ruin of a goodly part of his estate. But they are all of them now, some living and some dying, come to his majesty's knowledge. But, sir, how little soever his majesty knew me, and how much soever he believed them, yet have I been bound to his majesty both for my life and all that remains, of which, but for his majesty, nor life nor aught else had remained. In this re- spect, sir, I am bound to yield up the same life, and all I have for his majesty's service. To die for the king, and not by the king, is all the ambition I have in the world." This letter was followed by James's permission to engage in the adventure ; and this once obtained, the preparations were conducted on a scale which com- pletely refutes the suggestion of Hume, that Ra- Raleigh's preparations. 359 leigh's object was plunder and not settlement. He called in the £'8000 he had lent to the Countess of Bedford, — a sum given him by the king as a " competent satisfaction" for his estate of Sher- borne, though that property brought an annual in- come of £5000. Finding this insufficient, he pre- vailed on Lady Raleigh to sell her estate of INIi- cham, for which he received £2500. Private mer- chants and adventurers, both English and foreign, took a share in the undertaking ; and as settlement in the new country was the main design, many vo- lunteers, witli small sums, joined the fleet, whose services Sir Walter did not think it right to refuse, though they afterwards gave more trouble than as- sistance. It has been already seen that these preparations and the knowledge of their destination had roused the jealousy of ihe Spanish court ; and, as they pro- ceeded. Count Gondomar remonstrated more vio- lently than before. This ambassador was a politi- cian of consummate address. His manners had nothing of the stiffness or saturnine gravity of the Spaniard, but were light and agreeable. He ap- peared to talk on every subject with thoughtless and unhesitating boldness, — delighted in gayety and good fellowship, and scattered presents and wit v/iih equal libera Uty amongst the courtiers. Yet, under this gay exterior was concealed a dark and powerful character : the cunning and pliant moral- ity of the Jesuit, — a pride, cruelty, and tenacity of purpose, truly Castilian, — and a penetration which discerned every thing, whilst it seemed to observe nothing. On his first arrival in England the count applied 360 gondomar's remonstrances. himself to study the character of the kiiig^ and the result was his gaining an influence over James, which was only the more powerful because it was most artfully concealed. Against the projected ex- pedition we have the evidence of the monarch himself that Gondomar protested in the strongest manner : '' He took great alarm^and made vehement assertions, in repeated audiences, that he had discovered the objects of the expedition to be hostile and piratical, tending to a breach of the late peace between the two crowns."* To all this Raleigh answered, that he meant to sail for Guiana, a comitry belonging to Eng- land both by right of discovery and by the consent of the natives ; that he had no intention to invade any part of the dominions of Spain nor to attack her fleets ; that the arms and soldiers he took with him were for self-defence and the strength necessary in such an enterprise ; and that to the truth of all this he had set his hand in a letter to his majesty. Afi*ecting to be satisfied, Gondomar withdrew his opposition. He observed to Winwood, that if the design was solely to settle Guiana, no resistance should be made, and the adventurer might without molestation work any mines he pleased.t The preparations there- fore proceeded. He obtained the royal sanction; a commission under the privy-seal constituted him general and commander-in-chief of the expedi- tion, and governor of the new country. Some friends wished him to procure a pardon under the great seal, but Raleigh unfortunately neglected it, re- lying, as is said, on the opinion of Sir Francis Bacon, who assured him that the ample words of the com- * James's Declaration, p. 84, printed in Appendix to Cayley. •\ Apology. Works, vol. viii. p. 499. Raleigh's " orders" to the fleet. 361 mission making him admiral of the fleet, and giving him the power of martial law, necessarily included a remission of all past off"ences.* Satisfied, therefore, on this point. Sir Walter assembled his fleet, con- sisting of fourteen sail. He himself hoisted his flag in the Destiny, a ship built at his own expense, and commanded by his son, who bore his name. She carried thirty-six pieces of ordnance, and had on board 200 men, including eighty gentlemen volun- teers, amongst whom were many of the admiral's relations. On the 28th of March 1617, they dropt down the Thames, when Raleigh published his ge- neral orders to the commanders and land-compa- nies. They are drawn up with admirable clearness and good sense; and as we have already seen that some authors have accused him of atheism and profanity, we shall give the two first heads : — " Because no action or enterprise can prosper (be it sea or land) without the favour and assistance of Almighty God, the Lord and Strength of hosts and armies, you shall not fail to cause divine service to be read in your ship morning and evening ; or, at least, if there be interruption by foul weather, once in the day, praising God every night, with singing of a psalm at the setting of the watch : Se- condly, you shall take especial care that God be not blasphemed in your ship, but that, after admonition given, if the offenders do not refrain themselves, you shall cause them of the better sort to be fined out of their adventures ; by which course if no amend- ment be found, you shall acquaint me withal. For if it be threatened in the Scriptures that the curse • This, however, is very doubtful, as the words of James's decla- ration describe Raleijjh as beiny still under peril of the law. 362 DISTRESS ON THE VOYAGE. shall not depart from the house of the swearer^ much less from the ship of the swearer."* The squadron was forced by stress of weather to put into Cork, w^here Raleigh was generously en- tertained by Boyle, who had purchased his Irish estates, and had been lately raised to the peerage. By the same nobleman he was supplied with a large quantity of stores and necessaries,t and hav- ing completely refitted, the fleet, late in the month of August, stood out for the New World. In September they made the Canaries, in October the Cape de Verd Islands, and in the beginning of November, the con- tinent of South America. It appears from the fol- lowing letter to his wife, that the outward voyage was one of extreme sickness and suffering : — ^' Sweet Heart, — I can write you but wdth a weak hand, for I have suffered the most violent ca- lenture for fifteen days that ever man did and lived. But God, that gave me a strong heart in all my ad- versities, hath also now strengthened me in the hell- fire of heat. We have had tw^o most grievous sick- nesses in our ship, of which forty-two have died, and there are yet many sick. But having recover- ed the land of Guiana this 12th of November, I hope we shall recover them. We are yet two hun- dred men, and the rest of our fleet are reasonable strong, — strong enough I hope to perform w^hat we have undertaken, if the diligent care at London to make our strength known to the Spanish king by his ambassador have not taught that monarch to fortify all the entrances against us. However we * Appendix to Cayley, No. 14. •j- Smitli's History of Cork, vol. i. p. 128. LETTER TO LADY RALEIGH. 363 must make tlie adventure ; and if we pei-ish it shall be no honour for England^ nor gain for his majesty to lose, among many other, one hundred as valiant gentlemen as England hath in it. * '' In my passage to the Canaries I stayed at Gomera, where I took water in peace because the country durst not deny it me. I received there of an English race a present of oranges, lemons, quinces, and pomegra- nates, without which I could not have lived. These I preserved in fresh sand, and I have of them yet to my great refreshing. " Your son had never so good health, having no distemper in all the heat under the line. All my servants have escaped but Crab and my cook, yet all have had the sickness. * * Remember my service to my Lord Carew and IMr Secretary Win- wood. I write not to them, for I can write of nought but miseries. * * By the next I trust you shall hear better of us ; in God's hands we are, and in Him we trust. The bearer. Captain Alley, for the infirmity of his head I have sent back ; an honest valiant man, who can deliver you all that is past. Commend me to my worthy friends at Lothbury, * * and my most devoted and humble service to her majesty. " To tell you that I might be here king of the Indians were a vanity. But my name hath still lived among them here. They feed me with fresh meat and all that the country yields. All offer to obey me. Commend me to poor Carew my son. From Caliana in Guiana the 14th of November." It is evident from this letter that Raleigh had been enthusiastically received by the Indians, and 364 Raleigh's plans betrayed. that, notwithstanding the distresses of the voyage, he confidently anticipated success. He was partially informed of the betrayal of his plans to the Spanish king ; but he had just arrived, and was not yet aware of the full extent of the treachery to which he had been made the victim. On this subject it is painful to dis- cover the weakness or duplicity of James. He had pretended a deep interest in his plans, and for the purpose of more fully considering them, procured from him a minute written description of the coun- try, and the very river by which he was to enter, besides a statement of the number of men, with the burden of each ship. These papers were delivered to Gondomar, who forwarded them to Madrid ; and despatches were immediately sent to the West In- dies disclosing the whole design to the Spaniards in Guiana. On his first arrival, Raleigh, with the sanguine temper which had survived the attacks of misfortune and disease, trusted his enemies had only obtained a general idea of what was intended, and that all would still go well. But he was miserably deceived. He found the minutest secrets of his expe- dition were known ; even his own private letter to the king was in the hands of the Spaniards ; and instead of the free passage he had been promised, the country was fortified against him in the very places where he had intended to commence operations. But he felt that his honour, and perhaps his life^ depended on success, and the measures he adopted were those best calculated to secure it. Being so weak from sickness that he was carried in a litter, he directed five ships under Captain Keymis, the same officer who in 1596 had explored the country, to sail up the Orinoco towards the mine; while he himself EXPEDITION UP THE ORINOCO. 365 with the other vessels, commanded by his vice-ad- miral Captain John Pennington, Captain Sir John Feme, and Sir Warham Saintleger, remained at Trinidad for the double purpose of awaiting the attack of the Spanish fleet which had been sent against them, and of providing a retreat for his com- panions should they be repulsed. The ships sent up the river were the Encounter, Captain Whitney ; the Confidence, Woolaston ; the Supply, King ; with a pink and a caravel under Captains Smith and Hall. They carried Cap- tains Parker and North, young Raleigh, and other experienced officers, with five foot-companies of fifty men each. Keymis had formed a plan for opening a passage to the mine; but the admiral not ap- proving of it, furnished him with minute written instructions to lead the soldiers westward of the mountain Aio, to a spot only three miles from it, and having encamped there to proceed with a small party to ascertain its depth and breadth. If he found it royal, he was to repel force by force should the Spaniards attack him ; but if it did not promise to be so rich as was expected, he was to bring a basket or two of ore to convince the king that the design was not imaginary, as had been insinuated. If Spanish troops, as was report- ed, had been recently sent up the Orinoco, and had occupied the passes, Keymis was to be careful be- fore venturing to land, lest the common soldiers, who were not of a respectable description, should desert and dishonour the nation. With these orders tlie squadron sailed on the 10th of December, and after a short progress discovered the town of Santa Thome, erected by the Spaniards 306 SANTA THOME BURNT. on the right bank of the river. It consisted only of 240 houses, but was garrisoned. Keymis, afraid if he followed his instructions that he might throw this place between his party and the boats, landed during the night, and took up a position between the mine and the town, trusting to repose in security till morning. On a sudden the Spaniards broke in upon his en- campment, and finding many of the companies un- prepared made a pitiless slaughter. The officers, however, fought with desperate resolution, and gave the soldiers time to recover from their panic, after which they charged the assailants, drove them off the field, and pursued them to the town. The Spa- niards being here reinforced by the Governor Pala- meca, the battle was renewed with the utmost ob- stinacy. Young Raleigh at the head of his com- pany of pikemen was slain, after cutting down a leader of rank. His death infuriated his compa- nions. They fought with a valour which nothing could resist, — put their opponents to flight, killed the governor, and possessed themselves of the place. Their victory, however, was but half completed, for the enemy, taking shelter in the houses and the market-place, kept up a destructive fire ; and the English, finding it impossible to dislodge them, burnt the town, which compelled its defenders to escape to the woods, where they still continued to make a partial resistance. In this establishment were found four refining houses ; but with the exception of two ingots of gold* the coin and bullion had been removed, and the passes to the mine were defended. Keymis determin- * Birch's Life, p. 641. KEYMIS DRIVEN BACK. 367 ed, however^ to endeavour to reacli the spot, with the situation of whicli he was best acquainted, and set forward with Sir John Hampden, Captain Thornhurst, and a small party. He had not pro- ceeded far when they received a volley from an ambuscade, which wounded six, killed two, and so staggered the resolution of the commander and the officers that they instantly retreated. They soon after evacuated the town, and rejoined Raleigh at Punta de Gallo. On liearing the result of the expedition. Sir Wal- ter indignantly rejected every excuse pleaded by Captain Keymis, openly asserting that he had un- done him, and ruined his credit with the king past re- covery. In justice to this unfortunate man we must observe, that some of the grounds which he stated in defence of his conduct are neither slight nor incon- clusive. But his master knew the temper of the mo- narch : he had undertaken to bringback such a quantity of ore as would remove all suspicion that his enter- prise was illusive or chimerical ; and when his offi- cer returned repulsed and empty-handed, he at once foresaw the fatal use to which such a catastrophe might be turned by his enemies. We cannot, there- fore, wonder that his remonstrances were loud ; and they sunk deep into the mind of Keymis. After some days he entered Raleigh's cabin, having in his hand a letter to the Earl of Arundel, containing an elaborate defence of his conduct, and requested Sir Walter to approve of it. This he declined ; and indeed under the circumstances consent was impossible ; but the refusal was fatal to the other, for, retiring to his cabin, he put a period to his existence. 368 Raleigh's deep distress. Weakened by disease, almost broken-hearted by disappointment, conscious that lie had been betray- ed by his sovereign, and sorrowing for the death of his brave son, the feelings of Raleigh at this mo- ment cannot be easily described. They will be best understood by the following affecting letter to his wife : — '' I was loath to write, because I know not how to comfort j^ou, and God knows I never knew what sorrow meant till now. All that I can say to you is, that you must obey the will and providence of God, and remember that the queen's majesty bare the loss of Prince Henry with a magnanimous heart, and the Lady Harrington of her only son. Comfort your heart, dearest Bess. I shall sorrow for us both. And I shall sorrow the less, because I have not long to sorrow, because not long to live. I refer you to Mr Secretary Winwood's letter, who will give you a copy of it if you send for it. Therein you shall know what hath passed, which I have written by that letter, for my brains are broken, and it is a torment to me to write, especially of misery. I have desired Mr Secretary to give my Lord Carew a copy of his letter. I have cleansed my ship of sick men, and sent them home, and hope that God will send us somewhat before we return. Commend me to all at Lothbury. You shall hear from me, if I live, from Newfoundland, where I mean to clear my ships and revictual, for I have tobacco enough to pay for it. The Lord bless and comfort you, that you may patiently bear the death of your most valiant son. This 22d March, from the Isle of St Christo- phers. Yours, W. Raleigh. LETTER TO HIS WIFE. 369 " Postscript. — I protest before the majesty of God, that as Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Hawkins died heart-broken when they failed of tlieir enter- prise, I could willingly do the like did I not con- tend against sorrow for your sake, to provide some- what for you to comfort and relieve you. If I live to return, resolve yourself that it is care for you that hath strengthened my heart. It is true that Keymis might have gone directly to the mine, and meant it. But after my son's death he made them believe that he knew not the way, and excused him- self upon the want of water in the river, and coun- terfeiting many impediments, left it unfound. When he came back I told him he had undone me, and that my credit was lost for ever. He answered that when my son was lost, and that he left me so weak that he thought not to find me alive, he had no reason to enrich a company of rascals, who after my son's death made no account of him. He farther told me that the English sent up into Guiana could hardly defend the Spanish town of St Thome which they had taken, and therefore for them to pass through thick woods it was impossible, and more impossible to have victuals brought them into the mountains. And it is true that the governor, Diego Palame^a, and other four captains being slain, — whereof my son Wat slew one, Plessington, Wat's sergeant, and John of IMorocco, one of his men, slew two, — I say five of them slain in the entrance to the town, the rest went off in a whole bod}', and each took more care to defend the passages to their mines (of which thev liad three within a leaoue of the town, besides a mine about five miles off) than they did of the town itself. z 370 ATTACK UPON KEY3IIS. '' Yet Keyniis at the first was resolved to go to tlie mine. But when he came to the bank-side to land, he had two men of his slain outright from the bank, and six others hurt ; and Captain Thornhurst shot in the head, of which wound, and the accident thereof, he liath pined away these twelve weeks. Now when Keymis came back and gave me the reasons which moved him not to open the mine (the one the death of my son, a second the weakness of the English^ and their impossibilities to work it and to be victualled, a third that it were a folly to discover it for the Spaniards, and, lastly, my weak- ness and being unpardoned), and that I rejected all these his arguments, and told him that 1 must leave it to himself to answer it to the king and state, he shut himself into his cabin and shot himself w ith a pocket-pistol, which broke one of his ribs ; and finding that he had not prevailed, he thrust a long knife under his short ribs up to the handle and died. '' Thus much liave I written to Mr Secretary, to whose letters I refer you. But because I thought my friends will rather hearken after you than any other to know the truth, I did after the sealing break open the letter again, to let you know in brief the state of that business ; which I pray you to im- part to my Lord of Northumberland^ and Silvanus vScorie, and to Sir John Leigh. " For the rest there was never poor man so ex- posed to the slaughter as I was : For being com- manded upon my allegiance to set down not only the country, but the very river by which I was to enter it, to name my ships' number, men, and my artillery ; this was sent by the Spanish ambassador RALEIGH SAILS TO NEWFOUNDLAND. 371 to his master the King of Spain. The king wrote Jiis letters to all parts of the Indies, especially to the Governor Palamecaof Guiana, El Dorado, and Tri- nidado. Of which the first letter bore date INIarch the lOth, 1617, at Madrid, and when I had not yet left the Thames ; which letter I have sent to ^Ir Secretary : I have also two other letters of the king's, which I reserve, and one of the council's. The king also sent a commission to levy three hundred soldiers out of his garrisons of Nuevo Regno de Gra- nada, and Porto Rico, with ten pieces of brass ord- nance to entertain us. He also prepared an armada by sea to set upon us. It were too long to tell you how we were preserved. If I live I shall make it known. IMy brains are broken, and I caimot write much : I live yet, and I told you why. '^ Whitney, for whom I sold all my plate at Ply- mouth, and to whom I gave more credit and coun- tenance than to all the captains of my fleet, ran from me at the Granadoes and Woolaston with him. So I have now but five ships, and one of these I have sent home, and in my fly-boat a rabble of idle ras- cals, which I know will not spare to wound me. But I care not ; I am sure there is never a base slave in all the fleet hath taken the pains and care that I have done, that hath slept so little and travelled so much. INIy friends will not believe them, and for the rest I care not. God in heaven bless you and strengthen your heart. Yours, W. Raleigh." Having despatched his letters, Raleigh, who was so enfeebled by sickness as to be unable to prose- cute his enterprise, conducted the fleet to Newfound- land. At this place the crew of his ship, the Destiny, 372 RALEIGH RETURNS HOME. became mutinous ; and the vessels in the squadron were on the point of separating to pursue each its own course of adventure, wiien Raleigh and Sir John Feme prevailed on them to continue together, holding out, as a stratagem to induce them to obey, the hope of their intercepting the Mexican treasure- fleet; but having thus succeeded in quelling the mutinj^ the admiral, notwithstanding the personal danger in which it placed him, insisted on sailing for England.* Previous to his departure, the Earls of Pembroke and Arundel had pledged their ho- nour for his return, and Raleigh determined to vin- dicate their good opinion. On his arrival off the coast of Ireland, he found that the news of his dis- aster had preceded him : the capture of Santa Thome, his failing to reach the mine, the slaughter of the Spaniards, and the dispersion of his fleet, were all exaggerated by his enemies. Gondomar the am- bassador passionately demanded an audience of the king, promising that all he had to say should be in- cluded in one word. When admitted to the royal presence he vociferated, ^"^Piratas! Piratas! Piratas!" and well aware how such conduct was calculated to work on the timid temper of this monarch, abruptly * It was afterwards asserted by Wilson, but his evidence is more than suspicious, that Raleigh acknowledged that, had he fallen in with the treasure-ships, he would have been tempted to make a prize of them, according to the old principles which he had learnt in the school of Drake and Cavendish. The passage which is con- tained in Wilson's MS. Notes in the State-paper Office is charac- teristic : — " 26th September. — This day he (Raleigh) fell of himself into discourse in telling me what the lords asked hun yesterda}^, and what he answered ; * * also what discourse he and my Lord Chancellor had about taking the Plate-Heet, which he confest he would have taken had he lighted on it ; to which my Lord Chan- cellor said, ' Wh}', you would have been a pirate.' ' Oh,' quoth he, ' did you ever know of any that were pirates for millions "i They that work for small things are pirates.' " ANIMOSITY OF THE SPANIARDS. 373 left tlie apartment witliout awaiting explanation. The governor who liad fallen at St Thome being his near kinsman, it is likely he was actuated by per- sonal feelings; but it is sufficient to account for the deep animosity with which the Spaniards regarded Sir Walter Raleigh, that they knew him to have curbed their power, exposed their insidious policy, and shown himself on all occasions their most able and inveterate enemy. The moment at which he arrived was especially inauspicious to any one unfriendly to Philip, the mind of James being blindly bent on an alliance be- tween Charles, prince of Wales, and the Infanta. We know from himself that the English king ap- preciated the great abilities of Raleigh, and felt that his condemnation would be peculiarly unpopular and odious ; yet he meanly determined to bring him to the scaffold, not as a victim to public justice, but as a sacrifice to the offended majesty of Spain !* Such being his resolution, on the 1 1 th of June a pro- clamation was published in which James assumed a tone of high indignation towards him and his compa- nions. He declared that he had been expressly pro- hibited from every hostile act against any territories of his allies; accused them of scandalous outrages in infringing the royal commission ; and invited all who could give information to repair to the privy- council, that the delinquents might be brought to punishment. t He at the same time directed Buck- ingham to address a letter to Philip, in which he de- clared his intention punctually to perform his pro- mise to that prince, by sending the offender to be * Rush worth's Histor. Collect, i. [K Cayley, vol. ii. p. 181. ■Y liynier, Fcedera, vol. xvii. p. \)2. 374 Raleigh's letter to the king. dealt with in Spain, unless it would be more satis- factory to his Castilian JMajesty that he should re- ceive in England the punishment due to his crimes.* When Sir Walter arrived at Plymouth and be- came aware of the proclamation, he moored his ship, sent his sails on shore^ and resolved to surrender. In the mean time Gondomar, having obtained the royal consent to his death, set out for Spain,t while James commissioned Sir Lewis Stukely, vice-admi- ral of Devon, a near kinsman of Raleigh, to arrest him and convey him to London. It seems to have been at this moment that he wrote the following spirited remonstrance to the king : — " May it please your Most Excellent Ma- jesty, — If in my journey outward-bound I had my men murdered at the islands and yet spared to take revenge ; if I did discharge some Spanish barks taken, without spoil ; if I forbore all parts of the Spanish Indies, wherein I might have taken twenty of their towns on the seacoasts, and did only follow the enterprise I undertook for Guiana, where, with- out any directions from me, a Spanish village was burnt, which was new set up within three miles of the mine, — by your majesty's favour, I find no rea- son why the Spanish ambassador should complain of me. " If it were lawful for the Spaniards to murder twenty-six Englishmen, tying them back to back and cutting their throats, when they had traded * In Mr Jardine''s Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. 483, is the substance of this unpublished letter of the Duke of Buckingham, written by the king's direction. The original is preserved in the State-paper Office. ■f Toby Matthews's Letter to Lord Bacon. Cayley, vol. ii. p. 157- Raleigh's letter to the king. 375 with tliem a wliole month, and came to tliem on the land without so much as one sword, and it may not be lawful for your majesty's subjects, being charged first by them, to repel force by force, — we may justly say, O miserable English ! If Parker and JMecham took Campeachy and other places in the Honduras, situated in the heart of the Spanish Indies, burnt towns, and killed the Spaniards, and had nothing said to them at their return, and my- self, who forbore to look into the Indies because I would not offend, must be accused, — I may justly say, O miserable Raleigh ! If I have spent my poor estate, lost my son, suffered by sickness and otherwise a world of liardships ; if I have resisted, with manifest hazard of my life, the robberies and spoils with which my companions would have made me rich ; if when I was poor, I could have made myself rich ; if when I had gotten my liberty, which all men, and nature itself, do much prize, I volun- tarily lost it ; if when I was sure of my life I ren- dered it again ; if I might elsewhere have sold my ship and goods, and put 5000 or 0000 in my purse, and 3'et brought her into England, — I beseech your majesty to believe that all this I have done, because it should not be said that your majesty had given liberty and trust to a man whose end was but the recovery of his liberty, and who had betrayed your majesty's trust. " My mutineers told me that if ^ I returned for England I should be undone !' But I believed in your majesty's goodness more than all their argu- ments. Sure, I am the first, that being free and able to enrich myself, yet hath embraced poverty and peril, — and as sure I am, an example shall make 376 RALEIGH JOINED BY CAPTAIN KING. me tlie last. But your majesty's wisdom and good- ness I liave made m}^ judges, who have ever been^, and shall ever be your majesty's most humble vas- sal. W. Raleigh." After a brief delay, necessary for settling his af- fairs. Sir Walter set out on his journey to London ; but before he had proceeded twenty miles he was met by Stukely, who informed him that he had orders to arrest his person and his ship. Raleigh answered quietly, that he had alreadj'^ saved him the trouble ; after which they travelled in company back to Plymouth, and took up their residence at the house of Sir Christopher Harris, where they re- mained eight or ten days. During this interval, with what object does not clearly appear, Raleigh was left much at liberty by Sir Lewis. He was also joined by his affectionate wife, who actively laboured for his interests ; and, availing himself of these opportunities, he acquired secret information of the inveteracy of the royal mind against him, and the resolution which had been taken to sacrifice him to Spain. The love of life — the hope, as he himself tells us, that he might yet be able to achieve the adventure to Guiana, and justify his conduct in the eyes of his sovereign, ef- fected a change in his resolution, and he determin- ed to attempt his escape to France. Captain King, an old officer who had sailed in the expedition, and was much attached to him, procured a bark to lie off the shore at a certain spot beyond the com- mand of the fort; and Raleigh and he having taken boat in a dark night, pulled away for the vessel, when suddenly altering his purpose, and command- CONFLICT IN Raleigh's mind. 377 JiifT them to put about, he returned secretly to liis lodijiiior. Next day he sent money to the master of the barkj requestintf him to stay another evening ; and yet, though both wind and tide were fair, he once more gave up the design and remained under the cliarge of Stukely. At tills moment this artful agent of the govern- ment was joined by one JNIanourie, a French phy- sician, who insinuated himself into the confidence of Raleigh, and afterwards betrayed him. " Stuke- ly took to his assistance," says King, " INIanourie, a French quack ; upon what occasion I here wil- lingly omit, as well because I would not meddle with any instrument of state, as because I, little suspecting what followed, was somewhat careless in the observance of their carriage."* When we consider the circumstances in which he was placed we cannot wonder that there was in Raleigh's mind a conflict of feelings which kept it in painful uncertainty. Clinging to the conscious- ness of innocence, he at one time trusted that, if he could obtain but a short respite in London before being thrown into the Tower, he might vindicate his conduct effectually in the eyes of the king. Again, awakening to a sense of the virulence of James's antipathy, the malice and power of his enemies, and the irresistible influence of the Spanish court, he felt that in proceeding on his journey he was only delivering himself to inevitable destruction. The shameless manner also in which his plans had al- ready been betrayed, and his former experience of the partiality of a jury, left him little to hope from • Oldys's Life, p. 521. 378 RALKIGH FEIGNS SICKNESS: the Jaw; while the persuasion that he might with- out any disloyalty retire to an asylum in France till the violence of the king's resentment should sub- side, prompted him at least to lend an ear to the suggestions of Manourie, who hinted the possibility of an escape.* Under these agitating and opposite feelings he embraced a middle course, — the worst which in any imminent peril can be adopted. He determined to feign sickness, in order to move the king not to send him instantly to the Tower, and at the same time so to arrange matters, that if this failed he should be able to escape before it came to the worst. With this object, having arrived at Salisbury, he complained of being slightly indisposed, and sent Captain King and Lady Raleigh forward to London along with his servants. On their departure he pretended that his malady increased, and procured some drugs from JManourie, which occasioned violent retching. Availing himself also of his chemical knowledge, he rubbed his face and body with a pre- paration which produced red pustules and discolour- ed spots, not unlike the symptoms of the plague. It must be allowed, that having resolved to counter- feit disease, Raleigh carried through his purpose with the same talent which marked every thing he did. When Stukely and Manourie were sitting together, Robin, Sir Walter's servant, rushed in and told them his master was out of his wits, that he had leapt out of bed in his shirt, and was scratching and biting the rushes upon the planks. On coming into the apartment after this fit was over, Stukely, * Raleigh's Speech on the Scaffold. IIE IS VISITED BY PHYSICIANS. 37^ perceiving the skin covered with blisters, having a purple tinge round the extremities, and a spot of yel- low in the middle, was instantly struck with dread of contagion, and hastened to communicate his sus- picions to Bishop Andrews, by whose advice two doctors and a bachelor of physic visited the patient, Wliilst these grave gentlemen were at his bed- side, the dose which Raleigh had administered be- gan to operate, and so minutely had he prepared every thing, that the basins in the room, having been previously drugged, whatever was poured into them became black and earthy-coloured, and emitted an unpleasant smell. This complication of symptoms puzzled the doctors, who, after a consultation of great length, declared that the patient could not, without the manifest peril of his life, be exposed to the air, though they cautiously abstained from delivering an opinion on the exact nature of the disease. The success, however, of the stratagem was complete ; and Sir Walter, being confined to his sick-room, and attended by IManourie, who was in the secret, gained time to write that apology for his conduct, which he addressed to the king, — a dis- course, considering the circumstances under which it was composed, of singular eloquence and ability. So far his scheme had prospered, and his spirits were so good that he declared himself highly pleased with the deception he had practised, and anticipated a favourable conclusion to all his distresses. It was his misfortune not to be aware of the utter baseness of Sir Lewis and Manourie, both his determined enemies, and employed by the king to lead him into such courses as might form a plausible pretext for his condemnation. 380 stukely's baseness. ^Misled by tlieir apparent friendliness, he became inclined to treat the Frenchman with still higher confidence,, and when he repeated liis proposals for an escape, and suggested the likeliest method of ac- complishing it, Sir Walter not only agreed to attempt it, but informed him that he had sent Captain King to procure a boat to wait at Gravesend, in order to carry him out of the country. This intelligence the spy instantly disclosed to his confederate, and so strict a watch was kept as to render impossible the execution of the project. In this difficulty Raleigh determined to offer a bribe to Stukely for his con- nivance. He accordingly sent Manourie with a rich jewel, and a promise of £50, if he would intermit his vigilance and allow him to save himself. It is impossible not to see that this was exactly the snare into which it was desired that their victim should be led, and the purpose for which such persons were placed about him; and we are not therefore to wonder that Sir Lewis agreed not only to accept the money, but to accompany the prisoner in his flight. Their plan being settled, Manourie pushed forward to London, having acted his treacherous part with no little ability, whilst the royal emissary and Sir Walter followed by slower stages. On reaching the capital he was joined by his faithful friend, King, who informed him that every thing was ready ; that Cotterel, an old servant of the admiral, and Hart, a seaman, who was believed to be true, were to have a boat in waiting at Tilbury ; and that it would be best to go aboard that very evening. This, however, was declared by Sir Walter to be impossible ; he observed there would be no getting away without Stukely, but hoped to prevail with him to accom- RALEIGH ATTK3IPTS TO ESCAPE. 381 pany him, and promised to meet King next night without fail at the Tower Dock. Everything seemed now to prosper according to his wishes, and Raleigh's spirits were still farther raised by a visit, on the evening of his arrival in London, from Le Clerc, the agent of the French king, who of- fered a bark to convey him to Calais, and letters of safe conduct to the governor.* This friendly pro- posal he declined, as his own bark was already pre- pared ; but he j)rofessed his readiness to receive any letters of introduction, as his acquaintance with that country was worn out. This was on a Saturday even- ing; and on Sunday morning, having disguised him- self with a false beard, Sir Walter, his page, and Stukely, joined King at the place appointed. They found the wherries waiting, and Raleigh, Stukely, and the page leapt into one, whilst King, and Hart the boatswain, occupied the other. At this moment Sir Lewis asked King, whether '' thus far he had not proved himself an honest man ?" to which he answered, " That he hoped he would continue so." Raleigh appeared confident and cheerful till the bargemen remarked that Mr Herbert, whom he knew to be his enemy, had lately taken boat, as if he would have shot the bridge, instead of which he had suddenly changed his direction, and followed them down the river. This raised Sir Walter's ap- prehensions, and not long after a wherry crossed their * It was this visit which appears principally to have alarmed Kinj^ James, whose timid and suspicious temper converted it into a plot and treasonahle correspondence with the French irovernnient. This is apj)arent from the MS. pajjcrs of Sir Thomas Wilson, pre- served in the State-paper OiKce ; and the same documents com- pletely prove that the \isit was unpremeditated, and related solely to Le Clerc's wish to favour Raleij^h's escape. See Appendix. .S82 ralp:igii's attk3ipt to escape fails: course, which he declared was a spy, and hesitated to proceed. Stukely, liowever, appeared so zealous for their escape, that even King became assured of his sincerity, and they continued their course beyond Woolwich to a reach of the river near Plumstead, where Hart's vessel was expected. On approaching the place, three ketches were seen at anchor, and Hart, with well-acted disappoint- ment, cried out that none of them was his. Ra- leigh, calmly remarking that they were betrayed, commanded the boatmen to row back, hoping still to regain his own house. They had made little way on their return before the strange wherry again met them, manned by Herbert's servants. Fearful of falling into their hands. Sir Walter made a last at- tempt to secure Stukely's friendship. They talked aside ; Raleigh was observed to give him something which he drew from his pocket, and he was over- heard to make reiterated protestations of fidelity. It was agreed that he and King should pretend they had inveigled their prisoner so far only to be- tray him, and discover his intentions ; and thus re- taining the custody of Raleigh, Sir Lewis held out hopes that some better means of escape might be de- vised. It is evident this was the only plan which gave the probability of escape, whether Stukely was true or false. Had Sir Walter been delivered up to Herbert, he knew he must go instantly to the Tower. If Stukely were true, this was the only pretence on which he could have been suffered to retain charge of his prisoner; if he were false, still an additional bribe was the single chance left ; but it failed, and whilst he took the money, he remained the traitor. The blunt honesty of Captain King, HE IS CONDUCTED TO THE TOWER. 383 however, precipitated the discovery of his tliorough baseness. On landing, the other wherry, which liad dogged them all the way, followed their example ; and as the crew, consisting of ]\Ir Herbert's men, were com- ing forward, Stukely, taking King aside, said it would serve Sir Walter if he would pretend to be his accomplice in betraying his master. The cap- tain's honest heart rose against the deceit, and he positively refused; upon which the former, dreading his discoveries if allowed to remain at large, threw off the mask, arrested King, and handed him over to Herbert's people, commanding them to keep him apart from Sir Walter. He then carried the whole party to a tavern, and made preparations for conduct- ing them to the Tower next morning, it being too late to reach it that day. At this moment, when the baseness of tliis profligate agent of government must have been completely revealed, Raleigh's equani- mity did not forsake him. He only remarked, " Sir Lewis, these actions will not turn out to your credit ;" and on the succeeding day, exulting, as appears from his own description, that he had deceived so able a man, he conveyed them to the state prison. On entering the gateway of this gloomy and fatal abode, where he had already spent thirteen melancholy years, Raleigh said to King, " Stukely and Cot- terel have betrayed me ; for your part you need be in fear of no danger. It is I am the mark that is shot at." He was then shut in, and his old friend bade him farewell, recommending him to God's keeping. In reflecting on the misfortunes with which Ra- leigh was now pursued, it is evident that he was 384 PRACTICES OF GOVERNMENT. entrapped into tliis attempt to escape by the govern- ment, wlio worked tlirougli their agents, Stukely and Manourie, and wished to employ the circumstance as a handle against him. Since James's promise to Gondomar, that the great enemy of Spain should be sacrificed, it had been the study of the king to accomplish this with some show of justice. Before Sir Walter's arrival some of his crews had deserted, and others, for misconduct, he had sent home. Many of these men were privately examined, and evidence anxiously sought to convict him either of piracy or some other crimes worthy of death. The depositions of the Spanish merchants who had been plundered were carefully taken ; but the suppression of this evidence, and the determination not to bring him to trial on any of the charges, seem to prove that government were convinced the Spaniards had been the aggressors. On this ground, therefore, it was impossible to convict him ; yet the Spanish match depended on it, and Raleigh's life must be given as a bribe to obtain the Infanta. It was the parting warning of Gondomar, that should there be any slackness in this, it w^ould serve as ground for future and final discontent ;* and the only me- thod that remained was to induce him to attempt his escape ; to engage in a correspondence with the French government, which might be construed into treason ; or to commit some outrage. When it was found that he had at first no inten- tion of flight; that his prudence declined the as- sistance of the French agent; and that he stood upon the consciousness of his innocence, the persons placed * Bacon's Letters, by Birch, p. 178. 7 APPOINTMENT OF A COMMISSION. 385 about him talked of tlie promise made to tlie Spanish ambassador^ of the unforgiving temper of the king, and of the power of his enemies ; orders for his stricter restraint were intimated to him ; tlie Tower was hinted at; and the sentence of death, which still hung over his head, was recalled to his recollection. These arts, as we have seen, prevailed ; the love of life, and the hope that he might yet vindicate his character and the practicability of his project by another voyage, induced him to listen to the sugges- tions of his betrayers, and he became a victim to the cunning of the government, and the treachery of its instruments. The truth of these observations is strikinwlv demonstrated by the proceedings which followed his return to the Tower. A commission composed of some members of the privy-council, amongst whom we find Abbot, archbishop of Canterbury, Lord-chancellor Bacon, and Sir Edward Coke, of whose unfavourable opinions he had already had severe experience, was appointed to examine the prisoner. Before these dignitaries he was accused of having fraudulently pretended that he went to discover a mine, when his real object was to recover his liberty, and commence his career as a pirate ; he was charged with a design to plunge the country into a war with Spain ; with having abandoned his ship's company, and expressed himself disrespect- fully of the king ; with having feigned madness to excite the royal compassion ; and with an attempt to escape. The two last charges Raleigh admitted, justifying them by the natural desire felt by every man to preserve his life. On none of the other points could the ingenuity of his judges and the 2a 386 RALEIGH VINDICATES HIMSELF. pains taken to collect evidence prove the slightest matter against him. He answered them all, and demonstrated that they were frivolous and absurd. For the mine, the sincerity of his intentions was, lie said, amply proved by his taking out a company of miners, and their tools and apparatus, which cost him £2000. As to the attack upon the Spaniards, it was accidental and against his orders. He repel- led with indignation the charge of either leaving his men or exposing them to greater danger than he himself had shared ; and he declared that all he had ever said touching the king was, " that he was undone by the confidence he had placed in his majesty, and that he knew his life would be sacri- ficed to state purposes."* During these proceedings the attorney-general having alluded to the royal clemency which had so long spared his life after his condemnation at Win- chester, Raleigh protested that " he believed the king did in his conscience clear him from all guilti- ness of the fact then charged against him ; and in- deed," added he, " I know that his majesty hath been heard to say, in speaking of these proceedings, that he would not wish to be tried by a Middlesex jury." He stated also that Dr Turner, his physi- cian in the Tower, had informed him Sir Francis Gawdy, one of the judges who sat on the trial, had declared on his deathbed, that " the justice of Eng. land had never been so degraded and injured as by the condemnation of Sir Walter Raleigh." These particulars appear in a manuscript note preserved in the State-paper Office, from which some inte- * Crirainjil Trials, voL i. p. 487. LETTER TO THE DUKE OP BUCKINGHAM. 38/ resting extracts have lately been given to tlie j)ublic ; and it is evident that Raleigh evinced during the examinations the same spirit, acuteness, eloquence, and command of temper, which had distinguished him on his trial.* The only result of this investi- gation was the admission of his attempt to escape. That this was only a natural impulse in the cir- cumstances under which he was placed, all will readily admit ; some may even be disposed to re- gard it as a necessary duty ; and in a letter with- out date, addressed about this time to the Duke of Buckingham, Sir Walter vindicates himself in this striking manner : — "■ That which doth comfort my soul in this of- fence is, that even in the offence itself I had no other intent than his majesty's service, and to make his majesty know that my late enterprise was ground- ed upon a truth ; and which, with one ship speedily set out, I meant to have assured, or have died ; being resolved, as it is well known, to have done it from Plymouth had I not been restrained. Hereby I hoped not only to recover his majesty's gracious opinion, but have destroyed all those malignant re- ports which had been spread of me. That this is true, that gentleman whom I so much trusted (my keeper), and to whom I opened my heart, cannot but testify ; and wherein, if I cannot be believed living, my death shall witness. Yea, that gentle- man cannot but avow it, that when we came back toward London I desired to save no other treasure than the exact description of those places in the In- * Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. 488. 388 LETTER TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM. dies.* That I meant to go hence a discontented man, God, I trust, and mine own actions will dissuade his majesty, whom neither the loss of my estate, thirteen j^ears' imprisonment, and the denial of my pardon, could beat from his service ; and the opi- nion of being accounted a fool or rather distract, by returning as I did unpardoned, balanced with my love to his majesty's person and estate, had no place at all in my heart. " It was the last severe letter from my lords for the speedy bringing of me up, and the impatience of dishonour, that first put me in fear of my life, or enjoying it in a perpetual imprisonment, never to recover my reputation lost, which strengthened me in my late, and too late lamented resolution if his majesty's mercy do not abound, — if his majesty do not pity my age, and scorn to take the extremest and utmost advantage of my errors, — if his majesty in his great charity do not make a diiference between offences proceeding from a life-saving natural im- pulsion without all ill intent, and those of an ill heart, — and that your lordship, remarkable in the w^orld for the nobleness of your disposition, do not vouchsafe to become my intercessor. Whereby your lordship shall bind a hundred gentlemen of my kindred to honour your memory, and bind me for all the time of that life, which your lordship shall beg for me, to pray to God that you may ever prosper, and ever bind me to remain your most humble servant, W. Raleigh." * Tliere is preserved in the State-paper Office, an " Inventary erf" such Things as were found on the Body of Sir Walter Rawleigh, Knjcht, the 15 day of August 1 HI 8." Among the different items are "One Plott of Guiana and the River Orenoque," " The Descrip- tion of the River Orenoque," and "A Plott of Panama." See p. 400. VIGILANT SYSTEM OF ESPIONAGE. 389 Tliis letter produced no effect. The king had determined that Raleigh should die^ and the only question was, in what manner the sacrifice should be accomplished. Ilis commissioners had been baflled ; but it was still hoped something might be discovered to constitute the subject of a second trial, or, at least, justify the execution of the old sentence. It was suspected that he still communicated secretly with the French agent, who had already offered to assist his escape; but as his prudence w^as found equal to defeat any public examination, it was determined to subject him to a vigilant system of superintend- ence, by employing as his keeper an emissary of go- vernment, who should gain his confidence and in- duce him to discover enougii to form ground for his condemnation. The lieutenant of the Tower, under whose charge Sir Walter had hitherto re- mained, was Sir Allen Apsley, the father of the ce- lebrated i\Irs Lucy Hutchinson, who has left in her Memoirs this amiable character of him : " He was the father of all his prisoners, sweetening with such compassionate kindness their restraint, that the af- fliction of a prison was not felt in those days ; and he had also a singular kindness for all persons who were eminent in learning or in arms." So excel- lent a person was not fitted for the office of a spy ; and accordingly the king, with the advice of Secre- tary Naunton, selected Sir Thomas Wilson, whose qualifications promised more success. He was a man of learning and refinement, but of great cunning; and under the specious mask of religion and benevolence he concealed, as his letters abund- antly demonstrate, a mean and cruel disposition. '^ He was instructed to take the exclusive charge of 390 SIR THOMAS WILSON APPOINTED KEEPER : Raleigh in the Tower, ' to keep him safe, to suf- fer no persons to come at him except such as were necessary for his diet/ and to draw from him such information, either with respect to his communica- tion with the French ambassador or his Guiana expedition in general, as might conduce to the object which the government had in view ;" namely, the speedy condemnation of the prisoner. " Sir Tho- mas Wilson," says Mr Jardine,* " was at this time keeper of the state-papers, and there are preserved in the office over which he presided his own original minutes of the conversation and conduct of Sir Walter Raleigh whilst under his charge in the Tower. On the perusal of these papers, it is diffi- cult to say whether the preponderating feeling is sympathy for the captive, or disgust and indigna- tion for his unfeeling and treacherous keeper. Wilson entered upon his charge on the 11th of Septem- ber, and from that time until the 15th of October, when he was withdrawn from the Tower, his minute and daily reports to Secretary Naunton show a system of rigid observation and of artful ensnaring espionage on his part, which was never for a mo- ment relaxed. Raleigh's own servant was imme- diately dismissed, and a man appointed by Wilson took his place. Lady Raleigh and her son were excluded from the Tower ; but she was allowed, and even invited to correspond freely with her husband; and then the notes which she sent, as well as Raleigh's answers, were intercepted, and sent to the king and council for their perusal be- fore they were delivered. Sir Thomas Wilson him- self never stirred from his prisoner from the time * Criminal Trials, p. 489. HIS VIGILANCE AND HYPOCRISY. 391 he opened his lodging in the morning, till with his own hand he locked him up for the night. At his meals, at his devotions, and during the attend- ance of his physician and surgeon, this persevering keeper never quitted his apartment. His feeling towards his unhappy prisoner, and his zeal in tlx^ unworthy task in which he was employed, are ma- nifested by the language which he constantly uses respecting him in his reports and letters ; he calls him ' hypocrite and arch impostor,' with other terms of reproach. ^ The king of Heaven,' says he in one of his letters, ' preserve your majesty from having many such dangerous subjects !' " Having lodged his prisoner in apartments of greater secu- rity than those in which he had been placed by Sir Allen Apsley, he writes thus to Secretary Naunton : "^ I have removed this man into a safer and higher lodging, w liich though it seemeth nearer lieaven, yet there is there no means to escape but into hell." Again, in a letter to the king, he says, — "^ I hope, by such means as I shall use, to work out more than I have yet done : if not, I know no other means but a rack or a halter." It is mortify- ing to observe the degrading discoveries which these papers make of the feelings and disposition of the king. James acted as principal inquisitor over Ra- leigh ; he personally directed the strictest seclusion and superintendence, suggested the mode of exami- nation, inspected the intercepted letters, and exhi- bited much disappointment that his own ingenuity and that of his assistants should be in the end en- tirely baffled.* At the time when Wilson was ap- • By the favour of Lord Melbourne I have been permitted to 392 naunton's instructions to pointed to take the place of Apsley and to wait upon Raleigh, this unfortunate man was completely broken in health. He had been afflicted during the whole period of his imprisonment by an intermitting fever and ague ; his body was covered with painful imposthumes ; his left side so much swollen as to occasion perpetual uneasiness; and he was still lame from the wound received in the Cadiz expedition. Wilson was first introduced to him by Apsley as he lay in bed ; and Raleigh, after bidding him welcome and hearing that he was appointed to take charge of him, dejectedly exclaimed, " Let the king do with me what he will ; for never man was more desirous to die !"* This speech and other particulars were reported to Naunton ; and the following note, writ- ten by that minister in reply, evinces the temper in which the communication was received : — '' Sir, — I read most of both your letters to his majesty, who allows well of your care and discre^ tion. I hope you will every day get ground of that hypocrite that is so desirous to die, mortified man that he is ! His majesty was well pleased with your past services ; he will think long for the ripening and mellowing of the observations and conferences by which you are to work upon that cripple. The best comfort I can give is, I hope you shall not long be troubled with him : Proin tu quod facturus es, examine and make extracts from the papers relative to Sir Walter Raleigh, preserved in the State-paper Office ; and whilst I avail myself of the very interesting passages derived from the same source by Mr Jardine, I am thus able to add some other particu- lars not published by that gentleman. * See Extracts from Wilson's first Letter to Secretary Naunton, Appendix. SIR THOMAS WILSON. 393 fac cito, et frontem occasionis arripe, et preme quantum potes ; potes enim, et sane vis. Vale''* If any thing were wanting to prove the king's ani- mosity against Raleigh, this letter would amply sup- ply the defect ; v/hilst it exposes at the same time the unworthiness of the artifices and instruments em- ployed by the royal inquisitor. There is preserved in the State-paper Office an original document of Wil- son's, entitled '' A Relation of what hath passed and been observed by me^ since my coming to Sir Walter Raleigh, upon Friday the 11th of September," which throws a clear light on the conferences between this spy of government and the prisoner. After allud- ing to the disease and debility under which he found him labouring, Wilson describes the manner in which he proceeded to fulfil his instructions. Hav- ing introduced himself " as sent by the king out of his majesty's gracious and princely goodness, because he knew him to be a man of more honesty than cunning/' he urged Raleigh to disclose whatever he knew might be of importance to the public ser- vice, in which case there was no doubt he would experience the royal clemency. To this Sir Walter answered with the greatest earnestness, that if lie were aware of any such thing, he would, sick as he was, write it that very night to his majesty, — an asseveration which had little effect, for his keeper proceeded to charge him with a treasonable cor- respondence with France. With much cunning he attempted to persuade him that it would be as • " Therefore do quickly what you have to do ; seize opjHjrtii- nity by the forehead, and press as inucli as you can : I know you botii can and will. Farewell." — CruiiDial Trials, p. 4'J2. 394 avilson's artp^ul practices to well to reveal what had been already confessed by others: his conference with the French agent on coming home, and his interview with the ambas- sador of the same nation before setting out, were, he hinted, already well known. He pressed him to acknowledge his real purpose in escaping to that country ; what promises were made to him ; w^hat employment he was to receive there ; and what " plots and designs were thereupon depending." The craft and duplicity of Wilson is strongly de- picted in this sentence of his journal, sent to Secre- tary Naunton : '' Thus far I went with him; but yesternight, having before let out some pieces of these things, that he might think it came hardly from me as from myself, he made me a long answer, and told me in gross what he had done before in re- tail : saying, ' Whatsoever is confessed by others, sure I am there is nothing can touch my fidelity to the king nor my country.' " He affirmed that the only conference he had with the French agent w^as merely compliment, and sought by that gentleman, w^ith whom he had no intimate acquaintance. With regard to the French ambassador, it was true, in- deed, that before his voyage he had come to see his ship ; but it was a visit, he said, simply of curiosity, and he was influenced by the same motives which had brought on the same errand the ambassadors of Venice and Savoy, and even some of the Spaniards. His own purpose, he affirmed, in escaping to France, was solely to shelter himself from danger until the storm blew over, and he might have an opportunity, either through the influence of the queen or of his other friends, to recover favour. As to promises made him, he protested he had none ; but for em- DRAW A CONFESSION FROM RALEIGH. ^95 ployment he had lioped he niiglit be able to do some service against the Spaniard, seeing he was acquainted as well with the nature of his resources as with the weak points upon which he might be attacked. With regard to messages, letters, or plots, his only plot, he declared, was to save his life by an escape somewhere, being alarmed by the letters which he had received from some lords, his friends, which informed him that the king was de- termined to have strict justice inflicted on his per- son ; and, having once determined to fly, he knew no fitter place than France. Such were Raleigh's answers ; and although no- thing could be more clear and ingenuous, Wilson was by no means satisfied with them. '' After," says he in his notes, '' he had made me answer in this fashion, I told him I saw I had no ground in his affection and confidence, for he would intrust no more to me than to others ; ' but, sir,' said I, ' if you would have opened unto me the closets of your heart, and faithfully let me know what is there, I would have engaged myself for you as far as my life and poor estate would reach, in an assurance of your life, safety, and recovery of his majesty's favour.' ' Oh, sir,' quoth he, ' how should a man be assured of that } — the king will say when all is told, if a man could tell any thing more, " Why the knave was afraid of his life, else I should never have known it ; and therefore no God-a-mercy." ' — Tiien I fell again," continues Wil- son, " into the true common-place of the actions and example of his majesty ; how there never was abetter king since King David, nor before; and put him in mind how mercifully he did by Joab, 396 Wilson's attempts to ensnare Abiathar, Shemei, and otliers, who had so grievously offended liim, yet would he not suffer them to be put to death in his time. ' No/ quoth he, ' but he left commission to his son to do it, and so did Henry the Seventh by Poole, that was sent unto him by the emperor. But — ' saith he, and there made a stop, pausing a while as if he had some great mat- ter to say, with an assured contemplative counte- nance ; and as he was about to speak, supper came in ; and because I would not have him forget, I staid and supt with him, and after supper would have drawn him into that mind where I left him before, but he had gotten hard. What he feareth most seems to be, that if the match with Spain hold, the Spaniard will pursue him to death or worse punishment; and if it break off, then we must needs couple with France, and he shall mar his market by betraying the trust which perhaps they have put in him."* The use of the word '' perhaps" in this sentence proves how completely conjectural was the opinion regarding the treasonable intercourse of Raleigh with France ; whilst at the same time Wilson did not scruple to assert to his prisoner a direct false- hood, — viz. that the king had acquired complete proof of it. The great matter of suspicion, upon which the king's agent never ceased to interrogate Raleigh, was his interview with the French agent ; but upon this point his prisoner invariably adhered to the same account, which he confirmed on the scaffold, that the object of Le Clerc's visit was sim- ply to facilitate his escape to France ; that he had • Notes by Sir Thomas Wilson, in the State-paper Office. RALEIGH ARE DEFEATED. 397 no correspondence with that government, treason- able or otherwise ; that he had no commission what- ever from the French king, — a point upon which immediate proof might be procured, as sudi com- missions were all upon record, and might l)e seen for a French crown ; and that his real intention in the voyage to Guiana was the working of a gold mine, which was situated near the town, as could be proved by the most satisfactory evidence. Disappointed in his main object, Wilson ap. pears to have been driven to the system of exag- gerating trifles, and discovering, or rather inventing, contradictions and incongruities in Raleigh's dis- course, of which he sent a daily report to the king and Secretary Naunton. Unimportant and often ridiculous as these memorials are, they contain some interesting particulars of the last days of this illustrious man. On the 12th September, at night, Wilson's Journal contains this remarkable passage: '' This evening, finding him at my coming in read- ing the Psalms, I told him that there he had the best comfort ; that there he had a man and a king, and the best man and the best king that ever was, who had as great affliction as ever any had ; and yet by his constancy and faithfulness he overcame all ; and so might he. Hereupon he began and told me from the beginning to the end all his misfortunes; how first, at his majesty's coming in, Northampton, Suffolk, Salisbury, and the rest, plotted to get him and Cobliam out of favour, and to get every thing into their own hands ; then he went to the arraign- ment at Winchester, and said it was as unjust a condemnation without proof and testimony as ever was known. So went he along his thirteen years' 398 LAST DAYS OF RALEIGH. imprisonment, and the means he took to procure liberty for his voyage ; his disasters there, and all the tedious circumstances ; and then the betraying of him by Sir Lewis Stukely on his return. After this I told him, if he would but disclose what he knew, the king would forgive him, and do him all favour. ' Aye,' quoth he, ' how should I be as- sured of that ? The king will say, when it is told, " The craven w-as afraid of his life, else he would not have told it." * * " \^th September. — This day, upon his complaint of his misery, I gave him counsel and comfort to bear his affliction with patience, upon the assurance of God's mercy, and the example of such as God had suffered to be as grievously afflicted as flesh and blood could bear, and yet had restored them to as great felicity as ever. He took occasion thereupon to commend the magnanimity of the Romans, who would rather have their deaths by their own hands, than endure any that was base or reproachful. To which I answered that they were such as knew not God, nor the danger of their souls to be damned to perpetual torment for destroying their bodies, which God had made a temple for the Holy Ghost to dwell. To which he said it was a disputable question ; for divers did hold opinion that a man may do it, and yet not desperately despair of God's mercy, but die in God's favour. Whereto this dis- course of his tended it is easily seen ; but I think he hath no such Roman courage. INIr Lieutenant tells me he hath had like discourse with him here- tofore, who charged him with such intent upon oc- casion of having so many apothecary's drugs, and such like, ' which it were well/ saith he, ' were not LAST DAYS OF RALEIGII. 399 suffered to be liere.' ' Why/ saitli Raleigh, ' if you take away all these means from me, yet if I liad sueh a mind, I could run my head against a post and kill myself.' After, he fell into diseourse of the three last kings that were killed in France. * * He liath often tried me, by introductions, to dis- course of matters on which he might have gathered more out of my answers than I wished, to which I have used either diversions or such answers as I thought fit or safe, or at least silence, or pleading ignorance, which I hold to be the surest armour of proof for those that are to converse with cunning." Soon after this it appears that Raleigh had ear- nestly requested permission to write to the king; and his keeper, at the same time that he made this request known at court, suggested that his own wife. Lady Wilson, should repair to the Tower to watch his prisoner at any moment when he was absent. This produced a letter from Naunton, proving the minuteness with which every particular connected with Raleigh was personally superintend- ed by James. It commences thus : — " Sill, — I have acquainted his majesty with your desire to have your lady with you to attend care- fully in your absence, which she is fitter to do than any servant, which his majesty willingly conde- scended unto. I told him further of Sir Walter Raleigh's desire of leave to write to him, which first he seemed to take amiss from me ; but after I ac- quainted him with his cautious diplomatique not to offend France, in case the match should not pro- ceed with Spain, at length I obtained his answer that he was content to vouchsafe him leave to -^00 PERMISSION GRANTED TO RALEIGH write to himself, with tliis charge, that he should unfold all the truth sincerely, without respect of satisfying or unsatisfying any but his majesty, to whom only he oweth allegiance, and without play- ing (dissembling) as he had done with the lords of the council, and if he should fail in either of these two conditions, he should but augment his fault and contumation both." The letter, from which this is an extract, is dated September 16th, at Whitehall. On the following day, the 17th, Raleigh was removed by Sir Thomas Wilson " into a safer and higher lodging. I have by this means," so he writes to Naunton, " seen all his trinkets that he hath with him, and taken an inventary of every thing he hath, because I would not have myself or servants charged with what is not there, which is nothing of value, as your honour may see by this copy enclosed.'' As for the dia- mond which is spoken of, he saith he had never any such of Queen Elizabeth's giving ; all that he had Sir Lewis Stukely took from him, save only a sap- phire ring, which is his seal, which he showed me. But to the matter, for these are cra^s^ya : — I remem- ber that among other passages of our speeches and divers questions, one was, what kind of man the French agent was.^ I replied, ^ Sir, why do you ask me this question ? you know him better than I ;' which he protested he did not. Howbeit, I wrought it out of him yesternight, that the agent * The inventory taken by Wilson does not exist in the State-paper Office, but there is there preserved an original paper docqueted on the back, " Inventary of Sir Walter Rawleigh his Jewells and things delivered to Sir Lewis Stukely." It is a curious paper, and some extracts from it will be found in the Appendix. TO WRITE TO THE KING. 401 was with him at his house on the Sunday morning, broucjht by De Cliesne, whom he asking what gentleman it was in tlie white feather, lie answered, ' C'est monsieur I'agent.' Then I pressed him to know what conference they had ; he said he would write it to the king if he might have leave. I told him he should know that shortly, for I had written to that purpose to the court. This passed yester- night ; after which Mr Lieutenant came from the court, and sent out to speak with me, telling me he had a message to deliver to Sir Walter Raleigh from the king, which he would do in my hearing. The substance was, that his majesty was pleased, upon my motion, to give him leave to write unto him, provided that he wrote no trivial, nor delusory, nor dilatory things ; for if he did, assuredly he must look for no favour, but for death, as he had deserved ; to which Sir Walter answered he would write nothing to his majesty but truth, and such things as should be material ; after which I had a long discourse with him to that purpose, charging him to give his majesty satisfaction, as he tendered his own life and the reputation of his friends, which he promised to do." The letter to the king has been lost ; or it may have been suppressed, as not giving full satisfaction to his majesty, containing too bold a defence of his own conduct, and too much truth with regard to the aggression of the Spaniards ; thus confuting James's preconceived notions, and setting at fault his boasted ingenuity in the detection of plots and the examination of evidence." The letter of Wil- * Mr Jardine, in his late work, the Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. 494. 2b 402 Wilson's letter to the king. son, however, enclosing that of Raleigh, remains. It is as follows : — " Most Gratious Sovereign, — According to your majesty's commandment, I have employed the uttermost of my poor discretion to work out what I could from this arch-hypocrite committed to my charge, of which I have given a journal account to Mr Secretary, and in letters, with which I doubt not your majesty hath been acquainted; wherein any defect that hath been shown, I trust your ma- jesty will impute it to want of cunning, not want of faithfulness, it being the first part that ever I acted with a man tarn ingeniose nequam. Your majesty may be pleased to receive herewith his letter, wherein he voweth to me that he hath laid open all the secret closets of his heart and know- ledge ; whereof he offered to show me some part, but I told him I durst not presume to see it before your majesty, to whom, by your gracious leave, it was to be written. The king of heaven preserve your majesty from having many such dangerous subjects !" This letter of Wilson's, which is a scroll of that sent to the king, is dated from the Tower 18th Sep- tember ] 618 ; and on the back is this important me- considers it probable that the letter from Raleigh to the king-, pub- lished by Cayley, vol. ii. p. 153, is the same letter as that alluded to in the above notes of Wilson, which was sent, as we know, on the 18th of September. In this I cannot agree with him. The letter sent by Raleigh on the 18th of September contained, as we know from the MS notes of Wilson, lii'o points amongst others; the one an explanation of his interview with De Chesne, the other an allusion to a promise made by Wilson of the king's mercy. Now the letter in Cayley has not the slightest allusion either to De Chesne or to this promise. 5 Wilson's letter to the king. 408 morandum. " 19M September. — Mem. — To certify what Sir W. R. saith of one Ciiristofero that he broiifjlit liome witli him now, wlio was tlie gover- nor's man of Guiana, who will take it on his life that he is able to show and say how there are seven or eight several mines of gold that are there ; and wisheth this man may be entertained in some noble- man's service, for occasion that may ensue." The circumstance here stated is corroborated by Key- mis in his letter to Raleigh. " We have," says he, '^ the governor's servant prisoner, that waited on him in his bedchamber, and knows all things that con- cerned his master ;" and Raleigh himself, in his apology, alludes to the same person when he says, " Had they but pinched the governor's man whom they had in their possession, he could have told them of two or three gold mines and a silver mine, not above four miles from the town, and given them the names of their possessors."* Yet although Ra- leigh thus entreated the government to convince themselves of the reality of these gold mines, by the evidence of an unexceptionable witness who had the best opportunity of being informed upon the subject, it did not suit the purposes of the king to investigate the subject; and we shall afterwards find the monarch asserting, in the face of the most direct evidence to the contrary, that no such mine existed. Having despatched his letter, Raleigh awaited with natural anxiety its effect on the royal mind, whilst at the same time he contemplated the pro- bability of death with equanimity and cheerfulness. '' This day," says Wilson, " I was sitting by him " Raleigh's A|)ology, pjx 4U2, 4^3. 404 DELUSIVE PROMISE OF PARDON. while the barber was trimming and keeming my liead. He told me he was wont to keem his head a whole hour every day, before he came into the Tower. Asking him why he did not so still, he said, ' he would know first who should have it; he would not bestow so much cost of it for the hang- man.' "■" It appears that Wilson had held out a pro- mise of the king's mercy, and that Raleigh pleaded this in his letter. With such conduct James was deeply offended, and it required an humble and ear- nest letter from Wilson to make his peace with his master, who dreaded lest his determination to sa- crifice Sir Walter to the indignation of Spain should be rendered nugatory by any stipulations of pardon. " I must not deny," says Wilson in his letter to Naunton, " that I have done so divers times (that is, pleaded the king's mercy), finding hope to work more with him than fear ; but I did it as Mr Lieu- tenant and Sir Walter Raleigh could not but think it to come of myself, without instructions from any, or any way engaging his majesty." It is thus evi- dent that Raleigh was induced by a promise of the king's pardon to disclose faithfully all he knew; having done so, James was disappointed that his confession contained nothing which could be turned against him, and refused to extend his forgiveness, on the ground that Wilson had acted without any authority from the king. Such cunning and dis- ingenuousness is perfectly consistent with all that we know of the character of this prince. Having thus entirely failed in their examination of the prisoner, Wilson and Naunton, under the directions of the king, endeavoured by various other MS. Journal of Wilson in the State-paper Office. RALEIGU PREPARES FOR DEATH. 405 methods to extract matter of condemnation aijainst liim. Lady Carew, a connexion of Raleigh, who was supposed to enjoy much of liis confidence, was strict- ly interrogated regarding his intercourse with the French agent ; his own wife and household ser- vants were cross-questioned; the private letters which passed between that faithful and affectionate woman and her husband were intercepted and opened. But in this complicated process of inquiry nothing was discovered that did not corroborate the simple story which Raleigh himself had previously given. Finding at last that all hopes of mercy were vain, Sir Walter tranquilly resigned himself to the con- templation of the near approach of death. "^ This night," says Wilson in his journal, dated 26th September 1(318, " upon occasion of my saying I hoped I had not long to stay here, he said, ' When you are gone I shall be delivered to the secular power, as they call it ; and yet,' said he, ' if the Spanish match hold, it were no policy to have me put to death ; for,' saith he, ' I have a great store of friends in England, and my death will but pre- serve envy.' I marvelled at this discourse ; but, considering farther of it, I remembered it had agree- ment with his former discourse in the afternoon, telling what great kindred he had, naming the greatest and almost all in the west country. " 27///* September. — This night after supper INIr Lieutenant's man coming home, told me that his mas- ter could not arrive to-night. I going up to see him (Raleigh) before his going to bed, and telling him, he presently fell in doubt that his staying was about a resolution for his death. Soon after he fell into a discourse how Stukely would have no means left 406 WINCHESTER INTERCEDES FOR RALEIGH. him to kill himself, and tlierefore would have all his drugs, knives, and other things taken from him ; but thereupon said, that he would sure desire to die in tlie light, not in darkness, that he might make some be known what they were."* The next passage of the journal proves strikingly the inveteracy of the king against Raleigh in re- sisting the entreaties of the queen, and the dying request of the Earl of Winchester. " It is reported that the queen hath begged his life by means of his lady, who is great with her ; and here it is held that the late Earl of Winchester, deceast, at the time when the king came to visit him, a little before his death, told the king that he never looked to see his majesty more, and therefore he would beg but one thing of him, and that was the life of an old servant that had incurred his majestie's grievous indigna- tion; yet because he had been so dearly respected of that noble queen, his predecessor, that he would save his life and let him die in peace, and not come to an untimely end. This he meant by Sir Walter Raleigh ; but whether the king did grant it or no, the party could not tell."t Not long after this, Wilson, afraid lest his ene- mies should represent to the king, that after all his promises he had failed in extracting any thing to form the ground of Raleigh's condemnation, employ- ed himself in drawing up for the royal inspection, a paper, entitled, "^ Observations of Contrarieties in Sir Walter Raleigh's Speeches or Discourses, deliver- ed to his IMajesty in his Council Chamber in White- hall ; which," he adds, " the Lords told me he read * MS. Journal of Wilson, in the State-paper Office. -f- Ibid. Wilson's memorial. 407 unto them the next day." Tliis memorial is intro- duced by a letter from Wilson to the king, and the first sentence sufficiently explains its object : — " Most Gratious Sovereign, — Seeing it hath pleased your majesty to confront the carriage of this arch impostor with my simplicity and plainness, whereby some have been apt to conceive that I have not in all points taken the discreetest course in dealing with him, I will be bold to relate unto your majesty how, out of the inferences of his repugnant answers at divers times, I have pressed from him all those things which he hath confessed to your majesty by his letters, and to myself by words, which he ever impudently and confidently denyed to the lords- commissioners." The memorial, in which Wilson's ingenuity, sharpened by malignity and self-interest, is exerted to detect contradictions in the statements made at different times by Raleigh, is perhaps one of the best evidences which could be adduced of his innocence. The discrepancies and presumptions of guilt upon which he insists are so trivial as to cor- roborate the prisoner's repeated declarations that his intentions were sincere and loyal. The evidence of a friend may be liable to suspicion, but that of a de- clared enemy is above all challenge. The papers of Sir Thomas Wilson furnish us with the concluding scene of this inquisitorial drama. On the 4th of October Naunton directed a letter to him, enclosing, as returned by tlie king. Lady Raleigh's communication, with directions from his majesty to deliver it to Sir Walter, in order that they might dis- cover what they could l)y his answer. It is not easy to conceive meaner conduct tlian this of James. By his directions, this faithful and affectionate woman was 408 DESPATCH FROM THE KING OF SPAIN confined a prisoner in lier own house, and encour- aged to correspond with lier unfortunate husband in the Tower. Her letters were intercepted and read by the king, tliey were then sent back to Sir Wal- ter; his replies, in their turn, -were opened, and their contents, after having been duly weighed by his majesty, were communicated to his council for their consideration.* Yet, after all, they could find no new ground of accusation, and were compelled to liave recourse to the old sentence passed upon him fifteen years before. But although foiled in his attempts, James's re- solution to sacrifice Raleigh underwent no change. He had already written to the Spanish court, ex- pressing his willingness, either that the prisoner should be executed in his own country, or, if it was more agreeable to the majesty of Castile, be sent to suffer death in Spain; and about the 15th of October, the orders, for so they may be called, of Philip were received in England. They were couched in the form of a despatch, addressed to Don Sanchez de Ulloa, the Spanish agent, dated at San Lorenzo, on the 5th of October, and signed by the king. It states briefly " that having received King James's letter through Gondomar, he did not delay to intimate, that it would be more agreeable to him that the punishment of Raleigh should take * " Mr Secretary to me, 4th October, with m}^ Lady Raleigli's let- ter returned from the king." Such is the docquet by Sir Thomas Wilson on the back of" an orig'inal letter of Secretar}^ Naunton, dated at Whitehall, 4th October 1()18. The letter commences thus : — " Sir, — His majesty would have you deliver this to Sir Walter Raleigh;" and it goes on to direct Wilson " to discover what he can by his answer, which I pray you send me back as soon as you can, that I may acquaint the lords with it. So, in haste, I bid you and your lady farewell. Your assured, R. Nauntox." — MS. Papers in the State-paper Office. CONCERNING RALEIGH's EXECUTION. 409 place in England ; and as the offence was notorious;, that its chastisement should be exemplary and im- mediate." This last injunction appears to have been strictly fulfilled. Sir Thomas Wilson was hastily recalled from the Tower, and commanded once more to deliver his prisoner into the charge of Sir Allen Apsley, the lieutenant. Kaleigh received this as an intimation that his immediate execution was re- solved on, and expressed no regret. " My age," said he, " is fit for the grave. What have I to do with life ? ]\Iy reputation is lost, my body weak and full of pain. Nothing can be more welcome to me than death." Lady Raleigh was set at liberty, and the lords-commissioners, by whom Sir Walter had been already examined, were required instantly to re- port upon the proper mode of proceeding against him. To these learned persons the case presented great difliculties ; and there is something very revolting in the fixed resolution, on the one hand, that what- ever proceeding was adopted should lead to death, and the tedious discussions, on the other, regarding the most legal mode of accomplishing this purpose. After many consultations, the commissioners deliver- ed their opinion, that the prisoner, having been at- tainted of high treason, could not be judicially call- ed to account for any crime since committed. In this dilemma they recommended that the king, with the warrant for his execution addressed to the Lieu- tenant of the Tower, should publish a narrative of his late offences ; and a writ of privy-seal was im- mediately despatched to the judges, directing them to order the execution of the sentence. But these grave persons were thrown into new difliculties by the singularity of the case, and its manifest injus- tice. They declared that neither a writ of privy 410 RALEIGH BROUGHT UP FOR SENTENCE : seal, nor even a warrant under tlie great seal to the judges of the King's Bench, could entitle them, after so long an interval, to pronounce sentence of execution against any prisoner without giving him an opportunity of pleading in person against it. It was said, he might have a pardon to show, or might urge that he was a different person ; and to get rid of these difficulties they resolved to bring him to the bar by a writ of habeas corpus, and demand what reasons he had to give w^hy execution should not be awarded. The king approved of this method, and having delivered his final orders to the judges, and signed the warrant for execution, he commanded Sir Walter to be informed that it was his pleasure he should prepare for death. This was on the 24th of October, and though Raleigh lay sick of a fever, he w^as raised from bed at eight in the morning, with an ague fit upon him, and conveyed to the King's Bench at Westminster. Being placed at the bar, the attorney-general, Yel- verton, observed, that the prisoner fifteen years ago had been found guilty of high treason, since which time his majesty had mercifully abstained from the infliction of punishment ; but it was now his royal pleasure that the former judgment should be carried into elfect. The record of conviction was then read ; and Raleigh being asked the usual question, what he could say why execution should not pass against him, requested indulgence, since his voice was weak from his late sickness. On being told his voice was audible enough, he summoned his re- maining strength, and proceeded: " My Lord, all I can say is this, that the judgment I received to die so long since, cannot now, I hope, be strained to take away my life; for since it was his majesty's HIS ADDRESS. 411 pleasure to grant me a commission to proceed on a voyage beyond tlie seas, wherein I had power as marshal on the life and death of others, so, under favour, I presume I am discharged of that judgment. By tliat commission I gained new life and vigour; for he that hath power over the lives of others, must surely be master of his own. Under ray com- mission I undertook a voyage to honour my sove- reign, and enrich his kingdom witli gold, of the ore whereof this hand hatii found and taken in Guiana; but the enterprise, notwithstanding my endeavours, had no other success than wliat was fatal to me, the loss of my son and the wasting of my whole estate." He was now about to enter upon an explanation of the causes of his failure, but was interrupted by the chief-justice, who informed him that all such matter L-^ was foreign to the purpose, and that the commission did not infer a pardon, treason being a crime which must be pardoned by words of a special nature, and not by implication. Unless, therefore, he could make good some other plea in defence, execution, it was observed, must be awarded. Sir Walter replied, that ^"^ since such was his lordship's opinion, he could only put himself under the mercy of the king; his majesty himself, as well as some others who were now present, having been of opinion that in his for- mer trial he had received but hard measure. Had he not been anew exasperated against me," said he, '■'^ certain I am I miglit have lived a thousand years before he would have taken advantage thereof" At this time the lord-chief-justice was Sir Henry Montague, a man in temper and disposition very different from Coke; and the manner in which he pronounced sentence was full of sympathy and good feeling. On his concluding with the usual words. 412 WARRANT FOR EXECUTION. '' Execution is awarded/' Raleigh addressed the court with the cahiiness which had never forsaken him. " ]\Iy Lords/' said lie, " I desire this much favour, that I may not be cut off suddenly; but may be granted some time before my execution, to settle my affairs and my mind more than they yet are ; for I have something to do in discharge of my conscience, and somewhat to satisfy his majesty in. I would beseech the favour of pen, ink, and paper, thereby to discharge myself of some trusts of a worldly nature that were put upon me. I crave not this to gain one minute of life, for now being old, sickly, disgraced, and certain to go to death, life is wearisome unto me. And now I beseech your lordships that when I come to die I may have leave to speak freely at my farewell. And here," said he, with great solemnity, " I take God to be my judge, before whom I shall shortly appear, that I was never disloyal to his majesty, which I shall justify where I shall not fear the face of any king on earth ; and so I beseech you all to pray for me."* Sir Walter was then removed to the Gatehouse. The warrant for execution dispensed with the more ignominious death by hanging, and ordered him to be beheaded. It had been his only request that he should be allowed a short interval to settle his earthly con- cerns, and provide for his soul ; but with this the king did not think proper to comply. He had been brought up to receive sentence on the 28th of Octo- ber, and on returning to prison he was informed that the execution must take place next morning at nine o'clock, — an indecent haste which we are scarcely prepared to expect even from so heartless a prince as * Hargrave, State Trials, vol. viii. App. No. iv, Jardine's Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. 500. PREPARATIONS FOR DEATH. 413 James. Yet the cruelty of the monarch only served to bring out in finer relief the character of his vic- tim ; and though it is evident that the accounts of his behaviour are imperfect in some respects, and in others exaggerated, enough remains to prove that he died with Christian faith and simplicity. On his way from the court to prison, he observed to some friends who deplored his misfortunes, that the world itself was but a larger prison, out of which some are daily selected for execution ; and on hear- ing that the king had peremptorily rejected all pe- titions in his favour, even that of the queen, he ex- pressed no disappointment. To him death seemed divested of all that was gloomy "^ and terrific. Raleigh had never been pardoned ; he was liable during the long period of his confine- ment to be called away any day or any hour to exe- cution ; and it is probable that this circumstance had rendered the contemplation of sudden dissolu- tion, — an idea so appalling to an ordinary mind, — to him tlie subject of quiet, natural, and frequent thought. His firm belief in divine revelation, in the mercy of God to a penitent soul which rested on its Saviour, invested his meditations on this last scene with a glow of cheerfulness and hope. To others Death might be the king of terrors, — to him he was a familiar and not repulsive companion, the thoughts of whom had been so long the inmates of his cell that when he met him on the scaffold it was almost as an old friend. His last interview with his wife was simple but deeply affecting. It took place on Thursday night (he was to suffer on Friday morning), and it was midnight before she left the prison. He said he meant to leave witli her a paper to acquaint the 414 INTERVIEW WITH LADV RALEIGH. world with his sentiments, in case they refused him liberty to speak on the scaffold ; and fearful lest his feelings in talking of his little son should be too distressing, he avoided the subject and affection- ately entreated her to leave him. Raleigh had yet much to do, and a few brief hours to accomplish his task, and they who know any thing of human af- fection, and of the distracting effects of sorrow^ will not wonder that he should desire to be spared the agony which might have unfitted him for his duty. On parting, his wife in a flood of tears informed him that she had obtained the favour of disposing of his body. "'It is well, Bess," said he, smiling, '' that thou mayst dispose of that dead thou hadst not always the disposing of when alive." When alone he sat down and wrote the following paper, which he entitled, '^ AN ANSWER TO SOME THINGS AT MY DEATH. " 1. I did never receive any direction from my Lord Carew to make my escape. 2. I did never name my Lord Hay and my Lord Carew to Stukely in any other words or sense than as my honourable friends, among other lords. 3. I did never shew unto Stukely any letter wherein there was £10,000 named, or any one pound ; only I told him that I hoped to procure the payment of his debts in his ab- sence. 4. I never had commission from the French king. 5. I never saw the French king's hand or seal in my life. 6. I never had any plot or practice with the French^ directly or indirectly, — nor with any other prince or state unknown to the king. 7- My true intent was to go to a gold mine in Gui- ana ; it was not feigned, but it is true that such a mine there is, within three miles of S. Thome. 8. I never had in my thought to go from Trinidado and ANSWER TO THE CHARGES AGAINST IIIM. 415 leave my companies to come after to the Savage Island, as Hatby Fearn hath falsely reported. 9. I did not carry with me 100 pieces: I had with me about 60, and brought back nearly the same num- ber. 10. I never spake to the French ]\Ianourie any one disloyal word or dishonourable speech of the king : Nay, if I had not loved the king truly, and trusted in his goodness somewhat too much, I know that I had not now suflfered death. These things are most true, as there is a God, and as I am now to appear before his tribunal-seat, where I re- nounce all mercy and salvation if this be not truth. At my death, Walter Raleigh."* Having finished this, he seems to have drawn up a few additional notes of remembrance, containing heads of the different subjects upon which, if per- mitted to speak on the scaffold, he meant to address the people; and taking his Bible he wrote on a blank leaf these few lines : — " Even such is time that takes on trust Our youth, our jovs, our all we have. And pays us but with a^e and dust : Who, in tlie dark and silent grave. When we have wander'd all our waj'S, Shuts up the story of our days ! But from this earth, this grave, this dust, The Lord shall raise me up I trust." It may appear singular to some that we find him so employed at such a moment, but from his early youth Raleigh had been accustomed to throw his feel- ings into numbers. His last thoughts are solemn and " Birch's Works of Raleigh, vol. ii. p. 2!?0.— In the State-paper Office is a MS. of this same paper, entitled " Accusations against Sir Walter Raleigh, cleared hy him at his death." It is written in a contempfirary hand, and on the back of the paper are the lines, " Even such is time," &c. 416 THE SACRAMENT ADMINISTERED. full of immortality; and their poetical dress indi- cates a rare tranquillity of mind. He was not permitted to choose his own clergyman ; but Dr Tounson, at that time Dean of Westminster, received orders from the government to be with him in his religious services both in prison and on the scaffold. This divine afterwards drew up a re- lation of his death, which was probably suppressed by the king, and a letter of the same person, which has been published, is evidently written under the fear of saying any thing that might be disagree- able to a monarch, who was wont to stretch his prerogative over the most secret communications and private thoughts of his subjects. Yet, incom- plete as is the only evidence which has been per- mitted to reach us, the history of the last hours of Raleigh is interesting and affecting. Early in the morning the dean administered to him the holy communion, which he received with deep reverence, pleading the assurance he had of the love and favour of God ; forgiving all men, and spe- cially in this act declaring that he forgave Sir Lewis Stukely and Manourie, who had betrayed him. He expressed great fearlessness of death, and appeared to make light of it ; observing to Dr Tounson, that though to many the manner in which he was to die might appear grievous, he would rather end his days so than by a burning fever. When cautioned not to be too hardy, and reminded that some of the dearest servants of God had shrunk back and trembled a little, " he acknowledged it to be true, expressing himself very Christianly," but giving thanks to the Almighty who had imparted to him the strength of mind never to fear death. He was persuaded, he said, that no man who knew God and feared him. CONVERSATION WITH UIl TOUNSON. 417 could die with cheerfulness and courage unless he were assured of his love and favour; and it was evident to the pious man to whom he addressed himself that it was from this assurance and -no false ground or any principle of vain or foolish ostentation that Raleigh derived this remarkable courage. There was evidently within him a source of tranquillity and joy. He was happy to leave that world which had for many years brought to him nothing but ingratitude and disappointment ; his mind was full of sweetness and forgiveness ; he had been treated with signal injustice by the king, by his judges, by the jury which condemned him, by the pretended friends and kinsmen who betrayed him ; yet he simply as- serted liis innocence, declared his unshaken loyalty to his prince, and indulged in no reflections upon the law, or the government. '' By the course of the law/' said he, " I must die, yet leave must be given me to stand upon my innocency of the fact." After having received the sacrament his cheerful- ness increased, and he again expressed his confidence that he would convince the world that he was guilt- less of the charges against him. He then took breakfast heartily, smoked, as was his practice, a pipe of tobacco, and took a cup of sack ; on being asked if it pleased him, " Aye," said he, " 'tis good drink, if a man might tarry by it." After this he retired for a short time to arrange his dress, in which he was usually very splendid. On this occasion it was a plain mourning suit. Under his hat was a rich-wrought nightcap. His doublet, waistcoat, and breeches were of black satin, — and over all was thrown a black wrought-velvet nightgown. Raleigh liad been, in his best days, a remarkably handsome 2c 418 Raleigh's demeanour : man; and at this moment, although enfeebled by sick- ness, his appearance was peculiarly striking and noble. It was now near nine, and having declared him- self ready he was led to the place of execution, in the Old Palace Yard, by the Sheriffs of London and the Dean of Westminster. A great crowd had assembled, and as many pushed forward to gaze on him, among the rest one venerable old man, whose head was quite bald, came so near that Sir Walter noticed him and inquired if he wanted ought with him ; the old man answered, that his only desire was to see him, and to pray God for him : '' I thank thee, my good friend," said Raleigh, " and am sorry I am in no case to return thee any thing for thy good-will. But," added he, looking at his bald head, " here, take this nightcap," removing that which he wore beneath his hat, " thou hast more need of it now than I."* The people pressed him so much that, faint from sickness, he had nearly swooned away before he reached the scaifold, which was erected in front of the Parliament-house. Amongst the spectators were the Earls of Arundel, Oxford, and Northampton, the Lords Doncaster, Sheffield, and Percy, and other knights and gentlemen. On coming to the steps he recovered, mounted them easily, and saluted those who stood near with the same graceful courtesy which usually distinguished his manners. Pro- clamation was then made for silence, and Raleigh standing up, although very feeble, addressed those around them. His last words have been transmitted to us by several persons who were present, and we read them almost exactly as he delivered them. '' I have had," said he, " for these two days past, * D'Israeli, Curiosities of Literature, vol. ii. p. 133. 5 HIS SPEECH OX THE SCAFFOLD. 419 two fits of an ague. Yesterday I was, notwith- standing, taken out of my bed in one of my fits, and whether I shall escape it this day or not I cannot tell. If, therefore, you perceive any weakness in me, I be- seech you ascribe it to my sickness rather than to my- self. I thank God of his infinite goodness that he hath vouchsafed me to die in the sight of so noble an assem- bly, and not in darkness, neither in the Tower, where I have suffered so much adversity, and a long sick- ness. And I thank God that my fever hath not taken me at this time, as I prayed God it might not." His weakness was now so great that he was com- pelled to sit down. After a short pause he again began to speak, and turning to the lords who sat in Sir Randal Crues's window, he expressed a fear lest they should not distinguish what he said, but he added that he would strain his voice that they might hear him ; upon which Lord Arundel replied that they would rather come down to him, which he im- mediately did, along with the Earl of Northampton and the Viscount Doncaster. Sir Walter then con- tinued as follows, looking occasionally at the paper of notes which he held in his hand : — '' There are two main points which, as I conceive, have hastened my coming hither, of which his ma- jesty hath been informed against me. The first, that I had some practice with France, — and the reason which his majesty hath to believe so was, that when I first arrived at Plymouth I had a desire, in a small bark, to have passed to Rochelle ; and afterwards, because the French agent came to my house in Lon- don. Now, my lords, for a man at any time to call God to witness a falsehood is a sin, a greater than which cannot well be imagined ; but for a man to do so at the hour of death, wjien he hath no time to re- 420 Raleigh's speech on the scaffold. pent, is still more (grievous and impious. Yet I do now call that great God to witness, before whom I am pre- sently to render an aecount of what I sa\^, that as I hope to see God, or to live in the world to come, or to have any comfort or benefit by the passion of my Saviour, I did never entertain any conspiracy, nor never had any plot or intelligence with the French king, his ambassador, or agent, neither did I ever see the French king's hand or seal, as some reported I had a commission from him at sea. Neither, as I have a soul to save, did I know of the French agent's coming to my house till I saw him in the gallery. '' The other matter alleged against me was, that I had spoken dishonourably and disloyally of the king. But my accuser was a base Frenchman, a runagate fellow, one who had no dwelling, a kind of chemical impostor, whom I afterwards knew to be perfidious. For being drawn by him into the at- tempt of escaping at Winchester, in which I confess my hand was touched, he being sworn to secrecy over night revealed it the next morning. It is now no time to fear or to flatter kings. I am now a sub- ject of death, and have only to do with my God, in whose presence I stand ; and I do now here solemnly declare I never spake disloyally or dishonestly of the king, either to this Frenchman or to any other. And it seemeth somewhat unjust that such a base fellow should be credited so far as he hath been. " I confess I did attempt to escape, but it was only to save my life. I likewise confess that I feign- ed myself to be indisposed at Salisbury, but I hope it was no sin ; for the prophet David did make him- self a fool, and sufl*ered spittle to fall upon his beard to escape from the hands of his enemies, and it was not imputed unto him as a sin : What I did was to Raleigh's speech on the scaffold. 421 prolonij time till his majesty came, in hopes of some commiseration from him, " I forgive tiiat Freiu-iiman, and Sir Lewis Stuke- ly also, the wrongs he hath done me with all my heart, for I have received the sacrament this morn- intr of i\Ir Dean, and I have forgiven all men : But that these two men are perfidious, I am bound in charity to speak, that all men may take heed of them. Sir Lewis, my keeper and kinsman, hath affirmed that I told him my Lord Carew and my Lord Don- caster here had advised me to escape ; but I protest before God I never told him any such thing, neither did these lords advise me to any such matter. It is not likely I should acquaint two privy councillors of my plan of escape, nor that I should tell him — my keeper — it was their advice; neither was there any reason to tell it to him, or that he should report it, for it is well known he left me six, eight, or ten days together alone, to go where I chose, whilst he rode about the country. " He further accused me of having shown him a letter in which I promised him ten thousand pounds if he assisted me to escape. But this is another falsehood ; had I then been possessed of ten, or even of one thousand pounds, I could have made my peace better than by bestowing it on Stukely. The only thing I showed him was a letter, wherein it was promised that order should be taken for the pay- UK'Ut of his debts should he consent to accompany me. One further injury he did me which, although it may appear a slight one, affects me sensibly. In our journey to London we lodged at Sir Edward Parham's, an ancient friend of mine, whose lady is my cousin-german; and there he not only gave out, but himself told me he thought I had some dram of 422 Raleigh's speech on the scaffold. poison given me, to which I answered that I feared no such thing, and bade liim dismiss the thought, as I was well assured of those in the house. Thus far have I said on this matter, because I know it grieves the gentleman that such a conceit should be held ; and now I take my leave of Sir Lewis. God is not only a God of revenge, but also of mercy ; and I pray God to forgive him as I myself hope to be forgiven." Sir Walter then cast his eye for a moment over his note of remembrance, and proceeded : '*" It was told the king that I was brought by force into England ; and that when the voyage miscar- ried I had no intention to return again ; yet Cap- tain Parker, IMr Tresham, Mr Leak, and divers others who knew how I was treated, can give wit- ness to the contrary. '^ It was reported also that I meant not to go to Guiana at all, and that I knew not of any mine, nor intended any such matter ; but only to get my liberty, which I had not the good sense to keep. But I solemnly declare it was my full intent to go for gold, for the benefit of his majesty, myself, and those who went with me ; but all was crossed and undone by Keymis, who, seeing my son slain, and myself unpardoned, would not discover the head of the mine, but afterwards slew himself." At this moment, turning to the Earl of Arundel, Raleigh said, " My Lord, you being in the gallery of my ship at my departure, I remember you took me by the hand, and said you would request one thing of me, which was, whether I made a good voy- age or a bad, that I would return again into England, which I then promised; — I gave you my faith I would; and so I have." " You did so," said his lord- ship ; " it is true ; and they were the last words I Raleigh's speech on the scaffold. 423 spoke to you." " It is enougli/' said Raleigh ; " I am glad your lordship is here to justify my words." " Another slander was raised against me, that I had a design to go away from my company, and leave them at Guiana ; but there are a great many worthy men who were always with me, as my ser- jeant-major (and divers others whom he named), that knew such was never my intention. It was said too that I stinted them of fresh water; to which I answer, that every one was then, as they always must be in a ship, served by measure, and not according to their appetite, a course which all seamen know must he used amongst them ; and to this strait Ave were then driven. " These are the principal things upon which I thought it good to speak. Yet before I make an end, let me borrow yet further a little time of Mr Sheriff, to answer an imputation laid against me, through the jealousy of the people, which hath made my heart bleed. It is said that I was a pro- secutor of the death of the Earl of Essex, and stood in a window over against him when he suffered, and puffed out tobacco in disdain of him. But I take God to witness that I had no hand in his blood, and was none of those that procured his death. IMy Lord of Essex did not see my face at the time of his death, for I had retired far off into the ar- moury, where I indeed saw him, and shed tears for him ; but he saw not me. It is most true I was of a contrary faction, and lielped to pluck him down ; but I knew my Lord of Essex to be a noble gentleman, and always believed it would have been better for me that his life had been preserved ; for after his fall I got the hatred of those who wished me well before ; and those who set me against him, 424 RALEIGIl's PROFESSION OF FAITH : set themselves afterwards against nie^ and were my greatest enemies. Nay, I will further say that my soul hath many times grieved that I was not nearer to him when he suffered ; because, as I understood afterw^ards, he asked for me at his death, and de- sired to have been reconciled to me. '' And now I entreat that you all will join with me in prayer to that great God of heaven whom I have grievously offended, that he will of his al- mighty goodness extend to me forgiveness; being a man full of all vanity, and one who hath lived a sinful life in such callings as have been most in- ducing to it ; for I have been a soldier, a sailor, and a courtier, all of them courses of wickedness and vice ; but I trust he will not only cast away my sins from me, but will receive me into everlasting life, — and so, having made my peace with God, I bid you all heartily farewell." Raleigh, though w^eak, delivered this address with gracefulness and animation. He then em- braced the lords, and others of his friends who were present ; and turning himself in particular to my Lord Arundel, entreated him to use his influ- ence with the king, that no defamatory w^ritings against him might be published after his death. The Dean of Westminster then asked him in what faith or religion he meant to die, to which he an- swered, — " In the faith professed by the Church of England ;" adding that he " hoped to be saved and to have his sins washed away by the precious blood and merits of our Saviour Christ." The morning being sharp, the Sheriff offered to bring him down off the scaffold to warm himself by the fire before he should say his prayers; " No, good Mr Sheriff," said he, " let us despatch, for within this quarter of HIS BEHAVIOUR ON THE SCAFFOLD. 425 an hour my Rf^ue will come upon me, and if I be not dead before that, mine enemies will say I quake for fear." He then, to use the words of a contem- porary and eyewitness, made a most divine and admirable prayer ; after which, rising up and clasp- ing his hands together, he exclaimed, '' Now I am going to God !" The scaftbld was soon cleared ; and having thrown off his gown and doublet, he bid the executioner show him the axe, which not being done immediately, he was urgent in his re- quest. '' I prithee," said he, '' let me see it- Dost thou think I am afraid of it?" Taking it in his hand he kissed the blade, and passing his finger slightly along the edge, observed to the sheriff, " 'Tis a sharp medicine, but a sound cure for all diseas- es." He then walked to the corner of the scaffold, and kneeling down, requested the people to pray for him, and for a considerable time remained on his knees engaged in silent devotion ; after which he rose and carefully examined the block, laying him- self down to fit it to his neck, and to choose the easiest and most decent attitude. In all this he would receive no assistance; and having satisfied himself, he rose and declared he was ready. The executioner now came forward, and kneeling, asked his forgiveness, upon which Raleigh laid his hand smilingly on his shoulder, and bade him be satisfied, for he most cheerfully forgave him, only entreating him not to strike till he himself gave the signal, and then to fear nothing and strike home. Saying this, he lay down on the block, and on being directed to place himself so that his face should look to the east^ lie answered " It mattered little how the head lay provided the heart was right." After a little while, during which it was observed, by the motion of his 426 EXECUTION OP RALEIGH. lips and hands, that he was occupied in prayer, he gave the signal ; but, wliether from awkwardness or agitation, the executioner delayed; upon which, after waiting for a short time, he partially raised his head and said aloud, " What dost thou fear ? strike, man !"* The axe then descended, and at two strokes the head was severed from the body, which never shrunk or altered its position, whilst the extraor- dinary effusion of blood evinced an unusual strength and vigour of constitution, though when he suffered Sir Walter was in his sixty-sixth year. The head, after being as usual held up to the view of the people on either side of the scaffold, was put into a red bag, over which his velvet nightgown was thrown, and the whole immediately carried to a mourning-coach which was in waiting, and conveyed to Lady Raleigh. This faithful and affectionate woman, wiio never married again, though she survived him twenty-nine j^ears, had it embalmed and preserved in a case, which she kept with pious solicitude till her death. The body was buried privately near the high altar of St Margaret's Church, in Westminster, close beside the spot where Harrington, the author of ^' Oceana," was afterwards interred. t No stone or memorial marks the place, — a circumstance to be ascribed to the destitution in which Lady Raleigh and her son were left, or to the fear they felt of drawing down the further indignation of the mo- narch. His head, after the death of his widow, was preserved with pious care by his son, with whom it \vas buried at his seat of West Horsley, in Surrey. * MS. Letter in Harleian Collection, printed by Ca3'ley, Appen- dix, vol. ii. No. xvii. Mr Thomas Lorkm to Sir J. Puckering. -(• Raleigh's Works, vol. viii. p. 744. CHARACTER OF RALEIGH. 427 Such at least was tlie tradition of the neighbourliood in the time of Oldys ; and it is certain tliat more than eiglity years after, when the grave of a Carew Raleigh was laid open, two skulls were found in it, one of which was supposed to be his father's.* Sir Walter Raleigh belongs to that class of great men who may be said rather to fashion or create than to reflect the character of their age. His in- dividual story is indissolubly linked with the annals of his country ; and he who reads of the danger and the glory of England during the reign of Eliza- beth; of the humiliation of Spain, the independ- ence of Holland, the discovery and wonders of the New World, and the progress of our naval and com- mercial prosperit}^ must meet with his name in every part of the record. If required to describe in a few words the most prominent features in his mind, I would say they were his universality and originality. A warrior, both by sea and land, — a statesman, a navigator, and discoverer of new coun- tries, an accomplished courtier, a scholar, and elo- quent writer ; a sweet and true poet, and a muni- ficent patron of letters, — there is scarcely one of the aspects in which we view him where he does not shine with a remarkable brightness. In some of the pursuits indeed in which he attained distinction, he has been excelled by other eminent men of his time; but where do we find such a combination as in Ra- leigh ? They were satisfied with the glory of being great in one department ; he aimed at an almost universal excellence. They wisely concentrated their efforts on the cultivation of a single insulated branch of human knowledge ; his discursive and vigorous • Oldys, p. 565. 428 CHARACTER OF RALEIGH. mind was not contontod till it had made an inroad and achieved a triumph in them all ; and it may be certainly aflirmed, that upon every thing which he undertook he has left that stamp of power and originality which belongs to the man of genius. As to liis faults there was nothing little in the character of Raleigh — his errors and his w^eaknesses stand out as prominently as the higher qualities of his mind. It will be found indeed that in most cases they aroseout of them. His credulity was a weed thrown out by the strength and ardour of his imagination ; his love of riches, which has been called his avarice, was not so much the sordid lust of gain, for he was no hoarder, as a shoot from that old buccaneering spirit which he had acquired in the school of Drake and Hawkins. His fancy had caught fire at first in the perusal of the histories of Cortes and Pizarro. His royal mistress delighted to see the pearl-laden and golden carracks of the Spaniard brought into her ports; and if Raleigh loved the Spanish plunder, he loved still more the danger and the enterprise with which it was connected. His ambition was restless in its ends, and sometimes ruinous in its re- sults, — but it was not a selfish ambition ; it arose out of his love for his country, his zeal for its pre- eminence and glory. He entertained the grand idea, and undoubtedly believed it practicable, that England might erect in America a greater or richer empire than that of Mexico or Peru ; and however absurd to our advanced knowledge this project may now appear, no one who has studied the earliest Spanish accounts of Guiana will deny that he had good grounds on which to found his opinion. As to the charge of his being a deist, an atheist, or a freethinker, for it has been advanced under all CHARACTER OF RALHIGII. 429 these forms of speech, it in all prol)ability arose out of a youtliful fault, exaggerated or misconceived. In his early days of vanity and ambition, Raleigh was a bold and reckless disputant on most subjects, not excluding religion, and he had sometimes the weakness to court discussion rather for the purposes of display than for the discovery of truth : he laughed at the boasted infallibility of human reason, and in his ingenious little essay entitled the Sceptic, demonstrated the uncertainty of those deductions which are based on a limited experience and super- ficial observation; he professed an early contempt for the dogmatism of the Aristotelian philosophy; he regarded with little respect the system of scho- lastic theology ; and out of these materials the noted Jesuit, Father Parsons, manufactured a charge of atheism, whilst Hume, Carte, and some more mo- dern writers, have not scrupled to pronounce him a deist or a freethinker. How wide both aspersions are from the truth, has been already shown. The foibles of his youth passed away; the pride of intellect — the vanity of display — was subdued by affliction ; and his profound and contemplative mind, instruct- ed by the heavenly lesson, was brought to rest on that only stay for the broken and wounded spirit, the blessed hopes and promises of Revelation. Such is Raleigh's general character; but where shall we look for the minuter touches, which give freshness, prominence, and individuality to tlie pic- ture .'* Here, alas ! his biography, in common with that of other great men, is lamentably defective. How often have we to regret that of tliose whose genius stimulates our curiosity, and reflects an in- terest even on their daily dress and most ordinary habits of life, we know little or nothing. How 430 CHARACTER OP RALEIGH. fondly would we collect and prize the most com- mon particulars which should introduce us into the familiar presence of Shakspeare, or Spenser, or Mil- ton, or Bacon; and yet of the every-day life of these master spirits of their time, so little is known, that the imagination, eager to lay hold on some visible personification of its favourite, is impelled to form a picture for itself. It is much the same with the il- lustrious man whose eventful history we have been writing ; yet one or two slight but pleasing and cha- racteristic incidents have been preserved. Although his person was noble and manly, his voice was weak and somewhat shrill ; his long residence at court could not conquer his strong Devonshire accent, which, with all the power of a youthful habit, clung to him to the last. His conversation and social qualities were eminently attractive ; and whether he sat smoking his long silver pipe amongst his li- terary friends at the Mermaid, or talked with his royal mistress when she admitted him to the privy chamber, or assisted with his advice and ex- perience at the council table, he swayed and de- lighted the intellects which came into contact with his superior mind. We know from one who was no partial judge,* that the queen loved his com- pany, and esteemed his judgment as highly as his wit. In his youth he was violent and hasty, and did not scruple to beat at a tavern Charles Chester, a loquacious and insolent fellow, who had annoyed him by his remarks ; after which he laid him on his back and sealed up his upper and nether beard with hard wax.t These were youthful follies. As he grew up he became an indefatigable student, * Naunton, Fragmenta Regalia, p. 109. -|- Aubrey MS. Raleigh's Works, vol. viii. p. 740. CHARACTER OF RALKKill. 431 and, in the judgment of Secretary Cecil, himself one of the most laborious men of his age, ** eould toil terribly when he was busy." Not content with his reading on shore, he carried with him a trunk of books on his voyages, and strictly economized his time. His love of science and experiment was so ardent, that his chemical pursuits and his study of natural history were enthusiastically pursued at sea. Whatever corner of the world he sought, his curiosity was active, and his observation unremit- ting. In his last fatal voyage, when broken by dis- ease and disappointment, his INIanuscript Journal, which is preserved in the British ]Museum, shows the same unwearied love of science. He goes ashore with his Indian guide, " to discover the trees which yield balsamum, of which he had found a nut smell- ing like angelica, and exceeding pretious;" and on one of its blank leaves he has sketched the repre- sentation of some of the fruits of the country. Shortly before his death, in one of his conversations with Sir Thomas Wilson in the Tower, he alludes to a machine which he had invented for turning sea water into fresh ; and even in those melancholy hours he took pleasure in explaining to him a theory he had formed to account for the saltness of the ocean. His knowledge of chemistry and medicine seems to have Jled him into that unhappy practice of almost daily drugging himself, which is so common a weak- ness amongst literary and sedentary men. In his letters to his wife from the Tower, he asks her in the same sentence, to send him his manuscripts and " his powder of steel and dumex, with some more bitony." He was fond of music, and it seems to have been an hereditary taste in his family, for his brother. Sir Carew Raleigh, performed delicately on 432 CHARACTER OF RALEIGH. the olpharion, an instrument probably similar to the lute; and his grandnephews, Walter and Tom, had delicate tunable voices, playing well on the violin.* In the productions of the sister art of paint- ing, he took much delight, carrying his favourite pictures with him even on his voyages, and extend- ing his patronage to the best artists of his time, by sitting to them himself, and employing them to paint his wife and children. t He was fond also of antiquarian studies, J a purchaser of ancient records and rare charts, and not only prided himself upon the rich inlaid coat of silver mail which he wore on gala daj^s, but had collected a fine armoury.§ In architecture his taste was sumptuous. Durham House, where he lived during his greatness, is de- scribed by Aubrey as a noble palace; yet he left the spacious apartments to his family, and for himself preferred a small library which enjoyed an exten- sive view over the river. " I remember well his study," says this amusing and garrulous author ; " it was a little turret that looked into and over the Thames, and had a prospect as pleasant perhaps as any in the world, not only refreshing the eyesight, but cheering the spirits." In his best time there was an air of dignity and command about him, " an awfulness and ascendency," as it is well expressed by Aubrey, " above other mortals," which was displeas- ing to many, and particularly to the king; yet by his sailors and ships' crews, as we learn from Cecil, he was wonderfully beloved. The interior of his pa- lace was magnificent, his taste in furniture being * Aubrey, Raleigh's Works, p. 737» •f- See Note on the Portrait of Raleigh engraved for this Work. Appendix. J Oldys, p. :^17. § Raleigh's Ghost, p. 10. Oldys, p. 321. CHARACTER OF RALEIGH. 433 marked by the same love of splendour which ap- peared in his dress. He delighted in richly-carved panels, in antique chimneypieces, in decorating the walls and ceilings of his apartments with his armo- rial bearings^ in beds with green silk hangings, and legs like dolphins, overlaid with gold. His splen- did dress, his shoes and doublet studded with pre- cious stones, have been already described.* Per- haps he indulged in it to a weakness ; but it was an age of magnificence, and it is to be remembered that this wealth in jewels was in Raleigh the result not of extravagance, but of the rich prizes which he had taken from the Spaniards. He glittered with the spoils of the New World ; but his jewels were the insignia of his skill and bravery, the fruits not of purchase but of honourable conquest. It is the privilege of great men to reflect an im- portance and interest upon the history of their de- scendants, and the mind feels a pleasing curiosity in the inquiry how much or how little of the fa- ther's genius has been transmitted to his children. But in the present case we are staid on the very threshold of the question. The fiery and ambitious spirit of Raleigh's early years is discernible in his eldest son, Walter; but it was suddenly extinguish- ed in this brave youth, who fell at Santa Thome, in his twenty-third year. Of Carew Raleigh, his only surviving son, the character seems to have been moulded by the melancholy circumstances under which he grew up. Born in the Tower, he opened his eyes only to see his parent a prisoner; his boyhood was clouded by the melancholy circum- • Supra, p. 227. 2d 434 CHARACTER OF RALEIGH. stances under which that parent's life was taken away. When introduced at court, his likeness to Raleigh awoke a pang of remorse in the bosom of the monarch, and James, turning away from him, observed, that " he looked like his father's ghost." Warned by this, Carew took the advice of his kins- man, the Earl of Pembroke, and retired to the Con- tinent till the beginning of a new reign. On his re- turn, after this event, he petitioned Parliament for his restoration in blood, upon which the king in- formed him that when Prince of Wales, he had pledged his word to secure Sherborne to the Earl of Bristol, against the heirs of Sir Walter Raleigh, and that having received, in consequence of this stipula- tion, ten thousand pounds from that nobleman, he must adhere to his engagement. " The first step, therefore," said Charles, '' to your restoration, must be your renouncing all title to your father's pro- perty." Against this cruel and unjust condition, Carew strongly remonstrated ; but the sovereign re- solutely refused to pass the bill unless it was fulfill- ed ; and young Raleigh, who was promised promo- tion at court, purchased the reversal of his attainder at the price of the estate of Sherborne, which was settled on the earl just mentioned, and yet remains in the possession of his descendants. APPENDIX. A. Raloi^h's Account of Guiana defended — B. Club at tlie Mer- maid— C. llaleij^h's aliened Attempt to stab Himself — D. Hume's Errors in bis Account of Uaieit^'h — E. Cecil's Enmity to Ilaleijrii — F. Raleigb's Plot — Its Origin and Secret History — G. Errors of Mr D'Israeli — H. Ralei^li and tbe French Aj^ent — Extracts from the Manuscripts in the State-paper Office — L Raleigh in the Tower — His Unpublished Manuscripts — Hampden — K. Inven- tory of Raleij^li's Jewels and Trinkets, from State-paper Office — L. Portrait of Raleigh. A.— Page 149. IGl. Raleigh's Account of Guiana defended. Hume has attacked Raleigh's Account of Guiana in a manner which evinces very clearly that, with his constitutional indo- lence, he had scarcely dipped into it. He accuses him of " hav- ing published an account of the country, on his return from his expedition vip the Orinoco, fuU of the grossest and most palpable lies that were ever attempted to be imposed on the cre- dulity of mankind." For this sentence he quotes the respect- able authority of Camden; but in turning to that writer (Life and Reign of Elizabeth, in Kennet, vol. ii. p. 584), the reader will be surprised to find how completely the historian has mis- taken, or, through carelessness, perverted his meaning. The passage in Camden, relative to Raleigh's account of (iuiana, is this : — " He that would know more of this expedition may con- sult an ingenious book of his relating to it ; whereiii he gives a most accurate description of the countries, as if he had been bom and bred there ; and concludes that Guiana must needs be a wealthy country, not only from the beautiful marcasiten found t/irre, but from the vritint/s of the Spaniards, and upon the credit and report of the barbarians ; of whom yet he could have but little knowledge ; but, indeed, chiefiy from the san- guine complexion of his own hopes and desires. He likewise relates some things which appear fabulous enough, viz. of the Amazons and a certain nation of people, whose shoulders are so high that their face is placed in their breast ; a secret wliich the poets and travellers had never before discovered." The reader will at once perceive the ditierence between the 436 APPENDIX. careful and candid observations of Camden, in which he cer- tainly reflects, with a delicate degree of satire, upon the too san- guine and credulous temperament of Raleigh, and the sweeping and coarse accusation of Hume, who ascribes to him a preme- ditated plan of imposition and falsehood. Within the limits of a short note, it is impossible to analyze Raleigh's account of Guiana ; but any one who will peruse it with common atten- tion, will be satisfied of the extreme injustice and the unfounded aspersions now alluded to. Raleigh takes the utmost pains to state what he saiv with his own eyes, what he was told by the Spaniards, or by the natives of the country, and what he infer- red of the great riches of Guiana, from their accounts compared with his own observations. The truth seems to have been, that Hume, glancing over this " Account of the Discovery of Gui- ana" with the same indolent rapidity which has elsewhere led him into material errors, found stories of the Amazons, of a nation called Ewaipona, whose heads appear not above their shoulders, and who are reported to have their eyes placed there ; of a cacique, who he was informed had had buried with him a chair of gold most curiously wrought, and of the wonderful city of Manoa, and its astonishing riches and extent ; and find- ing all this, which is related by Raleigh from the Spanish his- torians and the narratives of the natives, he was little careful to examine farther, and at once threw aside the book as a tissue of lies and imposture. It is extraordinary that this historian, who is often so acute, and so fair in weighing the conduct and appreciating the motives of other men, should appear to see every thing regarding Raleigh through a false and distorting medium, — that he shovxld not have asked himself the question, What possible object could this able man have gained by losing his fortune, his health, and latterly his life, in attempting the discovery and conquest of Guiana, had he not believed in the picture which he has drawn of it, and the riches which it would bring to himself and to his country ? But upon this subject the reader is referred to the observations already made in the text, pp. 146, 148, and to another article of this Appendix, D. B Page 196. Club at the Mermaid. In GifFord's Life of Jonson, pp. 65, 66, is this passage,. " Sir Walter Raleigh, previous to his unfortunate engagement with Cobham and others, had instituted a meeting of beaux esprits at the Mermaid, a celebrated tavern in Friday Street. APPENDIX. 4;i7 Of this club, which combined more talent and genius perhaps than ever met together, before or since, our author (Jonson) was a member ; and here for many years he regularly repaired with Shakspeare, Beaumont, Fletcher, Selden, Cotton, Carew, Martin, Donne, and many others, whose names, even at this dis- tant period, call up a mingled feeling of reverence and respect. Here, in the full How and confidence of friendship, the lively and interesting wit-combats took place between Shakspeare and our author; and hither, in probable allusion to them, Beaumont lets his thoughts wander, in his letter to Jonson from the country, — *' What things have we seen Done at the Mermaid, heard words that have been So nimble, and so full of subtle Hame As if that every one from whence thej' came Had meant to put his whole wit in a jest." In a tract, by Thomas Middleton, quoted by Mr Collier in his History of English Dramatic Poetry, and entitled the Ant and the Nightingale, we have this description of a court-gal- lant of those days (1G04), in which we find that the Horn, the Mitre, and the JMermaid, were the principal taverns in vogue : — " His eating must be in some famous tavern, the Horn, the 31itre, or the IMermaid ; and, then, after dinner, he must ven- ture beyond sea, that is, in a choice pair of nobleman's oars to the Bank-side, where he must sit out the breaking up of a come- dy, or the first act of a tragedy." JMr Collier, in a note on this passage, informs us, that Mr Thorpe, the enterprising bookseller of Bedford Street, is in pos- session of a manuscript full of songs and poems, in the hand- writing of a person of the name of Jackson, all copied prior to the year IGol, and including many unpublished pieces, by a variety of celebrated poets. One of the most curious is a song in five seven-line stanzas, which is thus headed, " Shakespear's Rhyme, which he made at the Mitre in Fleet Street." It begins, " From the rich Lavinian shore ;" and a few of the lines were published by Playfoord, and set as a catch. Another shorter piece is called, in the margin, *' Shakespear''s Rhyme. " Give me a cup of rich Canary wine, Which was the Mitre's {'Irinks), and now is mine, Of which had Horace or Anacroon tasted. Their lives, as well as lines, till now had lasted." " I have little doubt," adds Mr Collier, " that the Unes are genuine, as well as many other songs or poems attributed to Ben 438 APPENDIX. Jonson, Sir W. Ralciji^li, II. Constable, Dr Donne, J. Sylves- ter, and others." If, however, the rest of the poems are not more genuine than these lines attributed to Shakspeare, it says little for them, — for the lines are Jonson's, which JNIr Collier will discover, if he turns to his Works, vol. viii. p. 213, with tliis difference, that Uen writes " Mermaid," for which Mr Thorpe's JMS. substitutes " Mitre." " But that wliicli most doth take my Muse and rae, Is a pure cup of rich Canary wine. Which is the IMermaid's now — but shall be mine; Of wliich had Horace or Anacreon tasted. Their lives, as do their lines, till now had lasted." C Page 2G0. Raleigli's alleged Attempt to stab Himself. Had Raleigh really attempted to kill himself in the Tower, it seems to me impossible that Coke, who, at the trial, travel- led out of his way to load him with every species of vituperation, and even exaggerated and invented subjects of attack, should have passed over altogether a topic which might have afforded him, not only a point of censure, but a presumption of guilt. A strong corroboration of this view is to be found in Wilson's Notes in the State-paper Office, where this person repeatedly relates the conversations and arguments which he had with Ra- leigh upon the subject of Roman deaths, and yet makes not the slightest allusion to his attempt to stab himself in the Tower. But whilst, from such omissions by Coke and Wilson, there is a presumption against the truth of the story, in the strong sense in which it has been represented by Cecil, and taken up by Cayley and Mrs Thomson, the direct evidence in Cecil's letter to Sir Thomas Parry (Cayley, vol. ii. p. 9), in his Diary, preserved in the Hatfield Collection, and in the letter of the lieutenant of the Tower, given in J\Irs Thomson's Appendix, (p. 488), is too decided to allow us to doubt that Raleigh in a moment of passionate irritation had inflicted on himself a slight wound. The whole matter is obscure and mysterious, and it is unfortunate that we have no account of it, except from the secretary, who, to use the words of an impartial and honest judge, Sir John Harrington,* *' bore no love to Raleigh-''^ * Mrs Thomson's Life, p. 234. -|- In a letter, from Sir Toby INIatthews' Collection, published by Mr Jardine (Grim. Trials, p. 464), the writer refers to " the guilty Wow he gave himself in the Tower." APPENDIX. 439 D.— Page 28r>— :i3f). Hume's Errors in his Account of Ralciyh. Theiie are few men whose character has been more mis- represented than Sir Walter Raleii^h ; and this too botli in his own time and by some modern writers. That he sliould have been exposed to calumny during his life is by no means sur- prising. A man who like him mingled in the politics of the long and eventful reign of Elizabeth ; who held high offices, and was oj^posed by powerful rivals for the favour of his sove- reign, must have been fortunate indeed had he escaped mis- construction. The attacks upon his memory by more modern writers are as easily accounted for. They have arisen out of the haste and superficiality with which a great portion of the modern history of Kngland has been written. Had those writers who have spoken with sucli decision against him first investigated his life with due care and impartiality ; had they studied his actions or consulted his works, they would have been convinc- ed of their misapprehension ; but it is rare to meet with any one who will take the trouble to arrive at the truth upon points which require research ; and yet without this, what is all his- tory and biography but a mass of elegant error ? Hume, as his authority is the highest, is entitled to the first place amongst the modern detractors of Raleigh. The beset- ting sin of this delightful historian was indolence, and in the instance before us it has conducted him into an extraordinary tissue of blunders. He has unhesitatingly pronounced Raleigh guilty of the treason laid to his chaige in lt!()3 ; and yet it wiU scarcely be believed, that so superficially has he examined the subject, that he confoimds two things which were perfectly distinct^ namely, the plot of Brooke, Markham, Grey, and the priests, called the "" liye," oi Surprising Treason, with the al- leged conspiracy of Cobham and Raleigh, called the '■' 3Iain." For the first, the " Bye," Raleigh was not tried. Had Hume read Coke's speeches, or Cecil's letters, or IMarkham's confes- sion, and those of the other conspirators in the " Bye," he must have found that Raleigh was not accused of being parti- cipant, or even in the knowledge of it ; and yet in the con- fused account given by this historian (who proposes, as he ex- presses it, to clear up the story of Sir "Walter Raleigh, hither- to much misunderstood) the two plots are amalgamated into one, which is denominated Raleigh's Conspiracy. I need hard- ly say that this material error vitiates the whole narrative. Speak- ing of ^^'atson, Clarke, Brooke, Markham, Lord Grey, and Ra- 440 APPENDIX. leigh, as felloiv-conspirators, this author exclaims, — " What cement could unite men of such discordant principles in so dan- gerous a combination ? AVhat end they proposed, or what means proportioned to an undertaking of this nature^ has never yet been explained." So far as regarded Raleigh it need not be explain- ed ; for between him and them there was no combination. Hume commits another material error in stating that the ob- ject of the conspiracy was the placing of Arabella Stewart on tlie throne, — yet any one who will study in authentic docu- ments the history of the " Bye," wiU find that Watson, Clarke, and their associates, were not accused of an intention to set up Arabella, but simply of a design to surprise the king. The contemporary letters of Sir Robert Cecil, and Sir Dudley Carleton, prove this beyond all doubt. Again, it is stated by the historian, " that it appears from Sully's Memoirs that Raleigh secretly offered his services to the French ambassador; and we may thence presume, that, meeting with a repulse from that quarter, he had recourse for the same unwarrantable purposes to the Flemish minister." Here again is a series of very palpable misstatements. On consulting SuUy it will be found that Raleigh made no proposals, warrantable or unwar- rantable, to the French minister. Of course he could not meet with a repulse ; and had he afterwards submitted any propo- sals to the Flemish minister (he means Aremberg, the envoy of the archduke), they could not possibly have been for the "^ same" purposes as those submitted to France ; for the interests of the two courts were opposed to each other, — Aremberg being interested to further a peace with Spain, and the French mi- nister to procure an offensive league between his own court and England against that power. The passage in Sully, which Hume had probably only cursorily glanced at, occurs in his Memoirs (vol. ii. p. 200, 4to edition), where he merely states, that the information which he had received from Cobham and Raleigh confirmed him in the idea that Spain at this time meditated some great design against France, for the furtherance of which Aremberg, the Austrian ambassador, was charged to excite, in the mind of the King of England, a sus- picion of the sincerity of Henry IV. and his ambassador, SuUy. At the moment when this able minister of Henry vi- sited England, it was his object to collect from every quarter infonnation relative to the mutual political interests of Eng- land, Spain, and the Netherlands. Cecil, Northumberland, Cob- ham, Raleigh, and many others, in the course of the conversa- tions which they held with him, contributed their share ; but in APPENDIX. 441 the JMemoirs there is not an atom of evidence to show that Ra- leigh made any treasonable or unwarrantable proposals to Sully. Having connected Raleigh with a conspiracy of which he was not accused, and declared that the confession of the pri- soners left no doubt of their guilt, Hume jiroceeds, with some inconsistency, to observe, that at his trial no circumstance was proved sufficient to justify his condemnation, and that he was found guilty contrary to all law and equity. Again, Raleigh is represented by Hume as at the time of his trial, HiOIi, " ex- tremely odious in England," (p. 551); and afterwards (p. 571), as of so " violent and haughty a temper," when he was first contined in the Tower, as rendered him " the most unpopular man in England," his condenmation being '^ chiefly owing to that public odium under which he laboured." Nothing can be more loose or inaccurate than this last statement. Instead of being the most unpopular man in England at the time of his continement in the Tower, the conduct of Raleigh on his trial had worked an immediate and remarkable change in his fa- vour. " Never," says Sir Dudley Carleton, who was present at the trial, " was man so hated and so popular in so short a time."* Another of the spectators declared, as we know from this same person, " that whereas when he saw Raleigh iirst he was so moved with the common hatred, that he would have gone a hundred miles to have seen him hanged, he would, ere he parted, have gone a thousand to have saved his life."f That the share he had in accomplishing the downfal of Esses, the favourite of the people, procured him much odium at the time, cannot be doubted ; but the violent and haughty tem- per ascribed by Hume, in common with other writers, to Ra- leigh, seems to me to be much exaggerated. He did not court popularity, the great failing of Essex ; and it is quite possible that he rather despised it, — giving the people occasion to pro- nounce him proud ; but as to violence or haughtiness it is cer- tainly remarkable, that even the authors who ascribe to him this disposition, on those occasions where we might have expected that it would have made its appearance agree in painting him as remarkably patient and temperate. Thus Hume declares, " that when Coke poured all sort of abuse upon him, calling him traitor, monster, viper, and spider of hell, he defended himself with temper, eloquence, and courage.";}: On the Fayal Expedition, or Island Voyage, when the violence of Essex, in putting Raleigh's officers under arrest, and accusing him of a * Cayley, vol. ii. p. «J(i. f Ibid. i Page 550. 442 APPENDIX. breach of orders, might have betrayed a proud or violent man into some heat, we find Raleigh overcoming the carl by the temperate and judicious nature of Iiis defence. After his last fatal expedition, when brought before the Commissioners in the Tower, and overwhelmed with accusations of the most false and injurious description, the spirit and eloquence which he evinced were not more worthy of praise tlian his moderation and temper.* Lastly, in that last melancholy interval between his examina- tion and execution, when he was separated from his wife and family, shut up in the Tower, bowed to the earth by sickness and hope deferred, and strictly watched by eyes sharpened by ma- lignity, and eager to seize on every fault or weakness, it is cer- tainly remarkable (and seems to me decisive upon the point) that we find no one instance of pride or passion recorded. On the contrary, the perusal of the Notes and Minutes of Sir Thomas "Wilson justifies completely the assertion, that cool- ness, temper, and a self-possession, which this person denomi- nates wariness and cunning, were, at this period at least, very striking featvires in the disposition of his prisoner. I had intended to proceed from this to point out the errors committed by the same historian in his account of Raleigh's last expedition, where, hastily adopting data, the fallacy of which a little care would have detected, and neglecting other sources which, before he formed his judgment, ought to have been consulted, he has pronounced upon Raleigh's conduct and character an opinion widely at variance with the truth. The limits, however, to which I must confine this Appendix, render this impossible at present ; and I will only remark, that an anxiety to tell the story favourably for James, and to com- municate an exaggerated picture of the faults and failures of Raleigh, seems to run through the whole narrative. The motives by which he was actuated, the manner in which he proceeded, the facts as to the existence of the mine, the con- duct of his fellow-adventurers, the policy of Gondomar, and the behaviour of Raleigh on the scafibld, are all so garbled, suppressed, or distorted, that were the reader to form his opi- nion from the pages of this historian, he would not even make an approximation to the truth. I may observe, that Rapin and Carte have both committed the same mistake as Hvime, in mixing up together the conspiracy of the Priests, and the al- leged plot of Cobham and Raleigh. * Jardine's Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. 488. APPF.xnix. 443 E Page 200. CeciVs Enmity to Raleigh. The curious and interesting little volume, published by Lord Ilailes, entitled the Secret Correspondence of Sir Robert Cecil with James VI. of ^Scotland, establishes the point of Cecil's enmity to Raleigh on perfectly satisfactory evidence. Refer- ring generally to the correspondence, we may quote a few pas- sages in support of this. In the third letter from Lord Hen- ry Howard to 31r Edward Bruce, King James's contidential agent in the management of the correspondence with Cecil, there is this sentence, — " You must persuade the king, in his next despatch, to direct you to thank Cecil, in the letter which you write to me, for tlie light he receives of Cobham and Raleigh, by this advertisement, and if it please his Majesty to speak of tliem suitably to the concert which Cecil holds, it will be bet- ter ; for Cecil sware to me this day, that Duo Erinacii, that is, he and they ivould never live under one apple-tree.''''* Again, in the same letter, Howard, Cecil's agent, thus speaks of Raleigh, — " You must remember also that I gave you notice of the diabolical triplicity, that is, Cobham, Raleigh, and Northuiiiberland, that met every day at Durham House, where Raleigh lies, in consultation, which awaked all the best wits of the town, out of suspicions of sundry kinds, to watch what chickens they would hatch out of these cockatrice-eggs, that were daily and nightly sitten on."t Again, in p. 88, Howard describes Cobham and Raleigh as those who hover in the air for an advantage as " kites do for carrion ;" and in p. 12(j, there is a sentence, in which, by the direction of Cecil (for Howard represents himself as nothing more than his agent in managing tliis correspondence, see p. 19), the king is instructed to look upon Raleigh as the person who would willingly give the stab to James's hope of succession. Of this procedure it is proba- ble that Raleigh was not then aware, and it affords a mortify- ing picture of the duplicity and hollowness of Cecil's character. ThuSj as late as September G, KJOO, we have, in the Sidney Letters (ii. 210, 212, 214), this curious passage, proving that Cecil's son was brought up at Sherborne under the care of Ra- leigh, and tliat the secretary, when he could steal a moment from his public duties, made a party with Lord Cobham to take a journey there and enjoy himself at Raleigh's country- seat. " Mr Secretary hath picked out this time to be away, • Hailes' Secret Correspondence, p. 52. -f- Ibid. p. 29. 444 APPENDIX. and to take some pleasure abroad, from the infinite pains and care he takes in the despatch of her ^Majesty's service when he is at court. It is said he is gone with my Lord Cobham to see Sir Walter Raleigh at Sherborne, where young Mr Cecil, his son, is brought up." Nay, it can be proved from a minute cir- cumstance, of no value otherwise than as aftbrding a link in the evidence which settles this question, that, at the very time the secretary was secretly representing Raleigh in the worst light to James, he was living with Sir Walter on terms of the kindest intimacy. Early in the year 1602, Mr Boyle, afterwards the celebrated Earl of Cork, came over to England with the inten- tion of purchasin "• Sir Walter Raleigh's large Irish estate. He brought with him letters of introduction from Sir George Ca- rew to the chief men about court ; and one of these was a let- ter to Secretary Cecil, requesting this minister to introduce Boyle to Raleigh, and to recommend him to Sir Walter as a proper purchaser of his lands. Cecil did so accordingly, and managed the sale for Raleigh.* This was early in the year 1602, probably in ]May or June, and let the reader remark in what terms, at this same time, Lord Henry Howard, Cecil's agent, writing under the instructions of his master, speaks of Raleigh and Cobham, the latter being the secretary's brother-in-law, and Raleigh the friend to whom he had intrusted the charge of his son : " Your lordship may believe that hell did never spew up such a couple (Raleigh and Cobham) when it cast up Cer- berus and Phlegethon. They are now set on the pin of making tragedies, by meddling with yovir affairs. * * For my lord- admiral, the other day, wished from his soul he had but the same commission to carry the cannon to Durham House (Raleigh's residence) that he had this time twelvemonths to carry it to Essex House, to prove what sport he covdd make in that fellowship. "+ F Page 295—305. Raleigh's Plot — Its Origin and Secret History. In addition to the observations made in the text (p. 285 to 289), I am now able, in consequence of some further re- searches, to throw a clear light vipon this alleged conspi- racy, which has, by all former historians and biographers, been pronounced so obscure as to be perfectly inexplicable, j This light is chiefly derived from a very remarkable letter * Oldys's Life, p. 358. Cay ley, vol. i. p. 320. •}* Cecil's Secret Correspondence, pp. 132, 133. X " The conspiracy," says Cayley (vol. ii. p. 5.) " to which I allude is a riddle of state which has never been solved, and the APPENDIX. 445 published, I believe for the first time, in the Oxford edition of the A\''orks of Raleigh, to which no attention has been paid, and upon which no observations have been made by its anonymous editor. The circumstance is by no means extraordinary, as the letter is without date, without signa- ture, and without address ; written in a dark enigmatical style, with initials sometimes used instead of names, and al- together so obscure, that unless studied with reference to a par- ticular line of research, and with a minute attention to the state of the parties and intrigues of the court of Elizabeth, imme- diately previous to the death of the queen and the accession of James, it is quite impossible to make any thing out of it. The editor states that it is taken from the Burleigh Papers, and was probably written by Lord Henry Howard to Secretary Cecil. The conjecture was superfluous, for the letter itself contains distinct internal evidence that this was the case, — the writer styling the Duke of Norfolk, who was executed by Elizabeth for his intrigues with Queen Mary, " his brch- ther,'^'' a designation which could come from no one but Lord Henry Howard.* That it was addressed to Secretary Cecil is not absolutely certain, but nearly so, if we consider the deep confidential intimacy which subsisted between Howard and that statesman ; the circumstance that the letter was found amongst the Burleigh Papers ; and the fact, completely esta- blished by other evidence, that Howard and Cecil were the chief instruments in the downfal of Raleigh and Cobham.1" speculations that have been formed on it would fill a moderate vo- lume. Our own wTiters afford us little satisfaction on the subject, and the account given of it by Thuanus is founded on the gross misrepresentations of his countrjman, Victor Ca\'et, and is truly unworthy a place in his history." " Every thing," says Hume, " remains stilly mysterious in tlus conspiracy, and history can give us no clue to unravel it." • The Earl of Surrey left only two sons, the Duke of Norfolk and Lord Henry Howard. -f- The two great supporters of James's government at the period of his accession were Lord Henry Howard and Secretary Cecil. Of these statesmen Wilson (see Kennet, vol. ii. p. 080) thus speaks : — " This man (Secretary Cecil) the king found secretary and master of the wards, and to these he added the treasurer's staff", knowing liim to be the stiiff of his treasury. * * The Earl of Northamp- ton he made lord privy seal; and these were the two prime wheels of his triumnhant chariot. The Earl of Suffolk was made lord chamberlain before ; hut he came far behind in the man;igenient of the king's afl'airs, being a spirit of a more grosser temper. U|)on the shoulders of the two first the kin>; laid the burthen of his busi- ness." Now we know from Raleigh himself^ that the three men 44G APPENDIX. Keq)ing these circumstances in mind, let us come to the let- ter, which, as it is very long, I regret I cannot give entire. The reader will find it in the Jjth vol. of the Oxford edition of Raleigh's Works, p. 750. As already observed it is without date ; but it must have been written shortly before the death of Elizabeth. AU these, however, are minor matters in com- parison with the singular fact, that it contains an exact outline of the plan afterwards put in execution for the destruc- tion of Cobham and Raleigh, by entrapping them in a charge of treason. We have in the first place this sentence : — " The . way that Cobham hath elected to endear himself is by peace with Spain ; which hath so many difficulties as will rather confound his dizziness than reward his industry. But as ray lord of Leicester dealt with my brother, finding his humour apt to deal with Scotland, when he thrust him into a treaty about those affairs, assuring himself that he should either lose the Q (queen) for the present, or the other Q for the future, so must you embark this gallant Cobham, by your wit or interest, in some course of the Spanish ivay, as may either reveal his weakness or snare his ambition.^'* The practice of Leicester with the Duke of Norfolk, Lord Henry Howard's brother, and the subsequent ruin of that noble person, are mat- ters of familiar history ; and we see that Howard here recom- mends Cecil in like manner to inveigle Cobham into some in- trigue with Spain, by which his ambition might be ensnared, and not only his ruin but that of his friend Raleigh effected ; for it is to be observed, that throughout the letter, although Cobham is frequently spoken of in the singular number, as the person to be worked upon, yet it is always, that it may bring about their ruin ; that is, as the letter most fully shows, the who set themselves against him, and to whom he traced his ruin, were Northampton (Lord Henry Howard), Salisbury (Cecil), and Suffolk. The letter could onl}-, from its confidential nature, be written either to Cecil or Suffolk ; but whether to the one or to tlie other is not very material, — inasmuch as a confidential communica- tion, addressed to one member of a plot, ma}" be looked on without injustice as addressed to all. In one part Howard advises the per- son to whom lie addresses himself, to " hold back correspondences wiihneii/h/tonr states.'''' Could this have been done by any one but thesecretaryof state, who manages these correspondences? whereas Suffolk's office of chamberlain had nothing to do with them. With regard to the date of the letter I am inclined to believe, from a pas- sage which occurs in it relative to tlie correspondence of Cobham and Raleigh with Scotland, that it was written in May 1602. It is not to be concealed that Howard, in the letter, speaks of " the Secretary" in ihe third person ; but this was probably a blind. APPENDIX. 447 ruin of him and Raleigh. The reader need not be told how completely this sentence sketches out the very plan which was adopted. Cobham was induced to engage in an intrigue with Spain ; in that intrigue his enemies attempted to involve Ra- leigh, and they thus accomplished the ruin of both. But this is only the plot in its infancy, or most general form. The particular mode in which such a project may be executed is next pointed out by Lord Henry. " Be not unwilling," says he, " to engage him (Cobham) in a trafficke loith suspected nnnisters, and upon the first occasion of false treaty to make him the minister."* How completely this was followed may be seen in the trial. Cobham did engage in a traffic, or secret correspondence, with Aremberg, the minister of the archduke, who was in the interest of Spain, and so much suspected, that Coke at the trial did not scruple to affirm he had evidence enough to convict this foreign ambassador of treason ; and it was out of this secret correspondence that his enemies spun the net which ultimately caught botli Cobham and Raleigh. "f After this Howard proceeds, in his lengthy and obscure style, to give many advices, and reconmiends extreme measures to be pursued against Cobham and Raleigh. '^ Follow them not; * * The best course were in all respects to be rid of them. * * * It is better to crush their edf/es than to ne- glect jeopardy. * * « xhe means to cut them off must be either occasional or violent. * * In all occasions, both public and private, it were good to gain the start and cut doivn the thorn before the time come wherein it can make ac- count to take hold of you.";|; That this advice was also scru- pulously pursued, the reader need not be told. There follows a very singular passage, too long to be extracted, in which Howard draws a parallel between Cobham and Raleigh. It is clever and amusing ;§ but the important fact to be derived from it is, that Raleigh, in his political opinions, with regard to peace with Spain, and other public measures, was directly opposed to Cobham ; a circumstance resting on most unsus- pected evidence, since it comes from his bitter enemy, — and wholly subversive of the theory attempted to be made out in his trial, that he and this nobleman were embarked in the same treasonable intercourse with Spain. So far all is clear and certain ; and no one who reads these passages, and compares tliem with the course afterwards pur- • Raleigh's Works, vol. viiu p. 7;VJ. + Jardine's Trials, |). IJIMJ. X Ruleij^h's Works, vol. viii. pp. 7*>i>j 1^^- § Ibid. pp. 'iW*, JtiJ- 448 APPENDIX. sued by Howard and Cecil, will hesitate to confess, that the plan here recommended was tliat afterwards followed. Some of our liistorians have ex])ressed their astonishment that the conspiracy, which tliey have hastily and ignorantly denomi- nated Raleigh's Plot, should have broken out so suddenly after the king's accession. They wondered that it should have been so rapidly concocted, and so speedily brought to light, almost before the monarch was seated on his English throne. The letter which we have just quoted exjilains the mystery. The con- spiracy was an invention of Howard's, sketched out during the lifetime of Elizabeth, and for which the materials were prepared before the accession of James. The train was laid ; it needed only the match to inflame it. But a little research will enable us to proceed from this ge- neral outline of their future operations, given by Lord Henry Howard, to the particular mode in which Cobham was first in- volved, and Raleigh afterwards drawn in. Secretary Cecil had married Elizabeth Brooke, a sister of Lord Cobham's ; and there was in the family another brother, George Brooke, an ambitious, unprincipled man, but possessed of considerable talents, with a great passion for political intrigue. This George Brooke had become engaged in the conspiracy of the Catholic jmests, Watson and Clarke, for the seizure of the king's person, which was denominated the " Bye." " AVhat could be Brooke's motive for joining the conspiracy," says Mr Jardine (Criminal Trials, p. 390), " it is difficult to ascertain, though it would ap- pear from the statements of some of his confederates, as v/ell as his own, that he was actuated neither by religious nor political considerations, but merely by a sordid view to his own aggrand- izement." It appears to me extremely probable that Cecil, aware of the intrigues of the Catholic priests, and the conspi- racy which they were hatching, engaged Brooke, his bro- ther-in-law, to become a party to their discontents, that he might discover and betray their secrets. I state this only as a conjecture ; but there are two circumstances upon which a presumption of its truth may be founded. The tirst of these is Brooke's declaration on the scaffold as given by an eyewitness. Sir Dudley Carleton : — " He did somewhat exte- nuate his offences, both in the treasons and in the course of his life, — naming these (the treasons) o-ather errors than ca- pital crimes, and his former faults sins, but not so heinous as they were traduced, u-hich he referred to the God of truth and time to discover, and so left it as if someivhat yet lay hid, which ivould one day appear for his justification^ I would 2 APPENDIX. 449 ask, is this not very like the language of one who felt he liad been unfairly dealt with ; who wished to avoid the disgraceful acknowledgment that he had submitted to be employed as a spy and a base informer, yet repelled the idea that he was a traitor, and left his justification to the (Jod of trutli and to time ? IJut this is not all. ^\'e have the following remarkal)le letter, or rather fragment of a letter, from Brooke to Cecil, which proves a very intimate interchange of services on the part of his brother- in-law, and promises of rewards from the Secretary. The allusion in the first sentence is to Cecil's deceased wife, Brooke's sister: " She that loved me, and whose memory you yet love, be- holds from heaven the extreme calamity of her father's house. Shall I need say any more after this ? 'Tis all but weak if I pray you to cancel injuries past ; you have promised to do so, and I believe if I promise you any thing of myself, you may truly say you need it not nor care for it. Therefore I must stand only upon your free disposition, and shall be so much the more assured, because nothing binds you. Leave now, I be- seech your lordship, to be nice, — and sticke not to dissever yourself in my relief. But above all give me leave to conjure your lordship to deale directly with me ti'hat I am to expect after so many jiromises received, and so much conformity and accepted service jierformed on my part to you. Your lord- ship's brother-in-law to command, — G. Biiooke." This letter is dated November 18, 1003, the day after Raleigh's trial, and four days before that of Brooke's brother. Lord Cobham.* It proves that Brooke had received many promises of reward from Cecil, many directions with regard to what the secretary wished him to do, — that he had conformed his proceeding to these injunctions, — that his services had been accepted and acknowledged by Cecil, — and that, after all, the promises made to him had not been kept ; so that he found himself indirectly dealt with, and knew not what he was to expect. Does not this letter raise our presumptions into some- thing very nearly amounting to proof, and make it almost cer- tain that Brooke, whose motives for entering into the conspi- racy are proved to have been neither of a religious nor political nature, was employed by Cecil as a spy i\\)on his brother-con- spirators ? .it all events, one fact is certain from the letter, that, after the conspiracy was discovered, Cecil had enii)loyed * The original is in the State-paper Office, from which it wa«i published by Mrs Thomson in lier Appendix to the Lile of Ralei'>-li. 2£ * 450 APPENDIX. Brooke in matters of a very vsecret and confidential nature, and that, having perfonned the services required of him, Brooke expected from Cecil the fulfilment of his promises. The question next occurs, M'hat were these services ? and this will lead us on to the development of the plot against Cobham and Raleigh. Having discovered the Treason of the Priests, and found either that Brooke was really an ac- complice in it, or that he had involved himself so far that he might be treated as an accomplice, the next object of Howard and Cecil was to prevail upon him to implicate his brother and Raleigh by declaring that he was privy to the said treason. How completely this was accomplished, appears by an extract from Brooke's examination : — " Being asked what was meant by this jargon, the Bye and the Main, he said that the Lord Cobham told him that Grey and others were but upon the Bye, but he and Raleigh were upon the Main. Being asked what exposition his brother made of these words ; he saith he is loath to repeat it ; and after saith, by the Main was meant the taking away of the king and his issue ; and thinks on his conscience it was infused into his brother's head by Raleigh."* There is a letter in the State-paper Office from Sir William Waad to Cecil, dated August 3, 1G03, in which the secretary's anxiety to connect Brooke, Cobham, and Ra- leigh, in the same treason, is very apparent. Waad sends him information regarding the examination of the parties in the Priests' Treason, and says — " My Lord Grey is now confest. Sir Walter Rawley was ordinarily thrice a- week with the Lord Cobham : what their conferences were none but themselves do know. But Mr Brooke confidently thinketh what his brother knoivs was known to the other.''''-f So far, then, all had succeeded. Brooke had been induced to accuse his brother of being acquainted with the conspiracy for the surprise of the king ; and Lord Cobham, who had been intriguing with Aremberg, and engaging '' in a trafiick with suspected ministers," found himself involved in a charge of treason which might bring his head into jeopardy. Howard and Cecil had thus a complete power over him ; and their next step was to get Cobham to accuse and implicate Raleigh. Here, however, they experienced more difficulty, from the weak, false, and vacillating character of the one, and the ta- lent and uprightness of the other. IMr Brooke, we see, had * Jardine's Trials, p. 429. -j- That is, Brooke is prett}' certain that his brother had imparted the Priests' Treeison to Raleigh. APPENDIX. 451 informed Cecil, through 'Waad, tliat he confidently thour/ht Raleii^h knew all that Cobham knew. But this was no evi- dence ; it became necessary to extract proofs of Kaleif^h's guilt from Cobham's own lips ; and well was he plied upon the point. Taking into account his various examinations, de- clarations, and letters addressed to the council, lie appears, previous to his last declaration on the scaffold, to have disbur- dened his breast of its secret knowledge no less than nine times. On all occasions C'ecil and Lord Henry Howard, with the assistance of Sir Edward Coke, were the principal })er- sons before whom the examinations were conducted ; and it appears of the greatest consequence in the development of this plot to attend to the various and contradictory accounts of Cobham. In doing this I entreat the reader to keep in mind the fact, that the hopes of Cecil and Lord Henry Howard, in their plan for fixing treason upon Raleigli, rested principally if not solely on the evidence to be extracted from Cobham. This nobleman was examined lirst on the 16th July, again on the 19th, and once more on the :20th of the same month. The examinations of the KJth and the 19th are preserved in the State-paper Office, and in both of them (I use tlie words of Mr Jardine, for I have not myself seen them) " Cobham denies all knoidedge of plots or treasonable designs of any kind.''''* Of course he then entirely exculpated Raleigh. " On the 20th of July he appears to have been again examined ; and being then shown the letter from Raleigh to Lord Cecil, in- forming him of the suspicions he (Raleigh) entertained of Cobham's intrigues with Count Aremberg, he bursts out into vehement exclamations against Raleigh, and then makes a statement, the substance of which is very imperfectly given in the reports of the trial."i' This examination or declaration of the 20th of July, although it is stated to have been read at the trial, is not to be found in the State-paper Office ; but there is no doubt that it completely implicated Raleigh, *' ac- cusing him of treasonable plots and invasions." From a letter of Secretary Cecil's, dated 4th August, addressed to Sir Thomas Parry, and first printed by Caylcy (vol. ii. p. 11), we are enabled to add the material fact, that although Cob- ham had thus, on the 20//i of July, accused Raleigh " be- fore eleven councillors, to be privy to his Spanish course, yet being newly examined (this is his fourth examination;}]), he • Criminal Trials, pp. 410, 411. f I''«l- !'• -^l 1- :{: This fourth examination seems to have taken place on the 29th July (Jardine's Trials, p. 422), and it was followed by Cobham's 452 APPENDIX. seemeth noio to clear Sir Walter in most things, and to take all the burden to himself." Cecil goes on to observe in the same letter, that, " notwithstanding this retractation, there will probably be more proof got against Raleigh, as, since their being in the Tower, intelligence hath passed from one to ano- ther, in which Raleigh expostulated his unkind using of him."* Cobhara was again examined on the 13th August,t before liOrd Henry Howard, and his declarations, which are not quoted fully on the trial, appear to have been exculpatory of Raleigh. He refused to say any thing, although pressed on the point, which should connect him with the treasonable speech about cutting off the king and his cubs. This was his fifth exa- mination. On the 13th October he was examined for the sixth time, without any thing conclusive as to Raleigh's guilt being extracted from him ;;|; and it was probably not long after this, certainly in the same month, that Cobham, worked upon by some means or other, once more changed, and addressed to Cecil, Nottingham, and Suffolk, Lord Chamberlain, this epistle : — " My very good Lords, — So low is my poor estate at this present, that no requital for your favours can I promise ; but while I breathe will pray for God ever to assist you and keep you from all affliction, which my soul in the highest degree is moved of. Out of charity this I humbly pray of your lordships, that I might speak with you all three ; you shall be a means thereby to send me in peace to the grave. The bottom of my heart I will disclose unto you, which to no living creature but to yourselves I will do. God send you all as great comfort as my affliction is great ; and so to God's protection do I wish you — From my prison in the Tower, this Tuesday morning, your lordships' poor afflicted friend, " Oct. 1603. Henry Cobham." This letter, as it wiU be perceived, invited another inter- writing a letter to the Lords, which was quoted at the trial. Its contents exculpate both himself and Raleigh from all treasonable in- tentions, and prove solel}', what seems to have been the whole truth, that Cobham had engaged in a correspondence widi Aremberg, the minister of the archduke, to further the peace with Spain. The reader will remember Lord Henry Howard's directions, that Cob- ham (in order to accomplish his and Raleigh's ruin) must be first drawn into a traffic with suspected ministers regarding peace with Spain. In the letter we had the plot laid down — here we see how completely it had been carried into effect. » Cayley, voL ii. p. 10. f Jardiae's Trials, p. 429. J Ibid. p. 432. APPENDIX. 463 view with Cecil, and his confederates Suffolk and Notting- ham ; but what inniicdiate steps they ado])ted does not appear. In the mean time Raleigh, on the 3Ist (Jctober, contrived to convey a letter to Cobham in the manner already explained (p. 282), to which tliat nobleman replied, on the 1st of November,* by that remarkable epistle in which, in the most solenm and awful manner, he cleared him of all the things of which he had heretofore accused him. The enemies of Sir Walter, however, were not to be so easily defeated. They procured Cobham's wife, the Lady Kildare, a Howard, and daughter of Nottingham, the high-admiral, to write to her husband that tliere was no way to save his life but to accuse Raleigh. And this mean and wavering person once more directed a letter to the lords of the council on the IGth of No- vember, t a day before Raleigh's trial, in which he again de- parted from his former examinations, and criminated his friend. Before proceeding farther, let us for a moment rapidly run over these various examinations and letters of Cobham, in or- der to ascertain how much weight is to be attached to the evi- dence of such a person. In his first examination he excul- pates Raleigh ; in his second he adheres to his first ; in his third he is inveigled by a device (explained above, p. 451) into an accusation of him ; in his fourth he again exculpates him of any treasonable designs ; in his fifth he adheres to this ; in his sixth he follows the same course ; in his letter to Ra- leigh, on the 1st of November, he again, in the most solemn manner, exculpates him of all guilt ; and once more, on the IGth of November, he is prevailed on to alter his story, and to accuse him. We have thus eight examinations or declara- tions of Lord Cobham^ and out of these, six are in favour of Raleigh, whilst two, including the last on the IGth of Novem- ber, were against him. Rut we have not yet done with the extraordinary vacillations of this lord, and the base dexterity by which he was worked upon by the enemies of Raleigh. His last letter, accusing this imlbrtunate man, being procured on the \6th November, not a moment was lost, Raleigh was tried, and, on the evidence of * These dates do not appear in the letters as given in the trial (.Taniine, pp. 44"), 44}{), but may he fixed thus: — Cohham says Sir WaUer wrote to \um }(ii(r nitilit-i hrftue ho left the Tower. Xmv we know he left the Tower on the 4th of November. — (Oldys's Life, p. ■.{7'>-) He says also that he replied to Raleigh's letter the day after he received it. -f- Jarduie's Trials, p. 444. 454 APPENDIX. this letter, found guilty on the ITth of the same month : This evidence, however, was of such a kind as could not possibly be satisfactory,* and indeed, settinj^ aside the fact that the witness had six successive times contradicted it, the accusation in the letter itself did not amount to treason : Accordingly, the object of Raleigh's enemies was to procure a still stronger declaration from Cobham, and this they extracted from him on the 22d November, the very day of his own trial. " There is," says Mr Jardine, " an examination of Lord Cobham, taken before seve- ral liords of the Council on the 22d November 1G03, in which he fully and circumstantially repeats his former accusation of Raleigh, adding several circumstances which he had not men- tioned before. This examination is signed by Cobham. "t The same day, however, came on his own trial, and he again varied in his story ; for although he criminated Raleigh in one part of his defence, he appears to have completely contradicted his for- mer letter of accusation. Of this we have the best possible evidence in Cecil's letter to Sir Thomas Parry, dated 1st De- cember, where there is this passage : — " The Friday after, the Lord Cobham was arraigned before thirty-one of the peers, the Lord Chancellor sitting as High Steward. He denied then that Raleigh icas privy to his purpose to go into Spain, and for the matter of money to be gotten for discontented persons, he confessed that it was a conceit of his otvn thoughts, never communicated to any, but died in him as soon as it was har- boured in his mind ; though he did reveal it to the Lords of the Council when they examined him about other matters. Concerning the setting up of the Lady Arabella, he fastened it upon his brother, George Brooke ; and for Sir ^V alter Raleigh, though he confessed that in many things he had done him ivrong, yet he maintained still the pension sought for by him, and withal that Sir Walter moved to solicit Aremberg to persuade the King of Spain to send an army into Milfoid Haven.";}; Thus, for the tenth time, Cobham at his trial appears to have varied in his story generally ; to have rather exculpated Raleigh than corroborated his former accusations ; and to have added a new circumstance against him to which no one was likely to affix any credit. Such being the state of things, he was found * A contemporary and e3'ewitness of the trial thus characterizes it — "The main evidence was Cobham's accusation, which, all things considered, t/:as no more to be iceighefl than thebarki)ui of a dog. I would not for much have been of the jury to have found hira guilty." — Letter in Sir T. Matthews' Collection^ Jardine, p. 4t)3. -f- Jardine's Trials, p. 445. J Cayley, vol. ii. p. 6d. APPENDIX. 455 {jxiiltij, his brother, Geor^^e Brooke's confession bein^ the chief evidence against him. His conduct and behaviour on the trial are minutely described by Sir Dudley C'arleton, and the reader's attention is particularly requested to tlie passage, as it wiU be afterwards shown to be of importance. " C'obham led the way on Friday, and made such a fasting-day's piece of work of it, that he discredited the place to which he was called. Never was seen so poor and abject a spirit. He heard his indictment with much fear and trembling. * • « After sentence of condemnation given, he begged a great ichile for life and fa- voxir, alleging his confession as a meritorious act."* Another observation of Carleton in the same letter is material to be noticed. " We cannot," says he, ^' yet judge what will be- come of him (Cobham) or the rest ; for all are not like to go one way. Cobham is of the surest side; for he is thought least dangerous, and the Lord Cecil undertakes to be hia friend/'' We have now analyzed the confessions and character of Lord Cobham with perhaps a tedious minuteness. It is to be re- collected, however, that he constitutes the single witness against Sir "Walter Raleigh, and that our object is completely to develop the plot to wliich this illustrious man was made a sacrifice, and which has hitherto been considered, from its obscurity, so inexjdicable. The reader will now be able to appreciate the mixture of fear^ weakness, and falsehood, which composed the character of this nobleman. Keeping all this in view, we shall next follow him to the scaffold. He had been condemned on the 22d November ; he was brought out for execution on the lOth of December ; and now let us hear the account of an eyewitness, Sir Dudley Carleton : " The Lord Cobham, who was now to play his part, and by his former actions promised nothing but matitre pour rire, did much cozen the world, for he came to the scaffold with good assurance and contempt of death. He said some short prayers after his minister, and so out-prayed the company that helped to pray with him, that a stander by said he had a good mouth at a cry, but was nothing single. Some few words he used to express his sorrow for his offence to the king, and craved par- don of him and the world ; for Sir AValter Raleigh, he took it, upon the hope of his souVs resurrection, that ivhat he had said of him teas true, and with those words would have taken a short farewell of the world, with that constancy and boldness that we might see by him it is an easier matter to die well than * Jardine's Trials, pp. HW, 468. 466 APPENDIX. live well — lie was stayed by the sheriff." So far Sir Dud- ley. The reader is already acquainted (supra, p. 305) with the termination of this extraordinary farce, by his lordship receiving a reprieve, when, as all the bystanders expected, he was to be instantly beheaded. But what I would here remark, is the strong presumption (amounting, when aU the circum- stances are taken together_, almost to proof) that Cobham was perfectly aware before he came to the scailbld that he was not to die, and that the price of this pardon was to be his solemn, and as it would then appear to the world, his dying accusation of Raleigh. Mlien we compare the passage quoted above, describing his conduct on his trial (supra, p. 455), his poor and abject spirit, h\%fear and trembling, his long begging for life and favour, with this extraordinary metamorphosis into a (xmrageous contempt of death, into a boldness and constancy of demeanour entirely foreign to his character, — and with his fervent asserting of Raleigh's guilt upon his soul's resurrection, and his out-praying the company that helped to pray with him_, the inference can scarcely be resisted — that this whole scene was got up — that it was a piece of acting, the object of which was to convince the world, by the declaration of a dying asso- ciate, that Raleigh was really guilty — and that Cobham's won- derful courage and contempt of death, which so perplexed and astonished the world, arose simply out of the circumstance that he knew beforehand he was not to die. It is possible that in the private correspondence of Secretary Cecil preserved at Hatfield, as well as in the examinations and declarations of the priests, of Brooke, Grey, Cobham, and iMarkham, many links in the history of this extraordi- nary plot for the ruin of Raleigh might be supplied, and the exact iTiode by which Brooke became associated with the priests, Cobham entangled by Brooke, and Raleigh implicated by Cobham, traced step by step. It is a tantalizing reflection that stores exist in this country, both in public and in private repositories, from which, if opened up, a flood of light might be poured on some of the obscurest periods of our history. But they are locked up and inaccessible — as useless as a lamp in a sepulchre. In the present investigation, I have been cramped by the paucity of original and authentic materials : garbled examinations — anonymous letters without date or ad- dress, and insulated fragments and extracts, have been my only guides — yet, followed with the patience and earnestness abso- lutely necessary for the elucidation of historical truth, they have led to two interesting results : First, A portion of English APPENDIX. 457 history, hitherto pronounced by every preceding writer inex- plicably and hopelessly obscure, has been rendered compara- tively clear, consistent, and intellii^iblc. ^V'e have seen the plot in its infancy, in its proj^rcss, and in its termination — and no doubt, I apprehend, can remain, that its authors were How- ard and Cecil. Secondly, The fact that Raleif^h was the victim of a conspiracy or state plot, and guiltless of the treason for which he suftered, has, I trust, been satisfactorily established. His real crime was, tliat he and Cobham were plotting, not against the king or the state, but against Cecil's power as a minister ; and I may remark, that whilst he was guilty of only entertaining the proposal of a pension, or present of money from a foreign statesman, it can be proved that the ministers and courtiers of James had unblushingly received bribes from the French ambassador and also from the Spanish envoy. G Page 334. Errors of Mr D^ Israeli. In Mr D'Israeli's Second Series of his Curiosities of Litera- ture is an article entitled " Literary Unions," where we find this passage : — " There is a large work, which is still cele- brated, of which the composition has excited the astonishment even of the philosophic Hume, but whose secret history re- mains yet to be disclosed. This extraordinary volume is the History of the World by Rawleigh. * * Now," he adds, " ii'hen the truth is known, the wonderful in this literary mystery will disappear, except in the eloquent, the grand, and the pathetic passages interspersed in that voierable volume. We may indeed pardon the astonishment of our calm philo- sopher when we consider the recondite matter contained in this work, and recollect the little time tvhich this adventurous spirit, whose life was passed in fabricating his own fortmie and in perpetual enter])rise, could allow to such erudite pur- suits. AV'liere could Kawleigh obtain that familiar acquaint- ance witli the Rabbins, of whose language he was probably entirely ignorant? His numerous publications, the effusions of a most active mind, though excellent in their kind, were evidently composed by one who teas not abstracted in ctirioiis ajid remote inquiries, but full of the daily business and the wisdom of human life. His confinement in the Tower, wliich lasted several ijears, was indeed sufficient to the comjjosition of this folio volume, and of a second ivhicli appears to have 458 APPEKDIX. occupied him. But in that imprisonment it singularly hap- pened that he lived among literary characters with the most intimate friendship. There he joined the Earl of Northum- berland, the patron of the philosophers of his age, and with whom Hawleigh pursued his chemical studies, and Sergeant Hoskins, a poet and a wit, and the poetical ' father' of Ben Jonson, who acknowledged that ' it was Hoskins who had polished him ;' and that Kawleigh often consulted Hoskins in his literary works, / learn from a manuscript. But however literary the atmosphere of the Tower proved to Rawleigh, no particle of Hebrew, and perhaps little of Grecian lore, floated from a chemist and a poet. The truth is, that the coUection of the materials of this history was the labour of several persons, who have not all been discovered. It has been as- certained that Ben Jonson was a considerable contributor ; and there was an English philosopher, from whom Descartes, it is said even by his own countrymen, borrowed largely, — i Thomas Hariot, — whom Anthony AVood charges with infusing into Rawleigh's volume philosophical notions, while Rawleigh was composing his History of the World. But if Rawleigh's pursuits surpassed even those of the most recluse and seden- tary lives, as Hume observed, we must attribixte this to a ' Dr Robert Burrel, rector of Northwald in the county of Norfolk, who was a great favourite of Sir "Walter Rawleigh, and had been his chaplain. All or the greatest part of the drudgery of Sir ^Valter's History, for criticisms, chronology, and reading Greek and Hebrew authors, were performed by him for Sir Walter.' Thus a simple fact, ivhen discovered, clears up the whole mystery."* I have given this extract at full length, as it seems to me to pre- sent a remarkable and instructive example how certainly super- ficial research leads to error, and error to injustice. MrD'Israeli calls upon us to believe that R aleigh's H istory of the "World is not his own work, but a compilation by Sergeant Hoskins, Ben Jon- son, Thomas Hariot, and Dr Robert Burrel, inwhich the author merely interspersed the eloquent, the grand, and the pathetic pas- sages. And on what proofs is this extravagant assertion — this remarkable discovery (so the author repeatedly announces it) — founded ? The reader has seen these proofs ; they exist in the extract from the Curiosities of Literature already quoted, the information in which is a mere transcript from an interesting passage in Oldys's Life of Raleigh (p. 452), which we have * Curiosities of Literature, vol. ii. pp. 140 — 143. APPENDIX. 459 printed below ;* with the important difference that this ex- cellent writer dreams not for a moment of making it the found- ation of any charge against Raleigh. Now let us mark the " facilis descensus" of error down which iMr D'lsraeli hurries to his conclusions, lie rinds it stated by Oldys, that Raleigh in any difficulties as to phrase and diction consulted Sergeant Hoskins ; therefore Sergeant Hoskins wrote part of the History of tlie AVorld. lie rinds IJen Jonson, afcer he had pr(;bably put two or three bottles of the Ilawthornden claret under his belt, informing Drummond, in conversation, that he had written for Raleigh a piece of the Punic War, which Sir "Walter altered and placed in his History ; therefore he at once assents to the conclusion, " that the best wits in England were employed in making this History." He had read in Oldys, that in the 3Iosaic or Oriental Antiquities, Raleigh would sometimes consult his friend Dr Robert Burrel ; there- fore to Burrel we owe all the Rabbinical lore, all the Jewish, and all the Grecian History. He knew from the same source that in chronology, geometry, and other branches of mathe- matical science, Raleigh took the opinion of the learned Hariot, and the Earl of Northumberland's three Magi ; and therefore, when the truth is known, all that has been thought wonderful in this literary mystery disappears. These men were amongst the best wits who composed the History, and instead of being, * " He took no ordinary care to deserve tliese encomiums, for besides his own learning,' knowledge, and judgment, which many would have thovight sufticient for any undertaking, he, with that caution wherewith we have beheld so many others of his great en- terprises tempered, would sufier no part of the history to pass his own hand before some of the most able scholars, vvlumi he assem- bled, it seems, for this purpose, had debated the parts he was most doubtful of, and they most conversant in, before him. Thus in the Mosaic and Oriental Antifjuities, or fainter and more remote foot- steps of time, he would sometimes consult the learned Dr Robert BurhUl. In all parts of chronology, geimietry, and other branches of mathematical science, he wanted not the opinions of the lenriied Ilari')/^ and the I'^arl of" XorthumlH'rland''s three Magi, long liLs neighbours in the Tower; and wherever he scrujjled any thing in the phraze or diction, he would hear the acute and ingenious Sir Jii/iii Jloskins, some time also resident in those confines, who view- ed and reviewed the said histfirv, as we are told, before it went to the press, and whom IJen Johnson, |)roud of" calling others his sons, could gratify that huuKtur in calling his father." As his authority for this passage Oldys cites Anthony Wood's account of Dr Robert Barrel and the lives of T. Hariot and Sir John Hoskins, all which are to be found in the Alhenas Ooionienses. 460 ArPENDix. what the world has believed for so long a time, the author of this great work, Kaleigh can only lay claim to the eloquent and pathetic passages interspersed in the volume. And this is the " Secret History of the History of the World," and we are called upon not only to assent to it, but to hail it as a discovery. To answer it seriously is impossible. Upon the same, or rather on far more plausible grounds, might Pope be deprived of his fame as the translator of Homer ; and every author who has availed himself of the assistance of his literary friends, might have his well-earned bays torn from his brows, and trampled in the dust. But I am sorry to accuse Mr D'lsraeli not only of injustice to Raleigh, but of some little disingenuousness. The whole of this secret history, as it is termed (with the exception of Ben Jon- son's eloge upon himself), is, as we see, to be found in Oldys's Life of Kaleigh, a work with which we know Mr D'lsraeli is intimately acquainted. Why then does he claim it as a dis- covery of his own ? '^ I shall give," says he (Curiosities of Literature, vol. ii. p. 102), " in the article Literary Unions, a curious account how Rawleigh's History of the World was composed ; tvhich has hitherto escaped discovery.'''' In a note indeed on the passage regarding the assistance given to Ra- leigh by Dr Burrel, he tells us that it is taken from a singular manuscript in the Lansdowne Collection, consisting, as he tliinks, of extracts from those papers of Anthony ^'i'ood which this honest antiquary desired to be burnt before his death. This little circumstance not only vindicates Raleigh, but ex- poses in a strong light the injustice with which both he and Anthony Wood have been treated by D'lsraeli. Wood had pa- tiently investigated the history of Raleigh's great work ; and having weighed and digested his materials, he not only publish- ed in his AthencB Oxonienses a life of Raleigh, but lives of Bur- rel, Hoskins, and Hariot. Before his death, however, he dreads tliat some portions of his manuscript materials which he had probably discovered to contain errors, and laid aside on this account, might mislead others ; and he commands them to be burnt. Mr D'lsraeli, however, finds a transcript of them ; and in it is this passage relative to Dr Burrel, upon which he builds part of his secret history of Raleigh's great work. Thus poor Wood's dying request is defeated ; that which he had probably detected to be error is repeated as truth ; and Raleigh's fair fame is to be sacrificed to the vanity of being able to satisfy a passing wonder of the philosophic Hume. To render his conclusions more probable, he talks of the little APPENDIX. 4C1 time which Raleijjjh could allow to such erudite pursuits : Does he forget that this remarkable man, even in the most active period of his life, read four hours a-day, and carried his books with him on his voyages ? lie speaks of his published works being little connected with curious and remote inquiries : Does he remember Raleigh's Discourse on the Tenures before the Conquest, — his request to Sir Robert Cotton for Sigebert's Chronicle, (iervase of Tilbury, and any manuscripts which il- lustrate British antiquities ? He alludes to the several years he spent in the Tower : Is this an expression to be applied to an imprisonment of twelve years ? But it is ever thus with an anxiety to support a favourite hypothesis ; it induces us either to forget or to disregard every fact with which it is incom- patible. Mr D'Israeli is an agreeable writer, but subject to fits of affectation. He somewhat ungallantly goes out of his way to inform Miss Aikin that her iMemoirs of James I. had been of no use to him, adding that " secret history is rarely to be found in printed books." Yet assuredly he ought to be the last person to express contempt for printed books as " rare- ly containing secret history ;" seeing that the whole of his secret history of Raleigh, which he describes as culled from manuscript sources, had, with two or three exceptions scarcely worthy of notice, been already given at full length in the printed works of Oldys, Cayley, and Birch. \\''ith an infir- mity very incident to the antiquary, he has been working in the wake of these writers, referring to letters as manuscript which they had already published, and assuming in rather too complacent terms the tone of an original discoverer, whilst he was nothing more than an unconscious copyist. Did the limits of this note permit, it would be easy, not only to sub- stantiate these charges, but also to show that in his esti- mate of Raleigh's character there is both injustice and exag- geration. n Page 381. llaleiyh and the French Agent — Extracts from the Manu- scripts in the State-paper Office. The nervous anxiety of the king to sift to the bottom the whole correspondence between Raleigh and the French agent is apparent from Sir Thomas Wilson's Notes in the State- paper Office. Sir Walter constantly affirmed, what even the king, with all his suspicion, seems at last to have been con- vinced was the truth, that the offer of the French agent to favour 462 APPENDIX. his escape was voluntary, and unsouj^ht for on his part. The French government were aware of Kaleigh's great talents, and of his determined enmity to Spain. They knew that he was better acquainted than perhaps any other man in Europe with the weak points where that kingdom might be attacked, and they were anxious to secure for him an asylum in France. In Wilson's MS. Notes of one of his first conversations with Ra- leigh, preserved in the State-paper Office, and entitled " A relation of what hath passed and been observed by me since my coming to Sir Walter Rawley upon Friday, 1 1th of September," there is this passage : " Yesternight, having before upon many occasions let out some pieces of these things, that he might think it came hardly from me as from myself, * * he made me a long answer, and told me in gross what he had done be- fore in retail : saying, ' Whatsoever is confessed by others, sure I am there is nothing can touch my fidelity to the king nor my country ;' affirmed he never had any conference with the French- man but complimental ; knew not his name, nor the cause of his coming, — much less with the French agent, whom he knows not what man he is. Nor was it likely he could confer on any matters of secrecy, hebeing at all times under such watchful guard. '* 2. As to the French ambassador before the voyage, 'twas true he came to see his ship, as other ambassadors, Venetian, and Savoyard, and the Spaniard also, came and rowed about it, — all being from pure curiosity. '' 3. That as to his purpose of going into France, it was solely to shelter himself from danger, understanding the Spaniard did so press for his life, until the storm blew over, and either by the queen's majesty's means, or by that of his other friends, he might recover favour." " 5. For employment when he was there, he hoped he might do some service against the Spaniard if there were need, for that he knows him, and his force, and his weakness, and what not, as much as any man. And no man can know the Spaniard well but he must know his Indies well ; and on this he would have run out at great length ; but," says Wilson, " I drew him with the best unsuspected discretion I could to the points in hand; so he went forward alleging, that as to letters or mes- sages about his escape, he never received any with any French- man or other, except Mannering (JManourie), brought by Stuke- ly, to consent to his escape, and tormented him by sprinkling him with aquafortis, to make him seem diseased, that he might not be sent for to the court, and win time, who at last betrayed him, as all the world knows. APPENDIX. 4G3 " C. That for plots or designs he had none, but to save his life by escaping somewhere ; being alarmed by letters from some lords his friends, who wrote that the king would have strict jus- tice upon his person. This made him plot a design to fly, and he knew no titter place than France." Such are all Raleigh's answers, as reported by Sir Thomas Wilson, andnotliing can appear more clear, open, or ingenuous. It did not, however, satisfy the king ; and it appears that Lady Carew was afterwards employed to interrogate Raleigh on the point, without eliciting any thing farther. This lady's deposition is ludicrous enough. She saith that the agent informed her, if Sir Walter Raleigh would go into France he should be welcome. She asking what he should do there, he answered, " Ilmangera, il boyera, il fera bien." — Wilaoii's MS. Notes in State-paper Office. I — Page 392. Raleigh in the Tower — His Unpublished Manuscripts — Hampden. Some interesting particulars are to be gleaned from Sir Tho- mas Wilson's JMS. Notes and Letters, preserved in the State- paper Oflice. " iMy first coming," says Wilson, in a letter to Secretary Naunton, " as Sir Robert Johnson, one of the officers of the Tower, told me by next morning, bredd a wonderment amongst them, some saying thereupon that now they thought Sir Wal- ter Rawley's dayes would be short, as if I had been sent as a messenger of death. Himself, after a little speech had with him, told me that he doubted not but that I knew that his dayes werenot long; to which I protested the contrary, as well I might. ** Upon his groaning and grievous complaining of his conti- nual paines and infirmities, I inquired the causes. Raleigh then described his diseased state of body, arising, as he said, out of the applications of his physitian, Dr Guyn, and his brother, the king's apothecary, to remove a stich under his right side, which excoriated, exulcerated, and made holes in his side, which being at length closed, there remained in his side an exceeding swelling, which beginneth to imposthumate, and ere long, as he thinks, will break ; besides which, his liver doth swell, which will soon cause that he shall need no other death. * * " Thus nmch," he remarks, " of the state of his body ; and why he may be thought to make it seem worse than it is, may be easily gathered, tliat he would not be thought in his health to enterprise any such matter as perhaps he designcth." 4(54 . APPENDIX. In a letter of Raleigh's to his wife, which had been sent to Secretary Naunton for his perusal before it reached Lady Ra- leigh, there is this postscript, valuable as it relates to that trea- tise on the Art of "N^''ar by Sea, which, in the wreck of his for- tunes and of his personal property, has unfortunately been lost. " There is in the bottom of the sedar-chest some paper books of mine. I pray make them up altogether, and send tliem me. The title of one of them is the Art of "War by Sea. The rest are notes belonging unto it." From a pathetic letter of Lady Raleigh's, written after her husband's death, to Lady Carew, it appears that \rilson, with much baseness, had continued his persecution against the fa- mily of this illustrious man, and had seized his books, manu- scripts, and mathematical instruments. " I beseech your lady- ship," says Lady Raleigh (Jardine, p. 496), " that you will do me the favor to intreat Sir Thomas M'ilson to surcease the }"mrsuit of my husband's books and library ; they being all the land and living which he left to his poor child ; hoping that he would inherit him in these only, and that he would apply himself to learning, to be fit for them : which request I hope I shall fulfil as far as in me lieth : Sir Thomas Wilson hath already fetched away all his mathematical instruments ; one of which cost L.lOO when it was made. I was promised them all again, but I have not received one back. If there were any of these books not to be had elsewhere, God forbid that Sir Thomas "Wilson should not have them for his JMajesty's use, but they tell me that Byll the bookseller hath the very same.". We thus find that the dispersion and subsequent disappear- ance of Raleigh's manuscripts, which were very voluminous, is to be attributed to Sir Thomas "Wilson, either pretending to act, or in reality acting, under the king's directions. As Wil- son was at this time keeper of the State-paper Office, there is still a hope that the manuscripts of Raleigh may be found amongst some of the yet unexplored treasures of that great na- tional collection. A fragment of his treatise on the Art of "War by Sea is preserved in the British Museum, Titus viii. 24, f. 217, which has hitherto escaped the research of any of his biogra- phers. It is a skeleton autograph sketch of the treatise refer- red to in his letter to Lady Raleigh as " lying in the sedar- chest." Raleigh appears to have divided his subject into the Art of War by Sea, as practised by the nations of antiquity and in modern times. His outline commences thus : " The antiquitie of sea-fights, and in what vessels. Of bat- tles by sea in elder times, and of the admirals and commanders. 2 c'/ APPENDIX. ii'to " The sea-laws of the Rhodians, who were some time the masters of the IMediterranean Sea. " The dominion of the Tyrians and Carthaginians by sea. " The sea-fights of the Grecians and Carthaginians. " The sea-laws of the Romans, and their marine jiolicies. *' The laws of Oleron and of tlie admirals of France. *' The admirals of England and Scotland. " The battles at sea between the English and French, and their manner of tight. " Tliat the commodious and capable ports belonging to any prince or state give them the means to be masters of the sea. " The decay of ports in England and France. " What ports the King of Spain hath. How many of them are capable of good ships, and how many are bad. " Pf the art of war by sea ; wherein is taught the advantage of fight, from the single tight of one ship with one, of two ships with one, of small fleets, of great fights, of the fight of gallies, of boarding and fighting with large (galleons). What ships are fittest for fight, of what burden, and what quantity of orde- nance, with all other things appertaining to that war. " Of the times of the yeare fit for invasions by sea. " Of the King of Spain's weakness in the West Indies, and how that rich mine may be taken from him. " Of his weakness in the East Indies, and what places he holds in both. " That the English, in the late war with Spain, have rather taught them than impoverished them ; and that all petty inva- sions are more profitable to the invaded than to the invader. " That the Turks may be easily beaten in the ^Mediterranean Sea, and that his force is far inferior to the force of the Christ- ians, and that the Christians have been many times beaten by them, by their ignorance in sea-fight. " That it is not the trade which the English and Hollanders have that makes us and them so powerful by sea ; but it is our forcible trades that have enabled us, and which force the Hol- landers have attayned by the English ordenance. How trade and mariners may be mayntained. " That ther is nothing so much discovers the judgment of a prince as his enterprises. " That all wisedom, indevor, and valour of private men, is without success wliere God takes wisedom from the magistrate." This is the end of tlie paper. Then on another sheet are marked the chapters of the intended work from 1 to 15, which merely embrace the above matter somewhat diflercntlv divided. 2 F 4CG APPENDIX. I have been the more solicitous to give this sketch, under the author's own hand, of one of his greatest works now lost, as it has not been alluded to by any foniier biographer. It is singular, also, that in the Oxford edition of his Works his journal of his last voyage has not been printed. It is quoted by Oldys, p. 500, and exists in Raleigh's handwriting in the British Museum Titus, viii. 24. But what is most to be regretted is the loss of the notes and collections for the second and third unfinished volumes of his History of the World, to which he alludes in his preface as *' hewn out," but suddenly interrupted by the death of his patron, Prince Henry. There is a singular story told by Lloyd, in his Observations on the Life of Raleigh, which proves, if we may credit it, that the celebrated Hampden was in possession of an immense collection of Raleigh's manuscripts. " Master Ham- den," says this author, " a little before the wars, was at the charge of transcribing 3452 sheets of his (Raleigh's) manu- scripts, as the amanuensis himself told me, who had his close chamber, his fire and candle, with an attendant to deliver him the originals, and take his copies as fastas hecould write them."* The positive and minute terms in which this is told make it difficult for any one to disbelieve it ; yet the total disappear- ance of these manuscripts renders it exceedingly improbable. K.— Page 400. Inventory of Raleigli's Jewels and Trinkets, from State- paj)er Office. " Inventary of such things as were found on the body of Sir Walter Rawleigh, Knycht, the 15 day of August 1G18.'' This curious paper was sent to Sir Thomas Wilson, with the following note from Sir R. Naunton, Secretary of State : — *' I thought fit to send you this note of such things as were left in his hands, that you might see whether he has used them in way of subornation, by your own discreet observation and right examination." " Imprimis, in gould about I'*'- in his purse and own custody. Item, a Guiana idol of gold. Item, a jacint seale set in gold, with a Neptune cut in it, with certain Guiana tyed to it. Item, a crymson ston set in gold. Item, a loadstone in a scarlet purse. Item, an auncient seale of his own amies in silver. Item, one onnce of ambergris, left with him for his own use. Item, a spleen stone, left Avith him ibr his own use. * Lloyd's State Worthies, p. (>75. AITEXDIX. 4G7 Item, one wedfre of 6nc gold at 22 carratts. Item, one other stob ot" coarser gold. Item, Ttli gold buttons with sparkes of'dimonds. Item, a cliain of gold with sparkes of dimonds. Item, one diamond ring of nine sparkes. Item, one gold whistle set with small diamonds. Item, one ring with a diamond, which he weareth on his finger. (Then to tliis is added, in Secretary Naunton's hand, " Given him hy the late Queen.") f Item, one plott of Guiana and Nova (R ) and another of the J river of Orenocpie. \ The description of the river Orenoque. 1^ A plott of Panama. A tryal of Guiana ore, with a description thereof. A sprig jewel, I've, live assaj's of the silver myne." On the side of the inventory is this note of Sir Allen Apsley, Lieutenant of the Tower : — " All these particulars, noted with 5, and the rest crossed, except- ing the picture, were delivered to Sir Lewis Stukely, sealed in a bagg, by the hands of Allen Apsley. " Item, one gold case of a picture, set with diamonds, which, ac- cording to Sir Walter's desire, is left apart with Mr Lieutenant" L.— Page 432. Portrait of Raleigh. The portrait of Raleigh which faces the vignette to this volume, and does so much credit to the clear and spirited graver of Mr Horsburgh, is taken from an early impression of that exquisite print by Houbraken, in Dr Birch's Illustrious Heads. The original picture from which this artist took his engraving was, in Dr Granger's time (Biographical History of England, vol. ii. p. 25), in the possession of I\Iiss Lennard of West Wickham, in Kent. It is a family-piece, — Houbraken having only copied the head and bust, — and belonged to the Carews of Beddington in Surrey, whence, by marriage with a daughter of the late Sir Stephen Lennard, Bart., it was removed to West Wickham. " By the inscription thereon," says Oldys, p. 353, " partly still legible, it appears that the picture was painted in tliis last year of the queen above mentioned (when Raleigh was made governor of Jersey), and that his son Walter, who is likewise here drawn with him, was then eight years of age. The stature of Sir AValter measures about six feet, is well shaped, and not too slender : he is ap- parelled in a white satin pinked vest, close-sleeved to the wrist, and over the body of it a brown doublet, finely Howered, and embroidered with pearl ; his belt of the same colour and 4G8 APPENDIX. ornament, in which hangs his sword, and on the other side, over the right hip, is seen the pommel of his dagger. In his hat, which he has on, is a little black feather, with a large ruby and pearl drop at the bottom of the sprig in place of the but- ton. His trunks or breeches, with his stockings and ribbon- garters, fringed at the end, are all white, and buff shoes tied with white ribbons. His son, standing under his left elbow, is fair and prettily featured, dressed in a blue silk jacket and trousers, guarded down with narrow silver galloon, stockings blue, and white shoes : his gloves in the right hand, his hat or cap in the left, and a silver sword by his side." How much is it to be regretted that Houbraken was not induced to engrave the whole picture ! Another very interesting portrait of Raleigh has been engraved by Vertue, and is prefixed to Mr Oldys's edition of his History of the World. It is taken from an un- doubted original preserved at that time (1736) in the family of Captain William Elwes, nephew of the Lady Elwes, who was the great-granddaughter of Sir Walter, and represents him in the famous suit of silver armour mentioned in the text, p. 227. In the collection of the same gentleman there is also an inte- resting picture of Lady Raleigh. " It is a half-length," says Oldys, p. 353, " painted on pannel, and in excellent preserva- tion, — a highly -finished piece in the laboured manner of the times. It represents her a fair handsome woman, turned per- haps of thirty. She has on a dark-coloured hanging-sleeve robe, tufted on the arms, and under it a close-bodied gown of white satin flowered with black, with close sleeves down to her wrist ; she has a rich ruby in her ear, bedropt with large pearls, and a laced whisk rising above her shoulders : — her bosom is uncovered, and a jewel hanging thereon, with a large chain of pearl round her neck, and reaching down to her waist." Where this picture is now preserved I am not able to say ; but if known, it is to be wished that Mr Lodge would add it to his great collection. I widely, indeed, differ from this au- thor in his estimate of many of his historical characters ; but all must allow that, in its exquisite engravings, and in the au- thenticity of the originals from which they are taken, his work is unrivalled. y THE END. 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