OF THE UNIVERSITY OF r PLAIN TRUTH: ADDRESSED TO THE INHABITANTS OF AMERICA, CONTAINING Remarks on a late Pamphlet, INTITLED COMMON S E.N.S E : Wherein are (hewn, that the Scheme of INDEPENDENCE is rui- nous, delufive, and impracticable; that were the Author's Affeverations, refpecling the Power of AMERICA, as real as nugatory, Reconciliation on liberal Principles with GREAT BRITAIN would be exalted Policy; and that, circumftanced as we are, permanent Liberty and true Happinefs can only be obtained by Reconciliation with that Kingdom. WRITTEN by C AN DIDUS. Will-ye turn from Flattery and attend to this Side. There TRUTH, unlicencM, walk?; and dares accoft Even Kings themfelves, the Monarchsof the Free. THOMSON on the liberties of BRITAIN. PHILADELPHIA,. Printed : LONDON, Reprinted for J. ALMON, oppofite BURLINGTON HOUSE, in PICCADILLY. M.DCC.LXXVI. T O JOHN DICKINSON, ESQJJIRE. ALTHOUGH I have not the honor to be known to you, I am not unacquainted with your native candor and unbounded benevolence. As happy as obfcure, I am indeed a Granger to the language of adulation : flattery I deleft ; virtue I refpeft. Be not offended, Sir, if I remark that your character is contemplated with profound veneration by the friends of the ConfUtution. Thofe abilities which you fo illuf- trioufly difplayed in defence of the Conftitution, they now fupplicate you to exert, in faving it from impending ruin, under the Syren form of delufive Independence. Step then forth; exert thofe talents with which heaven has endowed you ; and caufe the parent and her children to embrace, and be foes no more. Arduous as this extraordinary tafk may feem, perhaps your virtue and ta- lents may yet effect it. Your endeavors to flop the effufion of blood, of torrents of blood, is worthy of your acknow- ledged humanity even the honeft attempt, upon recol- lection, will afford you ineffable fatisfaction. My prefuming to infcribe to you the following crude re- marks is to remind you, Sir, what your dift relied country expects, nay loudly demands from your extenfive capa- city. I beg you will forgive this temerity ; and that you may long enjoy the fruits of your exalted virtue, and remain an honor to your country, and to mankind, is the ardent wiih of, SIR, Your mofl obedient and reffieftfulfervant, CANDIDUS. M343015 INTRODUCTION. TF, indignant at the doctrine contained in the pamphlet JL intitled Common Senfe, I have exprefled myfelf, in the following obfervations, with fome ardor, I entreat the reader to impute my indignation to honed zeal againft the author's infidious tenets. Animated and impelled by every inducement of the human heart, I love, and (if I dare fo exprefs myfelf) I adore my country. Paffionately devoted to true liberty, I glow with the pureft flame of patriotifm. Silver'd with age as I am, if 1 know myfelf, my humble fword (hall not be wanting to my country (if the mod honorable terms are not tendered by the Britifti nation) ; to whofe facred caufe I am moft fervently devoted. The judicious reader will not impute my honeft, though bold remarks, to unfriendly defigns againft my children * againft my country ; but to abhorrence of independency, which, if effected, would inevitably plunge our once pre- eminently envied country into ruin, horror, and defola- tion. PLAIN PLAIN TRUTH: CON TAINING REMARKS ON A LATE PAMPHLET, INTITLED COMMON SENSE. I HAVE now before me the pamphlet intitled Common Senfe ; on which I fhall remark with freedom and candour. It may not be improper to remind my rea- der, that the inveftigation of my fubject demands the ut- mofl freedom of enquiry ; I therefore entreat his indul- gence, and that he will carefully remember, that intemperate zeal is as injurious to liberty, as a manly difcuffion of facts is friendly to it. " Liberty, fays the great Montef- quieu, is a right of doing whatever the laws permit; and if a citizen could do what they forbid, he would no longer be pofTefled of liberty, becaufe all his fellow citizens would have the fame power." In the beginning of his pamphlet the author aflerts, that fociety in every ftate is a bleffing. This in the fincerity of my heart I deny ; for it is fupreme mifery to be afTcciated with thofe who, to promote their ambitious purpofes, fiagitioufly pervert the ends of poli- tical fociety. I do not fay that our author is indebted to Burgh's -Political Difquifitions, or to RoufTeau's Social Com- pact for his definition on government, and his large tree; although I wi(h he had favoured his reader with the fol- lowing extract from that fublime reafoner : " To invefti- gate thofe conditions of fociety which may beft anfwer the purpofe of nations, would require the abilities of fome fuperior intelligence, who fliould be witnefs to all the pafllons of men, but be fubject itfelf to none, who (hould have no connections with human nature, but {hould have A a perfect 2 P L A I K T R 'U T H. a perfect knowledge of it : a being, in fhort, whofe hap" pinefs thould be independent gf us, and who would ne- verthelefs employ itfelf about us. It is the province of Gods to make laws for men.'* With the utmoft deference to the celebrated Rouffeau, I cannot indeed imagine, that laws even fo conftrufted, would materially benefit our imperfect race, unlefs Otnnifcience deigned previoufly to exalt our nature. The judicious reader will therefore per- ceive, that malevolence only is requisite to declaim againft, and arraign the moft perfect governments. Our political quack avails himfelf of this trite expedient, to cajole the people into the moil abject flavery, under the delufive name of independence. His firfl indecent attack is againft the Englifh conftitution, which, with all its imperfections, is, and ever will be, the pride and envy of mankind. To this panegyric involuntarily our author fubfcribes, by grant- ing individuals to be fafer in England, than in any other pan of Europe. He indeed infidioufly attributes this pre-eminent excellency to the conftitution of the people, rather than to our excellent conftitution: to fuch con- temptible fubterfuge is our author reduced. I would afk him, why did not the conftitution of the people afford them fuperior fafety, in the reign of Richard the third, Henry the eighth, and other tyrannic princes ? Many pages might indeed be filled with encomiums beftowed on our excellent conftitution by illuftrious authors of different nations. This beautiful fyftem (according to Montefquieu) our conftitution- is a compound of monarchy, ariftocracy, and democracy. But it is often faid, that the fovereign, by honours and appointments, influences the commons. The profound and elegant Hume agitating this queftion, thinks, to this circumftance, we are in part indebted for our fu- preme felicity ; fince, without fuch controul in the crown, our conftitution would immediately degenerate into de- mocracy ; a government which, in the fequel, I hope to prove ineligible. Were I afked marks of the beft govern- ment, and the purpofe of political fociety, I would reply, the encreafe, prefervation, and profperity of its members ; In no quarter of the globe are ^thofe marks fo certainly to PLAINTRUTH. 3 to be found, as in Great Britain and her dependencies. After onr author has employed feveral pages to break the mounds of fociety by debafmg monarchs, he fays, " the plain truth is, that the antiquity of Englifh monar- chy will not bear looking into." Hume, treating of the original contract, has the following melancholy, but fenfible obfervation; " yet reafon tells us, that there is no property in durable objects, fuch as lands and houfes, when carefully examined, in paffing from hand to hand, but muft in fome period have been founded on fraud and injuftice. The neceflities of human fociety, neither in private or public life, will allow of fuch an accurate enquiry ; and there is no virtue or moral duty, but what may, with facility, be refined away, if we indulge a falfe philofophy, in fifting and fcrutinizing, by every captious rule of logic, in every light or pofition in which it may be placed." Say, ye votaries of honour and truth, can we adduce a Aronger proof of our author's turpitude, than his quoting the anti-philofophical ftory of the Jews, to debafe monar- chy and the beft of monarchs. Briefly examining the ilory of this contemptible race, more barbarous than our favages, we find their hiftory a continued fncceflion of miracles, aflonifhing our imaginations, and exercifing our faith. After wandering forty years in horrid defarts, they are chiefly condemned to perifti for their perverfenefs, al- though under the immediate dominion of the king of heaven. At length they arrive in the flerile country of Paleftine, which they conquer by exterminating the in* habitants, and warring like demons. The inhabitants of the adjoining regions juftly, therefore, held them in de- tefration, and the Jews finding themfelves conftantly ab- horred, have ever fmce hated all mankind. This people, as deftitute of arts and induftry as humanity, had not even in their language a word exprefliveof education. We might indeed remind our author, who fo readily drags in the Old Teftament to fupport his finifter meafures, that we could draw from that fource many texts favourable to monarchy, were we not confcious that the Mofaic law gives way tp the gofpel difpenfation. The reader no A 2 (Joubt 4 -PLAIN TRUTH. doubt will be gratified by the following extract from a a moft primitive chriftian: " Chriftianity is a fpiritual religion, relative only to celeftial objects. The chriftian's inheritance is not of this world. He performs his duty it is true, but this he does with a profound indifference for the good or ill fuccefs of his endeavours : provided he hath nothing to reproach himfelf, it is of little confe- quence to him whether matters go well or ill here below. If the Hate be in a fiourimlng condition, he can hardly venture to rejoice in the public felicity, left he fhould be puffed up with the inordinate pride of his country's glory. If the ftate decline, he bleffes the hand of God, that humbles his people to the duft." Having defined the beft government, I will humbly Attempt to defcribe good kings by the following unerring rule. The beil princes are conftantly calumniated by the envenomed tongues and pens of the moft worthlefs of their fubjecls. For this melancholy truth, do I appeal to the teftimony of impartial hiftorians, and long experience. The noble impartial hiftorian Sully, fpeaking of the al- moll divine Henry the fourth of France, fays, " Thus -was this god-like prince reprefented (by the difcontented of thefe days) almoft throughout his whole kingdom, as a furious and implacable tyrant : they were never without one fet of arguments to engage his catholic nobility in a rebellion againft him ; and another to fow feclition among his proteftant officers and gentry." Hume fays, that the cruel unrelenting tyrant, Philip the fecond of Spain, with his infernal inquifition, was not more detefted by the peo- ple of the Netherlands, than was the humane Charles with his inoffenfive liturgy, by his mutinous fubjedls. The many unmerited infults offered to our gracious fovereign. by the unprincipled Wilkes, and others down to this late author, will for ever difgrace humanity. For he fays, *' that monarchy was the moft profperous invention the devil ever fet on foot for the promotion of^idolatry. It is the pride of kings which throws mankind into confufion : in ihort, continues this author, monarchy and fucceMion have laid not this or that kingdom only, but the world JQ hlppd and afhes," How deplorably wretched the con- PLAINTRUTH. $ ditlon of mankind, could they believe fuch execrable flagi- - tious jargon ! Unhappily indeed, mankind in every age are fufceptible of delufien ; but furely our author's poifon carries its antidote with it. Attentive to the fpirit of his publication, we fancy ourfelves in the barbarous fifteenth century ; in which period our author would have figured with his " Common Senfe" -and blood will attend it. After his terrible anathema againft our venerable confti- tution and monarchy, let us briefly examine a democra- ticalflate; and fee whether or not it is a government lefs fanguinary. This government is extremely plaufible and indeed flattering to the pride of mankind. The dema- gogues therefore, tofeduce the people into their criminal de<- iigns, ever hold up democracy to them ; although confci- QUS it never did, nor ever will anfwer in practice. If we believe a great author, " there never exifted, nor ever will exift a real democracy in the world." If we examine the republics of Greece and Rome, we ever find them in a flate of war domeftic or foreign. Our author therefore makes no mention of thefe antient flates. " When Alex- ander ordered all the exiles to be reflored throughout all the cities, it was found that the whole amounted to twenty thoufand, the remains probably of ftill greater {laughters and maflacres. What an aftonilhing number in fo narrow a country as antient Greece? and what domeftic confufion, jealoufy, partiality, revenge, heart-burnings muft tear thofe cities, where factions were wrought up to fuch a degree of fury and defpair ?" Appian's hiftory of the civil wars of Rome contains the moil frightful picture of maflacres, profcriptions, and forfeitures that ever were prefented to the world. The excellent Montefquieu declares, " that a democracy fuppofes the concurrence of a number of circumftances rarely united ; in the firfl place, it is requifite that the {late itfelf fhould be of fmall extent, fo that the people might bq eafily aflembled and perfojially known to each other : fe- condly, the fimplicity of their manners fliould be fuch as to prevent a multiplicity of affairs, and perplexity in dif- cuffing them: and thirdly, there (hould fubfiil a great de* of equality between them, in point of right and autho- rity : 6 P L A I N T R U T H. rity : laftly, there fhould be little or no luxury, for luxry muft either be the effect of wealth, or it muft make it ne- ceffary ; it corrupts at once, both rich and poor : the one, by the poflfefiion, and the other, by the want of it.*' To this may be added, continues the fame author, " that no government is fo fubject to civil wars, and inreftine com- motions, as that of the democratical or popular form ; be- caufe no other tends fo ftrongly and fo conftantly to alter, nor requires fo much vigilance and fortitude to prefer ve it from alteration. It is indeed, in fuch a conftitution particularly, that a citizen fhould always be armed with fortitude and conftancy, and (hould every day, in the fincerity of his heart, guard againft corruption, arifing cither from felfi(hnefs in himfelf, or in his compatriots ; for if it once enters into public tranfactions, to root it out afterwards would be miraculous. Our author aflTerts, that Holland and Swifferland are without wars domefHc or foreign. About a century ago, I lolland was in a few weeks over- run by the arms of France, and aloioft miraculoufly faved by the gallantry of her Prince of Orange, fo celebrated afterwards by the name of William the third. Almoft from that period, until the treaty of Utrecht, Holland was a principal in wars, the moft expen- five and bloody, ever waged by human kind : the wounds (he then received were unhealed in 1744, when reluctantly voufed from her pacific lethargy, (he was dragged into war; and lofmg her impregnable Bergen-op-zoom, and Maeftrichr, was again on the brink of becoming a province to France, when happily liberated by the Britifh Nation. In the war of 1756, Holland,, continually infulted in the capture of her fliips by our cniifers, preferred a humiliating neutrality. If victory indeed had not crowned the Britifh banners, the Dutch in Jubitabl-y would have affifted their natural allies, in whatever quarter of the globe attacked ; for it is inconteitibly true, that the exiftence of Holland, as a (rate, depends, and invariably will depend, on the profperity of Great Britain. Since the murder of Barnevelt, and t'tie immortal Dswits, by the deluded furious people, Holland hath too often been convulfed by anarchy, and torn by party. Unfortunately alas ! for the caufe of humanity, 3 ' lh PLAIN TRUTH. 7 the rugged and incult deferts of SwifTerland preclude not ambition, fedition, and anarchy. Her bleak and barren mountains do not fo effectually fecure precarious liberty, as daily vending her fons to the adjoining nations, parti- cularly to France, by whom the Thirteen Cantons could be fubjected in as many days, did that court meditate fa fenfelefs and delufive an object. Nugatory indeed, if we confider, that France derives more fubftantial advantage from the prefent icate of Swiflerland, than if me exhausted herfelf, to maintain numerous battalions, to bridle the Can- tons. A moment let us fuppofe, that our author's afife- verations of Holland and SwifTerland are as real as delr- five: his inferences do not flow from his premifes; for their fuperior advantages do not arife from their popular government, but from circumftances of peculiar local feli- city, obliging the princes of Europe to defend them from the omnipotent land force, if I may fo fpeak, of France. After im potently attacking our fovereign and the confti- tution, he contradicts the voice of all mankind, by de- claring, that America " would have flourifhed as much, and probably much more, had no European power takea any notice of her." If he means, that had this continent been unexplored, the original inhabitants would have been happier, for once I agree with him. Previous to the fettlement of thefe provinces by our anceftors, the kingdom of France was convulfed by religious phrenzy. This, and Sebaftian Ca- bot's prior difcovery, perhaps, happily afforded the people of England an opportunity of locating thefe provinces. At length, peace being reftored to France by her hero, Henry the Fourth, his nation in turn were feized with the rage of colonizing. Finding the English claimed the pro- vinces on the Atlantic, they appropriated the fnow banks of Canada, which we dare not fuppofe they would have preferred to thefe fertile provinces, had not the prior oc- cupancy and power of England interfered. I hope it will not be denied, that the notice taken of us at this time by an European power, was rather favourable for us. Cer- tain it is, had not England then taken notice of us, thefe delectable provinces would now appertain to France ; and the 8 PLAIN TRUTH. the people of New England, horrid to think, would now be counting their beads. Some years after the sera in quef- tion, the civil wars intervening in England, afforded to the Swedes and Dutch a footing on this continent. Charles the fecond being reflored, England reviving her claim, rendered abortive the Swedish pretenfions, and by con- queft, and granting Surinam to the Dutch, procured the ceffion of their ufurpation, now New York. I do indeed confefs my incapacity to difcern the injury fuflained by this fecond " notice taken of us by an European power ;" in default of which intervention, the Swedes, to this hour, would have retained their fettlement, now the famed Penn- fylvania ; and the Dutch, confequently, had retained theirs. Some time after this period, the people of New England \vere employed in framing and executing laws, fo intole- rant and fanguinary, that to us they feem adapted for devils, and not men. Indeed it is worthy of note, that the inhabitants of Ja- maica, Barbadoes, and Virginia, at that very time, enacted laws, breathing the fpirit of humanity, and fuch as men could bear. Soon after the period in queftion arrived the great and good William Penn, with his philofophic people called Quakers, together with toleration, induftry, and permanent credit. The people of England, encouraged by the extenfion of their laws and commerce to thofe co- lonies, powerfully affified our merchants and planters, in- fomuch, that our fettlements encreafed rapidly, and throve apace. It may be affirmed, that from this period, until the prefent unhappy hour, no part of human kind ever experienced more perfect felicity. Voltaire indeed fays, that if ever the golden age exifted, it was in Pennfylvania. France, difgufted with the unhappy fituation of her Ame- rican Colonies, had long meditated the conqueft of one of our middle provinces : to accomplifh this purpofe, me extended a line of forts on our frontiers, and actually for- tified the place now called Pittfburgh. Juftly alarmed by thcfe encroachments, in the hour of our diftrefs we called aloud on Great Britain for affiftance, nor was {he deaf to our cries. The Englim miniflry, after in vain exhaufting all the arts of negociation, declared war againft France. After PLAIN TRUTH. ^ fter fpilling torrents of blood, after expending one hun- dred and ninety millions of- their dollars, and four or five millions of ours, they glorioufly reduced the French Settlements. Surely it will not be faid, that this laft notice taken of us by the people of England, was injuri* ous to us ? Our enemies indeed alledge, that this laft inter- vention by bloating us with pride, will eventually ruin us, and render the people of Britain objects of derifion, for Javifhing their blood and treafure in defence of provinces; " a match not only for Europe (according td our author) but for the world." Our author next remark?, " that the commerce by which (lie hath enriched herfelf, are the ncceiTaries of life, and will always have a market while eat- ing is the cuilcm of Europe." I reply, that our exporting grain is as it were of yefter- day ; that the recent demand was principally occafioned by the diftra&ions in Poland, and other parts of Europe, and probably will totally or partly fail, foon as the fertile coun- try of Poland, and more fertile Ukraine, (hall again become cultivated. I believe the Europeans did eat before our merchants exported our grain, and perhaps will eat when they ceafe to export it. I deny, that this momentary com- merce hath enriched us; and I could adduce tiumberlefs melancholy proofs of the contrary. I fhall only remark, that in the moil fertile and deledrablfc wheat country in America, bounded by Chefopeak-bay, and almoft adjoin- ing that of Delaware, a trad of the beft wheat land, tea years ago, would hardly have exceeded a guinea and a half per acre; indeed in 1773, fuch land, covered with wood, would fcarcely have fold for four guineas an acre ; an un- doubted proof of want of people, induftry, and wealth; particularly fo, if we confider that one crop of corn and wheat on fuch land, jtidicioufly cultivated, would actually repay the fuppofed price. Our author afTert?, '* that our prt fen t numbers are fuflicietit to repel the force of all th<* world ; that theContinenthath at this time the lafgeil difci- plined army of any power under heaven ; that the English navy is only worth three millions and a half fterling," which, in trrecr, would reduce it to thirty-five (hips of the line, twenty /hips of forty guns, tweuty of thirty-fix, and eight of twenty guns. " That if America had only a twentieth part of this B force, io PLAIN TRUTH. force, fhe would be by far an over-match for Britain : that in- dependence is necedary, becaufe France and Spain cannot affid us until fnch an event." He alfo affirms, " that Great Britain cannot govern us ; and that no good can arife froni a reconciliation with her." I (hull humbly endeavour to (hew, that our author fhame- fully mifreprefents facts, is ignorant of the true date of Great Britain and her Colonies, utterly unqualified for the arduous talk he has prefumptuoufly adumed, and ardently intent on fed ucing us to that precipice on which himfelf (lands trembling. To elucidate my tinctures, I mud: with fidelity expofe the circumdances of Great Britain and her Colonies. If, there- fore, in the energy of defcription, I unfold certain bold and honed truths with fimplicity, the judicious reader will re- member, that a true knowledge .of our fituation is as eden- tial to our fafety as ignorance thereof may endanger it. In the Englifti provinces, excliifive of negroe and other flaves, we have one hundred and fixty thoufand or one hundred and fevcnty thbufand men capable of bearing arms. Jf we deduct the people called Quakers, Anabaptifts, and other re- ligionids averfe to arms, a confiderable part of the emi- grants, and rhofe having a grateful predilection for the an- cient conftitution and parent ft ate, we (hall certainly reduce the fir ft number to filty or feventy thoufand men. Now, admitting thofe equal to the Roman legions, can we fup- pofe them capable of defending againft the power of Bri- tain, a country nearly twelve hundred miles extending on the ocean ? Suppofe our troops aflembled in New England, if the Britains fee not fit to a' flail them, they hafte to and de- foiate our other provinces, which eventually would reduce New England. If, by dividing our forces, we pretend to defend oar provinces, we alfo are infallibly undone. Our mod fertile provinces, filled with unnumbered domedic ene- mies, flaves, interfered by navigable rivers, every where acceiiible to ihe fleets and armies of Britain, can make no defence. If, without the medium of paflion and prejudice, we view our other provinces, half armed, dellUute of money rind a navy, we mud confefs, that no power ever engaged potent antagonifts under fnch peculiar circumdances of infelicity. In the better days of Rome, fae permitted no re- gular PLAINTRUTH. 11 gular troops to defend her. Men defthute of property (lie admitted not into her militia (her only army). I have been extremely concerned at the feparation of the Connecticut men from our army; it augured not an ardent enthufiaftn for liberty and glory. We ftill have an army before Bofton, and I fliould be extremely happy to hear fubflantial proofs of their glory: I am (till hopeful of great things from our army before Bofton when joined by the regiments now forming, which want of bread will probably foon fill. Not- withftanding the predilection I have for my countrymen, I remark with grief, that hitherto our troops have difplayed but few marks of Spartan or Roman enthufiafm. In the fincerity of my heart I adjure the reader to believe, that no perfon is more fenfibly afflicted by hearing the enemies of America remark, that no general ever ftll fingly and fo in- glorioufly unrevenged before the inaufpicious affair of Que- bec. I am under no doubt, however, that we fhall become as famed for martial courage as any nation ever the fun be- held. Sanguine as I am, refpecting the virtue and courage of my countrymen, depending on the hiftory of mankind fince the Chriftian aera, I cannot however imagine, that zeal for liberty will animate to fuch glorious efforts of heroifm, as religious enthufiafm has often impelled its votaries to per- form. If the cruel unrelenting tyrant Philip the fecond of Spain had never attempted to introduce into the Low Coun- tries the infernal Tribunal of the Inquifition, it is moil pro- bable, that the prefent States of Holland would to this time have remained provinces to Spain, and patiently paid the fiftieth penny and other grievous exactions. Certain it is, that the fanatics of Scotland and people of England had never armed againft the firft Charles, if religious enthufiafm had not more powerfully agirated their minds than zeal for liberty ; the operations of which on the human mind hath, jince the sera in queftion, ever been more languid than the former molt powerful paflion. Thefe hardy aflertions are fupported as well by notorious facts, as by the learned Hume and other judicious hiflorians. I cannot here omit remarking the inconfiftency of human nature. The Scotch, the moft furious enthufiafts then in Europe, were flaughtered like (heep by Cromwell at Dunbar, where their formidable B 2 army 12 P L A I N T R U T H. army hardly made any refinance, if we except that made by a handful of loyalifts, deflitute of that paffion. Certain it is, that thpfe emhufiafts were often cut in pieces by their countryman the gallant marquis of Montrofe, \vhofe troops (Highlanders and other loyaliits) held Prefbyterianifm in contempt. With the utmoft deference to the honorable Congrefs, I do not view the mod diftant gleam of aid from foreign powers. The princes alone capable of fuccouring us are the Sovereigns of France and Spain, If, according to our Author, we pofiels an eighth part of the habitable globe, and actually have a check on the Weft India commerce of EnpUnd, the French indigo and other valuable Weft India com-nodities, and the Spanifh galeons, are in great jeopardy from our power. The French and Spaniards are therefore yvrctched politians, if they do not ailiil: England in reducing her colonies to obedience. Plenfantry aparr, can we be fo deluded to expect aid from thofc princes, which, infpir- ing their fnbjects with a relifii for liberty, might eventually {hake their arbitrary th IT. les Natural avowed enemies to our facred caufe, will thcycherifh, will they fupport the flame of liberty in America, ardently intent on extingnifhing its la- tent dyin s ; fparks in iheir respective dominions ? Can we be- lieve, that thofe princes will offer an example fo dangerous to their fubjects and colonies, by aiding thpfe provinces to independence? If independent, aggrandized by infinite numbers from every part of Europe, this continent would rapidly attain power aftoni/hirig to imagination. Soon, very fpon, would we be conditioned to conquer Mexico, and all their Weft India fettlements, which to annoy, or poflefs, wq indeed are moft happily fituatecl. Simple and obvious as t'hefe truths are, can they be unknown to the people and princes of Europe ? Be it however admitted, that thofc princes, unmindful of the fatal policy of Richlieu's arming Charles's fubjeels againft him, and the more fatal policy of I>ewis the fourteenth permitting our glorious deliverer to ef- fect the Revolution : I fay, be it admitted that thofe princes, regardlefs of future confequences and the ineptitude of the times, are really difpofed to fuccour us j fay, ye friends of liberty and mankind, would no danger accrue h,om ail army PLAIN TRUTH, 23 $f French and Spaniards in the bofom of America ? Would you not dread their junction with the Canadians and Sa- vages, and with the numerous Roman Catholics difperfed throughout the Colonies ? Let us now briefly view the pre-eminently envied ftate of Great Britain' If we regard the power of Britain, unembai> raffed with continental connexions and the political balance, we may juftly pronounce her what our author does America, " A match for all Europe." Amazing were the efforts of England in the war of Queen Ann, when little benefited by colony commerce, and ere (he had availed herfelf of the courage, good fenfe, and numbers of the people of Scotland and Ireland. That England then prefcribed laws to Europe, will be long remembered. Laft war her gUry was, if pofiible, m<>re eminently exalted : in every quarter of the globe did victory hovtr iound her armies and navies, and her fame re- echoed from pole to pole : at prcient Great Britain is the umpire of Europe. It is not exaggeration to affirm, that the Ruffians principally are indebted for their laurels to her power, which alpne rerained France from preventing; .the ruin of her anciem faithful ally the Ottoman Porte. Super- fluous it were to enumerate her powerful alliances, or men- tion her immenfe refources : her i ailing the incredible fums of eighteen, nineteen, and twenty-two millions fterling for the fervice of the years 1759, 60, and 61, was more afton- iihing to Europe than the victories of her fleets and armies. The annual rents of the kingdom of England only, many years ago, amounted to thirty-three millions fterling. Thirty- five millions buihels of wheat are annually produced in that kingdom, and perhaps as many bufhels of other grain. Twelve millions ot fleeces of wool are there yearly fhorn. In fhort, the kingdom is a perfect: bee- hive in numbers and induftry ; and is faid to contain more induftry, confe- quently more wealth, than all the reft of Europe. The famed Hume fays, " I mould as foon dread, that all our rivers and fprings mould be exhaufted, as that money (houlvl abandon a kingdom, where. .there are people and in- duftry." The Britifh navy, at the clofe of the laft war, con- lifted of nearly two hundred fhips of the line, and one hundred larce * 4 P L A I N T R U T, H. large frigates, and about one hundred fmaller frigates, or other armed vefTels. Since the peace, I believe, the navy has been mofl vigilantly preferved by lord Sand- wich, (faid to be as equal to that arduous department as any man in Europe). Since the war, feveral capital {hips have annually been built; and it is mofl certain, that on fix months notice Great Britain could equip fleets, fufEciently formidable, to contend with all the naval forc that could or would aft againft her. The immenfe quantity of naval and other (lores, in the different arfenals, with the royal navy*, cannot at this time be worth leis than twenty millions flerling. The ifland of Great Bri- tain, between fix and feven hundred miles in length, and upwards -of two thoufand miles in circumference, and being every where indented with harbours, forms (with other caufes) fuch nurferies of feamen as the world can- riot produce. Let us now examine our author's account of the navy of Great Britain. " It is, fays he, worth no more than three millions and a half fteiTmg." This in effect will reduce it to ten fecond rate (hips of war, ten third rate, fifteen fourth rate, ten (hips of forty guns, ten of thirty- fix, and eight of twenty. " If America, fays he, had only a twentieth part of the naval force of Britain, (he would be by far an over-match for her; becaufe, as we nei- ther have or claim any foreign dominion, our whole force would be employed on our own coaft ; where we fhould in the long-run have two to one the advantage of thofe who had three or four thoufand miles to fail over before they could attack us, and the fame diftance to return, in order to refit and recruit. And although Britain by her fleet hath a check over our trade to Europe, we have as large a one over her trade to the Weft Indies, which, by laying in the neighbourhood of the Continent, lies entirely at its mercy." Were it lawful to joke on fo ferious an occafion, I would remind the reader of our author's modcfty, in fay- ing, " that we claim no foreign dominion ;" fmce we * Seventeen capital fhips were built from 1763 until 1771. PLAIN TRUTH. 15 have the moft numerous and beft difciplined army under the heaven, and a navy fufficiently ftrong to combat that of Great Britain ; for our preferit naval armament cornpofe a fleet more than equal to a twentieth part of the Britifh navy (according to our author's e(limation). Notwith- ftanding our author's delicacy, relying on the well knowii utility of melafles to the New-England governments, I hope they will order admiral Manly to feize Jamaica and the other Weft India iflands. The admiral cannot be at a lofs for men ; fince, according to our author, " a few focial failors will foon inftruct a fufficient number of active land-men in the common work of a (hip/' I do indeed confefs, that the Britim mips of war are conftantly equipi: altogether with very fociai failors; and as conftantly drub the French fhips, double mann'd with active land men, tho' fufficiently inftrncled by a few focial failors. The reader will perceive, that our author has humbled the naval power of Britain with more facility than France and Spain could have done; and has alfo expelled hei* from our ports with happier fuccefs than did Spain, who \vas compelled to yield her Gibraltar and Portmahon for the conveniency of her fleets and commerce, We muft indeed allow, that Spain, tho' poflefled of Mexico and Peru, cannot maintain the moft numerous and bed difciplined army under heaven, nor equip a navy fit to contend with the fleets of Britain. It mull: alfo be confefled, that he makes Great Britain very favourably difpofe of her humbled navy, by employing nineteen parts of it in the Mediterranean, Afia, Africa, and I know not where ; when he knows we have fo great a check on her Weft India trade, a commerce of the laft importance to her. 1 would blum for poor human nature, did I imagine that any man, other than a bigot, could believe thefe ridiculous ftories, .thefe arrant gafconades, refpecting our numerous and beft difciplined army under heaven, about our navy, and a few focial failors, and that France and Spain will not affift us (who by- the- by, according to our author, are able to conquer them) until playing upcn j We declare ourfelves independent. Can a reafon- able J6 F LA I ft TkU T I?. able being for a moment believe that Great Britain, whoft political exigence depends on our conftitutional obedience, who but yefterday made fuch prodigious efforts to fave us from France, will not exert heffelf as powerfully to pre- ferve us from our frantic fchemes of independency ? Can \ve a moment doubt, that the fovereign of Great Britain and his minifters, whofe glory as well as perfonal fafety depends on our obedience, will not exert every nerve of the Britifh power' to fave themfelves arid us from ruin ? "Much, fays our author, has been faid of the flrength of Britain and the Colonies, that in conjunction they might bid defiance to the world ; but thrs is mere prefump- ticn ; the fate of war is uncertain." Excellent reafoning, and truly confident with our au- thor ! We of ourfeives are a match for Europe, nay for the world ; but in junction with the moil: formidable power on earth, why then the matter is mere prefump- tion ; the fate of war is uncertain. It is indeed humi- Kating to confider that this author fhould vamp np a form of government for a confiderable part of mankind ; and in cafe of its fucceeding, that he probably would be one of our tyrants, until we prayed fome more illuftrious tyrant of the army to fpurn him to his primeval obfcu- J'ity; from all his ill-got honours flung, turned to that dirt from whence he fprting. " A government of our own is our natural right," fays our author. " Had right decided, and not fate the caufe, Rome had preferved her Cato and her laws,'* Unfortunately for mankind, thofe are fine founding words, which feldom or ever influence human affairs ; if they did, inftead of appro- priating the vacant lands to fchemes of ambition, we mult Jnflantly deputife envoys to the Indians, praying them to re-enter their former pofTeflions, and permit us quietly to depart to the country of our anceftors, where we would be welcome guefts. But, continues our author, " what have we to do with fetting the world at defiance ? our plan is commerce, and that well attended to, will fecure us the peace and friendfhip of ail Europe; becaule it is the intereft of all Europe to have America a free port^ her P L A I N T R U T H. i) her trade will always be her protection, and her bar- rennefs of gold and filver will fecure her from inva- ders." I am perfectly fatisfied, that we are in no condition to fet the world at defiance, that commerce and the pro- tection of Great Britain will fecure us peace, and the friendfhip of all Europe : but I deny, that it is the interefl of all Europe to have America a free port, unlefs they are defirous of depopulating their dominions. His a/Ter- tians, that barrennefs of gold and filver will fecure us from invaders, is indeed highly pleafant: have we not a much better fecurity from invafions ? viz. the moll nu- merous and beft difciplined army under heaven ; or has our author already difbanded them ? Pray how much gold and filver do the mines of Flanders produce? and what coun- try fo often has feen its unhappy fields drenched with blood, and fertilized with hmftan gore? The princes "of Europe have long dreaded the emigration of their fub- - jecls to America; and we are fenfible, that the king of Pruilia is faid more than once to have hanged newlanders, or thofe who feduced his fubjefts to emigrate. I alfo humbly apprehend, that Britain is a part of Europe. Now, old gentleman, as you have clearly (hewn, that we have a check upon her Weft India trade, is it her in- tereft to give us a greater check upon it, by permitting America (as you exprefs it) to become a free port ? can we fuppofe it to be her intereft to lofe her valuable commerce to the Colonies, which effectually me would do, by giving up America to become your free port ? if there- fore it is the intereft of all Europe to have America a free port, the people of Britain are extremely fimple to expend fo many millions fterling to prevent it. " It is repugnant to the nature of things, to all examples from former ages, to fuppofe that this Continent can long re- main fubjecl to any external power." Antiquity affords us no ecclaircifTerhent reflecting the future government of America. Rome, fi tinted in a fteril corner of Italy, long, long retained the then world in chains, and probably had maintained her dominion long- er, had not the Crofs, removing the empire to Byzantium, C weakened i8 , PLAIN TRUTH. weakened the eagles, and in turn juflly been deflroyed by the Barbarians. I fee no reafon to doubt, that Great Britain may not long retain us in conftitutional obedience. Time, the deftroyer of human affairs, may indeed end her political life by a gentle decay ; like Rome, {he may be conftrained to defend herfelf from the Huns and Alaricks of the north. Ingratefully fhould we endeavour to pre- cipitate her political demife ; (he will devife every expedient to retain our obedience, and rather than fail, will partici- pate thofe provinces amongft the potent flates of Europe. " The authority of Great Britain over this continent is a form of government which fooner or later mufr, have an end." This I have granted ; and I add, that a million of revo- lutions may happen on this continent, for every one of which I am not indeed fo over felicitous as our Phoenix of whims, the author of Common Senfe. " The Colonies have manifefted fuch a fpirit of good order and obedience to continental government, as is fufficient to make every perfon happy on that head." What is this union fo highly vaunted of ? whence the inarching and counter- marching through almofr, every pro- vince to difarm thofe denominated tories ? I perfectly ngree, that glorious is our union I execrate thofe who fay, it has been cemented by every fpecies of fraud and violence ; yet notwithftanding I dread its fragility, were an army of Britons in the middle of our country. As the author of Common Senfe is now in the grand monde, and cannot be acquainted with the language of many people in the pro- vinces, I will communicate the general purport of their difcourfe. " We, fay they, do not fee through thewifdorn of the prefent times. We remember with unfeigned gratitude the many benefits derived through our connections with Great Britain, by whom but yeflerday we were eman- cipated from flavery and death. We are not indeed un- aware, that Great Britain is uniformly reproached with defending us from interefted motives. In like manner, however, may every iiigrate reproach his benefactor ; fmce all benefactions may be faid to flow from no purer fountain. Wuh predilection we view our parent ftate, and wiihfully- PLAIN TRUTH. 19 \vifbfully contemplate on our late felicity, almoft realizing that flate of old, fo beautifully feigned by the poets. We venerate the conflitution, which with all its imperfections (too often exaggerated) we apprehend almofl approaches as near to perfection as human kind can bear. We mudder at the idea of arming with more virulence, more un- remitting ardour, againft the parent flate than againft France ; by whom our rights, civil as well as religious, certainly were more imminently endangered. With horror we refleft on the former civil wars, .when every crime, odious and baneful to human nature, were alternately per- petrated by the foldiers, particularly by the Independents." 11 Every quipt method of peace has been ineffectual : our prayers jxive been rejected with difdain." I do not indeed agree with the people of England in faying, that thofe who fo fuccefsfully laboured to widen the breach defired nothing lefs than peace. That they who fhortly were to command the molt numerous and beft difciplined army under heaven, and a navy fit to contend with the fleets of England, imagining the time had found us, dif- dained to be jufl. I highly venerate a majority of the Delegates : I have not indeed the honour of knowing all the worthy members ; however, 1 wifh the gentlemen of the Congrefs, ere they entered on their important charge, had been better acquainted with the flrength of our friends in parliament. I fincerely lament that the King did not receive the lajft excellent petition from the Congrefs ; and I as fincerely wifh that the gentlemen of the Congrefs had not addrefTed themfelves, at that juncture, to the people of Ireland. " As to government matters," (continues our author) " it is not in the power of Britain to do this con- tinent juftice : the bufmefs of it will foon be too weighty and intricate to be managed with any tolerable degree of convenience by a power fo very diftant from us, and fo very ignorant of us ; for if they cannot 'Conquer us, they cannot govern us. The difference between Pennfylvania and Connecticut, refpecting fome unlocated lands, (hews the infigniflcance of a Britifli government, and fully proves, that nothing but continental authority can regulate coml- pental matters/' C> Until 20 PLAIN TRUTH. Until the prefent unhappy period, Great Britain has afforded to all mankind the moft perfect proof of. her wife, lenient, and magnanimous government of the Colonies > the proofs to which we already have alluded, viz. our fupreme felicity and amazing increafe. Than the affair of the Connecticut invaders, Omnipotence only could grant us ftrongcr reafons for praying a continuance of our former beneficent government. Mod certainly every dif- paffionate perfon, as well as the plundered Pennfylvaninns, rnuit cbnfefs, that the arm of Great Britain alone detained thofe free-booters aforefaid from felling the city of Phila- delphia, to which without all doubt they^ have as juft a- claim as to thofe fertile regions in Pennfylvania which they furreptitloufly have poflelfed themfelves of. In wrath to mankind, fhould heaven permit our author's new-fangled government to exift, I, as a friend to Pennfylvanians, ad- vife them to explore new fettlcments, and avoid the cruej. mortification of being expelled by the Saints from their delicious abodes and pleaflng fields. " But (fays tne author) the molt powerful argument is, that nothing but independence (that is, a continental form of government) can keep the peace of the continent, and preferve it in- violate from civil wars. I dread the event of a reconciliation EOW with Britain, as it is more than probable it will be folio \ved by revolt fome where; the confequences of which may be far more fatal than all the malice of Britain. Thoufands are already ruined by Britifh barbarity, thou- funds more will probably (hare the fame fate. Thefe men have other feelings than thofe who have nothing fuffered ; all they now poffefs is liberty ; what they before enjoyed is facrificed to its fervice, and having nothing more to lofe, they difdain all fubmiffion." Here we cannot mifhike our author's meaning, that if one or more of the middle or fouthern Colonies reconcile with Great Britain, they will have war to fuftain with New England, " the confequences of which may be more detri- memal than all the malice of Britain." This terrible de- nunciation, fortunately for fuch Colonies, is as futile as its author. Should Great Britain re-eftablifti her authority in fhe faid Colonies by negotiation, furely it is not temerity to P'L A I N T RU T H. / 21 to add, that the weight of Britain, in the fcales of thofe provinces, would preponderate againit the power of New England. If Britain mould reduce the Colonies by arms (which may heaven avert!) the New England provinces Will have as little inclination as ability to difhirb the peace of their neighbours. I do indeed moil: fincerely compaflionate thofe unhappy men who are ruined by our unfortunate diffractions. I do fervently pray, that Britain and the Colonies may moft effectually confider .their peculiar in- felicity : fuch attention will do infinite honour to the parent ftate, who cannot view them as enemies, but as men unhappily irritated by the impolitic meafures of Great Britain. " The diminution of trade affords an army, and the necefHties of an army create a new trade" (fo fays our author). I am furprized the miniftry, fo often reproached with ruining the commerce of Britain, never urged (what was never thought or faid before) oiir author's excellent axiom, " that the diminution, &c." Certain it is, the minority had replied, fmce the commencement of this .century, the diminution of the commerce of France hath afforded her nearly one million of foldiers ; but the neceflities of this prodigious number of troops created her fo bad a commerce, that (he hath twice proved bankrupt iince, and more than once experienced the miferies of famine. " If premiums (fays our author) were to be given to merchants to build and employ in their fervice fhips mounted with 20, 30, 40, or 50 guns, the premiums to be in proportion to the lofs of bulk to the merchants ; fifty or fixty of thofe fhips, with a few guard fhips on confhnt duty, would keep up a fufftcient navy, and that without burdening ourfelves with the evil fo loudly com- plained of in England, of fuffering their fleets in time of peace to lie rotting in their docks." Yield the palm of in- genuity to our author, ye De Wits, Colberts, Pelhams, and Pitts. He hath outdone ye by confrrucYmg a beautiful navy, alas ! on paper only. Firft, no nation in Europe depends on fuch (hips for her defence. Secondly, fuch fhips would be unfit to contend with capital fhips. Thirdly, in the hour of danger, thefe fhips on their voyage or *2 PLAIN TRUTH. or return would alternately be taken by an active enemy, Lartly, fix times as many fuch. {hips would be unequally matched with that part of" the naval power of Great Britain, which (he actually could fpare to combat on our coafts. This cannot be thought exaggeration, if we confider that the Britifh navy, laft war, carried about feyenteen thoufand guns, and upwards of ninety-five thoufand focial fcamen. * No country (fays our author) is fo happily fituated, or internally capable of raifing a fleet as America. Tar, timber, iron, and cordage, are her natural produce." He fpeaks of forming a fleet as if he could do it by his fiat. A third rate (hip of the line fitted for fea is allowed to coil 74,000 1. fterling, which at the prefent exchange is about 129,000!. Now as labour, fail cloth, cordage, and other requifites are dearer than in Europe, we may reafonably fuppofe the advanced price at twenty-five per cent, which makes the amount 154,000!. We mult next fuppofe our navy equal to that of France, which confifts of iixty-four Jhips of the line (fifty gun (hips inclufive) twenty-five frigates, with jfhips of inferior force. In cafe of inde- , pendence, we cannot admit a fmaller naval force. Indeed, when joined to the fleets of France and Spain, the navies fo united, and navigated principally by landfmen, inltructed by a few focial Jailors, will be vaftly inferior to thefquadrons of Britain. The amount therefore of fuch a navy will only require the trifling fum of 12,625,000!. currency, which I am very willing to believe we can fpare, being fcarccly one fourth the value of our property real and perfonal. With excellent management, our navy would lafl eight, nine, or ten years : we therefore would find it extremely con- venient to rebuild it conitantly at the expiration of that term : of this there cannot be a doubt, when we remember xvith our author, " that < (hip-building is America's greated pride. The vaft empire of Ruffia is almoil: (hut out from the fen, wherefore her boundlefs forefls, her tar, iron, and cordage, are only articles of commerce." I reply, that JRuflia containing ten times our numbers, is destitute of incluflry and commerce. She has ports fufficient to build and contain a navy to fubdue the world. Deftitute, as we have remarked, of induftry and commerce, her navy is in- confiderable; P L A I N T R U T H. 23 confiderable j and being equipt with landfrnen, cannot figure againft mips navigated by focial failors. Who can doubt the ability of Spain to build a navy as formidable as that permitted to Great Britain (by the author of Common Senfe). In her ifland of Cuba, poiTeiTed ef an immenfity of fine cedar, (he might conftruct a navy as formidable as that of Great Britain, but to what purpofe, other than to adorn the triumph of her enemies ; unlefs me could arm her (hips otherwife than by active landfmen, inftructed by a few focial failors. Our author fays, ." that the Terrible, Capt. Death flood the hotteft engagement of any fhip laft war, yet had not twenty failors on board," (though her compliment of men was upwards of two hundred). We do indeed confefs ourfelves doubtful on this head, and therefore with our author had produced his authority. We do apprehend, that naval actions very generally de- pend on feaman-fhip, that is, on dextroufly working the fhip during the combat. Now the judicious reader will remember, that (hips of war in engagement cannot be na- vigated by a few focial failors, nor even by a bare com- petency, unlefs fuch failors are more invulnerable than was the great Achilles. " Were the continent (fays our author) crowded with inhabitants, her fufferings under the prefent circurnftances would be intolerable, the more fea ports we had, the; more we fhould have both to defend, and to lofe." This is ra- ther incomprehenfible ; I cannot imagine, that ,we would be lefs formidable with ten times our prefent numbers ; if at prefent we can defend one fea-port, furely, with ten times as many inhabitants, we could equally defend ten. If with our prefent numbers, we are a match for the world, confequently with ten times ns many, we would be a match for ten worlds, which would indeed be prodigious ! " The infant ftate of the Colonies, as it is called, fo far from being againft, is an argument in favour of independence." This aflertion is as abfurd, as if he had maintained, that twenty is inferior in number to two. " But the injuries and difadvantages we fuftain by that connection, are with- out number, and our duty to mankind at large, as well as to ourfelves, in&ruct us to renounce the alliance. Bccaufc any 24 P L A I N T R U T H. any fubmiflion to, or dependence upon Great Britain, tends directly to involve this continent in European wars and quarrels. As Europe is our market for trade, we ought to form no political connection with any part of it." Innumerable are the advantages of onr connection with Britain ; and a jufl dependence on her is a fare way ta avoid the horrors and calamities of war. Wars in Europe will probably than heretofore become lefs frequent ; reli- gious rancour, which formerly animated princes to arms, is fucceeded by a fpirit of philofophy extremely friendly to peace. The princes of Europe are or ought to be con- vinced by fad experience, that the objects of conqueft, are vaftly inadequate to the immenfe charge of their armaments. Prudential motives, therefore, in future, will often dictate negotiation, inftead of war. Be it however admitted, that our fpeculations are nugatory, and that as ufual, we are involved in war ; in this cafe we really do not participate a twentieth part of the mifery and hardfhips of war, expe- rienced by the other fubjects of the empire. As future- wars will probably be carried on by Britain in her proper element, her fuccefs will hardly be doubtful ; nor can this be thought audacity, if we remember the great things ef- fected by Britain in her naval wars, then fecondary objects to her Germanic connections, to which (he now politically feems indifferent. Our failors navigating our veflels to the Weft Indies during war, are exempted from imprefTment ; and if our trade to any part of Europe is then ftagnated, it flows with uncommon rapidity in' the Weft Indies; nor is the object of captures inconiiderable. Our author furely forgets, that when independent, we cannot trade with Europe, without political connections, and that all treaties made by England or other commerical ftates are, or ought to be, ultimately fubfervient to their commerce. " But (fays our author) admitting that mat- ters were now made up what would be the event ? I anfwer, the ruin of the continent, and that for feveral reafons." Reconciliation would conduct us to our former happy ftate. The happinefs of the governed is without doubt the true interefl of the governors; and if we aim not at indepen- dence, there cannot be a doubt of receiving every advantage relative P L A I N T R U T H. 25 relative to laws and commerce that we can de/ire. Mon- tefquieu fpeaking of the people of England fays, '* They know better than any people on earth, how to value at the fame time thefe three great advantages, religion, liber- ty, and commerce." 6( It is a matter worthy of obfervation, that the more a country is peopled, the fmaller their ar- mies are." This indeed would be worthy of obfervation, did not daily experience controvert ir. The armies of Ruflia, France, Auftria, England, and Pruflia, are cer- tainly more numerous than thofe of Spain, Sweden, Den- mark, Portugal, and Sardinia. Now, the fird five dates contain nearly fixty millions, and the la ft kingdoms do not contain fourteen millions*of people. " In military num- bers, the ancients far exceeded the moderns, and the rea- fon is evident, for trade being the confequences of popu- lation, men become too much abforbed thereby to attend to any thing elfe ; commerce dimiiiifties the fpirit both of patriotifm, and military defence." Every ma.nof fenfe now rejects the fabulous numbers of the army of Xerxes, and other fabled armies of antiquity. The ancient armies did not exceed in numbers the armies of the moderns. If fo, their dates had been defolate