4 / * 1 > V X . Sir K^gbrr r N & SONS. LONDO'. HISTORY BRITISH INDIA. HUGH MURRAY, ESQ., F.R.S.E. WITH CONTINUATION I! THE AFGHAN WAR THE CONQUEST OP SINDE AND GWA WAR IN THE PUNJAUB. <%C. &C. Is India free ? and doe she wear her plumed And jewelled turban -ith a smile of peace, Or do we grind her (till r THE TASK. T. NELSON AND SONS, PATERNOSTER ROAV: AND EDINBURGH. ADVERTISEMENT TO THE FIFTH EDITION. THE first edition of this History of British India brought down the narrative of events in our great Eastern empire to the close of the Pindaree war, and the conquest of the Mahrattas. Since then, events of the utmost magnitude have transpired, sufficient to cast into the shade the older history of the Peninsula in the estimation of its British rulers. The war in Afghanistan was marked by circumstances at once glorious and tragical beyond per- haps any which distinguished former periods of our his- tory, sufficing for a time to fill the minds of the most sanguine with apprehensions for our whole Indian em- pire. A fruitless triumph restored confidence and hon- our; but peace had not long given repose to our arms, ere the war in Sinde called for new exertions, and ex- cited fresh anxiety. To this succeeded the eventful campaigns in the Punjaub and Moultan, where British arms achieved triumphs against braver and more daring enemies than ever before threatened our progress, if not even our very existence, in the East. The chapters in which these eventful incidents of Indian history are narrated have accordingly been added to Mr Murray's original work. They have been compiled with the utmost care from official documents and the narratives Attention is next invited to a train of events which are at once memorable in the military annals of the world, and deeply interesting to this country. The first of these is the conquest of British India ; when a few merchants, with a handful of troops, and struggling against European and native rivalry, subverted all the states which had sprung from the ruins of the Mogul empire, and became arbiters of the destiny of upwards of One Hundred Mil- lions of human beings placed at the opposite extremity of the globe. In this important recital, the incidents which distinguished the several contests are exhibited in one view, instead of passing repeatedly from one to an- other, and carrying all forward with a regard to nothing but the order of time. This plan, which is followed with such success by Mr. Hallam in his History of the Middle Ages, renders the narrative more perspicuous as well as more interesting. EnunjoJioH, March 188?. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. GENERAL VIEW OF THE NATURAL FEATURES OF INDIA. Great Importance always attached to India Its Outline and Boundaries General Aspect The Great Central Plain Pro- vinces of which it is composed Vegetable and Animal Produc- tions The Great Desert Mountain-region of the Himmaleh Belt or Border of thick Jungle Tract of Lower Hills Elevated Ranges Their steep and rugged Character Change in Vege- table and Animal Nature Three Zones of Vegetation Central Region The different River-glens Valleys Cashmere- Dangerous Passes Difficulty of Respiration Sources of the Jumna and Ganges Pilgrimage The Deccan Vyndhya Range The Ghauts Nhilgerries Opposite Coascs Central Table- plains Scenery Influence of the physical Character upon the political State of these different Regions, Page 17 CHAPTER II. KNOWLEDGE OF INDIA AMONG TliE ANCIENTS. India early known to the Ancients Accounts in Scripture of ito Trade Bacchus Sesostris Expedition 01 Semiramis Con- quest by Darius Accounts by Herodotus and Ctesias Expedition of Alexander He is obliged to return Voyage down the Indus Voyage of Nearchus Alexander's March through Gedrosia Accounts of India obtained by this Channel Kingdoms of Syria and of Bactria Its Numismatic Remains Mercantile Voyage from Egypt to India Coasts which were then visited, A* CHAPTER III. PORTUGUESE DISCOVERY OF THE PASSAGE TO INDIA. Miiritime Power of Portugal Voyages along the Coast of Africa Discovery of the Senegal and Gambia Of the Gold Coast Of Congo Bartholomew Diaz discovers the Cape of Good Hope Mission of Covilham and De Payva- Expedition of Vasco de Gama He passes the Cape Touches at Mozambique, Mombaza and Melinda Arrives at Calicut Visit to the Zamorin Differ- ences with him and the Moors Departure Voyage round Africa Return to Portugal, .......................................... Page 70 CHAPTER IV. PORTUGUESE SETTLEMENTS AND CONQUESTS IN INDIA. Expedition of Cabral Discovery of Brazil Passage of the Caps Arrival at Calicut Friendly Reception Quarrels with the AJoors Factory destroyed Hostile Proceedings Establish- ment at Cochin Return Juan de Nueva Second Voyage of Gama His severe Proceedings at Calicut Visits Cochin Wars between Calicut and Cochin Exploits of Pacheco Lope Soarez Almeyda Maritime War in Guzerat Albuquerque Unsuc- cessful Attempt on Calicut Reduction of Goa Expulsion from that City _ Its Recovery Means employed for cementing the Portuguese Power Conquest of MalaccaOf Ormuz Albu- querque is superseded Dies Extent of Portuguese Dominion _ Remarkable Sieges of Diu General Confederacy against the Portuguese _ Defeated Their Decline Wars with the Dutch With the English Low State of their Power, ................... 96 CHAPTER V. EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES AND SETTLEMENTS. Importance always attached to Indian Trade Mission by Alfred The English attempt to penetrate to India by the North-East, and through Russia Bv the North- West Voyage of Drake Of Cavendish New bery and Fitch, by way of Aleppo andOrmuz Fitch visits many Parts of India First English Voyage by the Cape Its Disasters An Association formed Voyage of Lan- caster MiddletonMichelborne Keeling and Others Sharpey Loss of his Vessel Sir Henry Middleton His Adventures at Surat Hippon Settlements on Coromandel Saris Profits of the Trade Quarrels with the Dutch Massacre at Amboyna Acquisition of Bombay Settlements on the Coromandel Coast- In Bengal Disputes with the Mogul Company begin to form Plans of Conquest, Page 145 CHAPTER VL EARLY MOHAMMEDAN CONQUESTS IN HJDIA. Rise of the Mohammedan Power Conquests in Central Asia. The Samanian Dynasty Abistagi Subuktagi Mahmond the Ghiznevide His Twelve Expeditions into India Victory in Lahore Successive Conquests of Birae ; Tanassar; Kanouge; Muttra; Sumnaut His Death Character Anecdotes Litera- ture of the Court of Ghizni Ferdusi Oonsuri Abu Rihan Decline of the Ghiznian House Subverted by that of Ghori Mohammed Ghori His Conquests in India Cuttub conquers Delhi and makes it his Capital, ...,}S6 CHAPTER VII. THE PATAN OR AFGHAN DYNASTY. Cuttub-ul-Dien founds this Dynasty Altumsh Sultana Rizia Mahmoud II His ascetic Severity Balin Brilliant Patronage of the Arts and Sciences Kei Kobad and Kera Allah I. His braveand fierce Reign Conquest of Southern India Adventures of the Princesses Cumlade and Dewilde Anarchy Several short Reigns Mohammed III. His Cruelty Ferose III Short Reigns and general Disorder Timur His Character Invasion of India Capture of Delhi, and dreadful Massacre His Return Succession of Emperors Conquest by Baber Close of tin- Pat.,n Dynasty, 20d 10 CHAPTER VIII. THE MOGUL DYNASTY TO AURENGZEBE. Raber His Death and Character Humaioon His Exploits- Driven from the Empire Misfortunes Reign of Shere Huma- loon returns, and again mounts the Throne Akbar succeeds His daring Achievements Mode of governing Ayeen Akberry Portuguese Missions from Goa Reign of Jehangire Visit of Hawkins Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe The Mogul Court- Rebellions against Jehangire His Death Reign of Shah Jehan Rebellion of Lodi Sons of Shah Jehan Their Contests for the Sovereignty Success of Aurengzebe Dethrones his Father and becomes Emperor, Page 232 CHAPTER IX. AURENGZEBE DECLINE OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. Aurengzebe opposed by his Brothers, Dara and Sujah Defeat of Sujah Capture and Death of Dara Defection of the Prince Mo- hammed, who is obliged to surrender Death of Sujah Aureng- zebe's Treatment of Shah Jehan His Administration Defects of Mogul Government Anecdotes furnished by Bernier Danger of Persian War Fakir Insurrection Disturbance in Cabul Conquest of the Deccan Rise of the Mahratta Power Exploits of Sevajee His Death and Character Sambajee's Reign and Death Character of the Mahratta Armies Bigotry of Aureng- rebe His Death and Character Shah Allum The Seiks Their Progress checked Character and Death of Shah Allum Contests for the Empire The Syeds Nizam-ul-Mulk and Saa- dut Khan Invasion by Nadir Shah Sack of Delhi Distracted State of the Empire Invasion by the Afghans Contest between them and the Mahrattas Battle of Panniput The Mogul Dy- nasty reduced to entire Insignificance, 277 CHAPTER X. BRITISH CONQUEST OF THE CARNATIC. First Territorial Acquisitions War between France and England Early Settlements of the French Their Establishment at CONTENTS. 1 1 Pondicherry Enterprises of Labourdonnais He takes Madras Superseded by Dup.eix Pondicherry besieged Conclusion of Peace English Expedition to Tanjore Contests for the Sove- reignties of Southern India The French interpose Gain a complete Victory They are expelled by Nazir Jung The Eng- lish join him His Death Succession and Death of Mirzapha Jung Salabat Jung Exploits of Clive Advantages over the French Their Influence in the Deccan Form a Confederacy against the English Siege of Trichinopoly Acquisitions of the French Recall of Dupleix Treaty concluded The Colleries War of 1766 Lally takes the Command Reduces Fort St David Siege of Madras Raised French defeated at Wande- wash Siege of Pondicherry Its Surrender Cruel Treatment of Lally in France, Page 339 CHAPTER XI. BRITISH CONQUEST OF BENGAL. Difficulties of the early Settlement* Reign of Aliverdi Khan- Succeeded by Surajah Dowlah His Jealousy of the English- Captures Cossimbuzar Advances upon Calcutta Plans of De- fence Proceedings of the Enemy Garrison deserted by the Ships and the Governor Surrender Confinement in the Black Hole Dreadful Sufferings Conduct of the Nabob Armament from Madras under Clive and Watson Their Landing and first Encounter with the Enemy Calcutta surrenders Surajah Dow - lah attempts to retake it Treaty Capture of Chandernagore Plan of dethroning the Nabob Intrigues Treachery of Meer Jaffier Advance of Clive Battle of Plassey Elevation of Meer Jaffier Capture and Death of Surajah Dowlah Invasion by the Shazada Defeat of the Mogul and the Nabob of Oude Bad Conduct of the new Nabob Succeeded by Meer Cossim His Disputes with the Company Rupture Patna taken and retaken .Victory gained by Major Adams Massacre of English Pri- soners Meer Cossim's Flight into Oude Repeated Defeats of Sujah Do-vlah The Mogul joins the English Death of Meer J'ffier Clive returns to India Restores Sujah Dowlah Ob- tains tor the Company the Dewannee of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, 355 12 CONTENTS. CHAPTER XII. WAR WITH MYSORE. Formation of the Kingdom of Mysore Influence of the Ministers Deoraj and Nunjeraj Hyder His Parentage His early Desti- tution Begins to distinguish himself Mode in which he forms a Body of Adherents Commands at Dindigul His Power aug- mented Violence of Nunjeraj, who is reduced to Distress Hyder relieves and then supplants him His own Danger Extricates himself, and becomes complete Master of Mysore Conquest of Bednore Invasion by the Mahrattas Conquest of Calicut The English join a Confederacy against him The Mahrattas make Peace Nizam joins Hyder against the English They invade the Carnatic Threaten Madras Battle of Trin- omalee Nizam quits the Alliance Invasion of Mysore Suc- cesses of Hyder He overruns the Carnatic Again threatens Madras Conclusion of Peace Another great Inroad of the Mahrattas Hyder concludes a Treaty with them, and makes farther Conquests His Resentment against the English Weak Conduct of the Madras Government Hyder invades and deso- lates the Carnatic Fate of Colonel Baillie's Detachment Sir Eyre Coote sent from Calcutta He gains several Advantages- Loss of Colonel Brathwaite's Detachment Negotiations Ope- rations on the Western Coast Death of Hyder Tippoo suc- ceedsDissensions in the Madras Government Death of Sir Eyre Coote Peace between England and France Bednore sur- renders to General Mathews Retaken by the Sultan Siege of Mangalore Peace with Tippoo, Page389 CHAPTER XIIL CONQUEST OF MYSORE. Power of Tippoo His Persecution of the Christians, and of the People of Coorg Confederacy agninst him His Successes Conclusion of Peace Cruel Treatment of the Natives in Cali- cut Attack on Travancore Repulse Final Success Arrival and Views of Marquis Cornwallis He resolves to make War CONTENTS. 13 opon Tippoo Treaty with the Nizam General Medows opens the Campaign Reduction of Dindigul and Palgaut Successful Manoeuvres of Tippoo He lays waste the Carnatic Cornwallis assumes the Command Advances upon Bangalore Reduces that Fortress Nizam's Contingent Advance upon Sennga- patam Engagement, Distress, and Retreat of the English General Abercromby's Advance and Retreat Junction with the Mahrattas Reduction of several Hill-forts Second March on Seringapatam Defeat of Tippoo Overtures from him Terms accepted The young Princes received as Hostages Difficulties Final Conclusion General Results of the War Pacific Poli- cy of Sir John Shore- Arrival of Marquis Wellesley His Sys- tem Tippoo's Negotiation with the French British Influence established at the Court of the Nizam Negotiations with the Sultan Army advances against him He attacks the Troops from Bombay British march on Seringapatam Action at Malavilly Despondence of Tippoo Siege commenced Its Ope- rations Tippoo attempts to negotiate His Alarm Storming of Seringapatam Death of the Sultan His Character Anec- dotes Disposal of the Kingdom of Mysore, Page431 CHAPTER XIT. M AHRATTA WAR, AND CONQUEST OF CENTRAL HINDOSTAN. Great Power of the Mahrattas Shao succeeds as Rajah Ablo Administration of Ballajee Wishwanath Bajee Rao succeeds Rise of Holkarand Scindia Great Power of the Peishwa Re- duction of the Pirate Angria Madoo Rao becomes Peishwa His able Government Ragoba He is expelled by the Ministers Forms an Alliance with the Government of Bombay Keating's Expedition Proceedings at Bombay disallowed Treaty War renewed March against Poonah Shameful Capitulation Cam- paign of General Goddard Exploits of Popham and Camae Mahrattas allied with Britain Increased Power of Mahadajee Scindia His Death Death of Madoo Rao Various Intrigues Jealousies of Britain Dissensions of Scindia and Holkar Defeat of Scindia and the Peishwa Subsidiary Alliance with Britain Opening of the Campaign General Wellesley enters Poonah Negotiations with Scindia and the Rajah of Berar Hostilities commenced Battle of Assaye Of Argaom Siege of Gawilghur 14 CONTENTS. Treaty with the Rajh of Berar Force of the Enemy in Central Hindostan-Battle of Coel-Capture of AUghur Reduction of Delhi The Mogul Emperor Final Defeat of the Enemy- Treaty with Scindia Rupture with Holkar Retreat of Colon*! Monson Siege of Delhi Defeats sustained by Holkar Siege of Bhurtpore Repulse of the English Treaty Hostile Con- duct of Seindia New System of Policy in Britain Marquis Cornwallis comes out as Governor-General Dies, and is suc- ceeded by Sir George Barlow Treaties with Scindia and Holkar Lord Minto's Administration, Pag* 492 CHAPTER XT. PI2IDAVKX WAR COMtJCKST OF THK M AH RAIT AS, 4c. Progress of the Pindarees Their Character Amer Khan Ar- rangements with the Peishwa Trimbuckjee He murders the Guxerat Minister Is delivered up to the English Escapes- Concessions required from the Peishwa Marquis of Hastings arrives in India Rupture with Nepaul Death of General Gil- lespie Successes of Ochterlony Negotiations Renewal of the War Final Treaty Alliance formed with Bermr Irruptions of the Pindarees Opening of the Campaign against them Treaties with Scindia and Ameer Khan The Cholera attacks the Grand Army Rise and Diffusion of that Malady in India Alarming Accounts from Poonah Operations against the Pindarees Tie Adherents of Holkar join them Battle of Mehidpoor Treaty- Final Catastrophe of the Pindaree Chief* Movements of the Peishwa He attacks the English His Repulse and continued Flight Repeated Defeats Surrender Intrigues at Nagpore The Rajah attacks the English Issue of the Contest His Escape Contest with Bhurtpore Disturbances in Bengal and the Circars Campaign against CoorgTroubles at Gwalior Jondpore Jeypore Lord Bentinck succeeded by Lord Anek- Und Contest with Goomsoor Succession of Onda Trouble* in Western Asia Rnnjeet Sin* Intrigues of Russia Campaign in Cabul Its Issue Local Disturbances in India, 5i$ CONTENTS. 15 CHAPTER XVI. THE AFGHAN WAR. Revolutions of Cabal Dost Mohammed Expedition of Shah Sujah Intrigues of Russia and Persia Siege of Herat Treat j to restore >hah Sujah March of the Army Submission of the Ameers Arrival at Candahar Capture of Ghizni Flight of Dost Mohammed -Death of Runjeet Sing Troubles in Afghan- istan Invasion by Dost Mohammed His Defeat and Surren- der Disturbances in various Quarters March of General Sale Great Insurrection at Cabul Various Conflicts Treacherous Negotiations Disastrous Retreat Fall of Ghizni Transac- tions at Candahar Gallant Exploits of General Sale General Pollock passes the Kyber Defile Repulse of General England Death of Shah Sujah Lord Ellenborongh Governor-general His Policy Transactions at Jellalabad Victories of General Pollock He arrives at Cabul General England's Return- General Nott's March on Ghiini and Cabul Return of the Prisoners Capture of Istahf Proceedings at Cabul Return of General Pollock Conclusion^ Page 603 CHAPTER XYII. THE WAS IK BISDE AND GWAIJOR. Rejoicings on the termination of the Afghan war Desire for the consolidation of the British possessions in India Disturbances in Sinde Hostile manifestations of the Ameers Sir Charles Napier assumes the command in Sinde Faithless proceedings of the Ameers Attack on the British resident Battle of Hydera- badDefeat of the Sindean and Beloochee forces Important effects of the victory Battle of Dubba Strong position of the enemy Decisive victory Insalubrity of the climate Disturb- ances on the northern frontiers Disordered state of Afghanistan Revolutions in the Punjaub Army of observation on the Sut- ledge Disturbances at Gwalior Battles of Maharajpoor and Pnnniar Decisive effects of these victories Recall of Lord Ellen- borough Lord Hardinge appointed governor-general Change of policy Continued disturbances in the Punjaub Discussion which they gave rise to 663 16 CHAPTER XVIIL WAB IN THE PUNJAUB. Disturbed state of the Punjaub Influence of British policy Dis- paraging misconception of the Seiks Their origin and singular character Acts of aggression War proclaimed by the British The battle of Moodkee Its uncertain results Battle of Feroze- shah Critical position of the British from insufficient supplies- Assault on their convoy Victory of Aleewal Its important re- sults General estimation of Indian policy Battle of Sobraon Passing of the Sutledge Terms of peace Proud bearing of the vanquished Page 693 CHAPTER XIX.. WAR IN MOULT AN AND THE PONJAUB. Confident anticipations of peace Sudden outbreak at Moultan Acquirement of the district by Kunjeet Sing Its original inha- bitants Succession of Lalla Moolraj Sirdar Khan appointed governor Assassination of British officers Alarming conspiracy at Lahore Prompt measures of Lieutenant Edwardes Native allies Siege of Moultan Junction of General Whish Fall of Moultan Battle of Chilli an wallah Doubtful nature of the results Decisive victory of Goojerat Pursuit of the Afghans Annexation of the Punjaub Consideration of British po- licy, 730 HISTORY BRITISH ODIA CHAPTER I. General View of the Natural Features of India. Great importance always attached to India Its Outline and Boundaries General Aspect The Great Central Plain Pro- vinces of which it is composed Vegetable and Animal Produc- tions The Great Desert Mountain-region of the Himmaleh Belt or Border of thick Jungle Tract of lower Hills Elevated Ranges Their steep and rugged Character Change in Vege- table and Animal Nature Three Zones of Vegetation Central Region The different River-glens Valleys Cashmere Dangerous Passes Difficulty of Respiration Sources of the Jumna and Ganges Pilgrimage The Deccan Vyndhya Range The Ghauts Nhilgerries Opposite Coasts Central Table- plains Scenery Influence of the physical Character upon the political State of these different Regions. OF all the countries on the Asiatic continent, India, from the earliest ages, has excited the greatest interest, and enjoyed the highest celebrity. The exploits of the conquerors who made it the object of their warlike expeditions, as also the splendid productions of nature B 18 GENERAL VIEW OF THE CHAP. L and art which were thence imported, procured for it a Magnificent g reat name even in tne remotest eras of classical anti- aswociations. quity. It has all along appeared to the imagination of the Western World as adorned with whatever is most splendid and gorgeous ; glittering as it were with gold and gems, and redolent of fragrant and delicious odours. Though there be, in these magnificent conceptions, some- thing romantic and illusory, still India forms unques- tionably one of the most remarkable regions that exist on the surface of the globe. The varied grandeur of its scenery, and the rich productions of its soil, are scarcely equalled in any other country. It is also extremely pro- bable that it was, if not the first, at least one of the ear- liest seats of civilisation, laws, arts, and of all the im- provements of social life. These, it is true, have at no period attained to the same pitch of advancement as among Europeans ; but they have, nevertheless, been developed hi very original forms, displaying human nature under the most striking and singular aspects. Trt-siest as a The strong interest which India hi itself is thus British pro- calculated to excite, must to us be greatly heightened by the consideration of its having become so completely a province of the British Empire. The government of this country now directs the fortunes of a hundred millions of human beings placed at the opposite extre- mity of the earth ; and hence the welfare of the state is intimately suspended on that of this vast dependency. This connexion, too, is peculiarly strengthened by the great number of our countrymen who are constantly going out to administer the affairs of that important colony. Closer personal ties, hi many instances, are there- by formed with our eastern settlements, than with the different provinces of Britain itself. Thousands, to whom Cornwall and Devonshire are almost strange lands, are connected by the most intimate social relations with Madras and Calcutta. For such persons the history and description of our Indian possessions, independently of the grandeur of the subject and its union with na- tional wealth and power, must have a peculiar interest, NATURAL FEATURES OP INDIA. 19 as being closely associated with the pursuits and prospects CHAP. L of their dearest friends. India is enclosed by grand natural boundaries. Its Boundaries of whole northern frontier is separated from the high table- India - land of Thrbet by the chain of the Himmaleh Moun- tains, which, according to recent observation, appears to reach at least as great a height as any other ridge by which the globe is traversed. The western and eastern limits are formed by the lower course of two great rivers, the Indus on one side, and the Brahmapoutra on the other. The southern portion consists of a very extensive peninsula bounded by the ocean. Other countries have often been comprehended under the general appellation of India, particularly Cabul and Candahar, which ranked long as provinces belonging to the Mogul emperors ; but this was merely in consequence of those warlike rulers having conquered India, and transferred tliither the seat of their empire. These districts, it is manifest, bear a much closer relation to Persia and Tartary ; and, when they are included in Hindostan, they necessarily extend that country beyond its great river-line on the north- west, where it lias no decided or natural boundaries. But within the limits we have indicated there is found a religion, languages, manners, and institutions, charac- teristic of this region, and distinguishing it from all the other countries of Asia. India, thus denned, though some of its extremities have not been very precisely determined, may be suitably described as lying between the 8th and 34th degrees of north latitude, and the 68th and 92d of east longitude. It thus extends somewhat above 1800 miles from north to south, and, at its greatest breadth, nearly 1500 from east to west. In treating of this important country, it will be useful it to begin with a general survey of its geographical fea- tures ; and these, it will soon appear, are distinguished at once by their grandeur and their variety. India is, as it were, an epitome of the whole world. It has re- gions that bask beneath the brie-litest rays of a tropical 20 GENERAL VIEW OP THE CHAP. L gm^ and others, than wliich the most awful depths of The varieties the polar world are not more dreary. The varying fitsdimate. degrees o f elevation produce here the same changes that arise elsewhere from the greatest difference of position on the earth's surface. Its vast plains present the double harvests, the luxuriant foliage, and even the burning deserts of the torrid zone ; the lower heights are enriched by the fruits and grams of the temperate climates ; the upper steeps are clothed with the vast pine forests of the north ; while the highest pinnacles are buried be- neath the perpetual snows of the arctic zone. We do not here, as in Africa and the polar regions, see nature under one uniform aspect ; on the contrary, we have to trace gradual yet complete transitions between the most opposite extremes that can exist on the surface of the same planet. $**"*** The main body, as it were, of India, the chief scene of her matchless fertility and the seat of her great empires, is composed of a plain extending along the entire breadth from east to west, between the Brahmapoutra and the Indus ; and reaching, in point of latitude, from the great chain of mountains to the high table-land of the South- ern Peninsula. It may thus possess a length of 1500 miles, with an average breadth of from 300 to 400. The line of direction is generally from south-east to north- west, following that of the vast mountain-range which itsftertffity. bounds it on the north, and from whose copious streams its fruitfulness is derived. With the exception, perhaps, of the country watered by the great river of China, it may be considered the finest and most fertile on the face of the earth. The whole of its immense superficies, if we leave out an extensive desert-tract to be presently noticed, forms one continuous level of unvaried richness, and over which majestic rivers, with slow and almost insensible course, diffuse their sea-like expanse. M^. W ^ * n ^ g enera l character of the Indian plain, the pro- vince of Bengal presents the most complete and striking example ; no part of it being diversified with a single rock, or even a hillock. The Ganges pours through it a NATURAL FEATURES OF INDIA. 21 continually widening stream, which, during the rainy sea- CHAP, i son, covers a great extent with its fertilizing inundation, source of r> From this deep, rich, well-watered soil, the sun, beat- fertilitv ing with direct and intense rays, awakens an almost unrivalled power of vegetation, and makes it one entire field of waving grain. Bahar, farther up the current, has the same general aspect, though its surface is varied by some slight elevations ; but Allahabad, higher still, is mostly low, warm, and fruitful, exactly like Bengal. North of the river the provinces of Oude and Rohilcund, sloping gradually upwards to the mountains, enjoy more cool and salubrious climate, and display in profu- sion the most valuable products both of Asia and Europe. Here the valley of the Ganges terminates, and is suc- ceeded by that of the Jumna, more elevated, and neither so well watered nor quite so fertile. The Doab, or ter- ritory between the two rivers, requires in many places artificial irrigation. Its woods, however, are more lux- uriant, while the moderate cold of its winter permits a crop of wheat or other European gram to be raised, and the summer is sufficient to ripen one of rice. To the south of the Jumna, and along the course of its tributary the Chumbul, the ground is broken by emi- nences extending from the hills of Mai wall and Ajmere ; while, even amid its most level tracts, insulated rocks, with perpendicular sides and level summits, form those almost impregnable hill-forts so much celebrated in Indian history. Westward of Delhi begins the Great Desert, which we shall at present pass over to notice the plain of the Punjaub, where the five tributaries of the The runjant Indus, rolling their ample streams, produce a degree of fertility equal to that of the region watered by theGanges. High cultivation, too frequently obstructed by public dis- orders and the ruder character of the people, is alone wanting to make it rival the finest portions of the more eastern territory. Throughout the whole of this vast plain, the wants of ^JjJJJJ the population and the demands of commerce have en- tirely superseded the original productions of nature, and Products of the Prmjaub Counteract- ing effects. Jungles. 22 GENERAL VIEW OP THE substituted plants and grains better fitted for human use. Even under the most careful management, few of those exquisite shrubs are now reared which have given such celebrity to the vegetable kingdom of the East. Here are quite unknown those aromatic gales which perfume the hilly shores of Malabar and the oriental islands. Its staples consist of solid, rich, useful articles, produced by . gt ron g h eat ac t m g O n a deep, moist, and fertile soil, rice, the eastern staff of life, sugar, the most generally used of dietetic luxuries, opium, whose narcotic qualities have made it every where so highly prized, indigo, the most valuable substance used in dyeing, and, in the drier tracts, cotton, which clothes the inhabitants of the East, and affords the material of the most delicate and beauti- ful fabrics. Such an entire subjection to the plough and the spade, joined to the want of variety in the surface, gi veg to this great central region a tame and monotonous aspect. Baber, its Afghan conqueror, complains, in his Memoirs, of the uniform and uninteresting scenery which every where met his eye, and looks back with regret to the lofty cliffs, the green slopes, and murmuring streams of his native land. I n spite, however, of every human effort, some tracts are j e ft uncultivated in consequence of political disorder and misrule ; while, in others, nature, under the com- bined influence of heat and moisture, makes efforts so powerful as to baffle all attempts to modify or control her. She then riots in unbounded luxuriance, and covers large tracts with that dense, dark, impenetrable mass of foliage, crowded and twined together, called jungle, which opposes an almost impassable barrier even to an army. Trees spreading on every side their gigan- tic arms, thorny and prickly shrubs of every size and shape, canes shooting in a few months to the height of sixty feet, compose the chief materials of those natural palisades. Even in the open plain, the banian and other single trees, when full scope is given to their growth, spread out into the dimensions of a considerable forest. From the cultivated regions the various classes of wild NATURAL FEATURES OF INDIA. 29 other in awful array ; but they enclose no rural scenes, CHAP, t nor present any gentle undulations. Their steep sides, ^^7^, sometimes wooded, sometimes presenting vast faces of and gloomy raked rock, dip down abruptly, forming dark chasms character and ravines, at the bottom of which there is only room for the torrent to force its way through rude fragments fallen from the cliffs above. A laborious task is imposed on ih n . traveller, who has successively to mount and de- scend this series of lofty terraces, along rough and narrow paths that often skirt the most tremendous precipices. The expedients, too, provided for the passage of the rivers which dash through these gloomy hollows, are of p^ae the most slender and imperfect description. Two planks Bridges. fastened to the point of opposite cliff's, called a sanga or sankha, are, in many cases, considered amply sufficient ; others, ca.\le GENERAL VIEW OF THE CHAP. I to be inexhaustible, so that whatever has been cropt during the day is restored in the following night. A productive field, however, is occasionally ruined by the descent of glaciers, or beds of snow, which do not melt for several years. It is alleged, indeed, by the inhabi- tants, that there is a gradual lowering of the frozen line, and that the snow covers woods and fields which were once entirely free from it. Vast forest. Notwithstanding the shattered and rocky aspect of those precipices, they are yet covered with vast masses of hanging wood. Amidst the wilds, tall and majestic forests of pine, larch, spruce, and silver fir, sometimes even of cypress and cedar, grow, flourish, and decay ; for there are no means of conveying the timber to any spot where it might be subservient to human use or ornament. With these trees are intermingled numerous bushes loaded with the fruits which form the luxury of Fruits and the northern regions of Europe ; gooseberry, raspberry, strawberry, all unknown to the plains below. In shelter- ed spots, the wild rose, the lily of the valley, cowslip, dandelion, and various other flowers, are seen bursting through the green carpet. The trees and rocks in the higher districts are richly clothed with moss and lichen, the vegetation of the countries bordering on the arctic circle ; a specimen of the latter has even been observed resembling that which flourishes in Iceland, and which is imported for medicinal purposes under the name of Iceland moss. Northern After passing the crest of the Himmaleh, and descend- liUnmaieh. * n ^ ne northern side, quite a different scene opens to the view. The periodical rams, which plentifully water all the opposite face, cannot pass that tremendous barrier. Snow also falls in much smaller quantity, and is more easily melted. The same luxuriant verdure and vege- tation no longer clothe those remote heights, which are described by Jacquemont as steep and naked, co- vered with shrubs, parched grass, and debris washed , down by the waters. Yet it is remarkable that a mild climate, fit for th production of valuable grain, reaches NATURAL FEATURES OF INDIA. 33 to a considerably greater elevation here than even on the CHAP. i. southern face. In the Tartar pergunnah of Hungarung, jma^mt the village of Nako, 12,000 feet high, was seen surrounded by the most luxuriant crops of wheat and barley. A hamlet, in the north-east of Kunawur, at 14,900 feet, is described by Dr Gerard as being encompassed with the finest fields of the latter ; and it appeared to him that culture might be carried to the height of 16,000 or 17,000 feet. Even the grasses, though having a withered appearance, are of a nutritious species, and afford sub- sistence to numerous flocks and herds. Passes 20,000 feet high have, in this region, been found clear of snow. It is remarkable that, on coming to the outer face of one of these mountains, even with a southern exposure, the temperature is greatly diminished. The case is the same with peaks projected into the air, like promontories into the ocean ; though the cause of the peculiar mild- ness in this enclosed part of the great range seems not to be fully understood. Mr Royle suggests the reflec- tion of the sun's rays from opposite mountains, and the warm vapours ascending from the sheltered valleys which lie between them. The animal world in this higher region undergoes a Animal lift change equally striking with the vegetable. The ele- phant and tiger, kings of the forests beneath, disappear, or are very seldom seen. Depredations are chiefly committed by the wild cat, the bear, and the hog. The chamois bounds from rock to rock, and the forests are filled with deer of various species ; of which the most rare and precious is that producing the musk. It is found only in the loftiest heights, amid rocks which the human foot scarcely dares to tread. The most intense cold is so essential to its life, that the young, on being brought down to a warm situation, usually perish in a few days. The forests at all the more moderate eleva- Witt fowl* tions are filled with flocks of such fowls as are elsewhere domesticated, here running about wild, tempting the pur- suit of the sportsman ; but, as they very seldom take whig, they are with difficulty reached by the gun. The peacock 34 GENERAL VIEW OP THE CHAP. i displays his glittering plumage only on the lower hills. BirdsoFprey T ne sovereign eagle is seldom descried amid the cliffs, game, &c. w hi c h are inhabited by kites, hawks, and others of the minor predatory birds. Partridges and pheasants are numerous and of various species ; the latter are even seen flying amid the snows at a great elevation. Bees swarm in all the lower districts, making their hives in the hol- lows of trees ; these the natives plunder by merely rais- ing a loud noise, which causes the swarm to issue forth and leave the honey unprotected. The domestic animals, fed by the natives on their rich pastures, are the common black cattle of India, com- bined with the yak of Thibet. A mule bred between the two is also very common. The latter produces with either of the pure species, and even with its own kind, though in this last case it soon degenerates. Sheep and goats are also reared in large numbers, not only for the ordinary purposes of food and clothing, but for the con- veyance of merchandise, which they alone are fitted to transport over the steep mountain-passes. Besides the common sheep, there is another breed, powerful, and long-legged, and able to bear more than double the bur- den of the other ; its wool is also very fine. e greatest The most elevated part of this stupendous range is that to the north of Bengal, along the heads of the Gogra, the Ganges, and the Jumna, and westward as far as the Sutledge. In this line there are supposed to be at least twenty-eight peaks higher than Chimborazo ; and several appear, upon strict measurement, to reach 25,000 feet. Three, farther to the north, seen at different times, but at some distance, by Moorcroft, Gerard, and a government surveyor, could not, it was thought by these gentlemen, fall short of 29,000 or even 30,000 Their im- feet. This sublime formation, supposed to be 1000 miles mense e.-c- m i^g^ an d eighty in breadth, does not enclose any thing that can properly be called a table-land, for though, from the plain it appears like a succession of ridges, in the interior it is found composed of arms, radiating in every direction, intersected by deep ravines, through NATURAL FEATURES OP INDIA. 35 which the waters straggle, and are often turned in op- CHAP. I posite directions. Their line is so winding and irregular, that the traveller is usually obliged to cross the summit of the ridge, as if no openings existed. It is observed, too, that the north-western face is always rugged, while that to the north-east is shelving. The declivity towards Thibet is small, when compared to the descent on the southern side ; indicating the great elevation of that coun- try, which is estimated not to fall short of 15,000 feet. Westward of the Sutledge, the Himmaleh greatly de- Tiie fl-ontiar clines, or rather, according to Baron Hiigel, it stretches of 1 in a northern direction, along the frontier of Thibet, detaching only an inferior branch along the Indian border. The white summits are no longer seen in a continuous line, but appear only singly, and at some distance. The ][^^ erit most western is Tricota Devi, a beautiful three-peaked pLdjahL mountain, and beyond it a break occurs, which, how- ever, to an eye looking from India is filled up by more distant masses. Southward of Cashmere, the Peer Pandjahl, as it is called, rears its snowy head, though not altogether to the same stupendous height ; and it is con- tinued to the Hindoo Coosh, which separates Cabul from Tartary. A natural division of this high country is formed by vaiieysof tha the narrow valleys, or rather ravines, furrowed out by gte those mighty rivers which descend from the heights to water the plains of Hindostan. These glens, all deep, dark, and enclosed by precipitous walls, have each, be- sides, its own peculiar aspect ; and a late traveller has enabled us to form some idea of the leading features which distinguish those of the Sutledge, the Pabur, the Jumna, and the Bagiruttee, or principal head of the Ganges. The glen of the Sutledge is little more than a profound TtoSuriedge. and gloomy chasm, without the romantic beauty produced by swelling banks or fringing woods. Cultivation appears only on a few scattered patches ; no villages smile along its border, though numerous forts frown over its steeps. The Pabur, a tributary of the Jumna, presents a pleas- 36 GENERAL VIEW OF THE CHAP I. ing variety compared to this or to any other ravine of the The Pabor Himmaleh. It rolls through a vale of moderate breadth ; its banks and the slopes above are beautifully studded with fields, woods, and villages ; while brown hills, tipped The Jumna, with rocks and snow, tower in the background. The Jumna, again, has its borders generally bold and savage ; all its higher tracts, too, consist of mighty rocks and precipices buried under huge masses of snow. Yet the lower grounds are wooded ; and along the river are seen some narrow vales, rising into slopes covered with culti- vation and verdure, which diversify even its wildest The Bagiru- scenes with a mixture of softness and elegance. The oanks of the Bagiruttee, a broader stream, which hag worn a still deeper bed through the mountain-strata, are beyond all others repulsive, and equally destitute of beauty and life. These solitary steeps, too, are only scan- tily clothed with the foliage of the sombre fir ; the cliffs, shattered and splintered, are not even tinted with moss or lichen, but, bearing the dusky colours of their na- tural fracture, shoot up on every side into pinnacles of amazing height. rhe Happy But, notwithstanding the gloomy aspect of these moun- raUey ' tain-scenes, there are a few places in which they open out into smiling plains of considerable extent. The valleys of Nepaul, indeed, besides being very narrow, belong rather to the region of the lower hills. Considerably higher is found the Rama Serai, or the Happy Valley, where little eminences, villages, and richly cultivated fields, combine to form a delightful scene. The most sxtensive opening however takes place at its western extremity, where these great ridges enclose the little Ca&hmere. kingdom of Cashmere, which, beyond any other spot on earth, seems to merit the appellation of a terrestrial paradise. Numerous rivulets flowing down the moun- tain-sides diffuse verdure and beauty over the hills and vales, and in the plains expand into an extensive lake, profusely adorned with all the pomp of art and nature. The Mogul sovereigns had erected on the banks of this sheet of water gay palaces and pavilions, NATURAL FEATURES OP INDIA. 37 to which they were wont to repair as their most CHAP. L pleasing retreat from the toils of empire. The poets _ } ~~ vie with each other in celebrating the delights of the vale ot this enclianting valley. They extol particularly the Cashmere - rose of Cashmere as possessing beauty without a rival, the opening of whose buds is held by their countrymen as a national festival. M. Jacquemont, a very recent traveller, considers these descriptions of the country as exaggerated ; though Baron Hiigel, who visited it in 1835, thinks that none can be too flattering. The flora ^ora. is entirely that of Europe, and particularly of Lombar- dy ; the gigantic plane tree, the vine, the poplar, cover the lower grounds ; while on the heights hang majestic forests of cedar and pine. The level part of the valley, nearly 5000 feet above the sea, is about eighty miles long and from six to thirty broad ; but between the eter- nal snows of the opposite Pandjahls, or mountain-ridges, from fifty to sixty miles intervene. Shalimar alone, of the gay palaces erected by the Mogul, is still standing. The beauty of the Cashmerian maidens has also been .l highly celebrated throughout the East ; and though M. maidens. Jacqiiemont professes scepticism upon this point, he gives a solution of his doubt, by mentioning the painful cir- cumstance that almost all who possess good looks are in early life sold and carried away as slaves. The passes which extend across this tremendous ridge Difficult into Thibet are of extreme and peculiar difficulty. the structure of the mountains the roads must generally be carried nearly over their summits rising sometimes as high as 20,000 feet. They are hi most cases formed by a precarious track along the alpine torrent, which dashes in an unbroken sheet of foam, through dark ravines bordered by precipitous mountain- walls ascending above the clouds. Down the perpendicular faces of these stu- pendous avenues descend almost continual showers of stony fragments, broken off from the cliffs above. Occa- sionally large portions of rock are detached, and roll down in heaps, effacing every path which has been formed beneath, filling the beds of the rivers, and converting 38 GENERAL VIEW OF THE CHAP. L them into cataracts. The whole side of a mountain has been seen thus parted, and spread in fragments at its hase. Trees torn up, and precipitated into the abyss, lie stretch- ed with their branches on the earth, and their roots turned up to the sky. Yet through these tremendous passes, and across all these mighty obstructions, the daring industry of mortals has contrived to form tracks, narrow indeed, as well as fearful and perilous, but by means of which Thibet and India find it possible to exchange their respective commodities. Nothing, it is true, resembling a wagon, not even the ordinary beasts of burden, can pass this way. The goods, as already sug- gested, are placed on the backs of goats and sheep, which alone can scramble along these precipitous routes, though, in other respects, these animals are ill-fitted for such a laborious employment. Goats, in descending, are often pressed down by the load, while sheep, if at all urged, are very apt to run, a movement which is here attended with the utmost peril. In some cases human aid is re- quired, and these patient quadrupeds are raised and low- ered by slings. The principal passes are those of Niti and Mima, by the heads of the Ganges ; Juwar, Darma, and Byanse, by those of the Gogra. They are connected by a few cross-paths ; but these are uncertain, and passable only in the very height of summer. Sensations in In proceeding along these stupendous heights, the travel- ^^K^ 6 ler occasionally experiences a distressing sensation. The atmosphere, rarefied to excess, becomes nearly unfit for supporting respiration, the action of the lungs being im- peded, the slightest fatigue overpowers him, he stops at every three or four steps, gasping for breath, the skin is painful, and blood bursts from the lips, sometimes he is affected by giddiness hi the head and a tendency to vertigo. The natives, who are also seized with these symptoms without being able to divine the physical cause, ascribe them to bis, or bish, meaning air poisoned, as they imagine, by the deleterious odour of certain flowers. A little observation would have shown them that the flowers in these regions have scarcely any scent ; while SDUKCK OF TITK .TITMXA. NATURAL FEATURES OF INDIA. 41 it is in the most elevated tracts, where all vegetation has CHAP. I. ceased, that the feelings in question become the most severe and oppressive. The arrangements for facilitating a passage over these Rc k stair- frightful cliffs are still more perilous than those em- 088 * ployed on the lower declivities. Rude staircases are constructed along the precipices, by which the traveller is invited to make his way. The road in some places is formed merely by posts driven into the side of the steep, over which branches of trees and earth are spread, afford- ing a narrow footpath, suspended at a fearful height above the torrent, and shaking beneath the tread of the Amid these awful scenes there are two spots pecu- Sources of liarly sacred and sublime ; those, namely, where the and thTcan- Jumna and the Ganges, the two rivers which give s es - grandeur and fertility to the plain of Hindostan, burst from beneath the eternal snows. No mortal foot has yet ascended to their original springs, situated in the most elevated recesses of the mountains. There they issue forth as torrents, amid broken masses of granite, to force their way through the deep glens of the middle Himmaleh. Above them, huge piles of rock and heaps of snow rise higher and higher, till they shoot up into the two amazing peaks of Roodroo Himala and Jumna- vatari. Jumnotree is situated at the foot of the immense jumnotree mountain-mass of Bunderpouch, the upper section of which is entirely buried in snow ; but the brow which overhangs the village is rendered green by the trickling of numberless rills that fall down and unite in a broad basin, the fountain of the Jumna. The highest peak that towers above is estimated by Mr Colebrooke at 25,500 feet, which, however, Mr Fraser suspects to be considerably overrated. The river is here swelled by Hot spriuga numerous hot springs issuing from the rocky banks, or from pools in its own current. Captain Hodgson penetrated to several of these fountains that lay concealed beneath vast beds of snow, which, being melted by the 42 GENERAL VIEW OP THE CHAP. I. exhalations, were formed into spacious halls resembling vaulted roofs of marble. Gangcutrie- The mountain-scenery which surrounds Gangoutri, where the infant Ganges bursts into view, is still more sublime and amazing. The traveller winds his way to this place, clambering over steep rocks, or creeping along the face of precipices, where nights of steps are formed by posts driven into the crevices. At length he reaches the village, consisting only of a few huts and the temple dedicated to Mahadeo. Here the naked and pointed cliffs, shooting up to the skies, with confused masses of rock lying at their feet, and only a few trees rooting themselves in the deep chasms, make the spectator feel as if he trode on the ruins of a former world. Shatter- ed precipices, which frown over the temple, have strown the vicinity with enormous fragments of granite, des- tined probably one day to overwhelm the edifice itself. A few old pines throw a dark shade over the troubled waters, whose roar is heard beneath, mingled with the stifled but fearful sound of the stones borne down by the current. Rocky heights shut in the prospect on every side except towards the east, where, behind a crowd of naked spires, the view is bounded by the four snowy peaks of Roodroo Himala. Hltfier rise Mr Fraser attempted to trace the Ganges above Gan- gg^ e a tract of high country stretching from the Gulf of Cambay to the Bay of Bengal, chiefly along both banks of the Nerbudda, and composing the provinces of Malwah, Candeish, and Gundwana, to which has been given the appellation of Central India. It is known by the name of the Vyndhya chain ; yet it is so widely extended and of such moderate height, seldom exceeding 2000 feet, that it seems rather a very rough and broken table-land than a regular mountain-range. Various local names are given to its branches. In some of the districts rise per- 44 GENERAL VIEW OP THE CHAP. I. pendicular heights, with a plain at the top, on which, as already mentioned, are constructed those strong hill- forts peculiar to that part of the world. From its extre- mities extend southward two parallel chains, called the Grates or Ghauts, which, at a greater or less distance, girdle the whole of the opposite coasts of Malabar and Coromandel. Ghauts! 1 T ^ e Western Ghauts, which range along the Indian Ocean, stand generally at a small distance from the sea, and sometimes approach so close that their cliffs are washed by its waves. More commonly at ten or twelve miles from the shore, they rear their peaks, crowned, not like those of the Himmaleh with the trees of the tem- perate or arctic zones, but with the stately palms and aromatic shrubs which form the pride of tropical groves. Tropical for- The most valuable of these productions are the plant bearing the pepper, the betel, whose leaves are the universal masticatory in India, the areca-palm, the nut of which is chewed along with the betel, the sago-palm, whence flows a rich and nourishing juice, and the cocoa- palm, so famed for its numerous and important uses. Higher than all towers the teak-tree, whose timber, stronger and more durable than that of the British oak, forms the material of oriental navies. This chain does not in the northern part reach above 3000 feet. Near Bom- bay, the. Peak of Mahabuleshwar, 5000 feet high, affords a convenient station for invalids from that city. But it is on the coasts of Canara and Malabar, southward of the fifteenth degree of latitude, that this range attains its greatest height, shooting up pinnacles of granite 6000 feet. At the boundary of Mysore there crosses the continent a The Nhiiger- ridge called the Nhilgerries, the highest in all this part of India, having one peak estimated at 8700 feet, which has lately become a most important sanitary retreat. Mr Royle conceives this group as joining together and closing the parallel chain of the two Ghauts, so that from thence only a single arm stretches southward to Cape Comorin. The western coast is in general very low, and traversed by numerous rivers flowing parallel to the NATURAL FEATURES OP INDIA. 45 shore, thus affording great convenience for inland navi- CHAT. L gation. The Eastern Ghauts, rising hehind the Coromandel coast, are generally less lofty, but spread into more nu- uierous branches, and over a wider surface. They leave also a broader plain between them and the sea ; yet, un- less in the deltas of the great rivers, which from the west cross the Ghauts and fall into the Bay of Bengal, this space bears somewhat of a naked and arid character. There occur even extensive tracts of sandy soil impreg- nated with saline substances, which in some degree taint the atmosphere. More to the north, in Orissa and the Circars, the high grounds often advance close to the sea, and consist to a great extent of mountain and jungle, continuing in a more uncultivated state, and peopled by more uncivilized races, than almost any other part of India. Cuttack, again, a district approaching the Ganges, is so low as to be liable to frequent inundations from the sea, which, in 1830, 1831, 1832, and 1833, broke the bunds or barriers, and overflowed numerous fields. These three ranges enclose a table-land, elevated near- Southern in ly two thousand feet above the level of the ocean, and la- comprising the main body of Southern India. The south-western tract, the original seat of Mahratta power, forms a hilly country, not extremely rugged, but inter- spersed with deep valleys. In its aspect it is decidedly highland, and is a fit residence for a pastoral people of predatory habits. The central region, composing the once powerful kingdoms of Golconda and Bejapore, compre- hends extensive plains, secured by their elevation from the scorching heats which afflict the territory along the coast. The surface is generally level, and possesses much fertility, though diversified by those insulated steeps which supply a position for the almost impregnable hill- forts. The extreme southern district, called the Carnatic, is divided into two table-lands, the Balaghaut and the Mysore, considerably higher than those of the Deccan, and on that account including a greater variety of cli- mate, soil, and production. 46 GENERAL VIEW OP THE CHAP L The mountain-scenery of Southern India in general, Character of though wanting those features which invest the Him- the scenery, maleh with so sublime a character, is beautiful, striking, and picturesque. It assimilates more to that of Wales and Scotland, with this peculiarity, that it never rises above the limit of the richest vegetation, and has its highest summits crowned with woods and verdure. The greater part is under cultivation ; though there is dis- tributed over it a considerable portion of jungle, rock, forest, and even of sandy waste. " The P olitical condition of the different regions of India varies strikingly according to the peculiarities in their physical circumstances. The great central plain, for example, has generally, from the earliest ages, been the seat of an empire whose greatness and splendour have eclipsed those of almost every other country. Some detached portions, as Bengal in the east, and the Punjaub in the west, have been frequently divided from the main body ; but, under a vigorous and warlike dynasty, they have been as often reunited. It might have been ex- pected that India, separated from other countries by a vast ocean and the loftiest mountain-barrier on earth, would have been secured from foreign aggression ; but nothing could check the avarice and ambition which were attracted by the fame of her great wealth. That ocean has been passed, those mountain-barriers have been scaled, and during many generations she has groaned, and continues to groan without hope of de- liverance, under the yoke of strangers. ^ ne P ower which bears rule over this central empire has usually aspired to the dominion of the whole ; but the success of such undertakings has been only partial and temporary. They have been chiefly directed towards the extensive plains of the Deccan, which have in fact for ages been under foreign sway, composed of branches broken off from the great trunk of Mogul dominion. In the most southern quarter, the table-lands and coasts have been shared among a number of little kingdoms, wealthy, populous, and civilized. These have often NATURAL FEATURES OP INDIA. 47 owned allegiance, and even paid tribute, to the Mogul, t;HAP. L or more frequently to the Deccan rulers ; but in all essen- tial respects they have ranked as independent states. The mountain-regions of Northern India have enjoyed R 8068 of a happier lot, and been inhabited generally by races jl different from those which occupy the lower parts of the peninsula. The nigged tracts of the higher Himnialeh are possessed by bold, fierce, semi-Tartar tribes, who scarcely acknowledge the supremacy of the several powers which govern the adjacent plains. They have even from time to time harassed their neighbours by predatory inroads ; but their small number, and the strong barriers by which they are separated, have prevented them from forming any extensive schemes of conquest. Since the war with Nepaul, a considerable tract has been annexed to the British dominion ; to which officers of the Bengal presidency are now in the habit of resort- ing with a view to the restoration of health. At Simla and Landour, government have formed stations for in- valids ; and in the vicinity of those places, villas built by opulent Europeans stud the summit of hills rising 7000 or 8000 feet above the sea, and commanding exten- sive views into the regions of perpetual snow. 48 KNOWLEDGE OF INDIA CHAPTER II. Knowledge of India among the Ancients. India early known to the Ancients Accounts in Scripture of its Trade Bacchus Sesostris Expedition of Semiramis Conquest by Darius Accounts by Herodotus and Ctesias Expedition of Alexander He is obliged to return Voyage down the Indus Voyage of Nearchus Alexander's March through Gedrosia Accounts of India obtained by this Channel Kingdoms of Syria and of Bactria Its Numismatic Remains Mercantile Voyage from Egypt to India Coasts which were then visited. CHAP. n. INDIA, in the view of the earliest Greek and Roman ncienT wr * ters > appeared an almost inaccessible region ; the exten- writers on sive seas which intervene being in the infancy of naviga- india. ^ion considered quite impassable. The inland route, besides its very great length and the imperfect means of convey- ance, lay partly across the loftiest ridge of mountains in the world, partly through deserts as dreary as those of Arabia. Yet the country had features which, seen even at this mysterious distance, strongly attracted attention among the civilized nations of antiquity. Its wealth and large population made it one of the principal objects of ambition to those great conquerors who aimed at universal empire ; its fabrics, the most beautiful that human art has any where produced, were sought by merchants at the expense of the greatest toils and dangers ; and the manners of its people, as well as the maxims of its sages, had something original and peculiar, which strongly ex- cited philosophical inquiry. For these reasons, from the first moment that its existence became known down to the present-day, Hmdostan has continued to hold a con- bpicuous name in the Western world. AMONG THE ANCIENTS. 49 In the sacred volume, which contains the earliest of CHAP. IL our historical records, no statement is made whence we Silen ~^f t h e might conclude that the Jews had arrived at any know- sacred ledge of India. The Great River (Euphrates), and the writers - territory immediately beyond it, appeared to them the most remote objects to the eastward, and are described under the appellation of the " ends of the earth." Yet those writings make a direct allusion to the extensive caravan routes, formed at an early period for conveying the manufactures of that opulent region into the king- doms of the West. We cannot hesitate to believe, with Dr Vincent, that the embroidered work, and chests of rich , apparel bound with cords, mentioned by Ezekiel (xxvii. 23) as brought from Haran, Canneh, and other towns on the Euphrates, were not produced by the ingenuity of the nations on that river, but drawn from the more distant countries of Eastern Asia We have little doubt also, that the trade across Arabia, by way of Dedan and Idumea, and of which " precious cloths" are mentioned as the staple, was an Indian trade. Bacchus, in the classic mythology, is named as the Classic my. conqueror of India ; but this tradition, though probably * ogy< not destitute of some foundation, is so enveloped in fable that we can attach to it little historical importance. Whether that country was at all included in the wide career of invasion, rather than of conquest, pursued by Sesostris, seems extremely doubtful ; though some light may perhaps be thrown upon the subject by the researches now in progress for the interpretation of Egyptian hiero- glyphics. The next expedition into the East, which is described in Swniranm. more ample detail, was that accomplished by Semiramis, the celebrated queen of Assyria. Although the know- ledge possessed by the Greeks respecting the early Asiatic empires is exceedingly imperfect, yet the great fame of this enterprise, and the various shapes in which it has been reported, leave little room to doubt that it was actually undertaken. In the absence of a narrative on which a fuller dependence might be placed, recourse must 50 KNOWLEDGE OP INDIA CHAP, u be had to the account given by Diodorus. The Assyrian queen, it is said, having extended her dominion widely over Western Asia, till even Bactria was comprehended within it, and having been informed that India was the most populous, the most wealthy, and the most beautiful of kingdoms, determined to employ all the resources of her empire in attempting its conquest. Only two cir- cumstances made this great exploit appear impracticable. One was the broad and rapid stream of the Indus, with the entire want of vessels fitted for its passage ; the other was the strength and formidable character of the war-ele- phants, the very aspect of which struck terror into troops Assyrian unaccustomed to their presence. To supply these defi- Fo7cwuiuest S . c i encies > the queen engaged naval architects from Phe- nicia, Cyprus, and other maritime districts ; and, as pro- per materials were not to be found on the banks of the river, she caused vessels suited to its navigation to be constructed at Bactra, and conveyed thence overland. For supplying the want of elephants a still more sin- gular plan was devised. Three hundred thousand oxen were slam, and their hides formed into the shape of the huge animals to be represented, within which camels and men were introduced as the moving power. After three years spent in these extraordinary preparations, she sent forward her armies, which some writers describe as amounting to several millions of combatants ; but the narrative of Ctesias, itself much exaggerated, estimates them at three hundred thousand foot, five hundred thousand horse, while two thousand boats and the mock- preparations elephants were conveyed on the backs of camels. Sta- invaUers. brobates, the Indian king, was ready to meet them on the eastern bank, with four thousand boats framed out of the reeds (canes) which grew in abundance on its marshy borders. At the same time he collected, from the various districts of India, an army even greater than that of Semiramis, supported by a numerous body of elephants. The two powers first encountered each other in the river-stream, where the queen gained a decided ad vantage, sinking many of the enemy's barks, and obtaining posses- AMONG THE ANCIENTS. 51 sion of both shores. She then constructed a spacious CHAP. IL bridge, by which the whole army passed, and advanced passaged against her adversaries. In front the pretended elephants, the Indus - ranged in order of battle, somewhat surprised and ap- palled the native troops ; but Stabrobates, having learned by means of deserters the real composition of these ficti- tious quadrupeds, prepared without apprehension to encounter them. As long as the contest was confined to the cavalry, victory inclined to the side of Assyria ; but as soon as the real and mighty war-elephants, on the most powerful of which the king himself was mounted, rushed to the attack, the artificial semblances opposed to them, wholly unable to sustain the shock, were soon resolved into their constituent elements, who fled in dis- may, and, being pursued, were many of them trampled under foot. The whole army was completely routed, Rout of the and Semiramis brought back scarcely a third of her AsS)Tiai host ; some authors even maintain that she herself perished in the expedition. At all events, the conquest of India appears not to have been again attempted by any of the Assyrian or Babylonian monarchs. Darius, the Persian, is mentioned as the next who invasion of undertook to explore and to conquer that vast country. E>anus - Having reached the Indus, he determined to trace its course till it should fall into the ocean. In this im- portant service he employed Scylax the Caryandean, the most distinguished naval commander of that early age, who sailed down the stream, and, after a navigation of two years and a half, arrived in Egypt, a most ex- tensive, and at that period most arduous voyage, ot which, unfortunately, no detailed account has been pre- served. The historian then simply informs us, that " Darius subdued the Indians ;" and it appears that he drew from their country a more ample tribute than from any other province of his wide dominions, paid too in gold, the most valuable of commodities. Yet the de- scription of Herodotus, brief and indistinct as it is, shows that the power of the conqueror extended over only a very small portion of India. The simple statement that this 52 KNOWLEDGE OF INDIA CHAP. n. country was bounded on the east by vast sandy deserts, Narrative of f ormui g on that side the limit of the known world, Herodotus, renders it manifest that his India included nothing be- yond the western provinces of Moultan, Lahore, and possibly Guzerat. His details, which are truly defec- tive, seem applicable to some rude mountain-tribe rather than to the inhabitants of a great and civilized empire ; yet the particulars, when narrowly examined, indicate the early existence of the same features by which the land of the Hindoos is still distinguished. The wool growing on trees like fruit, more beautiful and valuable than that produced from sheep, and like it used for clothing, is evidently cotton, a substance then unknown Characteris- in the West. The statement, too, that some natives kill mannei^ no living thing, but subsist wholly on herbs, points out a characteristic fact in Indian manners ; while the asser- tion that others of them neither cultivate the ground nor inhabit houses, clearly applies to the superstitious practices of the yogues or fakirs. The Padaei, probably a mountain-horde, are described as living on raw flesh, while the people bordering on the river are said to sub- sist on raw fish. The singular statement that when any one, male or female, falls sick, his relations kill him, and feed upon the body, as well as another passage asserting that those who feel themselves indisposed go out into the desert, and die without any one caring for them, may have been suggested by the various forms of self-immo- lation, which, if not urged, are at least permitted, by the nearest kindred. A remarkable notice is conveyed re- specting the great quantity of gold found in mines and in the beds of rivers ; to which is appended an odd story respecting huge ants that defend this treasure, and often give chase to those who attempt to collect it. Acconin oy The work of Ctesias, who, after the tune of Herodotus, Ctesias. communicated the information collected during a long residence in Persia, is known to us only through the medium of some fragments preserved by Photius and other authors. The knowledge of India in his time does not appear to have been any farther extended. He AMONG THE ANCIENTS. 53 mentions no river except the Indus, yet says that the CHAP, u inhabitants in its neighbourhood are the remotest people Vt artia) known to the eastward ; so that his intelligence evidently knowledge o: terminated with the western desert, and did not include India - the vast regions which compose the proper Hindostan. Yet, even under this limited view, he relates that it surpassed in number all other nations ; and hence it may be inferred, that the country, even in that early age, was populous arid highly cultivated. His descriptions of the animals and vegetables, though bearing some traces of truth, are greatly mixed with fable. Some light, however, is thrown on the reports of Herodotus concerning the gold of India, which is here stated to be found, not like that of Pactolus in the beds of rivers, but in extensive and rugged mountains, haunted by wild beasts of peculiar form and fierceness. For this reason, it is added, only a small quantity of the precious metal could be extracted from the mines ; and it is probable that their remote and difficult situation led to an ex- aggerated idea of their real importance. Much more ample information respecting this quarter Alexander's of the globe was obtained from the expedition of Alex- expedition, ander, though that great conqueror did not pass or per- haps even reach the limit which had arrested the progress of Darius. Having overrun the whole Persian empire as far as Bactra (Balkh), the capital of Bactria, and find- ing it every where subdued and submissive, he determined to cross the mountains, and complete the subjugation of the known world by conquering India. He cleared the ridge of Paropamisus, probably by the great caravan- route between Balkh and Candahar, without having suffered any serious loss, thotigh it is admitted that the reduction of the strongholds by which the passes of the mountains were guarded gave occasion to several arduous conflicts. He then marched eastward, and reached the Indus at or near Attock, where its breadth is consider- ably less than in most other parts of its lower course ; and he crossed it without encountering any obstacles, but such as arose from the rapidity of the current. D 54 KNOWLEDGE OP IXDIA CHAP. n. Although this hero founded his claim to India on its Persian" being a^province of the Persian empire, transferred to claims on in- him by right of conquest, the truth appears to be, that during the weak reigns of the successors of Darius, every trace of their dominion had been entirely obli- terated ; the country not being even united under one sovereign, but parcelled out amongnumerous independent chiefs. The first whose territories the Macedonian en- tered was named Taxiles, or Tacshailas, who, either considering resistance hopeless or expecting to derive advantage from the Greek alliance, immediately joined him with all his forces. But when the conqueror reached the Hydaspes, he found its opposite bank occupied by Porus, or Phoor, with a very numerous army, composed of stronger men and braver troops than those whom he had so easily vanquished in Persia, and selected, it is probable, from the Rajputs sai ^ mountain-tribes, the most \varlike part of the Hindoo population. The difficul- ties of the invading army were increased by the rainy season, which had swelled the river to a height that Alexander's made it impossible for the soldiers to ford it. Alexander generalship. jjQ^ygygj. displayed his generalship by taking advantage of a wooded island at some distance below ; to which, while making a feigned attempt in another quarter, he transported the flower of his phalanx as well as the best of his cavalry. These, having easily defeated the small force which hastened to oppose their landing, were soon drawn up in order of battle. Porus without delay at- tacked the strangers ; and his defeat, his noble bearing in captivity, and the generous treatment bestowed upon him, are well-known events in the history of the Grecian prince. Alexander having overcome this formidable enemy, pressed onward, and soon arrived on the banks of th< Hyphasis, the modern Sutledge, and the last of thai series of rivers which water the Punjaub. But hen his progress was arrested by the celebrated mutiny, which seems to have originated in the opinion of hii followers, from the highest to the lowest, that no AMONG THE ANCIENTS. farther advance could be made with advantage or safety. CHAP. n. The extensive desert which it was necessary to pass, joined to the great magnitude and populousness of the eastern regions, rendered the attempt at invasion most hazardous, and precluded almost every hope of being able to preserve any conquests which they might make in so remote a quarter. Their leader was therefore obliged to set bounds to his vast ambition, and to resign the fondly cherished hope of reaching the Ganges, and the supposed extremity of the world. It behoved Alexander to commence the disagreeable Alexander's task of returning towards Assyria ; but he resolved at retura least to vary his route, and thereby to extend his acquaint- ance with the country which he had overrun. Among his other great qualities he was animated with an ardent thirst for knowledge, and particularly for geographical discovery. In retracing his steps towards Babylon, therefore, which he made his Asiatic capital, it appeared to him that he might have an opportunity of determining the course of the Indus and the southern limits of Asia. He was encouraged by an idea, and even belief, which Singular geo- to us it appears astonishing he could even for a moment have cherished, that the Indus and the Nile were the same river. But we must not, from the full light we now enjoy, denounce too severely the imperfect steps by which the ancients groped their way hi that twilight of science. The voyage of Scylax being probably forgotten or doubted, and the shores of Asia as well as the situation of the Arabian and Persian Gulfs continuing still very imperfectly known, the imagined circuit uniting the two rivers might appear by no means impossible. Having formed this resolution, he proceeded to execute Voyaee on it with his characteristic activity. Having found on the the Jndu '" banks of the Hydaspes an ample store of excellent tim- ber, he employed the Phenicians and other maritime people belonging to his army to construct out of it a fleet of more than two thousand vessels, of which eighty had three banks of oars. He put some of his troops on board, while strong detachments encamped on either Kovel phe- nomena of tides. Alexander readies the 56 KNOWLEDGE: OP INDIA side of the stream. After solemn sacrifices, celebrated both in the Grecian and Indian manner, this great arma- ment began its movement. The varied and imposing spectacle, the shouting of the troops, the brandishing of so many thousand oars, as the flotilla dropped down the majestic river, struck with admiration even the natives, who watched its progress to a considerable dis- tance. Some time was spent in attacking certain strong places of the Malli (people of Moultan), who are accused by the Greek historians of a hostile disposition, although their whole conduct seems to have been strictly de- fensive ; and Alexander appears to have rashly sacrificed many of his soldiers, and even endangered his own life, in making conquests which he could never hope to retain. After the voyage down the Indus, which from various causes was protracted to nine months, he found, enclosed by the branches of that river, the large insular territory of Pattala. On his approach the inhabitants fled, and allowed him to occupy their capital without resistance. Farther down, the stream divided itself into two spacious channels ; hi descending one of which his followers were much surprised and alarmed, when the water, suddenly receding, left a great part of the ships on dry land. Next day it rose again and floated the vessels ; and hence it was soon perceived that these al- ternations were occasioned by the tide, and that the In- dus, once supposed to reach the plain of Egypt, was already approaching its termination. The king then put a stop to the progress of the main fleet, and sailed down with a few vessels to the mouth of the river, where he beheld, spreading before him as far as the eye could reach, the magnificent expanse of the ocean. Exulting to have thus, as he conceived, reached one of the grand boundaries of the earth, he formed the idea of turning his discovery to the advantage of science, and perhaps of commerce. He proposed to employ a small squadron in surveying the coast, from this point to the entrance of the Euphrates, where the expedition might join the army which he was now preparing to lead back to Babylon. AMONG THE ANCIENTS. 57 The enterprise, however, appeared so very hazardous CHAP u. that none of the naval chiefs were willing to undertake it except Nearchus, the most distinguished of their num- ber and admiral of the fleet. Alexander hesitated much before he would consent to expose so precious a life ; but finding that no other would volunteer he at length yielded his concurrence. Nearchus accordingly performed his celebrated voy- Voyage of age along the coast ; during which he suffered very Nearcbua - severely, chiefly from the great scarcity of provisions, as a large extent of the land was completely desert, and the rest inhabited by rude tribes, from whom no sup- plies could be obtained except by violence. At length he entered the Persian Gulf, where he found a fertile and friendly shore, in which all the wants of the fleet were supplied, and where his crews soon recruited their strength. Here, with great joy, he learned that the His success. Grecian camp was pitched at the distance of only a few days' journey in the interior. He accordingly set out with five of his officers, who received the most hearty congratulations from their sovereign and countrymen, who by that time had almost resigned every hope of their return. Alexander himself, in marching through Ge- Sufferings of drosia, the modern Mekran and Beloochistan, saw his army exposed to miseries and dangers, greater, if possible, than the sailors had encountered. Their route lay through immense deserts of moving sand, exactly corresponding to the description recently given by Mr Pottinger, rising into steep hillocks, into which the feet sunk as in mire or in the sea. Water occurred only at long inter- vals, when they reached the banks of rapid streams ; and so eager were the men to quench their thirst, that some of them plunged into the current and lost their lives. Indeed, of all the rash enterprises which have been laid to the charge of that conqueror, this march was perhaps the most foolhardy. However, by that energy which he always displayed in the hour of danger, and by shar- ing the toils and privations of the meanest soldier, he at length conducted his army to the capital of Gedrosia, 58 KNOWLEDGE OF INDIA CHAP. H. and thence to Carmania (Kennan), where their diffi- culties terminated. He then gave a loose to rejoicing, and converted the rest of his march into a kind of festive procession. Historic The biographers of Alexander, and other writers using jUexandJr's tneir materials, have transmitted a pretty full account biographer of the state in which he found India ; and their narra- tives, in the absence of native records, still possess a great degree of historical value. The result, brought out still more fully than in the Persian annals collected by He- rodotus and Ctesias, appeal's to be, that this region waa as populous and as highly cultivated at a very remote age as in the present, and that it exhibited manners and customs almost precisely similar. That characteristic institution, the division into castes, according to which, dignities and employments are transmitted from father to son by hereditary succession, was already established. Learninjrami The same may be said of the pre-eminence enjoyed amon S these orders by the priesthood, who were under- stood to inherit all the learning and philosophy of the Eastern world. The prince and several of his officers, imbued with Grecian literature and curiosity, felt an un- usual interest respecting the doctrines of these -oriental sages. The self-denial and studied austerity, which had astonished them in Diogenes and others of the Cynic school, were carried here to a much more unnatural and extravagant pitch. The men whom India held in vene- ration were seen withholding from themselves all the enjoyments and comforts of life, subjecting their persons to the most unheard-of tortures and penances, lying na- ked, in the woods and fields, exposed to the burning rays of the sun. The Macedonian chief does not seem to have been himself inclined to enter into conversation with these uncouth sophists ; but he sent Onesicritus to endea- vour to obtain some idea of their principles. This envoy was accordingly guided to a solitary spot, about two miles from the city, where a group of fifteen, braving the noon- day heat, had placed themselves in the most painful and fantastic attitudes. The Greek accosted them, and made AMONG THE ANCIENT*. 59 known the object of his visit, when one of their number, CHAP, n named Calanus, observed, that it little became them to Sinc ^ re reveal the mysteries of philosophy to one arrayed in the ception of costume of a courtier and warrior ; and required, as an On indispensable preliminary to all communication, that he should throw himself naked on the same stones where they lay extended. As Onesicritus seemed to pause, Mandanis, another of the Indian group, condemned this harsh reply to the representative of a sovereign and conqueror who deserved praise for such enlightened cu- riosity ; and then through the medium of an interpreter, he gave a summary of the tenets held by his fraternity, and inquired if they bore any resemblance to the doc- trines professed in Greece. Onesicritus assured him that Eastern and Pythagoras, Socrates, and above all Diogenes, enter- ^]^ ** tained opinions very similar. Mandanis admitted this to be in so far satisfactory, yet conceived that no one who wore clothes, or mingled in human society could attain to that mysterious height of wisdom which dis- tinguished the Indian philosophers. The conversation continued till evening, when the learned men rose and accompanied their new companion to the city. It then appeared that this ostentatious self-denial was far from being unrewarded. If any one carrying fruit or provi- sions met them, they were invited to partake ; and they were readily received into the greatest houses, where they were privileged to enter apartments whence all others were excluded. Calanus, notwithstanding the Cahmusae stern pride which he had displayed, was prevailed upon AtewuHier to accompany Alexander into Western Asia, a proposal rejected by his milder companion ; but he always pre- served the manners and demeanour of a Hindoo philo- sopher, and, at a very advanced age, exhibited to the Greeks an example of religious suicide, by mounting a funeral-pile, on which he was consumed to ashes. The other castes appear to have been more numerous CMKB. than they are at the present day, and to have been dis- tinguished on grounds somewhat different from those which are recognised in modern times. 60 KNOWLEDGE OP INDIA CHAP. IL The following is the enumeration given by the several authors who derived their information from the source now pointed out : 1 . Priests ; 2. Husbandmen ; 3. Shepherds and Hunters ; 4. Manufacturers ; 5. Military ; 6. Inspectors employed in the service of the sovereign ; 7. Royal Councillors and Magistrates. The last two orders, with their functions, must in a great measure have ceased during the long subjection of Hindostan to foreign sway ; probably they have merged into that of Kuttri or Chittry, which at present includes the most distinguished civil members of Indian society. The rank- Shepherds ing of Shepherds as a distinct order was, we may conjec- bandmen ture, founded rather upon observations made on the bordering Afghan and other mountain-tribes, than on the inhabitants of the plain, where the more general pursuit of agriculture must have superseded the habits of pas- toral life. Much is said of the honours paid to the class of husbandmen, who were seen ploughing in the midst of hostile armies, a happy arrangement, not always observed during the evil days which the same country has lately been doomed to experience. Other statements made by the ancients, respecting the early marriage of females, the worship of the Ganges, the mode of catching elephants, the burning of widows on the fune- ral-pile of their husbands, confirm the belief that the Greeks beheld the very same race who now inhabit that interesting land. Siiencta wid Seleucus, the general who, on the partition of the 3>uv&~ Macedonian empire, obtained Syria for his share, claimed as its appendage all the vast regions of the East. He undertook an expedition to secure, or more properly to regain, those distant possessions, which, after Alexander's retreat, had probably shaken off entirely the slight yoke imposed upon them. The very imperfect accounts of this enterprise represent it as having been successful, though the invader had to encounter the force of Sandra.- cottus (Chadragupta ), who had already established on ti.e banks of the Ganges a sovereignty emoracing almost the whole of India. But much doubt will rest on this AMONG THE ANCIENTS. 61 brilliant result, when we find it to have issued in a CHAP. n. treaty by which he resigned all the provinces eastward of the Indus. This amity, however, was cemented by intermarriage and mutual presents. Seleucus, moreover, sent Megasthenes on an embassy to Palibothra, the metro- polis of this powerful monarch, whence he returned with the most splendid account both of his kingdom and his residence. Sandracottus is said to have possessed an army Ann}- of Sac of 400,000 men, including 20,000 cavalry and 2COO cha- dracottus riots. His chief city was ten miles in length and two in breadth, defended by 574 towers and a ditch thirty cubits deep, and entered by sixty gates. The site of this cele- brated capital has been the subject of much controversy. The most precise statement is that made by Arrian after Megasthenes, placing it at the junction of the Ganges with another river (the Erranoboas), considered the third in India as to magnitude. Relying on this indication, Controver- D'Anville has fixed upon Allahabad, a great, ancient, JjJ SJ^S" and holy city, standing at the junction with the Jumna, trj. a river certainly not ill entitled to the distinction just stated. But this conclusion is positively contradicted by the narrative of Pliny and Ptolemy, the two highest authorities in ancient geography, both of whom place the city a great way farther down, the former about 400 miles, the latter still more distant. Major Rennell next suggests Patna, likewise a large town, and considerably below the confluence in question ; while the Soane, a stream certainly of great magnitude, which at present falls into the Ganges about thirty miles above, is sup- posed anciently to have followed a different channel, and to have flowed close by Patna. Still that city is not so Modem ecu far down the Ganges as Palibothra is described both by ^ ectures - Ptolemy and Pliny ; the latter of whom, in enumerating the tributaries of the great river, mentions both the Soane and the Erranoboaa as perfectly distinct. Colonel Franklin, by a series of learned researches, has lately endeavoured to fix the position at Rajemalil, which, though still liable to some objections, certainly agrees better than any other with the ancient authorities. The P2 KNOWLEDGE OP INDIA CHAP. n. present writer, in a former work, has mentioned Bogli. P r > a town not far distant from Rajemahl, but some, what nearer to the position described by Ptolemy, and still more so to that assigned by Pliny as the site of Palibothra. The name exactly coincides ; for, in the European orthography of oriental sounds, b and p, a and o, are always used indiscriminately, while the other al- terations are manifestly adopted for the sake of euphony in the Greek language. A name is nothing where there is no agreement as to position ; but where the coincidence in that respect is so great as in the present instance, it is of much importance, because ancient appellations often remain long attached to the same localities. After being obliged to give up the Jumna, we cannot hope for a river which shall actually be the " third in India." The Ganges, not far from Boglipoor, receives the Coosy, or river of Nepaul, a large stream, which flows nearly 600 miles, and drains a vast extent of mountain-territory. SnMivisions As the kingdom of Syria declined in strength, it sub- donfof Syria! netted to the separation of its eastern territories. Bac- tria was erected into an independent state, which, during several ages, seems to have been both powerful and enlightened ; and its dominion appears to have extend- ed even over parts of India that had not been reached by the arms of Darius and Alexander. According to the conclusions of Baj-er, it was founded in 256 B. c. by Theodotus, who threw off the Syrian yoke, and was crushed in 125 B.C. by an irruption of a Scythian or Getic nation from the north ; but this last date is by some esteemed doubtful. No part of ancient history has been involved in deeper obscurity, on which, however, some rays of light have recently been thrown by a learned examination of coins and medals. Major Tod, author of the valuable history of Rajas- tan, was the first who drew attention to the number of such relics, with inscriptions wholly or partially Greek, which are scattered through the western provinces. They are found in the topes or sepulchral tumuli which mark the site of decayed towns ; and their profusion ia AMONG THE ANCIENTS. 63 such as to prove both the ancient wealth of the country CHAP, n and the custom of burying treasure. The first great dis- Disc ^i e9 covery was at Manikyala, a city in the Punjaub, erected in the Puu- upon rums which appear to have belonged to the capital jaub ' of a kingdom and the chief seat of the national religion. A very spacious tope had been observed here by Mr Elphinstone ; and General Ventura, when encamped in the neighbourhood, succeeded in penetrating its recesses, where he discovered a great variety of interesting corns. Another was opened by M. A. Court with still more im- portant results, westward of the Indus; and at Peshawer and Jcllalabad in Afghanistan, M. Honigberger made similar discoveries. About twenty-five miles from Cabul, M. Masson explored with success the remains of a large town, called by the natives Beghram, which he endeavours to identify with that named Alexandria ad calcem Cau- casi ; but this hypothesis, even from his own statements., must be pronounced somewhat doubtful. The greater proportion of these coins are called Graeco- Character Indian or Graeco-Scythic. The oldest, which appear to the coins have been purely Greek, and are of fine workmanship, are succeeded by others of the same country, with an Indian, Scythic, and sometimes Pehlevi, or Persian obverse. There is, moreover, a considerable number of Roman pieces, bearing the impress of Antony, Caesar, and Agrip- pa ; but these, we think, were probably introduced by commerce, which was always carried on with India in metallic currency. No specimens have been found of the two earliest kings, Negative Theodotus I. and II., whence, and from other circum- ev5denca - stances, it has been inferred that they ruled only overBac- triana Proper, and never crossed the Indian Caucasus. The next name is Euthydemus, who is even suspected of having usurped the throne. From the places where his coins are found, it may be certainly inferred that he pushed his conquests into the kingdom of Cabul. He was succeeded by Apollodotus, the wide diffusion of whose money proves, not only that he reigned there and in India, but that these were the chief seats of his 64 KNOWLEDGE OF INDIA Syrian dy- nasty. Names of un- known priii- Strata's a and Kalliena, the last of which is easily identified with Kalliana opposite to Bombay. It had once been open to Grecian enterprise, and was a place of considerable resort ; but the prince to whom it was then subject rigorously excluded vessels of that nation, which could not even safely pass without a convoy. A line of shore is delineated with a considerable number of ports, which cannot now be very easily ascertained ; but when we find them described as the seat of some trade, and infested by pirates, we recognise at once the Concan, which still bears the same character. Having reached the island of Leuke ( Angedive), they approached the fertile shores of Limurike, comprising Canara, with part of Malabar Proper, and which seems to have formed the centre of their commerce with India. The three great emporia of this coast were Tyndis, Musiris, and Nelkunda, which Dr Vincent thinks may still be traced in Barcelore, Mangalore, and Nelisuram. Although the second of these was a place of extensive resort, yet Nelkunda is Xeikundathr described as the principal emporium. There even ap- ^J^ 6111 pears much reason to conclude that the Egyptian navi- gators proceeded no farther, but found there an assort- ment of all the goods produced on the eastern shores of India, and even in the regions beyond. These were, pepper in great abundance, pearls, silk, ivory, spikenard, D KNOWLEDGE OF INDIA diamonds, amethysts, other precious stones, and tortoise- shell. The imports were nearly the same as elsewhere, except that money was in very particular request. The voyage to this part of India, after being for some * mie P ur sued by the tedious and circuitous line of the pains Arabian and Persian coasts, was greatly improved by an accident of which there is perhaps no other example in ancient navigation. Hippalus, having observed the steady course of the monsoon at fixed periods in a certain direction, taught the mariners to steer, under its influ- ence, from the mouth of the Red Sea directly across the ocean ; and thus a voyage, which according to the ordi- nary method usually lasted two months, was often com- pleted m a few daye. siightnotices Beyond Nelkunda, where, as already observed, there nmter coast " reason to think that $* navigation of the Greeks ter- minated, the description of the shores of India becomes much more meagre and imperfect. The next city men- tioned is Colchi, probably Cochin, represented as part of the kingdom of Pandion, which at that time extended over all this part of the continent, and included even Nelkunda. This Ls followed by Comar, a town evidently adjoining to Cape Comorin, the most southern point of the land, and said to possess a species of convent where persons of both sexes, devoting themselves to celibacy, en- gaged in the performance of certain religious rites in ho- nour of a goddess whom they imagined to haunt the neighbouring waters. Ceylon is next described under the appellation of Palesimonda, or the more ancient one of Taprobana, and particular mention is made of the ex- tensive pearl-fishery carried on both there and on the opposite coast. The author now proceeds to Coromandel, respecting which he can give only some imperfect notices. Extravagant Mesolia, mentioned as an extensive district distinguished remoter 8 ^ for the manufacture of very fine cloths, seems clearly to be Kions Masulipatam and the surrounding country. He came afterwards to aregion of terrors and prodigies, one people with flat noses, and another with horses' heads, reported to feed on human flesh. These wonders unequivocally AMONG THE ANCIENTS. fi9 prove that the narrator had attained the boundary of CHAP II accurate knowledge ; yet the wild tract of mountain and jungle, which composes so large a proportion of Orissa, afforded considerable room for these imaginations. Then, however, he reaches the mouth of the Ganges, where he x;ie Ganges, finds a great commercial city called by the name of the river, an appellation which it no longer bears. Its trade consisted chiefly in cloths of the most delicate texture and extreme beauty, a description under which it is impos- sible not to recognise the superb muslins fabricated at Dac- ca and other districts of Bengal. Beyond the Ganges was the golden country, doubtless the Aurea Chersonesus of Ptolemy, which must be placed on some part of the long range of coast intermediate between India and China. The weakness and distractions of the Roman empire, Cessation of and subsequently the rise of the Mohammedan power, ^"course in cut off the nations of Europe from all direct com- with India, munication with India. The rich productions of that country were, during a considerable period, convey- ed by Arabian navigators or by inland caravans, and sold to the Venetians and Genoese on the shores of the Medi- terranean or of the Black Sea ; but these traders them- selves, so distinguished in the Middle Ages by their mari- time enterprise, made no attempt to open a direct com- merce with the distant regions whence those precious commodities were imported. 70 PORTUGUESE DISCOVKKY CHAPTER IIL Portuguese Discovery of the Passage to India. Maritime Power of Portugal Voyages along the Coast of Africa Discovery of the Senegal and Gambia Of the Gold Coast Of Congo Bartholomew Diaz discovers the Cape of Good Hope Mission of Covilham and De Payva Expedition of Vasco de Gama He passes the Cape Touches at Mozambique, Mombaza, and Melinda Arrives at Calicut Visit to the Zamorin Differ- ences with him and the Moors Departure Voyage round Africa Return to Portugal. CHAP, m. PORTUGAL, a small kingdom, of little fertility, placed at Maritime one of the extremities of Europe, appeared ill fitted for an y Teat part in the affairs of that continent. A long period of her history, accordingly, has been ob- scure and inglorious. Under the Roman government the Lusitanians were only remarkable for their extreme barbarism ; and during the Middle Ages they were crush- ed beneath the yoke of the Moors, who, after having over- run nearly the whole peninsula, erected the western por- tion into a kingdom under the name of Algarve. In more recent times, oppressed by tyranny and fanaticism, and holding little communication with more enlightened nations, she was kept in every respect very far be- hind the other countries of Europe. Yet there was an interval between the Middle Ages and the present period, when this monarchy held the foremost place, not only in arms and power, but in all those arts and liberal pursuits which have given lustre to the modern world. But it was in the stern school of adversity that those energies were unfolded. The Portuguese, like the Spaniards their OF THE PASSAGE TO INDIA. f ]\ neighbours, had to fight a battle of many hundred years, CHAP. IIL ere they could drive from their native land the numer- A ~rj~i3. ous, warlike, and fanatical hosts, united under the stand- ard of Mohammed, by whom it had been subdued. Religious zeal, the blind exercise of which has since degraded Portugal, was then the inspiring principle of her heroic exploits. The kingdom, according to De Barros, was founded in the blood of martyrs, and by martyrs was spread over the globe ; for that name he conceives himself entitled to confer on those who fought and fell in her glorious conflicts with infidel nations. After expelling the Moors from Europe they pursued them into Africa, seeking to avenge that long series of outrage and thraldom to which the peninsula had been subjected, and claiming an undoubted right to every ter- ritory that might be conquered from the enemies of the faith. This enterprise, as it necessarily involved some Influence of degree of maritime skill, attracted the attention of their ^,^^0" monarchs towards the ocean, as the scene in which they ture. might find greatness, wealth, and renown. This circum- stance, combined with the favourable situation of their country, having a long range of coast bordered by the yet unmeasured expanse of the Atlantic, paved the way for the distinction which Portugal obtained in the career of maritime discovery.* The first attempt was made by John I. on a limited John L scale, and in connexion with an expedition to the shores of Barbary. He detached on this occasion a small squa- This historical account of Portuguese Discovery and Conquest is derived from the Asia of Juan de Barros (4 torn, folio, 15 torn. i2mo) ; Asia Portuguesa of Faria y Sousa (3 torn. 4to) ; History of the Discovery and Conquest of the East Indies, by Hernan Lopez de Castenheda ; and History of the Portuguese during the Reign of Emanuel, by Osorio ; the first two of which were consulted in the original, and the last two in translations. Although these authors agree in the general tenor of the narrative, there occur various dis- crepancies in the details, which we have endeavoured to reconcile as we best could, without in general troubling our readers by noticing them. We have considered chiefly the probability and consistency of the events related, giving also a certain preference to the autnsA rity of De Barros. 72 PORTUGUESE DISCOVERY CHAP. m. dron to survey the coast of Morocco, and even to trace A.ixT4ia the whole outline of the African continent. The mari- ners succeeded in passing Cape Nun (then the limit of of^fscovery- 6 European knowledge), and in exploring to a great extent the boundaries of Western Africa. At length, accus- tomed only to hold a timid course along the shore, they were repelled by the view of those formidable cliffs which compose Cape Bojador, and the tempestuous waves that dash around them. But this voyage upon the whole gave animation and encouragement to farther discovery, which was likewise greatly promoted by an individual of royal race, who devoted all his exertions, and attached the glory of his name, to the cause of mari- Princ* time enterprise. Prince Henry, a younger son of John, by Philippa of Lancaster, sister to Henry IV. king oi England, after having acted a distinguished part hi the expeditions against Barbary, directed all his attention to this new object. He fixed his residence at Sagres, neal Cape St Vincent, where his eye rested continually on the vast ocean ; and there collected every information and every aid which the infant sciences of geography and navigation could then furnish. He afforded to suc- cessive adventurers the means of prosecuting their dis- coveries ; while the deep interest he took in their various attempts threw a peculiar lustre around this hazardous pursuit. discovery of The first expedition fitted out by Henry, in 1418 consisted of only a single vessel under two officers of his household, Juan Gonzales and Tristram Vaz, who, being driven out to sea by a tempest, made the discovery first of Porto Santo, and afterwards of Madeira. These two beautiful islands, being found very productive in several valuable commodities, were considered as a promising commencement. Yet it was not till 1433, fifteen years after, that Gilianez, steering a bolder course through the open sea, passed Cape Bojador, and thereby proved that the fears which this celebrated promontory had in- spired must have been in a great measure chimerical. The success of the Portuguese in tracing the line of the Africau 0V THE PASSAGE TO INDIA. 73 continent was now rapid ; yet for a considerable time it CHAP. 111. was only rewarded by the sight of a barren and desolate A.D. 1471. coast, " a dread expanse of lifeless sand and sky." At length they reached the verdant shores of the Senegal and Gambia, where nature assumes a grand and romantic form ; and to which gold, ivory, and other precious com- modities were brought down from the interior. The progress of discovery was somewhat checked by The GoU the death of King John in 1433, and still more by Ccast that of Prince Henry in 1463 ; yet it still advanced. Alphonso, John's successor, granted toFernand Gomez an exclusive right of navigation for five years, on condition of discovering during that time five hundred leagues of coast. Gomez, accordingly, in 1471, succeeded in ex- ploring the Gold Coast, which, corresponding in some degree to its name, afforded a brilliant promise of wealth. The king no longer hesitated to assume the title of Lord of Guinea ; and the castle of Elmina, or the Mine, being erected on this shore, was made the capital of all the Portuguese possessions. John II., who succeeded Alphonso, pressed discovery johnll. with augmented zeal. In 1484, Diego Cam sailed from Elmina, and proceeded along Africa till he found him- self, though considerably out at sea, involved in a power- ful current of fresh water. Concluding hence that some mighty stream in this latitude must empty itself into the ocean, he made his way towards land, and discovered the mouth of the Congo. He opened a communication with the natives, and the Portuguese afterwards formed very extensive settlements in the country situated on the banks of that river. Discovery had advanced thus far in 1486, when John Expedition foi II. determined to make a grand effort to complete the ^n navi " circuit of the African coast. He placed three vessels Africa, under the command of Bartholomew Diaz, whom he strictly enjoined if possible to pass the southern boundary of that continent ; and this officer, having arrived at the mouth of the Congo by a course now easy and ascertained, began from that point his career of discovery. He PORTUGUESE DISCOVERY CHAP. m. adopted the odd contrivance of carrying with him four A.D~1486. ne 8 TO damsels well clothed, and furnished with gold and silver ornaments, toys, and spices, whom he landed brilliant reports of the wealth and power of the Portu- guese. He gave names, as he went along, to remarkable bays and capes ; and at St Jago, 120 leagues beyond the Congo, erected a pillar of stone to denote at once the do- minion of the king and of the Cross. He passed succes- sively the Bays of the Landing, of Isles, and of Windings ; the last name being given on account of the many changes of course which, during five days, the sinuosities of the coast, and adverse gales, obliged him to make. The weather continuing stormy drove him from the land in a southern direction, where his frail barks seemed scarcely fitted to live amid the tempestuous billows by which they were surrounded. After a voyage too along the burning shores of Guinea, the Portuguese felt intensely the cold blasts of the antarctic seas. They considered themselves as lost ; when after thirteen days, the tempest having abated, they sought by steering eastward to regain the land ; but they were already beyond the farthest point of Africa, and saw nothing before them except the unbounded ocean. Surprised and bewildered they turned towards the north, and at length reached the coast at a point which proved to be beyond the Cape of Good Hope. They called it " the Bay of Cows," from the large herds seen feeding, but which the natives lufficuities of immediately drove into the interior. Diaz steered on- wards till he came to a small island, where he planted another pillar or ensign of dominion. A general mur- mur, however, now arose among his exhausted and dispirited crew. They urged, that they had already discovered enough of land for one voyage, having sailed over more sea than had been traversed by any former expedition ; that their vessel was shattered, and their provisions drawing to a close ; and, finally, that the coast having been left running north and south, and now found running west and east there must intervene some OF THE PASSAGE TO INDIA. 75 remarkable cape, the discovery of which would give CHAP. IIT. lustre to their voyage homeward. Diaz then called a council of his principal officers, who all agreed in the necessity of returning. The commander yielded, it is said, with deep reluctance, and parted from the island where he had planted his last ensign " as a father parts from an exiled son." The Portuguese had not sailed far westward, when they came in view of that mighty promontory which had been vainly sought for so many ages, constituting, as it were, the boundary between two worlds. The commodore, from the storms he had en- dured in doubling it, named it the Cape of Tempests ; but on his return the king, animated by a more sanguine spirit, bestowed the appellation, which it has ever since retained, of the Cape of Good Hope. At the time when Diaz sailed, the king had also sent Portuguese Pedro Covilham and Alonzo de Payva, by way of the tiie" Ued"sea. Red Sea, to gain through that channel every possible information respecting India. The latter died in Egypt ; but his colleague, in two successive voyages, visited Cananor, Calicut, and Goa, the three principal cities o Malabar ; also Sofala, on the coast of Eastern Africa, and Ormuz, the splendid emporium of the Persian Gulf. On his return through the Red Sea he visited the Emperor of Abyssinia, venerated by the Portuguese under the character of Prester John. Covilham was well received, hut, according to a custom prevalent at that court, was never permitted to quit the country. He transmitted to his sovereign accounts which were never made public, bu| were understood to favour the most sanguine ex- pectations as to the advantages to be derived from open- ing a passage into the seas of India. John did not immediately follow up the discovery of Various pro- Diaz. He was at this time much engrossed by the ar- j e rival of a negro prince from the Senegal, and in fitting out an expedition to reinstate him in his dominions. He suffered also a deep mortification from having been in- duced, by unenlightened advisers, to reject the appli- cation of Christopher Columbus, which was made in the PORTUGUESE DISCOVERY Emamiel of Portugal. CHAP. IIL first instance to the Portuguese monarch as the chief A. iTT49 patron of naval discovery. This navigator having per- formed his grand expedition, was obliged, in returning home, to put into the river of Lisbon. He brought with him trophies of the newly-discovered world, which the king could not View without the deepest agitation. He even held several councils, and sought to advance unten- able claims to those new regions. There were not even wanting at court certain base instruments who tendered their services to assassinate the great discoverer ; but the king was of a character that raised him far above sanctioning so dreadful a crime. John died in 1495, before a new expedition could be fitted out ; but his cousin Emanuel, who succeeded him, displayed an ardour in this cause surpassing even that of all his predecessors. There were indeed not a few counsellors who represented, that he would thus waste the resources of his kingdom in undertakings every way uncertain, and the happiest results of which might be snatched away by foreign aggression. The king, how- ever, buoyed up by sanguine hope, and calculating that the task of penetrating to India descended to him by inheritance, applied himself with the utmost diligence to the fitting out of a grand expedition. Diaz was in- structed to superintend the building of the ships, that they might be made of such size and strength as to be fit for traversing the stormy seas which he had experi- enced. The command, however, was bestowed not upon him, but upon Vasco de Gama, a member of the royal household, who had acquired a reputation for nautical skill and talent which his subsequent conduct fully con- firmed. The preparations being completed, Gama was called before the king in presence of some of the most distinguished lords of the court, and presented with a silk banner, having attached to it the cross of the order of the knighthood of Christ, of which his majesty was perpetual master. On this token he was made to swear that he would, to the very utmost of his power, accom- plish the voyage, and fulfil its objects. The banner was Vasco fie tiaiao. OF THE PASSAGE TO INDIA. 77 then delivered to him, with a list of instructions, and CIAP. ra a letter to the mysterious prince called Prester John of A.D 1497. India, with whom it was not doubted that he would open some channel of intercourse. That he might depart Preparation under favourable auspices, various solemnities were ob- ^Itlon^o served, inspired by the religious and somewhat super- India, stitious spirit of the age. On the day of embarkation, the captains and mariners repaired to the convent of Our Lady of Bethlehem, where the sacrament was ad- ministered to them ; the monks walked to the ships in devout procession, bearing wax tapers, and uttering a prayer, echoed by the whole population of Lisbon, who flocked behind to witness the scene. The sailors then went through the ceremonies of confession and absolu- tion, according to a form prepared by Prince Henry for those who should perish in these distant expeditions. This was a somewhat gloomy preparation for the part- ing. They hastened on board, and began to unfurl the sails; but when they saw the shore lined with their relations and dearest friends dissolved in grief, and felt themselves entering on a voyage so full of doubt and peril, while they looked alternately to the land that they were quitting, and on the ocean into which they were advancing, they could not restrain a few natural tears. Gama sailed on the 8th July 1497, with three good Voyage ot vessels, the St Gabriel and St Raphael, commanded a: by himself and his brother Paulo, and the Berio, a cara- vel, under Nicolas Coelho. Castanheda describes them as encountering in the early part of their voyage severe tempests, and even repeated alarms ; and though this is not mentioned by De Barros, it seems probable, since after sailing four months they had not yet reached the Cape. Vasco landed in a bay, which he called St Helena, to obtain water and to make astronomical observations. Here having espied two negroes, he caused them to be waylaid and brought before him ; but they could hold no communication by words, and were, besides, in such agitation and alarm as to be unable to comprehend the /8 PORTUGUESE DISCOVERT CHAP^rn. gigng O f friendship which were liberally tendered. Gama A. D. 1497. hereupon desired two of his grumettas, or negro-servants, to take them apart and give them abundance of food, of which when they had partaken, their minds apparently underwent a happy change, and they pointed to a village two or three miles distant belonging to their country- men. Fernando Veloso, a Portuguese, obtained permis sion to repair thither and make observations on the natives. Not long after his departure, however, he was seen running back full speed, pursued by a large party of negroes. He found refuge in the boat, but several of the sailors were wounded with spears and assagaies thrown by the savage assailants. Veloso then related that he had been at first well received, but observing some suspicious symptoms he took to flight, and found his alarm fully justified by the event. Passage of De Gama, quitting this inhospitable shore, steered ' pe " directly towards that grand promontory which he was now closely approaching, and the passing of which was to decide the fate of his voyage. Deep and solemn emotions filled the minds of the sailors, as on the 18th November they came near to the southern extremity of the Afiican continent. They roused their courage to the highest pitch, in order to face the tempests which they had been taught to expect in making the circuit of this formidable cape. But as they proceeded, a moderate breeze from the south-west filled the sails ; and, keeping well out to sea, they rounded without danger, and almost without effort, that mighty and dreaded barrier. With the sound of trumpets and loud acclamations they cele- brated this memorable event, which was to give a new F.nter the In- character to the commercial policy of Europe. The shore "* itself showed nothing of that forbidding aspect which rumour had announced : it was lofty indeed, but green and wooded, with numerous flocks feeding on the hills ; though the deep recess which it enclosed on the eastern side could not be safely entered. Before them lay the unbounded expanse of the Indian Ocean ; and Gama did not pause till he reached the Bay of San Bias, called OF THE PASSAGE TO INDIA. 79 afterwards by the Dutch Mossel Bay, where he landed CHAR III to obtain water and refreshments. Scarcely had the A.D. 1497. boats touched the shore, wheu on the top of the neigh- bouring heights ninety natives appeared, similar in aspect to those in the Bay of St Helena. The Portuguese com- Traffic with mander desired his men to approach cautiously and well the natives - armed, throwing to the savages a few bells and toys ; upon which the latter came forward in the most fami- liar manner, and offered to exchange their cattle for such European commodities as attracted their eyes. Three days were employed in carrying on this barter, and also in various scenes of mirth and frolic, the inhabitants performing on a species of pastoral flute, to the sound of which both parties danced. Yet towards the close of the visit suspicious symptoms began to ap- pear. The people increased in number, and parties of them were seen lying iu ambush ; their attitude became more and more hostile, and they were observed closely watching every movement of the Portuguese. Gama, humanely and wisely desiring to avoid any hostile colli- sion, dispersed them by merely firing a few balls over their heads, and proceeded on his voyage. The navigators were soon after overtaken bv a violent First storm storm, the first they had encountered in those unknown seas. It was truly terrible ; and in their despair they sought relief, according to De Barros, too exclusively in religious exercises, without employing sufficiently their own exertions to escape the pressing danger ; however, the tempest having abated, the two ships rejoined each other, and proceeded cheerfully onwards. Having pass- ed the coast, called Natal from the day on which it was discovered, they were tempted to land at the mouth of a fine river, where they were soon sur- rounded by a numerous band of natives, chiefly com- posed of females ; whose comfortable clothing of skins indicated, in comparison of the former parties, both a colder country and a higher degree of industry and civi- lisation. The latter inference was not belied by their demeanour. Martin Alonzo, one of the sailors, having succeeded in making himself understood, received an 80 PORTUGUESE DISCOVERY Progress of the voyage. CHA?. ill. invitation to their village, which, notwithstanding the A. D~1497 a l arm sustained by Fernando Veloso, he did not hesitate to accept. The huts of which it consisted were rudely built of straw, but comfortably fitted up ; he was treated with the greatest respect and kindness, and sent back next day under an escort of two hundred men. The chief came afterwards with a large retinue to take a view of the ships, and harmony continued uninterrupted during the five days that the voyagers remained on the coast. Gama, delighted with this people, who belong to the comparatively improved race of the Caffres, distin- guished their inlet as the River of Peace. In navigating this coast, the admiral found the sea ggj^gd by violent currents coming down the Mozam- bique Channel, which greatly impeded the progress of his ship. Having passed a bold cape, to which, in allu- sion to this fact, he gave the name of Corrientes, and seeing the land now trending rapidly to the westward, which made him afraid of being involved in a deep gulf, he steered out into the ocean. Thus he failed to dis- cover Sofala, then the chief emporium of this part of Africa, enriched by the commerce of gold and ivory brought down the Zambeze. He came, however, to a river on whose banks were persons dressed in silk and blue cotton vestments, some of whom understood Mar- tins, the Arabic interpreter. They gave information that, towards the rising sun, there was a white nation who sailed in ships resembling those of the Portuguese, and were often seen passing and repassing. These symp- toms of an approach to the civilized countries of the East greatly cheered Gama ; and his vessels having been considerably shattered, he determined to spend some time here in refitting and preparing them for their ar- T duous voyage across the Indian Ocean. His joy was damped by an unexpected calamity ; the crews were at- tacked by a disease of unknown and terrible symptoms, putrid spots overspreading the body, the mouth fill- ed with flesh which did not seem to belong to it, the limbs unable to move, exhaustion and debility of the whole frame. This appears to be the first mention of Cheering prospects. OF THE PASSAGE TO ISDIA. 81 pcurvy, since so fatally known to mariners. Several CHAP, in fell victims to it, the others were cured by means, as was ^ fTTm supposed, of medicines brought from Lisbon, but more probably by the use of the fresh meat and vegetables with which they were supplied from the shore. The armament again set sail from this river, to which Mozambiqaa the admiral gave the name of " Good Signs," on the 24th February 1498, and in five days came to a port formed by two small islands, about a league from the mainland. This he learned was called Mozambique, a place of con- siderable trade, then subject to Quiloa, but since distin- guished as the capital of the Portuguese settlements in Eastern Africa. Here the ships were visited by some boats, having on board people well clothed in cotton, and wearing silk turbans like those of Barbary, a circum- stance which delighted the eye of the navigators from the assurance it conveyed that they had completely passed the domain of barbarism ; not being aware that a more deadly enmity, arising from religious antipathies, was now to be encountered. Gama being asked who he Religions was and what he wanted, replied, that he was a subject rJ1 of the King of Portugal, who had despatched him on a mission to India, and particularly to the King of Calicut, and that he wanted only water, provisions, and two pilots. Unfortunately the person addressed was a native of Fez, in whom the prejudices of a different faith were heightened by the deadly wars waged between his nation and the Portuguese. Yet, though some change was ob- servable in his countenance, he maintained a friendly demeanour, assuring the admiral that these moderate demands would be most cheerfully complied with. An unrestrained intercourse was immediately opened be- tween the Europeans and the natives ; and, a few days afterwards, the governor, or xequz, came himself on board, wearing robes of fine linen and rich velvet, and on his head a silk turban trimmed with gold. The in- terview passed most amicably ; though, amid all this show of kindness, there were not wanting slight grounds of suspicion. There came on board, among others, three 82 PORTUGUESE DISCOVERT CHAP. IIL individuals, who proved to be subjects of the King of A. oTuss. Abyssinia, a monarch whom the Portuguese had almost deified under the appellation of Prester John. Though these visiters had become converts to the Moslem creed, yet, on seeing a painting of the angel Gabriel on the stern of one of the vessels, they were so far moved by old re- collections as to bend down on their knees, and do reve- rence to it. This movement, which betrayed their secret and ancient faith, led to an eager inquiry and a more intimate communication ; which the Moors no sooner remarked, than they drove the Abyssinians out of the ship, and carefully prevented the voyagers from hold- ing any farther intercourse with these stranger* Not- withstanding these unfavourable symptoms, the neces- sity of procuring wood and water induced Gama to send two boats' crews daily on shore, where they obtained an Treachery of ample supply at a moderate rate. One day these boats, the Moors, ^yjjjg g one beyond the range of the ships, were sud- denly attacked by seven large barks, whence was dis- charged a cloud of darts, spears, and javelins. The na- tives were soon driven off by a volley of fire-arms, and their conduct was disavowed by the xeque. Sundry transactions followed, and promises were alternately made and broken, till Vasco, by the terror of his artil- lery, and the threat of reducing Mozambique to ashes, compelled the governor to allow him to complete his supplies, and also to grant him a pilot for Mombaza, where he was assured that he would find a more skil- ful one to conduct him to India. Voyage Gama sailed from St George, an island near Mozam- coasf 8 bique, on the 1st April, and continued to steer close to the coast of Africa. A strong current carried him past Quiloa, for which he felt deep but ill-founded regret, having been treacherously assured by his guide that this was a Christian city. In a few days the armament reached Mombaza, which, on the same authority, was asserted to contain at least a large proportion of Christ- ians. This town, situated on an elevated point of land resembling an island, and seen from a great distance OF THE PASSAGE TO INDIA. 83 at sea, delighted the eyes of the mariners ; the houses CHAP. lit built of good stone, with terraces and windows like A,D~T49& those of Portugal, inspired a pleasing illusion, as if they were approaching their native shore. They soon saw a oMo boat coming oat with four persons apparently of conse- quence, who, on making the usual inquiries, and learn- ing the object of the adventurers, assured them that their arrival would afford the greatest pleasure to themselves and to the king, and that all their wants would be sup- plied. Much care, though probably without success, was taken to prevent intercourse between them and the trusty pilot from Mozambique. The admiral was urged to land immediately, and this request was reiterated next day by another party ; but he chose previously to send two sailors on shore to make observations. These last were entirely pleased with every thing they saw, having been received by the king without much pomp, but with great kindness ; and having been introduced to merchants from Guzerat, who professed themselves Christians, were as- sured by them that Gama, on landing, would meet with many of the same faith. The admiral no longer hesi- tated ; and next day the vessels began to move into the harbour. Providentially, while that of the commander providential was near the beach it seemed in danger of striking a varni ngs. sandbank, to avert which an anchor was let down. This operation gave occasion to violent running to and fro, and to those loud clamours which European mariners are wont to raise in such emergencies. Hereupon the Moors on board were seized with such a panic that they, along with the Mozambique pilot, leaped into the sea, and swam full speed to the shore. This alarm, though Treachery of groundless, disclosed to Gama the deep treason to which the natives - he had nearly fallen a victim. He immediately resumed his former station, where it required the greatest vigi- lance to defeat the repeated attempts which were made by the enemy to surprise his ships or cut the cables. He pursued and took one boat, having on board thirteen men, whom he treated well, but compelled them to show him the way to Melinda. a town which was at no great 84 PORTUGUESE DISCOVERY CHAP. m. distance, and where he hoped at last to obtain a pilot for v D~T49S. the Indian Sea. Melinda proved a large, well-built, beautiful city, sur- Meimda. rounded by numerous gardens and forests of palm-trees crowned with perpetual verdure. The king, though a Mohammedan, and imbued with the usual bigotry of that faith, appears to have been otherwise a prince of liberal and enlightened views, who saw all the advan- tages which his subjects might derive from intercourse with an opulent and powerful people. The Moors, therefore, being sent on shore, returned with assurances which bore a greater air of sincerity than any received in the cities hitherto visited. Grama, however, was still too prudent to accept the invitation to visit Melinda, pre- tending that his master had strictly prohibited him from landing ; but he proposed a meeting in boats between Vasco'g in- his vessels and the shore. His majesty, accordingly, wal terview with -, . . -MI -i * the king. soori seen approaching in a spacious silk pavilion open in front, where he appeared seated in a chair supported on the shoulders of four men. Vasco then manned his boats, having his officers and sailors dressed in their gayest at- tire, and sounding trumpets ; and, that some fear might mingle with the joy of the Africans, he gave orders to fire a round of artillery. This salute produced an effect beyond expectation ; the natives, with every mark of alarm, were hastening back to the shore, when he made a signal to conclude this warlike compliment. He then rowed up to the royal barge, and had a most satisfactory interview. The king was even inspired with such confi- dence that he sailed round the ships, examining their structure, and putting various questions respecting the nature and uses of the artillery. He inquired about the King of Portugal, his power, the number of his armed vessels, and various other particulars. After this friendly communication, the adventurers received on board many distinguished visiters, among whom were several Banian merchants from Guzerat, " Pythagorean philosophers," who held it a crime to kill or eat any living thing. An image of the Virgin being presented to those sages, they OF THE PASSAGE TO INDIA. 85 worshipped her with much more profound adoration than CHAP. in. the European? themselves, presenting her with pepper, ; cloves, and other precious spices. This complaisance probably originated in the common usage of venerat- * r a ^ of tjie ing images, or from some resemblance to the objects of their own adoration ; but the Portuguese were willing to regard their conduct as indicating some tincture of Christianity, which might, they supposed, have been in- troduced by the missionaries of St Thomas. Amid this increasing familiarity, Gama no longer hesitated to sail along the coast, viewing as he proceeded the skilful manoeuvres of the Arab cavalry. The king came down to the shore, and urged him to land ; but the admiral still thought it prudent, under pretext of strict injunc- tions from his master, to decline this invitation. The Portuguese commander being now supplied with crossing the a trusty pilot, Malemo Cana, a native of Guzerat, quitted Q"* on the 26th April the African coast, to which his own progress and that of his countrymen had hitherto been confined, and launched into the vast expanse of the Indian Ocean. They could now see at once the northern and southern polar constellations, the former of which had long been invisible. As yet it was a new thing for Euro- pean mariners to steer three thousand miles through a waste of water where nothing appeared except sea and sky. But at length, being wafted by favouring breezes, they happily performed this voyage, and in twenty-three days beheld a high and bold coast, which the pilot de- clared to be India. It was not, however, contiguous to Calicut. Calicut ; but a change of course brought them in four days to a station whence Gama descried that large city stretching far along the shore, having behind it a fertile and beautiful plain terminated by a distant range of lofty mountains. The object of his adventurous voyage, and that of Portuguese ambition and enterprise during successive ages, was now attained ; he was on the shores of Hindostan. A solemn thanksgiving to Heaven was mingled with loud acclamations of joy at having brought this high adventure to so glorious an issue. ,, .PORTUGUESE DISCOVERY CHAP. ITL Gama had now to consider in what manner a cornmu- * rT~iAQ8 nication might be opened with the court of Calicut, and such privileges obtained as would enable his country- men to carry on an advantageous commerce on this opu- Caiicut. lent shore. The Mohammedans under Secunder had already established their empire over the northern plain of Hindostan ; but the Southern Peninsula, and even the Deecan, were still in possessionof numerous native princes with various degrees of power. Among these, on the coast of Malabar, a great pre-eminence was held by the Sovereign of sovereign of'Calicut, bearing the title of Zamorin, or " King of Kings." He was a Hindoo, superstitious but tolerant, and opened his ports to mercliants of every religion. The commercial world, however, at that period consisted entirely of Moors from Egypt and Arabia, who, by their numbers and influence, possessed extensive means of rendering a residence at Calicut dangerous to their enemies or rivals. The commander, that he might proceed with all due caution, began by sending ashore his pilot, along with a condemned criminal who had been brought out expressly to meet the hazard of such peril- ous missions. Considerable anxiety was felt, after a whole day and night had elapsed without any tidings, and when all their barks were observed carefully shunning the Portuguese as if they had been an infected race. At length the boat appeared with the two messen- gers and a third person on board. The former reported, that, on their first landing, they had drawn round them an immense crowd, astonished at the appearance of the European sailor, and eager to ascertain what sort of Moorish hoc- being he was. In this somewhat awkward situation, pitakty. they were accosted by a Moor calling himself Monzaide,* who stated that he had come originally from Tunis, where he had formed an acquaintance with the Portu- guese, and had even embraced the Christian faith. He invited them to his house, entertained them with savoury " In Castanheda the name is Bontaybo. However unlike, the two words are probably corruptions of the same oriental sound. OP THE PASSAGE TO INDIA. 87 catea and honey, and on learning the object of their mis- CHAP. in. sion, professed his resolution to act as their friend. In pursuance of his kind intentions he accompanied them to the ship ; on entering which he immediately addressed Gama with the frankest cordiality, bidding him welcome to a country where he would find in abundance emeralds, rubies, spices, and all other valuable commodities. The king, he mentioned, was then at Panane, a smaller town about five leagues distant, whither he advised the admiral to send messengers requesting permission to land and engage in traffic. Vasco despatched two of his men along with Monzaide, by whom they were in- "jJJ* to the troduced to the monarch, who gave them the most graci- ous reception. That prince, having inquired whence they came and the particulars of their voyage, declared they were heartily welcome to his dominions, and invited them to come round to the port of Pandarane as more secure than that of Calicut, which was merely an open roadstead. This recommendation, being entirely in unison with Gama's own views of tlie two nautical positions, inspired him with additional confidence. He allowed himself, Gnma satis to without hesitation, to be guided to Pandarane, though he declined tc go altogether so far into the harbour as the pilot appeared to wish. Here he received a message requesting that he would visit the king, into whose pre- sence the cutwal or principal officer was appointed to conduct him. The leading men among his crew now besought the admiral to pause before placing his person in the power of this unknown potentate, surrounded with such a host of his mortal enemies ; but he magna- nimously replied, that he could not otherwise fulfil his duty to his sovereign and his country, which he was determined on no account to postpone to his own personal safety. Leaving therefore directions for their conduct, in case of his being detained or suffering any violence, he put himself with twelve men under the guidance of the cutwal. Gama, in landing for the first time on the shores of First landing India, endeavoured to make a somewhat brilliant ap- lu pearance. His sailors, in their best attire, moved in re- 88 PORTUGUESE DISCOTEKT CHAP. in. gular order, with trumpets sounding. He was imniedi* r ately elevated into a palanquin, and carried forward on the shoulders of four men with such rapidity that his Reception of attendants, who were on foot, were soon left behind. Thus he found himself entirely in the power of the Hindoos ; but they made no improper use of their ad- vantage. On reaching the banks of a river, the bearers waited for the remainder of the party, whom they em- barked in two almadias or country-boats. There now visit a pa- appeared in view a splendid pagoda with lofty pillars of c oda- brass, where the Portuguese were invited to land. They chose, on very slender grounds, to conclude that this must be a Christian temple, because the half-naked ministers wore strings of beads like those of the Romish priests, sprinkled the company with water which might be consecrated, and presented sandal-wood powdered, as the Catholics do ashes. The Europeans, being ushered into the grand apartment, found the walls covered with images, which being willing to identify with those of the Madonna and saints, they threw themselves prostrate on the ground. Juan de la Sala, however, chancing to look up and observe the strange and uncouth aspect of these imaginary apostles, some of whom brandished four or five arms and had enormous teeth projecting out of their mouths, judged it advisable to guard himself by the exclamation, " If these be devils, it is God whom I worship." The others laughed ; and soon verifying with their own eyes the just grounds of his apprehen- sion, started up and regained the boats. Arrival at On the arrival of the party at Calicut, to which the CaUcnt zamorin had now returned, they were joined by several friends of the cutwal, and other nobles or nayrs, who escorted them to the palace in great state, with sound of trumpet. This royal residence, though built only of earth, was of large extent, delightfully situated amid gardens and pleasure-grounds. They were received at the gate by a venerable old man, the chief Bramin, dressed in white robes emblematic of purity. He took Gama by the hand, and led him through long halls into the presence-chamber, where the sovereign was found OF THE PASSAGE TO INDIA. 89 reclining in all the luxurious pomp of the East. The CHAP. in. couch was spread on a sort of platform or stage raised ^ r7T498 above the general level of the apartment ; his robe of the finest cotton, and his silk turban, were both richly the' embroidered with gold ; from his ears depended rings reign, adorned with the finest brilliants ; and his naked legs and arms were covered with bracelets of gold and pre- cious stones. On one side an old man held a golden plate, on which was the betel-leaf and areca, the chew- ing of which is esteemed a great luxury among oriental nations ; while on the other side was a golden vase to receive it when chewed. This lofty potentate, on the ap- proach of the Portuguese, merely raised his head from the embroidered pillow on which it rested, and made a sign to an attendant to seat Gama on one of the steps leading to the throne. He, however, received graciously Quarters the admiral's credentials, and promised to examine them J^ lied to at leisure, meantime recommending that he should retire to rest, and appointing for that purpose a place where he would be secure against any annoyance from his Moorish adversaries. The admiral proposed to wait next day upon the Difficulties zamorin, but was informed that he must abide the atle'gifu" 1 * prince's commands ; and also, that this second interview must be accompanied with a present, by the value of which the greatness of his royal master, and the import- ance of his own mission, would be measured. Gama, according to De Barros, had been fully aware that every thing in the East must begin and end with gifts ; yet his appointments did not indicate any consciousness of this important truth. He had been provided with no royal robe or precious stone, and his only resource was to select from his stores something which might make an appearance not wholly unsuitable. He produced, there- fore, some scarlet cloth, six hats, a few pieces of brass and coral, with a little sugar and honey. On viewing this intended donation, the cutwal and his attendants burst into a fit of immoderate laughter, declaring that, so far from becoming so powerful a sovereign as his 90 PORTUGUESE DISCOVERY CHAP. in. master was represented, it was such as the meanest mer- A-iTTm cnant w ^ entered the P ort would have been ashamed to offer to the great zamorin. They thought it would be G a uT' 8 WiSC b tter to sen(J no present at all than one of so little value. Grama, however, after serious meditation, determined, wisely it should seem, that the gift, such as it was, should be sent, accompanied by an explanation that, having left Lisbon under much uncertainty, and with scarcely a hope of reaching Calicut, he came unprovided with any present from his royal master, and could only select from his own stores what might seem least unworthy of his majesty's acceptance ; but that, in his next voyage, this failure would be amply compensated. The king, appa- rently satisfied with this apology, admitted the admiral to an interview, at which, if we may believe the histo- rians, he assigned, as the chief motive of his voyage, the belief of the zamorin being a Christian prince, and re- ceived even on that head a satisfactory answer. But, in regard to this point, there must have been on the one side or the other a complete misapprehension. Jealousies of Hitherto, it appears that the king, actuated by motives the Moors. O f ^ Qe soundest policy, had shown a decided disposition to favour the Portuguese. The Moors, however, who saw in these amicable feelings their own worst fears con- firmed, determined to leave no means untried for the destruction of their rivals. Their leading men hold a meeting, and represented to each other, in exaggerated colours, the ruin with which they were threatened from Plots for this western people. The astrologers announced visions struction. which had appeared to them of fleets destroyed or sunk in consequence of the- en trance of these detested strangers into the Indian Seas ; and the conclusion was, that no exertion should be omitted by which they might destroy their vessels. As, however, their direct interference, would be justly imputed to motives of rivalry, they adopted a circuitous course. Having subscribed a large sum, they bribed the cutwal, who possessed the intimate confidence of his master, and who could not be supposed io be actuated but by a view to his welfare. This officer OP THE PASSAGE TO INDIA. 91 represented that all the accounts from the West described CHAP, ill those strangers as persons of a very different class from A r7~i498. what they had described themselves ; that, instead of being merchants or ambassadors from any king, they tstion P to S< t"* were pirates, \vho> having by their crimes rendered the Ung European seas unsafe for them, had unhappily sought in the East an escape from justice, and a sphere in which to exercise their criminal vocation. He added, that, in their passage along the coast of Africa, they had com- mitted the most dreadful outrages, firing upon the towns, and carrying off the inhabitants ; of which they were so conscious, that, though received at Melinda in the most friendly manner, they could by no entreaty be prevailed upon to land. It was manifest that had they come, as they pretended, under the commission of a great monarch, they would have brought some present corresponding to his dignity, instead of offering one of which the meanest trading captain would be ashamed. The king, considerably moved by these representations, damn's ex- sent for Gama, who possessed no means of directly re- P lanatlons - futing the charges ; but he entered into very full ex- planations, with which his majesty appeared satisfied, and allowed him to depart unmolested. The admiral, who did not quite admire the aspect of affairs, had na sooner left the palace than he got into his palanquin, and set off full speed for the ships. The cutwal, however, Attempted using great diligence, overtook him with a body of his 'J/ip. '' nayrs, and politely rallied Vasco on his extreme haste, which, he said, had nearly deprived him of the pleasure of being his escort. It behoved the commander to frame some apology, and express a satisfaction which he was far from feeling. Late in the evening he reached Pan- darane, and eagerly inquired for a boat ; but none, he was assured, could be found at the moment ; and he was, with some difficulty, prevailed upon to spend the night in a spacious mansion fitted up for his reception. In the morning he was early prepared for departure ; when, in confirmation of his secret fears, he found all the avenues strictly guarded by nayrs, and his egress politely but PORTUGUESE DISCOVERY Kis arrest. Obtains his freedom. CHAP. IIL firmly resisted. He was a prisoner. The cutwal was inflexible as to his detention, yet treated him with the utmost politeness and respect, and even exhausted every form of courteous importunity to prevail upon him to send out an order for bringing the ships close to the shore. He represented the many dangers they incurred as long as they were kept tossing in an open roadstead, while the position which he recommended would at once place them in safety, and secure the confidence of the zamorin, who could not but interpret their present shy- ness into a proof of guilt and fear. Gama, fully aware that this proposal was urged solely in the hope of ob- taining an opportunity of burning or otherwise destroy- ing his vessels, chose to dissemble his conviction, and merely replied that his ships, from their large dimen- sions, could not without hazard be drawn on shore, like the fiat-bottomed barks of India. Seeing clearly that the zamorin's officers were acting without any authority from him, he assumed a high tone, and resolutely declared that, by some channel or other, he would bring his griev- ances under the view of their monarch. At length he was allowed to go on board, after having landed part of his cargo, which he left under charge of his factor Diego Diaz, and Alvaro de Braga his secretary. The cutwal and the Moors, since they could not keep Q ama in confinement, studied to spoil his market ; and they had influence sufficient to prevent almost every purchaser from repairing to Pandarane. He sent Diaz to complain of this conduct to the zamorin, who appeared always disposed to favour traffic, and allowed the cargo to be brought to Calicut, where it was advantageously disposed of. These transactions led to considerable in- timacy with the natives, many of whom went familiarly on board the ships. Yet the Moors abated nothing of their enmity ; and Monzaide sent advice, that they had at length completely gained over the king to their hostile views. Of this Diaz was soon made sensible, when ho waited on his majesty to take leave, and to request that he would sanction the continuance of the trade, and Prevented from trading. Success of the moors. OF THE PASSAGE TO INDIA. 93 fulfil the intention formerly expressed of sending an CHAP, in ambassador to Portugal. His hopes were at once chilled by the cold and frowning looks of the prince, an effect which he had it not in his power to remove by the pre- sentation of a suitable gift. On his return he found himself escorted by a large body of nayrs, in token as he at first hoped of respect ; but when he reached the fac- Airest oi tory they immediately placed him under close confine- l "' ment. Gama being, through his steady friend Monzaide, duly apprized of this outrage, felt his situation somewhat embarrassing. Judging it necessary to dissemble, he received successive parties of the natives with his accus- tomed cordiality, and even wrote a letter to the king betraying no consciousness of any injurious conduct. The Indians accordingly resumed their intercourse with the same confidence as formerly, and he had at length the satisfaction to see the approach of a boat, having on board six nayrs and fifteen other distinguished person- nges. These had no sooner entered the vessel than they Beprisals of were arrested and placed in close custody. The admiral Gajna- then wrote to the king, informing him of this step, and adding, that as soon as his majesty should be pleased to release the factor and secretary he would receive his own subjects in return. The zamorin pretended ignorance of the factor's detention, yet appeared little disposed to yield to this compulsory mode of redress. Gama, determining then to take summary measures, weighed anchor, and set sail. Presently seven boats were seen pulling out Their success, from the shore with the utmost speed ; in one of which were discerned the factor and secretary. They were cautiously sent forward in a boat by themselves, in which Vasco returned the principal captives. He nevertheless detained several of his prisoners, who he hoped might be gained over by good treatment, and, after seeing the splendour of the realm of Portugal and the honour in which the members of the expedition were held, might return next year with a report calculated to dispel the injurious suspicions instilled into their sovereign. This conduct was manifestly unjust and unwise, con- CHAP. in. A.D. 1499. Impolicy of his last step. Recmspes the Indian Ocean. Reach Ma- gadoxo. Exhausted state of the crew. 94 PORTUGUESE DISCOVERY finning for the present all the suspicions of the prince, and inspiring him with irreconcilable enmity, lie im- mediately despatched a squadron of boats, which closely followed the Portuguese, watching every opportunity of attack ; he succeeded even in arming against them the whole coast of India. A spy who came out from Goa, being discovered and tortured, confessed that the zabaio, or sovereign of that territory, was busily equipping an armament destined for their destruction ; and that every bay, creek, and river, were filled with boats ready, at a moment's warning, to co-operate in the same under- taking. Under such circumstances, the European chief, though somewhat unprepared for the voyage, could no longer delay his departure, and accordingly resolved to steer across that formidable ocean which separated him from the African coast. He had a tedious passage of four months, delayed alternately by storms and calms, while the scurvy renewed its terrible ravages among his several crews. In a most exhausted state he reached Magadoxo, a more northerly port than any he had formerly visited ; but, learning that it was entirely in possession of a bigot- ed tribe of Moors, he chose rather to proceed to the friendly harbour of Melinda. There he was received with the wonted cordiality, and amply supplied with fresh provisions, which could not, however, arrest the mortality that had begun to rage on board. The sailors were so reduced in strength and number that they could not undertake to navigate all the three vessels round the Cape ; and hence he judged it necessary to burn the St Raphael, and convey her stores on board of the two other ships. In his progress along the coast of Africa, he touched at the islands of Zanzibar, Pemba,andMonfia, and met a good reception ; but avoided having any commu- nication with Mozambique. Being regularly supplied with fresh provisions, all his men, at the time of pass- ing the Cape, were fit for duty, and they met with no farther obstruction in making the circuit of the continent. The admiral, however, had to sustain at Terceira the OF THE PASSAGE TO INDIA. 95 deep affliction occasioned by the death of his brother CHAP. in. Paulo, who had rendered the ties of kindred closer by A.TT499 being an able and faithful coadjutor in this grand expe- dition. On the 29th August 1499 he entered the Tagus, jl^ to tlie after a voyage of two years and two months, in which he had fully explored a new path to the commerce and empire of India. But of the hundred and eight mariners who had originally manned the vessels, only fifty-five returned to their native country. Gama, according to the devotional and somewhat Gama's re- superstitious spirit of the age, repaired first to the con- vent of Bethlehem, and spent eight days in paying homage at the shrine of Our Lady. He then made his entry into Lisbon with a pomp resembling that of a royal conqueror. The king celebrated his arrival with bull-fights, puppet-shows, dog- feats, and other entertain- ments suited to the taste of that rude age. He bestow- ed upon him and his posterity the titles of Don, and of Conde de Vidigueira ; assigned him a liberal pension, to be commuted as soon as possible into a landed estate ; and finally granted the still more valuable privilege of importing, to a considerable amount, Indian spices free of duty. That Our Lady also might obtain her reward, he raised a splendid temple to her honour, which ws afterwards converted into a royal palace. PORTUGUESE SETTLEMENTS CHAPTER IV. Portuguese Settlements and Conquests in India. Expedition of Cabral Discovery of Brazil Passage of the Cape Arrival at Calicut Friendly Reception Quarrels with the Moors Factory destroyed Hostile Proceedings Establish- ment at Cochin ReturnJuan de Nueva Second Voyage of Gama His severe Proceedings at Calicut Visits Cochin Wars between Calicut and Cochin Exploits of Pacheco Lope Soarez Almeyda Maritime War in Guzerat Albuquerque Unsuc- cessful Attempt on Calicut Reduction of Goa Expulsion from that City Its Recovery Means employed for cementing the Portuguese Power Conquest of Malacca Of Ormuz Albu- querque is superseded Dies Extent of Portuguese Dominion Remarkable Sieges of Diu General Confederacy against the Portuguese Defeated Their Decline Wars with the Dutch With the English Low State of their Power. CHAP. iv. NOT a moment was lost by the Portuguese in following A. fTi500 ou * i *he grand objects of naval and commercial enterprise. An armament was immediately equipped, at that time considered truly formidable, and which, consisting of thirteen ships and twelve hundred men, was indeed suf- ficient to keep the sea against all the navies of the East. The command was not bestowed upon Gama ; whether it was that an opposite interest had begun to prevail at court, or that his conduct in the former expedition was not considered as altogether discreet and conciliatory. On this, as on every other subject which might affect the reputation of their sovereign, the national writers Admiral Ai- maintain a profound silence. The new admiral was varez Cabral AJvarez Cabral, a person perfectly qualified for this important undertaking. He was accompanied by eight Portuguese armament. AND CONQUESTS IN INDIA. 97 Franciscan friars, and, according to De Barros, was in- CHAP. IV. structed to carry fire and sword into every country ^"500 which should refuse to listen to their preaching. On the 8th March 1500, the king repaired to the con- Departure ot vent of Bethlehem, heard mass, and delivered a conse- tbe fl crated banner to Cabral, who then kissed his majesty's hand and embarked. The assembled multitude beheld the fleet depart next day with sensations of joy, much more general and unmixed than those with which they had seen Gama set forth on his bolder and more doubtful adventure. The passage through the Atlantic was dis- tinguished by a brilliant discovery. Standing westward to avoid Africa, the admiral found himself unexpectedly hi sight of another shore, extensive, fertile, finely wooded, and evidently forming part of the continent recently made known by Columbus. This coast was that of Discovery of Brazil, which proved afterwards the brightest jc-wel in Brazil> the crown of Portugal, continuing to shine after all the others were dimmed. From thence he steered direct tor the Cape of Good Hope, where, during more than two months, he was involved in the most frightful tem- pests, in which he lost four of his ships. In one of them was the renowned Bartholomew Diaz, who thus perish- ed in those stormy seas which he had been the first to brave. Cabral had only three vessels with him when Passage of he doubled the Cape, which he passed without having Uie Oape ' seen it. Like his predecessor, he missed Sofala, though in its vicinity he detained a vessel which had been richly laden with gold ; but the crew, prepossessed with the idea that they were about to be attacked by pirates, had thrown the greater part of it overboard. On being assured that no injury would be done to them, nor to any other friendly ship, they expressed the deepest regret, and vainly implored the Portuguese to use the magical powers which they were understood to possess, to bring up the treasure again from the bottom. The discoverer scarcely stepped at Mozambique, but remained some days off Q,uiloa, which he found a large and flourishing port, situated, too, in a very fertile country. The king behaved Arrival Calicut. 98 PORTUGUESE SETTLEMENTS CHAP rv. at first with the utmost cordiality, and consented to hold A.D~TiOO an m t erv i ew with the stranger on the water ; though he was more alarmed than flattered hy being saluted with Quito* 10 *' a g eneral discharge of artillery. But there soon appeared symptoms of that jealousy which arises from the differ- ence of religious creeds ; and hence it became manifest that commerce could not be transacted upon any liberal or advantageous footing. He therefore set sail for Melinda, where he met with the same agreeable recep- tion which his countrymen had twice before experienced. The king rode over the bowels of a sheep newly killed to the edge of the water, and earnestly solicited a visit from the European captain, who, however, firmly de- clined the proffered honour. The latter then left the African coast, and, after touching at the island of An. gedive, came, on the 13th September, in view of the city of Calicut. He is said to have entertained considerable anxiety in regard to the reception that he was likely to experience, after the abrupt and somewhat uncourteous close of the transactions with Gama in the former expedition. First appearances, however, were very promising. Some of the principal people came out in almadias, or country-boats, with assurances from the zamorin of the most friendly disposition. Cabral then restored the captives carried off by his predecessor, handsomely dressed, and ready to bear testimony to their good treatment. Having received an mv jt a tion t o ] an j an Cabral that a very large vessel was passing from Cochin, a hostile city, having on board a rich cargo, part of which consisted of seven elephants, one of them peculiarly de- sired by the zamorin, to whom, therefore, he could not do a more acceptable service than to capture this foreigner. The European sailor, with less regard to justice than expediency, directed Duarte Pacheco to perform the exploit with a single caravel. This lieutenant, by means of his cannon, drove the ship before him till it was taken, or, according to Osorio, forced into the harbour of Cali- cut , where it became the prize of the sovereign. ]00 PORTUGUESE SETTLEMENTS But the pleasure derived from this acquisition did not compensate for the alarm inspired by such a display of Portuguese prowess. The first good understanding, ac- cordingly, was soon clouded ; the Moors used all their influence with the native merchants to prevent any goods from being sent to the adventurers, who constantly sa^v numerous vessels richly laden taking their departure, while they, after a delay of two or three months, had made no progress towards obtaining a cargo. They there- Disappoint- fore laid their complaints before the king, whom they Portuguese. 6 8eem to ^ ave lield responsible for the conduct of his mer- cantile subjects. He declared that he could not prevent such disappointments ; that the Moors were too shrewd both for him and his people ; and one day hastily observed, that they had better take forcible possession of one of their cargoes, provided they paid for it an equitable Novel mode price. This hint was very probably thrown out in a fit admg. o impatience, in order to get rid of their remonstrance?, without any idea of its being practically adopted. How- ever, Aires Correa, the factor, a man of a warm and eager temper, was disposed to receive it in its literal sense ; while his pretended friends among the Moors eagerly urged him not to neglect the royal pel-mission. Cabral, on this information being transmitted to him, felt it to be a matter of extreme delicacy, and was by no means forward to engage in the transaction. Correa, however, sent repeated and urgent representations to him, upbraiding his supineness, and almost threatening mutiny. Plots of the The Moors, meantime, began ostentatiously to lade a Oor8p vessel with the richest spices, and fixed an hour for her departure, of which they took special care to apprize the Portuguese. The admiral, on seeing the ship leave the harbour, allowed himself to be overcome by the urgency of hia factor and agents, and sent his boats, which cap- tured it, and proceeded to transfer its precious contents to their own ships. The Moslems, who had long watched for this crisis, ran instantly to the king, representing that the band of pirates were now seen in their true colours, AND CONQUESTS IN INDIA. 101 having, in defiance of his royal power, commenced their CHAP. IV. system of robbery. His majesty, who had either for- A jj~j^ oa gotten his alleged permission, or never meant it to be seriously taken, entered into their views, and allowed them to seek redress as they chose. The nayrs, and other inhabitants of Calicut, having joined them, they proceeded in a united body against the factory. The Assault on Portuguese felt so perfectly secure that they at first sup- posed the tumult to be raised only in jest, and hence, on ascertaining its hostile purpose, found great difficulty in shutting the gates. Correa, with his slender troop, forth- with manned the roof of the edifice ; but it was a contest of seventy individuals against thousands, who rent the air with their cries, and poured in a thick cloud of darts and javelins. Signals of distress were raised to inform Cabral of their situation, who at first sent two boats to reconnoitre, and then all his strength, with orders to push full speed to the shore. Meantime the Moors, unable to effect an entrance, brought a large battering engine, which overthrew part of the wall and afforded an inlet to the infuriated multitude. The little band of Euro- peans were completely overpowered. Aires Correa and fifty men were killed ; the remainder leaped into the sea and swam to the boats. Cabral having witnessed this dreadful catastrophe, called CabraTs re. together his officers, and in the heat of the moment de- P riBals - termined by the most decisive measures to avenge their wrongs. Yet, according to Castanheda, a short pause was allowed to give room to the zamorin to offer an explanation ; but when, instead of this, tidings were brought that he was employed in sharing the plunder of the factory, it was resolved no longer to delay a severe retaliation. Ten Moorish ships were attacked and taken, their cargoes emptied into those of the Portuguese, and their crews made prisoners ; the captured vessels were then ranged in a row, set on fire, and exhibited in full blaze to the citizens of Calicut. The assailants next drew their squadron as close as possible to the shore, and began a furious discharge of artillery, when they ha^ the G 102 PORTUGUESE SETTLEMENTS CHAP. IV. satisfaction to see the city on fire in several places, and A. iTTsoi. f being assured that a hall had nearly struck the king, chitL the king who hastily fled into the country. Proceeds to Having thus gratified his resentment, Cabral set sail, and proceeded southward to Cochin, the second city on this coast as well for extent as for commercial importance. In those days the preliminary step neces- sary in all oriental traffic was a negotiation with the sovereign. He happened at that juncture to be in the interior, but the admiral had secured as a mediator one Michael, a yogue or fakir, one of those eastern sages who wander over the country half-naked, smeared with cow- dung, and abjuring all the decencies and accommodations of social life. This holy but uncouth messenger proved completely successful. The king, an oppressed and re- luctant vassal of Calicut, saw, in the commerce and alliance of these powerful strangers, the means of deliver- ance from this yoke, and of raising himself to an equality Reception by of splendour and independence. He even hastened to the city, and gave them an audience, which passed most satisfactorily, though the Portuguese saw nothing of that profuse wealth which had dazzled them in the person and court of the zamorin. The city, compared to Cali- cut, did not exhibit the same busy and crowded scene : there was, however, a great abundance of pepper, the commodity chiefly valued by the Europeans, and a cargo was obtained with the utmost facility. When they were ready for sea, tidings came that the ruler of Calicut had sent against them sixty sail, of which eighteen were very large vessels. Cabral went out with the resolution to give them battle, without much dread of the result ; but, as a favourable wind sprung up, he considered that even a victory could be of no benefit to his country, and that he should more completely realize the object of his expedition by carrying home the cargoes with which he had laden his vessels. He touched at Cananor, and met a reception, if possible, still more friendly than at Cochin ; afterwards, steering round the Cape, he reached Lisbon on the 31st July 1501. Obtains ; Arrives at AND CONQUESTS IN INDIA. 103 But, before his arrival, the king had sent out three CHAP IV. additional ships and a caravel, under Juan de Nueva, to A ~[ 50U reinforce his squadron. This officer was steering directly for Calicut, but fortunately found at San Bias, on the coast of Africa, a letter detailing the tragic and hostile proceedings which had taken place, and advising him to proceed at once to Cochin. He followed this course, and Avas well received, though the Moors here also succeeded in raising some obstacles to European traf- fic. The zamorin, on learning the arrival of the new admiral, sent a fleet to attack him ; but it was beaten off with such vigour as induced the Indian monarch to make overtures for accommodation, to which Nueva did not, in the first instance, think fit to listen. Meantime Cabral had entered the capital, where the Reception of narrative of his disasters, and of the deadly hostility ^^ on his which he had encountered, excited a deep interest. Not only the individuals who from the first had opposed those distant and perilous enterprises, but even some who had supported Gama in his early career, considered the undertaking as having now assumed a very critical aspect. As long as the object was confined to establish- ing factories, forming alliances, and purchasing valuable cargoes, such expeditions had promised to augment with- out hazard the splendour of the monarchy and the na- tional wealth ; but now when a mighty war was to be waged against a monarch situated at the opposite extre- Apprehen mity of the globe, in a burning and pestilential climate, courtiers! 6 the resources of a small kingdom would too probably, they thought, be vainly exhausted in the attempt. The king, however, remained unmoved by these arguments. Inspired, as usual in that age, by a mixture of religious Resolute con- and ambitious motives, he trusted in the papal grant ting, which had conferred on Portugal the dominion of all the eastern regions discovered by her fleets, and deemed it both a right and a duty to take possession of the inherit- ance of these proscribed nations. Descending to views of a more ordinary policy, he reflected, that against the hostile disposition of Calicut the friendship of the potent 104 PORTUGUESE SETTLEMENTS CHAP. IV. kmgs f Cochin and Cananor would be a powerful coun- terpoise. In short, he was fired with the ambition of founding an eastern empire ; and, accordingly, instead of being intimidated by these tidings of temporary re- verse, chose at this very moment to assume the lofty title of " Lord of the Navigation, Conquest, and Com- merce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and India." To make New Indian good such high pretensions an armament was fitted out, armament mucn } arger tnan j^ yet Deen sent into tne Eastern Seas. The main fleet, amounting to fifteen sail, was ordered to support the factories of Cochin and Cananor ; while another squadron of five vessels was directed to assume a station at the mouth of the Red Sea, with the view of excluding the hostile Moors from any commu- nication with the coast of Malabar. The command of the fleet was offered to Cabral, and that of the squadron to Vicente Sodre ; but the former not brooking a divided power, Vasco de Gama was again invested with the direc- tion of the expedition. This officer, in his progress round Africa, touched for the first time at Sofala, where he formed a treaty of alliance and commerce. At Quiloa he assumed a higher tone, and, in resentment of the inhospitable treatment inflicted on Cabral, extorted from the king a promise of submission and tribute. Approaching the coast of Ara- bia, he captured a large Moorish vessel ; when, we regret to add, he stained all the glory of his discove- ries by the most savage cruelty, and in the excess of his anger outdid the crimes which he came to avenge. Having first plundered the vessel, and shut up all the crew in the hold, he set it on fire. He then made for the coast of India, touched at Cananor, and thence proceeded to Calicut. Here a negotiation was opened, to demand redress for the injuries sustained by his predecessor. Conceiving that the transaction was studiously protract- ed by the authorities, he collected fifty natives from the several vessels which he had captured, and, with an hour-glass in his hand, assured the messenger, that un- less he received satisfaction before the sand was run, all Vasco de Gama in- vested with the com- mand. Cruelties practised on the MOOTS. AND CONQUESTS IN INDIA. 105 their lives would be forfeited. The time having elapsed CHAP. iv. without obtaining a reply, he fulfilled his savage threat ; A fTTsoi adding to its horror by cutting off the hands and feet of the victims, which he sent on shore. Having then for some time poured a destructive fire upon the city, he sailed to Cochin, where he was received with the accus- tomed cordiality. Soon afterwards, however, a message Plots for his was brought from the zamorin, by a Bramin of vener- j^ e ie able age and aspect, as well as of the most consummate address, who began by making inquiries respecting the Christian religion, for which he professed great admira- tion, and even feigned a disposition to embrace it. He then assured Gama of his master's anxious wish to re- new his friendship with the Portuguese, and to make ample reparation for the wrongs they had suffered ; in short, he wrought so artfully upon the admiral, as to prevail upon him to go to Calicut in a single ship to confer with the zamorin. But when he arrived at that port, instead of being admitted to the expected meeting, lie found himself, as might have been anticipated, sur- rounded by thirty-four proas of the enemy, \vho con- sidered him their certain victim. In this extremity, Vigour a-nd however, he acted with the utmost promptitude and Garalu 6 vigour ; for, having cut his cable, he made full sail, and being supported by Vicente Sodre, extricated himself without loss from this imminent peril. He then set out upon a cruise, in the course of which he captured several valuable ships, particularly one in which was a most magnificent idol, adorned with a vesture of beaten gold and eyes of emerald. After touching at Cananor, and leaving Sodre with his squadron to blockade the Red Sea, the admiral took his departure for Portugal. In this last step Gama does not seem to have duly Neglect of considered the interests and safety of his Indian ally, 8 lndian The zamorin, as soon as he saw the Portuguese force removed, thought the time was come for avenging him- self on his refractory vassal the King of Cochin, through whom this foreign enemy had obtained a fixed establish- ment on the coast of Malabar. He at first represented 106 PORTUGUESE SETTLEMENTS CHAP. TV", his preparations as intended only against the Europeans ; A. D. 1501. hut, having mustered a large army, he directed his march upon Cochin, with a peremptory demand that the sove- Assaullofthe \ , ,, ' r ,. , J . ... , . zuraorin on reign should at once dissolve connexion with this new Cochin. people, and deliver up all the members of their factory left in his capital. Considerable agitation pervaded the royal councils ; a general alarm was spread among the people ; and many of his majesty's steadiest advisers were of opi- nion, that he would in vain attempt to make head against so mighty an invader. But he himself remained firm, determining to brave every peril in maintenance of the Portuguese alliance. His troops, however, unable to withstand the immense force of the enemy, were driven from post to post ; his allies, and even his great lords, de- serted him ; and at length he had no hope left but that of being able, with a chosen band, to defend a strong passage leading to his chief city. The zamorin, flushed Defeat of the with victory, rushed on to the assault ; and the Cochinian ians- troops, after a very gallant resistance, in which three princes of the blood fell, were forced to give way. The death of Narmuhin, next heir to the crown and a youth of distinguished gallantry, struck the deepest despond- ence into the minds of the people ; inspiring them at the same tune with unbounded rage against the strangers, who, through the king's obstinate attachment to them, had involved the nation in such dreadful calamities. But the monarch still adhered to his allies ; and to pre- vent them from being torn to pieces, he conducted them every where in his own train. Being at length obliged to abandon Cochin he took refuge in the island of Vipeen, which, from its natural strength as well as from being invested with a sacred character, afforded a tem- porary security. It would not, however, have long availed, had he not been relieved by the arrival of ample succours from Europe. Arrival of Emanuel was determined to maintain the footing Europe m which he had acquired in the eastern world ; and hav- ing secured at Cochin a fixed point where he might land and concentrate his troops, he despatched his reinforce- AMD CONQUESTS IN INDIA. 107 ments, no longer in one united fleet, but by successive CHAP. iv. detachments. Three expeditions were equipped, one A ~J 50L under Alphonso Albuquerque, the future conqueror of the East ; another under Francisco Albuquerque ; and a [on a expi " third under Antonio Saldanha. Francisco arrived first equipped. on the coast of Arabia, and collected there the remains of the squadron formerly commanded by Vicente Sodre, who, neglecting the safety of the King of Cochin, had engaged in a general piracy, and at length perished in a violent storm. The Portuguese admiral then sailed to the succour of that resolute monarch, whom, as we have already suggested, he found in the Isle of Vipeen, reduced to the last extremity. He was hailed as a de- liverer, and the troops of the zamorin almost immedi- ately evacuated the city. Having reinstated the king, Sovereign of he farther undertook, on the arrival of Alphonso, ex- st c t e re peditions into the ulterior, and even into the dominions of the enemy. On several occasions, however, they were surrounded by greatly superior numbers, and with diffi- culty escaped. The sovereign of Calicut then made over- tures for peace, which was granted on condition that full satisfaction should be given for the previous outrages ; that a large quantity of pepper should be delivered ; and that the city should be completely opened to Portuguese commerce. Soon after Fernando Correa had an unfor- nate encounter with one of his ships, which he took and carried into Cochin. Osorio represents Alphonso as acting in the most unjust manner, by refusing all redress or compensation ; while, according to De Barros, the zamorin merely caught at this incident as a pretext for dissolving a treaty concluded with the mere view of gaining time. The two Jftbuquerques, on perceiving this hostile disposition, sailed to Calicut, and endeavoured to intimidate the monarch into a renewal of the engage- ment, but without success. They then, very unaccount- ably it should seem, set sail for Europe, leaving the Portuguese capital of their ally guarded only by a few hundred men Europe. under Duarte Pacheco. The zamorin, seeing Cochin left thus defenceless, de- 108 PORTUGUESE SETTLEMENTS of Calicut CHAP. IV. termined to make a grand effort to crush his rebellious A D~1502 vassa l an d extirpate that hated race, who, through him, were every day obtaining a firmer footing on the Indian shores. Ml his nayrs were summoned ; his allies and f the King dependent princes were called into the field ; the Moors eagerly forwarded the equipment of the expedition : while two Milanese deserters taught him to cast brass cannon, and to introduce other European improvements. According to report fifty thousand men assembled, and began their march upon Cochin. The rumour of these mighty preparations shook the fidelity of many of the chiefs. Several stole off to join the invader ; others, especially the Moslems, formed plots to aid him when he should arrive ; and a general panic spread even among the well-affected. Attached as the king was to the Portuguese, his courage failed ; he expressed to Pacheco his fear that every attempt at resistance was now vain, and that no choice was left but of unconditional submis- sion ; yet assuring him that care would be taken to secure his safe retreat. The European replied in a tone of lofty indignation, giving vent to his astonishment that the king should doubt whether his countrymen would fulfil their promise of defending him ; and declaring, at the same time, with the fullest confidence, that his little band, aided by the forces of Cochin, would bring the war to a triumphant issue. The monarch's spirits revived ; and, confiding in these assurances, he placed all his re- sources, and the whole conduct of the campaign, in the hands of Pacheco. That chief, perhaps the ablest and wisest of the Portuguese officers, began to prepare with the utmost activity to meet this imminent danger. He proclaimed the severest penaltiet against deserters, guard- ed all the passages by which they might escape, and having detected five Moors while making the attempt, he carried them on board with the avowed intention of putting them to death. The king made earnest inter- cession for their deliverance, which Pacheco resolutely refused, and even announced their doom as fixed ; yet he only kept them in close and secret custody, that, after Dismay of his rival. Courage of the Portu- guese. rrrpnraHon of Pacheco. AND CONQUESTS IN INDIA. 109 the crisis should have passed, he might agreeably sur- CHAP. rv. prise the sovereign and their friends by their re-appear- ^ ~Y 5 t ance. He began also to act on the offensive, making various incursions into the enemy's territory ; and his return from thence laden with booty wonderfully revived the spirits of his adherents. The zamorin, meantime, with his mighty host in full Defence of array, was bearing down upon Cochin. That city pos- ** ln> sessed a very defensible position, as it could only be ap- proached across a number of islands separated from the continent by narrow channels. But these channels were passable by fords, to defend which became the main ob- ject of the Portugxiese. The invader, supported by a fleet of 160 vessels, marched towards one of these shal- lows, at a place where his squadron had room to act. They immediately began an attack upon four European barks, and at the same time the whole army attempted to pass over. Pacheco awaited the onset with 400 of his countrymen and 600 chosen troops of Cochin. The latter, however, as soon as they saw the mighty host in glittering armour advancing with loud shouts into the water, fled at full speed, leaving only their two chiefs, whom Pacheco detained, that they might be witnesses of European valour. The first attack was made by the Aswmltrrfthe fleet, of which the proas covered the sea ; yet his little flfcct squadron kept up a fire so well directed, that all the ships which approached were either sunk or dispersed. The hardest conflict was with twenty, which were bound together by an iron chain ; but Pacheco, by a well-aimed discharge from a large cannon, cut the chain in two, and they were scattered like the others. The land-army, meantime, were making furious efforts to pass the ford, darkening the air with their javelins, which they dis- charged from a huge turret with powerful effect. The attack was continued so long, that the Portuguese were nearly overpowered with fatigue ; yet their little band maintained their ground so firmly, and kept up so de- structive a fire, that the enemy was Aially beaten off. Of the defenders a few were wounded, but not a single 110 PORTUGUESE SETTLEMENTS CHAP. iv. man killed ; while more than a thousand of their op- A. iTTsil ponents were believed to have fallen. The zamorin, most deeply mortified by tliis issue, de- rreparations termined to make another grand effort. He augmented ofthezamo- jug fi ee t ^0 upwards of two hundred vessels, and put failure. 15,000 troops on board, designing to make a combined naval and military attack. Pacheco, on seeing this ar- mament approach, ordered his men not to move till the enemy should come up, when he opened a tremendous fire, which struck them with such amazement, that, in spite of the utmost exertions on the part of their leaders, the whole betook themselves to a shameful flight. Repeated attempts, always with the same result, were made on successive days by the Indian sovereign. On the last occasion the Portuguese were rather hard pressed, and suffered some loss ; but the casualties on the other side were also greater than ever, and sickness having broken out in his army, he renounced all hopes of suc- cess, and returned to Calicut. Foundation These advantages may be considered as having laid of European ,, f , ,. c-r> T j- T* u empire in the foundation of European empire in India. It hence India. became manifest, that the innumerable multitude of the native people, and the vast armies which they brought into the field, would not avail either for conquest or de- fence, and that a handful of disciplined warriors possess- ed an irresistible superiority over the countless hosts of Asia. Pacheco pointed out the road of victory to Albu- querque, by the brilliancy and extent of whose exploits his own name was afterwards eclipsed ; yet, with infe- rior means, he commanded more uniform success, and was perhaps superior to him in wisdom and talent, as well as in humanity. He was at length superseded by Arrival of a Lope Soarez, who arrived with a fleet and army from army a from Portugal, but who treated him with merited distinction, lortugat an d on their return home loaded his character with the highest commendations. In his zeal for the public service he had neglected his private fortune, which the king gave him an opportunity of retrieving by appoint- ing him Governor of El Mina, the chief settlement on AND CONQUESTS IN INDIA. Ill the coast of~Africa. Here, however, a violent faction CHAP, iv was raised against him ; he was sent home in chains, A. ix~i50o. and kept long in confinement ; and though at last ho- nourably acquitted, died without receiving the rewards due to his signal merits. Soarez, on reaching the coast of India, was inimedi- JJJ 1 ** of ately waited on by a Moor called Coje Bequi, accompa- nied by a Portuguese boy who had been a captive at Calicut. They brought overtures of peace from the za- morin, who offered to release all the prisoners, and to grant every commercial privilege the admiral could desire. This chief appears to have been now in earnest, and Lope agreed to steer for Calicut, whence a ship brought out to him a supply of provisions with several of the prin- cipal captives, who were delivered unconditionally. The Terms pro- treaty seemed to be proceeding in the most favourable soarez. y train, when the Europeans added a condition, that the Milanese who had assisted the zamorin in the late war should be delivered up. The Moorish negotiator replied, that an article which so deeply affected his master's honour could not be concluded without special reference to himself; for which purpose a certain delay was traved, as lie was then at some distance in the interior. But Soarez, with that overbearing temper to which his His crnei re countrymen were too prone, demanded immediate as- P risals - sent ; and this being withheld, he opened a fire upon the city, and reduced a great part of it to ashes. He then sailed for Cochin, the king of which earnestly press- ed him to destroy Cranganor, a frontier town strongly attached to the zamorin. He found this a somewhat difficult task ; however, after an obstinate contest, he took the place, burned it, and carried the fleet in triumph to his head establishment. Having afterwards destroyed a considerable squadron stationed at Panane, he returned to Europe. In 1505, the King of Portugal sent out a large fleet First Viceroy under Francisco Almeyda, who bore for the first time of ] the pompous title of Viceroy of India. Having spent some time in establishing the dominion of his flag over 112 PORTUGUESE SETTLEMENTS CHAP. IV. A.D 1505. Embassy from the King of Nar- singa. Changes at Cochin. Hash pro- ceedings of the* Portu- guese apent Eastern Africa, he sailed across to Malabff. In resent- ment for some acts of piracy, he attacked Onor, and ob- tained temporary possession of that place ; but the enemy came down in such vast numbers, that he was soon obliged to re-embark. However, as they had suffered severely, and as his strength was still formidable, they were induced to grant his demands. He was soon after- wards flattered by the arrival of an embassy from the King of Narsinga, a mighty Mohammedan potentate, whose capital, Bisnagar, was justly described as far sur passing in magnificence the greatest of the maritime cities. The unrivalled splendour of the gems which they brought as presents bore ample testimony to the wealth of their master. They carried a most courteous mes- sage from this great sovereign, who. even offered to be- stow in marriage on John, the young prince of Portugal, his daughter, a virgin of exquisite beauty. What reply was made respecting the lady historians have not record- ed ; but Almeyda's answer showed a disposition to culti- vate a friendly intercourse with the monarch himself. On repairing to Cochin he found a remarkable change. Triumpara, the old and faithful friend of the Portuguese, was now a fakir, living on herbs, clothed in tatters, re- nouncing the world, and entirely absorbed in the con- templation of the mysterious essence of Brahma, a transformation of which the West has presented only one signal example, but which is much less foreign to oriental ideas. Anxious as he was to show every mark of respect to this benevolent devotee, it would have been superfluous to bestow his rich presents on one who had bidden adieu for ever to the earth and all its concerns. He tendered them to his nephew, Nambeadim , who, by the law of nayr succession, had already ascend- ed his uncle's throne. Meantime Coulan, a port fre- quented on account of the abundance of excellent pepper which it afforded, had become the scene of a dreadful tragedy. Homo, whom Almeyda had stationed there, finding it difficult to make up his cargo, determined upon using the most violent means for effecting his ob- AND CONQUESTS IN INDIA. 113 ject. He caused all the Moorish ships to be dismantled, CHAP. IV. and would not allow them to take on board a pound of A.rT~i505 the spice till the Portuguese had completed their lading. This outrageous prohibition was as annoying to the na- indignation tives as to the Moore ; and the former were easily in- * duced to join in a scheme of revenue. They assembled in vast numbers, and attacked the aggressors, who, amounting to no more than thirteen, fled to a chapel dedicated to the Virgin. The mob soon surrounded this sanctuary ; but not being able to force an entrance, they brought a quantity of wood, and succeeding in set- ting fire to it, they destroyed the edifice with all who were in it. Almeyda censured and even degraded Homo, who, however, had left the place before this crisis ; yet, deem- ing it not the less necessary to inflict a memorable chas- tisement on the Coulanites, he sent an armament under his son Lorenzo, who destroyed a part of their fleet. The viceroy now found himself exposed to a danger of Moorish ar- the first magnitude, and which threatened to shake the ^TnJt'thf * very foundation of Portuguese ascendency. The Sultan Portuguese, of Cairo, inflamed at once by that bigoted zeal with which the Mohammedan creed inspires its votaries, and by the injuries which his vessels had sustained from European pirates, fitted out a large fleet, and sent it, under the command of Mir Hocem, to the coast of India, to extirpate that infidel race who were extending con- quest and devastation over all the Eastern Seas. At the time he received intelligence that this flotilla was under sail, a considerable part of his squadron was still out under Lorenzo, to whom he sent instructions to Preparations attack the enemy before they could arrive on the coast to opposu "- and be joined by any of the native princes. The young admiral, who had anchored off the port of Chaul, was busily preparing to execute his father's directions when the Egyptians were seen approaching the harbour. The enemy, having a favourable wind and tide, entered the river, and at once drew up their ships in order of battle. The Portuguese fought for two days with the most desperate valour, not only keeping up a constant 114 PORTUGUESE SETTLEMENTS CHAP. IV. cannonade, but boarding and capturing several of the A.D~1505 su ltan's galleys; and Lorenzo was only prevented by an adverse current from taking the commander's ship. But on the second morning Mir Hocem was reinforced Overpower- by Melique Az, the viceroy of Diu. At the end of that Ing force of,"-., 1 ., , a it fit the Moorish bloody day the squadron under the son of Almeyda was fleet dreadfully shattered ; the principal officers, including the gallant leader himself, were wounded ; and the force of the enemy was so immensely superior, as to leave no hope of a successful resistance. It was determined, in a council of war, to take advantage of a favourable tide, and proceed out to sea. This movement having been commenced at midnight, was going on successfully, when, PerUousposi- D y a fearful mischance, the ship hi which Lorenzo him- tion and fate *,_ ., , ,, , c r . , . , T i oftheadmi- sen sailed ran torn ot somo nshing-stakes. Felagio Sousa, who commanded the nearest galley, fastened a rope, and, plying all his oars, endeavoured to tow her off, but in vain. Meantime the whole of the enemy's fleet, having disco vereo what was going on, pressed close behind. Sousa's men, apprehending that they would be involved in the fate of the vessel to which they were attached, basely cut the rope, when their ship was irre- sistibly borne out to sea by the current, leaving the admiral to contend alone with his numerous pursuers. He was now entreated to enter a boat, in which he might still have easily regained the fleet ; that brave and high-spirited youth, however, declared his fixed de- termination not to abandon his crew in this extremity, but to share their fate whatever it might be. He had not yet lost all hope that, by prodigious exertions of valour, he might hold out till the advancing tide should float his ship. He drew up his hundred men, of whom seventy were wounded, with such skill, that the enemy durst not attempt to board. They merely collected their yessels round him, and opened a tremendous fire, which wrapped the combatants in a cloud of flame and smoke. Bravery of Lorenzo having received a ball in the thigh, which ren- Lorenzo. dered him unable to move, caused himself to be lashed to the mast, whence he continued to direct and cheer AND CONQUESTS IN INDIA. 115 his men. At length, another ball struck him in the CHAP iv. breast ; he fell down and expired. Still the crew re- A oTTsus. sisted three successive attempts to hoard, till Melique Az, a prince equally distinguished for bravery and hu- mfty'of'the inanity, prevailed on the twenty survivors, all of whom Moorish lead- were wounded, to surrender, and treated them with the r ' most tender care and sympathy. De Barros adds, that he wrote a letter to Almeyda, deeply condoling with him on the death of his son, whose valour had commanded his warmest admiration. It was a most painful task to communicate to the go- Conduct of vernor the loss of his only son, cut off in the midst of the vlceioy - such a high and hopeful career. He received the tid- ings with fortitude and piety, declaring that he had much less desired for the youth long life than a distin- guished character. Gratified in this point, and trusting that he was now enjoying the reward of his excellent conduct, he did not feel any cause to mourn. Mean- time, however, he was eagerly preparing to avenge his death, and that too, we are sorry to add, in a temper ill accordant with the meek spirit of the faith which he had just professed. He had got ready a fleet of nineteen ships, having on board an army partly Portuguese, partly natives of Cochin, and was about to sail, when his path was crossed by a most unexpected event. In the year 1506, Alphonso Albuquerque was de- Despatch of spatched with a large reinforcement to the fleet now in j^'^ cc " India. He went out burning with hope, and big with vast schemes of ambition, aspiring to the reputation of spreading the Portuguese sway over all the East. Having sailed first to Arabia, lie reduced Curiat, Mascat, and other important cities on that coast. He then attacked the celebrated kingdom of Onnuz, and, after several dreadful combats by sea and land, had so far succeeded as to impose a treaty which rendered its king tributary, and was Pr erecting a fort that would have commanded the city, when the treacherous desertion of three of his officers compelled him for the present to relinquish the fruit of his victories. Almeyda, who was friendly to moderate 116 PORTUGUESE SETTLEMENTS CHAP. IV. measures, and averse to schemes of conquest, had sent a A.DfTsos. disavowal of these violent and ambitious assault*. But what was his astonishment when Albuquerque arrived ^rt&L 8U ~ at Cochin, and presented a commission constituting him- self Governor-general of India. To be thus checked in an undertaking to which he was impelled by such power- ful motives was more than he could endure. Finding that his principal officers, by whom he was idolized, were ready to support him even in resistance to the royal will, he told his successor that, under present circumstances, it was im possible to carry the order into effect, and more especially until, by vanquishing the Egyptian fleet, he had avenged his son's death. The other replied indig- nantly, and not without reason, that the kkig^s mandate was imperative and unconditional, and that any delay in obeying it was equivalent to setting the royal authority at open defiance. The former adhered to his resolution, and even, on polite pretences, declined allowing to his successor any share in the expedition, who retired in disgust to Cochin. Aimeyda Almeyda now sailed to attack the enemy ; but on his tbe'en'ISj 11 * Wa 7 having learned that Dabul, one of the greatest com- mercial establishments on this coast, had embraced with zeal the Egyptian cause, he determined to turn aside and reduce it. This station was very strongly defended, not only by a trench and palisade, but by a fort with power- ful batteries, to disembark in the face of which appeared a very perilous enterprise. The Portuguese commander, however, caused the sliips to be drawn up in a line facing the shore, then ordered his troops to enter the boats, and Assault of push full speed towards the land. They followed his DabuL directions with enthusiasm, and even with rapture leaped on shore, striving which should be foremost, and pressed on to the rampart. By this rapid and skilful movement the artillery pointed against the ships, having a some- what high range, passed over the heads of the advancing soldiers, who without any annoyance reached the gates. They could then advance only by three narrow passages between the city and the beach, each stoutly defended AND CONQUESTS IN INDIA. ] 1 7 by large bands of armed citizens. The contest was dread- CHAP. iv. ful ; the piles of dead formed a barrier more formidable A D " 150& than even the palisade ; and the assailants thronging behind impeded each other. Abneyda, perceiving these Capture of obstacles, ordered Vasco Pereyra to penetrate by another Dabul - passage less open but also less diligently guarded, by which he entered the city, and soon placed it in posses- sion of the Portuguese. The conqueror gave it up to plunder ; and his followers, it is reluctantly admitted, stained their glory by inexpressible cruelties. The streets Cruelties of streamed with blood, and the parent besought in vain J conquer - for the life of his child. The distracted multitudes fled in crowds to the great mosque, but soon finding that nu place was sacred in the eyes of their enemies, hastened through the opposite gates, and sought refuge in the caves of the neighbouring mountain. The commander took up his quarters in the holy edifice ; but confusion still reigned through the city, and in the morning an alarm was given that a fire had broken out in the eastern Conflap-a- quarter. The flames spread rapidly through the light f the fabrics of timber ; and the sparks flying from roof to roof, street after street was enveloped in the conflagration. Almeyda and his officers fled before it ; and in a few hours there remained of this magnificent city only a pile of smoking wood and ashes. The fire also reached the shipping, which was entirely consumed, and even the Portuguese vessels were in danger. According to Osorio and other historians, this conflagration was ordered by the admiral himself, as the only means of withdrawing his men from plunder, and preventing an entire loss of discipline ; but De Barros mentions this only as a rumour, and it certainly appears somewhat improbable. From this disgraceful triumph the victor hastened sail for Cam- to his main object of attacking the combined fleets in ar> the Gulf of Cambay. Overtures of peace were received, but being considered, apparently with little reason, as insidious, they obtained no notice. The enemy's squadrons were strongly posted in the harbour of Diu, where Melique Az advised his ally to await the onset ; 118 PORTUGUESE SETTLEMENTS CHAP. iv. but the impetuous spirit of Mir Hocem impelled him to A. Daises * eave tne k arbour > keepiEg* however, so near the shore as to he supported hy a chain of hatteries. The large Assault of vessels were linked two and two, and defended against boarding hy a sloping network of strong rope. The Portuguese, notwithstanding, advanced to the attack with the utmost intrepidity ; and Vasco Pereyra, the hero of the fleet, undertook to hear down upon the emir him- self. The enemy opened a terrible fire, one discharge Bravery of of which killed ten of his men. Undismayed by this th "eseiead ^ oss ne was soon on board of their ship ; where, having for a moment lifted his helmet, a ball pierced hs throat and he expired. Tavora with his followers had mounted the network, when, part of it breaking, they fell down upon the deck : still, notwithstanding this accident, the Egyp- tians were at length all either killed or forced to quit the vessel. Pedro Cam also attacked another ship, and before the grappling-irons could be fixed, thirty-eight of his sailors were on the network ; but while they were unfortunately entangled in it, his head was struck off, and they themselves could not use their weapons with Ti.eir com- freedom ; yet, being seasonably supported by another piete success, party, they rallied and in the end subdued the crew. In fine, all the large vessels were either sunk or taken ; the remainder, discomfited and shattered, retreated far up the river, where the victors could not follow. The cap- tured ships were found to contain ample booty, the whole of which Almeyda divided among his people. Treaty of After this signal defeat, Melique Az sent to treat for peace. The conqueror assumed at first a very high tone, demanding that Mir Hocem, the inveterate enemy of the Christian name, should be delivered into his hands. The Cambayan prince, with that lofty sense of honour which had always distinguished him, declared that such treatment of a firm and faithful ally was altogether in- admissible, and he could only engage to restore uncon- ditionally all the European captives. With this Almeyda, after such a dear-bought victory, thought it expedient to be satisfied. We grieve to add that, inspired by a AND CONQUESTS IN INDIA. 119 feeling very different from that of his antagonist, on CHAP. 17 arriving off the port of Cananor, he disgraced his cause A iTTsos. by a general massacre of the prisoners. It is lamentable to reflect that a commander, who had previously gamed cruelty of Uio some reputation for clemency, should have been stimu- victors, lated to such actions by grief for the death of a son, who had fallen in open and honourable battle against a generous foe. On his return to Cochin, he was again summoned Aimeyda by Albuquerque to yield up the command assigned toTeTigrfthc by the sovereign to himself ; but, encouraged by his vice-royalty, pai-tisans, he still held the reins of power, and even went so far as to place his rival under a nominal arrest. At tli is juncture, however, arrived Fernando Coutinho, a nobleman of high character, with fifteen ships and a con- siderable body of troops. This officer immediately un- dertook to mediate between the contending parties, and by representing to Aimeyda how very irregular the course was into which he had been betrayed, persuaded him amicably to resign the viceroyalty. Having made this sacrifice to duty, he set sail for Portugal. In pass- ing along the southern coast of Africa his men in- volved themselves in a scuffle with a band of Hot- tentots, when he hastened to their aid with a party nearly unarmed, and full of contempt for this rude and almost savage enemy. These barbarians, however, swift and fearless, made so terrible an onset, that Aimeyda. deserted by his troops, was mortally wounded with a ja- velin in the neck and fell. The Portuguese writers la- His fate, ment it as a singular caprice of fate, that this illustrious commander, who had fought in all the Indian Seas, and had vanquished the mightiest warriors of the East, should perish thus miserably on an unknown shore, in a contest with a handful of naked and deformed wretches scarcely entitled to the name of men. Albuquerque now determined not to lose a moment in Vast scheme entering on his vast schemes of conquest. The first U>erq.K-v- object of attack was Calicut, the chief seat of a power which had the most resolutely opposed his countrymen. 120 PORTUGUESE SETTLEMENTS CHAP, rv Coutinho, who was about to return to Portugal, insisted A rTTsio u P n being allowed to take the lead upon this occasion, which his rank and the friendship that subsisted between Assault of them made it impossible for him to refuse. The fleet Calicut arrived oil the 2d January 1610 in front of Calicut ; but as the city could only be approached by narrow avenues through thick woods, in whieh the whole army had not room to act, it was arranged that the two commanders should advance in separate divisions. Albuquerque's party scarcely slept, so much were they excited by the joyful and eager anticipation of landing ; and as soon as day dawned, they could no longer be restrained, but sprung on shore and rushed against a fortified palace, First success, which was to be the first object of assault. A few mi- nutes placed it in their possession ; and Coutinho, whose inarch had been delayed by several accidents, came up and found the prize won. He burst into a torrent of invective against the viceroy, for having anticipated him contrary to faith and agreement, declaring that he should not be so cheated in regard to the attack on the principal palace, which stood on the other side of the city. Albuquerque attempted to explain, and besought him not to advance without having secured a retreat ; but the other would not listen either to advice or remon- strance. He forced his way- with impetuous valour through the streets of Calicut, and reached the royal residence, which, as is common in the East, formed a little town surrounded by a wall, and was the only regular for- iinpetnous tification in the city. It was, besides, defended by the main ' strength of the army ; but nothing could arrest Coutinho, who soon forced open the gates, and rendered himself master of the whole enclosure. Deeming his victory already complete and secure, he allowed his men full license to plunder, and, repairing himself to the regal halls, sought rest and refreshment after the toils of the battle. The Indians had been surprised, but were not dismayed ; perhaps they had allowed Coutinho to advance so far, with the view of drawing him into a trap. The chief nayr uttered a cry which, repeated from mouth to AND CONQUESTS IN INDIA. 121 mouth to the distance of several miles, drew quieklj CHAP. rv. around him thirty thousand men well armed, and deter- "1510. mined to conquer or die. They fell first upon Albu- querque, who with his troops occupied the city, main- taining a communication with the fleet. He found himself wholly unprepared to sustain this attack. The Indians, occupying the roofs and all the most advantageous coverts, poured upon the Portuguese a continued shower of darts ; while they, entangled in narrow lanes and avenues, could neither advance nor recede. Their chief, after seeing some of his bravest men fall, had no resource but to set fire to this part of the city ; when the enemy, being dispersed by the flames, the Europeans, taking advantage of the confusion, made a rapid retreat, and reached the ships. Coutinho meantime received repeated warnings of the alarming state of affairs ; but secure in fancied triumph, and viewing the natives with fixed contempt, he shut his ears to all intimations of peril. Soon, however, when his colleague had given way, and the whole force of the enemy was turned against himself, the danger became too pressing to be any longer over- looked. He then sprung to the head of his troops, and fought like a lion. The palace was set on fire ; and his Fate of Con- men, completely surrounded by a vast army, in a disad- tlnha vantageous position, sought only to cut their way through to the ships. In this disastrous day Coutinho himself fell ; and, in endeavouring to defend him, Vasco Sylveira and other chiefs of the noblest families in Portugal shared his fate. De Barros reckons that, out of 1600, eighty were killed and 300 wounded. Albuquerque, stunned by repeated blows, remained for some time appar- ently dead ; but he was carried off" by his followers, and conveyed to Cochin, where he slowly gamed strength. This inauspicious commencement in no degree cooled Ardour of the the ardour of the viceroy. Scarcely had he recovered >-lcero y- from his wounds, when he resumed his boldest schemes of conquest ; and though he no longer ventured to attack the metropolis of the zamorin, he still wished to gain some great city which his countrymen might establish as their 122 PORTUGUESE SETTLEMENTS CHAP. iv. capital, where he might safely moor his fleets, and thence realize his plans of victory and colonization. Timoia, an Indian pirate, the trusty friend of the Por- Goa. tuguese, drew his attention to Goa. This town is situ- ated upon an island twenty-three miles in circuit, if island it may be called, which is separated from the land only by a salt-marsh fordable in many places. The sur- face is fertile, diversified by little hills and valleys, and almost sufficient of itself to supply a great city with every necessary of life. The adjoining territory, called Canara, forms the seacoast of the Deccan. It had been conquered by the Mogul, and annexed to the dominioas of Delhi ; but, in the distracted state of that empire, several independent kingdoms had arisen in the south, among which Narsinga, with its capital of Bisnagar, set the example. Of these rulers the sovereign of Goa, called the zabaim, was the most powerful. Timoia, however, gave notice that this prince, being occupied in war with several states of the interior, had left his own Ks:H-dition almost unprotected. Albuquerque, readily embracing LKXU this suggestion, hastily assembled an expedition, and, in conjunction with his guide, arrived off Goa on the 25th February 1510. Several of the forts which defended the approaches having been taken, and the fleet of the besiegers brought up close to the walls, the citizens, who were chiefly persons connected with trade, began seriously to ponder the consequences likely to ensue were the place to be taken by storm, especially by an enemy whose mercy had never been conspicuous. They sent, therefore, a deputation, composed principally of merchants, who privately intimated that the Portuguese commander Submission might obtain admission on certain conditions, including of the dti- faii protection to commerce and private property. Al- buquerque granted these terms, and was immediately put in possession of the town. He fulfilled his stipulations in the strictest manner, adopting every measure calcu- lated to preserve order and prosperity, and even con- tinuing many of the natives in their civil employments. Having occupied the palace of the zabaim, he assumed AND CONQUESTS IN INPTA. 123 at once the character of a great eastern potentate ; send- CHAP. IV. ing an embassy to the King of Narsinga, and receiving, in the most gracious manner, those of Persia and Ormuz, who were then on a mission to the sovereign of Goa. AsanmpHon But he soon found himself by no means in the secure \\-\-. and agreeable position he at first imagined. The zabaim, on hearing that his capital was in the possession of those hated foreigners, roused all his energies, and disre- garded every object in comparison with their immedi- ate expulsion. He at once concluded peace with his His aifficni enemies, several of whom made common cause with him ^^ dan ' against this powerful adversary ; and an army of up- wards of 40,000 men began its march under his direction. Albuquerque undauntedly viewed its advance, though threatened with an internal danger perhaps still more formidable. In this distant service, the spirit of dis- cipline was not easily maintained, and both men and officers had acquired a habit of criticising the proceedings of their general. There arose a numerous party, who ron?pirary argued, that with so small a number of troops, and with- out any prospect of reinforcement, it was madness to attempt making head against the numerous host now approaching, surrounded by a population generally hos- tile, and in the heart of an immense city, whose inhabi- tants only watched for an opportunity to aid in their de- struction. These fears and reasonings were by no means without foundation ; but the lofty spirit of Albuquerque indignantly repelled the idea of tamely relinquishing so magnificent a prize. The faction, amounting to nine hun- dred, insisted that so brave an army ought not to be sacri- ficed to the obstinacy of one man, and began to form a scheme for wresting the power from their commander, and carrying into effect their own counsels. But having traced Theringieid- this plot to its origin, he surprised the conspirators at a ers seized - secret meeting, and threw the ringleaders into prison. The remainder sued for pardon, which he could not well refuse, being unable to want the services of any of his email number of troops ; they were therefore, with a verj few exceptions, restored to their employments. 124 tOUTUGUESE SETTLEMENTS CHAP. IV. A.D. 1610 Advance of the Viceroy's finnnt;ss. The zabaim mean time was advancing upon the city. The chief hope of Albuquerque depended upon his success hi defending the approaches to the island ; but the channel separating it from the mainland was so narrow, and in many places so shallow, that it presented by no means an insuperable obstacle. He stationed chosen troops at all the exposed points, covering them with walls and in- trenchments. The native prince, completely baffled in his first attempts, had almost resigned himself to despair ; but at length he bethought himself of a nocturnal attack, favoured by the monsoon. The night of the 17th May being dark and stormy, two large bodies advanced at different points, and though unable to surprise the Por- tuguese, succeeded in forcing their way into the island. The whole army was soon transported over, and com- menced operations against the city. The viceroy stood his ground with his characteristic firmness ; but as the enemy was aided by repeated risings within the walls, while his own officers took occasion to renew their re- monstrances as to the untenable nature of the place, he found at last that no alternative remained but to retire into Retires to tie the fort, whence, by means of the river on which it was fort situated, he could still communicate with the fleet. But the zabaim, having taken possession of the town, imme- diately commenced operations for reducing this strong- hold. By sinking large ships in the stream, he endea- voured to interrupt the communication, and at the same time provided pitch, sulphur, and other combustibles, for the purpose of setting fire to the Portuguese squadron. Compelled to Albuquerque, unable to obstruct the progress of these form^f the fetal measures afc last felt tuat he must evacuate the fortress. Even this was become difficult ; but he exe- cuted his resolution with vigour and success. Having conveyed privately on board all the guns, ammunition, and provisions, and seen the troops embark in profound silence, he himself went last into the flag-ship. He might have reached the fleet unnoticed and unmolested, had not the explosion of a magazine, which roused the enemy, given rise to a severe encounter. AND CONQUESTS IN INDIA. 125 Being in this manner compelled to move out to sea, he CHAP. I was anxious to do something which might redeem the A f^Ys honour lost in his late undertaking, and revive the spirits of his men. At Pangin, near Goa, the enemy had formed \%$ a strongly intrenched camp, and frequently sent out ves- sels to annoy the Portuguese. He therefore fitted out an expedition, which, approaching in deep silence, reached the shore at the first dawn, suddenly landed, and having sounded the drums and trumpets, and raised loud shouts, the Indians awoke in such a panic, that they ran off without once facing their assailants ; upon which the latter, at their leisure, carried off a great quantity of artillery and stores, as well as a large supply of provi- sions. Learning soon after that a squadron was pre- paring to attack him, he anticipated the movement by sending a number of ships, under his nephew, Antony Noronha, who was met by the Indian chief at the head of thirty paraos ; but, after an obstinate conflict, the zabaim was compelled to retreat full speed to the shore. The conquerors followed, when Peter and Ferdinand Andrade, with five men, boarded the principal vessel ; Bravery but their captain, mounting behind them, was severely wounded, and fell into the boat. Amid the general anxiety, and while all efforts were employed to remove their leader out of danger, the Andrades and their party were forgotten ; the ship, by the receding of the tide, was left on dry land ; and they were attacked by greatly superior numbers, against whom they could only defend themselves by prodigies of valour. When their condition was observed, it was for some time doubtful how to reach them ; at length eight bold mariners pushing on shore in the long-boat, attacked and made themselves masters of the ship ; but, being unable to tow it off, were obliged to content themselves with the feat of rescuing their com- rades. It is pleasing, amid the ferocity of this war, to find M an exchange of chivalrous courtesy. The zabaim sent j messengers, expressing his admiration of the valour of the Portuguese ; and a polite answer was returned. Even a negotiation for peace was opened, though without success. 6 PORTUGUESE SETTLEMENTS CHAP. iv. The pride of the enemy being humbled, and the spirits D ~ and courage of the Portuguese revived by these exploits, Albuquerque sailed to Cananor, where lie refitted his attempt on ^ ee *) an( i received considerable reinforcements ; resolv- Goa project- ing, as soon as the season allowed, to make a second attempt upon Goa. His confidence of a happier issue on this occasion seems to have been founded chiefly on the fact that the zabaim was involved in war with the king- dom of Narsinga, which was likely for some time to occupy the greater part of his forces. Unable, however, Great dispm- to muster more than 1500 European and 300 native forces.' 116 troops, it was a very serious undertaking to attack a large and strong capital, garrisoned by upwards of 9000 men. It had been farther strengthened by a new wall and ditch, and by a stockade drawn through the water, behind which the ships were moored in security, and stood like so many towers. However, having arrived in front of the city, he determined not to delay the as- sault, though there was no appearance of his ally Timoia. Assault of In the morning, accordingly, he opened with his cannon Uie town. a tremendous fire, and the whole shore was wrapt in a cloud of smoke, illumined only by the flashes. He landed and divided his troops into two parts, one of which was led by himself, and attacked the northern quarter ; the other, in three separate bands, proceeded in an op- posite direction. One division, led by the Limas and other chosen heroes, having anticipated their commander, drove the enemy within the walls ; and as they were shutting the gate, Fernando Melos thrust in a large Gain au en- spear, which prevented it from closing. Several others following this example, it was, after a most desperate struggle, forced open, and the assailants entered along with the fugitives. These, however, still made a reso- lute stand in the houses and corners of the streets, par- ticularly in the palace of the zabaim. Here a strong body had taken post, and twenty Portuguese, who rashly advanced, were almost entirely cut to pieces. John de Lima, on forcing a passage, found his brother Jeronymo, with several of his comrades, lying in the agonies of AND CONQUESTS IN INDIA. 127 death ; but the fallen chief professed perfect resignation CHAP. rv. to his fate, and entreated that there might not, on his A ~7 MOt account, be a moment's delay. The enemy, driven from the palace, rallied on a neighbouring hill. The com- ^ e e " ty mander, who had been extremely surprised to find the battle raging in the city, now entered, but had still to wage a hard contest of six hours' duration before it was completely in his power. Albuquerque, being left for some time in the undis- Plans of turbed possession of this capital, applied himself to secure ^T^secm^g it as a permanent acquisition to his country. His views Portuguese on this subject materially differed from those of Almey- MI)ien da, who conceived it wisest to keep their fleets united and at sea, only touching occasionally at friendly ports. So combined, they appeared to him more formidable than when dispersed over different stations and settle- ments, while they could at the same time overawe the native powers without giving any reasonable ground of jealousy. Albuquerque's opinion, on the contrary, was, that a large city and a spacious port, which they could call their own, were essential to the maintenance of Portuguese supremacy. They would then have a secure station for their fleets, a fixed point for receiving rein- forcements, and a retreat in case of disaster, without depending on the precarious friendship of their allies. He studied, therefore, to render Goa a suitable capital for an eastern empire. He sent and received ambassa- His extensile dors, whom he astonished by the display of a pomp sur- far passing even that of India ; and he surprised them still more by the extensive fortifications and useful works which he had already constructed. He viewed it also as an essential object to attach the natives to his govern- ment, for which purpose he adopted a somewhat singular expedient. Having numerous female captives, some singular ex- belonging to the first families in the country, he treated them in the most honourable manner ; but, not satisfied with this, he proceeded to arrange matrimonial con- nexions between them and his European followers, without leaving much choice on cither side. Some such 128 PORTUGUESE SETTLEMENTS CHAP. IV. procedure is at least .alluded to by De Barros, when he \ D~i5i-2 com P ares hi 8 mode of cementing the Portuguese power to that employed by Romulus for peopling his infant state of Rome. It was made an absolute condition with the brides that they should embrace Christianity ; an obstacle which was not found insurmountable, the pre- judices of caste and religion being less deeply rooted there than in other parts of the East. A few such marriages being formed, the viceroy showed the parties peculiar favour, and bestowed on the husbands some of Successor his his best appointments. The principal families, finding scheme. themselves aggrandized by these connexions, so far from objecting to them, gave their countenance to new matches. An odd story is told of a great number of weddings being celebrated at once with a splendid festival, when the lights being prematurely extinguish- ed, it became difficult for the parties to recognise each Curious -^ on J uan de Castro, one of the ablest and most distinguished of the Portuguese officers, arrived ; and having a powerful armament, he considered himself in a condition immediately to commence offensive opera- tions. He broke through the enemy's intrenchments, obliged them to give battle, and drove them, with prodi- gious slaughter, into the city. Thence they again sallied to the amount of 8000, whom De Castro totally routed, and entering along with them, was soon master of Diu ; but he stained his glory by giving it up to indiscriminate plunder and massacre. Returning to Goa on the llth April 1546, he made a most splendid triumphal entry, AND CONQUESTS IN INDIA. fi with bands of music, his head crowned with laurel, and CIIAP. iv. the royal standard of Cambay dragged behind him. The A. D. IM& streets were hung with silk, and resounded with accla- mations. Queen Catherine, however, on receiving the account of this ostentatious procession, is said to have remarked, that the governor had indeed conquered like a Christian, but had triumphed like a pagan, De Castro held the office of viceroy only from 1545 to Death of De 1548, during which time he established a high reputa- Castro- tion, and made the Portuguese name dreaded on all the coasts of India. He appears to have been zealous in the service of his country, and singularly disinterested ; since, after holding the government during the period we have mentioned over this rich province, he died in extreme poverty. But the dreadful barbarities of which he was guilty, though they do not seem to have shocked the historians of his own country, must tarnish his fame in the view of all nations possessing more humane feel- ings. The most critical situation in which the Portuguese ^j^* 1 ^' settlements were ever placed was in 1570, during the Portuguese government of Don Luis de Ataide. Adel Khan and Nizam-ul-Mulk, two distinguished officers under the Mogul, formed an alliance with the zamorin ; uniting with the firm resolution to expel this foreign people from the shores of India. The siege of Goa, considered the most Siege of Go*, important enterprise, was undertaken by the former, who collected for this purpose his whole force, estimated at 100,000 men, and commanded it in person. His army spent eight days hi defiling through the Ghauts ; after which, being encamped in tents ranged in straight lines, in that regular and magnificent order observed by the Mogul soldiers, it presented the appearance of a handsome and spacious city. The viceroy was appa- intrepidity r.f rently taken by surprise, not having in Goa above 700 troops, with 1300 monks and armed slaves. By stop- ping a fleet about to sail for Europe, he might have ob- tained a reinforcement of 400 men ; but he intrepidly rejected this resource, on account of the inconvenience 136 PORTUGUESE SETTLEMENTS CHAP iv. which would be occasioned at home by the vessels not jj~y 570 arriving ; he was also, perhaps, ambitious tc show that he could defend the town with only its own garrison, and such soldiers as might be obtained from the neighbour- ing settlements. The enemy began a series of most for- midable attacks, attempting to cross into the isiand. Don Luis, however, not only repulsed them with success, but, on receiving some reinforcements, made repeated o>urautclj fleet size, and sent them to intercept the fleet. Near the Cape de Verde Islands, this squadron met eight of their vessels going out under the command of Spilbergen ; but the latter, by their bravery and skilful manoeuvres, succeeded in beating off the assailants, and made their way to India without any serious loss. From this time Philip seems to have given up every attempt to contend at sea with this rising people, and directed all his efforts, though without effect, to subjugate them by military force. He satisfied himself with issuing proclamations, prohibiting them, under the severest penalties, from trading in any of the Spanish possessions. The Portu- piratical guese in India, aided by his subjects from the Philip- warfai *- pines, still kept up a harassing piratical warfare, to which the Dutch determined to put a stop by wresting from their antagonists all the remaining settlements in the Spice Islands. In 1605 they reinforced their fleets with nineteen fresh vessels, having on board two thou 142 PORTUGUESE CUAP. TV. sand veteran soldiers. They then invested, and succe*. A D feoa 8 * ve ly educed, all the forts which their opponents had erected hi the islands of Amboyna and Tidor, capturing the shipping which lay under their protection, and finally lading their own with valuable spices. The supremacy of the Dutch in the Indian Seas was thus fully esta- blished. The Dutch To complete this triumph, the Admiral Matelief sailed SSHUJJta 1 " against Malacca, which the Portuguese had made the UK- Indian capital of their possessions in the more eastern parts. The place, however, was so well prepared for defence, that, after several weeks spent in the most vigorous efforts, he gave up the attempt. But what was his sur- prise, when on reaching Amboyna he was saluted with a heavy fire, and saw the Spanish flag flying on the walls of the castle ! This revolution had been effected by a naval force from the Philippines, which, taking advan- tage of his absence, had sailed to those important islands, and finding them almost defenceless, completely reduced them. Matelief was at first a little disconcerted ; but, encouraged by the valour of his men, he landed, attack- ed the fortress, and carried it by storm, making, as was too common, a general massacre of the unfortunate gar- rison. Inspirited by this success, he proceeded against the other settlements, and in two months brought all of them again under the dominion of the United Provinces. Settlement of The Dutch were soon afterwards induced to form a Ceyk ' n * settlement in the island of Ceylon ; an expedition was sent thither in 1605, under the command of De Weert, who was at first favourably received. Having, how- ever, not only violated a solemn engagement in the first instance, but afterwards, when he went to court, con- ducted himself with the hauteur which his country- men had now generally assumed, he was seized, and struck dead with a scimitar. His brave companions, who attempted with unequal strength to avenge his loss, only shared his fate. The tragical issue of this ad- venture did not discourage Borth the governor-general, who imputed the disaster of De Weert solely to hia AND CONQUESTS IN INDIA. 143 rash and culpable violence, from sending a fresh arma- CHAP iv. ment under Marcellus Boschkouveur, an officer of dis- ^ D ~~ tinguished talent and address. He arrived at the critical moment when the Portuguese were advancing from their principal settlement at Columbo in such force against Candy, that the rajah scarcely hoped to be able to resist them. The Dutch commander, however, both by direct- Dutch aiii- ing the operations of the Candians, and by affording to " them the aid of his own troops, gained for them a com- plete victory. The power of their rivals was thus hum- bled, while they themselves obtained from the grateful monarch ample liberty to form an establishment on the most advantageous footing. But it was not till 1656, after a long and bloody struggle, that they gained the complete mastery over their competitors. In that year Columbo surrendered, after a siege of seven months, and the Portuguese were completely expelled from Cey- lon. We reserve for the chapter on the English Settle- ments in India an account of the contest in which the Hollanders were involved with our countrymen, and the means that they used to thwart their success. Having The capita obtained the complete command of the Oriental Islands, ofBatovla - they determined to build a city which might become the capital of their Asiatic conquests, and the centre of all their political and commercial transactions. They fixed upon a spot near the western extremity of the north coast of Java, a very happy situation, command- ing the route to the Spice Islands, and enjoying an easy communication with Sumatra, Borneo, and Celebes. Having overcome the resistance of the native powers, they founded a city which, being named Batavia, from the ancient appellation of their country, was subsequently rendered by them a great and flourishing station. Euro- peans, however, suffer severely from its climate, the evils of which are increased by canals drawn round the place and even through its very streets, exhaling in that tropical climate the most pernicious vapours. The Dutch made repeated efforts to drive the Portu- j^'*^ 8 " guese from Malacca, the capital of their possessions in Malacow 144 PORTUGUESE SETTLEMENTS, &c. CHAP. rv. that quarter of India. At length, in 1640, after encoun- A. D~T640 * erm g an obstinate resistance, they effected their object, and they then became complete masters of the Eastern Islands and Seas, with the exception of some settlements made by the English on the coast of Sumatra. But as they never formed any important or extensive establish- ment on the continent of India, to which this volume specially relates, we have not thought it necessary to give more than a short summary of their oriental career. First appear- In the western provinces the Portuguese found them- En C giish. the selves chiefly opposed by the English, and they soon, as will hereafter appear, found the contest very unequal. Notwithstanding their influence with the Mogul, they were gradually supplanted at Surat and the other ports of Guzerat by the superior power and policy of their new rivals. An expedition, jointly undertaken by our coun- trymen and Shah Abbas, king of Persia, deprived them of Ormuz ; while the Imam of Mascat, seconded by the natives, expelled them from most of their possessions on the coast of Africa. They were thus stripped of their vast dominions almost as rapidly as they had acquired them ; and now Goa and Mozambique, in a very decayed condition, form nearly the sole remnant of that proud empire which formerly extended over so great a part of the eastern world. FARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES AJ*D SETTLEMENTS. CHAPTER V. , Early English Voyages and Settkment. Importance always attached to Indian Trade Mission by Altred The English attempt to penetrate to India by the North-East, and through Russia By the North- West Voyage of Drake Of Cavendish Newbery and Fitch, by way of Aleppo and Onnuz Fitch visits many Parts of India First English Voyage by the Cape Its Disasters An Association formed Voyage of Lan- caster Middleton Michelborne Keeling andOthers Sharpey Loss of his Vessel- Sir Henry Middleton His Adventures at Surat Hippon Settlements on Coromandel Saris Profits of the Trade Quarrels with the Dutch Massacre at Amboyna Acquisition of Bombay Settlements on the Coromandel Coast In Bengal Disputes with the Mogul Company begin to form Plans of Conquest. FROM the first dawn of maritime enterprise and adven- CHAP. V ture in Britain, the trade of India was contemplated as Britishlsn- its grandest object, the chief fountain of commercial terprises. wealth. Into the sanguine conceptions formed on this subject there entered, no doubt, a considerable degree of illusion. A more enlightened school of political econo- my seems to have demonstrated, that agriculture and manufactures open more copious sources of prosperity than traffic of any description ; that the home trade, from its quick returns, is more productive than the foreign ; and the intercourse between closely contiguous countries more valuable than that with distant regions. A commerce, therefore, of which the market is at the / opposite extremity of the globe, can never do more than employ the surplus capital of a community already wealthy. Yet there were circumstances which, even at 140 EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES that early stage of mercantile speculation, threw a pcca- l^ lustre on the trade of India. The staple articles consisted of finer and richer fabrics than any that had yet been produced in the West ; and, besides, there were diamonds, pearls, jewels the most beautiful and bril- liant, and spices the most fragrant and grateful to the senses. The great scale, too, on which operations were conducted, and the large fortunes occasionally made, gave to this traffic a character of grandeur not belonging to the smaller transactions wliich took place within the limits of Europe, Even the mysterious remoteness of the regions that were to be the theatre of this intercourse, the train of adventure and uncertainty through which they were to be reached, heightened their attraction, and were altogether congenial to the spirit of that bold and enterprising age. It may be proper here to observe, that some record exists of a voyage from England to India at a much earlier period. Hakluyt has quoted two passages from different chronicles by William of Malmesbury, in which it is asserted that King Alfred, in the year 883, sent Sighelmus, bishop of Sherburn, into the East, that he might present gifts at the shrine of -St Thomas. He is said to have happily performed this great undertaking, and to have returned laden with gems and rich spices, the produce of that celebrated region. It is added that, at the time the chronicle was written, some of these commodities were still preserved in the church of Sher- burn. Such a mission was worthy of that great monarch, whose views, far in advance of his age, were doubtless more enlightened than those which the annalist here ascribes to him. But it must be very difficult, from such meagre notices, to determine whether so very dis- tant a pilgrimage could at that period have been really performed. Without pronouncing it absolutely impos- sible, we may be allowed to suspect that he merely reached those eastern shores of the Mediterranean, to which Indian commodities have always, by some chan- nel or other, been conveyed in large quantities. AND SETTLEMENTS. J4J The reign of Edward VI., and more especially that of CIIAP. v. Elizabeth, formed the era at which industry and naval ^ iTTsso enterprise received that impulse which has since car- ried them to so unprecedented a magnitude. Prior n naval" 8 to this period Britain was surpassed in manufactures by enterprise. the Flemings, in navigation by the Italians, and still more by the Spaniards and Portuguese. These last, then her bitterest enemies, she had seen, with grief and humiliation, gain unrivalled glory by discovering a new passage to the East, and a new world in the West. They had thus almost completely preoccupied the ground of discovery and settlement, and were, moreover, pre- pared to defend it in the most vigorous manner against all who should attempt any encroachment. The Eng- lish, therefore, in the new career on which they were ambitious to enter, had to encounter not only the dis- advantages of a long voyage, but the active opposition of the two greatest powers who at that time claimed the dominion of the ocean. But the nation was not to be deterred by such con- Ardour of an siderations. Nor was the ardour of discovery confined to merchants, whose estimates might have been more cautious and professional ; it was fully shared by courtiers, statesmen, and warriors. Under the auspices of Eliza- beth there arose a brighter galaxy of great men, than had adorned any former period of English history. They began, however, by attempting to reach India by some new path undiscovered by the Portuguese, and where there was no chance of coming in contact with those formidable rivals. The first effort was made on the North- east northern coast of Asia ; but, like that of the Dutch in an t a t s e s ^| e tei earlier age, it was founded on a most imperfect know- ledge both of the great extent of that continent and of its dreary and frozen boundaries. This expedition, fitted out by a company of merchant-adventurers, and com- ;tnanded by the gallant Sir Hugh Willoughby, with three well-appointed vessels, had a most disastrous issue. He was driven upon the coast of Lapland, where, in the course of the ensuing whiter, he and his crew perished by cold CHAP. v. A 6~iS53 establish*^ overiand trade ' North-west passage at- tempted. Fsilnreof these at- tempts. 148 EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES and famine. Richard Chancelor, however, with one of the vessels, reached the White Sea, and proceeded to Moscow, where he opened a communication with the court of Russia, then almost unknown in Western Eu- rope. The adventurers having made several other un- successful attempts by water in those high latitudes, conceived the idea of opening an intercourse with India across the Russian and Persian empires. They expended in vain much capital and enterprise in this arduous un- dertaking. Several of their agents penetrated across the Caspian into Persia, and even reached Bokhara, the capital of Independent Tartary. But at length they became sensible that no commodities could pay the cost of such an immense circuit, both by land and sea, be- sides the hazards attendant on the conveyance through the territory of so many barbarous nations. Even when this journey should prove the most prosperous, the goods could not be so cheaply carried as by the direct route across Persia and Syria to Aleppo. The next attempt was made by the north-west passage, round the Arctic shores of America. This continent was, at that early era, imagined to terminate, at a high latitude, in a point or cape, the passing of which would enable the mariner to enter the South Sea, and reach by a direct course the wealthy shores of India and Eastern Asia. Most intrepid, energetic, and persevering efforts to effect this object were made by a succession of illustri- ous navigators, Cabot, Frobisher, Davis, Hudson, and the pursuit has been continued down to the present time. But though brilliant displays have been exhibited of courage and heroism, and striking views obtained of the shores and their rude inhabitants, every attempt to find a practicable passage to India by tliis route has ended in disappointment. The abortive and even calamitous result of successive efforts to penetrate by the northern extremity of the great continents, or by journeys overland, at length turned the attention of the English nation to the passage by the Cape of Good Hope, as that from which alone AND SETTLEMENTS. 149 any positive benefit could be derived. The exclusive CH . P right, however, to this line of navigation was claimed by 1 Philip II., who had now succeeded as King of Portugal ; A - D - 1577 and the claim was somewhat in unison with the laws Exclusive generally admitted in that age respecting distant dis- 2JJ?"*** covery. The government was afraid of bringing itself into premature collision with the greatest monarch of the time ; while private and unarmed vessels, obliged to pass near the coasts of Portugal as well as of her nume- rous settlements in Africa and India, and exposed to meet her ships continually passing and repassing, could scarcely hope to escape her hostile attacks. But as the views of British navigators expanded, ana ^^ their country began to rise to the first rank among mari- Drake, time nations, a new path suggested itself, from which their haughty rivals would in vain seek to exclude them. Drake, after having served with distinction in the West Indies and on the coast of America, conceived the design of penetrating into the South Sea. The wealth acquired in his former expeditions was expended in fitting out five vessels, the largest not exceeding 100, and the smallest only 12 tons. He equipped them very completely, tak- ing on board rich furniture, fine specimens of British manufacture, and even a band of expert m usicians. He prepared every means, in short, by which he might dazzle and conciliate the natives of the unknown re- gions which he was about to explore. He sailed from Plymouth on the 13th December 1577, and in August the following year he accomplished a passage through Passage of the Straits of Magellan. He then cruised for some months AT ageuau along the western coast of Spanish America, not hesitat- Stouts - ing to appropriate some rich prizes that prese nted them- selves in the course of his voyage. Having obte ined great wealth, though his fleet was reduced to a single vessel, he determined to attempt a return homeward by the north-west passage. He sailed to the coast of California, u| scovery ^ of which he claimed the discovery, and called it New California. Albion j. but finding his rAain object impracticable, he resolved to cross tiie Pacific, and proceed to Europe by CHAP. V. A. D. 1580. Friendly re- ception by the King of 'female. Eetnra to England. His unscru- pulous pro- ceedings Retnm to Lngiand. 150 EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES the Moluccas. He steered directly through the ocean, pausing nowhere till he found himself among the Spice Islands, the valuable productions of which were then the subject of general interest in the West. The King of Ternate, who was in a state of hostility with the Por- tuguese, gave a friendly reception to the English navi- gator, who first began that commerce with India which has since been carried to so immense an extent. Having coasted along Java, he proceeded to the Cape without touching at any part of the Asiatic continent. He took in supplies at Sierra Leone, and arrived at Plymouth on the 26th September 1580, after a voyage of two years and ten months. His arrival was hailed with the utmost exultation by his countrymen, who regarded so suc- cessful a voyage as having raised to the highest pitch the naval glory of the realm. The queen, after some cau- tious delays, visited him on board his vessel, and con- ferred on him the honour of knighthood. This brilliant career of Drake encouraged other com- manders to tread in his footsteps. Thomas Cavendish, a gentleman of extensive property in Suffolk, after having served his naval apprenticeship under Sir Richard Grenville, determined to sell his estate, and embark the produce in a voyage to the South Sea, and round the world. Having left Plymouth on the 21st July 1586, he reached, early next year, the western coast of South America, and, being restrained by no very nice scruples, made a number of valuable prizes. Stretching thence across the Pacific he touched at Guahan, one of the group to which the Spaniards give the appellation of Ladrones. He passed afterwards through the Philippines, observing with surprise their extent and fertility, and holding communication with the natives, who expressed a decided preference of the English to the Spaniards, by whom these islands had been occupied. Sailing next through the Moluccas, and along the coasts of Floris and Sumbawa, he opened a friendly correspondence with some of the princes of Java ; and, folio wing the course of Drake, reach- ed England in September 1 588, by the Cape of Good Hope. AND SETTLEMENTS. 151 Notwithstanding the admiration excited by so many CHAP. v. successful voyages, they were on too large a scale to be ^ iTTsss. considered as models for commercial enterprise. Yet, invention being now employed to discover some more suitable channel of intercourse, a body of adventurers- Novel resolved upon attempting one hitherto untried by Britons. Encash ad- They proposed to proceed up the Mediterranean, land venturers. on the coast of Syria, travel by way of Aleppo and Bagdad to the Persian Gulf, and to sail thence by Ormuz, in order to reach the shores of Malabar. Mr Stevens, who had made a voyage in a Portuguese vessel to Goa, sent home a most favourable report of the ferti- lity of the region in which that city is placed, the opportunities it afforded for trade, and the liberality with which the port was opened to vessels of every nation. John Newbery and Ralph Fitch, the leading Letters fur- parties in this undertaking, were furnished with two leaders.* th letters, the first to the Mogul emperor Akfear, under the title of " Zelabdim Echebar, king of Cambaya." It solicited his kind offices to men who had come from a remote part of the world to trade in his dominions, pro- mising reciprocal aid and kindness to his subjects. The other, to the King of China, was expressed in nearly the same terms. The travellers set out early in 1683. Newbery's letters from Aleppo and Bagdad relate Kewbery's almost entirely to commercial subjects. In regard to letters " the latter place, he complains that the sale of goods was very slow and difficult ; though, had he been well provided with money, he might have obtained abundance of valuable spices at very reasonable rates. From Bag- dad he proceeded to Bassora, and thence to Ormuz, where he was allowed at first to carry on business without molestation. In six days, however, a charge was raised Hival jea- against the adventurers by Michael Stropene, an Italian, ' usy ' jealous of rivals hi a trade which he himself had found very lucrative ; whereupon both Newbery and his com- panion Fitch were arrested and thrown into' prison. The former writes in considerable dismay to his associates at Bassora, saying " It may be that they will cut our 152 EARLY ENGLISH VOYAfJES CHAP. v. throats, or keep us long in prison, God's will be done." A. D.Ts83. They were soon sent to Goa ; but immediately upon their arrival, after a tedious voyage, they found them- imprtsoued selves again in confinement. The principal charge related at Goa. ^ 0^^ (gk F ran cis) Drake, who was stated to have fired two shots at a Portuguese galleon near Ma- lacca. Newbery professed total ignorance as to this transaction, which in fact could in no shape be brought home to him. He represented how unjust it was, that while French, Flemings, Germans, Turks, Persians, Moscovites, all the nations of Europe and Asia, were allowed freely to reside and traffic at Goa, Englishmen alone should be thus barbarously treated. He was, however, remanded to prison ; but, after being kept in ttis release, durance for about a month, was set at liberty, having been required to sign a bond, amounting to 2000 pardaos, not to quit the town without permission. At the time of writing he had no inclination to leave it, having taken a house in one of the principal streets, and finding his mercantile transactions very advantageous. He met with much friendship from Stevens, who had formerly been a student at New College, Oxford, and had entered the service of the Archbishop of Goa ; also from John Lin- scot or Linschoten, an intelligent Dutch navigator. Threatened According to the accounts given afterwards by Fitch, dangers and tnege f avoura bi e appearances proved delusive. They had many of their articles purloined, were obliged to give large presents, and to spend much money in procuring sureties. Having, after a residence of five months, made an appeal to the governor, they received a very sharp answer ; being told that they would be better sifted ere- long, and that there was further matter against them. This reply gave occasion to a very serious alarm lest they should be made slaves, or, according to some hints that were dropped, be exposed to the strapado. They determined, while they yet enjoyed any measure of liberty, to effect their escape, and on the 5th April 1685 fled out of the town. Proceeding into the interior of India they passed through Belgaum, where there was a AND SETTLEMENTS. 153 great market for diamonds and other precious stones ; CHAV. v. and afterwards they arrived at the royal city of Be- A fTTss-i japore. Here they saw all the pomp of Hindoo idolatry, the neighbouring woods being filled with numberless 5n in failure of which " their heads be shaven, and never any account is made of them afterwards." When a per- son is sick, they are said to lay him all night before the idol, and if next morning there be no signs of recovery, " his friends will come and sit a little with him and cry, and afterwards will carry him to the water's side, and set him upon a little raft made of reeds, and so let him go down the river." A very odd picture is also drawn of Marriage some marriage-ceremonies to which the traveller was witness. The two parties are represented going into the water along with a pi-iest, a cow, and a calf ; " and the man doth hold his hand by the old man's hand, and the wife's hand by her husband's, and all have the cow by the tail, and they pour water out of a brass pot upon the cow's tail, and then the old man doth tie him and her together by their clothes. Then they give somewhat to the poor, and to the Bramane or priest they give the 158 EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES CHAP. v< cow and calf, and afterwards go to divers of their idolfi and offer money, and lie down flat upon the ground, and kiss it divers times, and then go their way." Patna. From Benares he proceeded to Patna, once the capital of a kingdom, but at that time subject to Akbar ; and though a large city, it contained only houses of earth and straw. The country was much infested by robbers, wandering like the Arabians from place to place ; whence we may conclude, that the system of decmt-gaoga was Native Devc- already in full force. The people were greatly imposed upon by idle persons assuming the appearance of sanctity. One of these sat asleep on horseback in the market- place, while the crowd came and reverentially touched his feet. " They thought him a great man, but sure he was a lazy lubber, I left him there sleeping." Fitch went next to Tanda in Bengal, also belonging to Akbar, and thence made an excursion northward to Couche, which appears to be the country situated along the foot of the mountains of Bootan ; being described as so moist, that every district could be easily inundated knee-deep, and rendered impassable. The people, who appear at- tached to the religion of Boodh, showed the usual fan- tastic reverence for animal life, keeping hospitals for lame or aged creatures, and giving food to ants. Four days' journey beyond was the country now called Boo- tan, said to be of great extent, and filled with mountains so lofty that they could be seen at the distance of six days' travel, a report which was so far correct ; but ima- gination only could have induced the inhabitants to assert that from the top of those eminences the sea could be descried. It was frequented by merchants from cold regions in the north, dressed in woollen cloths, hats, wliite hose, and boots (the Tartars) ; and by others without beards from a warm land in the east (Chinese). The former reported that their country contains a nu- merous breed of small but active horses, whose long tails, covered with a luxuriant growth of hair, formed an article of import into India, where they were greatly valued. CITY OF BKNA.RK! AND SETTLEMENTS. 159 Fitch now went southward to Hoogley, " the chief CHAP. v. keep of the Portuguese," and then undertook a journey A ^ 5S5k through Orissa, the borders of which he found almost a wilderness, with few villages, " grass longer than a man, Ho and very many tygers." The haven of Angeli, wliich we know not how to identify, was found the seat of a very great trade, frequented by vessels from Sumatra, Malacca, and various quarters of India. Returning to the Ganges, he made an excursion also into the eastern district of Tippara, whose inhabitants were engaged in almost continual warfare with the Mogen (Mugs), oc- cupying the kingdom of Arracan. Again reaching the banks of the river, he notices Serampore, and several Serampore. other towns situated on its lower branches. The people of this part of India, he observes, were in a state of regular rebellion against the Emperor Akbar, being favoured by the numerous islands and river-channels, and especially by the facility of retreat from one to another. He justly characterizes the cotton fabrics in this district as of superior quality to those made in any other part of the empire. From Serampore our traveller obtained a passage in a Nenrrais in vessel to Negrais in the kingdom of Pegu, and had an 8pS? m opportunity of visiting that capital as well as Malacca, then a great Portuguese emporium, where he learned some particulars respecting China and Japan. Return- ing to Bengal, he " shipped himself" for Cochin, and in his way touched at Ceylon, which he found " a brave island, very fruitful and fair." The Portuguese also held a fort at Columbo, which the king often attacked with a hundred thousand men, " but naked people all of them," though partially armed with muskets. Having doubled Cape Comorin, and observed the extensive pearl-fishery upon this coast, he passed by Coulan, and reached Co- chin, which he found by no means a desirable residence ; the water was bad, and victuals very scarce, the surround- ing country producing neither corn nor rice ; yet the want of a conveyance obliged him to remain there for eight months. The Zamorin of Calicut, he understoo 1 CHAP. V A.D. UBS. Close of Fitch's ex- pedition. Impractica- ble nature of the over- land traflic. Jealousy of the Spaniards and Portu- First English ships pass taeCape. 160 EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES continued still hostile to the Portuguese, and carried on a species of piratical war, sending out numerous proas with fifty or sixty men in each, which swept the whole coast, boarding and plundering every vessel which they encountered. Leaving Cochin, Mr Fitch sailed successively to Goa and Chaul, whence he obtained a passage to Ormuz, after having achieved the most extensive journey that had yet been performed hi India by any European.* Although this expedition was executed in a manner creditable to the adventurers, and much information collected respecting the trade and commodities of the country, still it was evident that commerce, carried on by a tract so circuitous, and exposed to so many perils, could neither be safe nor profitable. It was in fact one of the channels by which that traffic had been con- ducted by the Venetians, who were much better situated for it than the English, and who had yet been unable, ever since the discovery of the passage by the Cape, to sustain the rivalry of the Portuguese. The mercantile interest began now to contemplate the last-mentioned route, as alone affording the prospect of a secure and advantageous intercourse. It was guarded, however, with the most jealous care by the Spaniards and Portu- guese ; and the government of Elizabeth, though then at war with these nations, hesitated to sanction arrange- ments which would shut the door against accommodation. Mr Bruce found in the State-paper office a petition, pre- sented in 1589 from sundry merchants, requesting to be allowed to send to India three ships and three pinnaces. The answer does not appear ; but in 1591 three ships were actually sent out under Captains Raymond, Ken- dal, and Lancaster, who sailed from Plymouth on the 10th April. In August, when they reached the Cape, * An ingenious writer, Maritime and Inland Discovery, vol. iii. p. 191, expresses a doubt as to the authenticity of this statement. I cannot perceive on what his scepticism is founded. The voyage is inserted in the standard collection of Hakluyt, and the narrative appeals to me to bear every mark of truth. AND SETTLEMENTS. 161 the crews had already suffered so much from sickness that CHAP. V. it was found necessary to send Captain Kendal home A.rT^59i. with the invalids. The two others proceeded on their voyage ; but near Cape Corrientes they were overtaken by a most tremendous tempest, in which the Raymond, Disasters of the admiral's ship, was separated from its companion, the vo >' a & ers and appears to have perished. Lancaster's vessel alone remained ; but a few days after there occurred such a dreadful thunder-storm, that four men were killed on the spot, and all the others either struck blind, severely bruised, or stretched out as on the rack. Having in some degree recovered, they sailed onwards, and reached the island of Comoro, where they took in a supply of water. The natives at first gave them no annoyance ; but, after confidence had been fully established, two parties of sixteen each, when busily employed on shore, were suddenly surrounded by a vast troop of these trea- Treachery f cherous people ; and Lancaster had the distress of seeing ^' 8 his men almost entirely cut in pieces, without the pos- sibility of affording them any aid. Sailing thence with a heavy heart, he touched at Zanzibar, where he found good anchorage, and put his vessel into tolerable repair ; but though not openly opposed by the Portuguese, he learned that they had formed a scheme to attack his boat. Adverse gales now carried him out of his course, till he approached the island of Socotora, when the wind becoming favourable he stood directly for Cape Comorin. He doubled it in May 1592, and having missed the Ni- cobar group, proceeded to Sumatra, and thence to the uninhabited is-lands of Pulo Penang, where he spent what he calls the winter, being the season distinguished by the heavy storms to which those seas are exposed in July and August. Sailing along the coast of Malacca Lawless he fell in with three vessels of 65 or 70 tons, one of J which struck to his boat alone ; and, as it was found to belong to a certain body of Jesuits, he felt no scruple in making it a prize. Determined to persevere in this practice, lie stationed himself off the Straits of Malacca, through which the Portuguese vessels were obliged to 162 EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES CHAP. v. pa 3 *& their way to China and the Moluccas. He soon took one of 250 tons, from Negapatnam, laden with rice. A fine ship of 400 tons from St Thomas escaped ; but a short time afterwards he fell in with a splendid galleon of 700 tons from Goa, which almost immediately sur- rendered. She was found richly laden with all the commodities fitted for the Indian market. The captain and crew contrived by a stratagem to effect their escape, when Lancaster, displeased with the disorderly conduct of his own men, took out the most valuable articles, and allowed her to drive to sea. He then sailed for the Bay of Junkseylon, where he obtained some pitch to refit his vessels, and from thence he made for the Point visits Cey- de Galle in Ceylon. There he took his station to wait for the Bengal and Pegu fleets, which were under the necessity of passing this way ; but the seamen, satisfied with their previous success, and fatigued with so hard a voyage, insisted upon forthwith returning home. They Return to the reached the Cape in the beginning of 1593, and, after tedious passage round Africa, were obliged by the scarcity of provisions, especially of bread, to make for Trinidad. They entered by mistake the Gulf of Paria ; whence they found their way through the whole group of the West Indies, till they reached the Bermudas. In this quarter they were assailed by a violent tempest, and driven Use then b ac k. ffhe ship was finally carried out to sea, leaving the captain and crew on a desolate island, where they must have perished but for some French vessels, which took them up and conveyed them to Dieppe. They arrived there on the 19th May 1594, after a voyage of three years and two months, being double the time usually spent by the Portuguese in this navigation. New Eng- "phe ardour of the English seems to have been for some tion. ip( " time chilled by the unfortunate issue of this expedition. On learning, however, that the Dutch, in ] 595, had sent out four vessels, they were inspired with a sentiment of emulation ; and an association, formed in 1599, subscrib- ed 30,000, to be employed in fitting out three ships for the Indian trade. The queen not only gave full AND SETTLEMENTS. 163 sanction to the undertaking, but even sent out John Mil- CHAP. v. denhall as ambassador to the Great Mogul, to solicit the ^ fTTosa necessary privileges. Of this mission some account will be given in treating of the reign of the celebrated Akbar, who at that time occupied the throne of Hindostan ; but the envoy having died in Persia on his way home, his journey led to no practical result. Before, however, he eould have returned, the adventurers had entered on their project. The first association merged, in 1600, into one FonrdaHoi on a greater scale, having at its head George, earl of Cum- j^j^ ^^_ brland, with 215 knights, aldermen, and merchants, who pany were constituted the " Governor and Company of Mer- chants trading to the East Indies." They were invested with the too ample privileges which it was then cus- tomary to bestow on mercantile corporations, being not only allowed to export bullion to the amount of 30,000, and English goods for the four first voyages without duty, but obtaining the right of exclusive trade in all the countries beyond the Cape. The charter was granted for fifteen years, but liable to be annulled at any time on two years' notice. They began on the footing of a joint-stock company ; though, as the subscribers were slow hi paying up their shares, a certain number of the more zealous took the concern altogether into their own hands, supplying the funds on condition of reaping the profits. They expended 75,373, of which 39,771 was invested in shipping, 28,742 in bullion, and 6860 in goods. It was the wish of the court that Sir Edward Mercantile Michelborne should be nominated to a command ; but spmt the merchants expressed their resolution not to employ gentlemen, " but to sort their business with men of then- own quality." They therefore appointed Lancaster, whose conduct in his former bold though unfortunate expedition was considered highly creditable to his spirit and talents. On the 2d of April 1601, this navigator sailed, having Lancaster the command of five ships, varying from 600 to 130 tons. g^ lhe He passed the Cape of Good Hope without encountering any unusual difficulty. The almost exclusive objects of CHAP. V. A.D. 160L Portuguese prize. Nej?otiates a commercial treaty and returns home. New fleet under Mid- 164 EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES the Indian trade, at that era, were spices, pepper, cloves, and nutmegs ; commodities found in Sumatra, Java, the Molucca and Banda Islands, without landing on any part of the continent. These first voyages, therefore, do not come within the proper limits of our present subject, and will demand only a cursory notice. After touching at Madagascar and the Nicobar Islands, merely for the pur- pose of taking in refreshments, the commodore proceeded direct to Acheen, the principal port of Sumatra. Not- withstanding the intrigues of the Portuguese, he con- cluded a commercial treaty with the king on favourable terms, and proceeded to lade his ships with pepper ; which, however, proved so scarce and dear, that he be- came apprehensive of incurring the loss, and, what he aeems to have dreaded still more, the disgrace of return- ing home without a cargo. From this anxiety he was relieved by meeting a Portuguese vessel of 900 tons, of which he made a prize, and found it so richly laden with calicoes and other valuable goods, that he not only occupied all his tonnage, but could have filled more ships if he had had them. He did not, however, return im- mediately, but sailed to Bantam, where also he found the utmost facility in negotiating a commercial treaty on satisfactory terms. Having sent forward a pinnace of 40 tons to the Moluccas, with, instructions to prepare a lading of spices for a future expedition, he sailed for England. The next fleet, equipped in 1 604, was commanded by Captain Middleton, who afterwards, under the title of Sir Henry, acquired the reputation of being one of the most enterprising and successful of eastern naviga- tors. He sailed on the 25th March from Gravesend, with the Red Dragon and three other ships, and an in- vested capital of 60,450. After a favourable voyage, having stopped nowhere but at Saldanha, near the Cape, he arrived in the end of December in the road of Ban- tam. Here the vessels separated ; two remaining to take in a cargo of pepper, one going to Banda, while Middle- ton himself proceeded to the Moluccas. He found these AND SETTLEMENTS. 165 islands the seat of a most furious war, which the Dutch, CHAP. v. in conjunction with the King of Ternate, were waging ^ ^ 1604 against the Portuguese and the King of Tidore. The former nation, from whom the English commander con- sidered himself entitled to expect a friendly reception, unfriendly afforded subject, on the contrary, for his most bitter ^^^ complaints. They represented our countrymen as a band of mere pirates, and boasted that the King of Holland was more powerful at sea than all Europe besides. Thus, partly by fear, partly by persuasion, they dissuaded his majesty of Ternate from allowing any commercial in- tercourse ; and the Portuguese being masters at Tidore, Middleton does not appear to have attempted any trade there, though he received a letter from the king implor- ing his aid and that of the English monarch against the Dutch. Captain Colthurst, who commanded the other ship, reached Banda, where he spent twenty-two weeks, without suffering any inconvenience except from the difficult navigation of those seas. The Company were now threatened with a formidable A rival Enp- rivalry. Sir Edward Michelborne, whom they had re- ||o!L expedi ' jected as the commander of their first expedition, ob- tained a license from government to undertake a voyage to various parts of the East. He carried with him only a ship and a pinnace, called the Tiger and the Tiger's Whelp. This navigator, however, did not confer any distinction upon his voyage, either by discovery or com- mercial transactions of the slightest importance. He did not even reach the Moluccas ; but while in the Indian Seas employed himself chiefly in piratical practices, not Lawless pro- against the Portuguese, for which the hostility between M the two nations might have afforded some pretext, but against all native veels. He captured a Japanese junk, the crew of which first lulled the suspicions of the visiters by courtesy and apparent cordiality, then sud- denly rose and made a most desperate attempt to possess themselves of the vessel. Captain Davis was killed, and Michelborne escaped only by leaping into the hold, where, with his boatswain, carpenter, and a few seamen, 166 EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES CHAP. v. he kept the assailants at bay, till he opened upon them A. D~1607 suc * 1 a fi re as killed a part, and compelled the rest to re- treat. Their leader was taken ; and being asked his rea- son for making this furious onset, replied, he wished to take the ship and cut all their throats ; then coolly de- sired them to hew himself in pieces. Michelborne after- wards captured two Chinese vessels laden with silk, and returned to England with his ill-gotten spoil. Second ex- Meantime the Company sent out another expedition SfaStin- of three ships and 310 men, commanded by Captains dia Com- . Keeling, Hawkins, and David Middleton. The first two sailed in April 1(507, entered Bantam road on the 18th October, and immediately pushed forward to the Moluc- ca and Banda Islands. A great change had taken place during the few years that had elapsed since the voyage of Henry Middleton. The Portuguese were no longer heard of in those seas, whence they appear to have been Supremacy of expelled by the Dutch, who were now completing the the Dutch. su bjection of the native princes. Keeling, on his ar- rival, found them engaged in hot warfare, which they justified by stating that the natives had ensnared and murdered forty of their countrymen. Notice was there- fore given to him, that he should instantly withdraw his ship from the island which they had now con- quered by force of arms. Keeling replied, " that till he was commanded otherwise than by words, he would ride there till he was laden ;" but finding soon after that a treaty had been concluded between the Dutch and Ban- danese, amounting to the entire submission of the latter, he consented to retire. Middleton, who had sailed on the 12th March, did not meet with the two others, but followed nearly the same course without any remark- able adventure. % Expedition A fourth expedition, consisting of two large ships, the under Shar- Asc ens i on and the Union, was fitted out in 1607, with an invested capital of 33,000, and the command in- trusted to Captain Alexander Sharpey. His object ap- pears to have been to reach the coast of Cambay, and particularly Surat, understood at that time to be the AND SETTLEMENTS. 167 most extensive emporium of Western India. He sailed CHAP. v. in March, but experienced throughout a series of mis- A r7~^j 07 fortunes. The two vessels were separated in doubling the Cape of Good Hope, and never met again. The The ship AS- Ascension proceeded along the eastern coast of Africa to censioa Pemba, but was twice attacked by the treacherous Moors, and several of the crew cut off. In the prosecution of their voyage the English, when greatly exhausted, fortu- nately lighted on a cluster of uninhabited islands, which apparently were the Sechelles, where they obtained an abundant supply of turtles and cocoa-nuts. Proceeding to the Red Sea they touched at Aden and Mocha, where they met with a favourable reception. They descended tLat inlet, and having touched at Socotora and obtained some supplies, steered for India. They reached Diu, and prepared to cross the G ulf of Cambay for Surat, but were warned that a pilot, who could be procured on easy terms, was necessary to conduct the vessel in this danger- ous passage. The master, however, full of obstinacy and Obstinacy of self-conceit, judged himself, without any such aid, quite and 'week'' of competent to guide her course. She was soon entangled the ve8Sd in the shoals that abound in that sea, and struck repeat- edly with such violence that she became a total wreck. " Thus," says the narrator, " was this tall ship lost, to the great injury of the worshipful Company and the utter undoing of all us the poor mariners." They betook themselves to their boats, and attempted to reach the River Surat, but were compelled to enter that of Gon- devee, a change of direction which proved to be almost providential, for the Portuguese had a force prepared at the former place to intercept and capture them. Some of the crew went up to Agra, where Hawkins then re- sided as ambassador to the Great Mogul, and contrived to find their way home overland through Persia, while several obtained a passage to Europe from Goa. The Union, meantime, had not, as was supposed by The ship the crew of the Ascension, suffered shipwreck. Her moil< mainmast had sprung, but the men contrived to recover it, and to reach the coast of St Augustin in Madagascar. 168 EARLY EXGLISH VOYAGES CHAP. V. A. D. 1609. Obtains a cargo. Fate of the Expedition. The ship Ex. pediUoa Enmity of the Dutch. Larpe ex- pedition. Thence they sailed for Zanzibar ; but being involved in a quarrel with the natives, lost several of their number, and were obliged to return to that island ; but there, too, fresh disasters ~were sustained, both from the climate and the treacherous hostility of the people. They then proceeded northwards to' Arabia, but being at a loss how to find their way to the Indian coast, determined to steer direct for Sumatra ; and having reached Acheen and Pria- man, they obtained, on advantageous terms, an abundant cargo of pepper. The voyage homeward is very indis- tinctly related ; but it is clear that it was accompanied with many delays and some damage ; and, in February 1611, the vessel was run ashore on the coast of Brittany, near Morlaix, where great depredation was committed by the inhabitants. The Company, on being apprized of her situation, sent a skilful shipwright, with other persons, who reported the vessel to be wholly unser- viceable, but saved two hundred tons of pepper, with the anchors, ordnance, and other equipments. Of seven- ty-five seamen, who went out from England, only nine survived. In 1609, Captain David Middleton again sailed with only a single ship, the Expedition, which, with its lad- ing, was valued at 13,700. He proceeded directly for the Spice Islands, and found the Dutch, as before, in great force, and claiming the entire sovereignty ; yet, by his address and activity, he contrived to obtain a good investment. Hereupon their indignation was such, that they formed several plans for destroying him and his vessel, and he was in a great measure indebted to chance for his escape. However, he was fortunate enough to reach Bantam without encountering any serious disaster. In 1609-10, the Company sent out a larger expedition than ever, consisting of three vessels, one called the Trade's Increase, of a thousand tons ; while a capital of 82,000 was invested in the shipping and cargoes. The commander was Sir Henry Middleton, who, in a former voyage, had obtained a character for courage and enter- prise, which in the present be fully maintained. The AND SETTLEMENTS. 169 Red Sea and Surat, in preference to the Spice Islands, CHAP V. hitherto the favourite object, were the points of his des- ^ ^Ten. tination. Having effected his passage round the Cape, he proceeded direct to the Arabian Gulf and the port of Mocha, where he at first flattered himself with having obtained a most cordial reception : but being inveigled on shore by the treacherous and bigoted Turks, he was seized, treated with the utmost indignity, and carried a prisoner to Sana, the capital of Yemen. He contrived, however, to obtain his liberation, and afterwards to avenge severely this ungenerous usage. Middleton now descended the Red Sea, whence he Descends tho sailed directly to Surat, with the view of opening a mer- Red Sea " cantile intercourse with that great emporium of India. He arrived on the coast of Cambay in October 1611, though he had considerable difficulty in finding the river on which the city is built. He at length procured a pilot ; but soon thereafter learned that his entrance, as well as his scheme of commercial transactions, would be opposed by a still more serious obstacle. A Portuguese Opposition -A squadron, represented by some accounts as amounting to g^ e e ^ rtn ' twenty armed vessels, had stationed itself at the mouth of the river, for the express purpose of preventing the entrance of ships belonging to any other European state. The commander, Don Francisco de Soto Mayor, sent a messenger to state that, if the English brought a letter from the King of Spain or the viceroy, authoriz- ing them to trade in these parts, they might depend on every attention ; otherwise, his instructions were to in- terdict the port to the people of all countries except his own. Sir Henry very promptly replied, that he had no letter either from king or viceroy ; that he came with credentials and rich presents from his own sovereign, to open a traffic with the Great Mogul, who was under no Spirited con- vassalage to the Portuguese, but whose territory was free to all nations ; that he wished no harm to Don Fran- cisco or his countrymen, though he considered himself to liave quite as good a title as they had to the commer- cial advantages of Cambay. The other, however, deter- 170 EAKLY ENGLISH VOYAGES CHAP. v. mined to refuse the slightest concession, immediately be- A. iTTeiL S 311 ^ m * erce P* * ne su pply f provisions from the town causing therehy a most serious privation to the English, among whom, from having heen so long at sea, symptoms of scurvy hegan to he severely felt. At the same time, accounts were received that Sharpey, after losing his vessel in the manner already described, was now at Su- rat. He had received communications from Hawkins, still at the court of the Mogul, and from Fitch at Lahore, by which it appeared that the Indian rulers were so Fickleness of fickle and easily swayed by opposite influences, while nitera!'* 6 the Portuguese and native merchants were so closely combined against him, that there could be little or no hope of establishing any secure or beneficial intercourse. Middleton now paused, and was advised to try his for- tune on another division of the coast ; but having ob- tained from some of the higher authorities in the city an assurance that, were it not for their fear of the Portu- guese, they would be very willing to trade with him, he resolved that nothing on his part should be wanting tc duct'ofth " fr*^ the views of his employers. The Trade's Increase English. was too large to approach the shore ; but the Pepper- corn, with two smaller vessels, began to move towards the harbour. During their progress, the Portuguese ar- mada kept abreast of them, between their line and the land, in order of battle, with colours flying, and raising loud shouts, yet without showing any disposition to an actual engagement. At length, one of Middleton's boats having been sent forward to take soundings, two of the enemy's barks rowed out, and openly attempted to cap- ture it. A brisk fire, however, being directed against them, they lost no time in commencing their retreat ; and one was so hotly pursued, that the crew leaped overboard, nieir com- and struggled through the deep mud to the shore. The i>iete success, vessel became a prize to the English, which proved of some value, as it contained a tolerable assortment of In- dian goods. The rest of the fleet made a movement in aid of their distressed comrades, but received such enter- tainment as induced them quickly to retire. The two AND SETTLEMENTS. 171 merchantmen were then anchored in seven fathoms CHAP. v. water, at the mouth of the river ; and every subsequent ^ iTiciL attempt which the Portuguese made to annoy them, or prevent their landing, was defeated with great loss. The authorities of Surat, on seeing such determined Native inter resolution displayed by the English, no longer hesitated to enter into treaty with them. Mocrib Khan, the go- vernor, with sixteen leading mercantile characters, spent a night on board, accepting with readiness the viands and delicacies presented to them, as well as various little or- namental articles which they were allowed to select as presents. At last the strangers landed, and the parties began to negotiate about the exchange of their respective commodities. Khojah Nassan and the other merchants produced an ample assortment of calicoes ; but Downton complains that they both bought and sold at rates most unsatisfactory, expecting very exorbitant profits, not less than fifty per cent, on merchandise purchased at their own doors, while for the goods which had been brought from a great distance, they would scarcely allow enough to pay the freight. We cannot, however, forbear Mode of con taking some exceptions to the mode in which our coun- ^"nsactions trymen, according to their own report, conducted their with the n transactions. The native merchants very reasonably tiTei wished to select commodities suited to their trade, and for which they could find a demand ; but the English, having burdened themselves with other articles, parti- cularly a large stock of lead, which proved exceedingly unsaleable in this market, insisted on forcing these upon the reluctant purchasers. At length the Indians, seeing they could do no better, agreed to take the lead along with the other goods ; but, after these had been landed, Sir Henry learned that Khojah Nassan was expressing the utmost discontent at the assortment thus obtruded on him> raving like a madman, and even countermanding the wagons which were to carry away the obnoxious article. It was added that, according to the custom of the country, any bargain could be annulled, on notice to that effect being given within twenty-four hours. To 172 EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES CHAP. v. avert this peril, Middleton had recourse to a step, the A. rTTen. expediency of which appears exceedingly questionable. The governor and several other official persons happening ceetiuiKs P of" to be on board his vessel, he placed them under arrest, to Middleton. be liberated only when the transactions should be closed by the delivery of the Indian goods. The option, how- ever, was given to the merchant to relieve the governor by supplying his place, a proposal to which, with many wry faces, he was at last induced to consent. By this step the English gained, indeed, their immediate object ; yet it probably contributed, in no small degree, to the reso- lution which was soon afterwards made known to them, that they must forthwith depart from Surat, without establishing a factory or even collecting their debts. This inhospitable proceeding was imputed to the intrigues of the Portuguese and Jesuits ; but, whether it were so or not, Sir Henry was obliged to retire with a very un- satisfactory cargo, and no favourable prospect as to the future reception of his countrymen. Rotiirn to the From Surat he sailed along the coast, and touched at 1 Sca> Dabul, where he was at first very heartily welcomed, but soon found or suspected that the governor secretly counteracted all his measures, so that he could form no advantageous arrangement. He returned to the Red Sea, and extorted from the citizens of Mocha farther com- pensation for the wrongs he had formerly suffered there. He moreover stopped every Indian vessel he met, and obliged her to agree to an exchange of goods, the con- ditions of which he himself dictated, a course which he justifies on grounds that seem rather untenable. He next sailed across the Indian Ocean for Bantam ; but in the course of the voyage the Trade's Increase struck upon a rock, and sustained considerable damage. While it was under repair he sent Downton home in the Pep- percorn, intending himself to follow ; but he was seized with a violent illness, and died in Java. In 1611, the Company sent out the Globe, under Cap- ^j n jjjpp OIlj to endeavour to open a trade on the Coro- mandel coast ; and Floris, a Dutchman, accompanied him AND SETTLEMENTS. i 73 as factor. They departed in January, and at the end of CHAP. v. July doubled the Point de Galle in Ceylon, whence they A o~^ n ran along the coast to Negapatam. Without stopping there, they proceeded to Pulicat, where they hoped to ^omlndef traffic with some advantage. The day after their arrival, coast - however, Van Wersicke, president of the Dutch settle- ments on this coast, waited upon them, and gave notice that his countrymen had obtained a kaul from the King of Narsinga, in whose territory that city stood, prohibit- ing all Europeans from trading, unless under patent from Prince Maurice. The captain replied that he held the patent of the King of England, which he deemed quite sufficient ; and high words arose. But the Shah Ban- Disputes be- dur, or governor, persuaded them to suspend the dispute Dutch and till the expected arrival of the Princess Konda Maa, who English, held the sovereignty of the city. Her royal highness came ; but when Hippon applied for an audience, she re- turned for answer that she was not then at leisure, pro- mising, however, to send for him next day. Consider- ing this reply evasive, he went to the minister, and was assured that the Dutch had in fact obtained the exclu- sive right which they asserted ; and he was advised to apply to them for permission to trade. But Hippon, calculating that this expedient would occupy two months, and being almost certain, besides, that he would be re- fused, proceeded to Petapoli, where he left a small fac- tory, and then to Masulipatam, the great market for the Proceeding beautiful fabrics produced upon this coast. The governor t there readily entered into treaty, but pursued, at the same time, a complete system of fraud and chicanery. He told the most palpable lies, and insisted that he, as a Mir, or descendant of Mohammed, was to be believed be- fore Christians. The English, therefore, had determined upon " foul means" to obtain redress ; but, through some of the merchants, an accommodation was effected. They sailed next to Bantam, and thence to Patane, where, in June 1612, they landed in great state, with minstrels playing and flags flying, bearing the king's letter in a golden basin on the back of an elephant. This they 17* EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES . CHAP v. presented to the queen, who received them graciously, A ^""^.jn and finally gave the desired permission to erect a ware- house. At Patane the captain died, upon which the others proceeded to Siam. Floris, who had visited this part of India four years before, probably in a Dutch vessel, found such a demand for goods as the whole world, it ap- peared to him, was insufficient to satisfy ; but now there had ensued such a glut, as to leave room only for very limited sales. They afterwards returned to Masulipatam, and met with a better reception, but without being able to carry their transactions to any great extent. Second Ex- in 1611 also, the Company sent out a much larger ex- theVoro- pedition, of three ships, the Clove, Hector, and Thomas, uiandel coast. under Captain John Saris. This was an active and adventurous voyage, but does not come within our im- mediate sphere ; the vessels not having touched at any part of the continent of India. Saris sailed first to the Red Sea, where he met Sir Henry Middleton on his second visit there ; and the parties for some time acted in concert both for trade and piracy. In August 1612, he steered for Bantam, still considered as the chief Eng- lish factory in the East, where he arrived in the end of October, but learned that the number of vessels belong- ing to different countries, assembled and expected, had caused a very inconvenient rise in the price of cloves, pepper, and the other staple commodities. He sailed, therefore, to the Moluccas, which were found to have been cruelly desolated by civil ware between the native princes, as well as by the contests for pre-eminence be- tween the Dutch and Portuguese, supported by the Spa- Snpremacyof niards from the Philippines. The Hollanders had now atch " nearly expelled the other nations, and were using their ( utmost efforts, by threats and misrepresentations, to deter the several chiefs from holding any intercourse with tho th?E^ " f English- Saris, however, by his activity and address, contrived to collect a suitable cargo of cloves. He then sailed for Firando, in Japan, in the hope of opening a communication with that Celebrated empire, where the rigid exclusion of Europeans, which has been since AND SETTLEMKNTS. 1J5 so strictly enforced, did not yet prevail. Being waited CHAP, v on by the governor, who is here called king, they made ^ iTliei" arrangements for visiting the emperor at Surunga, where they met with a good reception, and entertained hopes of establishing a profitable factory at Firando ; which, however, proved ultimately fallacious. The Company had now sent eight expeditions, the Profits of tee result of which was judged on the whole to be extremely com P an J'- advantageous. Leaving out of the account the unfortunate voyage of Sharpey, they had derived an average profit of not less than 171 per cent. Mr Mill hence draws the natural inference, that these had been conducted in a manner decidedly more judicious than subsequent ad- ventures that yielded a very different return. Yet we Questions!/, cannot forbear observing, that many of the cargoes were sources - made up on such very easy terms as their successors could not expect to command. Independently of the fact that whole fleets were sometimes laden with captured goods, trade was often carried on by compulsory means, calculated to ensure a profitable return only to the stronger party. These first voyages, in short, exhibit the profits of trade combined with the produce of piracy. The commerce of India, according to the original plan, New scheme was to be conducted on the principle of a joint-stock company, in which the transactions were to be managed by a governor and directors, and a dividend made to the subscribers in proportion to the number of shares. But as the paying up of the instalments upon this principle proceeded very slowly, another arrangement was made, by which each individual furnished a certain proportion of the outlay, and received the entire profit arising from its investment. Though the affairs of the Company pros- pered under this system, it was necessarily attended with a good deal of confusion and difficulty, which suggested to the governor and Company the expediency of return- ing to the old method of conducting affairs on the regu- lar joint-stock system. This plan was accordingly adopt- ed in 1 612, and on those terms a capital of 429,000 was subscribed, with which the directors undertook, during 176 EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES CHAP. v. the next four years, to build twenty-nine vessels, at an A. D. 1614. fc x P ens e of 272,000, and to employ the rest of the sum in the investment. troupe* The commerce of India being considered more and more a national object, King James, in 1614, sent out Sir Thomas Roe as ambassador to the Great Mogul, with the view of obtaining permission to trade on reasonable terms in the principal ports of his dominions. The de- tails of this embassy, which remarkably illustrate the manners and arrangements of the Mogul court, will be Very partial introduced in our account of that dynasty. The result E U Siem- e could not be considered as a total failure ; yet the influ- bassy. ence exercised against the English by the Portuguese and native merchants was so powerful, the views of this splendid but barbarous court were so vacillating and capricious, that, though Sir Thomas did at last ex- tract a species of firman in favour of his countrymen, he could give them little encouragement to place any re- liance upon it ; assuring them that their actual success must ever depend mainly upon arrangements with the local merchants and magistrates. . . General view A regular intercourse being now formed with India, HshtradM-o and a ^ tne marifc i me paths to that region fully explored, India. the particular voyages cease to possess much interest, and have therefore been -seldom recorded. The situation of the English was sometimes rendered critical by the rivalry of the other European powers who had formed establishments previously,- and continued as long as pos- sible to. treat them as interlopers. The Portuguese from the first manifested the loftiest pretensions, aggravated by the most imbittered feelings ; but their naval power had now become so feeble hi comparison with the fleets of Britain, that they scarcely ever encountered her vessels without signal defeat. *We It was much otherwise with the Dutch, whose exten- Itatek l 6 ^ ve marine rendered their hostility truly formidable. They had already completely driven the Portuguese from the Molucca and Banda Islands, which they claimed in complete sovereignty. The English did not attempt to AND SETTLEMENTS. 177 interfere with the Hollanders in those settlements where CHAP. V. the right of prior occupation could be urged ; but the ^ TTei9 small islands of Pularoon and Rosengin, forming part indeed of a group occupied by that people, though con- taming no actual settlement, were considered as open territory, and forts were erected on them. This seems sufficiently conformable to Indian practice, where the factories of different nations are often found in the closest contiguity. The Dutch, however, chose to understand Disputes with it otherwise ; and, after having in vain endeavoured to expel their rivals from these strongholds, seized two of their vessels, announcing their determination not to release them till England should have withdrawn her pretensions to the trade of the Spice Islands. The de- mand was strenuously resisted, and hostilities ensued, which were attended with disastrous consequences to both nations, and particularly to our countrymen. Pring, Losses of ii: when he was on the coast of Coromandel in 1619, heard the doleful tale that four ships, the Dragon, Bear, Expe- dition, and Rose, were captured near the Isles of Tecoo ; that the Star was taken in the Straits of Sunda, and that two other vessels were in great peril. The Companies now presented heavy complaints against each other to their respective governments ; negotiations were opened, and in order to prevent these partial hostilities from ter- minating in a general war, a treaty of a very singular complexion was concluded. The English and Dutch Alliance lie- agreed to become, as it were copartners in the Indian Sutchaifd traffic ; the former to have half the trade in pepper, and English, a third of that in the finer spices ; and each of the na- tions to keep ten ships in common for the purpose of pro- tection, as well as for conveying goods from one port of India to another. There was also to be formed a " Council of Defence," consisting of four members of each Company, who were to be intrusted with the duty of enforcing the provisions of this extraordinary treaty. It was obvious that these stipulations were of such a impractica- nature, and involved so constant an interference in pri- ^"^niuil 01 vate transactions, as could not fail to lead to the most ,/ 178 EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES CHAP, v serious differences. The Dutch, who maintained larger A.fTl620. fleets among the islands, interpreted every question in their own favour, and refused to admit the others to the stipulated share of the trade, till they had paid their proportion of all the sums which they themselves, with or without necessity, had expended on fortifications. The enmity between the two parties became always more rancorous, till the Hollanders, availing themselves of superior strength, proceeded to that dreadful outrage V ' -^bo Cre f ca ^ e ^ ^ ne " Massacre of Amboyna." The island of that name is well known as the richest of the group of the Moluccas, and the one which affords the most copious supply of cloves. The principal settlement of both com- panies was at the capital, where the Dutch had a strong castle with a garrison of about two hundred men ; while the English, eighteen hi number, occupied merely a house in the town, where, however, they thought themselves in safety under the faith of treaties. The former, con- ceiving suspicions of a Japanese soldier who was in their service, arrested and put him to the torture. By that barbarous mode of extracting evidence, they brought him to confess that he and several of his countrymen had entered into a conspiracy to seize the fortress ; and upon the information thus obtained, others of the same nation reliance of were apprehended and tortured. The English, while ; English. ^^ ^g^gg^Qj^ was going on, went back and forward to the castle as business led them, inquiring about it as an ordinary affair, in no shape affecting themselves. Abel Price, the surgeon, however, having been confined hi that building on account of some excesses committed through intoxication, was one morning assured that his country- men also were engaged in this nefarious plot. He Price put to professed utter ignorance on the subject; but the rack * was applied to him with such severity as made him soon confess whatever his tormentors were pleased to direct. At the same time a message was sent to Captain Towerson, and the other members of the English factory, requesting that they would visit the governor. On their arrival, they were much surprised at being arrested, all AND SETTLEMENTS. 179 their property seized, and themselves called upon to ac- CHAP. v. knowledge their share in the alleged conspiracy. Not- ^^1 62 ^ withstanding the most solemn denial, they underwent separate and successive examinations, enforced by the Sent of *" t most cruel torture, their cries being heard by their com- English, panions without, even at a great distance. Agony, in- deed, at length extorted their assent to every thing which their accusers chose to suggest. The confessions evi- dently appear to have been given in a manner which ren- ders it quite manifest that they were wrung from the unhappy victims by the extremity of suffering. On being released, they repeated their denials in the most impres- sive manner ; two, in particular, being adjured by Tower- son, retracted altogether the testimony they had borne against him. But they were impelled by the renewed Confessions application of torture to return to their accusation ^ r d ^ rt both of themselves and of him. One desired to be told at once what he was required to own ; but this being treated as contumacy, torture was again applied till he invented such a story as was likely to satisfy his persecutors. In general, however, leading questions were put, intimating the charges made against the individual ; and the judges contented themselves with his passive admission. The issue was, that Captain Towerson and Nine of them nine others were condemned to die, the remaining eight to death"" being pardoned. They were allowed to see each other, and had the sacrament administered by the Dutch clergy- man, when they declared in the most solemn manner their perfect innocence. Samuel Colson said aloud : " Lord, as I am innocent of this treason, do thou par- don all my other sins ; and if in the smallest degree guilty thereof may I never be a partaker of the joys of thy heavenly kingdom." The rest answered, " Amen ! amen !" They then earnestly asked and cordially re- Their exeen- ceived forgiveness from each other for their mutual tion< accusations, John Clark saying, " How shall I look to be forgiven of God if I do not forgive you." They were then executed by having their heads cut off with a sci mirar. A black pall was provided for the captain, the 180 EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES CHAP. v. expense of which his enemies had the effrontery to charge A.D~"l620 on the English Company. One Portuguese, and nine natives of Japan, who suffered at the same time, made equally strong protestations of innocence. Indignation The indignation of the English people, always easily Ush.' 6 " S ' roused, never mounted to a higher pitch than when tid- ings arrived of this cruel and bloody transaction. The nation was in a ferment, and a universal cry arose for redress and vengeance. The Court of Directors pre- pared and distributed a picture, in which the tortures of the unhappy sufferers were represented with every fea- ture of aggravation. The press was actively employed in inflaming still farther the indignation of the multitude, and the excitement was such that the Dutch residents made an application to the Privy Council for the pro- tection of their persons. Mr Mill, always studious to guard against national partiality, is willing to suppose that this matter had been viewed at home through a somewhat exaggerating medium. Reluctant to ascribe to the actors the malignant spirit of demons, he thinks it more probable that, biassed and embittered by the violent opposition of interests, they may have believed their rivals really guilty, have rashly brought them to trial, decided with minds too much blinded to discern the truth, and then put them to death without remorse. The torture, however unjustifiable, was still employed in Holland and other European kingdoms as an instru- ment for extorting evidence. Both nations, he observes, hi those distant seas, where they were beyond the reach of regular government and legal restraint, were guilty of many cruel and violent actions. Admitting to a cer- tain extent the force of these observations, we cannot yet refrain from condemning the transaction as one of delibe- rate and cold-blooded ferocity. fence o C f de " Tlie ^ utcll > on being called upon for satisfaction, re- Dutch? t>e turned at first very evasive answers; but when the English began to detain their vessels, they found the matter assuming a more serious aspect, and authorized an investigation. The negotiations were very long pro- AND SETTLEMENTS. 181 tracted, and no final adjustment took place till 1654, CHAP. v. during the government of Cromwell, when eight com- A ^Y 62a missioners, four on each side, awarded a compensation of 3615 to the heirs and representatives of those who had suffered. At the same time, each party brought forward a statement of the amount of injury alleged to have been sustained from the other during the forty years which elapsed from the time they began their abortive attempt at a joint trade, down to 1652. The English raised their estimate to no less than 2,695,999 ; while the Dutch chose to fix theirs at the still more enormous amount of 2,919,861. These excessively-exaggerated demands were cut down by the commissioners, who in the end awarded the sum of 85,000 to be paid to our country- men. The catastrophe of Amboyna broke up entirely that Dissolution of system of united traffic, which indeed from the first might ritoatSau! easily have been foreseen to be impracticable. Yet the English maintained for some time longer their settlement at Bantam, which they had even made the capital of their eastern possessions. But the greater force main- tained by the enemy in those islands, and which they always increased, rendered the tenure by which our people held a footing there difficult and precarious ; and the greater attractions presented on the continent of India induced them gradually to relinquish their insular stations, with the exception of a few on the coast of Sumatra Considerable expectations were at one period enter- Estatiish- tained from an establishment on the Persian Gulf. An English naval force, as formerly mentioned, co-operating with the army of the Shah of Persia, drove the Portu- guese in 1622 from their once opulent settlement at Ormuz, which has since sunk into total insignificance. In return for their services, our adventurers received not only a share of the booty, but also liberty to establish a factory at the fort of Gombroon, the transactions at which appeared at first to wear a promising aspect. Surat for a considerable tune was the principal seat of 182 EARLr ENGLISH VOYAGES CHAP. v. British settlement in India, and annual investments to A. D~T625. a large amount were sent to the factory in that city. Being exposed, however, to the arbitrary exactions of afsurat nt tne Mogul and his officers, and also to the incessant in- cursions of the Mahrattas, the government felt it very desirable to obtain some place entirely their own, and which they could fortify against external aggression. An opportunity was offered in 1662, on occasion of the marriage of the Infanta Catherine to Charles II., when the island of Bombay was ceded as part of her dowry. So ffie misunderstanding arose as to the extent of this grant, the English conceiving it to include Salsette and other dependencies ; while the Portuguese chose to view it as not extending beyond the bare precincts of the island, in which last interpretation Britain was finally obliged to acquiesce. Thus the crown acquired for the first time a territorial possession in India ; which, how- ever, did not yield revenue sufficient to defray its ex- penses. In 1668, therefore, the entire sovereignty was made over to the Company, who, in 1687, transferred thither from Surat the presidency over their other settle- ments ; and Bombay has ever since continued the capital of their dominions in Western India. Coromandei Meantime, the establishments on the eastern coast ' I0ns> were gradually rising into their present importance. For some tune, the Coromandel stations were considered secondary, shifted from place to place, and held subor- dinate to Bantam. In the voyage of Hippon we have traced the first foundation of the important settlements of Masulipatam and Pulicat ; but the latter was soon relinquished, in consequence of Dutch rivalry. To escape the hostility of that people and the oppressions of the Aime* 7 at native government, the English, in 1625, procured a spot of ground at Armegum, a little south of Nellore, where they stationed a factory. This place, however, viewed as an emporium of the fine cotton manufactures which gave the chief value to that coast, was not found equal to Masu- lipatam ; and accordingly the trade of this last was soon revived. Valuable privileges in its favour were obtained AND SETTLEMENTS. 183 from the King of Golconda ; while the Mogul emperor CHAP. v. sanctioned an establishment at Pipley in Orissa. It being - still considered important to have a place of strength for the security of the Company's trade, permission was obtained, in 1640, from a native chief to erect a fort at Madraspatam. The Directors, actuated by a spirit of economy which has not always ruled their counsels, ob- jected to this erection, and limited very strictly the sums to be expended on it. However,, they called it Fort St George, and made it afterwards the capital of their settle- ments on the coast of CoromandeL. The establishment in Bengal, which has since risen to EstaWisii- such unrivalled prosperity, was formed somewhat later ^ n than either of the others. An English medical gentleman of the name of Boughton, resident at Surat, having visited Agra in 1651, was fortunate enough to remove a dangerous illness which had affected the daughter of the Emperor Shah Jehan. The gratitude felt by the monarch was, with a laudable patriotism, employed by the phy- sician to obtain for his countrymen some commercial privileges. From Agra he proceeded to the court of the Nabob of Bengal, where his skill, exerted with equal success, was rewarded by a grant to the English of very extensive local advantages and immunities. The mer- chants of Surat, on payment of 3000 rupees, procured full freedom of trade, exempt from customs ; and in 1656 they erected a factory at Hoogley, situated on that branch of the river which has always been considered the principal channel for the trade of the Ganges. From this time ships and investments were sent to Bengal every year. Several other factories were subsequently formed ; but its commerce was still considered secondary to that of Coromandel, and made subject to the super- intendence of the authorities at Fort St George. It was in Bengal, however, that the English first at- First esta tempted to establish political and military power. The jfomi^aal agents of the Company transmitted a detail of various military wrongs sustained from the native rulers, and suggested p01 the expediency of seeking redress by force of arms. The 184 EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES CHAP. V. Directors sent out, in 1686, Captain Nicholson, with ten A fTTess. arme ^ vessels and six companies of soldiers, destined to a service of no less magnitude than that of levying war against the Great Mogul and the Nahob of Bengal. The Plan for seiz- plan of the campaign was in the first instance to seize ing Chitt*- an( j fortify Chittagong, a point rather remote from the scene of commercial activity, but which they meant to make the centre of their military movements. Hence they were not fortunate in the execution of this grand scheme ; the different parts of the armament arriving separately, and acting, too, with little concert. The fleet sailed up to Hoogley, and commenced a cannonade, but being completely repulsed, was obliged to seek shelter in a port which occupied the present site of Calcutta. Factories that had been formed at Patna and Cossim- buzar were taken and plundered. The nabob, after a deceitful truce, assembled his whole army to attack the discomfited English, who at that crisis, however, under the command of the Company's agent, made a brilliant Destruction display of valour. They not only checked the Mogul aeet 5 MOSUl forces > but entered the harbour of Balasore, and burnt forty sail of their ships. An accommodation was then agreed to, by which they were permitted to re-esta- blish their factory at Hoogley ; and affairs were on the point of being replaced on their former footing, when two British ships of war, under an officer named Heath, entered the river. That commander immediately dis- of a 110 ^ && treaty, and commenced warlike operations, the English which he conducted very unfortunately; and the in- vaders were soon obliged to evacuate Bengal. Aureng- zebe, at that tune seated on the Mogul throne, was so exasperated at these proceedings, and other violent steps taken by Sir John Child, governor of Bombay, that he ordered a general attack on the Company's factories. Those at Surat, Masulipatam, and Vizigapatam, were re- duced, the last not without some bloodshed ; and Bom- bay was very closely pressed. Our countrymen were compelled to have recourse to the most humble submis- sion ; when that politic sovereign, weighing the benefit .iliiD SETTLEMENTS. 185 \viiich his people derived from foreign commerce, gra- CHAP. v. dually relaxed, and allowed the traffic to resume its usual ^ cTtiso channels. From this time, however, the Company began openly Commenc&- to aspire to independent authority in the East. In ja5j?" 1689, as Mr Mill observes, " it was laid down as a deter- 6nc y ia Afiia - minate object of policy, that independence was to be established hi India, and dominion acquired." At that date they wrote to their agents, " The increase of our revenue is the subject of our care, as much as our trade." Henceforth, then, the English may be considered as having commenced their system of political ascendency in that part of Asia ; but before following them through the various steps of this arduous undertaking, it will be advantageous to turn back and take a survey of the fortunes of that great empire, whose place they were destined to occupy. 186 EAIU.Y MOHAMMEDAN CHAPTER VL Early Mohammedan Conquests in India. Rige of the Mohammedan Power Conquests in Central Asia The Samanian Dynasty Abistagi Subuktagi Mahmoud the Ghiznevide His Twelve Expeditions into India Victory in Lahore Successive Conquests of Bime ; Tanassar; Kanouge; Muttra; Sumnaut His Death Character Anecdotes Litera- ture of the Court of Ghizni Ferdusi Oonsuri Abu Rihan Decline of the Ghiznian House Subverted by that of Ghori Mohammed Ghori His Conquests in India Cuttub conquer* Delhi and makes it his Capital. CHAP. VL THE Arabs or baracens, in spreading by their arms the A.D~640 religion of Mohammed, effected a most astonishing revo- lution in the eastern world, and penetrated to more remote parts of Asia than were ever reached by the Roman eagle. After the death of their prophet, a short interval only had elapsed when their victorious cavalry drank at once the waters of the Tagus, the Niger, and the Jaxartes. Bagdad became the capital of the greatest empire then on the face of the earth ; its court was the most splendid and the most polished, and the seat of all the learning by which that dark age was illumined. Advantages No region derived such advantages from this triumph f tne Moslem arms and faith as the country called Mavar-ul-Nahar, being that extensive tract of Independ- ent Tartary which is watered by the great rivers Oxus and Jaxartes. Though blessed with a fertile soil, and one of the finest climates of Asia, it is represented in all the ancient records as entirely Scythian, covered with roaming hordes of shepherds and warriors, who lived in CONQUESTS IN INDIA. 187 tents, and subsisted on the milk of their flocks. Under the Arab sway, it acquired and has ever since retained regular government, improved cultivation, large and populous cities ; and yet this province was one of the first which were severed from the Caliphate. Its governors, distant from the seat of empire, began gradually to assume the character of independent princes ; they extended their power first over Khorasan ; then over the interior pro- vinces of Persia ; and finally hemmed in Bagdad itself more and more closely, till the name of Caliph, which had caused the extremities of the earth to tremble, be- came little more than an empty sound. It was in the year 873, the 258th of the Hegira, that Ismael Sa _ Ismael Samani of Bochara assumed the title of king ; mani - and his posterity in the family of Samania reigned nearly a hundred years over those vast regions, with a high reputation for justice and beneficence. At length his house felt that decline to which despotic power in all countries is ultimately liable. Its weakness was further increased by a disputed succession ; while Abistagi, go- vernor of the vast semi- Tartar province of Khorasan, successfully raised the standard of insurrection. Having independent become an independent sovereign, he added to his do- estabUs^lf main the high mountain-territory of Cabul and Candahar. a * CabuL This region, situated on the crest or in the declivities and deep valleys of the Indian Caucasus and of its nu- merous tributary branches, is inhabited by the Afghans, a race of hardy husbandmen, shepherds, and warriors, who have often extended the authority of their princes over the surrounding countries. Here Abistagi selected Ghizni as the capital of an empire which long ruled over Asia. In the year 977 he was succeeded, not by his son, who successor of died young, but by Subuktagi his general, who had been Samani - saluted sovereign by the voice of the troops. This prince consolidated the new kingdom, and became the real founder of a mighty dynasty. He bears a high reputa- tion for probity, simplicity, and mildness. The Orientals fondly relate a little incident that at least expresses their J88 EARLY MOHAMMEDAN CHAP, vi ideas respecting his temper, and forms a pleasing contrast A. D. 997. with the hardihood of his character and the rough scenes Human! w ^ ic ^ ne acte ^- Hunting one day in the forest, he tuTktag. espied a fawn with its mother bounding over the plain. He caught the animal, tied its feet, and threw it over his saddle ; hut on looking hack, he beheld the mother following with so piteous an aspect that his soul was melted. He released the fawn, and allowed it to rejoin its parent, who, as she turned into the wilderness, looked back with eyes streaming tears of gratitude. Subuktagi's pleasing reflections upon this scene, and his own share in it, suggested at night a dream or vision, where, in reward for his humanity, a kingdom was promised to him. As a proof of his simplicity of taste, we are informed that, on being introduced to a splendid pavilion erected by his son Mahmoud, he told the prince that this object was to be despised as a perishing bauble, and that he ought to make it his study to obtain a good name, which would last for ever. Hissneceanr This youth, after a short usurpation by his brother M-ihmouu. Ishmael, whom, after vanquishing, he merely imprisoned lor life, succeeded in the year )97 to Subuktagi, and proved one of the greatest princes that ever ruled hi Asia. Being attacked by the Emperor of Bokhara, he felt or professed great reluctance to engage hi war with the representative of the venerated dynasty of Samania ; but his scruples were overcome when that prince was mur- dered, and his throne seized by two of his generals. Mahmoud then joined the King of the Uzbecks hi ex- tinguishing the empire of Bokhara ; and the fine territory of Mavar-ul-Nahar was added to his dominion, which then comprehended all Asia from the Caspian to the Indus. Mixed char- There is not a more chequered fame in oriental history acterof Mat- tnan ^ rf Manmou(J> His j ust i ce J^ b een ^ mucn celebrated that, according to eastern writers, the wolf and the lamb hi his reign drank at the same fountain ; yet instances are not wanting in which his conduct ap- pears marked by the grossest iniquity and extortion. CONQUESTS IN INDIA. 189 Ills piety, which is as much celebrated, is equally pro- CHAP. vi. blematical. According to Ferishta, he was in early life ^jj^ooo prone to scepticism. His mind was agitated with doubt on two very different points, whether there be a future Hlsreli &in. world, and whether he was the son of Subuktagi ; for the general deportment of his mother, it seems, left this last question open to controversy. A vision appeared to him, when the Prophet in person removed both these subjects of inquietude ; and the emperor then commenced a high religious profession. His zeal, however, brought such an accession of power and wealth, as made it be doubted whether his devotions to heaven were not chiefly valued as they tended to make him lord of the earth. His fervour was especially inflamed by reports of the bound- less wealth accumulated in the holy shrines of Hindostan, and his conscience incessantly reproached him, till he used means to have these profane treasures transported to adorn the palaces of Ghizni. The rise of the Mohammedan power was pregnant Influence of with events to India, over which its princes were destined a to rule for ages ; yet their dominion had endured four dia centuries without finding its way into that extensive region. But this security was necessarily impaired, when so formidable a kingdom was erected on its frontier. Subuktagi had already made two inroads into Moul- tan and Lahore, in which he was successful, having in both completely defeated Jeipal, prince of the latter country. He annexed to Ghizni the fine province of Peshawer, and extended his authority to the Indus. Mahmoud, who, in these invasions, had given early proofs of personal bravery, soon made the country be- yond that river the grand theatre of his military exploits, from which he was diverted only by some insurrections in his more distant dependencies, and by occasional alarms of Tartar invasion. Historians record twelve ex- peditions by this great potentate, from all of which he returned triumphant, and laden with booty. In the first he merely crossed the Indus ; but the second was against Jeipal of Lahore, who had again reared 190 EARLY MOHAMMEDAN CHAP. VL the standard of independence. This country, in which A. iTioo9 momltams and deserts are intermingled with tracts of luxuriant fertility, has, from the days of Alexander to Jeipal of La- t ne present^ nurtured a warlike people, who have formed a hulwark against western invasion. Jeipal had mustered another formidable army, hut was vanquished and made prisoner ; his neck, as well as those of fifteen chiefs, being encircled with jewels of immense value. This unfortunate prince, after being twice a captive, considered his honour as irretrievably tarnished : for which reason, and actuated by the barbarous pride of his countrymen, he prepared a funeral-pile, and threw himself into the flames. Annindpal, his son, acknowledged his kingdom tributary to Ghizni. immense ex- The three next expeditions of Mahmoud were made yond'the In-~ ^h^ 16 view of collecting imposts and suppressing par- dus. tial rebellions. The fifth, in 1009, commenced by an attack on the part of Annindpal. Having formed alli- ances with all the great kings of the interior, Delhi, Kanouge, Ougein, Gwalior, Callinger, and Ajmere, he assembled the largest army that had been seen in that region for hundreds of years. They crossed the Indus, and entered the Plains of Peshawer, where the Moslems, afraid to encounter in the open field an enemy so im- mensely superior, began to intrench their forces. The two armies remained forty days hi presence of each other, when at length a battle was begun on the side of the 4 natives by the Gickers or Gwickwars, a race almost en- tirely savage, inhabiting the mountainous tracts north of Lahore. Their arrows did considerable execution ; yet the main body were unable to make any impression on the brave and strongly intrenched army of Mahmoud. Panic among Many fell on the part of the assailants, when at length the native the elephant on which |he Prince of Lahore rode, frightened by a fife-ball, ran off, and carried his master out of the field. At that moment the troops, thinking themselves deserted by their commander, were struck with panic ; and the whole of that mighty host fled in complete and irretrievable confusion. An alarm so sud- CONQUESTS IN INDIA. 191 den and so slightly raised, may lead us to conclude that, CHAP. VI instead of hardy and veteran warriors, Mahmoud had A-fxToos encountered only an effeminate and tumultuary militia, like that which Xerxes led into Greece. Twenty Dreadful thousand were slain in the pursuit ; and numerous ele- slau s hter - phants laden with treasure were captured. The con- queror, finding no longer an army to oppose him, marched directly upon the fort of Bhne, or Bheemghur, considered almost impregnable, and which had therefore been made a general depository for all the sacred wealth of the surrounding temples. The Indian princes having marched forward with a full assurance of victory, and without ever dreading attack, had withdrawn the garrison to reinforce their ranks, leaving only priests to guard the shrine and treasures. These defenders soon opened the gates and fell flat on their faces before the victorious prince. The gold, silver, and precious stones found in Treasurer, ai Bime are declared by Ferishta to have exceeded all Bim& similar possessions of any other prince on earth ; yet Maj or Price's authorities, and even his own, when careful ly analyzed by Colonel Briggs, fix the amount at little more than 300,000 in specie, with perhaps a somewhat larger value in diamonds and other jewels. These acqui- sitions, on Mahmoud's return, were displayed several days to the admiring gaze of the Ghizni mountaineers ; and the exhibition was closed by liberal donations to the poor and the ministers of religion. The sovereigns of India, by this abortive expedition, Further Mos had revealed to Mahmoud the fatal secret of their weak- ness and the valuable treasures which their kingdoms contained, lessons by which he was not slow to profit. He had obtained intelligence respecting Tanassar, a shrine of singular opulence and sanctity, situated near the theatre of the great war recorded in the Mahabarat. As he passed on his march the territories of Lahore, An- nindpal addressed an earnest supplication that he would remain content with having swept away at Bime the riches of so many temples, and would spare this peculiar object of Hindoo veneration ; but Mahmoud announced 192 EARLY MOHAMMEDAN CHAP. VL his firm purpose to obliterate from India every vestige A.D. 1017. f idolatry. He reached the place before it could re- ceive even the feeble aid of the King of Delhi, and be- came possessed, without resistance, of the accumulated Treasures of treasure of ages. All the idols were broken in pieces Tanassar an( j thrown on the highway, except one of stupendous dimensions, called Jug Soom, which was carried to Ghizni and reduced to fragments. The conqueror took possession of Delhi, and even formed the design of an- nexing this fine region to his dominions ; but on farther reflection he considered it impossible, so long as the brave and well-defended province of Lahore intervened, that a regular communication could be maintained be- tween that capital and Ghizni. To subdue Annindpal would therefore have been a requisite preliminary ; but that prince acted with such prudence, and so carefully avoided all occasion of offence, that Mahmoud found neither pretext nor temptation to renew the war. He therefore never attempted to conquer India ; he merely pounced, from time to time, like an eagle, from his tre- mendous eyry amid the snows of Caucasus, snatched hia prey, and flew back to his mountain-domain. This prince spent a summer in conquering the beau- t y u i Valley of Cashmere, the possession of which opened to him a way into the interior of Hindostan, without the reluctant consent of the Prince of Lahore. In the year 1017 he assembled all his troops from the Tartar pro- vinces, and at the head of a hundred thousand horse and thirty thousand foot, marched along the sources of the great rivers against Kanouge, the proudest of all the Indian capitals. The oriental writers represent, in the most magnificent terms, its pomp and greatness. The towers are described as reaching the skies ; while the city is said at one time to have contained 30,000 shops for the sale of betel, and 60,000 performers on musical instruments. A state thus dissolved in ease and luxury was ill pre- pared to encounter the hardy bands who poured down from Afghanistan. The king did not even attempt re- sistance ; he advanced and tendered his submission to CONQUESTS IN INDIA. 193 the invader. Kanouge was consequently treated with CHAP. VL lenity, and the conqueror remained only three days. A.ixToi7 After reducing several other places, he received intelli- gence of a city which afforded the means of gratifying to the utmost his rapacious piety. Muttra or Mathura, Shrines of sacred to Krishna, contained shrines eclipsing all others ^^f even in this most wealthy region. The Mohammedan prince entered it with little opposition, and found its temples the most splendid he had yet seen, filled with gigantic idols of pure gold, having eyes of rubies ; in one was stuck a sapphire of extraordinary magnitude. The conqueror lost no time hi decomposing these rich objects of pagan homage, and, having reduced them to their constituent elements of gold and jewels, loaded with them a long train of camels. He is said to have once formed the design of demolishing the temples ; but being dazzled with their beauty, he desisted, and left that task to the bigoted zeal of Aurengzebe. The reduction of so*ne other cities was attended with hard fighting and com- paratively little spoil. He marched by way of Lahore immense to Ghizni, and made a display of booty eclipsing even tie> that brought from the plunder of Tanassar. It has been estimated at half a million in specie, with jewels and pearls beyond all calculation ; to which were added fifty- three thousand captives, whose price, however, was so much reduced by the immense supply, that they scarcely brought five shillings a-head. The wealth obtained by the private chiefs and soldiers was supposed to equal that of the sovereign. Ghizni hitherto, notwithstanding the riches conveyed Ghizni to it, had been little more in itself than an encampment ^Tiosieni of migratory shepherds ; but Mahmoud, smitten with capital, the magnificence of Kanouge and Mathura, determined now to erect edifices which might render his capital an object of admiration to the world. A mosque was built of granite and marble, on which the richest materials were profusely lavished, and new ornaments continually added, till it became celebrated over Asia under the title of the " CVlestial Bride." The nobles, imitating the J 94 EARLY MOHAMMEDAN CHAP, vi taste of their sovereign, vied with each other in costly A. D 1024. structures, till Ghizni acquired a magnificence surpassing that of the greatest cities of India. Mahmond's Meantime Mahmoud received the mortifying intelli- gence of hu g ence tflat ^ submission and alliance of the King of Kanouge had proved fatal to that prince. Indignant at his desertion of the general cause, Nunda, king of Cal- linger, seconded by the neighbouring monarchs, com- menced a furious war, which ended in his defeat and death, and the surrender of his capital. The Ghiznian ruler made all the despatch which his distance admitted. After forcing the passage of the Jumna, he advanced and found the victor strongly intrenched, and apparently waiting his attack ; but, after due consideration, the Indian prince retreated, leaving the country to be laid waste by the invader. The kingdom and city of Ka- nouge, however, were never able to regain their ancient splendour. Subjugation Lahore, though so closely contiguous to the Ghiznian of Lahore. territory, had continued independent during thirty yeara of Mahmoud's reign ; but on the death of Annindpal, he determined upon a vigorous effort to obtain possession of this important key of India. Accordingly, having assembled an immense force, he marched towards the metropolis ; when the young prince, unable to face so great an armament, abandoned the city and neighbour- ing territory, and sought refuge in Ajmere. Lahore was thus attached to the Ghiznian monarchy. Last expedi- After some minor inroads, the conqueror, in the year moui MaU * l 24 ) underto khis lastand greatest expedition into India ; his arms being then turned somewhat in a new direction. In the province of Guzerat, on the shore of the Indian Ocean, stood Sumnaut, a shrine higher and holier than any yet devoted to spoliation. Two thousand villages were assigned for its support, besides presents poured in from all the surrounding regions. Sumnaut himself was esteemed the general judge of the dead, and his statue of pure gold was washed every morning with water brought from the Ganges, a thousand miles dis- CONQUESTS IN INDIA. 195 tant. The attendants consisted of two thousand Brail- CHAP. v% mins, five hundred dancing-girls, three hundred must- A.TTo24, cians, and three hundred barbers. The king was farther incited by learning that the priests of Sumnaut consider- ofthe'SiM? 1 ed themselves secure from his utmost power. Accord- lems. ing to them, the sins of Delhi and Kanouge had been the sole cause of the downfal of those cities ; while they themselves, high in purity and sanctity, might bid defi- ance to the impious fury of the Moslem invader. Eager to undeceive them, this monarch, having mustered his troops, led them into Moultan ; employing twenty thou- sand camels to convey provisions across the great west- ern desert. The city of Ajmere was found abandoned, and its fort too strong to be attacked. Nahrwalla, capi- tal of Guzerat, had been left in the same state. After nassing another desert, the Ghiznevide sovereign came in view of Sumnaut, a lofty castle on a peninsula com- pletely enclosed by the sea, except at one point, which was defended by strong walls, on whose battlements stood an innumerable multitude of combatants. They Boast of the announced by a herald that their great god had drawn ^ A "^ na - the Moslems hither, in order that the destruction of so many divinities, who had fallen under their axe, might now be avenged. The invaders, however, advanced with a despatch which amazed the Hindoos, and caused them to fall down in tears before their idol ; though, on see- ing the scaling-ladders applied, they drew strength from despair, and rushed forward to the defence with the ut- most fury. The dreadful contest was prolonged a whole day, at the end of which the assailants, overpowered with fatigue, were obliged to retire. On the following morning the attack was renewed, but with no better success, On the third day, an immense army was seen advanc- Succour ing to the relief of Sumnaut. Mahmoud instantly led his troops to battle ; but, as this quarter of India has always supplied a race of brave and hardy warriors, the contest was severe. Fortune still wavered, when the Indian host was strengthened by a powerful reinforce- CHAP. VL Victor}' of Mahmoud. Destruction cf the idolE. Immense treasure. Adiration of tiuzerat 196 EARLY MOHAMMEDAN ment under Byram Deo and Dabissaliina, two of the principal chiefs of Guzerat. The battle then became more doubtful and truly terrible, and Mahmoud, for the first time on the soil of India, saw himself in danger of being vanquished. He appealed to the religious zeal of his troops ; he prostrated himself on the ground, implor- ing the aid of Heaven in this holy conflict, and earnestly called on his chiefs to advance either to conquest or the crown of martyrdom. He at length gained a complete victory ; and the garrison, on seeing the flight of the great army to which they had trusted for deliverance, were seized with panic, and abandoned the place. The conqueror entered, and was led to the temple, a spacious and antique structure, the interior of which consisted of a majestic hall supported by fifty -six columns, and en- tirely encircled with golden images of Hindoo deities. Sumnaut himself, whose gigantic dimensions are vari- ously reported, towered high over all. On first behold- ing this idol, Mahmoud, fired with wrathful zeal, struck off its nose, and gave orders that the whole figure should forthwith be reduced into fragments. When the attendant Brahmins saw the downfal of this obj ect of their profound- est veneration, they fell on their knees, and offered an immense sum to save what remained ; and the omrahs advised, even as a matter of prudence, the acceptance of the ransom : but the king indignantly rejected the idea of becoming a " seller of idols." The work of demoli- tion proceeded ; and, on its reaching the interior of the image, there was disclosed a treasure in pearls, rubies, and diamonds, almost beyond conception, and far sur- passing the immense sum tendered for its redemption. It is somewhat difficult to ascertain the amount ; but it is generally admitted to have greatly exceeded that of any of the former captures. Mahmoud was so much pleased with Guzerat, that he deliberated whether he should not make it the principal seat of his government, or at least annex it permanently to his dominions ; but he became satisfied, that the dis- tance from Ghizni was too great, and the communica- CONQUESTS IN INDIA. 197 lions too difficult. He attempted, however, to retain a CHAP vt control over this fine country, by raising to the sove- reignty a Brahmin of humble birth ; but he had not* 10 " a long departed when the people again transferred their allegiance to their ancient race of kings. Some roman- tic and rather absurd details are given with relation to this occurrence, which we pass by, as they were probably invented to supply an excuse to Mahmoud for supersed- ing the sovereign whom he had chosen to impose upon Guzerat. The victor, while on his return to Ghizni, suffered Attack on ti considerably in passing through the vast deserts ; and Jauts - was greatly annoyed also by the Jits or Jauts, a tribe inhabiting Moultan, who, by their strong force of war- boats, commanded the navigation of the Indus. The indignant monarch undertook next year an expedition against this people, and having prepared a vast number of small vessels fortified with iron spikes, encountered, and, after an obstinate conflict, defeated them so com- pletely, that almost the whole nation were slain or taken prisoners. The following season he was employed in an expedi- p ea th O f tion into Khorasan, on his return from which, in 1030, he Mahmoud. was taken ill, and died at the age of 63. There are few characters, we have remarked, in oriental His remark- history more doubtful than that of this great conqueror. ^ e ch * rac - By some he is extolled as the model of a perfect prince, while others brand him as a monster of avarice, injustice, and rapacity. There seems to have been in his nature a strange combination of opposite qualities, his best ac- tions being alloyed by a mixture of wild caprice. He carefully discharged many of his duties as a sovereign, and made great exertions to secure the husbandman and merchant against the inroad of the predatory bands who occupied the mountain-fastnesses. He was acces- sible to complaints from every quarter. A woman from a remote Persian province came to his audience, and complained that her son had been killed and her property carried off by a gang of plunderers. The king replied lyb EARLY MOHAMMEDAN CHAP. VL that this was a distant conquest, in which it was impos- j^~Y 030 sible for him to prevent some disorders. The woman warmly rejoined " Why then do you conquer kingdoms which you cannot protect, and for which you will not be able to answer in the day of judgment '." That this rebuke could be addressed to the king was no small honour to his character, and still more when we find that it roused him to establish order in those remote His love of parts of his dominions. A still more signal act of justice justice. j g recorded. A citizen of Ghizni represented that a powerful lord of the court, having become enamoured of his wife, arrived nightly, tlmist him out of his own dwelling, and forcibly supplied his place. Mahmoud, with the deepest indignation, desired that information should be given to him the first time that this outrage was repeated. The injured person came three nights after with the expected notice, and the monarch, attended by a guard of soldiers, hastened to the house. Having ordered all the lights to be extinguished, he advanced hi the dark with a weapon, and, seizing the offender, with one blow severed his head from his body. He then caused a light to be brought, and having seen the victim, fell on his knees and uttered a prayer. Being asked the meaning of all this, he replied that he had extinguished the light lest the guilty person should prove to have been a favourite, the view of whom might have shaken his just resolution ; but, on being relieved from this ap- prehension, he had returned thanks to Heaven.* His oppres- The people of Ghizni were thus well secured by Mah- sions. moud against the injustice of their fellow-subjects ; but their lot was different in regard to the deeds of extortion and iniquity which were too often committed by him- self. Mention is made of a wealthy citizen of Nishapour, against whom he chose to make a charge of impiety and heresy. The accused person came to him and said, " * This anecdote is given with considerable variations by the dif- ferent authorities ; the above version (which is that of D'Herbelot, Bibliotheaue Orientale, art. Mahmoud) appears the most probable and consistent CONQUESTS IN INDIA. J99 king, I am neither idolater nor apostate, but I am pos- CHAP. VL sessed of wealth ; take it, therefore, but do me not a double injustice, by robbing me of my money and of my good name." The rapacious ruler, it is said, unblush- ingly closed with the proposal, and after having stripped the man of his property, gave him a certificate testifying the soundness of his faith. Religious zeal was not only avowed by Mahmoud,. Religious but under a certain shape supplied the main impulse to Z2al - all his actions. Yet its exercise, as already observed, was productive of earthly gains so immense as to involve its purity in some suspicion. Still a religious profession JJ is not always insincere, because it is somewhat alloyed | in the mind of him who admits a mixture of worldly ' motives. That the Moslem faith, as the exclusive path to salvation, ought to be propagated by the sword, is one of its fundamental dogmas ; and by a monarch whose ambition and avarice this tenet so greatly fa- voured, we cannot wonder that it should have been zeal- ously embraced. Yet one incident, related as having occurred at the end of his mortal career, shows that the vanities of earth still held full possession of his heart. Two days before his death, he caused all his jewels, pearls, and golden ornaments, collected from so many different regions, to be spread out before him, that he might satiate his eyes by a display of riches, from which he was about, to be separated for ever. We can more easily sympa- thize with his taking a last review of his troops, includ- ing the long array of his elephants, and with the deep emotion which this spectacle excited in the breast of the dying warrior. Mahmoud, as soon as the rays of wealth and prosperity Patronage rf began to illumine his throne, stood forth as the distin- lettem guished patron of letters and poetry ; and Ghizni, under him, became the most literary and classical city of the East. It shone indeed at first by a borrowed light from Bagdad, which, even amid the complete overthrow of its political greatness, still retained an intellectual empire over all the nations speaking Arabic and studying the 200 EAKLY MOHAMMEDAN CHAP, vt Koran. Yet the splendour of Mahmoud'a court, and A. D Toaa *^ e & reat events of hi 8 reig 11 * called forth poetical talents more brilliant than had adorned even the celebrated courts of Haroun and Almamon. Ferdusi, who, in the Asiatic poets. Shah Nameh, celebrated the exploits of his patron, ranks as the second poet in Asia. The materials for the literary history of Ghizni are indeed exceedingly scanty ; yet enough transpires to warrant the suspicion, that this great author, though attracted by the pomp and patron- age of a court, shared the evils which appear inseparable from high endowments, and only passed a life of splendid misery. It is related, that having completed his great work, he sought the due reward, which he estimated at Treatment of 60,000 dinars; but the king, taking advantage of a Ferdusi. verbal resemblance, paid only the same number of - ht'ms, not exceeding a tenth of the sum demanded. This was a miserable pun upon which to deprive the greatest genius of the age of the hard-earned fruits oi his labour. The indignant poet quitted the court where he had been so unworthily treated, and, retiring to a istance, sent forth various satirical effusions against 1m former patron, of which D'Herbelot gives the following specimen : " The magnificent court of Ghmii is a sea, but a sea without bottom and without shore ; I have fished in it long, but have not found any pearl." Mah- moud, it is said, was mortified, and endeavoured by flat- tering offers to induce him to return, but could never prevail with the offended bard. Oonsuri the The presiding star in the literary circles of Ghizni P 06 *- was Oonsuri, equally celebrated as a philosopher and a poet. Mahmoud placed him at the head of the univer- sity which he had founded, and gave him such a com- plete jurisdiction over a body of four hundred learned men, that no work was to be submitted to the sovereign, which had not been stamped with his approbation. We have not as yet in the West the means of duly esti- mating the actual merit of this personage ; but on con- sidering that with posterity his name stands in such deep eclipse behind that of Ferdusi, above whom he was so CONQUESTS !>' I.VDIA. 20] liighly honoured in life, a doubt must arise, whether his CH w I*L reputation was not partly earned by the arts of a courtier, ^ "mo and the absence of the troublesome pride incident to elevated genius. One channel to favour seems to have consisted in the permission which was allowed him to share the convivial hours of the sovereign. The Orientals relate an occasion when, to sooth his master's grief for having, the night before, when overcome with wine, cut off the long tresses of his beloved, Oonsuri composed some extemporary verses, which conveyed such delight, that in return the mouth of the fortunate minstrel was three times filled with jewels. Among the men of science resident at Ghizni, the Men of most eminent was Abu Bihan, sent by Almamon from science - Bagdad, where he was venerated almost as the rival of Avicenna. But, besides metaphysics and dialectics, he studied and appears to have drawn his chief lustre from attainments in the magical art. Of this, D'Herbelot re- lates a remarkable instance. One day Mahmoud sent Magio. for him, and ordered him to deposit with a third person a statement of the precise manner in wliich the monarch would quit the hall where he was then sitting. The paper being lodged, the king, instead of going out by one of the numerous doors, caused a breach to be made in the wall, by wliich he effected his exit ; but how was he amazed, when, on the paper being examined, there was found in it a minute specification of the precise spot through which he penetrated. Hereupon the prince with horror denounced this learned man as a sorcerer, and commanded him to be instantly thrown out of the window. The barbarous sentence was presently executed ; but care had been taken to prepare beneath a soft and silken cushion, into which the body of the sage sunk without sustaining any injury. Abu Rihan was then called before the monarch, and required to say, whether by his boasted art he had been able to foresee these events, and the treatment through which he had that day passed. The learned man immediately desired his tablets to be sent for, in which were found regularly 202 EARLY MOHAMMEDAN CHAP. VL predicted the whole of these singular transactions. This A tTTosi mc ident does n t> it mu st he owned, inspire a very lofty idea, either of the wisdom of the wit of the imperial court of the Ghiznevide. Mahmond'g Mahmoud, after a short interval, was succeeded by successor. Musaood, who nearly equalled him hi bravery and en- terprise, but who had to struggle against a series of ad- verse fortune. There poured forth from the interior regions of Asia one of those great tides of conquest and migration, which have so often changed the face of that continent. It consisted of the Turks or Toorks, under the dynasty called, from Seljuk its founder, Seljukian, Rise of the which overran Khorasan. Under the successors of the Turkish era- c hi e f j ust name d, the Turkish empire rose to such a height of power as to eclipse that of all the other Asiatic king- doms. Togrul, who subverted the imperial throne of Bagdad, and shook that of Constantinople, Alp Arslan, who wrote on his tomb at Meru, " Ye who have seen the glory of Alp Arslan exalted to the heavens, come and see it buried under the dust ;" these were warriors with whom even the most gallant of the lineage of. Mah- moud sought in vain to contend. These last saw wrested from them the fine plains of Khorasan and Iran, even that of Balkh, and their dominions confined within the mountain-barrier of Caucasus. On the eastern side they still held Lahore, and made some vigorous attempts, but only with partial and temporary success, to extend their sway over the Indian territory. House of The house of Ghizni, during two centuries, continued Ghizni - still, though thus reduced by Turkish invasion, to main- tain the boundaries above described. Family alliances were even formed between Ibrahim the First and Malek Shah, son of Alp Arslan. The downfal of this dynasty arose from an internal cause. Ghori or Ghoor forms a rude district, situated on the loftiest branch of Caucasus, or Hindoo Coosh, where it borders on Tibet and Turke- stan. Its princes, commanding a race of hardy moun- taineers, gradually made themselves nearly independent of the Ghiznian government, and even obtained posses- CONQUESTS IN INDIA. 203 sioiis in Tartary and Khorasan. This excited so strongly CHAP. VI the jealousy of By ram, who about the year 1115 had ascended the throne, that having drawn into his power Mohammed, prince of Ghori, he put him to death ; a step which he had ample cause to repent. Sief-ul-Dien, brother to the latter, soon mustered a large array of his followers, eager to avenge the loss of their chief. Byram, Division tn unable to oppose him, evacuated his capital ; but having the g vern re-assembled his forces, he soon afterwards recovered Ghizni, and took his enemy prisoner, whom he subjected to the most dreadful insult and cruelty. Mounted on a bullock he was led through Ghizni, amid the derision of the mob ; then tortured and beheaded, and his vizier impaled alive. This barbarity on the part of a ruler otherwise mild and respectable, set the seal to the fate of his house. Allah, brother to the sufferer, soon sum- moned round him all the warriors of the tribe of Ghori to chastise the author of their wrongs. Byram marched to meet him ; and the superior numbers of his troops enabled them to maintain a vigorous struggle against the rude courage of the mountaineers. But at length he yielded, and fled with his scattered army towards Hindos- tan, where he soon after died of grief. The victor, in Cruelties of 1152, marched upon Ghizni, and according to the too qu^"^ "' common practice of eastern conquerors, sought to surpass the cruelty which he came to punish. That magnificent city was given up to a general pillage, and to the sword of the enraged Ghorians. In seven days it was no more ; and its palaces, so profusely embellished with the spoils of conquered India, were rased to the ground. A few tombs, spared by eastern piety, stood alone amid this appalling solitude. It revived indeed, and became for a short tune the capital of the Ghorian chiefs ; but it again sunk, and now only a few scattered ruins, with the spa- cious tomb of Mahmoud, at which a few priests perpe- tually read the Koran, are all that remain of this once proud seat of the conqueror of Asia. The Ghiznevide dynasty continued for some time to retain their diminished authority ; but it was finally ex- Last of the race of Mo- hammed. Mohammed Gliori. His total rout 204 EARLY MOHAMMED AX tinguished by Mohammed Ghori, the successor of Allah- ul-Dien. He pursued into Lahore the last of this mighty race, whose name was Chusero ; but the unfortunate prince made a resistance so desperate in that strong retreat, that the invader was twice obliged to retire. At last, by a feigned alliance, he induced his unwary victim to come out to meet him, then, by a circuitous march, cut him off from Lahore, surrounded his little camp, and obliged him to surrender. He at first showed a disposition to mercy, and only confined him in a strong castle ; but at length, in the year 1186, alleging the predictions of some astrologer, secured his safety by putting all the family to death. Mohammed Ghori or Glioor obtained the government of Ghizni in 1174, and held it in his brother's right and his own thirty-two years, with a valour and fortune similar to those of his great ancestors whom he resem- bled in name. Commencing his career with the occu- pation of the frontier territory of Lahore, he made it his principal object to extend his dominion over India. Col- lecting all his forces he advanced against Ajmere, which at first submitted ; but the King of Delhi, having form- ed an alliance "with several neighbouring princes, hasten- ed to its relief with two hundred thousand infantry, and three thousand elephants. Mohammed, trusting to the courage of his mountain-tribes, rushed fearlessly to the attack ; but the view of this immense host wheeling round to enclose them, and the mighty array of its ele- phants, seems to have struck with panic these undis- ciplined warriors. Many of the chiefs with their fol- lowers fled, leaving the king surrounded by the enemy, whose superiority in numbers was now greatly increas- ed. The Moslem on horseback encountered hand to hand the King of Delhi, seated on his war-elephant. The Gho- rian prince, after a desperate struggle, was pierced in the arm, fell to the ground, and was with difficulty carried off by a trusty band of his adherents. The rout was com- plete, and the pursuit was continued forty miles. The emperor spent a year in repairing the effects of CONQUESTS IN INDIA. 205 tlus dreadful disaster, and organizing the means of a new CHAP. VL invasion. He at first degraded the omrahs who had fled, tiTm^ subjecting them to the humiliation of marching round the city with bags of barley suspended from their necks, and of feeding out of them ; but when proceeding on his next expedition, it was represented to him that he thereby deprived himself of the services of many of his choicest warriors ; upon which he allowed them to resume their stations, and obtain an opportunity of redeeming their fame. Mohammed, having mustered all his forces, marched Renewed in- into India, where he met troops still more numerous ^ 10I; of than those who had vanquished him in the preceding year ; all of whom had now bound themselves by the water of the Ganges to conquer or die. The Indian princes advanced with boundless confidence ; sending at the same time a friendly remonstrance, that if Moham- med was weary of his own life, he should at least pity the men whom he was leading to so cruel a destiny. Retreat was still open to him ; but if urged on by his evil genius, " we have sworn," said they, " by our gods to advance upon you with our rank-breaking elephants, war-treading horses, and blood-thirsty soldiers, early in the morning, to crush your unfortunate army." The wary commander returned an answer seemingly inspired Policy of tha by alarm ; stating, that he carried on the war only in Iead2r - obedience to his brother, without whose orders he could not retreat, but would gladly arrange the terms of a truce till he should receive further instructions. The Indians, lulled by this submissive tone, gave themselves up to security, and spent the following night in merri- ment. Mohammed, watching the moment when they were completely off their guard, made an attack during the darkness, defeating and putting to flight several large bodies ; yet so immense was the circuit of their camp, that there were rallied next morning numbers which seemed more than enough to crush the whole host of the invaders. The Mussulman then adopted the old Scythian warfare ; with his squadrons of cavalry he 206 EARLY MOHAMMEDAN alternately attacked and retreated, till towards evening, seem g the enemy completely exhausted, he charged them at the head of his chosen band of mailed horse- men, who bore down all opposition, and drove the whole Defeat of the of their army into a tumultuary flight. The King of Delhi fell> and immense spoil came into the hands of the conqueror. Having advanced to the capital, the victor was prevailed upon by a high ransom to spare it, but left a strong force under his lieutenant, Cuttub, to main- tain his authority in that quarter. This officer soon after assembled a large body of followers, subverted the throne of Delhi, and reigned there as viceroy. Thus a Moslem dominion was for the first time established in the heart of India, and in one of its greatest cities. Expedition After a lapse of a short period, Mohammed made an- intoHiudos- other expedition into Hindostan. Being joined by Cut- tub, he totally defeated the Prince of Kanouge, then marched against Benares, broke the idols of its thousand shrines, and loaded four thousand camels with the wealth of that sacred city. Following a career similar to that of the Ghiznevide, he made nine expeditions into India, and accumulated treasures which almost rivalled those of his great predecessor. But this splendid light of con- quest was in one moment extinguished ; for on his way from Lahore to Ghizni, he pitched his tent for the night on the banks of the Indus or one of its tributaries ; where a band of the mountain-tribe of Gwickwars, many of whose relations had perished in war with Mohammed, Assassination had vowed, at whatever cost, to purchase revenge. The ~ season being extremely hot, the canats or screens en- closing the imperial tents had been thrown open for the admission of air. Twenty conspirators, availing them- selves of this circumstance, stole in unperceived, stabbed the sentry on guard, and, having drawn off the attention of the others, penetrated to the chamber of the king, who was lying asleep with two slaves fanning him. All their daggers were instantly plunged in his breast, and he sunk under their hands, pierced by twenty-two wounds. CONQUESTS IN INDIA. 207 Thus perished this great conqueror, whose dominion was almost as extensive as that of Mahmoud of Ghizni. Like him, according to Ferishta, he was not devoid of virtues, yet has left behind a darker reputation, redeem- ed by fewer traits of refinement and humanity. With him the dynasty of Ghori rose and fell, for he left no descendants possessed of energy sufficient to support the weight of his ill-balanced empire. His lieutenants, lldecuz in the mountain-territory, and Cuttub in India, soon erected for themselves independent sovereignties. 208 THE PATAN CHAPTER VII. The Patan or Afghan Dynasty. Cnttub-ul-Dien founds this Dynasty Altumsh Sultana Rizia Mahmoud II His ascetic Severity Balin Brilliant Patronage of the Arts and Sciences_Kei Kobad and Kera Allah I. His brave and fierce Reign Conquest of Southern India Adventures of the Princesses Cumlade and Dew ilde Anarchy Several short Reigns Mohammed III. His Cruelty Ferose III. Short Reigns and general Disorder Titnur His Character Invasion of India Capture of Delhi, and dreadful Massacre His Return Succession of Emperors Conquest by Baber Close of the Patan Dynasty. CHAi 1 . viL CUTTTJB-CL-UIEN, the founder of the first Mohammedan, A D T206 or wnat was ca U e d tne Patan race of emperors, who ruled in India, was of the humblest birth '; it was even made the reproach of his dynasty that it originated with a slave. Brought as a captive from Turkestan, he had been purchased by a citizen of Nishapour, who, finding his talents good, instructed him in various arts and sciences. Upon the death of his master, he was sold with the rest of the property, and came into the posses- sion of Mohammed. His abilities and address soon raised him to the rank of principal page ; whence he was pro- moted to a military command, and soon rose to the first station in the army. The high confidence reposed in him by the emperor, pointed him out as the fittest per- son to remain as viceroy of the conquered territories in India, when he himself retired to his native mountains. Cuttub remained faithful to his superior ; yet, from his distant position, he reigned almost uncontrolled during that monarch's life, whom h* survived four years, and OR AFGHAN DYNASTY. 21 1 whose successor publicly owned him as king. He is CHAP. VIL celebrated as brave, just, and humane ; and his liberality A ^Tmo was so unbounded as to make it become proverbial in India to say of any one," He is as generous as Cuttub- f of ttl-Dien." He waged war with the neighbouring poten- to founder. tates generally with success, though in a campaign against the Rajpoots he sustained a signal defeat. Sinking, however, towards the close of his reign, into indolence and luxury, he allowed his rival Ildecuz to seize upon Ghizni and several of the frontier territories. He died in the year 1210. Altumsh, though a Tartar of noble birth, had, like Aitumsh his Cuttub, been sold as a slave, and purchased by that successor - prince. Having raised himself by his valour to be cap- tain-general and son-in-law to the emperor, he mounted the throne, having overcome Aram, the rightful heir. He redressed all the evils caused by the weaknesses of his aged predecessor. He defeated Ildecuz, and took him prisoner ; ho extended the empire on every side ; making Bengal and Bahar first tributary and then sub- ject provinces, over which his sons were placed as vice- roys. He reduced, after a long siege, Gwalior, consider- ed the principal bulwark of Hindoo power. Seated on a lofty hill with perpendicular sides, defended by extensive works, and supplied with abundance of water, it was viewed as nearly impregnable. He distinguished him- self also by the conquest of Malwa, the capture of Ou- gein, and the demolition of the revered statue of Vicra- maditya. He is celebrated, on the whole, as a good and wise prince. About this time a mighty tempest swept along the Zingis borders of India, happily without touching her rich s a < provinces. Zingis, after ravaging Asia from the Pacific to the Caspian, and reducing numberless kingdoms under his dominion, attacked the Prince of the Afghans, whom he drove before him, and compelled to take refuge be- yond the Indus. Altumsh refused to shelter him, and hence the arms of Zingis were turned aside from the wealthy regions which stretch towards the south. Per- *lV THE PATAN CHAP. vn. haps his horsemen, accustomed only to scour the plains A. iTT^se ^ Tartary and Persia, felt themselves unable to act with vigour hi the rugged steeps of the Caucasus. After the death of Altumsh, which took place hi 1236, there followed a succession of princes, most of whom occupied, during a very short period, a disputed throne, but without any material alteration of boundaries or relations in regard to the neighbouring states. A few, however, were so remarkable as to deserve notice. Queen Rm* Rizia Begum stood perhaps alone among Mohamme- Begum. dans as a reigning queen. In her earliest youth she displayed such talents for administration that Altumsh, her father, when departing on his expedition against Gwalior, left her sole regent, regarding her as better fit- ted than any of his sons to sustain the weight of govern* ment ; and Ferose, one of the princes, having been after wards deposed for incapacity, the chiefs unanimously Her courage vested the empire hi this accomplished lady. She as- and weak- sumed the imperial robes, took her seat on the musnud, administered the laws strictly and impartially, and sup- pressed with vigour all attempts to take advantage of the supposed weakness of a female reign. Yet Rizia stooped at length to the frailty of her sex ; she became doatmgly attached to an Abyssinian slave named Jam- mal, whose sudden elevation to the highest dignities was ill brooked by the great lords and omrahs of the empire. Their discontent was soon matured into in- surrection, which, though it was at first successfully resisted, became truly formidable when it was headed by Byram, her brother, who had a more natural right to the throne. The fair ruler of India was finally de- feated, imprisoned, and, by a consequence too common in that part of the world, afterwards put to death, iiahmond II. Mahmoud II., a younger son of Altumsh, had been oppressed by the jealousy of his sister and brother, and kept hi long confinement. In his adversity he acquired virtues which afterwards eminently fitted him to adorn a throne. Disdaining the subsistence allowed by his un- generous relatives, he earned his own livelihood by writ- OR AFGHAN DYNASTY. 213 ing or rather copying books. Released from prison by CHAP. vn. a more humane prince, and intrusted with a small govern- ment, he obtained such a reputation for justice and wis- dom that his accession to the throne was hailed with universal satisfaction. Nor was this high expectation in Liberal char- any degree disappointed. According to Ferishta, he was acter - the patron of learning, the protector of the people, and the friend of the poor. Without embroiling himself in unnecessary war, he defended his territories with vigour against numerous and formidable enemies. Yet these elevated virtues were somewhat alloyed by a pedantic and fantastic ostentation of simplicity. Seated on the most splendid throne of the East, he practised the auste- rity of a hermit. Applying all his revenues to the exi- gencies of the state, he continued to earn by the pen his own support, which was limited to a supply of the hum- blest necessaries. He not only rejected the vain and Affectation o.' culpable privilege of a numerous seraglio and confined 8im P llclt J'- himself to one wife, but he compelled that lady to dis- charge the most menial functions. Even when her majesty complained that she burned her fingers in the process of cooking, and asked for a maiden to aid her in that humble task, he rejected the request. This was very extravagant ; yet there appears a fine and amiable feeling in the following anecdote. He had shown part lAmiabfflty. of his daily task of copying the Koran to an omrah I whom he much respected, and who pointed out an!| erroneous word. The emperor immediately erased it ; j; i__ but as soon as the chief departed, he restored the cha- racters ; and being asked the reason, answered, that the J word was right ; but that he did not wish to give pain jjf to a worthy man by telling him he was mistaken. The good government of Mahmoud had been in a great HU successor measure due to the happy choice of his prime minister, Baleen Balin or Baleen, who made himself universally popular ; so that when the emperor died without posterity, the vizier, not being much attached to a family who had treated his master so ill, stepped into his place almost without a struggle It is scarcely possible, however, for 214 THE PATAN CHAP. VIL a usurper to ascend a throne without being drawn into A.D mo. crime - Balin was one of forty Turkish chiefs who had associated to divide the empire among them on the Crimea of a monarch's decease. Mutual jealousy had already dis- Bsnrper. solved this bond ; but the minister, notwithstanding, determined to consult his own security by making the whole of them perish either by poison or by the sword. This crime having quieted his fears, he did not again dip his hands in blood, but began a career which, for justice, mildness, and popularity, has scarcely an equal even among the many illustrious sovereigns who have ruled Hindostan. Balm was another of the slave-em- perors. Having been captured by the Moguls, he was carried to Bagdad, and sold to a merchant of Bassora, who, learning that he was a relation of Altumsh, brought him to Delhi, and disposed of him with great advantage to that ruler. His talents soon raised him to a military command ; and having openly attached himself to the cause of Byram, he was one of the most active instru* Total ihar.Re ments in the fall of the Empress Rizia. On succeeding at the court. J Q jf anmou( j h e ma almost all the provinces were setting up for independence, CHAP. VIL when, in the year 1397, India was assailed by an enemy ^ D "J 397 whom her utmost strength, guided by her ablest mo- narchs, would scarcely liave been able to resist. Tunur (whom we shall not, with Cclonel Briggs, name Timur. Teimoor) was certainly one of the most remarkable among the conquerors of Asia. If his career of invasion did not, like that of Zingis, include China and Muscovy, his successes in India, Persia, and the Turkish empire, which he almost totally subverted, brought him more conspicuously into the view of the western world. High panegyrics have been pronounced in the East on his justice and humanity ; and these have been studiously repeated by the long line of princes who derived their lineage from his house. Timur, it is true, in the Book of Institutes written at least with his sanction, shows some correct ideas as to the duties of a sovereign, which, in a formal dissertation, he endeavours to prove that he himself had signally fulfilled. Yet he numbers among them extensive conquest, the spreading of Islamism by dint of arms, and the most rigid enforcement of his own despotic principles. He even applauds the maxim, that when a prince has commanded any thing, though he become sensible tliat it is wrong, he ought not the less to urge the mandate, lest his authority should be in any degree compromised. His partisans boast of his huma- Character nt nity to a submissive enemy ; but this submission he hls clemeuc / required to be at once instant and entire, such as could scarcely ever be expected from a country wantonly invaded. His mercy seldom availed to protect a people from the horrors of conquest ; and his triumph usually appeared in indiscriminate massacre and huge pyramids of heads reared as proofs of victory. To go round the world exterminating nations with the words of humanity in his mouth, seems more odious than even the blind and bar- barous ravages of Genseric and Attila. That Timur, in the countries subjected to his sway, might secure a re- gular administration of justice, and study to promote the public prosperity, may be believed, since this, in oriental 226 THE PATAN CHAP. VIL history, is often combined with the most boundless and A. 1)77397 savage ambition. Yet the narrative of Clavijo the Spanish ambassador, who visited his court at Samarcand and describes its rude pomp, shows that his system of Character of rule was thoroughly despotic. For example, he sent one rale ' day for the governor of the city, and, charging him with having abused his trust, caused him to be beheaded with- out a moment's delay ; and two chiefs who had ventured to intercede for the sufferer shared the same fate. Hav- ing once ordered a broad street to be formed in twenty days, the workmen began with such furious haste, de- molishing every house that stood in their way, that the owners had scarcely tune to remove with their most precious effects. They humbly requested some small compensation ; but he sternly replied that all Samarcand belonged to him. When his couriers halted at any stage, they immediately began to apply the whip in every direction till relays were furnished ; and if they met a horse on the road which appeared to answer their purpose, they instantly seized it, striking off the owner's head if he offered any resistance. invasion of Timur seems to have had no pretext for the invasion of India, except the desire of possessing it, and the hope of success afforded by its distracted condition. He set out from his capital in 1397, and advanced without dif- ficulty along the immense plains of Bactria ; after which he had to scale the tremendous barrier of the Indian Caucasus, whose steep and rugged passes were pecu- liarly unfit for the march of the Scythian horsemen. He scornfully disdained to use any means for conciliating the fierce and warlike natives ; they accordingly opposed him at every step, and, though they could not arrest his progress, they inflicted upon him extensive losses. Yet it appears an exaggeration to say, that there were cer- tain points where he could not advance without being lowered down from the cliffs by means of ropes. His cavalry, it is obvious, could not proceed in such a coun- try, or be aided by any such expedients ; and if there was a road for them, he might follow on foot. At length OR AFGHAN DYNASTY. '22J having crossed the Indus, he marched towards Moultan, CHAP. VIL already occupied by his nephew, Peer Mohammed, who A ~f s97 had, however, been hard pressed by the Patan omrahs, especially the governor of Batneir ; and by joining his forces to those of his relative, he became superior in the field. It was determined to begin with the capture of Capture of Batneir, a fortress considered almost impregnable, yet he Batneir - went against it with only 10,000 of his chosen veterans. The troops within the walls, encouraged by the smallness of his numbers, marched out and gave battle ; but they could not withstand the shock of the Mogul cavalry, who pursued them to the city, entered it along with them, and were soon masters of all except the citadel. He then ordered the execution of five hundred of those His barbar- who had shown the greatest enmity to his nephew ; a Ity> barbarous deed, which drove the Hindoos, who still held the fort, into a phrensy of desperation. They immediately set fire to the place, killed their wives and children, then rushed wildly forth to sell their lives as dearly as pos- sible. Every individual perished, yet not before several thousands of the Moguls had fallen, a loss by which their leader was so exasperated, that he gave orders for an indiscriminate massacre. The conqueror, collecting all his forces, now advanced Advance on upon Delhi, ravaging the country as he passed ; and Ilelhi - whatever good might have been displayed by him else- where, India knew him only in crime and terror. Find- ing himself encumbered with an enormous multitude of captives, and alarmed lest they should rise against him, he issued the horrid mandate for a general butchery ; and a hundred thousand are said to have been forthwith put to death. Mahmoud having shut himself up in Delhi with 40,000 Dreadful foot and 10,000 horse, the invader became apprehensive butchejr y- that if his opponent should resolve to remain with this large force in a strongly-fortified position, the siege might be arduous, or at least ruinously protracted. To allure him into the field, he directed that only small parties should present themselves in front, with a studied dia- THE PATAX Captnre of CHAP. vn. play of weakness and timidity, as if only waiting a serf. A. rTuoo ous attack * commence their retreat. The Mohammedan fell into the snare, marched out, and presented his whole army, with a numerous hody of elephants, drawn up in battle array. The fortune of the field was then in the hands of the Tartar; his troops, rendered hardy and skilful by a life of warfare, were opposed only to an effeminate and tumultuary crowd, who were instantly broken and pursued to the gates of the city. The emperor fled into Guzerat, while his capital submitted and received a foreign garrison. Historians vary as to the extent of Timur's guilt in the fatal scene which ensued. The ad- herents of the Mogul dynasty assert, that while the victor was celebrating a great festival in his camp, he was sur- prised by the view of the flames ascending from the town. Ferishta, however, gives more credit, and seem- ingly with reason, to the report, that some of his troops having acted with violence towards the citizens, the latter killed several of their number, upon which the barbarian gave up this immense metropolis to an unrestrained pil- lage. The unhappy Hindoo's, hi a state of distraction, slew their females, then rushed out upon the enemy ; but the efforts of this undisciplined crowd availed nothing against the warlike array of the Moguls ; the streets soon streamed with blood ; and, after a short contest, the natives were led captive by hundreds from the desolate walls. Timur, under what impulse does not appear, instead of advancing into the rich countries of Oude and Bengal, directed his march towards the Upper Ganges, and reached that river near Hurdwar. He then suddenly formed the resolution of retracing his steps, and proceeded along the lower borders of the Himmaleh range, main- taming severe combats with its brave inhabitants, and every where marking his path with blood. Having suppressed an insurrection at Lahore, he recrossed the Indus, and entered without delay upon the grand ex- pedition in which he vanquished Bajazet and laid pro- strate for a tune the rising empire of the Ottomans. After his departure, he exercised scarcely any autho- Progress through In din. OR AFGHAN DYNASTY. 229 rity over India. Money was indeed coined in his name, CHAP VIL and its princes o .vned themselves nominally his vassals ; A r7T4i3. but in other respects nis inroad served only to aggravate the anarchy under which that hapless empire was doomed to groan. The governor of each province asserted a tern- Distracted porary independence ; while Delhi, for some time aban- ^,_ of doned, began to be repeopled, and passed from one hand to another. Mahmoud sometimes resigned himself to a private station, and then renewed his efforts to resume the rank of emperor ; nor was it till 1413, when he died, and Chizer, viceroy of Moultan, seized the throne, and held it as the representative of Timur, that any ame- lioration was felt. This governor conducted affairs with vigour and wisdom, and the empire began to recover its wonted form and strength. There was no longer indeed any attempt to comprehend in it Bengal, Guzerat, or the Deccan ; but it still comprised Delhi, Agra, with the other provinces of Hindostan Proper, and even held by a precarious tenure those of Moultan and Lahore. There are few remarkable features in the race of Race of prin- princes who now succeeded. Mubarick, after a mild ceedwUiim. and rather enlightened administration of thirteen years, was assassinated by his vizier. The weak reigns of Mo- hammed V. and Allah II. had nearly dissolved the em- pire, when it was seized and held for thirty-eight years by the firm hand of Bheloli. His son, Secunder I., supported his reputation ; but Ibrahim II., who followed, though vigorous and brave, was unpopular. He was therefore very ill prepared for the great crisis which impended over the country. After the death of Timur and his accomplished son, Fate of his Shah Rokh, his vast dominion fell to pieces. Not only were its distant provinces severed, but its original do- main of Transoxiana was split into portions, for which the different branches of his family eagerly contended. The territory of Kokaun, or Ferghana, a fine valley nearly enclosed by mountains, and extending along the Upper Jaxartes, was inherited by a son of a great-grand- son of Timur, aged only twelve, named Baber. 230 THE PATAN CHAP. vii. Tliis youth proved perhaps the most singular person- age in oriental history. He was the knight-errant of Asia, and spent his whole life in losing or winning king- doms. The adventures which the romance -writers of the Middle Ages ascribe to their heroes were realized Sinjmiar ad _ m hiu^ At one moment he was ruler of a great em- mes " pire, in the next he had scarcely a hut to shelter him ; now he was at the head of a numerous army, and now he was scarcely able to muster a hundred adherents. Once, when ejected from his native land, and seeing his followers reduced to two hundred and forty, he deter- mined to attack Samarcand, the military capital of Asia, and defended by a strong army. He approached at midnight, scaled the walls, was joined by a number of friends, made the city resound with shouts of victory, and produced such an alarm, that Shubiani the sovereign fled, abandoning his metropolis and dominions to Baber, who held them for a considerable time. Driven after- wards from this and other possessions, and having no longer any district which owned his power, he resolved Attacks Ca- to carry war into Cabul. The state of anarchy in which that country was involved made the people eagerly wel- come a chief of vigorous character and high reputation, who might suppress the rival claims by which it was distracted. On the same grounds he was invited to i Candahar. A formidable insurrection was raised against. him ; but challenging successively five omrahs, he slew them in single combat, when the hostile army was moved with such admiration that they at once submitted. Expeditions Baber having established himself in Cabul, undertook several expeditions to the borders of Hindostan, and the countries on the Indus. A considerable time, however, elapsed ere, in his own figurative language, he finally " placed his footstep in the stirrup of resolution," and stood forth as a candidate for the imperial throne. He marched upon Delhi with only 13,000 horse, while Ibra- him came to meet him with a hundred thousand cavalry and a thousand elephants ; but the bravery and experi- ence of the hardy sons of the mountains more than com- OF AFGHAN DYNASTY. 231 pensated the inequality of numb erg. The Moslems, igno- CHAP. VIL rant of the military art, drew up their army in one extend- ed line, which the active charge of the Moguls soon threw into confusion. The emperor, however, gallantly ad- ^ C r ^j e s t - 1&C vancing in person with his chosen troops, attacked the Delhi, enemy's centre, where the combat was almost confined to the two competitors for the sovereignty. But he feU in the midst of the fight ; all his army fled ; and Baber, in the year 1526, seated himself on the throne of Delhi. This closed the dynasty, or rather the successive dy- close of the nasties, of the Patan sovereigns. During the three hun- dred years that they occupied the throne of India, there was scarcely one family which swayed the sceptre for three generations. Not a few were slaves purchased from the regions of Afghanistan and Tartary, raised to high office by imperial favour, and to the empire by crime and treason. No country could be in a more hum- bled state than India during this long period ; the slave of slaves, trampled upon by a foreign soldiery bigotedly hostile to all her creeds and institutions ; and yet so mysteriously are human things ordered, that with the exception of a few partial shocks, and some short inter- vals of misrule, she was, throughout this era, well go- verned, prosperous, and happy. 232 THE MOGUL DYNASTY CHAPTER VIII. The Mogul Dynasty to Aureiigzebe. Haber His Death and Character Humaioon His Exploits- Driven from the Empire Misfortunes Reign of Shere Huma- ioon returns, and again mounts the Throne Akbar succeeds His daring Achievements Mode of governing Ayeen Akberry Portuguese Missions from Goa Reign of Jehangire Visit of Hawkins Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe The Mogul Court Rebellions against Jehangire His Death Reign of Shah Jehan Rebellion of Lodi Sons of Shah Jehan Their Contests for the Sovereignty Success of Aurengzebe Dethrones his Fathef and becomes Emperor. CHAP. vm. BABER was now seated on the throne of India ; but it was A rTTsze not M y et eitner secure or firmly established. The Pa- tan omrahs, holding sway each in his separate province, aben detested the Mogul rule as a foreign usurpation, while they had gained to their interest the leading Rajpoot princes, the bravest part of the Hindoo population. An army of 100,000 men was mustered in the west, headed by H Mt aring Mahmoud, brother to the late emperor. The young ruler, surrounded on all sides by open enemies or false allies, and having none on whom he could repose confidence except the small band whom he had brought down from the mountains, was in a truly critical position. His troops were struck with panic ; some even of his boldest cap- tains advised him to retreat into Cabul, or at least to the provinces on the Indus. But his lofty spirit indignantly repelled the idea of renouncing without a struggle so great an empire. He proclaimed that the voice of ho- nour was loud in his ear, and with an enthusiasm which communicated itself to his adherents, exclaimed, " Since TO AURENGZEBK. 233 death is inevitable, it is glorious to meet him with cour- CHAP. vm. age, face to face, rather than to shrink back, to gain a A ~^ 96 few years of a miserable and ignominious existence ; since what can we inherit but fame beyond the limits of the grave ;" quoting to the same effect some verses from the Shah Nameh. Availing himself of the cireum- Influence of stance that a great proportion of the enemy professed zeau' " 3 the Hindoo faith, he appealed to the religious zeal of his troops, and made them swear on the Koran to conquer or die. There were some particulars in his own life which ill fitted him for acting the part of a Moslem champion ; but he made a vow henceforth to renounce the use of wine, in which he had profusely indulged; and the golden goblets which had graced the imperial banquets were broken in pieces and given to the poor. Baber, having thus duly seasoned the minds of his Great mm troops, proceeded to the military arrangements, which tary sklli he conducted with singular ability. The enemy had an immense superiority in brave though not highly-dis- ciplined cavalry ; while he had only bands of light horse, fitted rather for pursuit and plunder than for the duties of a regular field. His chief strength consisted in a body of musketeers and a train of artillery ; forces hitherto little employed in the wars of India. The cannon, ranged in front, and chained together, presented a kind of wall to the enemy. Behind were the infantry, while squadrons of horsemen filled the intervals. Early in the morning the Patan army advanced, spread their wings, and enveloped the little phalanx opposed to them. But, by means of his fire-arms and guns, he repelled the attacks which they continued to make during a great part of the day. At length, when he saw them exhaust- Total ront of ed and dispirited by repeated repulses, he collected two j! is brigades of chosen troops, and led them on to a grand charge, before which the whole adverse army gave way, and many of its most distinguished chiefs remained dead on the field of battle. Although this powerful confederacy against him was thus entirely broken, the descendant of Timur did not 234 T1IE MOGUL DYNASTY Baber's char- acter. CHAP. vm. yet hold peaceful possession of the great throne which he A.r7l530 ^ ascended. He was disturbed by insurrections both in India and in Cabul ; and at length, after reigning as emperor only five years, he died in 1630. Baber may be ranked as the most accomplished prince that ever ruled over Hindostan, although not perhaps either the greatest or the best. His valour was brilliant ; and several of his exploits are considered as surpassing even the most heroic of those achieved by his renowned ancestor. Yet his talents are observed to have been rather those of a daring partisan than of a skilful leader. He was almost as often defeated as victorious, and for a long period lost kingdoms as fast as he won them. But in the latter part of his reign his military policy seems to have assumed a more fixed character, and in the great His general- battles on the plains of Hindostan he showed no want of the most consummate generalship. His bodily strength and dexterity both in sports and warlike exercises are described as almost preternatural. He was a master in the arts of poetry and music ; and the Commentaries in which he has related the events of his own life, and of which Doctor Leyden and Mr Erskine have furnished an excellent translation, though they display not any pro- found habits of philosophical reflection, manifest much strong sense, combined with an active spirit of observation, as applied to the various scenes which passed before him. They exhibit also an interesting view of the manners of oriental courts and camps. The high moral qualities which liave been ascribed to him appear somewhat m9re problematical. His disposition was amiable, generous, and open ; and though his conduct in the field was stained by some examples of the barbarity incident to his nation, clemency and humanity were often signally displayed even towards liis most inveterate enemies. Hits protection of mercantile caravans, on occasions when tne laws of war would have authorized him to plunder them, and thus to supply his most urgent wants, marks an equitable and liberal disposition. Yet we nowhere sec in him the pleasing picture of a monarch devoting ship. Els com- mentariea TO AURENGZEBE. 235 himself in peace to the improvement of his country and CHAP. VIIL the happiness of his people, a spectacle so repeatedly x j77 530 exhibited even by the slave-sovereigns of the Patan dy- nasty. It is true the unsettled state of his fortunes left him little leisure for these tranquil and benignant cares ; yet this also was owing in no small degree to his restless temper, which impelled him continually to new schemes of conquest ana personal aggrandizement. Although, at one period of his life, he rigidly abstained from wine, he afterwards indulged to great excess, and even gives a dis- gusting account of the orgies celebrated with his jovial comrades ; irregularities which appear to have shortened his life, though they never diverted his attention from affairs of state. Baber bequeathed his troubled empire to his son Hu- Baber's suc- maioon, an amiable and accomplished prince, possessed ces of refined though somewhat fantastic tastes. He was particularly devoted to the study of the heavenly bodies, which in that age and country was much tinctured with judicial astrology. He fitted up seven halls of reception, Astrology, and dedicated one to each of the planets. Military com- manders were received in the hall of Mars, judges and secretaries in that of Merciiry, ambassadors, poets, and travellers in the hall of the Moon. From these recrea- tions he was routed by the urgent cares of empire, to which he showed himself fully equal. He was soon in- Bahadur, volved in war with Bahadur, who had obtained the sove- reignty of Guzerat. A mistaken religious zeal induced featea. him to leave that prince unmolested while engaged in hos- tilities against the Pagan prince of Chittore ; but he now advanced with so great a force, and conducted operations so ably, that the other was obliged to retreat into Guzerat, unable to meet his antagonist in the field. He next fled to Ahmedabad, having deposited his treasures in Chu- panni, which was then considered an almost impregnable fortress. The young emperor, however, at the head of a chosen band, mounted the face of the perpendicular rock by fixing hi it iron spikes, and carried the place by sur- prise, an exploit still celebrated as equal to any achieved 236 THE MOGUL DYNASTY CHAP Tin. either by Tiraur or Baber. After this glorious termina- A. D^oSO 'i n ^ his fr rs *' war ' ^ e m iht have expected a peaceful and prosperous reign ; but it was speedily disturbed by his brothers, Camiran and Hindal, who were embolden- ed in their criminal designs by his excessive mildness and insurrection, lenity. Having divisions of the army placed under their command, they successively laid claim to the suprem b power. These dissensions encouraged Shere Khan, a Patan chief, still in possession of Bengal, to advance with a powerful host against Humaioon ; who, unable from the distracted state of his affairs to muster a sufficient force, was worsted, and returned in a discomfited condi- tion to Agra. The brothers, seeing that their disunion was about to produce the nun of their house, rallied round the emperor, though not with the requisite cordi- Complete de- ality. This last, having recruited his ranks, marched em* 'ro? 6 against Shere, but was again completely defeated, obliged to abandon his capital, and to seek refuge among the minor princes on the border. Few, however, remained faithful to the fallen monarch. After being obliged to flee from several courts, he sought protection hi that of Maldeo, who had been the most urgent in his proffers of amity and alliance ; but finding that this base chief had re- solved to seize and deliver him to the enemy, he felt liimself compelled to remove instantly with his few remaining adherents across the Western Desert to the Extreme snf- banks of the Indus. In this march he experienced a mgs " pressure of calamity such as scarcely ever befell even the most unfortunate princes of the East. His horse having dropped down dead with fatigue and thirst, the lord of the world could not procure another, till a common trooper desired his own mother to quit that on which she rode, and give it to him. After suffering dreadful agonies from want of water, the party came to a well in which there was abundance ; but they had only one bucket, and when it was drawn up, such crowds rushed forward, that, the rope breaking, it fell to the bottom, and several were precipitated after it. Meantime the rearguard was repeatedly obliged to turn and repulse the enemy, who TO AURENGZEBE. 237 pursued close behind. Many of them perished ere they CHAP, vin reached Amercot, on the opposite boundary of the desert. A D ~ In the depth of this calamity, it was announced to the emperor that his sultana had given birth to a son, the cele- brated Akbar, afterwards the greatest prince of the East ; but meantime he was obliged to pursue his flight, leaving his infant child to fall into the hands of a treacherous chief, by whom he was delivered over to Camiran, his brother and mortal enemy. Humaioon sought refuge in Persia, and was received Hospitality of with the most magnificent hospitality by Shah Tamasp, p^fiL ah ** who enabled him even to maintain the outward forms of imperial rank. Having agreed to embrace the Shiite creed or heresy, which in that country is held the only true faith, he was furnished with ten thousand men, to be employed in the recovery of his lost empire. He march- ed first into Cabul, where he was again encountered by fraternal rivalry, that province having been usurped by Camiran. He next advanced and laid siege to Candahar, which soon surrendered to him, when he proceeded with a superior force against Cabul. There his brother await- ed his approach ; and, on his arrival, exhibited on the walls his boy Akbar bound to a funeral-pile, intimat- ing that he would forthwith put the child to death if the father should proceed to an attack upon the city. The latter, unmoved by this painful spectacle, expressed his determination to persevere, only adding the most dreadful threats if the horrid deed were perpetrated. The barbarian renounced his meditated crime, and, with his adherents, commenced a retreat. Humaioon entered Recovers his the gates, embraced the young prince, and found himself again a king. He reigned nine years in that city, though constantly harassed by his relative, who, after reducing him repeatedly to great distress, was at last completely vanquished. Meantime Shere had become undisputed master of the Shere Khan. empire, and extended its limits on every side. He swayed the sceptre wisely and well ; at which the Mo- gul historians are astonished, considering the treason by 238 THE MOGUL DYNASTY His sncces- sor Selirn. CHAP. vra. which he gained it ; but, as a Patan, he owed only a A TT547 ver y slight allegiance to the house of Baber. His ar- rangements for the accommodation of travellers, which, in the East, devolve generally upon the sovereign, were on a scale of which no former reign afforded an example. His virtuous Across the entire breadth of Hindostan, from the Ganges to the Indus, there was formed a high-road bordered with fruit-trees, with a well every two miles, and cara- vanseras at every stage, where the traveller was accom- modated at the public expense. Justice was main- tained inviolate ; general security reigned ; and his death, at the end of five years, was considered a national calamity. His son, Selim, supplied his place nine years, though neither with equal wisdom nor ability ; but when he died, leaving his heir a minor, the empire, dur- ing the short reigns of Mohammed and Ibrahim, was distracted by dissensions among the royal family, and by the revolt of numerous omrahs and viceroys. The friends of Humaioon then assured him, that his appear- ance with an army in any degree formidable would at once lay in the dust this ill-cemented dominion. Not being yet very firmly seated on the throne of Cabul, he felt considerable hesitation in answering this call ; but at length he mustered 15,000 horse, and marched to the Indus, where Byram, his best general, joined him with a body of veterans from Candahar. The army having crossed the river, first encountered Tartar Khan, governor of Lahore, whom Byram sur- prised and defeated. Meantime the Patan omrahs had placed on the throne Secunder, nephew to Shere, a prince qualified to lead them with vigour and talent. Having assembled 80,000 men, he proceeded to meet the invader ; and the battle was fought with an obstinacy suitable to the great prize for which the parties contend- ed. On the side of the Moguls, it was conducted with energy and prudence by Humaioon and Byram ; but, it was cliiefly distingiushed for the splendid heroism ex- hibited by the young Akbar, then scarcely tliirteen, whose example inspired the troops with almost supernatural Encounter yrith Tartar Klian. Heroism of Atbar. TO AURENGZEBE. 239 ardour. The Patan host was at length completely rout- CHAP, vill ed and dispersed, and Secunder fled into the mountains ^^556. of the north, leaving all the fine plain of Hindostan open to the conqueror. Humaioon advanced to Delhi, and seated himself on Humaioon his father's throne, from which he had been thirteen {^ e s r !g is years excluded. He mounted it, however, only that he throne, might die in possession ; for in less than a year after, de- scending the marble stairs of the palace, he fell, and was so severely bruised that he expired in a few days. He was a prince, brave, amiable, and learned, and his life was diversified with greater vicissitudes than that perhaps of any other eastern monarch. These are imputed in a great measure to his excessive lenity, especially towards brothers who ill deserved it ; Ferishta even decides, that had he been a worse man, he would have been a greater ruler. No example, indeed, can afford a stronger apo- logy for that cruelty which deforms the history of ori- ental kings. The principle of primogeniture, so firmly established in Europe, has there scarcely any hold on the feelings of the people ; and any prince of the blood- royal, who can form a party, or become popular, may cherish the hope of expelling the reigning sovereign, and investing himself with the imperial purple. In 1550, Akbar began his reign of fifty-one years, Avar's ao- during which he proved himself perhaps the greatest and cess ' UIL wisest of all the monarchs who have swayed the sceptre of India. Seated, while yet a boy of thirteen, on the throne of so great an empire, he could not find his posi- tion very secure. The country teemed with rebellion, raised often by noblemen who had a better right than himself to the provinces for which they contended, the Patan omrahs, the Rajpoot princes, and sometimes by his own discontented officers. These enemies he en- countered with a display of talent and heroism somewhat better suited indeed to a knight-errant than to the com- mander of a great army. Marching to encounter the rebel chiefs of Bengal, he was impatient at finding him- self separated from them by the Ganges, without any 240 THE MOGUL DYNASTY CHAP. vm. means of transporting his army across that river. He - suddenly conveyed to the other side a hundred choseu horse, and having collected a few adherents in the ad- joining district, advanced directly to the attack. The Defeats the enemy, considering themselves completely secured in their camp by the broad stream, had been indulg- ing in mirth and festivity ; so that the sound of the drums beating the imperial march struck them with amazement and panic, which, as usual in the undisci- plined armies of the list, were soon followed by confu- sion. Akbar immediately rushed against the tents of the insurgent commander Zeman, who fell after a gallant resistance ; and then the whole of his immense host, deprived of its head, fled in irretrievable rout before a handful of assailants. Rebellion of At another tune, he received intelligence that some Mogul chiefs. Mogul cb j efs had raised a rebellion in Guzeraf, and be- sieged Ahmedabad, the capital. He instantly despatched from Agra two thousand cavalry, whom he himself fol- lowed with a chosen troop, and marching at the rate of eighty miles daily, reached in little more than a week the scene of action. When the enemy's scouts, inquiring whose army it was, were informed that it was led by the king of kings, and brought the news to their camp, the rebels, struck with this event as almost miraculous, were with difficulty withheld from immediate flight. Their total They were, however, compelled into the field ; but, defeat after a brisk action, were completely defeated, and their commander taken. Akbar, while his soldiers were en- gaged in the pursuit, remained with 200 men on the top of a hill, where he saw advancing against him a body of 5000 horse, whom the enemy had not been able to bring forward to the main battle. His officers urged the ne- cessity of instant retreat ; but, rejecting this ignoble counsel, he caused the imperial drums to beat, and led on his small detachment as if it had been the van of a great army. The others, thus deceived, fled, and were pursued for several miles. On the same day the empe- ror entered Ahmedabad, and the insurrection was finally TO AURKNGZEBE. 2-11 suppressed. On a different occasion, with not more than CHAP, vni 150 horse, he attacked the rear of a large detachment, A.iTj5G5 and gained some advantage, which struck the whole host with such astonishment that they dispersed in every direc- tion. Having afterwards to contend with Daood, the suba of Bengal, he challenged him to single combat in so dar- ing a manner, that the latter slunk off without venturing to face the emperor in the field. These proceedings were much out of military rule, Estimate of and unsuitable to the monarch of fifty millions of men, ^^f 5 ex and the commander of a mighty army. Yet the Hindoos, and the Orientals in general, are wonderfully acted on by impressions of the marvellous, and are prone to exaggerate whatever lias any tincture of that quality. The daring exploits of Akbar, therefore, invested him in their eyes with a mysterious and preternatural character, which withered the hearts of his enemies, and secured victory better than the most ably-conducted operations of a regular campaign. Thus he not only preserved the central provinces in complete tranquillity, but reduced Guzerat, Bengal, part of the Deccan, and nearly all that had ever been included under the Mohammedan do- minion. One of his most valuable performances was the work His literary called the Ayeen Akberry, whicli contains a complete laboul ' 8> survey of the empire, executed under his own direction and that of Abul Fazel, his able and enlightened mini- ster. It comprises a full account of every thing con- nected with his dominions, government, and occupations, from the highest affairs of state down to the catching of partridges and the training and feeding of hawks ; for even the games which served for the emperor's recrea- tion afforded him, as he boasts, the opportunity of studying the temper of the officers whom he employ- ed. The statistical details, describing the extent and productions of the different provinces, are of the greatest value. They seem to have been collected chiefly with a view to the regulation of the revenue, in which re- spect Akbar represents himself as Laving relieved the 242 THE MOGUL DYNASTY CHAP. viii. people from a great part of the taxes levied from them A.rJ~i568. y predecessors. Yet the portion which he himself exacted was by no means light, amounting to no less Popular ad- than a third of the whole produce of the land. He ad- iistration. m j^. g ^ a t un( j er ^ e ancient Hindoo administration the proportion was only a sixth, and hi Iran or Persia only a tenth ; but these governments, he maintains, imposed a number of other burdens, which pressed on the people with much greater severity. He, on the contrary, took off all the imposts except this one on the produce of land. Among those abolished, he enumerates a capita- tion-tax, poll-taxes on labourers and on fishermen, a tax on every kind of tree, on oxen, on the sale of cattle, with others either bearing hard on the poor, or obstructing the regular course of commerce. His system of finance, therefore, notwithstanding the large amount extorted by it, afforded probably a considerable relief to the great body of his subjects. First Chris- During Akbar's reign, the first European mission of a arfes'arthe 11 " re ligi us nature arrived at the Mogul court. He appears JJogtii court not indeed to have attached himself to any particular faith, but to have felt an ardent curiosity respecting the different classes into which mankind were divided, and their respective forms of worship and belief. Having lizard, therefore, of a new people from a distant region of the earth, professing a religion altogether different from any held in India, he expressed a desire to see and converse with them. A letter was sent to the Portu- guese at Goa, requesting that certain missionaries would come with all the books of then- law and gospel, assuring them of the most honourable reception. The name of the Mogul conveyed to European ears some impressions of terror ; but the pious individuals selected for this duty determined that no such motives should induce them to decline an opening which might lead to important re- sults. On the 3d December 1568, accordingly, three, Aquaviva, Monserrate, and Enriques, took their de- parture for Surat. Having reached that capital, the missionaries, under TO AURENGZEBE. 243 the escort of a body of horse, crossed first the Tuptee and CHAP. VIIL then the Nerbudda ; after which they passed Mandoo, ^ ~1568. which they concluded must have been one of the greatest cities in the world, as its ruins covered a space sixteen leagues in circumference. They next came to the large town of Ougein. On their way they had an opportu- Extravair.m nity of observing the superstitious practices of the Bani- jj^j^ lui ans, who would neither kill nor witness the death of any living thing, and who, while they neglected the sick and infirm among their brethren, maintained highly-en- dowed hospitals for various species of birds and beasts. A Portuguese captain contrived to extort money by merely collecting a number of dogs, and threatening to kijl them if a ransom were not paid. There were seen also in every town pyramids of various form and size, reared in memory of ladies who had burned themselves on the tombs of their husbands. The missionaries, from the peculiarity of their appearance and dress, were some- times exposed to insult, and sometimes excited immode- rate bursts of laughter ; but the Mogul guard protected them from any serious annoyance. Bands of pilgrims were met coming from the ceremony of holy ablution in the Ganges, to obtain the full benefit of which they had been shaven all over. At length, on the 19th February, the Christians were received by a large body of troops mounted on horses, camels, and dromedaries, by whom they were honourably escorted to Futtypore, where the emperor then resided. Immediately upon their arrival they were admitted Reception of into the presence of Akbar, whom they describe as a man a ri e eg y Sion ' about fifty, of European complexion, and bearing on his Akbar. countenance strong marks of intelligence. He gave them the most gracious reception ; offering them every thing, even money, though he was greatly edified by their re- fusing it. When an image of the crucifixion was exhibit- ed, he testified a respectful impartiality, by successively bowing, kneeling, and falling prostrate ; conform ing thus to the respective modes of Moslem, Christian, and Gentoo worship. He is described as having been dazzled, more 244 THE MOGUL DYNASTY CHAP. vin. than his character would lead us to expect, by a richly- A iTTsGS ornamented image of the Virgin, which he declared to be indeed a worthy representation of the Queen of Reception of Heaven. Being presented with a Bible in four lan- the Bible, guages, he kissed it and placed it on his head. They then solicited the favour of a public controversy with the mollahs, or Mohammedan doctors. It was soon granted, and they are pleased to state that their arguments were completely triumphant ; though they are compelled to admit that they made no impression on their blinded antagonists. The emperor, however, declared his satis- faction, and expressed himself so as to afford hope that he would ultimately prove a convert. But time passed on, and though he retained all his complaisance, he evaded, on various pretexts, taking any decisive step. At length one of the courtiers privately assured the mis- sionaries that they were fed with vain hopes ; that his majesty was merely gratified by having at his court persons of various characters and opinions, especially such as were odd and uncommon, without having the slightest idea of adopting their tenets. Indeed, from some circumstances mentioned by themselves, it may be sus- pected that he was not unwilling to find amusement Novel test of at their expense. He informed them that a great Mo- hammedan doctor had undertaken to leap into a furnace with the Koran in his hand, and by sustaining this awful trial with impunity, to prove the superior excellence of his faith ; he invited them to do the same with the Bible. The friars, who were not without some pretensions to supernatural power, were considerably embarrassed by this proposal. They urged, however, that after having so triumphantly supported the truth in successive con- ferences, which they were ready to repeat, it could not be justly expected that they should expose themselves to such an irrational and perilous test. Another dispu- tation was held, which had the same issue as the forego- ing ; but Akbar returned to his proposal, undertak- ing that the mollah should leap in first, provided one of the friars would engage to follow ; and hinting that he TO AUKENGZEBE. 245 merely wished to see how the other would extricate CHAP, vm himself from his daring pretensions ; but, after delibera- ^ 5"7 591 tion, they wisely determined not to appeal to such a questionable criterion of religious faith. The emperor Return of having been disappointed of this exhibition, and the at- t!l . e mi ssipu- tractions of novelty having worn off, he saw them more ar " and more rarely ; and his attention being finally dis- tracted by insurrections which had broken out in Cabul and Bengal, he seemed wholly to forget his pious visiters ; who, finding no longer any motive to protract their stay, returned to Goa in May 1583. In 1591, he sent to request another mission, the mem- Second mi*, bers of which went through the same round as their predecessors, being well received, and finally neglected. Their stay was not of very long duration. Four years after he was again seized with a similar desire, and de- spatched a letter, with so many promises and kind ex- pressions, that the government could not refuse to gratify him a third time. The court being then at Lahore, the Portuguese were obliged to proceed by Damaun to Cam- hay, and thence to cross the great Western Desert. Near the city just mentioned, they saw 20,000 persons setting out on a pilgrimage to the Ganges, and were con- siderably edified by their solemn and serious deportment. The wilderness was crossed in company with a large caravan, comprising 400 camels, a great body of horse- men, and multitudes on foot. After a dreary march of 220 leagues, the mission came to the banks of a fine stream, and on journeying ten leagues farther, reached Lahore, described as a delightful city. They were conducted to the imperial residence, situated on an island in the river, and were most graciously received. An image of the Virgin, studiously and splendidly adorned, and still more beau- tiful than that formerly presented, drew forth expres- sions of the deepest admiration. The hopes of the mis- sionaries were raised still higher when they observed that Akbar showed so little partiality for the Mohammedan religion, that, when in want of money, he made no scruple to plunder the mosques. Yet they were dis- 246 THE MOGUL DYNASTY CHAP. vill. couraged by observing the assiduous worship which he \ D~1605. P a ^ to ^e sun ; they even accuse him of the folly of aspiring to a species of divinity in his own person. He presented himself every morning at a window, and saw the multitude fall prostrate before him ; sick infants were also brought to receive his benediction ; but per- haps they mistook for worship the profound testimonies of oriental homage. Finding no prospect of gaining their object, they took advantage of his departure for the seat of war iii the Deccan, to accompany the army part of their way to Goa. Akbarsuc- Akbar died in 1G05, after a reign of fifty-one years. ceeded by his TT , . , ,. e . J ,. J. . son. He left only one son, named Sehm, a prince of distin- guished promise, who somewhat boastingly assumed the title of Jehangire, or Conqueror of the World. A power- ful party intended to raise against him Chusero, his own son ; but their intrigues were defeated, the prince was compelled to submit, and was forgiven. Soon after, however, having gained fresh adherents, he was encour- aged to attempt the same object by force ; though he still retained enough of good feeling to reject indignantly a plan for the assassination of the emperor, declaring that he insurrection would try the fortune of the field, but never ascend a throne stained with a father's blood. He had at first some success, laying waste the country between Delhi and Agra ; but being overtaken by a superior army, retreated upon Lahore, near which he was totally routed, and made prisoner in attempting to pass the Indus. Chusero was led before his parent and confessed his guilt ; but, with those sentiments of honour which seem to have been always strong in his mind, he refused to give any infor- mation which might lead to the detection of his accom- plices. Being, however, placed in close confinement, he had the agony of being led out day after day to see his dearest friends and most devoted adherents put to death amid the most cruel tortures. He was released ten years after, though only to be assassinated by his brother. Shah Jehan. Jehangire began his reign with a crime, to which he TO ATJRENGZEBE. 247 was impelled by an unhappy combination of circum- CHAP. mi. stances. A young Tartar lady, born in the Desert, of ^rTleoe. poor though noble parents, was brought to Delhi, where she grew up, and was considered the most beautiful and accomplished woman in India. She received the title Now Mahal. of Mher-ul-Nissa, or the Sun of Women, but was after- wards called Noor Jehan, and sometimes Noor Mahal. The emperor, before mounting the throne, saw and was dazzled with her charms ; the passion was mutual, but she had been betrothed to Shere Afkun, a Turko- man of distinguished merit, and a tie was thus formed, which, according to Indian ideas, was indissoluble. Ak- bar honourably, though perhaps not wisely, insisted that his son's passion should not interfere to prevent the com- pletion of the union. But the latter no sooner became the ruler of India, than he discovered the means of gratifying his guilty inclination. Shere Afkun, however, was so brave and so popular that he durst not openly put him to death, but found it necessary to have recourse to the meanest stratagems. He contrived to involve him in combats with an elephant and a tiger, under such circumstances as seemed to ensure his fate ; but Shere, in both instances, extricated himself by exertions of al- most preternatural strength. At length a nobleman, whose name was Kuttub, received the high office of Suba of Bengal on the base condition of ridding master of this hated rival. Yet forty assassins employ- ed for this purpose were beaten off, and it was necessary to make the attack with a little army. Even then Afkun performed prodigies of valour, slew Kuttub himself, his worthless enemy, as he sat on an elephant, together with several of his principal lords, and was overpowered only by clouds of darts. The fair but ambitious object of this execrable policy submitted meekly to her fate ; but her royal lover, to whose temper crime so atrocious seems not to have been congenial, was struck with such horror, that during four years he refused to see her, and she lived neglected in a corner of the palace. At length she con- trived to rekindle his passion, and became his favourite 248 THE MOGUL DYNASTY English mis- sions. Captain Hawkin CHAP. VIII. queen. All her relations were raised to the highest A rTTeos 9i ces > h er father becoming grand vizier. Happily he possessed every quality which could adorn that exalted rank ; his elevation excited no envy, and though Jehan- gire gave himself up to ease and luxury, India is de- scribed as having been well governed. The reign of this prince was distinguished by the ar- rival of two English missions ; from the narratives of which we may derive somewhat more precise ideas respecting his court, than from the vague and pompous language of the oriental historians. In 1607, Cap tabs William Hawkins was sent out by the Company, along with Captain Keeling, to endeavour to open a commer- cial intercourse with India, and especially with the dominions of the Mogul. Hawkins, who, separating from Keeling at Socotora, arrived at Surat on the 24th August 1608, immediately waited on the governor ; but was informed that no permission could be granted to land his goods till a communication were held with Mocrib Khan, the viceroy, who resided at Cambay. A messenger was presently despatched thither ; though, in consequence of the heavy rains and inundation of the rivers, an answer did not arrive for twenty days. At the end of this period permission was granted to land, and to buy and sell for the present voyage ; but intima- tion was given at the same time that no factory could be established, nor permanent settlement made, without the sanction of the monarch, which might probably be ob tamed by proceeding to Agra, a journey of not less than two months. As soon, however, as the goods began to be disposed of, the utmost uneasiness was observable among the native merchants, who, in their conferences with each other, anticipated the most alarming effects from this new rivalry. They were seconded by a Portuguese Jesuit, whose antipathy, both religious and political, led him to make the utmost efforts to ruin the English. One day, Hawkins received the disagreeable intelli- gence, that two of his boats, on their way between the ship and the shore, had been seized by the Portu- Jealousies and rivalry. TO AURENGZEBE. 249 guese ; whose commander, on having a remonstrance CHAP. vni. addressed to him respecting this outrage, did not deign A-iTTsos. an answer, but spoke to the messenger in the most contemptuous terms of the British monarch, whom he described as a king of fishermen, and master only of an Insults or' tho insignificant little island. Hawkins having afterwards Iortn seso met an officer of that nation, and represented to him the impropriety of this conduct, was told that those seas belonged to the King of Portugal, and none were entitled to trade in them without his license. The British captain requested him to convey to his su- perior a retort at once most indignant and scornful, , accompanied with a challenge to single combat, which was not accepted. The boats, mean time, with their captured crews and cargoes, were sent to Goa ; and the Englishman, instead of seeing any hope of redress from the Hindoo authorities, found reason to believe that the delays which he had endured were contrived solely to enable the enemy to collect their vessels, and accomplish their outrageous designs. They now laid wait for him, and attempted to break into his house ; nor could he go about his affairs in the city without the danger of being murdered. Lastly, Mocrib himself ar- rived ; but, instead of affording to him either relief or compensation, only amused himself with picking out from among his goods whatever appeared desirable, and taking them at his own price, which was always most inadequate and very ill paid. Under these accumulated grievances, Hawkins deter- Hawkins mined to follow the advice, early given to him, of visiting terview" with the Mogul himself at Agra ; but Mocrib, the author of this u>e Mogul suggestion, conscious of the just complaints which might now be urged against himself, had become anxious to prevent the journey. He furnished only a very slender escort, with the intention, it waa suspected, of intercept- ing it on the road ; but the other hired soldiers at his own expense, and applied to a captain of the Viceroy of the Deccan, who gave him a body of brave Afghan horsemen. His coachman, however, having got drunk Q 250 TIIE MOGUL DYNASTY" Visits the emperor. Favourable CHAP, viii on the road, confessed that he had entered into a cove- j^ o 1609 nant to assassinate him, an engagement in which it was found that the interpreter had also concurred. The former being apprehended, Hawkins arrived at Burhan- poor, the residence of the viceroy, who courteously re- ceived and forwarded him to Agra, Where he arrived on the 16th April 1609. As he was inquiring for lodgings, the emperor sent for him in such haste that he had scarcely time to dress. On repairing to the palace, he found Jehangire elevated on his " seat royal," and presented his letter, which, as well as the king's seal, the monarch for some time carefully examined. He then desired it to be read by an old Jesuit who happened to be present. That personage gave a very unfavourable report, saying " it was basely penned ;" but the sovereign, finding his visiter could speak Turkish, had begun a conversation which pleased him highly. Hawkins was invited to visit the palace daily, and his majesty held long dis- courses with him, making inquiry respecting the differ- ent countries of Europe, and also the West Indies, the existence of which it seems he had been taught to doubt. He mentioned his conviction that the English had been ill-treated by Mocrib Khan, to whom the most positive orders were now sent to supply them with every thing necessary for their trade. Jehangire then ear- nestly requested the captain to remain in India till he himself could send an embassy to Europe, assuring him of an income of upwards of 3000 a-year, to be derived, according to their usage, from a command of four hundred horse, and a district of which he was to receive Marriage and the revenues. Hawkins, considering with himself that he im 'g nt thus benefit his masters, the Company, and also " feather his own nest," allowed himself to be per- suaded. He was then urged, in addition to so many other donations, to accept a wife. After what had passed, he thought it unseasonable to refuse the offer, though it was much against his inclination; yet he hoped to escape by saying that his conscience would not allow him to marry any but a Christian, trusting that none TO AUREXGZKBE. 251 such would be found in this quarter of the world. CHAP, vm However, the emperor's search was so diligent that he produced a young Armenian maiden, with whom the captain could not refuse to join his fates ; and to this union, though he afterwards found that it was not legal in England, he honourably adhered, and declares that he was thereby made extremely happy. Hawkins being now in the full stream of favour, and influence of learning that another vessel, the Ascension, was coming Hawkins - to Surat, had no difficulty in obtaining an imperial com- mission, under the great seal with golden letters, author- izing his countrymen to trade. His satisfaction was complete when, in consequence of accumulated com- plaints from other quarters, his arch-enemy Mocrib was summoned to court, and punished with the confiscation of all his effects. These were so exceedingly numerous, that it afforded for two months a daily task to the em- peror to examine them and select the best for his own use. The captain had the satisfaction of pointing out several articles which he himself had lodged as presents for his majesty, though they had never reached their destination. The tide of royal kindness, which had now reached Change of its height, from 'this moment began to ebb. Mocrib, royal favour after being stripped of his most valuable property, was restored again to favour, and allowed to resume his go- vernment, being simply exhorted to conduct himself with greater circumspection ; but before his departure he took care to do the English every ill office in his power. All those who were about the emperor, the omrahs, the officers of state, and more especially the Jesuits, united with him in their endeavours to under- mine the influence enjoyed by strangers and infidels. It was represented to Jehangire, that by opening his trade to this strange people he would altogether disgust the Portuguese, a much more opulent and powerful na- tion, who would not only themselves desert his ports, but were able to prevent others from entering them. These arguments, enforced by a balass ruby of uncom- 252 THE MOGUL DYNASTV CHAP. \TI A.D. 1611 Judicious policy of Hawkins. Vacillation of the court. Annoyances suffered by Hawkins. - tnon size and brilliancy, so wrought upon the prince, that he exclaimed, " Let the English come no more !" and Mocrib departed with the instruction never agaiu to allow them to touch his shores. Hawkins did not directly venture to face this tempest. He allowed his enemy to leave ; and when the suspicions of the un- friendly cabal had been somewhat lulled, watched his opportunity, presented himself before the emperor with a splendid toy, as he terms it, and urging the great advan- tages which his kingdom might derive from the proposed commercial intercourse, obtained an order for the vizier to prepare a decree, in terms as ample as the former, in favour of the British. These tidings were immediately circulated throughout the hostile faction ; an express was despatched to Mocrib, and such activity exerted, that after the decree had been sealed and was ready to be delivered, the sovereign was persuaded to withdraw it. The succeeding transactions continued to present the same woful picture of imbecility and vacillation. When the captain could find a friend at court, or seize a favour- able moment, or present some valuable gift, he appeared again on the eve of having all his wishes accomplished ; but the activity of his adversaries always produced a speedy reverse. During the whole of this time he suf- fered much annoyance from Abdul Hassan, the prime minister and his mortal enemy, who at court carefully k excluded him from the space within the red rails, the scene of honour, and the spot where opportunities of conversing with the monarch usually occurred : And though he could not altogether withhold the grant of territory made for Hawkins' subsistence, he contrived to allot it in a district so disturbed by insurrection, that little or no revenue could be drawn from it. After two years and a half, therefore, of sickening and fruitless attendance, the English captain determined to take his leave. On the 2d November 1611, he departed, not only without obtaining any confirmation of commercial privileges, but even without a letter to his own king ; having some time before, with the deepest indignation, TO AURENGZEBE. 253 heard from Abdul Hassan, that it was unsuitable to the CHAP, vnt greatness of the Mogul emperor to write to so petty a A ,T~^ 15 prince. A few years after, it was determined to make an English em- attempt to place the British affairs in India on a more l^ y ^ r Uia satisfactory footing, by sending out an embassy direct from the king, with ample presents and all such circum- stances of pomp as might produce an impression on the proud oriental potentate. Sir Thomas Roe accordingly sailed from Gravesend on the 24th January 1615, with the Lion and Peppercorn, commanded by Captains Pey- ton and Boughton. After passing along the eastern coast of Africa, and touching at Socotora, he arrived in September at Surat, where he was landed in great pomp, with eighty men-at-arms. By asserting his privileges as ambassador of a powerful monarch, he escaped in a great measure the " barbarous search," as well as various exactions usually practised on merchants. On the 15th sir Thomas November he reached Burhanpoor, and had a splendid Ro ?' s Arrival audience of Prince Purvez, second son to the sultan, who poor, in this place represented the Mogul sovereignty, though the real power rested with Khan Channa, commander of the forces. The young viceroy is described as mounted on a species of stage, like the mock-kings at a theatre ; and the ambassador expressing a wish to go up, was told that neither the Grand Turk nor the King of Persia could be so honoured. On his requesting a seat, he was told no man ever sate in that place. The prince, how- ever, promised to admit Sir Thomas presently to a more private audience ; but unluckily, among other gifts, his highness had received a case of bottles, of which he made such diligent use as to be soon wholly out of a condition to fulfil his engagement. As the Mogul sovereign was then resident at Ajmere, Proceeds to Roe proceeded thither through the country of the Raj- A J mere - poots. On his way he admired the situation of Chittore, which he compares to a tomb of wonderful magnificence. Above a hundred temples, many lofty towers, and houses innumerable, were seen crowning the lofty rock on 254 THE MOGTJL DYNASTY MocrTb influence? 1 CHAP. VIIL which it stood ; but it was at this time entirely deserted. A-cTeie On the 23d December, Sir Thomas arrived at Ajmere, but did not go to court till the 10th January 1616, when he waited on the emperor at the durbar, or place of Favourable public audience. He delivered the royal letter and pre- sents, and met a reception so cordial, that he was assured no other ambassador, either Turk or Persian, had ever ob- tained the like. At the next interview he was allowed, and over afterwards retained, a place higher than that of all the courtiers ; and being permitted to state the grievances which the English trade suffered at Surat and Ahmed- abad, was assured that these should be fully redressed. Many other conferences followed, and much familiar and even jocular conversation passed between the ambassador and the monarch. Sir Thomas for some time fondly hoped to obtain all his requests, but soon found himself opposed by the same hostile cabal that had caused so many reverses to Hawkins. Mocrib Khan, the rooted enemy f England, was at court, where he was sup- ported by Asiph Khan, who had now succeeded as prime minister, and by Churrum, afterwards Shah Jehan, then the favourite son of Jehangire. It was surprising how he could at all maintain his ground against such power- ful adversaries, who produced continual fluctuations in the mind of this inconstant prince ; but the ambassador's address and perseverance at last enabled him to procure a firman, though not to the full extent which had been promised and expected. He even received a letter to the British sovereign, addressed, " Unto a king rightly descended from his ancestors, bred in military affairs, and clothed with honour and justice." Observations During his stay, Sir Thomas had a good opportunity Hereof the*' ^ observing the pomp and ceremonies of this court, the court most splendid perhaps that ever dazzled the eyes of mankind, though scarcely possessing a corresponding share of polish and refinement. A remarkable degree of publicity, and even popularity, seems to have dis- tinguished all its proceedings. The emperor spent as it were his whole life in public. In the morning he came TO AUREXGZEBE. 255 to a window overlooking a Avide plain, and exhibited CHAP, viil himself to a numerous crowd there assembled. At noon ^ rTTeia he returned to the same place, where he was entertained tvith combats of wild beasts, particularly of elephants ; and in the afternoon he seated himself hi the durbar, the regular place of audience for all who presented them- selves on business. At eight in the evening he once more appeared in an open court, called the Guzel Khan, where he spent the time chiefly in gay and easy conver- sation with his favourites. In the durbar, the royal Royal pomp throne was surrounded by two successive railings, the ani innermost of which enclosed a place for the ambassadors, officers of state, and persons of the first distinction. The outer space was filled with chiefs of secondary dignity ; while a wide open area at a greater distance was assigned to the multitude ; all of whom, however, enjoyed a full view of his majesty's person. To this routine the em- peror was completely enslaved, and could not be excused for a single day, unless he were sick or drunk, which it was necessary to explain ; but " two days no reason can excuse." All the state-proceedings and ordinances were equally public, being daily written down, and allowed to be pei-used for a trifling fee. Thus every event and resolution was immediately known to all the people ; and even Sir Thomas' English feelings were scandalized by seeing the most secret councils of the prince, and his changeful purposes, " tossed and censured by every rascal." Our traveller, on several occasions of gayety and fes- Wealth of tival, had other opportunities of beholding the poinp of the court the Mogul court. It consisted chiefly in the immense profusion of precious stones, which this sovereign made it his aim, by presents, purchase, or plunder, to collect from every quarter. The person of the emperor on high anniversaries was not only covered, but completely laden with diamonds, pearls, and rubies. Even the elephants, when they went in procession, besides having all their trappings richly gilded, had their heads adorned with valuable jewels. The ambassador was particularly dazzled, 256 THE MOGUL DYNASTY Royal en- campment. Frivolous pastimes. CHAP. VI1L after the monarch had taken the field, with the range of A-lTTeie the rova l tents surrounded by a wall half a mile in cir- cuit. Those of the nobles exhibited the most elegant shapes and brilliant variety of colours. He declares it " one of the greatest rarities and magnificences" he ever saw, the whole vale resembling a beautiful city. But - amid all this show we see few or no traces of any refined or intellectual tastes. On the sovereign's birth-day, his chief amusement was to take two boxes, one full of rubies, and the other of gold and silver almonds, and scatter them on the ground in presence of his omrahs ; when these mighty lords of the greatest court in the world threw themselves on the floor and scrambled for them as children do for sugar-plums. On another occa- sion, much delight was afforded by the " royal weigh- ing," at which time the emperor's person, arrayed in full pomp, was put into the scales, first against rupees, then against gold and jewels, next against rich cloths and spices, and, lastly, against corn, meal, and butter. In- toxication, carried to the utmost excess, completed the circle of court gayeties. The view given by both these travellers of the cha- racter of Jehangire scarcely accords with the high pane- gyrics pronounced by the oriental writers. His facility and kindness of temper appear combined with so much of weakness and vacillation as nearly to have unfitted him for conducting the concerns of so great an empire. Sir Thomas seems to describe him accurately, by say- ing : " He is of so good a disposition, that he suffers all men to govern, which is worse than being ill." His justice, and more particularly his hatred of injustice, which Dow so highly extols, becomes somewhat equivo- cal, when we find it chiefly displayed hi confiscating to liis own use the goods of suspected individuals. After having pronounced Mocvib Khan guilty, and seized his most valuable possessions, there was a strange inconsis- tency in restoring him to his government and to full confidence, and being swayed by his advice on the most important occasions. It is difficult to know whether we Character of Jehangire. TO AURENGZEBE. 257 should ascribe to superstition or policy the absurd caresses CHAP. VIIL which he was seen to bestow on a miserable fakir or ^^"Te-'O beggar, whom he conversed with for an hour, took in his arms and assisted to rise, and into whose lap he finally poured a hundred rupees. The last years of this sovereign's life were spent hi influence of much misery ; and it was still his fatal passion for Noor hls f a v irite. Jehan by which they were imbittered. This fair but haughty favourite governed him entirely, misled his easy temper, and alienated him from his best friends. The belief prevailed, apparently not without foundation, that she was studying to raise to the throne Shariar, her own son, to the prejudice of the elder branches of her hus- band's family ; and this was at least the alleged motive of the formidable rebellion raised against the emperor by Sliali Jehan's Shah Jehan, the ablest of his children, who had gained rebellion great reputation and influence by a successful war in the Deccan. That prince, by another crime, paved bis way to the throne. Chusero, his elder brother, whose rebel- lion had chequered the opening of Jehangire's reign, was released from his long confinement, and placed under the shah's care ; but one morning his favourite wife entered his tent and found him weltering in his blood, shed by an assassin. She filled the camp and city with her cries : Jehan repaired to the spot, and by the deep concern he expressed, escaped at first all suspicion ; yet his father and the public became afterwards convinced that the guilt of this murder rested upon his head. The emperor, in the dangerous situation in which he was Mohabet now placed, had, however, a faithful friend and servant, Khaa Mohabet Khan, who supported his crown with devoted zeal, and whose valour gained for him repeated victories over the rebellious Shah Jehan. Even when that prince repaired successively to Guzerat and Bengal, where he succeeded in raising several new armies, Mohabet still pursued him, and at last reduced his affairs to a despe- rate condition. When this commander, however, had returned to court, expecting the gratitude due for such signal services, he found a complete change in the senti- 258 THE MOGUL DYNASTY Daring of Mohabet. CHAP. VIIL ments of his sovereign. Noor Jehan, never ceasing to - be the evil genius of Jehangire, joined with other ene- mies in making him believe that this virtuous guardian of his throne had entered into a conspiracy for his de- position. Mohabet, soon learning how affairs stood at court, determined not to sacrifice himself by obeying the order to repair thither, but withdrew to his castle at Rintimpour. At length, after repeated calls, he pro- ceeded to the seat of government, accompanied, how- ever, by 5000 brave Rajpoot cavalry, whom he deemed sufficient to secure his personal safety. He found the emperor encamped near Lahore ; but on approaching the tents, met the most unworthy reception, being ordered to advance no farther till he had accounted for the re- venues and the plunder which had come into his posses- sion. Mohabet, though virtuous, was proud ; hence his indignation was raised to the highest pitch, and he con- trived, and immediately executed a truly bold scheme. The army, now on its march to Cabul, crossed next day the bridge over the Jelum, while the monarch, who dreaded nothing, lingered behind with a small party of courtiers. The general then pushed forward with his Rajpoots, caused one detachment to secure the bridge, while with another he dashed on to the tent of his master. Surrounded by five hundred of these troops, who had alighted in full armour, he entered with a countenance pale but determined. The omrahs at first made some show of resistance, but yielded as soon as they saw the amount of the force which assailed them. The chief, Obtains pos- after some search, found Jehangire in the bathing-tent, S^on tUe when the latter immediately exclaimed, What dost thou mean, Mohabet Khan ?" The other replied, " Forced by the machinations of my enemies, who plot against my life, I throw myself under the protection of my sove- reign." Being asked the object of the armed men behind him, he answered, " They want full security for me and my family, and without it they will not retire." Jehangire denied having entertained any design against his life, and endeavoured to sooth him ; when the other TO AURENGZEBE. 259 observed that this was his usual hour of hunting, and CHAP, vm that a horse was in waiting. The emperor saw the ^^625. necessity under which he was placed, and went, accom- panied by a guard of valiant Rajpoots. Meantime Noor Jehan, with her brother, Asiph Khan, Rage of thf the prime minister, had passed with the main body of queeo the army to the opposite side of the river ; and it is easy to imagine the consternation and rage of that proud princess on learning the disaster which had befallen her husband. After consultation, it was determined,at whatever peril, to attack Mohabet,and make a desperate effort for the release of their sovereign. The broad stream, however, was to be crossed in the face of the hostile Rajpoots ; but the empress, to encourage her troops, rode into the current, exposing Her courage herself in the thickest of the conflict, and emptying four an quivers of arrows with her own hand. Three of her ele- phant-drivers were killed ; and her youthful daughter, who accompanied her, was wounded in the arm. The Rajpoots, however, attacked the several parties as they reached the shore, and successively defeated them. At length a large body, headed by the most gallant of the omrahs, crossed at a different point, and came upon the enemy's rear. They penetrated nearly to the emperor's tent, which was pierced with numerous arrows, and his person was only secured by being carefully covered with shields. But Mohabet finally restored the battle, and Complete gained a complete victory. Noor Jehan fled to Lahore ; MoiJatetf whence, by letters from Jehangire, she was induced to repair to his camp. Under these circumstances, we know not how to justify the resolution formed by the ' conqueror of putting her to death. He even extorted the imperial warrant to that effect ; when the artful princess, pretending to submit to her fate, solicited one interview with her lord, a request which the general Tact of the granted, on condition that it should take place in his own queen ' presence. She entered and stood before her husband in deep silence, " her beauty shining with additional lustre through her sorrow," He instantly burst into tears, and entreated so earnestly for the life of his beloved queen, 260 THE MOGUL DYNASTY Vindictive- ness of the queen. CHAP, vni that the victorious chief was overcome, and acceded to A. iTiW k* 8 wisnes - Mohabet now carried his sovereign into Cabul, treating Uv^rf Moha- ^ lim wit ^ *k e high 68 * respect, maintaining the full pomp bet of his court, and allowing him to transact all the ordinary affairs of state. At length, having obtained the most ample promises of indemnity and future favour, he proved his disinterestedness by resigning his power, setting the monarch at full liberty, and retiring into a private sta- tion. But he had gone too far to recede with safety. The emperor, indeed, was capable of forgiving, and even of forgetting ; but the deepest resentment rankled in the mind of his lady, who soon began to demand the life of the general, though the former had sufficient sense of justice to repel her proposal with indignation. She then proceeded to form plots for effecting her object by treachery. Jehangire, on learning these designs, gave information to the intended victim, at the same time owning his inability to afford him the protection to which he had so just a claim. It was evident, there- fore, that no choice was left him but to flee ; and the man who had so lately been the real master of this great empire became a solitary fugitive, after abandon- ing all his property. Noor Jehan immediately seized it, and in his absence obtained an entire sway over the mind of the weak sovereign ; the other was declar- ed a rebel ; a price set upoji his head ; and a diligent search was ordered to be made for him through all the provinces. Asiph, the reigning minister, disapproved of his sister's violence, and of the questionable measures into which she urged the government, but knew not how to lesist. One evening after dark he was informed that a man in a mean dress besought an audience. With wonder and sympathy, he saw before him the chief who had so lately been the ruler of India. They withdrew into a secret cabinet ; and Asiph having acknowledged the empress' violence and the miserable weakness of Jehangire, Mo- habet urged, that the only chance for having the empire Asiph and Mohabet. TO ACRENGZEBE. 261 governed with a firm hand would be obtained by raising CHAP, vm, to the throne Shah Jehan, the same man of whom he A ~7 627 himself had so long been the determined enemy. The other, after some consideration, concurred in his views, and a communication with the royal youth was imme- diately opened ; but several circumstances suspended the execution of this project till it was rendered unnecessary by the illness of the emperor. An asthmatic complaint under which he laboured being severely aggravated by a residence in the cold climate of Cashmere, he expired on the 9th November 1627, leaving behind him a very doubtful reputation. Jehangire left only two sons, Shah Jehan and Shariar, shah Jehap to the latter of whom he had bequeathed his crown ; but Mohabet and Asiph took immediate steps for the elevation of the former, and before that prince could arrive from the Deccan,his competitor was defeated, taken prisoner, and deprived of sight. The new emperor, on reaching the capital, immediately adopted the most dread- ful expedients to secure himself against a rival. He caused not only his brother, but all his nephews who Barbarous were alive, to be put to death ; and there remained not crueltle * a drop of the blood of Timur, except what flowed in his own and his children's veins. This horrible tragedy has been palliated as founded on oriental precedent ; yet though in Eastern courts fraternal enmities have usually been fatal, Hindostan had afforded no instance of such a fearful proscription. Nor could Jehan fail to foresee that this guilty example was likely to be followed, if not against himself, as it actually was in some degree, at least against those in whose welfare he was most deeply interested. He did not even escape the danger of an immediate Rivalry of claimant for the empire. Lodi, an omrah of distin- Lodi guished spirit and valour, and who boasted a descent from the Patan emperors of India, had been employed as commander of the army in the Deccan. In this capacity he was opposed to Shah Jehan, and having, when the throne became vacant, attached liimself to 262 THE MOGUL DYNASTY. CHAP. VIIL Shariar, obstructed and even insulted the new sovereign A iTTesy on k* s wav * o Agra* The prince sent an army against him, but with liberal offers in case of submission. Lodi Reception at ] a j,j (j own his armSj an d was appointed to the government of Malwa ; whence, on a mandate from the imperial court, he repaired to the capital. At the first audience, however, he was received with such marked disrespect, as showed that some hostile purpose was meditated. Azmut his son even drew his sword ; a tumult ensued, and the ornrah hastened to his own house, which was capable of defence, where he shut himself up with three hundred followers. Thus enclosed, however, in the midst of enemies, his situation seemed desperate, and he was agitated with the most perplexing emotions. Sud- denly a scream was heard from the apartment of the females, he rushed in, and saw them weltering in theii blood. In the prospect of captivity and dishonour, with that desperate fidelity not unfrequently displayed by Hindoo females, they had plunged the sword into their own breasts. At the sight his mind was worked up almost His bold to phrensy. He sprang on horseback with his two sons, flight caused his men to follow him sounding trumpets, while he himself called aloud, " I will awaken the tyrant with the sound of my departure, but he shall tremble at my return." A hot pursuit was immediately commenced ; yet he would have distanced his pursuers, had not the stream of the Chumbul, then flowing rapidly and swollen by heavy rains, arrested his progress. Overtaken by a greatly superior force he was obliged to plunge into the Escape. stream, and reached the opposite shore, but not without losing the greater number of his followers, among whom was Azmut his favourite son. He pushed onward, how- ever, to the Deccan, where he openly raised the standard of rebellion, and, besides collecting his own adherents, engaged the kings of Golconda and Visiapour to enter League or B~i65'> mind a similar feeling, he used every false and flattering expression which could inspire with confidence his na- turally open and unsuspicious heart. He professed to consider him as alone fitted for the throne of HLndostan, to which he was called by the desire of the people ; and as one to whose elevation it would be his pride to contri- bute, though his own wish was only to find some tranquil retirement, where he might devote the rest of his days to religious contemplation. Perhaps there was not another individual hi Hindostan, knowing the parties, who could have been deceived by such language ; but so great was the vanity and credulity of Morad, that Aurengzebe victoiyof knew he might confidently use it. The two princes, Aurengzebe. wii ^ ^^ g^iea, met on the banks of the Nerbudda, crossed that river, and totally defeated Jesswint Singh, the Rajpoot chief, who, in the service of the emperor, commanded a numerous body of cavalry. Dismayofthe Shah Jehan learned these events with the deepest dis- emperor. m& y^ jj e s;iw the formidable character of the rebellion, and dreaded that, whatever the issue might be, he him- self could scarcely fail to be crushed. He therefore used all his power to support his destined heir ; and even ex- pressed an ardent wish to take the field along with him, though he was unfortunately persuaded to give up his intention. Orders were sent to Soliman to grant favour- able terms to Sujah, and to hasten against the more dan- gerous enemy ; and Dara was strongly advised to await his Forces of arrival with a large reinforcement. That prince accord- ingly placed his army, consisting of 100,000 horse, in a strong position along the banks of the Chumbul, which commanded the approach to Agra, and covered his camp with a powerful line of intrenchments. When the confederates advanced, and saw his force thus posted, they felt considerable embarrassment. Morad, with cha- racteristic ardour, proposed to attempt forcing the lines ; but this undertaking appeared too hazardous to the cau- tious prudence of Aurengzebe. Having obtained infor- mation of a pass through the mountains, by which the TO AURENGZEBE. 271 enemy's position might be turned, and leaving only the CHAP, vin appearance of a camp to deceive his adversary, he effected ^ rTTes^ his object, and marched upon Agra. The imperial lieu- tenant had then only the alternative of abandoning that capital or of giving battle, and his ardent spirit impelled him to prefer the latter. This engagement, which Decisive decided the fate of the Mogul empire, is related by his- battle " torians in a manner very confused, and seemingly much darkened by oriental exaggeration. It is asserted that, after various changes of fortune on either side, the whole of both armies fled from the field, leaving only a thou- sand horse under Dara, and a hundred under Aureng- zebe ; and that when the latter had given up all hope, a retrograde movement by his brother's elephant, and the circumstance of that commander being induced to dis- mount, struck dismay into his troops, and caused his total defeat. The following may perhaps be considered Confused ac- as the real events which marked this important scene, en^a^emeilt? The two principal divisions were commanded by Morad and Aurengzebe, and the former, opposed to Dara, was attacked with such impetuosity, that notwithstanding the most strenuous exertions his line was broken, he himself wounded, and his life in danger. His ally, meantime, after a very obstinate struggle, completely defeated and put to flight the force with which he had to contend ; then, wheeling round, came to the aid of the other wing, restored the battle, and gained a complete victory. The confederate armies advanced upon Agra, where Defection of Morad being, most conveniently for Aurengzebe, con- f " n ' s fined with his wounds, the entire command devolved upon himself. His first care was to send an emissary to corrupt the troops of Soliman, in which he easily succeeded, or rather they corrupted themselves by fol- lowing the usual Asiatic system of going over to the prosperous party. His next anxiety was to obtain pos- session of his father's person. This was a measure both delicate and difficult, for the fortified palace in which Shah Jehan resided was capable of withstanding a long 272 THE MUGtJL DYNASTY 3HAP. VIIL siege ; which, pressed by a son against his parent, a mo- A Z>~T65. narcn so popular and highly respected, would have placed him in a very odious position. It was most desirable, therefore, to effect his purpose by stratagem ; but he had to deal with one versant in all the wiles of policy, and in all the forms of human deceit. Determining, how- ever, to make the trial, he sent a messenger to the em- peror, expressing deep regret at the situation in which he found himself, assuring him that he still retained all the affection of a son and the loyalty of a subject. Shah Jehan gave very small credit to these professions, yet he resolved to temporize, and sent his favourite daugh- Tiie princess ter, Jehanara, to visit her brothers, and endeavour to Jehanara. ascer tain how affairs really stood. She went first to Morad, who, knowing her to be entirely devoted to the interests of Dara, received her with very slender cour- tesy. The offended princess returned to her palanquin, and was hastening out of the camp when she met Aureng- zebe, who saluted her with the utmost kindness and re- spect, complained of her having held so little communi- cation with him, and prevailed upon her to enter his tent. He there professed the deepest remorse for the conduct into which he had been hurried, and his anxiety by any means to make reparation. He even expressed a willingness to espouse the cause of Dara, were it not that it already appeared quite desperate. Jehanara was thus induced to lay open all the resources of that prince, and to name the chiefs who remained still attached to him ; disclosing to her brother many most important state- secrets, of which he afterwards fully availed himself. He then declared that he was entirely satisfied, promising to second all her views, and added, that in two days the emperor would see at his feet his repentant son. Jehanara now hastened to her father with this joyful intelligence. But the monarch did not place full re- liance on these professions ; yet, believing that Au- rengzebe really intended to pay him a visit, he determined to take advantage of the opportunity to secure his per- son. He was not aware that ne was playing the game Politic con- duct of Au- tenjjzebe. Plan of the emperor. TO AURENGZEBE. 2/3 of treachery with one who possessed skill superior to his CHAP. viu. own. This other sent an humble message, represent- A ~Te58 ing that the guilty are always timid, that being scarcely able to conceive how crimes such as his could be for- g"^ e y of given, he could in no way be reassured, unless his son Aurengzebo Mohammed were allowed previously, with a small guard, to enter the palace. Shah Jehan was so bent on his object, and so convinced of the sincerity with which the proposal was made, that he hesitated not to agree to it. The youth entered, and being cordially received, stationed his party in a convenient situation. But his eager eye soon discovered a large body of troops occupying a very suspicious position. He went to the emperor and stated the apprehension to which this circumstance could not fail to give rise, observing, that unless these men were removed, he must immediately inform his father, who would then probably renounce his intended visit. The old man, still credulous, and determined to make every sacrifice rather than fail in his object, consented that the soldiers should quit the palace, thus rendering Mohammed and his party its real masters. Then indeed it was announced that Aurengzebe had mounted his horse and was approaching with his retinue, q', The monarch seated himself on his throne in the highest exultation, expecting to see the complete accomplish- ment of his schemes and hopes. He soon learned, how- ever, that his son, instead of entering the presence, had proceeded to pay his devotions at the tomb of Akbar. Considering this as a decided slight to himself, he in- dignantly asked Mohammed, " What means Aurengzebe by this behaviour 1" The other deliberately answered, " My father never intended to visit the emperor." " Then why are you here !" " To take charge of the citadel." Shah Jehan saw at once the abyss into which siiah lie had plunged himself, and burst into a torrent of fruitless invective and self-reproach, which induced his grandson to withdraw. On sober reflection he sent again for the youth, and, painting the miseries of his condition, urged the most pressing entreaties that the prince would Ruin of MO- 2J4 THE MOGUL DY:\ASTY CHAP. VHI restore to him his liberty, promising in reward even the A D~i65S em pi re f India, which his influence with the army and people would be sufficient to secure. Mohammed ap- peared to hesitate for a moment, but then, hastening out of the apartment, turned a deaf ear to every sub- sequent solicitation. Aurengzebe had now only Morad to dispose of, and from that quarter he had not much to apprehend, though this prince, having recovered of his wounds, had repaired to Agra, and resumed the command of the army. His brother received him with the warmest congratulations, saluted him emperor, and declared all his wishes to be now fulfilled, since he had succeeded in raising so deserv- ing a ruler to the throne of his ancestors. For himseli Policy of he wished only to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca, on wn j cn ne was j n t en t a s the commencement of a life to be entirely devoted to religion. The other, after some af- fected opposition, gave his consent, thinking himself too happy that his relative should thus voluntarily retire. This farce having been successfully acted, the ruin of Morad was secretly prepared ; and the design soon be- came so obvious, that even his credulous spirit could no longer be beguiled. His friends assured him that the preparations for the visit to Mecca were sufficient to acquire the dominion of India; that by ample largesses Aurengzebe was gaming the affections of the soldiery ; and, in short, that no time was to be lost in securing his own safety. Being at last undeceived, he determined to employ against his brother his own weapons of treachery. Unsuccessful He invited him to a splendid banquet, where every thing ue was P re P ared f r "^ death ; but the penetrating eye of the guest discerning something suspicious, he pretend- ed a sudden illness, and hastily withdrew, without ex- citing any suspicion of the motive. On the contrary, Morad soon after accepted his invitation to an entertain- ment, in which the finest musicians, and the most beau- tiful damsels that India could afford, were studiously assembled. The host, laying aside his austerity, invited to g-iyety and indulgence this voluptuous prince, who TO AURENGZEBE. 275 yielded to the seduction, and, after revelling in luxury, CHAP, vni Ml asleep in the tent. He then sent in some of his most A ^"T^ unscrupulous partisans, who proceeded to bind their vic- tim. The prince awoke, made violent efforts to extricate * f Mc " himself, calling for his sword, which had been taken away ; when his brother, lifting a curtain, exclaimed, " He has no choice but death or submission ; despatch him if he resists." Morad, after venting loud reproaches, yielded to his fate, and was immediately conveyed a prisoner to Agra. Aurengzebe, having thus overcome every obstacle, Aurenjrzeba considered it now time " to exalt the imperial umbrella j^j{|& s thl over his head." He felt, however, considerable difficulty in taking a step so inconsistent with all his professions, and especially with that of his being entirely devoted to religious retirement and abstraction. It was contrived that his friends should come forward to urge upon bom the important duty of sacrificing his ease and pious re- solutions for the public good, and of submitting to this painful necessity. In due time he allowed himself to be persuaded, though he adhered so far to his former cha- racter as to suppress all the pomp with which the cere- mony of coronation was usually attended. But the shouts of the people reached the ears of the captive -me captive monarch, who felt assured that something fatal to himself emperor had been determined. He asked Jehanara to go and inquire ; yet immediately recalled her, lest she should see the head of Dara exposed to public view. She, however, soon learned and communicated to him the real fact. The unfortunate sovereign rose, walked through the room hi silence, then fixing his eyes on the figure of a crown suspended over his head, said, " Take away that bauble ; yet stay, this would be owning the right of Aurengzebe." After standing long involved in thought, he said, " The new emperor, Jehanara, has prematurely mounted the throne. He should have added the murder of a father to the other crimes which have raised him so nigh." It was now announced that Mohammed wished to be admitted, that he might state the reasons which 276 THE MOGUL DYNASTY. CHAP. vin. had induced the victor to mount the throne ; hut the ^graded ruler indignantly replied, " Fathers have been deposed by their sons ; but it was reserved for Aurengzebe to insult the misfortunes of a parent. What motives but his ambition has the rebel for assuming the empire ! To listen to his excuses would be to acknow- ledge the justice of his conduct." Aurengzebe, smarting under remorse for the step to which his bold ambition had irresistibly impelled him, and having indeed very little to say in his own defence, did not press the unwelcome explanation. He had now reached the summit of liis wishes, having deceived and vanquished one of the ablest monarchs of the East. He did not therefore push his triumph any farther, and maintained his father during the rest of his life, in strict confinement indeed, but honoured and respected. AURENr.ZKBE. 2?7 CHAPTKR IX. Aurengzebe Decline of the Mogul Dynasty. Aurengzebe opposed by his Brothers, Dara and Sujah Defeat of Sujah Capture and Death of Dara Defection of the Prince Mo- hammed, who is obliged to surrender Death of Sujah Aureng- zebe's Treatment of Shah Jehan His Administration Defects of Mogul Government Anecdotes furnished by Bernier Danger of Persian War Fakir Insurrection Disturbance in Cabul Conquest of the Deccan Rise of the Mahratta Power Exploits of Sevajee His Death and Character Sambajee's Reign and DeathCharacter of the Mahratta Armies Bigotry of Aureng- zebe His Death and Character Shah Allum The Seiks Their Progress checked Character and Death of Shah Allum Contests for the Empire The Syeds Nizam-ul-Mulk and Saa- dut Khan Invasion by Nadir Shah Sack of Delhi Distracted State of the Empire Invasion by the Afghans Contest bet ween them and the Mahrattas Battle of Panniput The Mogul Dy- nasty reduced to entire Insignificance. AURENGZEBE was seated on the throne of India ; but CHAP, ix his position could not be considered secure while his A ~ ^ ef>s brothers Dara and Sujah lived, and were at the head of powerful armies. The former, from liis brilliant quali- ties, and his designation to the empire by Shah Jehan, inspired the greatest apprehension ; and against him the first efforts of the new sovereign were directed. Having withdrawn into Lahore, Dara had collected a host more numerous than that of his adversary, composed, however, chiefly of new levies, whom he was afraid to bring into the field against his brother's veteran forces. He there- Dara re- fore retired beyond the Indus; but retreat in these treau circumstances, and with such troops, was not less disaa- 27& AURENG2EBE. CHAP. ix. trous than actual defeat. His ranks gradually melted A D~165S. awa y> an< ^ h e arrived at Tatta with only a small body of faithful adherents. Advance of It would now have been the policy of Aurengzebe to pursue Dara without intermission till he had completed his destruction ; but he was necessarily checked by the intelligence that his brother Sujah, with a large force, was advancing from Bengal. He found this rival very strongly posted near Allahabad; but, trusting to the valour and hardihood of his own troops, he resolved to attack him. Early in the day, however, the Rajpoot bands, who had accompanied him only through compul- sion, fled from the field, and even began to assail his rear ; so that the Mogul warriors, left alone, were soon very hard pressed. The elephant on which Aurengzebe Critical posi- rode received a severe shock, and fell on its knees ; rengzebe! 1 " whereupon the emperor drew one foot out of the stirrup, preparing to alight, but, as in an Indian battle the pre- sence of the monarch on his war-elephant is the rallying point round which the army fights, Jumla, the vizier, called out, " You are descending from your throne." The prince felt the truth and importance of the remark, resumed his seat, and even ordered the feet of the animal to be chained to the spot. Thus, cased indeed in strong armour, he remained exposed to the darts and arrows of the enemy. His men, encouraged by the gallant example of their chief, rallied, and making the most desperate efforts, caused their opponents to give way. Sujah, night of finding his elephant disabled, committed the error which his rival had avoided, and mounted a horse. The view of the royal quadruped, moving into the rear without a rider, spread general dismay, which ended in a total rout ; and the prince found present safety only by throwing himself into the strong fortress of Monghir. Dara'g rein - Aurengzebe was again obliged to allow some respite forcemem to a vanquished adversary ; for Dara, after reaclu'ng Tatta, recrossed the Indus, and proceeded through the great desert into the province of Guzerat. There he prevailed upon the governor, whose daughter had been AURENGZEBE. 279 married to Morad, to espouse his cause ; and having CH4r ^ raised a considerable army, he advanced into Rajpootana, and in the neighbourhood of Ajmere, its capital, intrench- ^ D ' 1658- ed himself in a position of extraordinary strength. The strength of conqueror, on hastening thither, saw with dismay the commanding ground on which his brother had encamped. He endeavoured, by presenting his men in order of battle, and even by studied insults, to provoke the proud Dara to come forth and fight ; but the prince had the prudence to decline these challenges. The emperor, however, always fertile in stratagem, devised a new scheme. Having in his camp the two chiefs who had Duplicity of been mainly instrumental in gaining over the army of Aurengzebe. the young Soliman, he caused them to write a letter to the father, assuring him that they had been induced only by imperious circumstances to forsake his cause, which they were anxious again to embrace ; and that if he would leave open a certain gate at a particular hour, they, with all their followers, would enter and place themselves under his command. In vain did the oldest and most prudent counsellors warn Dara of the danger to which this step would expose him, and of the wiles of Aurengzebe. Rash, credulous, and inaccessible to advice, he allowed himself to be dazzled by the prospect of an accession to his force, which would have given him a complete superiority. The gate was opened at the appointed tune ; the chiefs rushed in, and were soon followed by the whole imperial army. Undeceived too late, he still attempted a gallant, though vain resist- ance, but being totally routed, was obliged to flee with Tota] rout ^ a veiy small remnant of his troops. He bent his way Dara. to the capital of Guzerat, hoping there to find an asylum ; but the governor refused him admittance. A band of Mahrattas, his sole remaining troops, seeing his fortunes lost, took the opportunity to plunder the camp, leaving nothing except what was concealed in the tents of the women. Dara was then compelled to undertake, with- out any preparation, a march across the desert, in a plight still more miserable than that in which the same 280 AURENGZEim. CHAP. ix. disastrous journey liad been performed by his ancestor A-iTTess. Humaioon. Amid the horrors of fatigue and thirst, beneath a burning sun, a number of his faithful followers successively lay down and expired. At the head of a few survivors he reached Tatta, and might thence have pushed on into Persia, where he would probably have been well received ; but at this crisis Nadira Bana, his favourite wife, was at the point of death, and he could not endure the thought of leaving this beloved object to Seekssheiter fa e among strangers. He sought the hospitality of from Jihon . . f Khan. Jilion Khan, a neighbouring ruler ; another rash or unfortunate act. This was a violent and bloody chief, who, after being twice condemned to death by Shall Jehan, had been pardoned at the prince's intercession. Dara had indeed the melancholy satisfaction of paying the last duties to his siiltana ; but, on attempting to de- part, found himself surrounded by a body of troops, who delivered him to Khan Jehan, the imperial general, then in close pursuit of him. When at length he saw his Hade captive, fate inevitable, lie assumed a demeanour of majestic forti- tude, and maintained during the whole journey a calm dignity, soothing his grief by verses composed by himself on his own eventful history. He was led through Delhi miserably mounted and almost in rags. But Aurengzebe had miscalculated the effect of this exhibition ; for the multitude, when they beheld their once noble and gal- lant ruler led to death under circumstances so fearfully changed, and beside him his son, a spirited and graceful boy, over whom so dark a destiny impended, were seized with the deepest sympathy, and melted into tears, nis betrayer mingled with curses against the tyrant. Jihon, the be- trayer, was killed on his way home, while the capital seemed on the eve of insurrection. The emperor felt that he must hasten to close the tragedy. Assassins were accordingly introduced in the night, beneath whose blows his unfortunate brother fell after a desperate resist- ance ; and, through the address of the monarch, the commotion in the city quickly subsided. Aurengzebe had now only to dispose of Sujah, who, AURENGZEBE. 281 under favour of this diversion, had rallied his broken CHAP. jx. forces. But as little apprehension was felt in that quar- ^ D~Te>9 ter, it was thought enough to detach against him Prince Mohammed and Jumla the vizier. This expedition, j^ntl'"' 11 however, received a striking interest from a very uncx- Sujah. pected and moving incident. The young warrior had been early betrothed to a daughter of Sujah, for whom he had conceived a strong attachment ; and though in the late tumult of events he had forgotten the first impression, a letter which the princess, in concert with her father, now wrote to him, led to a revival of all his tenderness. He determined to quit the army, and espouse the cause of his uncle ; nor docs it seem improbable that he cherished some secret intention of imitating the example of Aurengzebe himself, by fighting his way to the empire. Being highly elated with the part he per- formed in the late revolution, and the offer made to him by his grandfather, he had often been heard to boast that it was he who placed the crown on his parent's head. He fondly flattered himself that the army would follow his example, and, when combined with that of Sujah, would compose a force so overwhelming as to defy all resistance. He embarked on the Ganges, as if upon Desertion of a party of pleasure, and returned not. The soldiers, on j^]^? ' discovering his intention, were at first greatly agitated ; but the prudence and vigour of Jumla preserved their attacluncnt to their master, and prevented any desertion, Sujah. received his illustrious relative with the highest distinction ; and, the nuptials having been celebrated with great pomp, he led out his men and offered battle. Mohammed placed himself in the foremost line, and when he saw the flower of the opposing cavalry bear down upon him, vainly imagined that they came to join his standard. But their fierce onset soon undeceived him. Both lie and his kinsman behaved with the greatest valour ; but the effeminate troops of Bengal could not withstand the veterans led by Jumla, who gained a com- plete victory. The situation of the prince was now deeply distressing, and the arts of liis father rendered it 2R2 AURENGZEBE. CHAP. IX desperate. Aurengzete wrote a letter, addressed to him A D~i66 however, we shaU find reason to suspect that the picture is too flattering, and that the empire throughout this period groaned under many of the evils incident to arbitrary rule. The very fact that at the time when Britain succeeded to this vast inheritance, the class of cultivators were all sunk into such abject poverty, that it was scarcely possible to discover by what tenure the land had been originally held, seems to invalidate the testimony of those historical eulogists. Bemier's It was during the reign of Aurengzebe that Bernier, narrative. ^^ intelligent and reflecting traveller, spent some years hi India, and applied himself with diligence to investigate the state of the Mogul government and empire. The description he gives is that of a country going to ruin, rather than of one flourishing under a just and impartial government. He observes, that supposing the sovereign inclined to enforce justice, he might perhaps succeed within his own immediate circle, in Delhi, Agra, and the close vicinity of these capitals ; but in the provinces AURENGZEBE. 285 and remote districts the people had no adequate protec- CHAP. IX tion from the rapacity of the governors, who ruled with ^ iTTeiab arbitrary power, and whom he characterizes as " men fit for ruining a world." This was confirmed by the SSte^rSS 1 mean garb, and the anxiety to assume the semblance of provinces, poverty, which prevailed even among those whom other circumstances proved to be possessed of exorbitant wealth. The people could appeal to no court of justice, no admk nistrators of the law, no independent tribunals. The monarch himself could call to his service no men en- dowed with honourable principles, inspired with feelings of genuine loyalty, or identifying their glory with that of their prince. These functionaries were generally " men of nothing, slaves, ignorant and brutal, raised from the dust, and retaining always the quality and tem- per of beggars." The only object of those intrusted with any power was to amass wealth during the short and precarious tenure of their possession, regardless if after- wards the whole state should fall into ruin. Even as to the feelings of justice and regard to the Evidence of rights of their subjects, which are said to have character- ized this dynasty, Bernier mentions several particulars, which, agreeing in a remarkable manner with those re- ported by Hawkins and Roe, tend to cast great doubt upon the panegyrics of native writers. Anecdotes, even of a somewhat familiar description, may illustrate the tone of manners at this oriental court. A young man laid before Shah Jehan a complaint, that his mother, a banian, was possessed of immense wealth, amounting to aBecdotes - two hundred thousand rupees, who yet, on account of alleged ill-conduct, withheld from him all participation. The emperor, tempted by hearing of so large a fortune, sent for the lady, and commanded her, in open assembly to give to her son fifty thousand rupees, and to pay to him- self a hundred thousand ; at the same time desiring her to withdraw. The woman, however, by loud clamour, again procured admittance, and coolly said : " May it please your majesty, my son has certainly some claim to the goods of his father ; but I would gladly know 288 AURENGZEKE. Personal freedom en. toyed. CHAP. rx. \vhat relation your majesty bears to the merchant, my A.D. 1680 deceased husband, that you make yourself his heir." This idea appeared to Shah Jehan so droll, that he de- sired her to depart, and no exaction should be made. Such an incident may prove an accessible temper, and a degree of good humour on the part of the sovereign, but gives a very low idea of the general character of that justice which oriental writers are pleased to ascribe to him. The other anecdote is of a still more odd description. There were hi Delhi a class of females called Kencheny, who, though of somewhat doubtful reputation, were not altogether abandoned, and were allowed to contri- bute to the amusement of this very gay court. A French physician, named Bernard, then resident at Delhi, en- deavoured to obtain a young damsel of this class as his mistress ; but her mother, probably from motives of prudence, opposed the connexion. The medical man, however, having gone in the evening to wait upon the Emperor Jehangire, and being about to receive a present in return for a cure which he had effected in the seraglio, pointed to the Kencheny, who happened to be among the multitude paying her court to the prince, and be- sought, hi place of any other gift, that she might be bestowed upon him. His majesty burst into a fit of laughter, and called out, " Lay her on his shoulders, and let him carry her away." " So said, so done." The young lady was immediately given up to him, and Ber- nard departed laden with this unlawful booty. Bender was among the first to dispel the impression which prevailed hi Europe of the mighty and uncon- querable armies engaged in Mogul warfare. Even the numbers had been greatly exaggerated. The only effi- cient department was the cavalry, of which the portion immediately attached to the monarch's residence did not exceed 36,000or40,000,norwas it supposed that the whole under his command could much exceed 200,000. The infantry, including the artillery stationed at the capital, might amount to 15,000. The innumerable hosts of count of the Mogul armies. AUBEXGZEBE. 287 foot-soldiers, said to compose the mass of the army, con- CHAP. ix. sisted chiefly of servants, victuallers, foragers, and others, who followed in its train, conveying tents, and supplying provisions, cattle, and every thing wanted for the men and officers. This attendance was so numerous that, when Cumbrous the imperial troops marched, all Delhi and Agra might o"^^! be described as proceeding along with them ; and, indeed, these cities could be considered as little more than stand- ing encampments ; while the actual camps, on the other hand, with their streets of tents and regular markets, might be viewed as moving cities. Still lower was Ber- nier's estimate of the quality of these warriors. Often, it is true, they fought with great bravery ; but, being des- titute of all discipline, they were frequently struck with panic, and then became altogether incapable of com- mand. He was persuaded that a force of 20,000 or 25,000 men, led by a Conde or a Turenne, would easily trample all these barbarians under foot, an anticipation amply verified by subsequent events in the annals of British India. The foreign history of this reign was chiefly distin- Threatened guished by the danger which threatened the new sove- reign of being involved in war with Abbas, king of Per- sia, the most powerful and warlike prince in Asia. Dow, following the native historians, represents this rupture between these two mighty potentates to have arisen from the error of a secretary, who addressed a letter, " From the emperor of the world to the master of Persia." On receiving the epistle thus directed, Abbas, it is said, re- jected all explanation and apology, and instantly pre- pared for war. Such a mistake seems not very probable, much less that a monarch so distinguished for talent and policy, and now of mature age, should have engaged in so formidable a contest on a ground so trivial. Possibly he might use it as a pretext ; and, seeing the throne of India filled by a prince not yet firmly seated, and rendered odi- ous by the steps which had led to his elevation, might conceive the hope of making this important addition to his dominions. Many circumstances conspired to favour hia CHAV. IX. A. D. 1685. Secret plots of the Persia] king. His sudden death. Ridiculous cause of danger. Bistamia's victories. 28 AURENGZEBE. expectations. Of the great omrahs at the court of Delhi a number were of Iranian extraction ; many also, of Patan or Afghan origin, looked back with regret to the period when princes of their nation sat on the imperial throne. Aurengzebe had room to suspect that Abbas was seeking to open a communication with the Persian chiefs in his service, and was even attempting to seduce the vizier, who was of that descent. He felt himself in a very delicate situation ; for this body was so numerous and powerful, that to drive them into open hostility might have rendered his position still more critical. The mi- nister and the other nobles, however, strenuously denied the charge ; and the whole affair was amicably adjusted. The emperor, notwithstanding, continued to suffer the ut- most anxiety till he was relieved by the intelligence that Abbas, in consequence of a neglected illness, had expired in his camp on the frontier. Sen, his grandson and suc- cessor, looking forward with uneasiness to the scenes of disorder which usually follow a vacancy in an eastern throne, had no inclination to embarrass himself farther by a foreign war, and readily concluded a treaty. We must not omit to mention a ridiculous incident, by which Aurengzebe was exposed to great danger. An old female devotee, called Bistamia, in the Rajpoot ter- ritory of Marwar, having, by her bounty, collected around her a number of fakirs and other Hindoo sectaries, formed them at length into a sort of army, with which she de- feated the rajah and some inferior officers. Having at length assembled a force amounting to twenty thousand, she marched upon the imperial city. Superstitious ter- ror paved the way for her victories; for it was believed that she prepared a mess, composed of the most horrid ingredients, which rendered her followers on the day of battle invisible, and consequently irresistible. Having made their way victoriously almost to the gates of Agra, they looked on themselves as masters of the empire, and proclaimed their leader Queen of India. The emperor, seriously alarmed on finding even his own troops struck with awe, was convinced that it would be vain to contend AURENGZEBE. 289 against such a host with mere human weapons. Having, CHAP, ix, by his Moslem zeal, acquired a holy character in the A D ~f 686 eyes of his soldiers, he wrote sacred sentences on pieces of paper, and causing them to be stuck on the points poHc"f zebe of spears, which he placed in front of the battalions, he assured his men that they would protect them against the necromantic influences of their fanatical adver- saries. Their fears being thus dispelled, the superio- rity of their arms soon enabled them completely to rout the fakir host, which was almost entirely cut to pieces. The reign of this great monarch was again disturbed by insurrection an insurrection in Cabul, where he soon reduced the open m country, though he wisely desisted from the attempt to deprive the inhabitants of their independence. But the grand object of his ambition was to effect the final subjugation of the Deccan kingdoms of Golconda and Bejapore, which, although their force had indeed been broken by repeated victories gained by his predecessors, and even by himself previous to his accession, still re- tained a considerable share of power. Various occurrences and dissensions prevented this invasion of expedition from being carried into effect till the year th( 1686, the twenty-eighth of Aurengzebe, when the whole imperial force marched by thrre directions into the Deccan. Operations were begun by Shah Allum, the heir-apparent, who laid siege to Golconda. The king solicited peace on very humble terms, which the invader granted, that he might turn his whole force against Be- japore. This kingdom made a more obstinate resistance ; but afterwards the troops being induced by treachery to desert, the city was closely invested, and at length com- Capitulation pelled by famine to capitulate. Secunder Adil Shah, the of last of a long line of powerful princes, became a captive m the hands of the emperor. The victor forthwith em- ployed his arms to complete the conquest of Golconda ; Conquest of when his son Shah Allum, by remonstrating against this Golconda - breach of faith, incurred his resentment, and was thrown into prison. That city, after a siege of seven months, 290 AUREUGZEBE. CHAP. K. was taken by treachery ; and the death of its king, Abou A. fTTess. Houssein, after being treated with the utmost indignity, terminated another powerful race of monarchs. But an event which influenced the whole reign of Aurengzebe is still to be mentioned. This was the rise of the Mahratta power, which, from small beginnings, was one day to subvert the proud fabric of the Mogul empire, and even dispute with Britain the supremacy of Hindostan. The north-western part of peninsular India composes the territory of Maharashtra, which, according to Mr Grant Duff, includes a surface of 102,000 square miles, and a population of about six millions. It is tra- versed by branches of the Ghauts and Vyndhia moun- tains, and comprises a large portion of the provinces of Malwa, Candeish, Aurungabad, and Bejapore. The whole bears a very different aspect from the extensive plains of the Deccan and of Hindostan Proper. It is Character of elevated, rugged, diversified with bleak table-lands, and Qntry ' broken by numerous streams and torrents. Being throughout unfit for the movements of heavy cavalry, in which the strength of the Mogul armies consisted, it could be reduced only to very imperfect subjection. All the hills and fastnesses were occupied by petty chief- tains, who paid a mere outward homage to the imperial throne or the kingdom of Bejapore. Amid the constant wars, however, of the Mohammedan nations with one another, and the disputed successions of the great em- pire, opportunities were afforded to a leader of daring and comprehensive mind to erect them into an inde- pendent community. Such a person was Sevajee, the founder of the Mahratta dynasty. Lineage of This hero, though he began with slender resources, wag ^y no means O f ignoble descent. His great-grand- father, Babjee Bhonslay, was a son of the Rana of Oodi- poor, whose blood is considered the highest and purest in all Hindostan ; but his mother was a woman of infe- rior caste, and the stain thus incurred induced him to quit his native country, and seek employment and dis- tinction in other courts. Having risen to eminence in AURENG2EBE. 291 the service of a rajah in the territory of Candeisli, he CHAP.IX. procured a zemindary near Poonah, then only a village, . ^"Teza. but which the prosperity of his family raised afterwards into a great capital. His son Malojee acquired celebrity His son under a Mahratta chief, whose daughter he obtained in Mal J ee ' marriage for his son Shahjee. This last having quar- relled with his father-in-law, entered the army of the King of Bejapore, and was employed in Tanjore and the Carnatic. While serving in this quarter, he left his son Sevajee at Poonah with his mother, under the tuition of Dadajee Konedeo, who seems to have bestowed very great pains in training the future warrior. He initiated him, not indeed in letters, which are despised by those mountaineers, but in military exercises, in na- tional legends and poetry, and in a deep veneration for the Hindoo faith and observances. At the age of seven- teen, the pupil was impelled by his daring spirit to a warlike enterprise ; he collected a band of Mawulees, Ccaects a natives of the neighbouring glens, and commenced that lowers? ful ambiguous profession of a warrior and a robber, which is generally pursued by the half-civilized tribes of Asia. Heavy complaints were lodged with Dadajee on account of these exploits, against which he felt himself bound to make the most solemn remonstrances ; but he is alleged, at the same time, to have secretly encouraged the youth to persevere in his pursuits, for which he conceived him eminently qualified ; foreseeing, probably, in some de gree, the greatness to which such an adventurous life would conduct him. Sevajee accordingly followed his aspiring course ; and Sevajee ao obtaining possession of the almost inaccessible castle of castle of 6 Torna, gave the first alarm to the King of Bejapore, Torna. whom, however, he conciliated by the promise of an increased tribute. As he continued to seize or erect fort after fort, the king not only redoubled his remonstrances, but also appealed to Shahjee, the father of the marauder, whom he first threatened and then imprisoned, disregard- ing all his protestations that he neither knew nor ap- approved of his son's proceedings. The youth was distress- 292 AT7RENGZEBE. CHAP. rx. ed at the disaster in which he had involved his parent ,' A D~Te40 y e *' ver y unwilling to effect his release by a change of system, he bethought himself of an application to Shah Jehan, whose vassal he professed himself, and by whose powerful intercession the deliverance of Shahjee was in Sevajee's fact obtained. When Aurengzebe came to make war pliant policy. ^1^ Bejapore, Sevajee continued to represent himself as an ally of the Mogul, and hence, as even his neutral- ity was of importance at so eventful a period, he was allowed to retain unmolested all his possessions. But, as soon as he saw these two great monarchies fully occu- pied in their sanguinary contest, he hesitated not to seize plunder and territory from either as opportunity offered. At length Aurengzebe suspended the contest, that he might prosecute those ambitious schemes which effected his elevation to the throne of Hindostan ; during the progress of which he had of course no leisure to resent the Collision conduct of the young freebooter. This rising chief, how- court ofBeja- ever, had to encounter the undivided hostility of the court pore. o f Bejapore, which had long considered him as a rebel, and now exerted its entire force to accomplish his destruc- tion ; and he boldly determined to face the storm with the combined power of arms and stratagem. The army of Bejapore, under the command of Afzool or Abdul Khan, a leader of distinction, advanced against this restless insurgent, in full confidence of speedily sub- Seyajee's im- duing him. Sevajee, finding it necessary to ply all his Btra^gem. arts ' S aLVe intimation that he had resolved to submit, but dreaded to place himself in the power of an enemy so justly offended. He therefore prevailed upon his adver- sary to arrange a meeting, to which each party should come with one attendant only. In contemplation of this interview, he secretly filled the woods in front of his castle with armed men, put on a complete suit of chain- armour under his cotton robe, a steel cap on his head, and concealed hi his clothes a dagger with other deadly Approach of weapons. He had soon the satisfaction to discover Afzool Aizool Khan. Khan approaching with an escort of 1500 men, whom he left at some distance, and repaired to the appointed spot AUHENGZEBE. 293 with a single follower. Sevajee meantime had performed CHAP. ix. the most solemn religious ceremonies, and besought his ^ D~j650 mother's blessing, like one going forth on some deed of glorious peril. He then proceeded to the place apparently unarmed, and looking frequently back as if afraid to ad- vance. At length he stepped forward, embraced Afzool after the Indian fashion, and at the same moment struck Treachertras him through the body. The Bejapore chief instantly ^ ^g n drew his sword, and aimed a blow at the head of his pore chief treacherous assailant ; but it was intercepted by the helmet beneath his turban ; and the next stab laid the khan lifeless on the ground. The Mahratta troops, warn- ed by the sounding of a horn, started from their ambus- cade, and soon put to flight the surprised and terrified escort. Asiatic armies can only be rallied round the person of their commander, and on his fall lose all their courage. The enemy's soldiers having dispersed, Seva- jee was left at full liberty to cany on his operations, and overrunning a great extent of country, he pushed his inroads to the very gates of the hostile capital. He took occasion in particular to possess himself of the Concan, called by the ancients the Pirate Coast, and became master of its key, the strong fortress of Panalla, which, by ena- Acquires the bling him to equip a fleet, greatly augmented his means both of conquest and plunder. The King of Bejapore recruiting his forces, sent repeated expeditions against this rebel chief, which reduced him indeed to great ex- tremities ; but he always extricated himself, and at last concluded a peace that left in his possession an extensive range of mountain-territory, with an army of 50,000 foot and 7000 horse. Aurengzebe meantime, by civil war and treason, had attained the undisturbed possession of the Mogul throne ; pian^of con and he now resolved to make himself complete master of India. For this purpose it was necessary to put down the rising power of Sevajee, which was assuming so formidable an attitude. He despatched on this service a well-appointed army under Shaista Khan, an omrah high in his confidence. The new general carried on 294 AURENGZEBE. Recall of Shaista. Plunder of Surat. CHAP. ix. the campaign for some time with great success, reduced A-iTTeeo inan y forts, including Poonah, the original seat of the military adventurer, who in this extremity had re- course to one of his bold exploits. Having selected a small band of resolute soldiers, he obtained admittance, favoured, as was suspected, by the jealousy of a Mogul chief, into the residence of Shaista. The assailants with pick-axes forced their way into the cook-room, whence they rushed into the interior of the house with such fury that the omrah had scarcely time to leap out at a win- dow ; in effecting which he was wounded, and had one of his fingers cut off. His son was killed ; and he him- self was at once so intimidated by this disaster, and filled with such a degree of jealousy of his own officers, that he solicited his recall ; after which the military opera- tions against the Mahrattas for some time languished. This interval was improved by their active chief foi the accomplishment of one of his most adventurous un- dertakings, the plundering of Surat, at that time the chief emporium of India, and perhaps the richest city in the world. Confident in its greatness and wealth, the citizens seem to have rested secure, having only sur- rounded it with a slight earthen wall, incapable of even retarding the intrepid bands of Sevajee. That leader, according to some authors, went in disguise three days through the town, marking the fittest objects for attack Mock sieges, and plunder. He then formed two camps at once, before Bassein and Chaul, and seemed solely occupied in press- ing the sieges of these important places, when suddenly he ordered the main body of his troops to withdraw from the former, leaving only small parties, who were instruct- ed to keep up lights, noise, and every appearance of a large army. The Mahratta force thus presented itself quite unexpectedly, and entered Surat without resistance, the governor retiring into the fort, while the English and Dutch remained within their factories ; so that the vic- torious army for three days ranged through this vast city, busying themselves in the appropriation of every valuable article on which they could lay their hands. Sudden en- trance of Surat AFRENGZEBE. 295 The booty in treasure, jewels, and other precious com- CHAP. ix. modities, was valued at a million sterling. ^ TT664. Aurengzebe, more and more exasperated at being thus baffled by a petty chieftain, determined to make the most ^rt^f* vigorous efforts to crush him ; and with this view he sent Aurengzete. a formidable army under the maraja, or Mirza Rajah, a gallant officer, who had been accustomed to make war in a mountainous country. The Mahratta was quite unable to face this new commander in the open field ; and, castle after castle being reduced, he was soon driven to a more perilous extremity than ever. At length Poor- undur, his mam place of strength, hi which he had lodged his family and treasure, was closely invested, without any hope of his being able to relieve it. He then gave Submission a; up his cause as desperate ; and on receiving the pledged Seva J ee> faith of the maraja, that he should find at Delhi safety and an honourable reception, surrendered himself to the Mogul. He seems to have gone to court with the ex- pectation of being treated as an omrah of the first class, and was therefore deeply mortified when he found him- self received by the emperor with studied contempt, and consigned to quite a secondary rank. If we may be- lieve some respectable historians, the daughter of Au- rengzebe, seeing the young stranger from behind a cur- tain, became enamoured of him, of which Sevajee be- ing apprized, he made overtures for her hand, which were rejected by the monarch with the deepest indigna- tion. More diligent inquirers regard this tender inter- lude as altogether apocryphal ; but at all events, the discomfited chief saw himself a closely- watched and Contemptu- unhonoured captive, in the hands of one whose wiles were J as deep as his own. All his invention, therefore, was on the rack to effect his escape. Having lulled the suspicions of his keepers by counterfeiting madness, he contrived to have himself and his son deposited in two large baskets that had been employed for carrying sweetmeats, and was conveyed to a spot outside the city. Here, mounting in disguise a miserable horse, he travel- led onward without suspicion to Muttra, and thence to 296 AURENGZEBE. CHAP. IX. Benares and Juggernaut, taking this occasion to visit A. DTeTO. these hty seats f pilgri ma g e ' From the latter he went round by Hydrabad, and at length found himself amid es^S" 8 his native hills, with his devoted and gallant followers rallying around him. Resumes his Sevajee at once resumed his predatory and victorious career. 017 career, which placed him in a state of avowed warfare with the Mogul ; but Aurengzebe, disgusted, perhaps, with the manner in which he had been overreached, and occupied with the arms of Persia and the insurrection of the Patans, did not for a long time direct his attention to this marauder, who pillaged merely a wild district of his dominions. The Mahratta prince accordingly ex- tended his ravages almost undisturbed along the western Second plnn- coast ; he again plundered Surat, and on a third occa- derofSurat ^^ though he did not enter, he levied a large contri- bution. In the sack of Rajaporc, he robbed the English factory of 10,000 pagodas, which, however, were after- wards repaid. Singurh, a hill-fort, deemed next to im- pregnable, had been wrested from him by famine during his late disasters ; but a thousand of his daring Mawulees, mounting at the highest point by a ladder of ropes, carried the place sword hi hand. Immediately on his return Assumes the he had assumed the titles of royalty, and caused coins to rules .of roy- k e g^g^ b earm g his name. He now determined to satisfy his pride and dazzle his followers by a formal coronation, modelled upon that of the Mogul, in which the weigh- ing against gold, and other childish ceremonies, were not omitted. Gifts to an immense value, bestowed on Brah- mins, gave lustre to this as well as to several other political festivals. In the year after his coronation, Sevajee was seized with an illness which confined him eight months ; but, upon recovering, he renewed his warlike operations on a Assault of more extended scale than ever. Golconda, almost at the Goicor.cL*. oppose side O f the peninsula, and considered far beyond his reach, saw itself suddenly surrounded by upwards of 12,000 Mahratta horse, who rushed to the assault so suddenly as to leave no time to put the city in any poa- AURENGZEBE. 29J ture of defence. An immense ransom was paid to save CHAP, ix it from plunder ; and the assailant, having entered at the ^ rTTts' head of a large body of followers, held an audience on quite an equal footing with its great and potent sove- w reign. He even appears, without abating any part of his claim for ransom, to have formed an alliance for com- mon defence against the Mogul. He penetrated next year across the territories of Bejapore into the Carnatic, invasion of which afforded an entirely new scene of conquest. He the Caruatic - made himself master of Gingee, Vellore, and other strong places, in the name of the King of Golconda, but care- fully garrisoned them with his own troops ; then pushed his victories to the neighbourhood of Madras on the one side, and of Seringapatam on the other. After his return he alarmed and had nearly obtained possession of Bombay ; but having to encounter Dilleer Khan, the imperial gene- ral, to whom Sambajee, his son, with the usual treach- Desertion of ery of Indian princes, had deserted, he sustained a de- *"* son - feat, and was obliged to retreat to Rayree, his capital. Afterwards, being reconciled to the runaway, he set out, and making an immense circuit, seized near Burhanpooi a large convoy bringing treasure to the enemy's army. He returned rapidly and safely to his metropolis ; but the extreme fatigue of this journey, joined to what he had endured in so many other expeditions, caused an in- flammation in the lungs, which terminated his life on Hi death, the 5th April 1G80, at the age of fifty- three. On re- ceiving the tidings, Aurengzebe is said to have shown extraordinary marks of exultation ; having at the same time the magnanimity to bear witness to the great talents by which, while he himself had been employed in sub- verting all the ancient kingdoms of India, Sevajee had been able, in defiance of numerous and well-appointed armies, to erect a new one on a broad and firm basis. The character of Sevajee has been variously drawn ; character of though the delineations appear to us, on the whole, Sevajee. somewhat too favourable. He certainly presented a complete example of a character not uncommon in the East or in barbarous countries, but seldom brought 298 ArRENGZEBE. CHAP. rv. into view in our happier forms of society ; in which the A iTTeso monarch, general, partisan, bandit, and even the expert thief, are blended in nearly equal proportions, and each nar vtew. part is performed with equal success, according to the scene on which it is acted. In all these capacities Seva- jee showed himself what we should call an excessively clever fellow ; and the history of his tricks and surprises, repeated and exaggerated for the sake of amusement, has rendered his name highly popular among the Hindoos. Yet there seems nothing, either in his objects or in his mode of pursuing them, which can entitle him to be ranked as a great man, actuated by high or enlarged views I'n'cmpui- of policy. In regard to his moral qualities, again, it seems ous policy. <}ifli cu i t to ascribe any merit to the man who scrupled at nothing whatever by which he could compass his am- bitious designs ; for if he had the principles of faith 01 honour, it is obvious that they were never allowed to interfere with any important interest. Not to have been addicted to wanton cruelty is, indeed, in an eastern war- rior, a subject of praise ; yet blood was never spared by him if the shedding of it could serve a purpose. Per- haps, had he ever attained the peaceable possession of an extensive kingdom, he might have atoned for the evils which his predatory warfare inflicted, by a beneficent and protecting system ; but for this he had scarcely an Simplicity of opportunity. At the same time his habits were simple and temperate ; he mingled frankly and familiarly w r ith his followers ; and, without guard or precaution, felt himself among them always in perfect safety. He was strictly observant of the rites of the Hindoo re- ligion, professing in its cause the most fervent zeal ; nor would we hastily pronounce this attachment to have been purely political, though it proved one of the chief instruments of his aggrandizement. He proclaimed himself its champion against the bigoted enmity, dege- nerating at last into persecuting zeal, manifested by Aurengzebe. Sflintiajee's The Mahratta cause was placed hi imminent peril by lsion ' the premature decease of its founder. Sambajee, accord- ATTREXOZEBE. 2.99 ing to the usual fate of an Indian prince, opened his CHAP. rx. career by contending with a brother for the sovereignty. A fTTess. He was next invaded by a large Mogul force ; but, showing himself not an unworthy descendant of his p^j^ 17 C8f father, compelled it to retire with great loss. Aureng- zebe, however, soon afterwards pushed all his armies into the Deccan, with the view of making a final con- Anrenjrzebe'e quest of the south of India. He commenced, as we have the'c'eccan already related, with the entire reduction of the king- doms of Bejapore and Golconda, which had so long braved his power. He then turned his whole array towards the Mahrattas, and began to practise against them their own arts. Having learned from one of his spies that Sambajee, in the pursuit of the irregular pleasures to which he was addicted, had set out almost unattended, he sent a detachment of soldiers who sur- Snir.bajee's prised and made him prisoner. The emperor, according ^a^[ e * to his usual ungenerous conduct, ordered the captive to be immediately put to death, and is alleged even to have feasted his eyes on the sufferings which that unfortunate prince bore with unshaken fortitude. The final down- fal of the Mahratta cause was now fully anticipated ; but Rama, a brother of the deceased, hastened to the His brother Carnatic, and concentrated his troops round the almost liama - impregnable fortress of Gingee, the reduction of which, interrupted by desultory warfare, occupied the imperial army several years. Meantime the people, throughout their native mountains, were mustering their irregular bands, with which they poured down, not only upon the newly-conquered countries of Golconda and Bejapore, but even upon the old territories of Candeish, Malwa, and Berar. The Mahratta army, which was destined for more Msbratu than a century to exercise great influence over the for- ar tones of India, was, like that of the Mogul, composed chiefly of cavalry, but very differently organized. The latter, cased in strong defensive armour, rode heavy and powerful steeds, while the chiefs, mounted on elephants, were enclosed in a species of fortification. Such squa- 300 AURENGZEBE. CHAP. IX drons, when acting on the vast plains of Hiiidostau Pro- A.D~T690 P 61 "' or even on the w ide and level table-lands of the Deccan, bore down all opposition. But Maharashtra is the'country! a region of hills neither BO lofty nor so rugged as to obstruct altogether the movement of horse, yet not affording ground on which the enormous masses of heavy cavalry could make their impetuous charge. The inhabitants, therefore, raised a force suited to their country and to their own habits, composed of small, swift, active horses, with riders lightly dressed and equipped, fitted for march rather than for battle ; to sweep over a wide extent of territory, and return with- out allowing an enemy to overtake them. They were intermixed with infantry, armed partly with matchlocks, partly with arrows ; but the favourite national weapon Annual can>-is the spear, with a short sword and shield. An annual paign. campaign was regularly opened at the termination of the north-west monsoon, and announced by the hoisting of the ghoonda or royal standard. In forming a camp, the flag of the prince or general is first displayed, whence the bazaar or range of shops extends in a parallel line from front to rear. Along these, on each side, the chiefs raise their ensigns, around which their followers, with Mode of pro- their horses and cattle, crowd in masses. The army sets ision * forth without any provision except what can be con- tained in two cotton bags or pouches thrown over the front of each rider's saddle. They march onward, trust- ing to supply all their wants on their route, either by forcible seizure, or by means of the numerous brin- jarries, or merchants, who resort to a Hindoo encamp- Systematic ment as a market for their commodities. Although plunder is indispensable, it is not pursued by lawless violence, nor does each individual trooper appropriate to himself what falls into his hands. It is extorted from the rich according to a regular system, and the produce is thrown into the public stock. A liberal pay is allowed to the soldier, not indeed always very regularly distri- buted, but he is indulged in great freedom while suing for its liquidation. In these excursions the troops not only AURENGZEBE. 301 load themselves with booty, but add much to their ntun- CHAP, ix bers ; for men of an adventurous spirit, who have no ^ "170 tie to home, if they can only provide a horse are easily induced to join the ranks of this roving army. Thus the ^ventures! 1 Mahratta force, without any decisive victory, swelled as it proceeded ; and even amid successive defeats, while losing battle after battle and castle after castle, they continued to overspread the extensive provinces of Can- deish, Malwa, and Berar, and to occupy a large portion of Central India. The latter years of Aurengzebe, though they were Latter years not marked by any serious reverse, and though his zebe!' reDg " power continued on the whole unbroken, were yet ren- dered gloomy by the disappointment of several impor- tant enterprises, and by the many omens of decline which thickened around his empire. His bigotry, always increasing, impelled him at length to the most violent measures for extirpating the Hindoo religion. The superb temples of Muttra and Benares were rased Bigoted zeai. to the ground, and mosques erected on their site. The pagoda of Ahmedabad, one of the most splendid of the national structures, was desecrated by killing a cow within its walls. These outrages, viewed by the super- stitious people with the deepest horror, did not indeed excite them to direct rebellion ; but still they spread throughout the empire a universal detestation of the Mogul yoke, and an eager disposition to rally round any standard whether erected by a chief or a government. To them may be ascribed in a great measure the rapid influence on progress of the Mahratta state, and the successful resist- ance of the petty Rajpoot principalities. The days of Aurengzebe were also more and more imbittered by the disposition which his children showed to follow his example. Mohammed, his eldest son, had already died in prison, the punishment of rebellion. During a dangerous illness, under which he suffered at an early period of his reign, Shah Allum, the second, had too clearly shown how intently his mind was fixed on the succession ; and though he had done nothing absolutely CHAP. IX A.D. 1707. Bival jeal- ousies of his sons. Estimate of his charac- ter. Purity of his private life. 302 AURENG2EBE. undutiful, or which would have justified his disgrace, the intercourse between him and his father was ever after marked by suspicion and distrust. Akbar, another son, distinguished by the high rank of his mother, was guilty of open insurrection, and joined successively the hostile standards of the Mahrattas and the Rajpoots. Two others, Azim and Katim Buksh, were near him in his last illness ; and he foresaw too clearly that his death would be the signal for dreadful conflicts, to be terminated only by the blood of all his male descend- ants except one. Amid these troubles and gloomy presentiments the fatal term at length arrived; he expired in his camp on the 21st February 1707, in the ninety-fourth year of his age, and in the forty-ninth of his reign. Historians have found much difficulty in forming a correct estimate of the character of this extraordinary monarch. His crimes, written in deep and legible characters, cannot be concealed, while the general tenor of his life was marked by many virtues. In the admi- nistration of justice he was assiduous and impartial ; he was liable neither to fits of passion nor caprice ; his charities were almost unbounded, and he usually show- ed much concern for the welfare of his people. Sur- rounded by the most ample means of licentious indul- gence, of which the example had been set by the greatest of his predecessors, the habits of his private life were pure and even austere. Our opinion of his character must be materially affected by the degree of credit which we attach to that religious profession which he maintained through life with so much apparent zeal. It is exposed to much suspicion, from the manifest exaggeration with which it was sometimes exhibited, and still more from its having been made an instrument of ambition, and even of crimes. Yet there seems reason to believe that, as in the case of Cromwell, whom in many respects he resembled, there may have been, beneath a good deal of interested and hypocritical pre- tension, a fund of sincerity. This conclusion seems AtJRENGZEBE. 303 strengthened by his persecution of the Hindoo religion, CHAP. ix. the imprudence of which, hi a worldly point of view, ^ fTT707 was too manifest to have escaped a prince of his penetra- tion, and, however blamable in itself, must, in the pro- his liucliity. fessor of a creed essentially intolerant, admit of some palliation. There seems reason to believe, that amid the greatest aberrations his moral feelings remained strong ; that though the tempest of ambition, when it arose, swept all before it, the deeds to which it prompted him were afterwards a subject of painful remorse. The blood of his kindred which he had shed seems never to have been effaced from his mind ; so that, seated on the His remorse, greatest throne of the world, and possessed of every qua- lity which could support and adorn it, Aurengzebe was miserable. Several letters have been preserved, written to his sons in the prospect of death, which are apparently genuine, and give a striking picture of the emotions felt at the approach of that awful hour when the earthly greatness which he had purchased at so dreadful a price was about to disappear. He says, " Old age is arrived : Letters to his Aveakness subdues me, and strength has forsaken all my ^ limbs. I came a stranger into this world, and a stranger I depart. I know nothing of myself, what I am, and for what I am destined. The instant which passed in power hath left only sorrow behind it. I have not been the guardian and protector of the empire. My valuable time has been passed vainly. I had a patron in my own dwelling (conscience), but his glorious light was unseen by my dim sight. I brought nothing into this world, and, except the infirmities of man, carry nothing out. I have a dread for my salvation, and with what torments I may be punished. Though I have strong reliance on the mercies and bounty of God, yet regard- ing my actions fear will not quit me ; but when I am gone, reflection will not remain. My back is bent with weakness, and my feet have lost the powers of motion. The breath which rose is gone, and left not even hope behind it. I have committed numerous crimes, and know not with what punishments I may be seized. 304 DECLINE OP THE MOGUL DYNASTY. CHAP. EL The guardianship of a people is the trust by God eom- A rTnoz m i tte( * to my sons. I resign you, your mother, and son, to God as I myself am going. The agonies of death come upon me fast. Odiporee, your mother, was a partner in my illness, and wishes to accompany me in death ; but every thing has its appointed time. I am going. Whatever good or evil I have done, it was for you. No one has seen the departure of his own soul ; but I see that mine is departing." ShahAiium's On the death of Aurengzebe, the struggle for empire overtures? immediately commenced ; yet it was neither so obstinate nor so bloody as had been anticipated. Shah Allum, the eldest son, and whose cause was embraced by the more powerful party, was of a temper peculiarly mild and amiable ; he made the most liberal offers to his brothers, proposing to grant them the government of some of the finest provinces ; but ambition and evil advisers urged them on to try the fortune of battle. They were vanquished ; one of them was killed in the field, the other put an end to his own life ; and Shah Allum, by painful steps, but without guilt, ascended the throne. His peaceful The chief aim of this monarch seems to have been 90 1C> ' to restore peace to the empire, even at the cost of resigning some of the pretensions advanced by its rulers during the long period of progressive prosperity. He effected an accommodation with the Rajpoots, on terms which required from those haughty chiefs little more than the shadow of submission. The Mahrattas, during the latter part of the reign of Aurengzebe, had offered to cease their depredations on condition of receiving the chout, or fourth part of the revenue of the districts which were exposed to their inroads ; but that proud sovereign, though unable to repel them, indignantly rejected the idea of listening to proposals made by the Amicable ar. leaders of a predatory horde. Shah Allum, however, SSSflSr 1 * finding that the empire did not afford the means of sub- Mahrettas. duing these plunderers, determined, wisely perhaps, to accede to their terms, and thereby to deliver several of DECLINE OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 305 his finest provinces from so dreadful a scourge. On CHAP. ix. other occasions, when circumstances were more favour- A fpYroo able, he showed himself not destitute either of enterprise or military skill. These qualities he had occasion to display against a new enemy, who about this time rose into political importance. The Sikhs or Seiks made their first appearance chir- First appear- ing the reign of Baber simply as a religious sect. Nan- setks nuk, the founder, is said to have been an amiable and intelligent man, of a mild and philosophic temper, who, seeing with pain the violent dissensions between the votaries of the Hindoo and Mohammedan creeds, formed a scheme by means of which he hoped to effect a recon- ciliation. Borrowing some of the leading ceremonies of each, he endeavoured to inculcate the grand principles of a superintending providence and a future retribution acknowledged by both. The numbers of the Seiks Accessions to rapidly multiplied, being swelled by accessions from ^erl num " other sects ; but they still conducted themselves as peace- able citizens, and, under the philosophic reigns of Akbar and his immediate successors, suffered not the slightest molestation. It was the persecuting bigotry of Aureng- zebe which converted them into mortal enemies. He caused their chief or patriarch, Teeg Bahadur, to be seized, brought to the fort of Gwalior, and there put to death. This furious proceeding changed entirely the influence of character of the people ; and Gooroo Govind, son to the pem murdered prelate, devoted his whole life to the task of vengeance. He succeeded in inspiring all his followers with the same sentiments ; and, having armed and mounted them, he changed peaceful fakirs into daring troopers and fierce marauders. Being obliged, however, with these newly-levied bands, to encounter Aurengzebe in the plenitude of his zeal and power, he was unable to make an effectual resistance. His troops were scat- tered ; his two sons were taken and put to death ; he himself became a hopeless exile ; and, overpowered by so many calamities, died bereft of reason. But the Death of spirit of the association did not sink ; on the contrary, 306 DECLINE OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. Banda, their new leader. CHAP. ix. under the pressure of wrong and suffering, it became A D~mo more savage and resolute than ever. After lurking for many years amid the hills and fastnesses on the rude border of the Himmaleh, they were encouraged by the death of Aurengzebe again to approach the northern provinces. They were now led by Banda, a follower of the late chief, who assumed also the name of Gooroo Govind ; and their devastations are represented to have been truly dreadful, inspired by an imbittered feeling of revenge, and an entire disregard of humanity. Banda had occupied Sirhind, when he learned that the emperor with his whole force was advancing against him ; he then fell back upon Daber, a hill-fort situated among the steeps of Himmaleh, on an elevated summit which could be approached only by craggy rocks and ravines. According to the account of Eradut Khan, who appears to have been present, his majesty regarded the position as so strong that he wished to decline the attack, and proposed rather to remain inactive, and, by appearing afraid of the enemy, to allure them into the open field. The Khan Khanan or general, however, was animated with a more daring spirit ; and having obtained permis- sion to advance with a party to reconnoitre, he imme- diately began to attack and drive the enemy from the heights surrounding the fortress. This success roused the military ardour of the whole army, who instantly rushed forward in great numbers to join in the assault ; and their imperial leader, with mingled anger and satisfaction, saw his troops, in defiance of his injunction, carrying all before them. They had driven the enemy into the cen- tral fort, which, relying chiefly on the strength of its approaches, was not calculated for any serious resistance ; but darkness now fell, and the commander contented himself with closing all the avenues, and keeping strict liscape of the watch through the night. In the morning, however, he was disappointed to find that, by a narrow path which had eluded his notice, the Seik chieftain had effected his escape, and was retreating into the wildest recesses of the Himmaleh. His progress^ notwithstanding, was Assault 01 Daber. DECLINE OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 307 checked for the present, though the sect retained their CHAP. IX. power unhroken, and were destined at a later period to ^ i>~m2 act a conspicuous part on the theatre of India. Shah Allum, according to the account of Eradut Khan, Character of who enjoyed his intimate confidence, appears to have Sha been one of the most accomplished and amiable princes that ever swayed the sceptre of India. His liberality though censured by some as extreme, was always exerted towards the most deserving objects. He was strongly attached to the Moslem faith, and deeply versant in its theology, which he studied, however, in a liberal man- ner, making himself acquainted with the opinions of all sects, and even of freethinkers, to a degree that some- what scandalized the more rigid doctors. Instead of the Aminb.e dark jealousy which had usually reigned between the dls ? ositljn - members of the Mogul family, he had seventeen sons, grandsons, and nephews, constantly seated at his table, who showed no disposition to abuse this kind confidence. Though he did not possess the full energy suited to the trying circumstances of his government, his moderation and the general respect in which he was held might prohably have averted the calamities which impended over this great empire ; but unhappily, after a reign of five years, he was seized with a violent illness, and died ins death. in his camp at Lahore in the year 1712. He left four sons, who, notwithstanding their peaceful struggle for conduct during his life, immediately began to contend the em P ire - with one another for the empire. The cause of Moiz- ud-Dien, the eldest, was espoused by Zulfeccar Khan, one of the most powerful of the omrahs, who succeeded in defeating and putting to death the three others, and placing the crown on the head of this prince, who assum- ed the name of Jehander Shah. The new monarch, Accession <>t however, was found wholly incapable of supporting, even with an appearance of decency, the exalted rank to which he had been elevated. Neglecting altogether the business of the state, he abandoned himself to dissolute- ness, and was even seen strolling in the vicinity of Delhi in the company of mean and abandoned females. In a 308 DECLINE OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. CHAP. IX. government of so little vigour, there were not. wanting ^ i7Y 719 bold spirits to avail themselves of the opportunity which His incapa- city and death. Feroksera Shab. the weak character and bad administration of the em- peror had created. Two brothers, Abdoolla and Hus- sein, who boasted the high rank of Syeds, or descend- ants of the Prophet, undertook to recommend a succes- sor, in whose name they might rule Hindostan. They nominated Feroksere, the offspring of Azim Ooshaun, who was the favourite son of Shah Allum. An army was soon raised, and though Zulfeccar bravely defended the unworthy object whom he had placed on the throne, he was, after a short struggle, entirely overthrown, and both he and his master put to death. The Syeds having thus elevated their candidate to power, considered him as their vassal, and proceeded to administer the empire at their pleasure. They discovered no want of vigour in the conduct of affairs. Banda, the Seik prince, having descended to the plains border- ing on the Indus, was defeated, taken, and put to death with the most cruel tortures. The great omrahs, how- ever, soon began to murmur at the supremacy of these chiefs. Even the emperor himself felt their yoke bur- densome ; and favourites were also found who exhorted him to submit no longer to this thraldom, but to assume His troubles real power in his own person. Thus his reign of seven edtl1 ' years was spent in a continued series of intrigues, the issue of which was that the Syeds completely prevailed, put Feroksere to death, and looked around for another high-born pageant on whom to confer the semblance of sovereignty. They chose first a great-grandson of Au- rengzebe by his rebellious son Akbar ; but in five months he died of consumption. Next his brother Ruffeh-ul- Dowlah was named to succeed, but he survived his ele- vation only three months. The Syeds then placed on the throne Rooshun Akter, a grandson of Shall Allum, under the name of Mohammed Shah. This prince, like Feroksere, paid at first implicit defer- ence to the two individuals who had raised him to the empire ; but he also soon listened to other counsellors, Mohammed oliah. DECLINE OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 309 who exhorted him to emancipate himself from their CIIAP. IX tyrannical sway. He was at length induced to join in a ^ rTT720 regular conspiracy formed for that purpose. A misun- derstanding had arisen between the two brothers and Nizam-ul-Mulk, a powerful chieftain who held the go- vernment of Malwa, and refused to resign it at their mandate. It was arranged that the emperor and Hussein should set out together, and subdue this refractory com- mander. A plot for the assassination of the Syed was Plot against however matured ; the three conspirators cast lots which Hussein - of them should do the deed, and it fell upon one whose name was Hyder. Approaching the palanquin in which Hussein was seated, as if to present a petition, the mur- derer stabbed him so dexterously that he died in a few moments. He had only time to show his suspicion of the motive by calling out, " Kill the emperor !" and his nephew, at the head of a few resolute soldiers, made a desperate effort to fulfil this dying injunction ; but pre- cautions had been taken against the attempt. Moham- Triumph or med then marched upon Delhi, where the remaining the shah- Syed, determining to make a stand, set up a new monarch and collected an army ; but he was defeated and taken prisoner. The victor made his triumphal entry into the capital, as if he had just begun to reign. But he was no sooner in full possession of sove- Hisincapa- reign power than he displayed that incapacity which cit s seemed to be now inherent in the Mogul race. He had two able and not unfaithful ministers, Nizam-ul-Mulk and Saadut Khan ; but, disgusted with their grave and severe manners, he resigned himself to youthful ad- visers, who were easily found within the precincts of a court. Those two chiefs, irritated at finding themselves thus overlooked, withdrew, and endeavoured to establish a separate authority in other quarters ; Nizam in the Rival kinjr- Deccan, where he has transmitted his name and title to ^ oins o f a race of princes still nominally independent ; and Saadut Saadut in Oude, where a branch of his family likewise continues to reign. In this crisis the Mahrattas, who had been continually extending the range of their incursions, began 310 DECLINE OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. CHAP. ix. penly to contend for the empire. After overrunning A.D~T7"0 ne g rea ter P ar * f Malwa and Guzerat, they pushed forward to the very gates of Agra, and struck terror into Ec?emes"of * ne imperial capital. Saadut Khan, who alone seemed the Maiirat- to retain any regard for the honour and safety of the state, marched down from Oude, and gave them so great an overthrow as would have completely broken their power, had he been permitted to follow it up ; but the incapacity o; weak emperor desired operations to be suspended till his the emperor. f avour i te minister should have collected troops, and marched forth to take the chief command. Saadut then retired in disgust ; after which the enemy rallied, made a fresh incursion as far as Delhi, plundered the environs of that capital, and returned laden with booty to Malwa. But, as if this combination of imbecility with intestine war were not enough, an assault from abroad, of the most formidable character, burst upon the sinking fabric of the Mogul empire. The Afghans Persia, had been recently exposed to the most violent revolutions. The Afghans, a warlike race inhabiting the mountainous region which separates that country from India, took advantage of the weakness into which the once-powerful dynasty of the Sophis had sunk. They marched into its territory, defeated its troops, and laid siege of ispa- close siege to Ispahan. Having reduced that capital, they put to death Hussein, the reigning sovereign, with all his family except one son, named Thamas. This young prince sought refuge among the pastoral tribes who occupy those elevated plains which extend over a great part of the Persian empire. These hardy and warlike shepherds, animated with loyal and patriotic feelings, warmly espoused the cause of this last branch of their royal house, and assembled round him in num- bers, which became every day more formidable. Among The chief these volunteers a young chief, named Nadir, but who Nadir. on t y s occas i on assumed the title of Thamas Kouli Khan, or the noble slave of Thamas, soon distinguished himself by such zeal and ability as raised him to be their leader. After having gained successive victories, he at im-;ui Perai DECLINE OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 3] 1 length retook Ispahan, and drove the invaders com- pletely out of the empire. In the course of so many successes, the troops contracted a stronger attachment to Nadir than to him for whom they had taken up arms ; S. ec ^7 ery of and this bold chief, finding himself within reach of the supreme power, placed the prince under restraint, allow- ing him the mere epithet and shadow of royalty. He afterwards put out his eyes, and seized the kingdom in his own person, under his original name of Nadir Shah. The new monarch was not content to be master of x a< iir shah. Persia ; but, confident in the bravery and affection of his followers, he resolved to carry his conquests into the neighbouring countries. He invaded the territory of the Reprisals on Afghans themselves, and having reduced Cabuland Can- ^Afghans. dahar, at length approached the frontier of India. He professed to have no intention or wish to penetrate into that region, for which historians in general give him credit ; but we should hesitate in ascribing to the daring usurper so much moderation. At all events, sufficient grounds or pretences were not long wanting. A number of his countrymen who had fled from him found an asylum in Hindostan. An ambassador and his escort, whom he sent to demand that these fugitives should be delivered up, were murdered by the inhabitants of Jellalabad ; and Mohammed, under the advice of his Folly of arrogant and imprudent courtiers, refused to grant satis- Mohammed, faction for this outrage. The Persian prince advanced, burning for revenge, and, probably not without some secret anticipation of ulterior objects, marched with such rapidity, by way of Peshawer and Lahore, that he was within four days' march of Delhi before the supine em- peror was aware of his approach. The latter then hastily mustered his troops, and obtained the able assistance of Saadut Khan ; but that officer, not duly aware of the saadutKhan. high talent and valour opposed to him, committed the fatal error of quitting his intrenchments, and hazarding an engagement in the field with the veteran forces of Nadir. The effeminate pomp of an Indian host was quite unfit to contend with tke rude valour of these pastoral 312 DECLINE OF THE MOGUL DY.NASTT. CHAP. IX. bands ; hence the imperial army was totally routed, and A. ix7738. their commander taken. A series of transactions now fol- lowed, which are not very distinctly related by histo- Ifc^aZfed's rians. Saadut, it is said, negotiated a treaty, by which the arm y- other agreed to evacuate the empire on the payment of a subsidy of two crores of rupees (two millions sterling). The Persian seemed so entirely satisfied with this arrange- ment, that the emperor and Nizam-ul-Mulk hesitated not to visit him, and thus put themselves within the grasp of the invader. Then, however, as is reported, the Alleged captive general, disappointed at finding that the office of Suf y vizier which he claimed as the reward of this service, was to be conferred on the nisam, disclosed to the enemy the secret of the unbounded wealth contained in the pakce and capital of India, and for which two crores of rupees were a most inadequate ransom. We should require fuller evidence before we could believe such treachery in one whose conduct had hitherto been so honourable ; nor was it likely that the riches of Delhi were so little known as to be confined to the honour and fidelity of a single chief. May we not suppose, with greater probability, that the terms of the treaty were discussed by Nadir, and his friendly professions made, solely to induce the emperor and the nizam to commit the almost incredible imprudence of placing themselves in his power. Certain it is, that having thus obtained possession of their persons, he marched forward and made himself master of the metropolis. intended Nadir seems to have entered it with the intention moderation. of acting mo( Jerately, and of protecting the inhabitants from outrage. For two days the strictest discipline was observed ; but unfortunately, in the course of the second night, a rumour was spread of his death, when the Hin- Kash attack doos, emboldened to a vain resistance, killed a number of doos! 16 mn h^ tr oops. Their commander, whose fierce spirit had been with difficulty restrained, roused to the utmost fury by this outrage, issued orders for a general massacre in every house or lane where the body of a murdered Persian could be found- Till mid-day the streets of RECLINE OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 3] 3 Delhi streamed with blood ; after which the conqueror CHAP. IX suffered himself to be appeased, and so complete a A.rTT"39. control did he exercise over his rude followers, that at liis mandate the sword was immediately sheathed. The im- sp0 ;i s O f perial repositories were now ransacked, and found to r>elhi contain specie, rich robes, and, above all, jewels to an almost incredible value. The Mogul emperors, since the first accession of their dynasty, had been indefatigable in the collection of these objects from every quarter, by presents, purchase, or forfeiture ; and the store had been continually augmented without suffering any alienation, or being exposed to foreign plunder. The invaders continued during thirty-five days to extract, by threats, torture, and every severity, the hidden treasures of that splendid capital. Historians hesitate not to estimate the spoil carried off by the Iranian monarch and his officers at thirty-two millions sterling, of which at least one-half was in diamonds and other jewels. Nadir made no attempt to retain India, though it lay Abandon- prostrate at his feet. He had probably the sagacity to per- ^ of ceive that so vast a country and Persia were incapable of being united into one kingdom. He contented himself with exacting the cession of Cabul, Candahar, and all the provinces west of the Indus ; then, seating Mohammed Restoration anew on the Mogul throne, he gave him some salutary advices, and departed without leaving a soldier or retain- ing a fortified post in Hindostan. Yet the empire, already greatly sunk, lost by this discomfiture the little remnant of respect which it had hitherto commanded. In , hilcund, a hilly district closely contiguous to the capital, ^ Rohilcund. some refugee chiefs of the Afghan race, with the brave inhabitants of the country itself, formed an independent state, which defied the imperial power. They were, it is true, obliged to give way before the united force of the vizier and the Nabob of Oude ; but they held them- selves in readiness to take advantage of those convulsions to which the successors of Akbar were constantly be- coming more and more exposed. The western nations had learned the route to Delhi 314 DECLIXE OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY". CHAP. ix. and were not likely to forget it. Nadir, eight years A. 77747. after leaving India, was assassinated in his tent at Me- shed, in Khorasan ; whereupon the dominion which had 1 been formed by him, and kept together by his pru- dence and vigour, fell quickly to pieces. Ahmed Ab- dalia, one of his officers, an Afghan by birth, being joined by a part of the army, hastened home, and forthwith proclaimed himself king of his native land, and, amid the distractions that followed the death of his master, succeeded without difficulty in making good his claim. Finding himself thus seated in the undisturbed possession of a strong country, with a brave population, which had often given conquerors to Hindostan, he could not resist the temptation of following the footsteps of Nadir. In 1747 he passed the Indus, plundered the city of Sir- hind, and defeated the vizier, who fell in the engage- ment ; but being disconcerted by some unexpected ob- stacles, and particularly by the explosion of a magazine, he did not then push his conquests any further. Accession of Soon after this expedition the emperor died, and was dshah - succeeded by his son, Ahmed Shah, during whose short reign, as if foreign enemies had not been sufficient, the court was perpetually distracted by intestine dissension. The sovereign and his vizier were now almost in regular opposition. Ahmed being oppressed by one of these officers, Suffder Jung, employed against him Ghazee- ud-Dien, grandson to Nizam-ul-Mulk, who had died at the age of 104. This young man, holding the rank of Ameer-ul-Omrah, made considerable efforts to retrieve the affairs of the empire. He compelled the vizier, who had even set up another monarch, to relinquish his sta- tion. He undertook an expedition against the Jits or Jauts, a wild tribe inhabiting the hilly tracts in the most western provinces, and who, amid the general anarchy, Distracted had shaken off the yoke. But, while thus employed, he excited the jealousy of his master the emperor, who, adopting the views of a new favourite, concerted with the enemy a plan for his destruction. Aided, however, by the Mahratta chief Holkar Mulhar, he DECLINE OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 31 V completely baffled these designs, obtained possession of CHAP. rx. his master's person, put out his eyes, and raised to the ^ oTiso throne a son of Jehander Shah, under the empty but imposing title of Aulumgire the Second. The emph-e was now hi a most distracted condition ; Aulumgire there was scarcely a power so insignificant as not to Shah * think itself sufficiently strong to trample on it. The Afghans had completely conquered the provinces of Moultan and Lahore ; the Seiks, in the same quarter, daily augmented their numbers and strength ; the Jauts and Rohillas continued their predatory inroads ; while the Mahrattas extended their incursions, in the course of which they had even passed the Jumna, and obtained an important settlement in Rohilcund. Ghazee-ud-Dien precipitated the disaster by a rash attempt at conquest, to which his power was wholly inadequate. An Afghan lady having been intrusted by Ahmed Abdalla with the government of Lahore, the vizier, under pi-etence of ne- gotiating a marriage with her daughter, seized her per- son, and brought her a prisoner to Delhi. At this outrage the indignation of the barbarian king knew no bounds. He hastened at the head of a vast army, and made an unresisted entrance into the capital, which was given Second sack up to a sack almost as dreadful as it had suffered from Nadir. A most extraordinary scene then ensued. The emperor besought the invader not to leave him without protection against liis own vizier, who had raised him indeed to nominal power, but treated him as a mere pageant, while he himself exercised all the real autho- rity. Ahmed accordingly made some arrangements for this purpose, placing Aulumgire under the guardianship of a Rohilla chief ; but these measures, after his depar- ture, proved wholly insufficient. Ghazee-ud-Dien (for Giiazee-ud- so, to prevent confusion, we shall continue to call him, though he now chose to entitle himself Umad-ul-Mulk), having formed an alliance with the Mahrattas, easily obtained possession both of the capital and the sovereign. That unfortunate prince at first pretended a reconcilia- tion, but, being soon after detected in a correspondence 316' DECLINE OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. CHAP. ix. ~r; r _ state of the empire. Ahmed enters Delhi. Defeats the Mahrattas. Kew forces bled< with the adverse party, was assassinated, and his body thrown into the Jumna. Yet Ghazee-ud-Dien himself, unable to withstand the numerous enemies who sur- rounded him, was at no distant period obliged to seek refuge in a castle belonging to the Jauts. Without attempting to thread further this labyrinth f treason, we may observe generally, that the Mogul throne had now almost ceased to retain any degree of weight or importance. The contest for the empire of India lay entirely between the Afghans and the Mah- rattas ; and the latter, taking advantage of the absence of their rivals, determined upon a grand attempt to secure complete possession of Hindostan. Bringing up from the Deccan an immense body of cavalry, and being aided by the Seiks, they overran not only the metropolitan pro- vinces of Agra and Delhi, but also those of Moultan and Lahore, and drove the Afghans beyond the Indus. Ahmed Abdalla, however, was not of a character tamely to allow these fine countries to be wrested from his kingdom. He soon crossed the river with a formidable army, and was joined by many chiefs who were exas- perated at the incursion of the Mahrattas. These plun- derers at first retreated, and allowed him to occupy Delhi ; but immediately intrenched themselves in a strong camp, which he did not venture to attack. Pressed, however, by want of provisions, they imprudently came out and gave battle, when they experienced a total de- feat ; their army of 80,000 men being almost entirely destroyed, and Duttah Sindia, their general, killed. Another body under Holkar was surprised near Secun- dra, and so completely worsted, that he himself fled naked with a handful of followers. The Mahrattas, though humbled by this disaster, were not discouraged ; and they resolved to make the most extraordinary exertions for retrieving their fortunes. Before the close of the year, they had assembled a force of 140,000 men, commanded by Sewdasheo Rao, called the Bhow, nephew to their peishwa or supreme prince ; and that chief, being joined by the vizier and the Jaut DECLINE OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 317 leaders, advanced upon Delhi. The deep stream of the CHAP. DC. Jumna, swelled by the rains, separated the armies ; but, ^ D~T" though it could not be forded, the daring spirit of Ab- dalla impelled him to plunge into its waters, and swim afc across with his whole army. This achievement, which was almost without example, struck dismay into the host of the Mahrattas. Though triple the number of their antagonists, they did not venture to face them in the open field, but shut themselves up in an intrenched camp at Panniput, on a spot where the fate of the em- pire has been repeatedly decided. Ahmed for some time merely hovered round them and cut off their sup- plies ; at length he ventured on an attempt to carry their position, but was obliged to retire without any im- portant success. Encouraged by this result, and dis- tressed as formerly by the want of provisions, his active foe determined again to risk a battle in the open plain. Placing their artillery in front, they advanced General with that impetuosity by which they were accustomed en sagement to carry all before them. The Afghan commander caused his troops to hold themselves in reserve till the enemy had nearly come up ; then gave the signal for a general charge. The light horse of the mountains were never able to resist, even for a short interval, the heavy cavalry of the more northern nations. On the first onset a complete rout took place ; their host was Total ront of so scattered in every direction that only a remnant ^. Ma * reached the Deccan : while 22,000 prisoners, 50,000 horses, with an immense booty, fell into the hands of the conquerors. It was now easy for the victorious Abdalla to seat "* himself on the vacant throne of the Mogul ; but he seems not to have felt any ambition for this high dignity. Perhaps he was sensible that, amid such a general agita- tion throughout Hindostan, and with so many nations in arms, such an acquisition was too distant from the centre of his dominions to be retained with advantage. Con- tenting himself with the provinces west of the Indus, he quitted in a few months the seat of government, leaving 318 DECLINE OP THE MOGUL DYNASTY. CHAP. ix. there Alee Gohur, eldest son of Aulumgire II., in pos- A D~7760 sess i n f the empty but still venerated title of Great Mogul, to be the tool or the captive of the first daring )hur * warrior who should seize the capital. Having traced the decline of this mighty empire to so low an ebb, we shall now pause till we have marked the progress of that new power from a distant continent, which has seated herself on its rums, and obtained a complete supremacy over all the states of India. BRITISH CONQUEST OF THE CARNATIC. 319 CHAPTER X. British Conquest of the Carnatic. First Territorial Acquisitions War between France and England Early Settlements of the French Their Establishment at Pondicherry Enterprises of Labourdonnais He takes Madras . Superseded by Dupleix Pondicherry besieged Conclusion of Peace English Expedition to Tanjore Contests for the Sove- reignties of Southern India The French interpose Gain a complete Victory They are expelled by Nazir Jung The Eng- lish join him His Death Succession and Death of Mirzapha Jung Salabat Jung Exploits of Clive Advantages over the French Their Influence in the Deccan Form a Confederacy against the English Siege of Trichinopoly Acquisitions of the French Recall of Dupleix Treaty concluded The Colleries War of 1756 Lally takes the Command Reduces Fort St David Siege of Madras Raised French defeated at Wande- \va?h Siege of Pondicherry Its Surrender Cruel Treatment of Lally in France. THE voyages of the English, related in a former part of CHAP. x. this work,* were personal adventures, undertaken with A oTTesa, a mingled view to discovery, commerce, and piracy, ra- ther than to any fixed scheme of conquest or dominion, ugh voyages. Their forts accordingly were erected as depositories for goods, or to supply commercial facilities, but not with any aim at territorial possession. It was not till 1689 that then* views seem to have extended to the latter object. In the instructions issued to their agents during that year, they intimate that the increase of their revenue was henceforth to occupy as much attention as their merchandise ; that they wished to be "a nation in India ;" Chapter V. 320 BRITISH CONQUEST OF THE CARNATIC. CHAP. X. and they quote with unmerited applause the conduct of the Dutch, who, they assert, in the advices sent to their governors, wrote ten paragraphs concerning tribute for one relative to trade. The means of gratifying this dis- Limited position were as yet very limited ; as certain small por- possessions of tions of territory around Bombay and Madras comprised CmnpanJ. 3 * 1 the whole extent of their Indian sovereignty. They held themselves ready, however, to purchase every city or district which the native princes could, by any motive, be prevailed upon to alienate ; and in this way they ac- quired Tegnapatam on the Coromandel coast, which they Possessions garrisoned, and gave it the name of Fort St David. Nine pSchase. by ^ ears a ^ ter tne y ma ^ e a more i m P ortant acquisition. Azim Ooshaun, whom his father, Aurengzebe, had nominated Viceroy of Bengal, but who, contemplating a struggle for the succession to the empire and standing in need of treasure to forward his schemes, was induced, in 1698, to sell to the Company the zemindarships of the towns and districts of Chutanutty, Govindpore, and Calcutta, the last destined soon to become the capital of British India. Here they began, though not without due cir- cumspection, to erect Fort William, which, in 1707, was made the seat of a presidency. nropean The superior skill of Europeans in medicine, which medical skin, fc^ nrst enabled them to obtain a footing in Bengal, now afforded an opportunity of greatly extending their influence. In 1715, under the reign of the Emperor Feroksere, the residents sent two factors, with an Ar- menian merchant, on a commercial mission to Delhi. The principal object was defeated, in a manner similar to that of Roe and others, by the intrigues of the omrahs, and of Jaffier Khan, governor of Bengal. But his ma- jesty happening to labour under a severe illness, which the ignorance of the native physicians rendered them Cure of the unable to treat with success, was completely cured by a emperor. medical gentleman, named Hamilton, who accompanied the embassy. For this signal service he not only re- ceived large presents, but obtained the valuable grant of three villages in the vicinity of Madras, with liberty BRITISH CONQUEST OF THE CARNATIC. 321 to purchase in Bengal thirty-seven additional townships ; CHAP. x. an arrangement which would have secured a territory extending ten miles upwards from Calcutta. The em- peror conferred also the still more important privilege of introducing their goods and conveying them through the conceded. province without duty or search. But the acquisition of these districts was frustrated by the hostility of the nahob, who by private threats deterred the owners from consenting to the purchase. Still, the permission of free trade, though limited to foreign exports and imports, proved of the greatest importance, and soon rendered Calcutta a very flourishing settlement. A considerable time now elapsed without any farther Gra.iual change in the territorial relations of the Company. They Accompany complain of the extravagance of their servants, which involved them in debt to the native shroffs and mer- chants ; but this evil seems to have been in a good mea- sure remedied. Having establishments supported at a moderate expense, which enabled them to carry on trade with security and advantage, they gradually extended their operations till the annual sales amounted to the considerable sum of about two millions sterling ; whence they were enabled to pay a dividend of seven or eight per cent, on their capital. Perhaps it would have been fortunate had this state of things remained unaltered ; but the war which broke out in 1744 between the influence French and British produced an entire change in the jvance. position of the Company, both hi regard to its internal management, and relatively to the powers of Europe and of India. To understand this, we must look back for a moment to the first establishments formed by the French in the eastern world. That people, though they had suffered themselves to Early French be far outstripped in the progress of maiitime greatness e" 161 ? 1132 - by the English and Dutch, had yet at an early period displayed a spirit of enterprise. Even in 1503 an expe- dition had been fitted out by some merchants of Rouen ; which, however, experienced a complete failure, in con- sequence probably of the imperfect nautical skill then 322 BRITISH CONQUEST OF THE CARXATIC. CHAP. x. possessed by their mariners. Attempts, though on a small A DTe64 sca ^ e an ^ g eneraU y unsuccessful, were made early in the ' next century ; but it was not till 1642 that a consider- me t nt > o?a~ able company was at length established. Unluckily French set- that body directed their main attention to the formation Madagascar, of a settlement on Madagascar, a large and fruitful island, which it was easy to describe as affording ample scope for cultivation and commerce. But it yielded no commodity suited to the markets of Europe ; its inhabi- tants, too, were numerous and ferocious, and soon became formidable to a power which attempted to take possession of their territory. The settlers were involved in a ha- rassing warfare, and with difficulty maintained, at certain points on the coast, a few wooden tenements dignified with the title of forts, which involved them in expense without yielding any profit. French East The first real establishment of a French East India India Com- Company took place in 1664, under the auspices of Col- bert, who, prompted by the aspiring genius of his master Louis XIV., devoted himself indefatigably to the pro- motion of agriculture, manufactures, and commerce. He proceeded upon the principles of that age, which was by no means enlightened in respect to the sound doc- trines of political economy ; and hence, exclusive grants, exorbitant privileges, and the removal of competition, were the expedients by which it was then attempted to Colbert's make any branch of industry flourish. Such was Col- aystem. bert's system, when he submitted to the king the plan of an East India Company, to carry on trade with a capital of 15,000,000 livres (625,000), and supported by the most extravagant encouragements. They re- ceived an exclusive charter for fifty years ; they were exempted from all taxes ; and the government came under the singular obligation of reimbursing them for all the losses which they might sustain in the course of the first ten years, a stipulation which actually subject- ed the state to the payment of a large sum. The funds supplied by individuals not being equal to the amount of the proposed capital, limited as it was, three millions BRITISH CONQUEST OF THE CARNATIC. 323 were advanced out of the treasury ; while the nobles, CHAP. x. and all the opulent classes connected with the court, A-oTeea were induced to follow the example. The management of the Company was neither judi- Mismanage. f rm. t / , . J ment of the cious nor fortunate, I hey began by endeavouring to Company. turn Madagascar to some account, and sent thither a large colony, most of whom perished under the influ- ence of climate, fatigue, and the hostility of the natives. The survivors were afterwards employed in occupying the islands of Cerne and Mascarenhas, which at a later period, under the names of Mauritius and Bourbon, rose to some degree of prosperity. After the failure of the attempt at Madagascar they sent vessels to India, and formed settlements on different points of its coast. In Settlement* 1668 they established their principal factory at Surat, lnln(iia - under the direction of Caron, one of their countrymen, who had spent most of his life in the service of Holland. The prospects at first appeared rather promising ; but, being involved in dispute with the native powers, and finding the trade ultimately unprosperous, they thought fit to take their departure very suddenly, leaving their debts unpaid, an omission which of course precluded their return. Attempts were afterwards made to secure Rivalry with a position at Trincomalee in Ceylon, and at St Thomas the atdu on the Coromandel coast ; but both were defeated by the jealousy of the Dutch. Their affairs, therefore, would have become desperate, had not M. Martin, an officer possessed of talent and patriotism, collected the scattered adventurers and fixed them at Pondicherry ; where, by judicious and conciliatory conduct, he gained the attachment of the inhabitants, opened an advanta- geous trade, and soon raised the settlement to a very prosperous condition. When the French and English first came into mutual State at tue collision, the former had no station of much conse- ^msfoirvnth quence on the continent of India except tliat just the English, named ; but it was of very considerable importance, being well fortified, and having some extent of territory attached to it. They had smaller factories at Mahe and CHAP. X. A. D. 1746, Project for attacking the English Settlements. Obtains the sanction of government Governor Labourdon. naia'zeiU. Expedition against Madras. 304 BRITISH CONQUEST OF THE CARXATIC. Carical, as-well as at Chandernagore in Bengal. In 1 744 hostilities broke out between the two nations, which were carried on in Europe with great animosity. The French Company appear to have been rather desirous that the war should not extend to the Indian Seas ; but their naval officers, on the contrary, were fired by hopes of glory from an attack on the English settlements in that quarter, before they could be placed in a posture of defence. Labourdonnais, a person of great talent and most indefatigable activity, who had raised himself through all the ranks of the navy, was now governor of Mauritius and Bourbon ; and these islands, by his exer- tions, almost without assistance from home, had become very flourishing. Happening to be in France when the war was in preparation, he made proposals, both to the Company and the ministry, for an attack upon the enemy's establishments. The former were altogether averse to his scheme ; but the government unknown to them sanctioned it, and even engaged to furnish two ships, which however were afterwards withheld. The adven- turer returned to his command with the most resolute determination to prosecute his design, though possessed of very slender resources. With this view he detained the vessels which happened to touch there, and employed them in the expedition ; he brought the sailors, many of whom had never fired a gun, into regular training ; and lie supplied by various inventions the defective means of equipment. In June 1746, he arrived at Pondicherry, after a slight action with an English naval force on the coast. Here, too, he had to overcome certain obstacles raised by Dupleix, before he was permitted to sail with his squadron to attack Madras. This city was not only the capital of the English pos- sessions, but one of the chief settlements at that time formed by the Europeans hi India. It comprised with- in its district a population of not less than 250,000, of whom, however, only 300 were from this quarter of the globe, including 200 soldiers. These lived in Fort St George, surrounded merely by a slender wall, with four BRITISH CONQUEST OF THE CARNAT1C. 325 ill-constructed bastions and batteries ; and hence, it is CHAP. x. obvious, they had very small means of defence, and did ^ D 1746. not, in the use of them, display any heroism. After sus- taining a bombardment of five days, in which two or of a Sadra!i 0n three houses were demolished, and four or five men kill- ed, they capitulated on the 10th September 1746. They obtained, indeed, the singular condition, that Labour- donnais, after having regularly occupied the place and taken possession of the Company's magazines and ware- houses, should, within a stipulated period, and on pay- ment of a fixed ransom, restore Madras to the English. That officer, having made this important acquisition with- out the loss of a single man, returned to Pondicherry. But there he did not meet with such a reception as he Rival jealoo. merited. Dupleix, an aspiring and ambitious man, who Fren^hf 16 could not brook any rival in power, thwarted all his schemes, and exposed him to repeated mortifications, till at length he gave up the contest, and sailed for France. There, too, on the representations of his superior officer, he was treated in a manner altogether unworthy of his long and faithful services, being thrown into the Bastile, whence he was not liberated till the end of three years, soon after which he died. Dupleix, who was thus left in the supreme command Dnpieix of affairs in India, was a very extraordinary character, From his father, who had been a farmer-general and a director of the East India Company, he inherited an immense fortune, which he was taught to employ in the pursuits of commerce. Being sent out originally as first member of the council at Pondicherry, and after- wards as superintendent at Chandernagore, he at once, by his public measures, rendered this last settlement extremely prosperous, and by an extensive trade largely augmented his private wealth. His talents and success Talents ana recommended him to the important station of Gover- succes6 - nor of Pondicherry. Although, from feelings of jealousy, he had quarrelled with Labourdonnais, and succeeded in removing him, yet his mind was enthusiastically and in- tensely devoted to the same system of policy. Neither 326 BRITISH CONQUEST OP THE CARNATIC. CHAP, x Ca?sar nor Alexander ever formed more magnificent A. D. 1746. schemes of conquest than this mercantile ruler of French India. His first object was to follow up the advantage of conquest, gained over the English, and thoroughly to root out that rival nation from the coast of Coromandel. Labourdon- nais had, as already mentioned, stipulated on certain conditions to restore Madras, after a temporary occu- pation of it ; and as a man of honour he was resolved to Breach of make good his engagement, a design wholly foreign to English! 11 ^ the grasping ambition of Dupleix. Unable otherwise to accomplish his object, he made such arrangements as to delay the period of surrender till the departure of that officer, and then contrived to draw forth from the citizens of Pondicherry a remonstrance against giving up a place the possession of which was so important to their security. In pretended compliance with this request, Madras was not only retained, but exposed to a species of plunder, while the governor and principal inhabitants were carried prisoners to the French settlement. siSta^Fort ''^ S Step WSS fortnwita Allowed by an expedition on St. David. his part for the reduction of Fort St David, while his confidence was greatly heightened by an event which forms a memorable era in the annals of Indian warfare. The Nabob of Arcot, having espoused the English cause, had sent his son with 10,000 men, to endeavour to re- take Madras on their behalf. The French had only 1200 soldiers to defend the city, with which force they hesi- tated not to attack the numerous army of the nabob ; when, by their superior discipline and the expert man- Snccess ot agement of their artillery, they gained a complete and ""* decisive victory. The superiority of even a handful of Europeans over the tumultuary bands which compose an Asiatic host had long ago been proved by the Portuguese ; but the example of their success was nearly forgotten ; and both French and British had been accustomed to view the Mogul as a powerful and mighty monarch, whom it was vain with their slender means to think of resisting. The spell was again broken ; and the settlers of either nation learned a lesson which they BRITISH CONQUEST OP THE CARNATIC. 327 failed not soon to reduce to practice with the most CHAP. x. extensive and terrible effwt. A jj""^^ The present object of Dapleix was simply the reduc- tion of Fort St David, against which he led a force of 1700 men, mostly European ; while the English had only English 200 of their own troops, with a body of undisciplined orcea ' natives. As the French, however, were advancing in full confidence, the nabob's army surprised them by a sudden attack, and obliged them to retreat with some loss. A detachment was afterwards sent by sea to at- tempt the surprise of Cuddalore, a town immediately contiguous to Fort St David, but a heavy gale springing up obliged them to return. He then employed all Xegotiat his address to gam over the nabob ; being particularly careful to impress on that prince a lofty idea of his own power, trusting to the maxim regularly acted upon by Indian grandees of studying only immediate advantage, and espousing always the side which they believe to be the strongest. His highness being informed of the arrival of a great additional force, was led to credit the preten- sions of the French ; and, deserting our countrymen, of whom he had been the sworn and active ally, concluded a treaty with their enemies, which was cemented by a visit from his son, who was received with all that osten- tatious pomp in which eastern rulers delight. Dupleix now vigorously resumed his enterprise. He Attack on crossed the river, and took up a strong position in front r^^ecfa of Fort St David, when a fleet under Admiral Griffin abandoned. with a considerable reinforcement of troops, was seen to enter the road. The French again retreated, and the English received some further recruits. At length, in January 1748, Major Laurence, an experienced officer, assumed the command ; after which the two nations remained for some tune so equally matched that neither ventured upon any serious movement. The governor o Pondicherry indeed undertook a midnight attack upon Cuddalore ; but his approach being discovered, his men were repulsed with considerable loss. The face of Indian affairs was soon entirely changed A.D. 1748. Large accession of English forces. Siage of Pondicherry. Rrftomtion of Madras. Influence of peace 5 Europe. First war with the na- tive govern- 328 BRITISH CONQUEST OF THE CARNATIC. by the arrival of an English expedition of nine ships of war, having on board 1400 men, who, with those already in the country, formed the largest European army ever seen in that part of India. The British were then completely in a condition to undertake offensive opera- tions ; and they determined to strike a blow at the main strength of the enemy by besieging Pondicherry. As the French had no force which could oppose them in the field, the siege was undertaken with the fairest prospect of success. It was not, however, carried on with due promptitude and vigour. A long delay was incurred in reducing a small fort two miles distant from the city ; and when the trenches were at length opened before the place itself, they were not found to be sufficiently near for the artillery to fire with effect ; and before this error was amended, the rainy season had set in, sickness spread among the troops, and it 'was deemed necessary to desist from the attempt. The French felt extraordinary exul- tation at this repulse, which they boasted of as a splendid victory ; but, before they could derive any advantage from it, tidings arrived that peace had been concluded in Europe, of which one of the conditions was the relin- quishment of Madras. Hence the two nations were placed exactly in the same position as before the war. But this treaty, instead of restoring tranquillity to India, served only to give a wider range to warlike ope- rations in that quarter of the world ; for the two parties, having each a large disposable force, began to look round for some object on which it might be advantageously employed. The events of the preceding war had dis- closed the weakness of the native governments, and left room to hope for the establishment of a wide dominion over this rich and beautiful region. The English made the first movement. A prince of Tanjore named Sahujee, who had been dethroned by a brother, craved their aid to reinstate him, and offered ir return the fortress and district of Dcvicottah, advanta- geously situated on the banks of the Coleroon. In 1749, they undertook an expedition against that stronghold ; BRITISH CONQUEST OP THE CARNATIC. 329 but, disappointed by want of concert between the fleet CHAP, x and the army, and receiving no aid from the natives, A.r7T749 they returned without having even attempted its reduc- tion. Mortified by this failure, they proceeded a second time against the place, the ships now conveying the sol- diers to the mouth of the river, whence they ascended in boats to the town. After considerable difficulties, and a severe contest, in which Lieutenant Clive, afterwards so Lieutenant eminent in Indian history, distinguished himself by dar- Chve- ing valour, they obtained possession of the fort. Its cap- ture was immediately followed up with a treaty, by which its occupation was secured to the English, who, in return, abandoned the cause of the prince for whom they had taken arms. They stipulated even to keep Dishonour- him in confinement, and thereby render him incapable of troubling his rival, provided he received a pension of 400 a-year. This arrangement, it need not be remark- ed, was far from being honourable to our countrymen, who seem, however, to have been altogether deceived in their expectations of co-operation from the people of Tanjore. The French, meantime, were playing a much higher French game, and openly aspiring to a direct ascendency in scllemes - Southern India. We despair of conducting our readers in a satisfactory manner through the dark maze of Car- natic intrigue, or the barbarous names and uninteresting characters who were employed in it. It may be pre- Indian law o! mised, that whenever an Indian prince dies, no respect succession - is paid to the principle of primogeniture, or to any fixed law of succession. His sons, grandsons, nephews, or even nK>re distant relations, advance claims to the sove- reignty, which they forthwith endeavour to support by an appeal to arms. The dissensions of the Deccan arose upon the death of Nizam-ul-Mulk, who may be remembered as acting a part in Mogul history, and of Sadatullah, nabob of the Carnatic. Both these offices, originally subordinate appointments under the Emperor of Delhi, had, in the decline of that dynasty, become gradually independent. For these, instead of Naair 330 BRITISH CONQUEST OF THE CARXATIC. Jung and Anwar-ud-Dien, the rightful or at least actual possessors, there appeared Mirzapha Jung and Chunda Saheb, who aspired, the former to be Subahdar of the Deccan, the latter to be Nabob of the Carnatic. Having united their interests, they had assembled an army of 40,000 men, and eagerly courted the aid of Dupleix. x ^ ambitious governor conceived that, by filling the btaining the two great thrones of the south of India, to which exploit Southern * ne J uc fe e< l ^ f orces adequate, he should become the India. undisputed master of that extensive country ; and there- fore he sent D'Auteuil with 2300 men, of whom 400 were Europeans, to join the allied troops. The combined armies then marched to attack Anwar-ud-Dien, the reigning nabob, who, with 20,000 followers, was encamp- ed at Amboor, a strong post guarding one of the prin- cipal passes into the Carnatic. He had thrown across the ravine an intrenchment defended by cannon, served by a small band of Europeans ; when D'Auteuil, ambi- tious to display the valour of his countrymen and theii high discipline, offered with only his few French soldiers to storm the lines. The Indian chiefs closed with the proposal; though the undertaking proved somewhat more formidable than had been anticipated. The artil- lery of the enemy, being strong and well-directed, repulsed two successive attacks ; but the assailants, ani- mated by the consciousness that they were fighting hi the Fortification view of three armies, rushed on a third time, and carried J^ the fortifications. They then pushed forward against the maui body, where the nabob, mounted on an ele- phant, with his standard displayed, and surrounded by his chosen cavalry, was loudly encouraging the troops. But almost immediately a ball fired by a Caffre soldier Fall of went through his heart, and he dropt to the ground dead. Dien!^ '"* -^ total rout instantly ensued ; the camp, a very ample booty, sixty elephants, with all the artillery and stores, fell into the hands of the victors. The princes forth- with resolved to march upon Arcot, which surrendered without resistance. Mohammed Ali, son to the fallen nabob, and heir of BRITISH CONQUEST OP THE CARNATIC. 333 his throne, fled to Trichinopoly, a very strong city, the CHAP, x possession of which gave him still a hold upon the Car- A ~Y 749> natic. Dupleix pressed in the most urgent manner upon the confederate generals that they should not lose Sf* 8 * 4 a moment, hut hasten to the attack of the fortress, which was probahly in a very imperfect state of defence. The Indian princes, however, chose rather to hegin by marching into Arcot and Pondicherry, where they made a display of their pomp as subahdar and nabob ; and when they at last took the field, it was to proceed, not, as he had recommended, against Trichinopoly, but against the more remote and unimportant city of Tan- Attack of jore. This decision, however, proceeded from a secret Tan J rc - motive ; their treasury being completely exhausted, they felt the necessity of securing a supply by extorting from the rajah some heavy arrears of tribute. The town, bordering on the delta of the Coleroon and the Cavery, was wealthy and splendid, adorned with a pagoda which eclipses in magnitude all other structures in the south of India. From the opulent ruler of this state they demanded the payments due to the Mogul, and claimed by them as his representatives. Had they even prose- cuted this demand with vigour and promptitude, they might probably have brought it to a speedy issue ; but they suffered themselves to be amused by the rajah, Policy of tie who sometimes negotiated, and at other tunes fought, ra ^ ah ' till at length they succeeded in bursting open one of his gates, whereby he was intimidated into an agreement to pay about 900,000. He reluctantly consented to ad- vance the first instalment ; but by sending first a quantity of gold and silver plate, then a lot of old coins, and lastly a quantity of jewels, he contrived to spin out the time till tidings arrived of the appearance of a new actor on the scene, who was destined entirely to change the aspect of affairs. Ghazee-ud-Dien, the eldest son of the nizam, had Kazir Jung. attached himself to the Mogul court, at which we have seen him act a conspicuous part. Nazir Jung, the second son, had therefore succeeded to the subahdary, of 334 BRITISH CONQUEST OF THE CARNATIC. CHAP. x. which he took upon him the full dignity and titles. He A. D~1749 was summone d> however, on a peculiar emergency, to 'join the imperial standard, and had already reached the retorfto* of Nerbudda when he learned the successful usurpations Tanjore. of Mirzapha Jung and Chunda Saheb. He then retraced his steps ; and, under the assumed authority of the imperial court, assembled all its adherents and his own to join in the suppression of this daring rebellion : he enlisted also 30,000 Mahrattas to act as light cavalry. Although he moved with the slow and encumbered pomp of an eastern army, he at length arrived on the Carnatic frontier with a force which Orme supposes not to have fallen short of 300,000 men. It then behoved .Defensive the allies to put themselves on their defence, and Dupleix of the allies, backed them with all his resources. Having learned their pecuniary difficulties, he gave them a loan of 50,000, while he increased the French contingent to 2000 men. The English meantime, though they had viewed with jealousy and alarm the late progress of their rivals, were very slow to embark in actual war- fare. They had supported the cause of Mohammed Ali only by sending very small detachments to Trichinopoly and Tanjore ; but when Nazir Jung arrived with so great an army, invested with the full authority of the Mogul, Major Laurence no longer hesitated to march English rem- and join him with a corps of 600 men. This reinforce- men * was no ^ necessary to secure that prince's triumph. The French troops were brave, but under bad manage- ment ; a mutiny arose among the officers, thirteen of whom in one day resigned their commands. At this Failure of the untoward event D'Auteuil, losing all presence of mind, thVaiiies determined immediately to march with his division to Pondicherry. The cause of the confederates was then altogether desperate. Chunda Saheb sought safety in the French settlement, while Mirzapha Jung surren- dered at discretion, and was immediately thrown into irons. Com-age of Dupleix, notwithstanding this complete fall from the ' eii proud position which he had so lately reached, did not BRITISH CONQUEST OF THE CARNAT1C. 335 lose courage. He attempted a negotiation with Nazir ; CHAP. x. and though the mission sent for this purpose failed, A f^ms it was learned that, as the prince was of a weak and voluptuous character, some warlike chiefs of Afghan ^spfracj extraction, who held the principal commands in his against army, had entered into a conspiracy to dethrone him. Kazir ' The French governor formed a connexion with these French aiii- malecontents, and likewise endeavoured to give effect to ance ^ ith the their intrigues by a military movement. D'Auteuil conspirator8 - again took the field, surprised during the night a quarter of the Mogul camp, while the troops were buried in slumber and the fumes of opium, and committed great havock. Another detachment sent by sea reduced Masulipatam, long the chief emporium of this part of India, and began to fortify it. Meantime Major Lau- EngKsh rence, disgusted with repeated irregularities in the con- abandon duct of his Indian allies, who refused to be at all guided by his advice, withdrew the English troops from the service of the subahdar, affording thereby full scope for tlie operations of the French commandant. That officer having sent a body of men, who defeated the nabob and obliged him to flee to Arcot, despatched a force into the interior to attack Gingee, the most powerful stronghold in all the Carnatic. In a midnight assault they stormed successively the three fortified mountains which consti- tuted the strength of that important place, and carried Gingee it with the loss of only twenty men. taken - Nazir Jung, roused by this loss from his voluptuous ^hzir j un g supineness, at length took the field with an army which, &<* the notwithstanding some reductions, still exceeded 100,000 men, a movement desired by the conspirators as ex- tremely favourable to the execution of their scheme. Time, however, passed on without any decisive event ; and the subahdar, tired of a dull contest, which kept him from his favourite enjoyments, made such advanta- geous overtures that Dupleix entered into a negotiation. The latter, notwithstanding, imitating the wiles of Indian policy, still kept his communications open with the rebellious onirahs ; and it lias been said that the treaty ' 336 BRITISH CONQUEST OP THE CARNATIC. CIIAP. x. with Nazir Jung was actually signed, though not com- A iTusc mumcated to Latouche who had succeeded to the com- mand of the French troops, when that officer was summoned by the Afghan insurgents to co-operate in Proceedings the execution of their seditious design. Latouche ac- tbe^rench 6 * cordingly advanced, and at four next morning attacked commander, that part of the camp where the subahdar commanded in person. The conflict was sharp, the Indian cavalry fighting with great bravery ; but the discipline of the French, and the rapidity with which their cannon was served, enabled them gradually to penetrate into the heart of the hostile encampment. Nazir Jung, not des- titute of personal valour, indignantly saw his troops giving way before a handful of Europeans ; and being told that a large corps, under the direction of the con- federate chiefs and their adherents, were not joining in the action, he rode up and began to reproach them bit- terly for their cowardice. Cudapah, the leader whom he first addressed, made an insulting reply, and then dis- Assassina- charged a carabine, by which two balls were lodged in Nazirf * ne near t of Nazir, who fell dead on the spot. For an Indian army to pass from one prince to his assassin and enemy is only the work of a moment. Mirzapha Jung was taken out of irons, led forth, and universally acknowledged Soubah of the Deccan, a region superior in magnitude to any European kingdom. Mirzapha This revolution had the effect of completely establish- kTm'hu* 1 i n o *h e influence of the French in Southern India, throne. , Mirzapha, reposing entire confidence in Dupleix, visited him at Pondicherry, and was there installed with the greatest pomp hi the throne of the Deccan. This officer, in return, was created governor under the Mogul, and col- lector of the revenue in all the countries south of the Kistna, a territory little inferior in extent to France ; considerable districts round each of the three towns of Pondicherry, Carical, and Masulipatam, were also ceded in perpetuity. But the victorious parties found them- selves in that anxious and difficult position which in- ev^tably arises from the alliance of those who own no BRITISH CONQUEST OP TUB CARNATIC. 337 law human or divine. The Patan chiefs made most CHAP. x. enormous demands, to which, according to the maxims ^ cTisi of oriental treason, they seemed entitled. Yet the fulfil- ment of these, and of others which would have followed, Demands oi must have reduced Mirzapha Jung nearly to a cipher. ^ ^ tan Dupleix strongly represented to them the necessity of accepting much lower terms ; and probably, from feel- ing themselves to be hi his power, they appeared at the moment cordially to acquiesce. When, however, Mirza- pha left Pondicherry, and advanced into the interior of the Deccan, he learned that the denies in his front were Defection occupied by those very traitors assembled in arms to ^p^ hr dispute his passage. The prince, ambitious to display his valour, marched and began the attack before his European allies came up, in consequence of which he suf- fered some loss. Afterwards, with their aid, he had the prospect of a complete victory, when he engaged in single combat with the Nabob of Canoul, by whom he was pierced through the head with a javelin, and in- He is slain in stantly expired. Bussy, the French minister, was at t,at? le C m first in the deepest consternation, imagining the influence of his countrymen in Indian affairs would now be termi- nated, when he recollected that three brothers of the deceased monarch were prisoners in the camp. Obtaining the concurrence of the principal native leaders, he raised to the throne Salabat Jung, the eldest, in preference to &iia>at the infant son of the fallen soubah. The new sovereign, ^ g ' sacece " feeling himself indebted to these foreigners for his eleva- tion, espoused their interests with an ardour equal to that of his predecessor. The English for some time contemplated with singu- Apathy of the lar apathy this extensive aggrandizement of their rivals, Major Laurence, who seems to have been no politician, having formerly, by his desertion of Nazir Jung, lost all influence in the Indian councils, now, in the most critical period of French ascendency, left the East and returned home on private business. At length the sub- jects of Louis began to assume a deportment so lofty as convinced the British of their danger, should this ambi- .338 BRITISH CONQUEST OF THE CARXATIC. Fresh rein- forcement*. CHAP. x. tious enemy continue masters of the south of India. A. fTTTSL Th ev despatched, therefore, a body of troops under Cap- tain Cope to defend Trichinopoly, the only strong position which their ally, Mohammed Ali, still retained in the Unsuccessful Carnatic ; but this officer lost a great part of his men in an unfortunate attempt upon Madura. Captain Gingen was then sent from Fort St David with a larger detach- ment ; but neither did they gain any earnest of that glory which their countrymen were afterwards to earn in Indian warfare. Having encountered the enemy near the fort Dismcefnl of Volconda, they were instantly seized with a panic, the British, a* 1 * 1 wbjle tne natives stood their ground, they fled ; thus rendering themselves an object of derision even to their undisciplined allies. They fought better on two sub- sequent occasions ; but at length, without attempting to master their antagonists in the field, they hastened to throw themselves into Trichinopoly. The English afterwards sent another detachment, which raised the European part of the garrison to 600 men ; but as Chunda Saheb, then nabob of Arcot, and his auxiliaries, were besieging it with a force greatly superior, there was much reason to fear, that without some effort this last barrier against French dominion must ultimately fall. A new character, however, at this crisis began to act a brilliant part on the scene. ** r Clive, the son of a gentleman of small property in Shropshire, had gone out in a civil capacity ; but his violent and turbulent conduct had displeased his supe- riors, and made him be considered as an intractable youth. On the breaking out of the war he obtained leave to enter the army as an ensign, and soon showed himself better qualified for this active profession ; where, His military indeed, he distinguished himself so much as to be em- ployed in several confidential situations. He proposed to make a diversion in favour of Trichinopoly, by an attack on Arcot, the nabob's capital. Having obtain- ed 500 men, of whom only 200 were Europeans, and partly made up by volunteers from the civil service, he proceeded on this daring expedition. He approached genius. BRITISH CONQUEST OF TIIE CARXATIC. 339 Arcot ; and the garrison of the fort, merely on witness- CHAP.X ing the intrepidity with which his people advanced A ~~ 17fia amid a tempest of thunder and rain, were seized with a panic, and evacuated the city. He did not allow them to recover from their consternation, but pursued and ohliged them to retreat from one point to another. The object of this enterprise was forthwith realized, as a large body of the besiegers of Trichinopoly were drawn away to attempt the delivery of Arcot. Troops were brought to the amount of 4000, reinforced by 2000 from Vellore. According to his bold policy, Clive en- Bold policy deavoured to intimidate them by an attack on the city, of aiv& in which these forces were stationed, an imprudent step ; for the most undisciplined hordes, fighting under the cover which streets and buildings afford, are a match for the bravest warriors. The natives from the houses poured down a destructive fire, and obliged the English commander to retreat with a loss which he could very ill spare. He had then a hard task, to defend with 300 Difficnitteo men fortifications a mile in circuit, consisting only of a l feeble, wall, and a ditch fordable in many places. He had thus full scope for the splendid military talents with which he was endowed. Lieutenant Innis, sent with a reinforcement from Madras, was intercepted and obliged to return ; but Morari Rao, now at the head of a body of 6000 Mahrattas, who had deserted the nabob's cause when it appeared desperate, was animated by the valour of his ally, and promised his support. At length, on the morning of the 14th of November, the great Mussulman festival, and a day deemed peculiarly auspicious for war- like achievements, the enemy made a general assault. They rushed on with a species of madness, and when one detachment was driven back, another instantly followed. Clive was obliged to stand to the guns himself, and assist in firing them. But the assailants were at length re- Complete pulsed, and finally raised the siege ; and the young ffi, W soldier, being thus left master of the field, scoured the country in different directions, took possession of several important posts, and then returned to Madras. CHAP. X. Arrival of British rein- forcements. Total defeat of the French and their allies. Satisfaction of the British. Polit,c sys- tem pursued by Dupleix. 340 BRITISH CONQUEST OF THK CAKJS'ATIf. Meantime the force defending Trichinopoly was receiv- ing continual accessions. Major Laurence, having arrived from Britain with a large reinforcement, set out himself for that city with 400 Europeans and 1100 sepoys. Mohammed Ali allured into his service Morari Rao, and by liberal promises even induced the Regent of Mysore to come to his assistance ; and these together formed a corps of 20,000 men. By such additions the English and their friends became decidedly superior to their oppo- nents, whom they determined without hesitation to attack in the open field. The French and their confe- derates no sooner discovered this intention than they retreated and took up a position in the fortified pagoda of Seringham, strongly situated in an island formed by the branches of the Coleroon and the Cavery. Here, however, they were closely pressed by the combined armies ; while the adherents of Chunda Saheb, consider- ing his cause as desperate, deserted in large bands. That unfortunate prince at length delivered himself up to the King of Tanjore, under a promise of protection, which was basely violated, and he was immediately put to death. The French troops also capitulated, and were conveyed prisoners of war to Fort St David and Trichinopoly. The highest satisfaction was now felt by the British, who considered themselves complete masters of the Carnatic. But at Pondicherry this loss spread the deepest consternation, relieved only by the secret joy of those who viewed with disgust the haughty conduct of Dupleix, and exulted in the failure of his ambitious schemes. Yet at this very time he was acting a splendid part on a greater scale. His agent, Bussy, having, in the manner above related, placed Salabat Jung on the throne of the Deccan, after assisting to inflict punishment on the murderer of his predecessor, marched along with the prince to Golconda and Aurungabad, where he assumed the government with every circumstance of oriental pomp. His pretensions, however, were not sanctioned by the Mogul court, who conferred the sove- BRITISH CONQUEST OF THE CAKNATIC. 341 reignty on Ghazee-ud-Dien, the legitimate claimant, as CHAP. x. eldest son to Nizam-ul-Mulk. At the same time the ^_~f- 5 a country was harassed by the attacks of a numerous Mah- ratta force ; so that Salabat Jung could hope to main- tain his power only by French aid, and therefore made Bussy the chief director of his councils. Dupleix, not content with these advantages, was Efforts to indefatigable in his efforts to restore the French ascen- J^SS dency in the Carnatic ; and the continual fluctuation in ascendancy the plans and alliances of Indian potentates afforded him the means sooner than could have been expected. With such persons, when in distress and applying for aid, it is the invariable practice to promise whatever is ask- ed ; but when their deliverance is effected to perform as little as possible. After the complete triumph of the British arms and those of Mohammed Ali, Major Lau- Rash ajjree- rence was astounded by the intelligence that this prince ^o^a had stipulated, as the price of the assistance which he AH obtained from the Mysorean chief, the surrender to him of Trichinopoly and its territory ; and the fulfilment of this engagement was now imperiously demanded. On being interrogated, he at once admitted the promise, which he imputed to the necessity of circumstances, but strenuously abjured the slightest intention of adher- ing to it. He affected even to believe it impossible that his ally could have seriously expected the execu- tion of so unreasonable a contract ; and he undertook Mode of to induce him to rest satisfied with the present cession of Madura, and the illusory hope of obtaining Trichino- poly at some future period. After much negotiation, and seeing that he could gain nothing more, the other feigned to appear contented. Yet Major Laurence, clearly per- ceiving the regent's secret resentment, advised the Com- pany either honourably to deliver up the city, or reso- Temporizing lutely to seize his person and that of Morari Rao, an thereby prevent the hostile machinations which might easily be foreseen. The Directors followed neither of these counsels ; and the disappointed chief continued to me- ditate on plans of vengeance. The commanders of several ?A2 KRITISH COJCQrEST OF THE CARKATIC. CHAP x. districts were encouraged, by the knowledge of his pre- A. D~1754 sen ^ disposition, to make head against Mohammed Ali, among whom was the Governor of Gingee, the strongest of a 11 the fortresses ; and the English, in attempting to reduce it, were repulsed by the French. Dupleix sent a large body of troops, which entered the territory of Fort St David, and at the same time captured a detach- ment of Swiss proceeding thither by sea from Madras. Laurence then marching out, encountered him at Bahoor, about two miles from the city ; and his men charging furiously with the bayonet, broke the centre of the ene- Advantages my, who instantly throwing down their arms, fled hi such the n British confusion that, had not the native cavalry occupied them- selves hi securing the plunder, the rout would have been complete. This advantage was followed up by Captain Clive with the reduction, under considerable difficulties, of the forts of Covelong and Chingleput ; after which the state of his health obliging him to return home, de- prived the army of his important services. Native treaty The Mysorean general, after beginning to negotiate French! 6 with the French, had been induced to pause by the intelligence of the victory gained by the English ; but, learning that it had not been followed by any decisive results, he concluded the treaty in conjunction with Morari Rao, who had also been much dissatisfied with his share of the booty. Dupleix likewise drew over Mortiz Ali, the governor of Vellore, by holding out to him the hope of being himself raised to the dignity of nabob ; and then the French troops, in conjunction with French lay the native forces, laid close siege to Trichinopoly. Major Trichinopoiy. I^urence was stunned by the unexpected intelligence that, through the negligence of the commander, this important place did not contain provisions for more than fifteen days. He was therefore obliged to hasten in- stantly with his whole army to its relief. The men suffered considerably by a rapid march in the midst of the hot season ; but they succeeded without opposition in entering the city. The major was then able to open a communication with the southern districts for a supply BRITISH CONQUEST OF THE CARNATIC. 343 of necessaries, and obtained some assistance from the CHAP, x Rajah of Tanjore, whose alliance, however, like that of ^^"^"-54 all Indian princes, wavered with every variation of for- tune. It became impossible in this scarcity to supply ^ence O f the inhabitants of so great a city as Trichinopoly, who, Trichinopoly to the number of 400,000, were compelled to quit the place, and seek temporary shelter elsewhere ; and the immense circuit of its walls was occupied only by the 2000 men composing the garrison. The provisioning of this important fortress now became the principal object of contest, the entire strength of both sides being drawn around it ; and the French, with an immensely superior force, placed themselves in such positions as enabled them to intercept completely the entrance of convoys from the south. The brave Laurence twice attacked, and, though with very inferior numbers, drove them from their posts, and opened the way for his supplies. On Bravery of no former occasion, indeed, had the valour of the English the En s Ush - troops, and their superiority to those of the enemy, been more signally displayed. The garrison, however, had nearly, by their own supineness, forfeited the benefit of all these exertions. One morning at three o'clock, the Neglect of guai'd having fallen fast asleep, the French advanced to gnTnJ 60 * the assault, applied their scaling-ladders, made themselves masters of a battery, and were advancing into the city, when several of the soldiers happening to tall into a deep pit, their cries alarmed their companions, some of whom fired their muskets. The assailants thus conceiving them- selves to be discovered, made a general discharge, beat their drums, and advanced with shouts of Vive le Roi. Happily a considerable body of British was quartered Timely near the spot, who were immediately led on by Lieu- T< tenant Harrison to such an advantageous position, and directed with so much judgment, that the foremost of the storming-party were soon cut down, the ladders carried off or broken, and all of the enemy who had entered, to the number of 360, were made prisoners. Thus the enterprise, at first so promising, caused to them a loss greater than any sustained by their arms during the course .344 BRITISH CONQUEST OP THE CARXATIC. CHAP. x. of this memorable siege. Soon afterwards, however, an A. D~f754 English detachment, being sent out to escort a convoy of provisions, was attacked by a corps of 18,000 natives and 400 Europeans. An inexperienced officer, who had the command, drew up his men in small parties at wide inter- vals. Suddenly Morari Rao and Innis Khan, with 1 2,000 Mysorean horse, advanced with loud shouts at full gallop and charged this ill-constructed line. Our countrymen had scarcely tune to fire one volley, when they found their ranks broken by the enemy's cavalry. Deserted by the sepoys, they were left, only 180 in number, without any hope of escape ; upon which they deter- mined to sell their lives as dearly as possible. The whole were either killed or taken, including a company of gre- nadiers, who had acted a prominent part in all the late victories. Protracted Amid these gallant exploits, the siege of Trichinopoly Triciunopoiy. was protracted a year and a half, during which neither the French nor their numerous allies obtained any de- cisive advantage. Mr Mill considers the object as very unworthy of such strenuous efforts ; yet it ought to be re- membered, that the Company were deciding on that spot the destiny of the Carnatic, and perhaps the very exist- ence of their establishment in India. To have yielded in such circumstances might have realized the views of Dupleix, whose boast it had been, that he would reduce Madras to a fishing- village. Important events were meantime taking place at the court of the Deccan, where we left Bussy with his fol- lowers dictating or directing every movement. This influence indeed he seemed entitled to expect, both from the generosity and prudence of Salabat Jung, who had been raised by the French to his present lofty station, and by them alone was maintained in it against the Mah- rattas, and Ghazee-ud-Dien, whom the Mogul had au thorized to expel him. The latter, however, as he was approaching with a prodigious army, died suddenly, not without suspicion, perhaps unjust, of having been poisoned by the adherents of his rival. Salabat being BRITISH CONQUEST OP THE CARNATIC. 345 thus relieved from apprehension, the great men around CHAP. x. him, viewing with much indignation the thraldom of . fjTTiss their master to a handful of strangers, urged him to adopt measures for extricating himself from this humi- $%* f liating situation ; and at their suggestion he took certain supremacy steps, which were favoured by a temporary absence of Bussy. The pay of the troops was withheld, and on plausible pretexts they were broken into detachments and sent into different quarters. The foreigner, however, influence 0} on his return, immediately reassembled them ; and his Buss y- own force, aided by the alarm of a Mahratta invasion, enabled him completely to dictate terms to the subahdar. He procured the dismissal of the hostile ministers ; and, taking advantage of the accumulated arrears of pay, de- manded and obtained, as a security against future defi- ciencies, the cession of an extensive range of country on the coast of Coromandel and Orissa, including the North- ern Circars. This, in addition to former acquisitions, gave to the French a territory 600 miles in extent, reach- ing from Medapilly to the pagoda of Juggernaut, and yielding a revenue of 855,000. The heads of the two European presidencies, being Negotiations urged by instructions from home to endeavour to bring for P 6806 - their differences to a termination, opened a negotiation for peace. They began with the farce of examining the titles by which each held their respective possessions from the native powers, and particularly the Mogul ; but the English alleging, seemingly with some reason, that the documents produced by the French were forged, proposed to reject this mode of decision altogether, and proceed at once to the only effectual plan of treating, that, namely, which had a reference to the actual strength of each party. Upon this ground some mutual propo- sitions - were made, but were found too inconsistent to afford any hope of agreement. Meantime this Indian contest had given rise to warm views of the discussions between the two governments in Europe. France had never favoured the system of encroachment followed by her viceroy ; and this aversion was greatly 346 BRITISH CONQUEST OF THE CARNATIC. CHAP, x strengthened by the warm remonstrances of the English A. D~1755 ca ^inet, who began to fit out a somewhat formidable expe- dition for the East. After some discussion, it was agreed rionere'ap- t ^ at commissioners from each state should be sent, with pointed. full powers to adjust the differences, rather upon equi- table principles satisfactory to <>oth parties, than from any consideration of their comparative strength and ac- quisitions. When Gcdheu, the French envoy, arrived at Pondicherry to supersede Dupleix, considerable anxiety was felt as to the manner in which the tidings would be Assumption recei ved by that haughty ruler. He had assumed the most submisidon of lo %" l> earm g> invested himself with the dress and ensigns DupieU. of a Mogul viceroy, and had often obliged the officers whom he admitted to audience to fall down on their knees before him. His whole soul, too, was understood to be absorbed in the magnificent project of making his country supreme in India. But he was too sound a politician not to perceive that all resistance was now vain ; and yielding with a good grace, he was well treated and sent home with honour and respect. The Company indeed His reception gave him a cold reception, and refused to repay nearly French 400,000 which he had expended out of his private for- Company. tune and credit in extending their dominion. All the historians inveigh bitterly against this treatment; yet it is impossible not to remark, that the ambitious and warlike policy of this governor, in furtherance of which he lavished immense treasures, was in direct opposition to the system which the merchants, wisely we think, were Defence of anxious to pursue. T^ey thought themselves not at all duc't C n " obliged to him for spending such sums in the attempt to make them masters of vast provinces against their will ; and, therefore, they did not hold their association bound to replace advances which, although made on their ac- count, were made not only without but even contrary to their instructions. The government, when appealed to, sanctioned the conduct of the Company, though at the same time they gave to Dupleix a strange and iniquitous compensation, by granting letters of protection against any prosecution which might be raised by his creditors. BRITISH CONQUEST OF THE CARNATIC. 347 The French commissioner, and Mr Saunders, the Eng- CHAP. x. lish governor, immediately proceeded to arrange a treaty, ^ iTi75 with a view at once to the protection of the native states against encroachment, and the equitable adjustment of the points in dispute between the two European powers, It was stipulated by the very first article, that all the ces- sions obtained from the Moors (as the Indian princes were then called) should be restored by both parties, with the exception only of certain maritime stations, to be retain- ed for the security of trade ; and these were to be so selected, that the two nations should in each particular district of the coast be nearly on a footing of equality. The terms of this arrangement were in general very Favourable favourable to the British. The portions of territory ff men which they were obliged to renounce were comparative- British, ly small, and their ally, Mohammed Ali, was left undis- puted ruler of the Carnatic ; while the French resigned the immense possessions which they had acquired in Orissa and the Northern Circars. But this compact, which was expected to have ad- Trifling justed all differences between the two countries, scarcely produced a suspension of hostilities. The English, hav- ing secured Mohammed Ali, their candidate, as nabob of the Carnatic, considered themselves bound, and per- haps felt inclined, to support him against the numerous enemies by whom he was still surrounded. The Regent Claims of the of Mysore declared himself determined not to recede from his pretensions to Trichinopoly, which rendered it necessary to maintain troops for the defence of that fort- ress. The enemy, however, were considered so little formidable, that Captain Kilpatrick, who commanded in the place, learning that the regent was forming a plan for its attack, sent a message, that if he chose to come, he himself would throw open the gates and meet him. The Company also agreed to send another corps to esta- blish the rajah's authority and collect the revenue in the provinces of Madura and Tinnevelly. This promised to be an easy and profitable task, in which some share of the proceeds would probably fall into their own hands ; but 348 BRITISH CONQUEST OF THE CARNATIC. CHAP. x. they were very much disappointed in both respects. These A. D. 1755. countries are occupied by an almost savage race, called . the Colleries, who, in their habits of robbery and preda- tory warfare, can scarcely be surpassed. They have their abode in the heart of dense and inaccessible forests, whence they issue to plunder the cattle of the surround- ing districts, and boast of their dexterity in performing these thefts, as if they were the most heroic exploits. Their chief ambition is to enrich their family and tribe, for which they brave death with the utmost intrepidity. Rnde ideas Two brothers who had stolen a vast number of horses were apprehended and brought before Major Laurence, who ordered them to be hanged. One of them offered, if leave were given him, to go and bring back, within two days, the stolen animals, while his brother should re- main as a hostage. His request was granted ; but the time having elapsed, the prisoner was sent for and examined, when he very composedly expressed his astonishment that they should have been so silly as to imagine his brother would think of restoring so many valuable prizes, which were sufficient to make the fortune of the whole family. It was a clever trick : as for himself, having often hazarded his life for objects comparatively trifling, he was quite ready to die in so honourable a cause. Laurence was so amused with the fellow's impudence, that on Clive's intercession he dismissed him. The Col- Native for- leries occupied a range of hills, the passes or intervals of ire88es> which were fortified with walls of large loose stones, and with a broad deep ditch, in front of which was planted a hedge of bamboo-canes, so thick that it could not be penetrated but by fire or the axe. The natives defended these fastnesses with the utmost obstinacy : and, though they did not face the English in the open field, were continually on the watch to cut off their detachments, One small body being found asleep, were all speared in a few minutes ; and the whole army, as it once marched in a careless manner through a defile near Madura, had its rear suddenly assailed, and suffered great loss. Thus, after a hard campaign, the troops did not collect revenue BRITISH CONQUEST OF THE CARNAT1C. 349 enough to defray the expense of the expedition, and had CHAP. x. afterwards to struggle through several years of tedious ^ D 175& and fruitless warfare. The French, when they saw their enemies thus ac- French tively employed, felt disposed to imitate their example. |^| ope " Finding them entirely occupied with the war hi Madura, they made a hasty march upon Trichinopoly, which was then nearly defenceless ; but it was saved by a very rapid movement on the part of Captain Calliaud. A predatory warfare was for some time waged between the two nations, wjien events ensued that gave a new and more important character to the contest. On the breaking out of the memorable war hi 1756 War between between Britain and France, the latter determined to Franca a " d make the most vigorous efforts to acquire an ascendency in India. The ministry fitted out an extensive arma- ment, the command of which they intrusted to Count Lally, an officer of Irish extraction, who, among many brilliant displays of personal valour, had, at the battle of Fontenoy, taken several English officers with his own hand. Cherishing the strongest attachment to his late master, the unfortunate and misguided James II., he felt also the most deadly antipathy to the people who had expelled him, and looked, as his highest pride, to his being the chief instrument for subverting their eastern dominion. He sailed from Brest on the 4th May 1767, but had so tedious a voyage, accompanied with severe sickness among his crew, that he did not land at Pondi- cherry till the 25th April 1758. So eager was he to accomplish his great object, that Count Laiiy though he did not reach the shore till five hi the after- noon, before night closed he had troops on their march to besiege Fort St David, which was still considered the strongest and most important of the English settlements. By this indiscreet haste, in which no regard was paid to Hash pro- the convenience, opinion, or prejudices of his followers, cee he created a spirit of animosity and even of resistance, which much impeded his future movements. He even arrived at the place without due information as to the CHAP.X. A. 1x7759. Capture of FortSt David. LaDy'g exul- Unwise lismissal of Bussy. Expedition against the Rajah of Tanjore. 350 BRITISH CONQUEST OF THE CARNATIC. strength or position of the works. However, he pushed the siege with extraordinary vigour ; while the garrison made an injudicious defence, throwing away their shot on insignificant objects, till at length, when they were hard pressed, their ammunition proved extremely de- ficient. The enemy having, on the 1st of June, advanced their trenches to the foot of the glacis, and opened such a fire that the artillerymen could scarcely stand to their guns, it was judged necessary to surrender ; the troops became prisoners of war ; and this fortress, the capital of our eastern settlements, was rased to the ground. Lally returned to Pondicherry in the highest exulta- tion, fully determined to lose no time in following up his design of driving the English from the whole of India. With this view he took a step which involved him in deep reproach. Bussy, amid the violent revolutions at the court of the Deccan, and the most deadly jealousy among its leading men, had succeeded hi completely maintaining the French influence. He had acquired the full com- mand of the Circars, where he reduced Vizagapatam, an important factory belonging to the British. Now, how- ever, he was ordered by Lally to quit this court, that he might be able to unite all his forces, first in reducing Madras, and then in attacking our newly-formed settle- ments in Bengal. Bussy remonstrated strongly against renouncing his brilliant prospects for such uncertain advantages ; but the other, imperious and self-willed, would listen to nothing, and insisted upon an instant and implicit compliance with his own views. Notwithstanding the reinforcement obtained by so great a sacrifice, the new leader, from the want of funds, was scarcely in a condition to attempt any enterprise of importance. In hopes of relieving this distress he resolv- ed upon an expedition against the Rajah of Tanjore, to extort the fulfilment of an old engagement to pay five millions of rupees. This enterprise, however, was con- ducted in a manner rash and revolting to the natives ; and even after penetrating to the town, and commencing the siege, he was obliged by the scarcity of provisions BRITISH CONQUEST OP THE CARNATIC. 351 and ammunition to withdraw. He soon obtained posses- CHAP. x. sion of Arcot and certain other places in the Carnatic, . ~ . from whence he drew some supplies ; and being then joined by Bussy, he deemed it expedient to commence ^adrasf the siege of Madras, which he carried on upwards of two months, though under great difficulties. The garrison, meanwhile, consisting of 1758 Europeans and 2420 na- tives, commanded by Governor Pigot and the veteran Laurence, made the most gallant defence. The blockade was terminated by the appearance, on the 16th Feb- ruary, of a squadron of English ships, having on board six hundred fresh troops. As soon as this fleet hove in Precipitate sight, the French army, without waiting their comman- retreat - der's orders, began to retreat with the utmost precipita- tion, and he had not time to execute his cruel purpose of burning the Black Town. It is admitted by Lally himself, that, owing to their Reception of deep hatred of him, his return in this discomfited state to Pondicherry was viewed as a subject of triumph by the principal officers, and even by the greater part of the inhabitants. Every tiling now presented to his eyes a disastrous aspect. When the English took the field, and began to reconquer the Carnatic, the French, in attempt- ing to check their career, were defeated at Wandewash, and obliged to retreat upon their presidency. It was evi- dent that their dominion in India was fast approaching to a close ; and their general has acknowledged, that if, after their late success, our countrymen had marched Slow pro- direct upon their chief city, they might have become mas- the'firftLk ters of it in a few days. But they spent the next three months in reducing the different strong places in the Carnatic, including Carical, the only other seaport which remained to their adversary. Having obtained repeated reinforcements, which the enemy looked for in vain, they were enabled to close in around Pondicherry, and make preparations for its actual siege. Lally, in this Desperate desperate state of his affairs, obtained by high promises French th6 an auxiliary force from Hyder, now master of Mysore ; leaden but his troops, after remaining about a month, became 352 BRITISH CONQUEST OF THE CARNATIC. CHAP. X. discouraged by witnessing the manifest weakness of their A. 577761. a Uies ; and, being impelled by urgent matters at home, they broke up without giving notice, and departed for their own country. Spirited Lally made a spirited attempt to retrieve his affairs by tbe 8 British a midnight attack on the British camp, and succeeded camp> in carrying several posts of some importance ; but the gallantry of our soldiers, and the tardy arrival of one of his divisions, caused his final repulse. By the end of Blockade of September 1760, Pondicherry was so closely blockaded ry ' both by sea and land, that only a very scanty supply of provisions could be introduced ; and two large ships that were lying in port were surprised in the night and carried off. On the 27th November, the commander, who had long urged the necessity of the measure, insisted on carrying into effect the expulsion of the black inha- Cmel policy bitants. To the number of 1400 they were thrust out peans, vt ~ f the gates, but were refused a passage by the besiegers, who foresaw that the garrison would thereby be enabled to hold out a somewhat longer period. The unhappy creatures wandered about the glacis, picking up plants and roots of grass, and imploring either an entrance into the city or leave to pass through the army. Both parties stood firm for a week, at the end of which time Colonel Coote's humanity induced him to allow this wretched band to retire into the country. They were in the most exhausted state, and had nowhere to look for refuge ; yet they were extremely grateful even for this chance of preservation. Opening of It was not till the 1 2th January 1761, that the trenches : trenches- were regularly opened, an operation which was effected with ease and rapidity, as the enemy scarcely offered any resistance. Their spirit seems to have been com- pletely gone, and they had provisions left for only two days. On the 14th two deputations arrived, one from Lally, and the other from the governor and council. The former merely stated, that certain alleged violations by the English of the faith of treaties prevented him from entering into any regular capitulation, but that, BRITISH CONQUEST OF THE CARNATIC. 353 pressed by the necessity of circumstances, he yielded the CHAP. x. place, and surrendered himself and his garrison prisoners A ^~^ 7fil of war. The governor and council asked some terms for the inhabitants ; but, as matters stood, every thing rested with the discretion of the conquerors, who, however, promised to act with consideration and humanity. Colo- nel Coote entered the city, and three days afterwards the defeated general set sail for Europe. On his arrival in France, a tragical scene ensued, indignation The nation were by this time worked up to a great degree ^.^11 of discontent by the severe disasters which, throughout the war, when the British resources were directed by the genius of Pitt, had befallen their arms in every quarter of the globe. The loss of India raised their in- dignation to the highest pitch ; and they loudly demand- ed a victim. Lally, with his usual violence, presented Mutual re- a formal accusation against Bussy and three others con- cri nected with him in the administration, as having, out of enmity to himself, ruined the French affairs. The im- peachment appears to have been ill founded, and the parties accused retaliated by charging him with having caused that unfortunate issue by a series of acts, which, as they alleged, inferred more than incapacity. The voice of individuals returning from India, who had been alienated by his hasty temper, was generally hostile to him. On their testimony, the attorney-general thought Lally himself justified in founding a charge of high treason ; ^gif^a'cii. which appears to have been altogether groundless. Many of his proceedings, it is true, were rash and imprudent, and his outrageous manner, provoking the enmity both of his own people and the natives, was very injurious to the interests of the Company and the government. But to constitute high treason there must have been an in- tention to betray these interests ; instead of which his faults appear to have rather proceeded from a blind and headlong zeal. Being arraigned of this high crime, he was removed from the Bastile to an humbler prison, and, according to the ungenerous practice of France, was denied the aid of counsel. The parliament of Paris, a A.D. 176L Unjust con- densation and execu- tion of Lally. B54 BRITISH CONQUEST OF THE CARNATiC. too numerous though highly respectable hody, were so far wrought upon as to pronounce sentence of death ; against which Seguier and Pellot, two of their most distinguished members, protested ; and Voltaire hesitates not to call it a judicial murder. The unfortunate Lally, when it was announced to him, lifted his hands to hea- ven, exclaiming " Is this the reward of forty-five years' service !" and endeavoured to stab himself with a pair of compasses. He was prevented, and conveyed next day in a common cart to the Place de Greve, where he un- derwent the unjust sentence of the law. BRITISH CONQUEST OP BENGAL. 355 CHAPTER XL British Conquest of Bengal. Difficulties of the early Settlements Reign of Aliverdi Khan~ Succeeded by Surajah Dowlah His Jealousy of the English- Captures Cossimbuzar Advances upon Calcutta Plans of De- fenceProceedings of the Enemy Garrison deserted by the Ships and the Governor Surrender Confinement in the Black Hole Dreadful Sufferings Conduct of the Nabob Armament from Madras under Clive and Watson Their Landing and first Encounter with the Enemy Calcutta surrenders Surajah Dow- lah attempts to retake it Treaty Capture of Chandernagore Plan of dethroning the Nabob Intrigues Treachery of Meer Jaffier Advance of diveBattle of Plassey Elevation of Meer Jaffier Capture and Death of Surajah Dowlah Invasion by the Shazada Defeat of the Mogul and the Nabob of Oude Bad Conduct of the new Nabob Succeeded by Meer Cossim His Disputes with the Company Rupture Patna taken and retaken Victory gained by Major Adams Massacre of English Pri- soners Meer Cossim's Flight into Oude Repeated Defeats of Sujah Dowlah The Mogul joins the English Death of Meer Jaffier Clive returns to India Restores Sujah Dowlah Obtains for the Company the Dewannee of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa. THE British establishments in Bengal had, during a long CHAr. XI period, held only a secondary place to those formed on the coast of Coromandel ; but the time was now arrived when they were to become the theatre of the most in- teresting events, and finally the centre and chief seat of British set- our Indian dominion. The manner in which the factory at Calcutta was first founded has been already mention- ed,* and it continued to extend its importance, notwith- standing the opposition it experienced during the vice- Page 320. 356 BRITISH CONQUEST OF BENGAL. CHAP. XI. A. 1)77754. Progress of Calcutta. Wise ad- ministration of Aliverdi. Dealings with the English. Jealousy of French and English set- tlers. royalty of Jaffier Khan. Its situation became greatly improved when the office of nabob was occupied by Sujah ; but on the death of that prince, his son Suffraze, a weak and imprudent ruler, was dethroned, and his place usurped by Aliverdi, a chief either of Patan or Afghan extraction, and possessed of great military talents. Notwithstanding the irregular elevation of the latter, he administered the government, not only in an able, but a mild and beneficent manner. This he did under dif- ficult circumstances ; for the Mahrattas, invited it is said cither by the Mogul court or the subahdar, found their way in vast bodies into Bengal ; and, though often re- pulsed, repeatedly renewed their inroads. The prudence and valour of Aliverdi preserved his dominions from conquest, but not from ruinous depredation. He secured the attachment of his Hindoo subjects by protecting their property, as well as by employing them in all the civil departments of government ; and he was therefore not likely to oppress industrious strangers settled in his dominions. The English had only to complain, that amid the various exigencies of his situation, he made repeated demands upon their generosity hi return for the countenance granted to their trade ; yet his entire exactions, during an administration of twelve years, did not exceed 100,000. He felt no objection, when there was an alarm of invasion, even to their enclosing Calcutta with a moat, meant to extend seven miles in circuit ; though, as soon as the danger passed by, they discontinued the work, which was afterwards known by the name of the Mahratta ditch. Considerable uneasiness, indeed, is supposed to have been felt by him with reference to the ascendency of the English and French in the Carnatic, who were said to create and depose governors at their pleasure. Finally, the downfal of Angria, of whose naval strength he had been led to form an exaggerated idea, made him begin to look on them as somewhat too formidable neighbours. When Aliverdi died, he was succeeded by his grand- BRITISH CONQUEST OF BENGAL. 357 son Surajah Dowlah, a dissolute and tyrannical prince, CHAP. xi. who adopted these jealousies to a much greater extent. . D^Yrss He was also irritated by the protection afforded, seem- ingly without design, to a young man by the English Isaiah 11 ^ whom he viewed as a pretender to the office of nabob. Dowlah. Lastly, his very exaggerated conceptions of the wealth to be found within their factory, made him seek with avidity any pretext on which he might be justified in plundering that establishment. The ostensible cause of complaint arose from a report that they were making certain additions to the works around Fort William. Mr Unwise pro- Drake, the governor, on being called upon to account the English for this proceeding, defended it by a reference to the governor hostile relations of his countrymen with the French on the coast of Coromandel, and the danger lest the war should spread thence into Bengal. This ill-judged ex- planation inflamed at once the pride and the fear of the nabob ; who considered it an insult to suppose that he, hi his own dominions, was unable to protect them, while he felt alarmed at the idea of the war being trans- ferred to his country. He immediately began his march from Rajemahl towards Calcutta, stopping at Cossim- Capture and buzar, where the Company had a factory very slightly cossimbuLr fortified, without ditch or palisade, and of which the cur- tains formed the outer wall of a range of apartments. Under these circumstances, he summoned first Mr Watts, the governor, and then the two other members of council, to repair to his camp, a step which these gentlemen judged it vain to decline ; and though Mr Holwell in one place seems to blame them for not having attempted a few days' defence, yet the danger of a general massacre was in that case so great, and the probable benefit so small, that we do not perceive any good ground for censure. They were then required to sign a paper, promising compliance with all the nabob's demands ; when, instead of being allowed to return to the presidency, they were detained as pri- soners, while his troops plundered their warehouses. CondUp.tory The council at Calcutta, sensible of their weakness, proc had hitherto made every possible effort to conciliate the 358 BRITISH CONQUEST OF BENGAL. CHAP, xi nabob ; and as his chief ground of complaint respected -lTme. tlie new intrenchments which they were adding to Fort William, they suspended these works, and thus lost twenty precious days, during which they might have placed themselves in a good posture of defence. As soon, however, as they learned the capture of the factory at Cossimbuzar, they gave up all hopes of accommodation, and thought only of increasing their means of resistance, Slender gar- which were very slender. The garrison did not muster muLnn. F rt above 514 men f w hom only 174 were Europeans, and of these not ten had ever seen service beyond the parade ; and even this duty had been enforced so negligently that many, according to Mr Holwell, did not know the right from the wrong end of their muskets. The fort, though of some extent, was defended by a wall only four feet thick, which in many parts, as at Cossimbuzar, enclosed chambers whence windows opened, and whose terraced roofs formed the top of the rampart. All around were erected warehouses, clusters of buildings, and even little streets ; some commanding the castle, others affording Unskilful cover for the operations of an assailant. Under these 01 *" circumstances the officers determined to draw their de- fensive line around the whole range of buildings, and endeavour to prevent the enemy from penetrating into them. This plan seems justly censured by Onne, since they had no force to defend so extensive a circuit per- vaded by so many avenues. They ought to have de- molished the houses close to the fort ; or, if time did not allow this operation, have removed at least the roofs and upper floors, while a few buildings, that were defensible and overlooked the works, should have been occupied by strong bodies of troops, and a ditch and palisade then drawn round the whole. By such means they might, in our author's opinion, have kept their ground till the annual fleet arrived, which would at least have secured Vain appeal their retreat. In this extremity, they importuned the French and French and Dutch to make common cause against the Dutch. Indian tyrant ; but they only received from the former the insulting offer of shelter in Chandernagore. BRITISH CONQUEST OF BENGAL. 359 Meantime the nabob marched upon Calcutta with CHAP. XL such furious haste, that a number of his men perished ^ ^ 56 from strokes of the sun, or other accidents occasioned by excessive heat ; and having left Cossimbuzar on the 9th Fort wiufam June 1756, he arrived on the 16th in view of Fort Wil- liam. He was arrested for some time by the Mahratta ditch, not being aware that it extended round only part of the circuit ; but having overcome this obstacle, he commenced, on the morning of the 18th, a general attack on the outposts, defended by three batteries, which were for some time vigorously served. The Indians, however, having kept up a brisk fire from under the bushes, and also penetrated through avenues which had not been secured, all the three batteries in the course of the day were abandoned, and the whole garrison sought refuge within the fragile walls of the fort. From this time the most sanguine lost almost every hope of a sue- Hopeless cessful resistance ; and yet no measures were taken for ^i^ he withdrawing the troops. At night, indeed, the women and children were conveyed on board a vessel, and two members of the council, who superintended the embar- kation, thought it prudent not to return. At two in the following morning the leaders met, to deliberate whether they should immediately effect their escape, or delay it till next night. After much discussion, they broke up without any decision ; which amounted practically to the adoption of the latter alternative. The attack being warmly renewed at daybreak, the enemy continually gained ground. While affairs were assuming every hour a more alarming aspect, the ship, on board of which were the women and children, was seen to weigh anchor and stand down the river, while the other vessels most cul- pably followed the example. The situation of the gar- rison became then truly critical. Drake, the governor, Shameful who had all along been very inefficient as a commander, was seized with a panic, threw himself into the last remaining boat, and left his troops to their fate. Struck with astonishment and indignation, they chose Mr Hoi- well to fill his place ; but all their concern now was in 360 BRITISH CONQUEST OF BENGAL. CEAP. XL what manner to effect their deliverance. One vessel which A.ixT756. was ordered to approach, being still within reach, ran Mr HoiweU on a san( ibank, and was deserted by the crew. The most chosen W earnest and repeated signals were then made to the ships governor j na |. ^ad g 0ne down to Govindpore ; but it is very mor- tifying to state, that not one of them, to save so many brave men, chose to encounter the danger, which was by no means formidable, of approaching the walls of the Negotiations fort. Mr Holwell then saw no alternative but to open e a negotiation for surrender, and in the morning a letter was thrown over the ramparts, which was answered in the afternoon by a flag of truce. Meantime the troops, taking advantage of the confusion, had obtained access to the liquor, and were so intoxicated as to be incapable of action. The enemy, discovering how matters stood, stepped into the fort, and took possession of it without resistance. Proceedings, The Indian army, upon their first entrance into Fort .Tcffiet* William, did not commit any outrage ; but when the nabob entered, accompanied by his general Meer Jaffier, he sent for Mr Holwell, and burst into violent reproaches at his having attempted to defend the place against the ruler of Bengal. He expressed also the most extreme dissatisfaction at finding hi the treasury only the small sum of 50,000 rupees ; yet, after three interviews, he Treatment ot dismissed him with assurances, on the word of a soldier, tie prisoners. tflat no j^^ & ^ ou ^^ jj e (j one to him. The Englishman then returned to his people, and found them surrounded by a strong guard, who led them into a veranda, or arched gallery, constructed to shelter the garrison from the sun and ram, but which excluded the chambers behind it from light and air. Some quarters of the fort being on fire, they were involved in so thick a smoke as inspired them with the apprehension that a design was formed to suffocate them ; but their keepers were merely looking out for a proper place of confinement. They pitched upon a chamber employed as the common dungeon of the Black hole of fortress, called the black hole ; it consisted of a space Calcutta. e jghteen feet square, with only two small windows barred BRITISH CONQUEST OF BENGAL. 361 with iron, opening into the close veranda, and scarcely CHAP, xi admitting a breath of air. Into this narrow receptacle iTTva ihe whole of the officers and troops, 146 in number, were compelled to enter ; and on their venturing to re- monstrate, the commander ordered every one who should hesitate to be instantly cut down. Thus were they Dreadful forcibly thrust into this fearful dungeon, into which the KritisL whole number could with difficulty be squeezed ; and the door was then fast barred from without. Their first impression, on finding themselves thus immured, was the utter impossibility of surviving one night, and the necessity of extricating themselves at whatever cost. The jemautdars, or Indian guards, were walking before the window, and Mr Holwell seeing one who bore on his face a more than usual expression of humanity, ad- jured him to procure for them a room in which they could breathe, assuring him next morning of a reward of 1000 rupees. The man went away but returned, saying it was impossible. Thinking the offer had been too low, the prisoners tendered 2000 rupees. The man again went, and returned, saying that the nabob was asleep, and no one durst awake him ; the lives of 146 men being nothing in comparison to disturbing for a moment the slumbers of a tyrant. Mr Holwell has described in Sufferings f detail the horrors of that fatal night, which are scarcely >e prisoner paralleled in the annals of human misery. Every mo- ment added to their distress. All attempts to obtain relief by a change of posture, from the painful pressure to which it gave rise, only aggravated their sufferings. The air soon became pestilential, producing at every moment a feeling of suffocation ; and while the per- spiration flowed in streams, they were tormented with the most burning thirst. Unfortunately, as the stations near the windows were decidedly the best, the most dreadful struggles were made to reach them. Many of the prisoners being foreign soldiers, and now released from all subordination, made the most frightful efforts, and the sufferers, as they grew weaker, were in some instances squeezed or actually trampled to death. Loud 362 BRITISH CONQUEST OF BENGAL. state of the survivors. CHAP. XL cries being raised of " water !" the humane jemautdar A iTTioe P usned through the bars several skins filled with that liquid ; but this produced only an increase of calamity, owing to the very violent endeavours made to obtain it. The soldiers without found a savage sport in wit- nessing these contests, and even brought lights to the windows in order to view them to greater advantage. About eleven, the prisoners began to die fast ; six of Mr HolwelPs intimate friends sank at his feet, and were trodden upon by the survivors. Of those still alive, a great proportion were raving or delirious ; some uttered incoherent prayers, others the most frightful blasphemies. They endeavoured by furious invectives to induce the guards to fire into the prison and end their miseries, but without effect. When day dawned, the few who had no ex pjj. e ^ W ere most of them either raving or insensible. In this last state was the governor himself, when about six o'clock Surajah awoke and inquired for him. On learning the events of the night, he merely sent to ascertain if the English chief yet lived, and being in- formed that there were appearances as if he might re- cover, gave orders to open the fatal door. At that time, of the 146 who had been enclosed, there breathed only twent y- t ^ ree - Mr Holwell, being revived by the fresh air, was immediately supported into the presence of the nabob, who, on his beginning the dismal tale, ordered for him a seat and a draught of water, but showed no other mark of sympathy. He forthwith commenced a strict interrogatory about the supposed treasure, dis- crediting extremely the assertion that there was none ; but not being able to leam any thing on this subject, he sent that gentleman, with three others, prisoners to Muxadavad. In this voyage they suffered severely, their bodies being covered with boils, that had broken out in consequence of their confinement ; though these eruptions were considered beneficial. The other survi- vors were liberated ; while the dead bodies were, without any ceremony, thrown into a ditch. Mr Holwell seems to be of opinion that the nabob had with the nabob. BRITISH CONQUEST OP BENGAL. 363 no actual intention of causing the dreadful catastrophe, CHAP. XL but that some inferior officers had seized this opportunity A u^^ of gratifying their revenge. The utter insensibility dis- played by him, however, seems to fix thoroughly upon Suse oftiie that prince the guilt of this frightful transaction. We treatment of cannot concur with Mr Mill in throwing the blame upon the English themselves for having used this apart- ment as a prison. A room eighteen feet square might afford ample space for two or three soldiers, the greatest number probably they were ever accustomed to confine in it. The fatal effects evidently arose from the crowd thus thrust into an apartment wholly unfit to contain them. All was lost in Bengal before the presidency at Madras Effects of the were apprized that any thing was in danger ; and the j^adra^ melancholy tidings, too, arrived at a moment when the most brilliant prospects had just opened in the Deccan. Salabat Jung, after having long shown the most extreme impatience under the thraldom in which he was held by the French, resolved at length upon an effort to extricate himself. Bussy was ordered to depart ; and the subahdar, to secure his person against the resent- ment of that people, as well as the other evils from which Influence on their presence had protected him, requested from the thatJPresi. ' English a subsidiary force, by sending which they would dency have supplanted their rivals as the arbiters of Southern India. The opportunity was tempting ; but the crisis in Bengal was so urgent as made it indispensable to forego the advantage, though by their refusal they should compel the subahdar to solicit the return of Bussy, and throw himself again into the arms of the French. All the force, naval and military, which could pos- Armament sibly be spared, was now despatched to Calcutta, under to Calcutta the command, the former of Admiral Watson, and the latter of Colonel Clive. This armament, destined to establish the British empire in India, consisted only of 900 Europeans and 1500 sepoys ; and two of the ships, having on board 700 troops and many stores, were separated in a storm. The remainder arrived in the 364 BRITISH CONQUEST OF BKNGAL. CHAP. XL middle of December at Fulta, a town at some distance A D 7-50. below Calcutta, where the remnant of the English had taken refuge. Letters for the nabob were then transmit- ted to Monickchund, governor of that city ; conceived, however, in so fierce and threatening a tone, that he declared he could not venture to transmit them. The Hostilities British commanders then resolved to commence hostili- commenced. t j eg w jthout delay. Admiral Watson moved up the vessels to the vicinity of Moidapore, purposing on the following day to attack the fort of Budge-Budge, about Proceedings ten miles below the town. Clive, however, determined to advance direct upon the capital itself ; and being unable to procure boats, he disembarked and proceeded by land. As evening approached, the troops, being extremely fatigued, were allowed to ground their arms and consign themselves to slumber. They were not aware that a large force of the enemy was encamped within two miles, who, having much better means of information, advanc- ed during the night and commenced a very unexpected attack. They gained at first a considerable advantage, and even captured two field-pieces. The English com- mander, however, on being roused from sleep, refused to retreat, and soon with characteristic energy rallied his men. The enemy, notwithstanding their superior num- bers and partial success, proved altogether unable to cope with disciplined troops, and were in the end entirely defeated and dispersed. Surrender of This issue, displaying so completely the superiority atta> of a European military force, struck Monickchund with such a panic that he precipitately quitted Calcutta, leaving only a garrison of 600 to make a show of resist- ance ; and almost as soon as Admiral Watson opened his batteries, the surrender took place. The merchan- dise belonging to the factory was found entire. Some Jealousy jealousy arose between the colonel and admiral, the latter wisnin g to appoint another governor of the city, and even to exclude the Company's troops ; while the for- mer strenuously and successfully vindicated his claim to that office. Collisions continued between these two BIUTISH CONQUEST OF BENGAL. 365 commanders, though as both were zealous for the public CHAI-. XL service and at bottom esteemed each other, the Com- A ~y 767 pany's interests were not materially impeded. Captain Coote \vat> sent up against Hoogley, which after a slight resistance was taken, and plunder obtained to the extent of 15,000. The nabob, on receiving intelligence of the arrival A native and success of the English, immediately assembled his Belies on army and began to march upon Calcutta. Clive, not Calcutta, yet fully aware of the weakness of Indian potentates, was by no means forward to rush into a contest with the ruler of twenty millions of people. He considered it also of great importance to return as soon as possible to Madras, where the affairs of the Company were in so critical a state as to require his presence, and he hoped that Surajah might be induced to accede to moderate proposals. Watson, on the contrary, insisted that he Temporizing would never become inclined to peace " till he had been ^1^* eie well thrashed." But the other so far prevailed, that a mis- sion was sent to him, who were honourably received, and had terms proposed that were considered admissible. He did not, however, discontinue his march, and by various evasions avoided bringing the treaty to a conclusion. In the end of January 1757, having arrived with his whole force, he commenced intrenching himself in the neigh- bourhood of Calcutta ; and then all parties began to be persuaded that his only object hi negotiating had been to gain time. Two gentlemen, meanwhile, were sent to re- quest that he would withdraw ; but he received them with haughtiness and refused compliance. Being warn- ed by a friendly Indian to be on their guard against treachery, they departed abruptly, and reached head- quarters in safety. Clive now determined to attack the Indian army, cilve ;irtao? With the addition of 600 seamen he possessed a force of 2150, with which on the morning of the 5th of Febru- ary he advanced against the nabob. The action was fought on both sides with obstinacy and determination, but in a confused and straggling manner ; for so thick a mist en- 366 BRITISH CONQUEST OF BENGAL. CHAP. XL veloped the two armies that they could scarcely descry A. D~r?67 eacn ot h er ' The English, exposed to repeated and furi- ous charges from the enemy's cavalry, as well as from a strong battery of artillery, suffered a severe loss, amount- ing to 220 men. They finally repulsed, however, every attack ; and Surajah, mortified that his powerful host could make no impression on this small band, became not indisposed to terms of accommodation. As the in- clination was mutual, the articles were adjusted by reci- .Vrticiesof procal concession. The prince permitted the English P** 06 - to fortify Calcutta, to carry on trade, and enjoy the same privileges as before the war ; while they dropped their high though most just claims for redress and ven- geance. Even an alliance offensive and defensive was concluded, and the ambitious potentate then led his troops into the interior. Benewedwar A delicate and important question now arose ; intel- FrancTand lig ence having arrived of war being declared between France and England. The subj ects of the former, who had a strongly fortified position atChandernagore, agreed that neutrality should be observed within the province ; ad- mitting, at the same time, that they could not pledge themselves for its permanence without the sanction of the government at Pondicherry. Clive felt inclined to accept the offer, foreseeing that an attack on this post would offend the nabob and involve the British too deeply in the affairs of Bengal. On the other hand, it was considered that the security offered by the French was very preca- rious, and that when united with the native ruler, whose good will was exceedingly doubtful, and reinforced, as they might easily be, from their presidency, they could soon assemble a force which the English would be unable to resist. It was urged, therefore, that our countrymen ought to avail themselves of their present superiority to crush them, an opinion which, supported by Watson as well as by urgent representations from Madras, finally prevailed. An attempt was made to gain the prince's consent ; but he at once imposed a strict prohibition. Admiral Watson, however, wrote a letter earnestly de- BRITISH CONQUEST OF BEXQAL. 36/ nianding this sanction, with somewhat formidable threats CHAP. XL in case of refusal. This drew forth a reply of vague A ^~^ ie - consent, saying, " Whatever you think right, that do ;" and to Mr Watts, the English resident at his court, he J'tiKuZL intimated that he would not intermeddle. As soon, however, as he learned that the expedition was in mo- tion, he retracted, and wrote in the most peremptory style commanding them to stop. This was treated as an in- dignity and totally disregarded. Clive pushed on, com- siege and menced the siege on the 14th May 1757, and immediately cSdema- drove in the outposts. A brave resistance was made ; but gore, the admiral soon came up with the fleet, opened a heavy cannonade, and carried on operations with such skill and vigour as to compel in a short time unconditional surrender. The garrison, consisting of 500 European and 700 native troops, became prisoners of war, and a vast quantity of stores was captured. Complete success had crowned this undertaking ; yet Critical Clive soon felt the critical situation in which his very ci^ ioa f triumph had placed him. The nabob was raving in a furious, though childish manner, menacing destruction to Mr Watts ; and he was emboldened by the retreat of Ahmed Abdallah, the Patan chief, who had threaten- ed an invasion of Bengal. He was now sure of support from the French, of whom a small body was still left, while reinforcements were expected, and said even to be on the march by way of Cuttack. As the English in- imbecile sisted that the whole of that nation should be banish- ed from his dominions, he professed to have already done so, but complained that their demands were endless. Continuing in the same state of puerile irritation, he one day offered to Meer Jaffier, his prime minister, ten lacks of rupees if he would march and destroy the Bri- tish, but next morning repented. This lamentable ex- hibition of weakness, with the vicinity of the Company's establishment, led to events which gave an entirely new turn to Indian affairs. An oriental court, especially in so disorganized a state as those of India then were, in which no regular law of 368 BRITISH CONQUEST OF BENGAL. CHAP. XL succession was recognised, usually presents numerous ele- ments of treason. Among the nabob's principal chiefs, several who were disgusted with his violent and capricious behaviour were at the same time ambitious of filling his place, and Mr Watts, who still continued resident, afforded a channel through whom applications could be made. The first overture came from one named Khuda Yar Khan Lattee, who proposed with the aid of the British to de- throne his master, assuring them that they would be aided by the Seits, a family of native merchants and bankers possessed of immense wealth. This transaction acquired a greatly augmented importance when it was announced that Meer Jaffier, the premier, was ready to engage in it on condition of being raised to supreme power in the room of the other. Clive, on receiving this inti- mation, considered the revolution as already effected. His eyes seeoa to have been at once opened to the de- merits of Surajah, whom he describes as a villain who could not be trusted, but must be overset, " he or we must fall," at the same time, to prevent any suspicion, he wrote him a soothing letter. Nothing remained but to arrange the terms, with which view the colonel hastened to the presidency, and kid the project before the Select Committee. They gave their cordial concurrence, and Admiral Watson agreed to afford his co-operation. Extravagant It was determined to demand the cession of all the French factories and effects, and the entire exclusion of that nation from Bengal ; the grant of a considerable territory around Calcutta, with a pecuniary compensa- tion for losses sustained, amounting to 10,000,000 of rupees for the Company, 5,000,000 to the British in- habitants, and 2,700,000 to the natives and Armenians. For the army 2,500,000 were demanded, and a like sum for the navy. One of the members of the com- mittee chancing to ask why they should not claim something for themselves, his proposal obtained a unani- mous concurrence, and 1,200,000 rupees were fixed, to be distributed among each, corresponding to their re- spective ranks. The most boundless and extravagant BRITISH CONQUEST OF BE.NGAL. 369 ideas prevailed in general respecting the wealth of Indian CHAP. XL princes ; wild reports had represented that of the nabob ^ fTTTor as amounting to forty-five millions sterling ; and it was supposed certainly not to fall short of four millions and a half ; though, as Mr Orme observes, the consideration wealth, that Aliverdi Khan had been employed during his whole reign in repelling a series of formidable invasions, might have proved even this last estimate to be very unreason- able. When these demands, amounting to nearly three millions sterling, were laid before Meer Jaffier, his mi- nister Roydoolub declared it utterly impossible for the Bengal treasury to defray them ; but as the English re- fused to make any abatement, and conciliated the official by high expectations, he at last adopted the Indian plan of promising every thing, leaving the performance to be regulated by circumstances. It may be mentioned as a characteristic feature in this negotiation, that Omichund, Omichund a native who had been let into the secret, threatened to cntwitte<1 - make a disclosure unless his silence were purchased at an immense price. To defeat this manoeuvre, Clive caused two treaties to be drawn up, one real, which con- tained no stipulation whatever in favour of that person, the other prepared solely for the purpose of being shown to him, and comprising an agreement to pay him not less than two millions of rupees. The colonel having signed the latter, presented it to Admiral Watson, who honour- ably refused his signature. On being asked, however, whether he would allow another to write it for him, he gave a sort of half consent, saying, " he left them to do as they pleased." His handwriting was then counter- feited, and, by showing this treaty to Omichund, his silence was secured ; but the discovery of the deceit afterwards drove him into a state of derangement, terminating hi con- firmed idiotism. Mr Mill brands this as an act of the Opinions most consummate baseness ; while Sir John Malcolm of 1 cuve's* 5 contends, that in a case of glaring and avowed treachery, proceedings like that of this Hindoo, a similar act, employed solely to counterwork the other, became justifiable. His argu- ments certainly have considerable force ; yet we cannot, 3/0 BRITISH CONQUEST OF BENGAL. CHAP. XL on the whole, reconcile the transaction to our ideas of English honour. Clive having mustered his troops at Chandernagore, tegan his march on the 13th June 1757, with 3100 men, of whom only 750 were British ; and with this force undertook to effect the subversion of a mighty kingdom. As he approached the encampment of the nabob at Plas- sey, near Cossimbuzar, unpleasant notices were received as to the conduct of Meer Jaffier, who having held fre- quent conferences with his master, had apparently ac- commodated all differences, and bound himself by the most solemn oaths to make common cause with him. He privately, indeed, transmitted assurances that these Suspicions were only feints to lull the prince's suspicions; but, Meer U Jaffier. - trom ^ evi ^ently keeping up the same appearances to both parties, there remained doubts as to which he really intended to betray. For this reason, when the British commander arrived opposite the island of Cossimbuzar, at some distance above which lay encamped the native army of 35,000 foot, 15,000 horse, and a strong train of artil- Councii of kry, ne paused. On the 21st he called a council of war, * ar a measure which, it has been observed, almost invari- ably issues in a determination not to give battle. He opened thedebate by expressing hisownconvictionagainst attacking the enemy under present circumstances. The other speakers concurred, with the exception of Major Coote, who argued that the troops, now full of courage and confidence, would feel their spirits entirely damped by the proposed delay ; that the enemy would soon ob- tain fresh reinforcements, more particularly a large de- tachment of French now in the interior ; in short, that there was no alternative, but cither to attack now, or, renouncing all their ambitious projects, march back and shut themselves up within the walls of Calcutta. The opposite opinion was carried by a majority, \\ith whom Clive himself voted ; but on dismissing the coun- cil, he took a solitary walk in an adjoining grove, and after an hour's meditation became convinced, that Coote's advice was the soundest, and determined to BRITISH CONQUEST OF BENGAL. Sf] follow it. Accordingly, next day he crossed the river, CHAP. XT. and marched fifteen miles towards the enemy, who at A . 77:57. dawn on the following morning were seen encamped at the distance of a mile. The battle of Plasscy, which virtually transferred to Battl* ot Britain the sceptre of India, was by no means fought with a vigour corresponding to the great interests at stake. The enemy commenced the attack on the 23d of June at six in the morning, while the English, covered by a grove and a high bank, remained almost the whole day on the defensive, keeping up a straggling cannonade. At one time, indeed, several brisk movements were made by the adverse cavalry, which were repulsed by the steady fire of the field-pieces ; but so languidly did the contest pro- ceed, that Colonel Clive is reported to have fallen asleep in the midst of it, which Mr Orme accounts for by the great fatigue he had undergone. The nabob, however, as cowardly as cruel, remained in his tent, and was much discouraged to learn that his antagonists had not fled, and still more that Meer Murdeen, the best and most faithful of his generals, had fallen. The chief interest was felt Desertion by respecting the course to be followed by Meer Jaffier, which remained for a long time mysterious ; and his list, corps, even when it began to make a movement towards the left, not being recognised by our countrymen, was treated as hostile. Soon, however, it was seen decidedly to separate from the rest of the army, and Clive then de- termined to make an immediate and brisk assault upon their camp. It was attended with complete and instant Total defeat success ; for scarcely had the onset begun, when the enemy ** Ul fled, abandoning their tents, baggage, and artillery. The pursuit was continued six miles ; several officers of dis- tinction were slain, and forty pieces of cannon taken. The loss on the British side was only twenty-two killed and fifty wounded. The nabob, seized with panic, gave up all for lost, mounted a camel and fled, escorted by 2000 of his chosen cavalry. Next day an interview was appointed at Daudpore be- Jjjj tween the English commander aad Meer Jaffier. The .laffier. 372 BRITISH COXQTJEST OF BENGAL. CHAP. XL latter approached with evident symptoms of fear, dread- A lTT757 m o resentment on account of his cold and doubtful co- operation. On his entrance, the guard in sign of respect His reception presented arms, when, interpreting this as a menacing by ciiie. " attitude, he started back in alarm. Clive however ad- vanced, and saluted him Nabob of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa; after which entire cordiality prevailed during the conference, and measures were concerted for the pursuit of Surajah Dowlah. That prince had arrived at Daudpore about midnight after the battle ; and several of his principal officers being already there, he assembled them in council. Rejecting the advice urged by some of them, that he should surrender to the English, he concurred with those who recommended that he should give donations to the troops, and place himself next day at their head. But when he returned to the seraglio, and learned the near approach of Meer Jaffier, his timid disposition gained the ascendency. He disguised himself in an humble garb, and, with his favourite eunuch and concubine, carrying a casket of his most precious jewels, placed himself in a barge and endeavoured to push up the river to Patna, where, from the fidelity of the governor, he expected to be in safety. He arrived at Rajemahl, Flight and where the boatmen, overcome by fatigue, insisted on resting for the night, and the ex-nabob sought conceal- ment in a deserted garden. In the morning, however, a man of low rank, whose ears in a fit of rage he had formerly caused to be cut off, discovered him, and made the report to a brother of Jaffier, who gave notice to the soldiers engaged in the pursuit. They hastened to seize their prey, and conveyed him down the river to Mux- adavad, treating him on the passage with every species of indignity. The unhappy prince was dragged like a felon into the palace which he had so lately occupied in His reception all the pomp of eastern royalty. Jaffier showed himself somewhat affected at this spectacle, not indeed without reason, having owed every thing to Aliverdi Khan, grand- father to Surajah, of whom also he had no serious ground of complaint. He desired the captive prince to retire. apture of nabob. BRITISH CONQUEST OF BENGAL. 373 an J assembled his counsellors to deliberate on his fate. CHAP. XL Some recommended clemency; others, among whom ^."1757 was his son Meeran. aged about seventeen, urged the cruel but safe expedient of putting him to instant death, nation'by*" The new nabob still hesitated, when the youth entreated ^eemc. him to go to bed and leave to him the care of the royal captive. He consented, not without an obvious presen- timent of what would follow. Meeran lost no time in sending a band of assassins to the apartment of the pri- soner, who met his end with weak and pusillanimous lamentations ; and the view of his remains, placed on an elephant and carried through the streets, induced the servile crowd to yield implicit submission to his succes- sor. Surajah Dowlah perhaps deserved his fate ; yet the circumstances attending it, and the persons by whom it was inflicted, rendered it an act of the basest treachery. Meanwhile the English made all due haste to com- state of the mence the important investigation into the contents of the ^asmy. Bengal treasury ; and the result, as Meer Jamer's minister had intimated, created the most bitter disappointment. To pay the stipulated amount of 22,000,000 rupees, there was found in the exchequer only 15,000,000, and it could not be entirely emptied. It was necessary, therefore, to be content with the immediate receipt of one-half, and to accept the promise of paying the rest in three annual instalments. Even of this half, our countrymen were obliged to take a third in jewels and other precious effects; yet there was paid down hi cash 800,000, the largest Large sum of prize-money, it is presumed, which they or any pnze other European nation ever received in India. The chiefs also were graciously pleased to accept in return for their services presents of very large amount, a mode of remu- neration accordant, it is said, with Indian ideas, though one cannot view it as particularly honourable. Clive acknow- Share of the ledged to have received 160,000, while to each member ^ of council there fell 24,000. As Watson did not come in regularly for a share, one was made for him by deducting a tenth from that of the others, an arrangement with which several of the officers were extremely dissatisfied. New difficul- ties of the Bengal government. 374 BRITISH CONQUEST OF BENGAL. Soon after, the government of Bengal was involved in peculiar difficulties. The distracted state of the province excited the hopes of the native princes, who expected that it would fall an easy prey ; and the eldest son of the Mogul, called the shazada, having obtained from his father the investiture as Suhahdar of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, proceeded to establish hia claim by arms. The force which he could command was exceedingly small ; but he was supported by two distinguished officers, now established nearly as independent rulers. One was the Nabob of Oude, a fine province north of the Ganges, once the seat of a powerful empire. The other was the Subahdar of Allahabad, a fertile region along the same river, the capital of which, situated at the junction of the Ganges and the Jumna, is one of the largest and most venerated cities of the empire. Akbar made it a favourite residence, and erected at the angle of the cur- rents the Choices Saloon, a spacious fortress, which, having its gateways ornamented with domes and cupolas, exhibits one of the most striking specimens of Indian architecture. The British have since added new defences, and chosen it as their chief military depot for the upper provinces. The interests of his country, and the treaty with Meer Jaffier, alike impelled Clive to aid that ruler in repelling the invasion. This conduct is branded by Mr Mill as " undisguised rebellion ;" but when we con- sider that the power of the Mogul over all distant pro- vinces had for a long time been quite nominal, and that prince merely a tool in the hands of others, who regarded his authority almost as little as Jaffier did, we are brought to view the subject somewhat differently. The Eng- lish, having united their forces at Moorshedabad to those of the nabob, marched upon Patna, which was with difficulty defended by Ramnarain, one of his adherents. A very serious contest would now have ensued, had not the native chiefs, instead of forwarding the views of their master, begun to quarrel among themselves. The Nabob of Oude seized Allahabad, and the subahdar, having proceeded to its defence, was inveigled .into the !F.S SATOO.V AT AI.LAIIAI! AD. BRITISH CONQUEST OF BENGAL. 377 power of his enemy. The shazada was left without CHAP. XL support in any quarter, and, as Mr Mill observes, " the A .^" 76(X descendant of so many illustrious sovereigns, and the undoubted heir of a throne once among the loftiest on j^onof the globe, was so bereft of friends and resources, that he the shazada. was induced to write a letter to Clive, requesting a sum of money for his subsistence, and offering in requital to withdraw from the province." It was granted, on the condition of his presently evacuating the district ; and the British commander was thus enabled, with remark- able ease, to bring this important affair to a happy ter- mination. Jaffier was so eager to testify his gratitude, that, notwithstanding his necessities, he bestowed upon him, hi name of jaghire, the rent due by the Company ,or the territory round Calcutta, About this time the colonel sent a force against the Circars, which obtained at least their nominal submission ; and having repulsed an attack made by the Dutch, he resigned the govern- ment in February 1760, and sailed for Europe. Meantime the interior was by no means tranquil, state of the The young prince, who, on his father being put to death mterior by the Mahrattas, succeeded to the almost empty title of Great Mogul, renewed his pretensions upon Bengal, and was again seconded by the Nabob of Oude, on whom he had conferred the still imposing rank of vizier. Their combined forces had advanced upon Patna, and gained a considerable advantage over the garrison, before Colonel Caillaud, now commanding the English army as well as the native troops under Meeran, Jafner's son, could arrive Partial to their aid. lie made the attack on the 22d February, ] 760 ; and though the Indian auxiliaries were rendered nearly useless by a very injudicious position, the British and sepoys alone poured in so effective a fire as drove the enemy off the field, and obliged them to retire to Bahar. Meeran, however, who had received a slight wound, re-entered Patna, and resigned himself to ease and pleasure. The defeated army then conceived the bold design of marching across the country by the shortest route to Moorshedabad, and surprising the nabob in his 8J8 BRITISH CONQUEST OF BENGAL. CHAP. XL capital. It is believed, had this enterprise been as A.rTT-60 promptly executed as it was ably planned, that the object might have been accomplished ; but the chiefs forsuSS? indulged in the usual dilatory habits of an oriental army, the nabob. an( j Caillaud had time, by rapidly conveying troops down the river, to reinforce his ally, and deter the enemy from the meditated attack. Returning hastily by the same route, they reached Patna before the English, and, aided by M. Law with a French force, reduced that city to great extremity. Captain Knox, however, marching above two hundred miles under a burning sun in thir- teen days, relieved it, and obliged the enemy to fall back. state of Affairs in Bengal meantime were by no means in a Bra^i!" satisfactory state. Jaffier proved an indolent, voluptu- ous, and tyrannical ruler. Instead of being able to pay up the instalments due to his allies, he could not find funds for his own extravagant expenses ; and he endea- voured to fill his coffers by plundering the native chiefs, three of whom at one time rose in rebellion. The revenues of three districts indeed were assigned for the liquidation of the British debt, while the monopoly of saltpetre and other exorbitant commercial privileges were granted ; but Misgovern- it soon became sufficiently evident that he had forgotten S ent j f ffl a ^ k* 8 obligations to the English, and yielded only from fear or the impossibility of otherwise maintaining his power. On a full survey of these circumstances, the heads of the council formed the determination of supplanting Meer Jaffier, or at least of placing the real power in the hands of another. After much deliberation, it was resolved that his successor should be his own son-in-law, Meer Cossim, who alone appeared to possess the energy necessary to retrieve the sinking affairs of the country. His dignified Mr Vansittart repaired to Moorshedabad, and endeavour- reagnatio.i. ed to prevail upon the nabob to consent to an arrange- ment, by which he should retain the pomp and state of royalty, while the government would be administered by Cossim ; but Jaffier, though he felt it impossible to resist, proudly refused the mere shadow of authority, and BRITISH CONQUEST OF BENGAL. 379 preferred to pass the remainder of his days in Calcutta CHAP, xi as a private individual. A.fTi760 Meer Cossim applied himself with talent and vigour to the task of governing. By judicious arrangements, SIeerCoa and by extracting money from the native chiefs, he suc- ceeded in paying up the arrears due to our countrymen. But urgent circumstances soon called the allied powers to the frontier ; for the emperor, still aided in some degree by the sovereign of Oude, contrived to make several harassing incursions into the nabob's territory. Major Carnac marched to its defence, and having soon brought the Mogul army to action, completely defeated it. The most remarkable event was the capture of M. Law, who, Capture of with a handful of French troops, had hitherto been the M ' chief support of the native armies against the English. Deserted by his men, he bestrode one of the guns, and in that attitude awaited the approach of death. The Hindoos, strangers to any refined laws of war, were much surprised to see the British officers approach, courteously invite him to their camp, and treat him as an honoured and respected guest. The major, after the battle, sent overtures of accommodation, accompanied even with an offer to wait upon the emperor in his camp ; and though these proposals were at first rejected, the prince, on mature reflection, not only received the victorious commander, but proceeded with him to Patna. He was there met by Meer Cossim, and a treaty was Treaty concluded, by which the latter was invested Subahdar agreed * of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa ; and in return for this he stipulated to pay the annual sum of twenty-four lacks of rupees, or three millions sterling. Some reason was even given to expect that our countrymen might aid in restoring the prince to the imperial power ; but the em- barrassed state of the finances, and other circumstances now to be related, prevented any steps from being taken in fulfilment of that object. The first measures of Meer Cossim's government were rirst mea- i jv-ji-v. i it -tVi sures of Mew prudent and vigorous ; and, had he been lelt to tne cossim's exercise of independent power, he might have become a government 380 BRITISH CONQUEST OF BENGAL. CHAP. XL very good ruler. But he stood in a relation to his A. D~T760 patrons which a high-spirited prince could scarcely con- tinue to brook. After having twice deposed and set up a nabob, they not only felt themselves, but were viewed by others, as the real masters of Bengal ; and their most sub- Effects of ordinate officers conceived that they were entitled to the mutual je*- obedience of the highest native authorities. This bad feeling was fomented by a party in the council hostile to the governor, who not only soon became the majority, but, having been originally adverse to the elevation of Meer Cossim, delighted to thwart him in every possible man- ner. This body, mindful of the circumstances which attended Jaffier^s elevation, made the modest demand of twenty lacks of rupees as personal presents. Cossim positively denied the promise and refused payment. His conduct was highly approved by the Company, while that of the council was strongly condemned, a circumstance, it may be feared, which still farther imbittered their feelings against the nabob. Ellis was at the head of the ruling party ; and being stationed with a detachment at Patna, obtained permission to act there as he pleased, Serious and an( ^ ne behaved in the most domineering manner towards weii-foundcti the prince. The complaints of this ruler assumed a serious shape, in consequence of the privileges with regard to trade which the English claimed in virtue of a former grant from the Mogul. They were thereby exempted from those heavy transit duties which, according to the impolitic system prevalent in India, were imposed on all goods passing up and down the river, and from city to city. This immunity, which gave to them an immense advantage over the natives, was farther abused by affording the sanction of their name to agents, by whom the regular merchants were entirely driven off the field. In consequence of the heavy complaints lodged by the nabob upon this subject, Mr Vansittart, at Monghir, concluded an agreement, according to which the same duties were to be paid by the Company's ser- vants and by the country traders. This judicious ar- rangement, after the Indian prince had somewhat hastily BRITISH CONQUEST OF BENGAL. 381 begun to act upon it, was annulled by the majority of CHAP. xi. the council, and affairs were again thrown into their ^j^Y-co. former confusion. The nabob then determined to end the controversy by abolishing at once all those inland duties, a measure salutary in itself, but of which the English unreasonably and loudly complained, because it left no distinction between them and his own subjects. As the tide of discontent swelled, both parties began to Mutual assume a warlike attitude. His highness busied himself ] r e P a ions in raising money, levying troops, and disciplining them in the European manner. Learning that some boats with military stores were proceeding up the Ganges to Patna, he ordered them to be detained ; but soon after, feeling this to be a questionable step, he allowed them to proceed. No sooner, however, had Mr Ellis received news of the first detention, than he resolved, agreeably to conditional instructions from the council, to attack that city, which, being ill-provided for defence, was quickly carried. Cossim, on receiving intelligence of Declaration this violent measure, became exceedingly furious, and f ^ t thenceforth breathed nothing but war. He was, how- Cossim. ever, soon gratified, by learning that the victors, having resigned themselves to security and plunder, had been surprised by the late governor, driven from their con- quest, and, in attempting to escape up the river, had been all taken prisoners. The factory at Cossimbuzar, with its garrison, was also captured. The English now again raised to power Meer Jaffier, Renewed whom the blind desire of governing induced to forget all ^.jfi^Meer 115 his wrongs. At the same time Major Adams, who com- Jaffier. manded the troops, was ordered to open the campaign with the utmost possible vigour ; and he found Meer Cos- sim better prepared for resistance than any Indian sove- reign who had yet been encountered. The British had first to defeat a strong advanced guard in front of Moor- shedabad, and afterwards to storm the lines constructed for the defence of the city ; when continuing to press for- ward, they discovered the subahdar with his whole force drawn up in the plain of Geriah. The troops presented 382 BRITISH CONQUEST OF BENGAL. liar's ( Success of the British. CHAP. XL the aspect of a European army ; being brigaded, clothed, A, r7T760 an< ^ accoutred in the English style, and supported by a fine train of artillery. Their number did not exceed tti h e a suba e h- f 20,000 horse and 8000 foot ; but to oppose this force Major Adams had only 3000 men. He led them on, how- ever, to the attack, which the enemy withstood four hours with great intrepidity ; at one period they had even sur- rounded and broken a part of his line, and captured two pieces of cannon. But at length, the steady and disciplin- ed valour of the assailants carried every thing before it ; and the native warriors fled, abandoning all their artillery and provisions. Their prince, notwithstanding, retired to an intrenched camp on the Oodwa, so strongly enclosed between the river, the mountains, and a swamp, that its reduction detained the army nearly a whole month. In the end it was surprised and carried ; after which he never again attempted to face his adversaries in the open field. Adams immediately marched and laid siege to Monghir, which the subahdar had made his capital, and carefully fortified. After nine days of regular ope- rations the place capitulated, which threw the Indian chief into a dreadful paroxysm of rage. He sent notice, that the moment the English force should advance upon Patna, he would avenge himself by putting to death the whole garrison who had been taken in that city. The commanding officer, much distressed by this menace, addressed a letter to the prisoners, entreating them to suggest some expedient by which their release might be effected. Ellis and Hay, however, with a truly Roman spirit, answered, that there was no hope of escape, that they were resigned to their fate, and entreated that the march of the army should not be suspended on their account for a single moment. Vansittart wrote to Meer Cossim, at once deprecating his intended cruelty and threatening the most signal vengeance ; but as soon as the troops began to move, the tyrant fulfilled to the ut- most his bloody purpose. The whole garrison of Patna, consisting of 60 gentlemen and 100 soldiers, were put to death, with the single exception of Mr Fullerton, Barbarous cruelty of Cossira. BRITISH CONQUEST OP BENGAL. 383 who was spared on account of his medical skill. The CHAP. xi. nabob killed also the two Seits, the most opulent and ADTnto. distinguished native inhabitants of Bengal, solely for their known attachment to the English. By these barbarities he forfeited the interest which his spirited conduct and hard treatment would otherwise have excited. The nabob's onlv hope henceforth rested on Patna, investment which was soon afterwards invested. He reinforced the garrison with 10,000 men, and supported the defence by strong bodies of irregular cavalry. The resistance was vigorous ; the garrison took one of the English batteries, and blew up their magazine ; yet in eight days a breach was effected, and the place was taken by storm. Cossim then gave up all for lost, and fled into the country of Flight of Oude to implore the aid and protection of the subahdur, 0! Sujah Dowlah. That prince had then a still more illus- trious refugee, in the individual who by legitimate de- scent bore the mighty name of the Great Mogul. At this court the fugitive viceroy was well received, and Sujah, probably with a view to his own aggrandizement, undertook to support his cause ; after which these three distinguished personages marched with their united force to attack the British army, which happened then to bevery ill prepared to sustain so formidable an encounter. The Discontent*! troops, composed in a great measure of foreigners and British * '" sepoys, complained that, after such a series of brilliant forces, victories, they were left not only without reward, but suffering severely from the climate and scarcity of pro- visions. Their discontents broke forth into open mutiny, and numbers even separated from the main body. Major Carnac, who in these circumstances assumed the com- mand, did not feel himself in a condition to xmdertake offensive operations, but waited the attack in his camp near Patna. The soldiers, when engaged in battle, for- got their mutinous propensities, and behaved with the utmost steadiness. After a protracted conflict, they completely repulsed the enemy though from extreme fatigue they were unfit for any lengthened pursuit. Sujah 384 BRITISH CONQUEST OF BENGAL. CHAP XL A.D 17G4. Major Monra Treatment of the mutineers. Overtures for peace. New native alliance against the English. Dowlah was obliged to retreat into Oude, whither the English commander did not attempt to follow him. In May 1764 the command devolved upon Major Hector Monro, an enterprising officer, who determined to follow up the advantages gamed by his predecessors. It appeared indispensable, however, to begin by com- pletely checking the spirit of insubordination, and to employ for this purpose measures of imposing rigour. A battalion of sepoys having left the camp soon after he had joined, was pursued and brought back ; when, selecting twenty-four of the ringleaders, he ordered them to be blown from the mouth of a cannon, a fate which they met with much intrepidity. No disposi- tion to mutiny being thenceforth manifested, Mouro marched against Sujah, whom he found strongly in- trenched at Buxar on the river Soane. The difficulty of attacking the enemy in this position was obviated by their advancing against the British at eight in the morning of the 23d October ; when, after a combat of three hours, they were defeated. They made their retreat, however, without being pursued to any great distance, but losing an immense quantity of stores, and 130 pieces of artillery. The emperor had already made overtures to Major Car- nac, which that officer did not think himself authorized to accept ; these he now renewed, complaining that Dowlah treated him with indignity, and detained him as a mere state-prisoner. Major Monro gave a favourable answer, and only delayed the final acceptance of his proposals till they should receive the sanction of the presidency, which was readily granted. Even before it arrived, the Mogul had come over with the corps per- sonally attached to him, and begun to march under the banner of his allies. The nabob, having retreated into the interior of his dominions, obtained the aid of a body of Mahrattas under Mulhar Rao, and of Ghazee-ud-Dien, who, as we have seen, were once the most powerful adherents of the Mogul throne. With these auxiliaries he hoped to make a stand against the victorious English. Sir Robert BRITISH CONQUEST OF BENGAL. 385 Fletcher, however, who held the temporary command, CP.AP. xi laid siege to Allahabad, which surrendered as soon as a A. D^TCA breach had been effected. Carnac, now raised to the rank of general, succeeded him, and immediately ad- vanced to attack the army of the vizier, which, with scarcely an effort, was completely dispersed ; whereupon that prince was obliged to abandon all his dominions. The British had now certainly made one of the most Splendid splendid campaigns that occur in the annals of any ^paign. nation. They had gained five victories against much superior forces ; they had reduced every strong place which attempted to oppose them ; they had vanquished the Mogul emperor and all his principal feudatories ; and, in short, had made themselves the virtual masters of the great central plain of India. Various opinions, however, prevailed as to the best mode of improving these important advantages. Meer Jaffier had died, partly it should seem, of vexa- Death of tion at not having been able to meet the enormous Meer tTaffior pecuniary demands of the English rulers. The council, after some hesitation, filled his place with his son, Nu- jeem-ul-Dowlah, a youth of twenty, whom they reduced, however, to a much more dependent situation than his predecessors. They took upon themselves the whole defence of the province, and consequently kept in their hands the entire military force ; assuming, at the same time, an extensive control over the internal administra- tion of affairs. Meantime the directors at home, amid the triumphs Anxiety of which had crowned their arms, were agitated by many anxieties. It was not from any impulse imparted by t he m that the career of conquest had been pursued. They uo not appear indeed to have desired any farther posses- sions than were necessary for the security of their trade. Without absolutely censuring the council for their pro- ceedings relative to Meer Jaffier and Cossim, they ex- pressed some apprehension lest their character for good faith and moderation should be thereby injured. Three revolutions had occurred in the course of as many years, 386 BRITISH CONQUEST OF BENGAL. CHAP. XL by which their very existence in India had been exposed tc A. DTnes. hazard- In particular, they complained of the enormous and incessant expenses in which these transactions in- C reearions T l ve(J them, and which they had not been able to defray position of without reducing their dividend 25 per cent. They had possessions! 1 a1lSO found extreme difficulty in answering the demand for men, which indeed would have been impossible, had not government supplied them with some regular troops ; it was not even very easy to charter vessels for their conveyance. They soon discovered the reckless profusion and even gross corruption which prevailed Want of a among then* Indian servants. A statesman of compre- aWe'goTer- hensive views and vigorous character seemed wanting to ** place their affairs in the East on a stable and tranquil footing, as well as to introduce order and regularity into the various branches of so extended an administration. With this view, their attention was directed to the same person who had been the real founder of their dominions ; Appointment and Lord Clive, about three years after his return, was ' llve> proposed a second time for the supreme command of the British provinces in India. He refused to accept unless invested with the most ample powers, and placed entirely beyond the control of the council. This was strongly objected to, yet finally sanctioned by the small majority of thirteen to eleven. nis arrival at His lordship arrived at Calcutta early in the year utta> 1765 ; but we shall reserve till another occasion our notice of his internal regulations, and proceed at pre- sent to record those measures by which he achieved the farther extension of the Company's territory. Sujah Dowlah, though defeated in successive battles, and driven even beyond his frontier, still possessed energy and great resources. Having collected his scattered troops, and ob- tained a reinforcement from the Mahrattas, he formed an army with which he again ventured to face General s^'ah ' f Carnac. At Calpy however he was completely routed> and compelled to flee precipitately with great loss across the Jumna. Considering his cause as altogether desperate, he repaired to the camp of the English, and threw him- BRITISH CONQUEST OF BENGAL. 387 self entirely upon their mercy. He had been strongly CHAP. XL urged, and high offers were even made to induce this ^ 5~1T6&. prince to bring with him Meer Cossim ; but with a sense of honour not usual in an eastern potentate, he deter- mined not to betray a person who had sought and re- ceived his protection. He allowed him, and a German, Sumroo, his associate in the work of blood, to seek shelter in the countries bordering on the Indus. Thus Carnac had at once in his camp two princes holding the highest rank in India, and the direct representatives of an empire lately the most splendid and powerful in the world Lord Clive, on receiving this intelligence, immediately Favourable repaired to the British encampment at Allahabad, where sujaif'by these two illustrious personages awaited his decision LordCiivo. upon their fate. It had been determined, in consequence of the obstinate hostility displayed by Sujah, to deprive him of all his territories and bestow them on the em- peror. But his lordship, on forming a personal acquaint- ance, conceived so favourable an opinion of him, and judged him likely to be so much more effective as an ally and formidable as an enemy than the young Mogul, that he resolved to restore him to his dominions, by whose inhabitants he was greatly beloved. To the em- peror, the districts of Corah and Allahabad were assigned ; and he agreed, that is, was compelled, to grant to the Company the dewannee or collection of the revenue, including in fact the entire sovereignty, of the fine pro- vinces of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa ; in return for which he was to receive annually twenty-six lacks of rupees, which, after all, was greater than he had ever enjoyed. Soon after, Nujeem-ul-Dowlah, the nominal subahdar of these provinces, was obliged to retire on a pension of forty-two lacks. Clive then boasted, that the reve- dive's nues of the ceded territory would amount to more than 250 lacks of rupees, which, after the deductions now stated and the liberal allowance of 60 for the expenses of government, would leave 122 of clear gain to the Com- pany. These financial anticipations were very imper- 388 BRITISH CONQUEST OP BENGAL. CHAP. xi. fectly realized ; but it was difficult for England not to A.lTi7fi b e dazzled with a succession of such splendid victories, by which her possessions, that ten years before had included only an almost defenceless fort at the mouth of the Ganges, now extended over all the finest portion of that vast region. The most valuable part of the great central plain of India, westward as far as the Jumna, was either in the immediate possession or under the entire control of the British nation. WAR WITH MYSORE. CHAPTER XII. War with Mysore Formation of tl e Kingdom of Mysore Influence of the Ministers Deoraj and P.unjeraj Hyder His Parentage His early Desti- tution Begins to distinguish himself Mode in which he forms a Body of Adherents Commands at Dindigul His Power aug- mentedViolence of Nunjeraj, who is reduced to Distress Hyder relieves and then supplants him His own Danger Extricates himself, and becomes complete Master of Mysore Conquest of Bednore Invasion by the Mahrattas Conquest of Calicut The English join a Confederacy against him The Mahrattas make Peace Nizam joins Hyder against the English They invade the Carnatic Threaten Madras Battle of Trin- omalee Nizam quits the Alliance Invasion of Mysore Suc- cesses of Hyder He overruns the Carnatic Again threatens Madras Conclusion of Peace Another great inroad of the Mahrattas Hyder concludes a Treaty with them, and makes farther Conquests His Resentment against the English Weak Conduct of the Madras Government Hyder invades and deso- lates the Carnatic Fate of Colonel Baillie's Detachment Sii Eyre Coote sent from Calcutta He gains several Advantages Loss of Colonel Brathwaite's Detachment Negotiations Ope- rations on the Western Coast Death of Hyder Tippoo suc- ceeds Dissensions in the Madras Government Death of Sir Eyre Coote Peace between England and France Bednore sur- renders to General Mathews Retaken by the Sultan Siege o Mangalore Peace with Tippoo. IN the general breaking up of the Mogul empire and its CHAP, xil great viceroyalties, India was reduced almost to a state A. > 1740. 390 WAR WITH MYSORE. CHAP. xn. of anarchy. Any bold adventurer, who could summon D 1740 round ^^ tne wai> l ike and predatory bands with which that region abounded, might aspire to rule over exten- sive districts, several of which were entitled to rank as Kingdom of kingdoms. Among such communities a conspicuous Mysore. place was held by Mysore, the territory of which forms one of the most remarkable of those elevated table -lands that diversify the southern provinces. It stretches more than half-way from sea to sea, closely approaching the Malabar coast on the one side, and on the other reaching to the border of the Carnatic. A circuit of lofty hills, forming a barrier round the country, raise its general surface to the height of almost 3000 feet ; a happy cir- cumstance, which secures for it a climate unusually tem- perate and salubrious. The soil is generally well suited for producing the most valuable grains and fruits, and by a rude but careful cultivation is rendered extremely fertile. This kingdom, under the direction of a daring soldier, rose to such power as to threaten the very ex- istence of the British dominion in the East. Government Mysore, down to a recent period, had not been entirely of Mysore, subjected to the Mohammedan sway ; it was still ruled by native princes, who paid homage, and sometimes tribute, first to the kings of the Deccan, and after their fall to the Mogul. In the decline of the latter sovereignty both these were withheld, unless when the imperial lieu- tenant could assemble a force sufficiently strong to wrest payment from the local sovereign. This independence, however, was of little avail to the original rajahs, who, sinking, according to the custom of oriental princes, into voluptuous indolence, allowed the government to pass almost entirely into the hands of their ministers. When the war in the Caruatic first led the English into hostility with Mysore, twc brothers, Deoraj and Nunje- uie Carnatic. raj, of whom the latter possessed the more vigorous cha- racter, had risen to the head of affairs. At this tune, however, there was coming into notice a young adven- turer, destined to effect a complete revolution in that country, and in all Southern India. WAR WITH MYSORE. 391 Colonel Wilks, from native authorities, has given an CHAP, xn Recount of the origin of Hyder with a degree of minute- A p~T 749 ness which it is unnecessary for us to follow. His family appears to have sprung from the northern terri- Hyder- tory of the Punjaub ; they were of low station, and so poor, as in some instances to subsist upon alms. Futtee His origin. Mohammed, the father, reared by a charitable hand, entered the army of a Mysorean chief, and having served with distinction was raised to the rank of a Naik,an officer of peons or foot-soldiers. A lady of some quality, whose husband had been robbed and murdered by banditti, be- ing reduced to the utmost want, was prevailed upon to give her two daughters successively in marriage to this adventurer. By the youngest he had two sons, named Shabaz and Hyder ; but, when they had attained only the respective ages of nine and seven, their father and the prince his master were killed in battle. The mother and her boys then fell into the power of a rapacious cluef, who not only seized all the property he could find, but employed the most cruel torture to make them yield up their hidden possessions. The widow of Futtee Mohammed, having " lost every thing but her children and her honour," found refuge with her brother Ibrahim, by whose bounty the family were supported. Hyder, Hyder AU. accordingly, had his fortune entirely to make ; and for some time he gave but slender promise of reaching any high advancement. He did not even learn to read or J^J^",^ write ; and, on arriving at manhood, spent his whole his qualms* time either in voluptuous riot or in the pleasures of the chase. Thus he reached the age of twenty -seven before he would submit to the restraints even of military ser- vice. His elder brother, meantime, had been more me- ritoriously employed in the army of Nunjeraj, where he distinguished himself, and was raised to a subordinate command ; and he was at length induced to join him while employed in the siege of a fortress called Deonhully, which occupied nine months. The wild youth, having HU * ^s- once embarked in this active career, soon displayed dar- Sf/facuuTe's. ing valour, presence of mind, and all the qualities which constitute an eminent warrior. He received the charge 302 WAR WITH MYSORE. CHAP. xn. of a small corps, with a commission to increase its num- iTTzsa, ^ ers ^7 a ^ * ne means in his power. At this time Jsunjeraj, having formed an alliance with ! tne French, undertook the expedition to Trichinopoly, of which some account has been already given ; and Hy- der accompanied him, making diligent use of the nppm - tunities which this campaign afforded, both to distin- Hjrder raises guish and advance himself. He soon assembled round J5btOTi him a numerous body of those freebooters with which India swarmed, who asked no pay, but trusted solely to the plunder that they might collect under the auspices of an active chieftain. Instead of his giving to them, they gave to him ; being required to contribute one-half of all the booty which they might succeed in capturing. They were doubtless very much disposed to evade this parti- tion ; but their leader, though unable to write the nu- merals, could boast of an extraordinary expertness in the operations of mental arithmetic ; and he was assisted by Kunde Row, a Braminical accountant of remarkable Dishonour- skill. They established a system which the operative of Hyder? maurauders found it vain to attempt eluding ; and the rise to power, practices of a common London thief may be considered just and honourable, compared with those by which Hyder rose to the rank of an Indian monarch. Not only the great and regular objects of pillage, such as convoys of grain, horses, or herds of cattle, but clothes, turbans, earrings, the most trifling ornaments taken from the persons of females, and even of children, were alike welcome. Nor did his friends enjoy any exemp- tion, provided the theft could be executed with secrecy ; and by these means, before he left Trichinopoly, he had collected 1500 horse, 5000 infantry , with elephants, camels, and all the other appendages of a chief of hidi FoSe'dlTof ran k' Having distinguished himself also by his mili- DindiguL tary services, he continued in great favour, and was ap- pointed Foujedar of Dindigul, an important place re- cently acquired in the country of the Polygars. Here he enlarged his forces and increased his wealth, not only by the plunder of the surrounding territories, but by the most scandalous impositions practised on his owr AVAR WITH MYSORK. 393 sovereign, as well as on the- commissioners sent to in- CHAP, xn quire into his conduct. He managed to hring his troops j^ ~T76i. to what was called a circular muster, in which ten thou- sand men counted as 18,000 ; thereby obtaining pay for a fictitious number, and also at a rate much above his actual expenditure. Having an allowance for every wounded soldier, he imposed on the inspector by pre- senting many who were perfectly sound, but had theii hands and feet tied with bandages dipt hi turmeric. Bj these gross frauds he completely deluded Nunjeraj, wht> thought it wonderful that so great a force could be maintained, and the war successfully carried on at an expense so moderate. Hyder had now collected so much strength both of Ambitious arms and treasure, and had acquired so high a reputa- P r J ects - tion, that he began to aim at the throne of Mysore. His views were greatly favoured by the violent dissen- sions which prevailed at court. The young rajah, whom Nunjeraj kept as a convenient tool, determined to make an effort to extricate himself from this thraldom, and had already secured the support of a large body of ad- herents : but having made a premature display of his designs, the palace which he had fortified was attacked and easily carried. The minister, after this victory, Cruel policy, though he treated his sovereign with a semblance of re- spect, caused his supporters to be either thrown into chains, or, having their noses and ears cut off, to be thrust out into the street. Deoraj, indignant at this cruelty on the part of his brother, abandoned his interests, and went to reside in a different quarter of the country. Nunjeraj himself was soon exposed to an exigency to Singular wliich a Hindoo prince is almost always liable. His Nnnjenj'i troops began to clamour for a large amount of arrears, troop* and, obtaining no satisfaction, proceeded to the expedient of seating themselves in dherna at his gate. According to this institution, which in India is held sacred, he could neither taste food nor drink while the claimants remained in that position ; and the soldiers, occupying the entrance of the palace, took care that this rule should 394 WAR WITH MYSORE. Hyder. CHAP. xii. be strictly observed. In this extremity Hyder gladly A. DTi76i. *ok occasion to interpose his services. He repaired to Seringapatam, and by seizing all public property within his reach, as well as judiciously collecting the sums due to government, obtained as much money as satisfied the immediate claims of the military. He had also effected an accommodation between the two brothers, which Deoraj, however, did not long survive ; and thus by appearing as a disinterested friend to all parties, he became extremely popular. Having raised a large force of his own, and attached to- his views the army of Nunjeraj by his exertions for their relief, he soon felt himself to be the real master. His influence was greatly increased by the occurrence of a formidable invasion on the part of the Mahrattas, when, being appointed to the chief command, he brought the contest to an issue, not triumphant in- deed, but much more favourable than had been antici- pated. He now determined to make his way to the su- preme power on the ruin of that chief through whose kindness he had rises to his present elevation. Kunde Row, who had all along been his agent and partisan, opened through the medium of a dowager princess, a woman of talent, a negotiation with the rajah, who, with the view of being enabled to resume the real authority in his own kingdom, agreed to concur in the removal of Nunjeraj. Circumstances favoured their designs. A fresh arrear of pay having accumulated, the troops again established themselves in dherna before his gate ; when Hyder, instead of studying as before to appease their discontent and relieve his patron's distress, sought only to foment the one and aggravate the other. Nay, with a semblance of grief and reluctance, he concurred with Accomplish- them in stooping to the position of dherna. Nunjeraj, mentof t ^ us p resse d, at length agreed to retire with a liberal allowance of treasure and troops, and leave the field open to his rival ; upon which the rajah, having assumed the government, intrusted the whole administration, civil and military, to Hyder and Kunde Row. It was not likely that the deposed minister should remain long satisfied with Matured scheme for the ruin of Kunjentf. Hyder's purpose. WAR WITH MYSORE. 395 his altered condition. Retiring to the city of Mysore, only CHAP, xit nine miles distant from the capital, he recruited his . j^T 762 forces with the utmost diligence. A demand was here- upon made, that he should discharge his troops, remove ^") n h " f mU to a greater distance, and be content with a fixed allow- Nunjeraj. ance for his private expenses. He indignantly wrote in answer to Hyder : " I have made you what you are, and now you refuse me a place in which to hide my head. Do what you please ; or what you can. I move not from Mysore." The other immediately proceeded to besiege the city, which, after an obstinate resistance, surrendered ; and Nunjeraj was obliged to accept the hard conditions imposed by the victor. Hyder seemed now at the height of power ; yet he y ew perils of was soon after involved in the most serious peril he had H y der - ever encountered. The rajah and the dowager were not long in discovering, what indeed they could scarcely fail to foresee, that by this change of affairs they had merely substituted one sovereign minister for another, and were as destitute as ever of any real power. They gained Desertion of over Kunde Row, who then watched in conjunction with Kunde itow - them the opportunity of striking a blow against the man of whom he had been so long the devoted adherent ; and it occurred sooner than might have been expected with one so conversant in all the intricacies of treason. Hyder, suspecting nothing, had dispersed his forces in different directions, and lay encamped with a handful of troops under the walls of Seringapatam. Suddenly, with amazement and consternation, he saw its batteries begin to play upon him ; he called for Kunde Bow, his resource in every difficulty, but that person was seen on the ramparts directing the operations of the artillery Perceiving the snare into which he had fallen, he sum- moned all his presence of mind in this desperate ex- tremity. Having placed his men under the best shelter Humiliation that could be obtained, he transmitted the most humble ^"yder. 8 ' ' overtures and supplications to his former servant, now his successful rival ; but could obtain no other terms than to be allowed to steal off in the night with a few 396 WAR WITH MYSORE. CHAP. XIL soldiers, leaving behind him nearly all his treasures, the A. D~1763 accumulated fruit of so much crime and extortion, and even his family, among whom was his son Tippoo, then nine years old. These last, however, were received into Seringapatam, and treated with kindness. Renewed The expelled chief sought refuge first at Anicul and efforts of th en a t Bangalore, places under his immediate command, and of which the governors proved faithful even in this extremity. He soon collected his forces, called in liis detachments, and endeavoured, by the reputation of his His defeat, name, to attract fresh adventurers to his standard. Thus in a fewmonths he took the field against Kunde Row ; but that able politician, having still a superior army, brought on a general action, in which Hyder was defeated. His affairs being thus rendered nearly desperate, he had re- course for relief to a very singular quarter. With two hundred horse he hastened during the night to the resi- dence of Nunjeraj, presented himself in a suppliant pos- ture, confessed his guilt and ingratitude, and intreated his former patron to resume his place, and treat him again as a servant. All historians express astonishment that the fallen minister should have been won over by protesta- tions so manifestly insincere ; but we are to consider, that by closing with this proposal he obtained perhaps the only chance of regaining his former power and dignity. His success- Upon this successful stratagem Hyder founded an- J^mT* 1 * other still deeper. He affixed the seal of Nunjeraj to a number of letters, seeming to contain a treasonable cor- respondence, addressed to the principal officers in Kunde Row's army. They were sent by an emissary, who appeared to exercise the strictest vigilance lest they should fall into the hands of that chief, yet took effec- tual means that they should be intercepted. This leader, with all his experience and profound policy, was com- pletely deceived ; and seeing himself, as he imagined, betrayed by his own followers, he abruptly quitted the camp and hastened to Seringapatam. The army was thus thrown into a state of complete disorganization, when Hyder, attacking them unexpectedly, put them WAR WITH MYSORE. 397 to a total rout, capturing guns, stores, baggage, and all CHAP. XIL the infantry, who were then incorporated with his own ^{TYrus troops ; the cavalry alone by an early flight effected their escape. Kunde Row discovered the deceit, and soon O f Kuncu> eat began to rally his men, when his antagonist had recourse Row - to another artifice. He lay several days in apparent inaction, as if not intending to follow up his victory ; then suddenly, by a rapid night-march, came on his oppo- nents at unawares, and gained a signal advantage. After reducing many of the surrounding places, he advanced against the remaining force of 5000 or 6000 cavalry intrenched under the guns of Seringapatam. By enter- ing into a feigned treaty, he lulled anew the suspicions of his adversaries, who suffered themselves to be again completely surprised, with nearly the entire loss of their horses and baggage. All Hyder's enemies were now at Politic deai- his mercy ; still he wished that the terms which he meant to exact should appear as if offered and pressed upon him by the vanquished rajah. He sent a message, merely soliciting that the defeated general should be delivered up, and the large balance due to himself from the state be liquidated ; adding that his highness might then either continue him in his service, or allow him to seek his fortune elsewhere. He privately transmitted, however, an intimation as to what he would be pleased to accept ; and accordingly, under the impulse of necessity, the rajah was at length compelled to entreat the victor to relieve him from the toil of governing Mysore, and for that purpose to draw all its revenues, except three lacks for his own use and one for Nunjeraj ; to which condi- tions the victor, with well-feigned reluctance, submit- ted. The sovereign and the ladies of the palace joined in Barbarous earnest entreaty for mercy to Kunde Row ; the other replied, that he would treat him like a paroquet, by which they understood a favourite or pet ; but he lite- rally fulfilled his insidious promise, by enclosing the unhappy man for life in an iron cage, and sending him a daily portion of rice and milk. It is needless to add, that the lack of rupees was all that Nunjeraj obtained 398 WAR WITH MYSORE. CHAP. xit. of the promises lavished upon him by the conqueror at A. fT7765. tlle P erioa< f negotiation. Hyder, having thus become the real sovereign of frmquests of Mysore, applied himself to extend his sway in every Hyder direction. He made himself master of Sera, Chittle- droog, and other districts properly included in that country ; but whose rajahs and poly gars, during the late troublous period, had rendered themselves in a great Conquest of measure independent. His richest prize, however, was Bednore, afforded by the conquest of Bednore, a territory situated on the loftiest crest of the Ghauts, 5000 feet above the level of the sea, where the profuse rains nourish magni- ficent forests and copious harvests. Its sequestered position had hitherto preserved it from invasion, and its rulers had applied themselves most diligently to that chief object of ambition in India, the accumulation of Immense treasure. On the approach of the Mysorean army, the U)0tv - timid inhabitants of the capital, after setting fire to the palace, fled into the adjoining woods, leaving a splendid city eight miles in circumference entirely open to plun- der. Wilkes estimates the booty, we suspect with much exaggeration, at twelve millions sterling ; though Hyder himself, it is said, always owned that its capture was the principal instrument of his future greatness. Successful But this successful career soon met with an interrup- Madoo Rao. tion - Madoo Rao, one of the most renowned generals among the Mahrattas, entered Mysore with an immense host of cavalry. They covered the face of the country, and so completely cut off all communication, that even the vigilant Hyder was surprised by the appearance of their main body, when he imagined them to be still at a distance. He was defeated, and after several unsuc- cessful attempts, during a campaign of some length, to retrieve his affairs, was compelled to purchase peace by extensive cessions, and the payment of thirty-two lacks of rupees. That tumultuary horde then retired, and (eft him at liberty to pursue his farther acquisitions. He directed his arms against Calicut, still ruled by a personage entitled the zamorin, and esteemed the prin- WAR WITH MYSORE. 399 cipal maritime city on that coast. Its troops opposed CHAP, xn him with the same desultory but harassing warfare bv . j7T 766 : which they had baffled the attack of Albuquerque. The rude soldier, however, forced his way through these of caUcut. n obstacles and approached the capital, when the samoriii, despairing of being able to prolong the resistance, came out with his ministers and endeavoured to negotiate a treaty. He was favourably received, and on his offering ransom to the amount of 190,000 sterling, the invader agreed to abstain from farther aggression. But this did Cruelty of not prevent him from attacking and carrying Calicut by ^g^,?" surprise ; and, as the money was produced very slowly, he sought to hasten payment by placing the sovereign and his nobles under close restraint, and even by applying torture to the latter. The prince, dreading that he would be exposed to a similar indignity, shut and barricaded the doors of the house in which he was confined, set fire to it, and before the flames could be extinguished, he had perished. Several of his attendants are said to have thrown themselves into the burning mansion, and suffered the same fate. A conquest achieved by such deeds of violence soon excited a fierce rebellion, which was suppressed only by severe executions, and by the transportation of a great number of the people to a remote quarter of Mysore. These rapid successes, and the additional resources Confederacy derived from them, alarmed the great powers of Southern a gnst India. Nizam Ali, subahdar of the Deccan, and Madoo Byder. Rao, the Mahratta commander, united in a confederacy to crush the assailant ; and the English agreed to place an auxiliary force at the disposal of the former, with the vague commission " to settle the affairs of his govern- ment in every thing that is right and proper." It was distinctly understood, that they were to co-operate in the invasion of Mysore ; and Colonel Smith proceeded to Hydrabad to arrange measures for that purpose. This seems to have been a very doubtful policy, when the Mahrattas alone were fully equal to contend with Hyder j so that the two parties might have been advan- 400 WAK WITH MYSORE. CHAP. xn. tageously left to weaken each other by mutual warfare ; A. DT<67 whereas the aggrandizement of the one by the downfal of the other tended directly to overthrow the balance of power. want of The three allied armies began to move early in 1767, ISSn's the" but m a straggling and ill-combined manner. A month allies. before the two ethers were ready, Rao had covered with clouds of cavalry the high plains of Mysore ; and his force alone was more than Hyder dared to encounter in the field. This last endeavoured to pursue a desultory mode of defence, causing the grain to be buried, the wells to be poisoned, the forage to be consumed, and the cattle Expedients to be driven away. Every expedient proved unavailing of Hyder. ^ ^^ ^e pj-Qgregg o f these rapid and skilful marauders : their horses fed on the roots of grass ; by thrusting iron rods into the earth they discovered from the sound, the resistance, and even from the smell, the places where corn was deposited ; while the cattle, to whatever spot they might be removed, were traced out and seized. The Mysorean leader, finding them already in the heart of his dominions, where he had no means of arresting their progress, determined at any price to detach them from the confederacy. Apajee Ram, a Bramin, was sent, and opened a negotiation in a style much differing from European diplomacy. He was received in full durbar by the Mahratta general, who declared his determination not to treat with an opponent who held his legitimate prince hi such unworthy captivity ; and a murmur of approbation ran through the assembly. The envoy humbly confessed the charge, but took leave to add, that his master, whenever an opposite example was set by his betters, would immediately follow it. Every one now recollected that Madoo Rao held the descendant of Sevajee in exactly the same thraldom as the rajah of Mysore was kept by Hyder ; the approving sound was changed into suppressed laughter ; the Mahratta chief hung down his head ; and a serious negotiation was im- mediately commenced. He consented, on the payment of thirty-five lacks of rupees, to quit the country and WAR WITH MYSORE. 40 1 withdraw entirely from the grand alliance. He had CHAP.xn. gained his end ; and when Colonel Tod was sent to urge ^ Ti767 him to fulfil his engagements, the whole court laughed in that officer's face. Colonel Smith, meantime, supported only hy the poor, Proceedines ill-paid, and undisciplined troops of the nizam, had ^ eEng- entered Mysore. He soon began to suspect that this would prove a very futile expedition ; and in fact it was about to assume a character much more disastrous than he anticipated. His Indian ally had taken umbrage on various grounds at the English presidency. They had procured from the Mogul, now a merely nominal poten- tate, the grant of the valuable territory of the Northern Circars. Mohammed Ali, their confederate, whom they Faithlessness had raised to be Nabob of the Carnatic, had meantime of theiralUei advanced pretensions to the dominions and rank of the nizam, which the latter suspected the British of secretly favouring. Hyder therefore employed Maphuz Khan, brother to that chief, who, actuated by the fraternal jealousies usually prevalent in India, had come over to the Mysorean interest, to open a secret correspondence with the subahdar. This last was easily persuaded, that he should most successfully realize his views of aggran- dizement by entering into a league with Hyder against Mohammed and that foreign power, of which he was rendering himself the instrument ; and accordingly these two parties, who were so lately vowing each other's destruction, united in an offensive treaty against our countrymen. Colonel Smith, both from his own obser- Dangerous vation and from notices given by his faithful ally, soon ^ e English. obtained a clear perception of this change in the position of affairs. It bore rather a seripus aspect, considering the distance to which he had advanced into the enemy's territory ; but on his remonstrances the nizam con- curred in the propriety of his retreat, only desiring that a corps of three battalions should remain with him, a request which was very unaccountably complied with. Yet the Indian prince, on this occasion, displayed honour- able feelings very unusual with persons of the same clasa. 402 WAR WITH MYSORE. CHAP. XII. Before commencing hostilities he allowed the whole A. D~l767 detachment to depart, except five companies, and after- wards these also, without the least molestation. Overwhelm- Colonel Smith, seeing himself now threatened hy the un jted attack of these two great powers, with an army of 43,000 horse and 28,000 foot, while he himself had only 6000 foot and 1000 horse, limited his efforts to fortifying the passes of the Ghauts by which they might be expected to descend into the Carnatic ; but, from ignorance of the local positions, he left undefended those very openings which were the most favourable for their purpose. Through these they very easily penetrated, and, threatening the rear of his column, obliged him Hie fruitless instantly to fall back. The confederates attacked him Cofonei f near Changama, but were completely repulsed ; though, Smith. in consequence of their horsemen having plundered the slender store of rice belonging to his army, this victory was converted almost into a defeat, and he was obliged to retreat day and night till he reached Trinomalee. The war now assumed a most alarming aspect. The British officer indeed had his force raised to ten thousand, for the most part regular infantry, which gave him a supe- riority in the field ; but his cavalry were few and ineffi- cient, while the enemy covered all the country with the finest light-horse in the world, which cut off all his sup- plies, and left him no command over any spot beyond Firet appear that on which he was actually encamped. At the same Tippou time Tippoo, son to Hyder, afterwards so deadly an enemy to the English name, then only a boy of seven- teen, made a rapid excursion with 5000 horse to the vicinity of Madras, and had nearly surprised several of the European residents in their country-houses. The Indian princes expected to see their adversary reduced to extremity by the want of provisions ; but this was averted by the discovery of some hidden stores, which, according to national custom, had been buried in the earth. The nizam, imprudent and impatient, insisted that they should no longer wait the slow operation of famine, but bring on a general action. They made the WAR WITH MYSORE. 403 attack at Trinomalee, confident in their superior num- CHAP. xn. bers and vast masses of cavalry ; but Smith, by an able ^ ~T7G8. movement round a mountain, and by the skill with which his artillery was served, completely baffled the manures efforts of this great though irregular host. The pursuit of Colonel was marked by a singular occurrence. The Indian chief, Smith ' according to his absurd practice, had ranged in the rear native cavai. a long line of elephants, on which his favourite ladies, cade - seated in pomp, surveyed the battle. When the field was seen to be lost, orders were sent that this cavalcade should retreat at full speed ; but a female voice, issuing from a splendid vehicle borne by one of these animals, exclaimed, " This elephant has not been instructed so to turn, he follows the standard of the empire !" The con- sequence was, that before the flag passed several of these huge quadrupeds had fallen, and the balls were already flying among the fair fugitives. The nizam, on witnessing these disasters and the dis- Wavering of appointment of all his hopes of aggrandizement at the the Nlzam - expense of the English, began to waver in the alliance. Another check sustained near Amboor, and the invasion His defection of his territory by a detachment from Bengal, confirmed a uianca " r him in the resolution to withdraw himself from Hyder. and agree to a separate treaty, which was concluded on the 23d February 1768. Under the pressure of such circum- stances he obtained tolerable terms ; but was obliged to confirm the grant of the Circars made by the Mogul. There were to be paid to him, however, five lacks annu- ally ; not in name of tribute for this district, but as a friendly subsidy. Even from this there was to be de- ducted, for the' expenses of the war, 25 millions, at the rate of three every year. Nor was any opposition to be iriade to the appropriation by the British of a consider- able extent of Hyder's dominions. The presidency of Madras felt now the highest exul- gjjj*^ tation, and sent immediate orders to Colonel Smith to the English enter Mysore, and strike a blow at the centre of Hyder's Presidency . power. That officer represented the impossibility of subsisting his army in the elevated and barren territory CHAP. XII. A.0. 1768. Injudicious measures of the Presi- dency. Temporary discomfiture of Hyder Judicious views of Colonel Smith. 4Q4. WAR WITH MYSORE. around Bangalore, which upon this plan must have been the -first object of attack. He rather proposed, in the first instance, to occupy the fertile country extending along the foot of the Ghauts, and make it the basis of future movements. The council adopted the very ques- tionable policy of combining these two plans ; directing Smith to march upon Bangalore, while Colonel Wood with a separate detachment should conduct operations in the district adjoining the mountains. With this scheme they coupled the very injudicious measure of sending two commissioners to direct and assist, but more properly to obstruct the proceedings of the commander, while they engaged Mohammed Ali, the most unfit of all persons, to collect the revenue of the conquered ter- ritory. This plan was meantime favoured by the advance of some British troops from Bombay, who had reduced Mangalore, Onore, and other important places on the western coast. Colonel Wood was thus enabled to over- run all the territory against which his arms were direct- ed, capturing every post of consequence, while Smith arrived in the vicinity of Bangalore, and made prepara- tions to besiege that important key of the kingdom. Thus in a few months Hyder had lost one-half of his dominions, and saw the centre of his power menaced. Having, however, in the first, instance, directed his whole force against the western districts, he succeeded in com- pletely retrieving affairs there, and driving the English out of all the places which they had occupied. He then returned to the eastward to make head against the Ma- dras army, which, though it had subdued an extensive tract of country, held it by a very precarious tenure. His numerical force was indeed much diminished by the defection of the nizam ; but the remaining troops, being entirely under his own guidance, proved nearly as effec- tive. The presidency incessantly urged Smith to besiege Bangalore, as the only step by which the war could be brought to a crisis ; but he replied that it was im- possible to do so without previously defeating Hyder's army ; and though that chief continually hovered round WAR' WITH MYSORE. 405 and harassed the English, he skilfully shunned a general CHAP. XIL action. Sensible, however, of the great superiority of his , ~ opponents, he showed a willingness to submit to very considerable sacrifices. He even offered to relinquish Extravagant the frontier district of Baramahl, and to pay ten lacks of pesfd rupees for the expenses of the war ; but the leading per- sons at the presidency, still buoyed up with hopes of con- quest, made such enormous demands, both of money and territory, as confirmed his resolution to persevere in arms. The council, on pretence of consulting Smith, recalled R eca u O f him to Madras, leaving the command with Colonel Wood^ f^*',^* who had gained reputation by his rapid subjection of the cyof CoioneJ lower districts. This officer, however, proved himself Woo(L wholly unable to contend with Hyder. Being surprised at Baugloor, he was obliged to retreat with confusion and loss, and must have suffered greatly but for the prompt arrival of Major Fitzgerald with a reinforcement. He was forthwith sent a prisoner to Madras, and the charge devolved on the officer just named. The British force had now been considerably weakened Complete by remaining so long in the open field, insufficiently supplied with food, and exposed to the unfavourable influences of the climate. The Indian chief, who had gained continual accessions of strength, determined on a bold movement, not in front of the English, but by one of his circuitous marches among the hills. First his general, and then himself, aided by their thorough know- ledge of the passes of the Ghauts, descended suddenly into the level country of Coimbetoor and Baramahl, with the conquest of which our countrymen had been so highly elated. He found the Company's troops scat- tered in numerous small bodies, and occupying indefen- sible positions, which fell one after another, almost with- out resistance, while several were betrayed by the native commandants ; so that in six weeks he had re-annexed to his territory all these boasted acquisitions. On this occasion a detachment under Captain Nixon being sur- rounded by the whole force of the enemy, was, after a gallant resistance, almost entirely destroyed. Hyder 406 WAR WITH MYSORE. CHAP. xii. then marched upon Eroad, which was under the com- _p~ mand of Captain Orton, whom he invited to come to his tent under promise of safety. This officer, with a Capt Orton. rash 11688 w hich Wilks can only account for hy supposing that he had previously dined, went and placed himself in the power of his enemy. The rajah, it is said, always piqued himself upon not breaking faith without some plausible ground ; but there happened to be in the English army a captain named Robinson, who was formerly a prisoner and released on his parole, which he had not Successful scrupled to violate. On this pretext he not only detained > but mduced hi* ty force or threats, to sign an order to Robinson to surrender the important fortress of Eroad, a mandate which this last thought it his duty to obey. The same pretext was used for breaking the capitulations with the troops in the garrison of Caveri- poram, and sending them to Seringapatam, where they were immured in dungeons, and treated with the utmost severity. Triumphant Hyder, in his triumphant progress, now began to Myxter* 8 of menace the rear of his adversaries ; and the English, awakening from their dreams of conquest, saw the depots and posts on which their military operations rested in danger of falling into the hands of the enemy. Their Mission of pride was so far lowered, that they despatched Captain Capt. Brooke Br^e to attempt a negotiation with the sovereign of Mysore. The latter received him extremely well, and seems to have explained his views with a candour not usual in the tortuous proceedings of oriental policy. He declared that it was, and had always been, his earnest wish to be on good terms with the British, an object de- feated solely by themselves and their worthless ally, Mohammed Ali. He confessed that this desire was prompted by an enlarged view of his own interest, espe- cially as being liable to a periodical visitation from the Mahrattas, whose usual time was now fast approaching. Frank He frankly owned to Brooke, that as he was quite ^^ se " unable to resist both them and the English, he might find it advisable in such an extremity to form a union WAR WITH MYSORE. ^ with them against his European enemies, an arrange- CHAP. XIL ment in which he would find little difficulty. He de- ^^~^ 769 sired him, therefore, to assure the council that no time must be lost in making him either friend or foe. The presidency accordingly sent Mr Andrews, an individual greatly in their confidence, to the Indian camp; but still their terms were too high. Hostilities were resum- ColoneiSmitfc ed, and Smith being restored to the command, checked '^stored to the progress of the marauder, who, however, engaged at mand. last in a most daring enterprise. With a body of 6000 Daring chosen cavalry, and 200 picked infantry, he made a rapid g nt ^ rise of sweep of 130 miles in less than four days, and appeared to the astonished council within five miles of Madras, who, then thoroughly awakened from their dreams of ambition, were seized with the deepest feelings of de- spondence. The British army could easily have returned in time to secure the fort ; and they had only to fear the plunder of the country-seats, and perhaps of the Dative town, though this last danger is considered as doubtful ; but they agreed at once to the demands which Hasty con- he made, that Colonel Smith should be ordered to sus- ^councu. pend his march, and that M. Dupre, nominated as the future governor, should come out to settle the basis of a peace. In the present temper of the belligerents, the negotiation was neither long nor difficult ; a treaty was concluded in April 1769, on the condition of placing the possessions of both parties, with scarcely an exception, on the same footing as before the war. Hyder solicited an alliance offensive and defensive ; the English granted only the last, which, however, was found to involve them in all the responsibility that, by refusing the first, they had sought to escape. Having thus terminated with advantage and glory Hyder's this great contest with the British, he felt himself better prepared to encounter a still more formidable enemy. The Mahrattas, under Madoo Rao, entered his dominions with a force supposed to be at least double that of his army, and led by able commanders. He endeavoured a second time to check them by laying waste his territory ; 408 "WAR WITH MYSORE. CHAP. XIL but the invaders, as before, surmounted every obstacle, and, forming a regular plan of conquest, reduced succes- sively all his strong places, and committed the most Cruelty of monstrous cruelties. At one fortress, which had made the con- -m obstinate resistance, the barbarian leader ordered the noses and ears of the garrison to be cut off ; and sending for the governor, asked if he was not conscious of de- serving to be thus mutilated and disgraced 1 The other replied : " The mutilation will be mine, the disgrace yours ;" an answer, the truth of which so forcibly struck the Mahratta, that he dismissed him uninjured. Temporary Madoo Rao being obliged, by severe indisposition, to TriSk f y ieW the command to Trimbuck Mama, Hyder deter- Mama. mined to make a stand, and intrenched his army in a very strong position covered by a range of rugged moun- tains. The new general did not attempt directly to force this camp, but pointed against it day after day such a harassing cannonade, that the Mysorean chief at length Retreat of determined to fall back upon his capital. He began his srden march early in the night, hoping before morning to be beyond reach of the enemy ; but the rash discharge of a gun by one of the officers betrayed the secret, and the numerous squadrons of Mahratta horse were soon in full pursuit. A most extraordinary scene then ensued. The critical condition of the army had not prevented Hyder His habits of from indulging in habits of evening inebriety, to which )neQr " he had become addicted, and which now rendered him wholly unfit for directing the movement of the troops. Having in this state met his son Tippoo, he assailed him with the bitterest reproaches ; then seizing a thick cane, applied it to his back with such vehemence, that the marks remained visible for upwards of a week. The prince, burning with indignation, went to the head of his division, dashed to the ground his turban, sword, and splendid robe, exclaiming : " My father may fight his own battle, for I swear by Allah and his prophet that I Total rout of draw no sword to-day." The army, thus left to itself, ormy eoon became a crowd of scattered fugitives, and their bold leader, while the Mahrattas were busied in plunder, WAR WITH MYSORE. ^QQ mounted a fleet horse, and almost alone reached Seringa- CHAP. XIL patam. Tippoo, having assumed an humble garb, begged ^^~^ 7L his way undiscovered through the midst of the enemy, and arrived the same night in the capital. Trimbuck Mama immediately marched upon that city, and seemed on the very point of putting a period at once to the career of the great usurper. The Mahrattas, inability of however, possessed no skill adequate to the siege of so ^ strong a fortress. They kept up during a month a daily cannonade, which produced no effect, while the resources of Hyder were constantly recruited. He now proceeded to operate with success on their rear, and, after a tedious and desultory warfare of a year and a half, prevailed on them to accept the terms which he offered ; namely, the cession of a great part of his northern dominions, and the immediate payment of fifteen lacks of rupees, and fifteen more hereafter, a term of which he fully understood the value. The English during this war did not fulfil their en- Evasion of gagement to aid the Mysorean ruler in the defence of {^fllng;. his dominions. After it was concluded, the Company lish. wrote to their principal officers, strongly condemning their interference in the wars of the Carnatic, the forma- tion of any alliances which might involve them in hosti- lities, and particularly the supplying arms and ships to Hyder, or any other native power. To enforce these views, Sir John Lindsay was sent out as a sort of minister plenipotentiary, to act as a check upon the council. He, however, soon went much beyond his commission, for lie formed a close intimacy with the nabob Mohammed AH, whom he joined in urging that the presidency should embrace the cause of the invaders. They successfully Division in resisted so gross a violation of their treaty; but these l&J opposite impulses rendered the whole conduct of the Bri- tish weak and vacillating. The Court, on being made acquainted with the doings of Sir John, superseded him, and appointed in his place Admiral Harland, commandei of the fleet, to whom such instructions were given as were expected to prevent a similar collision. But he, neglecting 410 WAR WITH MYSORE. CHAP. XIL their advice, proceeded hi the very same manner, opening A,cT772 treaties of his own accord, and urging to warlike opera- tions. The Court at length gave up this ill-judged at- EasTin'dia 11 * tempt to check the council by a separate and co-ordinate Company. power. The anxiety of the Company to follow a neutral and pacific system, and the total absence of any wish for a farther acquisition of territory, was, however, strongly impressed upon them. Hyder's Hyder, as soon as he had extricated himself from this Malabar. invasion, employed the most active exertions to regain his lost territory ; turning his attention first to the Malabar coast, the communication with which could only be maintained through the intervening district of Coorg. He suddenly invaded that country, which he found almost wholly unprepared, and made a singular Barbarian display of barbarian cruelty. He proclaimed a reward cruelty. o f fi ve rupees for every head presented to him, and sat hi state to receive and pay for these bloody trophies ; but after seven hundred heads had been brought in, there appeared two with such peculiarly fine and hand- some features, that he was moved with unwonted pity, and ordered the carnage to cease. Coorg was subdued ; and the once powerful state of Calicut, distracted by internal commotions, scarcely made any resistance. His next aim was to recover the extensive territories wrested from him by the Mahrattas ; and in this he was much favoured by the distractions in which that power- Peat,, of ful confederacy was soon involved. Madoo Rao, their Mactoo Baa warlike chief, died in 1772, and after a short interval was succeeded by Ragonaut Rao, better known under the name of Ragoba, whose authority, however, was by DO means fully acknowledged. The Mysorean prince, therefore, fearlessly entered and overran a large portion of the ceded country. Ragoba, indeed, hastened to its defence, but being recalled by a violent insurrection, which ended in the overthrow of his power, he concluded a treaty allowing Hyder to occupy all the provinces south of the Kistna. Another army sent afterwards under Hurry Punt, the leader of the party which ex- WAR WITH MYSORE. 41 1 pelled Ragoba, penetrated into Mysore ; but the rajah, CHAP, m having gained over a detachment of the Mahratta troops, x D~T773 baffled all his attempts, and obliged him to desist. Immediately after the treaty with Ragoba, the inde- fatigable Hyder began operations against a number of independent chiefs, some of whom possessed fortresses on the borders, and others within the limits of his territory. Among the most remarkable of these was Gooty, the siege of castle of Morari Rao, a fierce Mahratta freebooter, who Gooty ' had long acted a conspicuous part on the theatre of India. This stronghold consisted of numerous works, occupying the summit of several rocky hills. After the lower stations had been reduced, the upper made so ob- stinate a defence that a treaty was agreed on, granting peace on the payment of a large amount of treasure. A young man sent as a hostage, being well entertained in Hyder's camp, was induced to betray the secret cause of submission, namely, that there was only a supply of water for three days in the fort. He took no notice at the moment ; but soon afterwards contriving to find a defect in the articles, he renewed the siege, and Morari Rao in the end was compelled to surrender at discretion. The most obstinate resistance was experienced from the Polygar of Chittledroog, who ruled over a warlike and fanatic tribe, called Beder. They had reared in the , most elevated part of their citadel a shrine to Cali or Doorga, the Indian goddess of destruction, and they firmly believed that, so long as it was duly served, the place would never fall. Every Monday morning solemn devotions were performed to the goddess ; then a loud blast with the bugle was blown, upon which the garri- son rushed forth in a desperate sally, with the object chiefly of procuring human heads to be ranged in pyra midal rows before the dread temple of the destroying deity. Although, contrary to every military rule, they thus gave to the enemy full warning of the period of at tack, it was made with such fury, and at such various points, that the goddess was scarcely ever defrauded of her bloody offering's ; and when the place fell, two thou- CHAP. XII. A. D. 17G9. Hyder*s dis- satisfaction with the English. League against tha French negotiations with Hyder. 412 WAR WITH MYSORE. sand heads were found piled in front of her portal. Hy- der was obliged by Mahratta invasion to abandon the siege, which, however, he afterwards renewed ; but it was only through treason that the governor was obliged to own that the mighty spell of Cali was broken, and to admit an enemy within thi; impregnable bulwarks of Chittledroog. Deep discontent against the English was now rankling in the mind of Hyder. He had, as formerly mentioned, earnestly courted their alliance ; for his own purposes doubtless, but on the fab- and honourable principle that the parties should mutually support each other against the overwhelming power of the Mahrattas. Their con- duct, however, in the late war, when they saw his very existence so long endangered without making a single effort to relieve him, seems to have thoroughly Dis- gusted him. He gave up every hope of profiting by their alliance, and even centred all his prospects of aggran- dizement in their destruction. The Main-atlas again, whose councils had undergone a complete change, instead of threatening further invasion, sent proposals to Hyder for an alliance against the British ; and a treaty prepa- ratory to that object was accordingly concluded. By a singular fatality, the views of the government at Madras had been altered in the opposite direction, having be- come sensible of the advantages which might be derived from a union with the chief of Mysore. They even made overtures for a close alliance, with promises of co- operation in case of attack from any foreign enemy. His irritation, however, seems to have been only height- ened, by having that aid which was denied at his ut- most need thus pressed upon him at a moment when he could maintain his own ground. At this crisis the war, consequent upon the American contest, broke out between France and England, and was extended to India. The subjects of Louis, with their usual diplomatic acti- vity, immediately opened a communication with Hyder, whom they found most favourably disposed towards them ; and he engaged accordingly in that confederacy WAR WITH MYSORE. 413 to which his house so long adhered, and with results so CHAP. xn. fatal to their own interests. A.D~i769 As soon as hostilities commenced, the English govern- ment formed a comprehensive plan for the reduction of ^jj^ all the French possessions in India without any exception, the English. Pondicherry soon fell ; to which conquest no opposition was made by Hyder, who even pretended to congratu- late them on their success. When, however, they an nounced their intention of reducing Mahe, on the Mala- bar coast, he decidedly objected ; urging, that the terri- tory around it having been conquered by him, was now included in his dominions. The British not considering Reduction of this argument of sufficient weight to deter them from Mahe - attacking a French fort, sent a body of troops who speedily reduced the place, although the ambitious war- rior gave all the aid he could at the moment supply, in order to defend it. It has been supposed, that his re sentment at this step was one cause of the rooted enmity which he ever after displayed against England ; but the real motives of his conduct probably lay deeper, and were connected with a more extended view of his pecu- liar interests. The government at Madras, while they adopted a Short-sigbt- more judicious policy in regard to the chief of Mysore, Madras"* '* unfortunately shut their eyes to the possibility of its Government failure, and could not be convinced that they were in any danger from his hostility. Yet he made no secret of his feelings, and seems even to have amused himself by trying how far he could proceed without rousing them from their security. They sent to him Swartz, the Danish missionary, a highly respectable and amiable man, whom he received with kindness ; and on his return intrusted him with a letter, recounting a long list of wrongs sustained from the English, adding the ominous Ominous words" I have not yet taken revenge : it is no mat- g^* 6 of ter." Mr Gray was afterwards despatched to him, but seemingly very ill provided for an Indian mission, hav- ing no presents except a saddle and a gun, both of bad workmanship, which were disdainfully refused. 414 WAR WITH MYSORE. CHAP. xn. He was lodged, or rather imprisoned, in a miserable shed A.D~780 near the capital, and annoyed with the impertinence of one of the court-menials. He obtained only formal au- SSfS* 11 diences ; while Mohammed Osman, a confidential officer, Mr. Gray, brought to him messages by no means of an encouraging tenor. Hyder asked, " Of what avail were treaties ! Of the treaty of 1769 the English had broken e very- article ; his affairs had been reduced to the brink of ruin by their refusal to aid him against the Mahrattas : after such an example, it was unnecessary to enumerate Obstinate minor grievances." As it was likewise evident that an tte^gUsiu expedition on a great scale was preparing in Mysore, Mohammed Ali represented to the government in the strongest manner the impending danger, and the ne- cessity of taking the most vigorous steps to prevent it. But his system of policy was no longer in favour with the council ; every thing hostile to the rajah was disregard- ed as coming from one who had long misled them on this subject. The government were therefore complete- ly unprepared for the tremendous blow with which they were about to be struck. Sudden Early in June 1780, after prayers had been offered ir Hyder. * the mosques, and the solemn ceremony called j'ebbum performed by the Hindoos, for the success of the pro- posed expedition, Hyder quitted Seringapatam, and found mustered on the frontier perhaps the finest army that had ever taken the field in Southern India. It consisted of 28,000 cavalry, 15,000 regular infantry, and 40,000 troops of the class called peons, many of whom, however, were veterans, in all 83,000, besides 2000 rocketmen, 6000 pioneers, and about 400 Europeans. In the middle of July he marched through the pass of Changama, and began a career of devastation in the Carnatic, which he Madras covered with the most dreadful suffering. A few days after, while the ruling party in the council would scarcely admit the existence of danger, black columns of smoke, mingled with flame, were seen approaching within a few miles of Madras. Colonel Wilks, however, controverts tne idea generally received that the whole country was TTAR WITH MYSORE. 415 reduced to ashes. This would have been contrary to CHAP, xn Hyder's object in pursuing a plan of conquest ; he mere- ^ B r ly drew round the capital a wide circle of desolation, calculating that a tedious blockade would be necessary to reduce so strong a city. As soon as the first alarm of the government had sub- insufficient sided, they began to consider the means of resistance, ^f s ^ c f e which, with an empty treasury, disunited councils, and the impossibility of placing any confidence in Moham- med Ali, appeared extremely deficient. The first object was to secure different strong places now held by the troops of the nabob, who, it was not doubted, would surrender them to the enemy on the first attack. Several fell ; but two were saved by the exertions of very young British officers. Lieutenant Flint, with a corps of 100 Courageous men, having proceeded to Wandewash, was refused ad- KaStah mittance by the killedar or governor, who had already officer, arranged the terms on which the fortress was to be given up. Flint, however, having with four of his men pro- cured access, seized the commandant, and, aided by the well-disposed part of the garrison, made himself master of the stronghold. The next object was to unite into one army the dif- ferent detachments spread over the country ; the most numerous and best equipped being under Colonel Baillie, who had advanced far into the interior with a view to offensive operations. This corps amounted to 2800, the main body not exceeding 5200. Lord Macleod, who ^^ Mac . had recently arrived in India and held the actual com- leod-s pto mand, strongly, and apparently with reason, recommend- ed that the point of junction should be fixed in front of Madras, not in the heart of a province entirely occupied by the enemy. Sir Hector Monro, the commander-in- chief, however, undertook to unite the armies at Conj eve- ram, fifty miles distant from the capital ; but Baillie, in order to reach that place, was obliged to take an inland route, in which he was exposed to the hazard of being attacked by the whole force of the invader. He was detained ten days by the swelling of the river Cortelaur, 2C CHAP.XIL Divided position of the English forces. Skilful manoeuvre of Colonel Fletcher. Rash delay of Colonel Baillia 416 WAK WITH MYSORE. and, after effecting his passage, was assailed by a large detachment under Tippoo, which he repulsed, but not without sustaining some loss. Hyder then, under cover of a feigned movement against Sir Hector, interposed his whole army between the two English divisions. They were then only fourteen miles distant, within hearing of each other's cannon, and, could they have acted in concert, would have easily defeated the irregu- lar host opposed to them. Baillie wrote, urging Sir Hector to join him ; but this commander, conceiving that he would thereby lose Conjeveram with its small supply of provisions and stores, chose rather .to send to his support Colonel Fie teller, at the head of 1000 soldiers, a most hazardous movement across a country already covered by the enemy's detachments. Yet Fletcher, with great skill and activity, and by deceiving his own deceitful guides, succeeded, amid every danger, in joining the corps that he was ordered to assist, which he raised tc upwards of 3700 men. Hyder burst into the most furi- ous invectives against his officers for not having pre- vented this union ; and the French, conceiving it prepa- ratory to a combined attack by these two divisions, ex- horted the chief, by a speedy retreat, to shun a general action. The rajah had formed a juster estimate of those with whom he was to contend. Colonel Baillie first at- tempted a night-march, by which a great extent of ground might have been gained, and where, in case of a battle, superior discipline would have given him the advantage ; but meeting with some obstacles, he deter- mined, contrary to Fletcher's advice, to delay till morn- ing. Departing at dawn, he soon found himself op- posed by the entire strength of the Mysore army. The English troops were at first harassed only by flying detachments ; but when they came into a narrow and exposed part of the road, upwards of fifty pieces of can- non began to play upon them with the most terrible effect. The several narratives vary somewhat as to the farther issues of this dreadful day. According to official and other statements, our countrymen repulsed repeated WAR WITH MYSORE. 417 charges with prodigies of valour. Their bravery indeed CHAP, xn is nowhere denied; but private accounts assert that A.~D~i78. Baillie, quite unaccustomed to a separate command, and fleeing in an agitated manner from post to post, took no Bam?e for fixed position, and did not avail himself of his real ad- command - vantages. The grenadiers called out to be led on, and not exposed without the means of resistance to the de- structive fire of the enemy. Suddenly two tumbrils exploded, spreading dismay, and threatening a failure of ammunition. The Mysorean cavalry, headed by a des- perado named Scindia, made a furious onset, by which the whole sepoy force was broken, and mingled with the enemy in inextricable confusion. The handful of Bri- His total tish troops still kept then- ground ; but as no hope could defeat be entertained of their being able to withstand the whole army of Hyder, Baillie advanced into the front, waved his handkerchief, and concluded that he had obtained the promise of quarter. But when the enemy rushed in. either disregarding their pledge, or indignant at a straggling fire which was still kept up by the sepoys, they treated the troops with the utmost cruelty, stabbing those already wounded, and even women and children. The only humanity exercised was through the exertions of the French officers Lally and Pimorin. The greater part of the corps perished on the field ; all the rest, in- cluding 200 Europeans, were taken prisoners. Such was this miserable catastrophe, on which Colonel P^^_ f Wilks hesitates not to pronounce, that if either of the trophe. commanders had followed the dictates of ordinary ex- perience, both corps would have been saved ; and if the two chiefs had acted well, the discomfiture would have been on the side of the enemy. Sir Hector approached within two miles of the fatal spot ; but observing the firing cease, and no return made to his signals, he withdrew ; and, on learning the fate of the detachment, fell back to Chingleput, where he was joined by a smaller party under Colonel Cosby, who had conducted his retreat with ability and success. The prisoners were conveyed to Seringapatam, where they were used with the greatest 418 WAR WITH MYSOKE. CHAP. XIL Sent of life prisoners. Reduction of Arcot> ir Eyre Small araii- ** &rcfc inhumanity. All those not wounded were put in irons, ^ lodged i* 1 a kind of open shed, with sleeping-places at the corners, supplied simply with mats. Only sixpence a-day was allowed for food, and no medicine was provided under the severe maladies caused by this mode of life, and to which many fell victims. The first advantage that the ruler of Mysore drew from this victory was the reduction of Arcot, which, after a respectable defence, surrendered on the 3d No- vember 1780. He held also in close siege Wandewash, Vellore, Chingleput, and other important bulwarks of the Carnatic. The intelligence of this signal disaster being conveyed to the chief s 6 ^ of government at Calcutta, Mr Hastings immediately took the most active steps to repair it. Sir Eyre Coote, a veteran officer enjoying the highest mili- tary reputation of any in India, was appointed to the chief command, and sent from Bengal with 560 European troops, while a corps of sepoys prepared to march along the coast as soon as the rainy season should terminate. At the same tune the governor of Madras was suspended, and his place in course supplied by the senior member of council, who had always opposed his inactive policy ; but the funds for the prosecution of the war were placed in the hands of the new commander-in-chief. General Coote, on arriving at the presidency, and pre- paring to take the field, found at his disposal not more than 7000 men, of whom 1700 only were Europeans. Yet with this force, so far from fearing, he anxiously desired to encounter in the field the numerous, brave, and well- commanded troops of the enemy. What he dreaded was the harassing warfare carried on by Hyder in a country which he had already converted almost into a desert, The English army, when it left Madras, was like a ship departing on a long voyage, or a caravan preparing to cross the deserts of Arabia. Every thing by which life could be supported must be carried along with it ; and the soldiers, continuing to depend on the capital alone for supply, were in danger of absolute famine. As they WAR WITH MYSORE. 419 moved in a close body through this desolated, region, CHAP.XIL never occupying more than the ground which they actually covered, clouds of the enemy's cavalry hovered round them ; who, finding that they did not choose to waste their ammunition on individual objects, even rode up to the line, and held an occasional parley, uttering from time to time a fierce defiance or an invitation to single combat. Dallas, an officer of great personal prowess, single successfully encountered several of the Indian chiefs, cam ^ >:its - and his name was called out by the most daring of the champions. In this mode of fighting, however, the na- tives in general had the advantage. Harassing as such a warfare was, and though the My- The career of sorean chief continued to refuse battle, he was obliged lifted 1 * to raise the siege of every place upon which the English directed their march. In this manner the important fortresses of Wandewash and Permacoil were relieved, and a stop was thereby put to the career of the enemy. The British commander, however, in following the rapid movements of this indefatigable adversary, found his troops so exhausted, and reduced to such destitution, as left no prospect of relief except in a general action, which he scarcely hoped to accomplish. But Hyder at length, encouraged by the appearance of a French tieet on the coast, and by a repulse sustained by our countrymen in attacking the pagoda of Chillumbrum, intrenched his army in a strong post near Cuddalore, where he at once maintained his communication with the sea, and cut off the supplies of his opponent. This station was extremely skilful formidable ; but Sir Eyre Coote skilfully leading his men 1 ( ^ t e ^ shlp of through a passage formed by the enemy for a different purpose, drew them up in the face of several power- ful batteries as well as of a vast body of cavalry, and finally carried all before him. The rajah, seated on a portable stool upon an eminence in the rear of the army, was struck with amazement at the success of the attack, and burst into the most furious passion ; refusing for some time to move from the spot, till a trusty old ser- vant almost by force drew the slippers on his legs, and 420 WAR WITH MYSORE. CHAP. xn. placed him on a swift horse, which bore him out of the the English commander Eisputnd victory. This victory enabled the English commander to relieve Wandewash a second time, which was again closely pressed by Tippoo ; but it did not supply his urgent want of money, provisions, and equipments. After sundry marches and countermarches, Hyder once more took the field, and waited battle in a position chosen by him- self, being no other than the fortunate spot, as he deemed it, near the village of Polilloor, where he had gained the triumph over the corps of Colonel Baillie. Here General Coote led his troops to an action which proved more bloody than decisive ; for though he placed them in va- rious positions, he found them every where severely an- noyed by a cross-fire from the enemy. Mr Mill's autho- rities even assert, that his movements were paralyzed by a dispute with Sir Hector Monro, and that had the Mysorean captain made a vigorous charge he would have completely carried the day. But he at length yielded the ground on which the battle was fought, and the Eng- lish reached it over the dead bodies of their yet unburicd countrymen, who had fallen in the former action. The natives, according to some accounts, boasted of this encoun- ter as a complete victory ; but Colonel Wilks says they represented" it merely as a drawn battle, which was not very far from the truth. Rapid move- Neither the fame nor strength of the British army was much improved by this engagement. The commander, however, having learned that the important fortress of Vellore was besieged and reduced to extremity, deter- mined upon a vigorous attempt to relieve it ; and having understood that Hyder was posted at Sholinghur, re- solved upon another effort to bring him to action. On the morning of the 27th September, he pushed forward with such vigour as very nearly to surprise the Indians before their ranks could be fully formed. They rallied indeed, and made several brisk charges, but were finally obliged to betake themselves to flight with the loss of 5000 men, while only a hundred fell on the side of the ments of General Coote. WAR WITH MYSORE. 421 assailants. General Coote was thus enabled, though not CHA.P. XIL without difficulty, to march upon Vellore, the siege of A. rxTysi which was abandoned on his approach. The war continued with various fortune. Intelligence Fall of the having been received of hostilities between the English lltch settie- and Dutch, Lord Macartney, now president at Madras, formed the design of reducing Negapatam, the capital of their settlements ; and, upon finding Sir Eyre Coote opposed to the measure, he completed, without drawing any from the main army, a detachment of 4000 men, placed under the command of Sir Hector Monro. The enterprise was conducted with the greatest vigour, and five successive lines of redoubts were earned by the be- siegers with such energy and intrepidity, that the garrison, though consisting of about 8000, capitulated in fourteen days. All the other Dutch settlements on the same coast fell along with it ; and even their important station of Trincomalee, on the island of Ceylon, was carried by storm. Meantime Colonel Brathwaite, at the head of 2000 Temporary men, was recovering for the English their ascendency in E^gfj^fn' 16 Tanjore ; though his corps, when the whole country Tanjora was occupied by the Mysorean cavalry, seems to have been too small to remain with safety detached from the main army. Hyder not only cut off from the British all sources of accurate information, but studied to deceive them : all the spies who pretended to give them in- Spy system telligence were in his pay; and Brathwaite remained y er encamped on the banks of the Coleroon, without a sus- picion that the flower of the enemy's forces were hem- ming him in on every side. Even when assured of the fact by one of the natives, he was so misled by opposite intimations as to think the assertion unworthy of credit, till he found himself enclosed by an army of more than ten times his number. All accounts agree that the Total defeat resistance of this devoted little corps was truly gallant, Brathwaite, and that, during the protracted contest, they repulsed repeated and desperate attacks. But at length an onset by the French troops broke the sepoys ; the whole were thrown into confusion, and finally either killed or obliged 422 WAR WITH MYSORE. CHAP. XIL to surrender. The French officers displayed their usual A D~i78i. humanity, and even Tippoo, who commanded, did not on this occasion treat the prisoners with his accustomed barbarity. Fears of Notwithstanding this triumph Hyder felt deep anxiety Hyder. gg t his future prospects. He learned that, through the indefatigable exertions made by Mr Hastings from Bengal, the Mahratta government had withdrawn from his alliance, and had even bound themselves to guarantee the British territory as it stood at the period of their last treaty. At the same time a detachment, which he had sent to besiege Tellicherry on the Malabar coast, met with a very unexpected resistance ; they were not only unable to make any impression, but, on a strong reinforcement being received from Bombay, were beaten and compelled to surrender. So much depressed was he by these unfavourable circumstances, that he had even formed the design of evacuating the Carnatic, when tid- Arrirai of ^S 3 arrived of a strong body of French troops having French aiiiw arrived on the coast ; and accordingly, on the 10th March, they landed to the amount of 3000. These auxiliaries and their allies, regarding themselves now decidedly su- perior in the field, immediately laid siege to Cuddalore, which, having been imperfectly provided with the means of defence, surrendered almost without resistance. They then proceeded to attack the important position of Wan- dewash ; "but General Coote having presented himself, and offered battle for its relief, the combined army, with all its boasted strength, declined that issue and retreated towards Pondicherry. The British general followed, and defeated them with considerable loss near Arnee. At the same time he threw supplies into Vellore, and under- took an expedition against Cuddalore, which failed only through the want of naval co-operation. Thus, even after obtaining a powerful reinforcement from France, Hyder remained still unable to face the English army in the open field. In the meanwhile, the latter were employing vigorous efforts to make an impression on the side of Malabar. Superiority of General Coote. WAR WITH srYsoRK. 423 After the triumphant repulse of the enemy from Telli- CHAP. xil. cherry, Major Abingdon reduced Calicut; and Colonel xDTns-i Humberstone, an able and intelligent officer, landed with additional strength from Bombay, which rendered the British completely masters of the field. The nayrs, hailing him as a deliverer, immediately joined their forces to his, and the combined troops proceeded into the interior. The enemy having imprudently waited their Successes of approach hi a disadvantageous position, with a river in * e ^ their rear, were totally defeated, and a great number drowned in the flight. Yet, on advancing into the country, the conqueror found himself so encumbered by the difficulties of the march, and harassed by parties acting in his rear, that he was obliged to commence his retreat. This movement it was spon necessary to make very rapid, as Tippoo and Lally had hastened with a large army to retrieve the Mysorean interests on this coast. The English fell back to Paniani, where Colo- nel Macleod, who arrived to take the command, in- trenched himself so strongly, that Tippoo was repulsed with a severe loss. This prince, however, was pre- paring with a superior force to renew the attack, when he was recalled by an event of the most momentous characteu, to which he very naturally considered every other as secondary. Hyder's health had for some tune been in a state of rapid decline, and symptoms now appeared of that severe imposthume called the rajhora, or royal boil, said to be peculiar to the country and even to the higher ranks. When decidedly formed, it baffles the skill of the native physicians, and invariably proves fatal. He expired on the 7th December 1782, at an age not precisely ascer- tained, but believed to have exceeded eighty. Of the numerous race of Indian adventurers he was perhaps the most remarkable. Destitute of the first elements of education, unable to write or read, he made his way to the throne of a mighty kingdom, which he governed with brilliant talent and profound political wisdom, though without the least tincture of honour, principle, 424 WAR WITH MYBORE. CHAP. XIL or humanity. His death formed a crisis the most alarm- A. D~i782. m S f r tne power which he had reared. An Indian army is held together by no sentiment of patriotism, public duty, or professional character, but simply by fealty to their chief, and to him personally. When he disap- pears, his soldiers are converted from an organized body to a scattered crowd of individuals, who either disperse entirely or are formed into bands, each following the leader who attaches them to him by his exploits, or can bribe them by his wealth. This danger was great as it respected the family of Hyder, whose active mind was the soul of every movement in the court and army. His sagacity, however, enabled him to choose instruments who, in the hour of trial, proved faithful to himself and his house. t Designs of The affairs of his treasury were administered by the ministers. J oint instrumentality of Poornea and Kishen Rao, two Bramins of opposite sects, speaking different languages, and serving as checks upon each other. These two per- sons, as soon as they saw Hyder's last hour approaching, formed in concert the extraordinary design of conceal- ing it from the army and the world. The state of his health had for some time prevented him from receiving any but his most confidential servants ; to them the two treasurers, with awful injunctions of secrecy, communi- cated the fact ; while to all the others they gave regular reports of the progress of the malady, which they still represented as favourable. Only Mohammed Ameen, cousin-german to the monarch, with another chief, contrived the plan of raising to power his second son, a youth of defective intellect, as a pageant in whose name Discovery of they themselves might govern. But their plot was dis- covered ; and they were apprehended and sent off under a strong guard, as if by the personal orders of the sove- reign. The instant that the rajah expired, his faithful ministers despatched notice to his eldest son, which reached him in four days. Tippoo instantly suspended his operations against the English, and accomplished a march with extreme rapidity across the peninsula. As WAR WITH MYSORE. 425 he approached, and learned that every thin* was tran- CHAP. XIL quil, he slackened his speed, and on the 2d January, ^^^3 1783, made a private entry into the camp, where, after the usual distribution of pay and donatives, he was soon Tippoo! n f recognised as commander of the army and as sovereign of Mysore. He had now at his disposal troops estimated at 88,000 men, and a treasure amounting to three mil- lions sterling, besides a great store of jewels and other precious effects. Notwithstanding this studied concealment, the govern- Proceedings ment at Madras received early notice of the death of j^^t" Hyder. They immediately transmitted the intelligence to their commander-in-chief, urging him to make a rapid movement to take advantage of that disorganization which usually follows such a crisis in an Indian govern- ment. But unfortunately the most violent insubordina- Dissensions tion and dissension reigned among the different members J.n. the ' of the council themselves. The dictatorial power, inde- pendent of the civil government, intrusted to Sir Eyre Coote, was perhaps necessary under the circumstances of that period, and had been attended with signal advantage in the conduct of the war ; but it formed a precedent to which future commanders were too mu-ch inclined to appeal. General Stuart, who had succeeded Sir Eyre, claimed equal authority ; while Lord Macartney requir- ed the entire subordination "of the military to the civil administration. The former, to vindicate his supposed right, seems to have acted in studious opposition to the instructions issued by the presidency. He first expressed doubts of the death of Hyder ; then said that he would move at the proper time ; next declared that his army was in no condition to march ; and, in short, did not undertake any thing till thirteen days after Tippoo was fully established in the sovereignty. This state of dissension between the civil and military J^ 3 authorities, each seeking rather to inculpate the other e aya> than to promote public objects, could not but be highly injurious to the service. The supreme government seem to have laid the chief blame upon that of Madras. They 426 WAR WITH MYSORE. CHAP. XIL A. D. 1783. Death of Sir Eyre Coote. Policy of th< new sultan. Complaints against General Stuart. say, " You favour us with a collected mass of complaint and invective against this government ; against the Nabob of Arcot and his ministers ; against the commander-in- chief of all the forces in India ; against the commander- in-chief of his majesty's fleet ; against your own provin- cial commander-in-chief ; and again, against this govern- ment." It was observed, that the efforts of the presidency, when they had the entire management of the war and the most liberal supplies, had been altogether unavailing for the delivery of the Carnatic. Sir Eyre Coote was accordingly sent to resume the command, with nearly the same unlimited powers as before, to which Lord Mac- artney very decidedly objected. But the gallant gene- ral, overcome by the hardships of the voyage, suffered a renewal of some former disease, and expired on the 26th April 1783, two days after reaching Madras, and about four months after the decease of the great Indian prince whose career he had checked. The war in the Carnatic had now assumed an aspect favourable beyond expectation. Tippoo, from causes which we shall presently notice, considering the west of India as having become the principal theatre of hostilities, withdrew his troops from the former, in order that he might act in the latter with more effect. In consequence of his departure it was determined to attack Cuddalore, where the French had now concentrated their main strength. As this place was receiving continual reinforce- ments, it was desirable to proceed speedily to its invest- ment ; but the Madras government lodged heavy com- plaints of the tardy progress made by General Stuart, who performed only a daily march of three miles, and thus required forty days, instead of the usual period of twelve, to reach his destination. He was censured also for immediately calling Colonel Fullerton from Tanjore, an expedient which was understood to be reserved for a case of urgent necessity. The fact, however, appears to have been, that with every reinforcement which coultl be obtained, the task was beyond his strength. Bussy, the French commander, had under him a numerous and WAR WITH MYSORE. 427 hrave army, with a considerable body of native troops. CHAP. XIL In an attack, which took place on the 13th June, the ^^~i7ss English gained indeed the contested position, but with the loss of upwards of a thousand men. The garrison was afterwards repulsed with considerable loss in a mid- force, night sally ;* yet Suffrein, the French admiral, having made himself master of the sea, and landed no fewer than 2400 men, the enemy acquired a decided superio- rity, and prepared for an enterprise which threatened the most disastrous consequences to the British. Stuart, irritated and disgusted, and considering himself aban- doned by the government at Madras, had recklessly de- termined to expose his followers to whatever hazard the course of things might present. At this critical mo- Tidings of ment, however, tidings arrived that peace was concluded P eace - between the two nations. Bussy soon after suspended offensive operations, and even sent orders to his country- men to withdraw from the service of Tippoo, offering likewise his mediation between the two belligerent par- ties ; but, though some advances were made, they were not productive of any immediate result. We shall now turn our attention to the proceedings Proceeding* on the western coast, which were rapidly rising in era^oaTt^ importance. After Tippoo had retired so hastily to make good his claim to the crown, the English became again decidedly superior ; having obtained a very considerable reinforcement under General Mathews, who assumed the command. That officer received from the presidency of Bombay positive orders to commence operations, and push forward without delay, by the most direct road, against the important city of Bednore. Instructions thus peremptory, issued by a civil government placed at so great a distance, were manifestly inexpedient. Mathews wrote, remonstrating in the strongest manner against the danger of the course thus prescribed, and the disadvantage of depriving him of discretionary power ; * Bernadotte, the present King of Sweden, was taken prisoner hi this action, and treated by General Wangenhein with a humanity vhich he afterwards cordially acknowledged. A. Di783. Temporary success of General Mathews. Source of triumph.* 6 * 1 general 428 WAR WITH MYSORE. and yet, though there must be always some measure of discretion implied in such circumstances, he proceeded precipitately to carry his orders into effect. He landed his troops at the point of the coast nearest to Bednore, and began to scale the steepest part of the Ghauts, regardless of several detachments of the enemy which were hovering on his flank and rear. He experienced a degree of success which there was little room to antici- pate ; every thing gave way before him, and Bednore it- self surrendered without a blow. He is supposed to have found in that city a treasure exceeding 800,000, and was accused of appropriating to himself a considerable portion of it ; but, from the events which followed, this charge could never be fully investigated. It would appear from Colonel Wilks, that treason, unknown to the general, had afforded the means of his triumph. Sheik Ayaz, the governor, had been raised to a high command by Hyder, who was accustomed to reproach Tippoo with the supe- rior qualities of this slave as contrasted with his own. Hence the prince conceived the most deadly hatred against the favourite, who, soon after the late monarch's decease, intercepted a letter from the new sultan order- ing him to be put to death. Under this impulse, he hastened to the citadel, and effected its delivery to the English. He did not, however, join in active warfare against his cruel master, but contented himself on his approach with retiring to the coast. Tippoo was greatly annoyed on learning the fall of this important place, and the near advance of the enemy towards his capital. Mathews was soon informed that successive corps were throwing themselves on his rear, and surrounding him with a force against which he would be unable to cope. He had by this time ob- tained permission from the Bombay government to act according to his own discretion ; but he was now so elated by his easy victory, that he placed blind confidence in fortune, and even, according to certain statements, believed himself aided by some supernatural power. Thus, reposing in full security, he allowed his communi- WAR WITH MYSOKE. 429 cations with the sea to be intercepted, while his troops CHAP. xil. were surrounded by Tippoo's whole force, aided by the . :r~r science of Cossigny, a French engineer. The garrison were driven into the citadel, and, after a brave defence, %g$*^ to were reduced to the necessity of capitulating, though on favourable terms, receiving a promise that they should be safely conducted to the coast. When the Indian prince obtained admission into Bednore, he proceeded to the treasury ; but, to his rage and dismay, found it empty. Orders were then given to search the persons of the English officers, on which unhappily was found a large sum both in money and jewels, considered always in that country as public property. Upon this discovery he considered himself absolved from all that he had stipulated ; the prisoners were thrown into irons, and committed to the most rigorous durance in the different fortresses of Mysore. The sultan immediately marching down to the low Defence of district, invested Mangalore, which, though a fortress of Uws^e- very secondary strength, was defended in the most gal- lant manner by Colonel Campbell. Having stood a siege of fifty-six days, it was reduced almost to a heap of ruins, when tidings arrived of the peace concluded between France and England. The French officers, News of peace Cossigny, Lally, and Boudenot, then withdrew with their France"and troops from the army of Tippoo, a measure viewed England, with great indignation by that prince, who considered them as united to him in a personal alliance during the war. Indeed it was not without difficulty that they escaped the effects of his resentment. Having made some vain attempts to prosecute the siege alone, he at length agreed to an armistice, which was to extend over the whole Aimistioe coast of Malabar. One condition was, that a certain sup- Bgl ply of provisions, sufficient to keep up the present stock, should be allowed to enter Mangalore every month. But, although this stipulation was nominally observed, its spirit was completely violated, the food provided being so deficient in quantity, and of such very bad quality, that the health of the garrison rapidly sank ; while General 430 "WAR WITH MYSORE. CHAP. xn. M'Leod, with an exceedingly ill-timed scrupulosity, de- clined taking any effective means for introducing proper supplies. The consequence was, that Campbell, after sustaining a siege of nearly nine months, was obliged to surrender, and was so overpowered by the fatigues of the service, that he soon afterwards died. Advantage Meantime in the south, under the able direction of fouth. din the Mr Sullivan the civil resident, and through the military talents of Colonels Lang and Fullerton, very important advantages were gained. First Caroor and Dindigul, and afterwards Palgaut and Coimbetoor, were reduced. The last of these officers was even preparing to ascend the Ghauts and march upon Seringapatam, when he was ordered to stop, and directed to restore all his recent conquests. Tippoo had applied for two English com- missioners to proceed to his camp and treat for peace ; and, with a courtesy which Colonel Wilks considers blamable, the Madras government had acceded to his re- quest. These envoys, however, on discovering his pro- ceedings with regard to Mangalore, sent orders to Fuller- ton to suspend the process of restoration. But at length a treaty was concluded, founded on the basis that each party should retain his former possessions, and that the sultan should release such of his prisoners as had survived the cruelties with which they had been treated. CONQUEST OP MYSORE. 431 CHAPTER XIII. Conquest of Mysore. Power of Tippoo His Persecution of the Christians, and of the People of Coorg Confederacy against him His Successes- Conclusion of Peace Cruel Treatment of the Natives in Cali- cut Attack on Travancore Repulse Final Success Arrival and Views of Marquis Cornwallis He resolves to make War upon Tippoo Treaty with the Nizam General Medows opens the Campaign Reduction of Dindigul and Palgaut Successful Manoeuvres of Tippoo He lays waste the Carnatic Cornwallis assumes the Command Advances upon Bar>galore Reduces that Fortress Nizam's Contingent Advance upon Seringa- patam Engagement, Distress and Retreat of the English General Abercromby's Advance and Retreat Junction with the Mahrattas Reduction of several Hill- forts Secid March on Seringapatam Defeat of Tippoo Overtures from him Terms accepted The young Princes received as Hostages Difficulties Final Conclusion General Results of the War Pacific Poli- cy of Sir John Shore Arrival of Marquis Wellesley His Sys- tem Tippoo's Negotiation with the French British Influence established at the Court of the Nizam Negotiations with the Sultan Army advances against him He attacks the Troops from Bombay British march on Seringapatam Action at Malavilly Despondence of Tippoo Siege commenced Its Ope- rations Tippoo attempts to negotiate His Alarm Storming of Seringapatam Death of the Sultan His Character Anec- dotes Disposal of the Kingdom of Mysore. TIPPOO, after having concluded this treaty, became the CHAP. x:il most prominent personage in the political world of India. A 7T783. Equal perhaps to his father in talents and ambition, sometimes even displaying a superior military genius, he was yet, as already observed, a very different character. 2D 432 CONQUEST OF MYSORE. DHAP. XIIL The former always proceeded in a direct course to realke A. i>~~i784, h* 8 schemes of interest or ambition, from which no other object could turn him aside ; but the latter was agitated Tippoa 6r by various passions and caprices, which disqualified him from pursuing a decided line of policy. Instead, too, of manifesting the indifference of Hyder on the subject of religion, he was inspired with a furious zeal in the cause of Islamism, which prompted to the most odious and tyran- nical measures. The issue was, that he was buried under the ruins of the empire he inherited, and which his predecessor, by so many arts and crimes, had raised out of nothing. Persecution His first religious persecution was directed against the Christians. Christians on the coast of Canara, who had been convert- ed by the Portuguese. In this case, indeed, he seems to have had a somewhat plausible pretext. In his nar- rative he asserts, probably not without truth, that the Europeans had originally employed violent means to compel the natives to adopt the new creed. Having therefore collected 60,000, by his own statement, but, according to Wilks, only 30,000, he forcibly inflicted on Cmei and them the rite of circumcision ; then hurried them to the proceedings, capital, and distributed them in the different garrisons ; a barbarous treatment, by which it is said that many perished. By a strange inconsistency, he represented it as the highest honour to be thus urged to the profession of the Moslem faith, yet made it the punishment of re- bellion and contumacy. The rude mountainous territory of Coorg had always formed a reluctant appendage to the kingdom of Mysore. The people had taken advan- tage of the war with the English to reassert their inde- pendence ; holding their conquerors in equal abhorrence on account of their religion, and their disregard for the rights of landed property. As they now presented the aspect of a formidable resistance, Tippoo was obliged to march against them with his whole force, when they retreated into the depth of their forests, which appeared almost inaccessible. Having, however, divided his whole army into detachments, which formed a complete circle CONQUEST OF MYSORE. 433 round the unhappy fugitives, and closing in upon them CHAP XIIL as huntsmen do in pursuit of game, he at length pene- trated into their most secret haunts, and carried off A - D - 1766 '- 70,000 victims to undergo the abhorred penalties of cir- cumcision and captivity. Elated by these cruel tri- The sultan umphs, the sultan hesitated not to assume the title of assumes the padsha, which our historians have not very accurately & ofpad ~ translated king. It was hitherto appropriated exclu- sively to the Great Mogul, whose supremacy had till that period been acknowledged in Mysore ; but no sooner did the conqueror invest himself with this high distinc- tion, than public prayers were offered for him instead of Shah Allum. The increasing influence and lofty pretensions of this confederacy potentate raised against him, in 1786, a confederacy the most powerful that had for a long time been formed in Southern India. The Mahrattas had repeatedly shaken to its foundation the throne of Hyder ; and, though now much disunited, they were still the greatest among the native powers. They held possession of the person as well as the capital of the Mogul, and had no rivals for empire except in the Afghan sovereigns. With the nizam, who ranked second in strength and dignity, they formed an alliance, which had for its object the subver- sion of the new kingdom in the south, and the division between them of all its possessions. So confident were confidence the Mahrattas of a triumphant issue, that they did not &** even call in their own contingents, and declined courting the aid of the English, lest they should be obliged to share with them the expected spoil. The confederates advanced towards the Toombuddra, the chief barrier be- tween their dominions and those of Tippoo ; they be- sieged and took the strong fortress of Badamee ; and their cavalry spread themselves over the country. The sultan did not attempt directly to oppose this invading inves^^t force ; but by a circuitous movement came rapidly upon ofthefortrew Adonic, the principal fortress of the nizam south of the river just named, and considered by this ruler so strong, that he had formed in it a sort of royal esta- CHAI-. xin A.fTl786. Impetuous attack and repulse of Tippoo. Abtndon- ment of Adonie, Daring scheme of Tippoo. Partial snc- CONQUEST OF MYSORE. blishment, which included the harems of his brother and nephew. The son of Hyder pushed the siege with hia characteristic impetuosity ; but having prematurely at- tempted to storm a breach, found it so bravely defended by its commander, that he sustained a complete repulse. The confederate armies were thus enabled to come to its relief, and obliged him to retire. But it was now the season of the year at which the Toombuddra undergoes its periodical inundation, when it became necessary for the allies to have the whole of their armies, their ma- terials, and supplies, either on the one side or on the other of that river. To transport so many men and so much baggage to the southern bank, in the face of an active enemy, appeared too hazardous ; they therefore recrossed to the northern side, leaving Tippoo's domi- nions secure during the period of the monsoon. They were even reduced to the necessity of abandoning Adonie, after hastily withdrawing its distinguished inmates ; and the victor on entering found numerous apartments still fitted up with all the splendour of a royal palace. The sultan had now just ground to boast of his suc- cess ; yet he aimed at extending it still farther. He caused a great quantity of timber to be felled in the forests of Bednore, and floated down the swollen stream, where it was converted into rafts and basket-boats for conveying his forces across. All his officers dissuaded him from the daring scheme of carrying beyond this river offensive operations against such powerful armies. He rejected every argument, and in the course of a week had actually transported the whole of his troops to the other side. The confederates, who could not be made to believe in any such attempt, had neglected all precautions against it ; and their indecisive movements soon showed how completely they were taken by surprise. After repeated marches and countermarches, Tippoo, with his whole force in four divisions, made a midnight attack upon their camp. Through a want of co-operation be- tween these detachments, the undertaking did not com- pletely succeed ; yet the enemy were thereby compelled CONQUEST OF MYSORE. 435 to quit their position, and when they afterwards attempt- CHAJ . xni ed to regain it, were repulsed with considerable loss j^^ 76 - The general issue of the day was such as induced them to retreat, abandoning to the conqueror the important city and district of Savanoor. Soon after, overtures were made Mutual for a treaty, which was concluded on the condition that the sultan should acknowledge the tribute stipulated by Hyder ; amounting still, after some liberal deductions, to forty-five lacks of rupees, thirty of which were ac- tually paid. He restored also Adonie and the other towns taken during the war, and was in return recog- nised as sovereign of nearly all India south of the river Toombuddra. By this successful contest against such a powerful Strong posi- confederacy, Tippoo had earned perhaps the greatest military name in Hindostan ; having displayed even pru- dence and moderation in the terms on which he con- cluded peace. He now considered himself the undis- puted ruler of the south, and at liberty to propagate the Mohammedan faith by violence of every description. His first movement was to descend the Ghauts, into the Descent on territory of Calicut or Malabar Proper, which, by a Mysore - hard-won conquest, Hyder had annexed to the dominion of Mysore. Here he found a race inspired with such deadly enmity to his favourite creed, that if a Mussul- man touched the outer wall of a house, they thought it necessary to reduce the whole to ashes. Their religious profession, indeed, derived little honour from their moral conduct, since custom among the nayrs, or natives of high rank, sanctioned a mode of living so extremely dis- solute, that Tippoo did not exaggerate when he told them, that " they were all born in adultery, and were more shameless hi their connexions than the beasts of the field." But notwithstanding these habits, they pos- sessed the utmost bravery, and were prepared to make the most determined resistance to the resolution enter- tamed by the sultan of compelling them to undergo cir- cumcision and eat beef. Even when vanquished they submitted to both conditions with extreme reluctance , 436 CONQUEST OF MYSORE. CHAP. xm. and many sought refuge in the heart of forests, or in the A.lTT788 surrounding mountains, till at length the whole were either circumcised or driven from their fields and Religious homes. The victor then commenced a war against the wan religious edifices. He publicly boasted that he had rased to the ground eight thousand temples, with their roofs of gold, silver, and copper, after digging up the treasures buried at the feet of the idols ; but there is reason to believe, that in this instance he greatly exag- gerated his own enormities. At length he became so elated with these exploits, that he appears to have con- Extravagant sidered himself as really endued with supernatural conqueror^ 6 powers, and little if at all inferior to Mohammed him- self. Being strongly advised by his counsellors not to attempt passing the Ghauts during the height of the rainy season, he replied, that " he would order the clouds to cease discharging their waters until he should have passed." But he had soon to encounter a mortal foe, against whom neither his earthly nor his celestial powers were found to avail. Kingdom of The little kingdom of Travancore, forming the western " part of the most southerly extremity of India, amid the revolutions which shook the greater states in its vicinity, had hitherto succeeded in maintaining independence and neutrality. It was protected not only by a lofty chain of mountains, extending as far as Cape Comorin, but by the more imperfect defence of a wall and ditch covering its whole frontier. Tippoo, however, had fixed his eyes with intense eagerness on the conquest of a territory which lay as it were enclosed within his recent acquisi- Grounds of tions, and would complete their circuit. He fabricated several grounds of dissatisfaction. The territory of Co- chin, which had now been reduced under complete vas- salage to Mysore, happened so to intersect that of Tra- vancore, that the wall formed for the defence of the one surrounded some portions of the other ; and Tippoo could complain that his passage to a certain part of his domi- nions was obstructed by this barrier. The Rajah of Travancore again, with the view of securing his frontier, CONQUEST OF MYSORE. 437 had purchased from the Dutch the forts of Cranganor CHAP, xili and Ayacotta, which the latter had long ago conquered ^ fTnsa. from the Portuguese. This measure was deeply resent- ed by Tippoo, who remarked that these forts stood with- in his territories, and alleged, though seemingly without reason, that the Dutch had owned his superiority, and paid a rent for the land. Lastly, the refugee nayrs, flee- ing from his persecution, had found a friendly reception in Travancore. On these, or any other grounds, the sultan would not have been slow to execute his purpose, had it not been checked by a defensive alliance formed Defensiv during the last war between the rajah and the English. It was therefore necessary to afford explanations to the government at Madras, who appear to have felt the strongest disposition to preserve pacific relations with Mysore. They professed themselves ready to listen to all reasonable grounds of complaint, and proposed sending two commissioners who might examine and adjust the several matters in dispute. This did not harmonize with the design of Tippoo, who hastened with his whole force to attack the weak barrier of the Travancore lines. Attack on the The extent of such a fortification necessarily rendered it Jj^ - ancore inefficient ; and accordingly, on the 29th Decembei 1789, while a numerous body, comprising apparently the whole army, by a feigned attack on the principal gate, occupied the attention of the inhabitants, the sultan him- self with upwards of 14,000 men, the flower of his troops, had effected his entrance at an unguarded point on the right flank. He then pushed along the interior of the rampart to reach the nearest gate and open it to his sol- diers. For some time his progress was almost unresisted ; the inhabitants retreated from one tower to another ; though, as reinforcements arrived, they began to make a more vigorous stand. They maintained their defence Fresh troop* particularly in a large square building that served the joint purpose of a magazine and barrack ; and here Tippoo, seeing his first division considerably diminished by successive contests, ordered it to be strengthened by a fresh corps. This operation being ill understood, was im- 438 CO.VQCEST OF MYSORE. CHAP. XIIL Their dis- order and defeat Flight of Tippoo. Rage of the sultan at his repulse. Deception of the British. perfectly executed ; and, as the troops were advancing in some disorder,a party of twenty Travancoreans, from undei a close cover, opened a brisk fire on their flank. The commanding-officer fell, upon which the whole body was thrown into irretrievable confusion. The mass of fugi- tives drove before them a detachment which was advanc- ing to their support, and who again impelled those behind. Many of the men thrown down were trampled to death ; and the ditch was filled with heaps of bodies. The sultan himself was borne along by the torrent, and some servants with difficulty conveyed him over the ditch, after he had twice fallen, and suffered such contusions as occa- sioned a lameness from which he never entirely re- covered. His palanquin, the bearers of which had been killed in the crowd, was left behind ; and his seals, rings, and other ornaments, fell into the hands of the enemy. He hastened forward, partly on foot and partly in a small carriage, and arrived at his camp in the most miserable plight, after losing 2000 of his men. So pre- carious is the fortune with which war, and especially barbarous war, is often attended ! It may be easier to conceive than describe the rage and humiliation of Tippoo at seeing his fine army thus completely repulsed by a despised foe ; and he made a vow that he would not leave the encampment till he had retrieved and avenged the disaster. All his detach- ments were called in, his heavy cannon was brought down from Seringapatam and Bangalore ; and though more than three months were employed in these prepa- rations, he succeeded completely in lulling the suspi- cions of the British, and in persuading them that he was still desirous of maintaining amicable relations. At length, his arrangements being completed, about the be- ginning of April 1790, he opened regular batteries against this contemptible wall, and soon made a breach nearly three quarters of a mile in extent. The troops of Tra- vancore, thus exposed in the open field, fled with little resistance, and he soon saw the whole country lying de- fenceless before him. Immediately after he laid siege to CONQUEST OF MYSORE. 439 Cranganor, near which, on the neighbouring island of CHAP, xm Vipeen, the English had a small force stationed to assist the ^ 7^90 rajah. These were reinforced by three battalions under Colonel Hartley, who, on finding that he could not un- Cranganor dertake offensive operations, withdrew the native garri- son from the place, and took up a defensive position, in which the enemy did not attempt to molest him. The Mysorean commander now overran a great part of the conquered territory, committing his usual devastations, and carrying great numbers of the inhabitants into cap- tivity. Many, however, retired to their southern fast- nesses, where they could with difficulty be pursued; and the season becoming unfavourable, Tippoo, who was also alarmed by the movements of our countrymen, returned to Seringapatam, after having levelled to the ground the wall which had proved so unexpectedly for- midable. The Marquis Cornwallis had arrived in 1786 as go- Reformed vernor-general, with a view to effect a complete reform in the system of Indian policy ; and to avoid by every possible means war with the native powers was one of his leading instructions. He began, accordingly, by pro- claiming, in a manner that has been censured as too full and undisguised, the resolution to engage in no hostilities not strictly defensive. Yet his views very early under- went a change ; and he then considered it necessary, or ^ at least highly expedient, to enter upon an extended rjc warfare with the view of humbling completely the power of Mysore. It seems difficult to discover any good ground for altering his determination so entirely. Tippoo had no doubt shown himself very formidable ; yet there was no reason to apprehend, while the whole of Central India was united by the alliance between the nizam and the Mahrattas, that the balance of power would be actually endangered ; on the contrary, it was likely to be in greater peril from the downfal of one of these parties and the immoderate aggrandizement of the others. The new governor-general, in adopting thi* policy, was greatly influenced, we suspect, by the restless 410 CONQUEST OF MYSORE. CHAP. XIII. and violent disposition of the sultan, and by an ab- V rTl79a. norrence f the cruel persecutions which he continued to inflict upon the inhabitants of the Malabar coast. The cession The views of the marquis were soon developed by a treaty formed with the nizam. He had been instructed to take the earliest opportunity of demanding from this prince the cession of Guntoor, one of the Northern Circars, considered necessary for completing the circuit of that important territory. This claim was founded on the agreement of 1768, originally concluded with a view to offensive war against Hyder, and to a partition of his dominions. The pretension was somewhat exorbitant, considering that the treaty had been repeatedly broken ; that war had since been waged between the two parties ; and that peace was twice contracted with Mysore without Unexpected any regard to its stipulations. A military force, however, compliance. was despatched to support the claim, which the nizam showed a very remarkable and unexpected facility in granting. Hatred and fear of Tippoo had at this time overcome all other considerations, and he readily agreed to execute the conditions of the treaty relative to Gun- toor, provided all the others, including extensive cessions promised to him from the expected spoil of his enemy, were also inserted. The governor-general could not grant this to the full extent, but he acceded to the pro- posal in case future circumstances should admit of its fulfilment. At the same tune, agreeably to treaty, a subsidiary force was to be sent to the nizam, and securi- ties were introduced that it should not be employed against certain other powers. No such saving clause be- ing added in reference to the sultan, the negotiation with respect to him bore altogether a hostile character. TYCO'S TO- While actuated by these dispositions, Lord Cornwallis ceding* was probably gratified upon hearing that Tippoo, by his attack on the Travancore wall, had afforded a regular ground on which to declare war. He made a most in- dignant reply to the presidency at Madras, who, express- ing their opinion that this prince still desired peace, were themselves entering into treaty, and making no CONQUEST OP MYSORE. 441 preparation for hostilities. In fact, the Travancore CHAP xm affair, though it called for attention, does not seem to . ~ have pressed so closely on any British interest that an attempt might not have heen made to adjust it by pacific arrangements. The marquis, however, announced, that it ought to have been considered, and must still be viewed, as at once placing the two powers in a state of enmity. He had determined to repair to Madras and take Arrival the command in person, but relinquished this intention on MeaT 6 1 learning the arrival of General Medows, in whose vigour and capacity he placed the utmost confidence. At the same time he hastened to conclude an alliance with the Alliance with nizam and the Mahratta government, who each engaged the Mahratta to employ their whole force against the sultan ; in return g Tei for which, upon the success of the war, all their claims upon the territory of Mysore were to be granted in their fullest extent. The former pressed earnestly for a guar- antee that, while his troops were absent on the projected expedition, his country should not be pillaged by his warlike allies ; but, though it was impossible to deny the reality of the danger, it would have been exceedingly ungracious, in a public document, to have supposed that great power capable of such a dereliction of duty and decency. The governor-general, however, gave private assurances of protection, with which he prevailed upon the Indian prince to be satisfied. Tippoo seems not to have been prepared for the prompt Prompt movement of the English. In June 1790, they com- ^ e menced the campaign on the boldest system of offensive ush. warfare ; their aim being nothing less than by the most direct route to ascend the Ghauts from the south, and advance upon Seringapatam. This march had already been projected and considered practicable by Colonel Fullerton at the termination of the last war. As com- pared with the northern road through the frontier-dis- trict of the Baramahl, it had the disadvantage of being more remote from Madras, and consequently from all military supplies and stores ; but it led through a coun- try more abundant in forage and provisions, and avoided 442 CONQUEST OF MYSORE. CHAP. xin. the obstacle presented by the powerful fortress of Ban- A. D. 1790. B^ 01 " 6 ' It was necessary, however, to begin by reduc- ing the strong places possessed by the sultau in the low tife fortresses Country ; and General Medows, fixing his head-quarters of the low a t Coimbetoor, employed in this service Colonel Stuart, 011 ' who had acquired much experience in Southern India. The most important of these fortresses, and that which was considered the main bulwark of Mysore in this quar- ter, was Palgaut, about thirty miles west of Coimbetoor. Stuart immediately marched against it, but had on his way to encounter an unexpected obstacle. At this season the monsoon, which deluges the coast of Malabar, conveys only cooling and refreshing showers to the in- terior and eastern districts ; but, in advancing westward, he met its full force, which rendered the country wholly unfit for military operations. After giving a formal summons to Palgaut, he returned, and was then de- spatched to Dindigul, more than 100 miles distant in the Siege and south-east. Having formed a very inadequate idea of DtamguL f tne strength of this place, he had carried only a small stock of ammunition, which was found nearly exhausted after effecting only a very imperfect breach. No alter- native was left but an attempt to storm it, in which he was repulsed ; the enemy, however, were so struck by the spirit with which the assault was conducted, and so ignorant of the deficiency under which he laboured, that they sent proposals of surrender, on terms which he was too wise not to accept. By the time he returned from Dindigul, the season admitted of his again proceeding against Palgaut. Here he had been equally misinformed, though to quite a dif- ferent effect, having been led to expect a very formid- Snrreuder of able resistance. He accordingly employed great efforts Palgaut m sen( jj n g forward a considerable train of artillery ; but on the morning of the 21st September, two batteries having been opened, the guns of the fort were speedily silenced, and before night a breach was effected in the curtain. The garrison soon made offers of submission, asking scarcely any conditions except that they should CONQUEST OP MYSORE. 443 be protected from the fury of the nayrs in the British CHAP. xin. service, who were ready to vent on all that belonged to ^rTmo. Tippoo their deepest resentment for his barbarous per- secution. While Colonel Stuart was thus employed, considerable progress was made by the army towards the high land of Mysore. A chain of posts along the rivers Cavery Reduction of and Bahvany, namely, Caroor, Eroad, Sattimungul, had been successively reduced ; and the last of these, com- manding the important pass of Gujelhutty, which opened the way into the heart of the country, was occupied by Colonel Floyd with a force of 2000 men. By this ar- rangement the different corps were very ill connected to- gether ; forGeneralMedows atCoimbetoorwas sixty miles distant from the division of Floyd, and thirty from that of Stuart. The second of these officers pointed out the Rash policy danger of his situation, and the intelligence he had re- ceived that the enemy was collecting a great force to at- tack him ; but the commander paid no attention to this warning, and ordered the detachment to continue in its present position. The Mysore cavalry, under Seyed Saheb, had indeed, in their attack, been very easily repulsed, and even compelled to retire behind the Ghauts; still, this failure of the advanced guard under a pusilla- nimous chief afforded no ground to judge of what might be expected when the whole force under the sultan him- self should be brought into action. Early in September his horsemen were seen in large bodies descending the Ghauts ; and as, when crossing the Bahvany at different points, they endeavoured to surround the handful of Eng- lish and sepoys, the latter soon felt themselves in a very critical posi- critical situation. They nevertheless made a gallant de- fence, and the enemy, having entangled their columns in the thick enclosures which surrounded the British posi- tion, were charged very effectually with the bayonet, and several squadrons entirely cut off. The Mysoreans, how- ever, still advanced with increasing numbers, and open- ed a battery, which did great execution among the native soldiers ; yet these mercenaries stood their ground with 444 CONQUEST OF MYSORE. Retreat of Colonel Floyd. Fortunate diversion in his favour. CHAP. xin. great bravery, saying, " We have eaten the Company's A. D~T;9a ^t > our lives are a ^ their disposal." They accordingly maintained their position, and Tippoo thought proper to withdraw during the night to the distance of several miles : but the casualties had been so very severe, and the post proved so untenable, that Colonel Floyd consider- ed it necessary in the morning to commence his retreat, leaving on the field three dismounted guns. The sultan, at the same time, having mustered his forces, began the pursuit with about fifteen thousand men, and after mid- day overtook the English as they retired in single column. The latter, repeatedly obliged to halt and form in order of battle, repulsed several charges ; yet, as soon as they resumed their march, the Indians hovered round them on all sides. They were compelled to abandon three additional guns, and their situation was becoming more and more critical, when some cavalry being seen on the road from Coimbetoor, the cry arose that General Medows was coming to their aid. This report, being favoured by the commander, was echoed with such confidence through the ranks, that though Tippoo had good information as to the real fact, he was deceived, and withdrew his ca- valry. Colonel Floyd was thus enabled to prosecute his retreat towards the main army, which had already marched to meet him, but by a wrong road ; so that the two divisions found much difficulty, and suffered many hardships, before they could rejoin each other. The English, in the course of these untoward events, had lost above 400 in killed and wounded ; their plans for the campaign had been deranged ; the stores and magazines formed on the proposal line of march lay open to the enemy, and were therefore to be removed with all speed. General Medows, notwithstanding, resumed offensive operations, and had nearly come in contact with the army of the sultan ; but this ruler, by a series of manoeuvres, eluded both him and Colonel Maxwell, then stationed in Baramahl, and by a rapid march descended into the Coromandel territory. After menacing Trichi- nopoly, he turned northwards, and swept the Carnatic Derange- ment of the English CONQUEST OP MYSORE. 445 with nearly as little opposition as was experienced by CHAP. xrn. his father during his first triumphant campaign. At A.DTiT91. Thiagar, indeed, he was repulsed by his old friend Captain Flint, whom he had learned to know at Wandewash ; but scarcely any other place made even a show of resist- ance. He began by burning and destroying every thing in his way ; but soon considered that it would be more profitable to levy contributions, and thereby to replenish his somewhat exhausted treasury. On approaching Pondicherry, he endeavoured to open a negotiation with the French, which was rendered fruitless by the pacific disposition of Louis the Sixteenth. General Medows in the field displayed courage and talent ; but he had not shown himself equal to the in- tricate operations of an Indian campaign. Lord Corn- Lord Corn- wallis, therefore, determined to resume his original de- ^'mes'the sign of directing in person the course of the war ; and hav- command, ing arrived at Madras, on the 29th January 1791, he took the command. He brought considerable reinforcements ; and having ordered Medows to join him, resolved with- out hesitation to carry hostilities into the centre of Tip- poo's dominions. In weighing the advantages of the two Motives of his lines of operation, the north and the south, by which he P Uc y- could penetrate into the interior of Mysore, he preferred the former. Probably the failure of the late campaign a good deal influenced his choice ; he reflected also on the distance to which his military movements would in the other case be withdrawn from their point of support at Madras, and therefore decided upon braving all the difficulties presented by the fortress of Bangalore, and the bleak region in which it is situated. On the 5th February the governor-general began his March of the march, and on the llth passed through Vellore towards j^ 1 ' Amboor, as if he had meant to ascend the mountains by some one of the passes directly opposite to Madras. Tip- poo, meantime, was lingering near Pondicherry, hi hopes of concluding his French negotiation, and being thereby reinforced by six thousand troops. He trusted, too, that with his light cavalry he might reach the 446 CONQUEST OF MYSORE. Able move- ment of the general. Siege of Bangalore. CHAP. xm. towards which the English were advancing, in time to place A.DTT791. l" 11186 ^ in tneir front. Cornwallis, however, suddenly wheeled to the right, and by a circuitous march of four days attained the pass of Mooglee, where he found neither fear nor preparation on the part of the enemy. In a similar period he entered without resistance the high plain of Mysore, and was now in the heart of the sul- tan's country. This able movement, with which the commander-in- chief opened his career, struck his anta- gonist with consternation, and inspired the most favour- able anticipations as to the manner in which the campaign would be conducted. Tippoo, taken completely by surprise, hastened to the defence of his dominions ; but he acted on no distinct or effective plan. He lost much valuable time in superin- tending personally the removal of his harem from Ban- galore ; and, notwithstanding several attempts to harass the British, scarcely opposed an obstacle to their taking ground before that stronghold, which they did on the 5th March. The siege was immediately begun with the utmost vigour, yet under peculiar disadvantages. The fortress was too extensive to be invested ; operations were therefore carried on solely by breach and battery ; the garrison received all the reinforcements and supplies of which they stood in need ; while the sultan, with the whole of his brave and active army, well skilled in de- sultory warfare, hovered round, making continual efforts to support the besieged, and to annoy their assailants. Yet the only serious disaster which the latter experienced was occasioned by the too forward valour of Colonel Floyd, when despatched with the cavalry to cover a re- connaissance. Being about to retire, he saw the enemy's rear hi a position exposed to an advantageous attack, and could not resist the temptation. He pushed on, and though soon entangled in broken and irregular ground, drove successive detachments before him, when suddenly a musket-ball entered his cheek, passed through both jaws, and he fell down apparently dead. The second in command being in the extreme left, there was no one to Disaster of Colonel Floyd. CONQUEST OF MYSORE. 447 give orders or encourage the troops at this critical mo- CHAP. xm. ment. They began a retreat, which, as the different corps of the enemy rallied, and a cross-fire was opened from the fort, was soon changed into a confused flight. The overthrow might have been very serious, had not Colonel Gowdie come up with a body of infantry, and checked the advance of the pursuers. The loss of the British in men was only 71, but the destruction of nearly 300 horses was very severely felt. Another enterprise, which proved somewhat hazard- Takinpoftiie ous, was the carrying of the town, or pettah as it was called, of Bangalore, a place of very considerable extent and importance. It was surrounded with an indifferent wall, but the ditch was good, and the gate was covered by a very close thicket of Indian thorns. The attack was made, too, without any due knowledge of the ground ; and the soldiers, both in advancing and hi en- deavouring to force an entrance, were exposed to a de- structive fire from turrets lined with musketry. Colonel Moorhouse, one of the most accomplished characters in the service, received four wounds, which proved fatal. At length, when the gate was almost torn in pieces, Lieu- Bravery of tenant Ayre, a man of diminutive stature, forced his the English way through it, and Medows, who preserved an inspir- ing gayety hi the midst of battle, called out, " Well done ! now, whiskers, try if you can follow and support the little gentleman." On this animating call, the troops dashed into the town ; though its great extent rendered the occupation difficult. Tippoo likewise threw in a strong corps, which renewed the contest, opening a heavy fire with small arms ; but, when the English betook themselves to the bayonet, they drove the enemy with irresistible fury through the streets and lanes, and soon compelled them to evacuate the pettah. Our loss, how- ever, amounted to 131. Notwithstanding every obstacle, the besiegers by the Breacn 21st had effected a breach, and though it was not in a condition for being stormed, yet, on considering the ac- tive movements made by the sultan, it was determined to 448 CONQUEST OF MYSORE. Fortress of Bangalore taken. CHAP. xin. make the attempt that very night. It was bright moon- A.D. 1791. light, eleven was the hour named, and a whisper along the ranks was the signal appointed for advancing in profound silence. The ladders were planted, and a few men had reached the rampart hefore the alarm ex- tended through the garrison. The killedar or governor hastened to the spot, and fought with the utmost hravery, but he fell ; and the assailants, charging with the bayo- net, soon established themselves on the top of the walls. They spread to the right and left ; columns descended into the body of the place ; and in an hour they were masters of Bangalore. Tippoo had received the intelli- gence, and was marching with his whole force to save the place, when crowds of fugitives announced to him the disastrous event ; and he remained the whole night sunk in silence and stupor. It is asserted that he was aware of the intended attack, and had made preparations to meet it ; but the occurrences which actually took place do not seem very consistent with this statement. After this triumph, Lord Cornwallis was still in ex- treme distress for provisions, and especially forage. Be- fore making his grand movement upon the capital, he proceeded northward, in hopes of obtaining supplies, and of being joined by 10,000 horse which the nizam had promised. After a long march, the expected contingent made its appearance ; but a woful disappointment was felt at the very aspect of such grotesque auxiliaries. Ac- cording to Wilks, " it is probable that no national or private collection of ancient armour in Europe contains any weapon or article of personal equipment which might not be traced in this motley crowd, the Parthian bow and arrow, the iron club of Scythia, sabres of every age and nation, lances of every length and description, and matchlocks of every form, metallic helmets of every pattern." These singular accoutrements were combined with " the total absence of every symptom of order or obedience, excepting groups collected round their respec- tive flags ; every individual an independent warrior, self- impelled, affecting to be the champion whose single arm the English forces. Strange auxiliaries. CONQUEST OP MYSORE. 449 was to achieve victory." This corps, it was evident, could CHAP, x rn. never be of any use in regular operations ; hut hopes were A T~779L at first cherished that they might relieve the English from some of the harassing duty belonging to light troops. It was soon found, however, that they did nothing but plunder the natives and consume the stores of the camp, already almost entirely exhausted. Lord Cornwallis, though he had been so completely Resolute disappointed in his allies, and though all his depart- ments, especially those of conveyance, were in the most imperfect state, was yet anxiously desirous to bring the war to a termination, which could be effected only by advancing upon Seringapatam. For this end all possible resources were called into action ; the officers were in- vited and agreed with alacrity to contribute their private means, and to hire from the natives accommodations, which the latter would not willingly have placed under the control of a public department. Cannon-balls were carried even by women and children ; and thus, almost without any regular equipment, the army was enabled to march upon the capital. This movement struck Tippoo Alarm of with alarm ; he had even made arrangements for con- Ti PP- veying his harem and treasure to Chittledroog ; but his mother represented to him the fatal impression of de- spondency which such a step would make upon his troops and subjects. He yielded to her judgment, and deter- mined to hazard all in the defence of his chief city. His mingled apprehension and rage were oddly display- ed, in effacing from the walls of the town numerous cari- catures with which he had caused them to be embel- lished, representing the English in the most ridiculous attitudes, and also in the secret murder of a number of his prisoners. The sultan had hitherto confined himself to a desul- Change of tory warfare, endeavouring to cut off the British by de- tachments, in the manner which, during the last con- test, had been so successful. But in his campaign with Lord Cornwallis, he had been unable to achieve any ex- ploit of this description; and now the danger of his 450 CONQUEST OP MYSORE. CH\P. xiii capital, and it is said the reproaches of his wires, urged . him to hazard a general battle rather than allow it to be "^ ' 7 formally invested. He drew up his men with great General judgment on a range of heights in front of the Cavery, which here separated his army from the island on which Seringapatam stood. The governor-general, by a night- movement, placed himself on the enemy's left flank ; but Tippoo, with great promptitude, had anticipated the object of his opponent by occupying a succession of steep hills in front of his position, from the possession of which he derived a great advantage. The battle was of lone,' continuance, and maintained with great obstinacy. The English, unable to employ their own artillery with any effect, suffered considerably from that of the enemy, and were also seriously annoyed by numerous flights of rockets furnished from the arsenal. Yet, on coming to close combat, they carried, by successive charges, one point after another, till the whole of the sultan's army was obliged to seek shelter under the fortifications of the city. Unfruitful k rd Co""*^ 3 * at tne expense of 500 men in killed victory of the and wounded, had gained the honour of the day ; but he British. wflg m sucn a situation that only a decisive victory, and scarcely even that, could have enabled him to achieve his object. Tippoo had practised, with the utmost dili- gence, his old system of laying waste the country around the English. They had marched through a desert, and in vain, by sending scouts in every direction, endeavour- ed to find a human being who could afford either aid or information ; and the army was now suffering most deeply from famine, disease, and all those evils which, in a cam- paign, are often more fatal than the sword. Their means of conveyance were so deficient that the men were com- pelled, in view of the enemy, to drag the baggage, and even the heavy cannon, as if they had been beasts of burden. In short, after several marches and counter- marches, the British commander felt himself under the painful necessity of immediately retreating, with the sacrifice of all the battering-train and heavy equipments CONQUEST OF MYSORE. 451 with which he was to have besieged Seringapatam. He CHAP, xm was obliged also to stop the progress of another expedi- A ~r 7RL tion which was advancing to his support. Although Madras was the main centre of the English War in operations, yet the war had extended to the coast of Ma- Malabar - labar. There Colonel Hartley held the command, with a force numerically small, but aided by the zealous co- operation of the natives, who had been thoroughly alien- ated by the violence of the sultan. This enmity towards him rendered it impossible for his troops to carry on that desultory warfare in which they excelled ; they were therefore obliged to fight a regular battle, and were completely defea-ted. Soon after, in December 1790, General R. Abercromby landed with a large force, reduc- ed Cananor, and easily made himself master of every other place held by the enemy in Malabar. He met with another auxiliary, who opened for him a passage into the midst of Tippoo's dominions. An account has been given of the injurious treatment suffered by the people of Coorg from the ruler of Mysore. Their youth- Rajah of ful rajah, after a long captivity, had lately contrived to Coor - effect his return. The greater part of his subjects were groaning in exile ; but in the depth of the woody re- cesses there was still a band of freemen, who rallied round him with enthusiastic ardour. By a series of exploits, that might have adorned a tale of romance, the young prince recalled his people from the distant quarters to which they had been driven, organized them into a regular military body, drove the oppressors from post after post, and finally became undisputed ruler of Coorg, expelling the Mohammedan settlers who had been forcibly introduced. A common interest soon united Alliance him in strict alliance with General Abercromby, who thus obtained a route by which he could transport his army, without opposition, into the elevated plain. The conveyance of the heavy cannon, however, was a most laborious task, as it was often necessary to drag them by ropes and pulleys up the tremendous steeps, which form on this side the declivity of the Ghauts. 452 CONQUEST OF MYSORE. Arrival of Mahratta auxiliaries. CHAP. xiii. At length the general had overcome every difficulty, and A D~r?9l was m ^ u ^ marc h * J om Lord Corn wall is, when he re- ceived orders to retreat, which, in this case too, could be effected only by the sacrifice of all the heavy artillery. As his lordship was retiring, in a most shattered con- dition, upon Bangalore, the strength of the men failing for want of food, and the sick being with the utmost difficulty dragged along, his troops were alarmed by the appearance on their left of a large body of cavalry, ap- parently the vanguard of a numerous army ; but as they were preparing for resistance, one of the horsemen rode up and called out that he was a Mahratta. This proved in fact to be no other than the first division of those potent allies, under the command of Purseram Bhow and Hurry Punt. These chiefs had taken the field in good time, and this unfortunate delay had been occa- sioned by the siege of Darwar, a very strong place con- siderably to the northward, which Tippoo had carefully fortified and garrisoned with his best soldiers. Purseram, seconded by a small detachment of English, broke ground before it in September 1791 ; but our officers were almost distracted to see the manner in which this im- portant siege was conducted. The Mahrattas, in work- ing a battery, never pointed their cannon so as to make a breach in a particular spot, but aimed at random all round the wall. After loading a gun they sat down, smoked, and conversed for half an hour ; then fired, re- loaded, and resumed their conversation. Two hours at mid-day, by mutual consent, were set apart for meals and recreation. Our engineers calculated that seven years would be spent before a breach could be effected ; and Colonel Frederick, an officer of high spirit, and animated with the most eager anxiety for the success of this im- portant service, was seized with such chagrin that he fell sick and died. However, at the end of six months the garrison, finding their provisions become scarce, and dis- couraged by the fall of Bangalore, proposed terms of capitulation, which were granted, though ill observed. The great Mahratta army then moved leisurely forward Siege oi Darwar. Mahratta Dinners. Capitulation of Darwar. CONQUEST OF MYSORE. 453 into Mysore, where, in the manner before mentioned, CHAP. X1IL they met with their European allies. Had Cornwallis A-iHrei. been aware that this large force was advancing to his aid, he would probably have made every exertion to main- tain his ground before Seringapatam ; but the activity of the enemy's light troops completely intercepted the intelligence. As soon as these auxiliaries arrived, the scarcity in the Seasonable cantonments of the English, which previously amount- saipvhea - ed almost to famine, ceased, so far as they were willing to pay the enormous prices that were extorted from their necessities. Every article abounded in that predatory host : it exhibited " the spoils of the East, and the in- MisceUane- dustry of the West, from a web of English broadcloth ^^^ to a Birmingham penknife ; from the shawls of Cashmere to the second-hand garment of the Hindoo ; from dia- monds of the first water to the silver earring of a poor plundered village-maiden ;" while " the tables of the money-changers, overspread with the coins of every country of the East, gave evidence of an extent of mer- cantile activity utterly inconceivable in any camp, ex- cepting that of systematic plunderers by wholesale and retail." These allies, moreover, introduced the com- Brinjamaa mander to a most useful class of men, the brinjarries or ^f e j^^, ta grain-merchants, who, travelling in large armed bodies with their wives and children, made it their business to supply all the militant powers of Hindostan. They dis- tributed their corn with the strictest impartiality to all who could pay for it ; and the general, now amply sup- plied with funds, was no longer exposed to want, and easily obtained a preference over Tippoo, whose pecuni- ary resources were beginning to fail. Although the army was thus relieved from the imme- change of diate pressure of distress, Lord Cornwallis did not con- ccive it possible to advance again upon the capital till the arrival of a more favourable season, and till a fresh battering-train and other extensive supplies should be forwarded from Madras. In the mean time the troops were employed in the reduction of some of the tremen- 454 CONQUEST OP MYSORE. CHAP. xiri. dous droogs, or precipitous rocks, which rise like so many A. D. 1791. fortresses in this as well as hi other of the elevated plains of India. Among these Nundidroog, almost inaccessible Reduction of , iii/i /!,! 3 the droogs by nature, had been lortined with every care to render it impregnable, and was placed under the command of one of Tippoo's ablest officers ; yet Major Gowdie, after some successful experiments upon minor forts, under- took its reduction. The only one of its faces at all capable of approach, had been strengthened near the top by a double wall ; while the labour of establishing works on its steep and craggy sides, and conveying cannon to Knndidroog the batteries, was excessive. In twenty-one days two en " breaches were effected, and one morning, by clear moon- light, the assault was made by General Medows in person. The defence was vigorous ; huge masses of granite were rolled down, with tremendous crash, from steep to steep ; the assailants nevertheless overcame every ob- stacle, and forcing the ulterior gate, effected an entrance. During the whole siege they had only 120 killed and wounded, of whom thirty fell in the assault, chiefly by the stones precipitated from the summit. Savendroog The droogs being now viewed as no longer impreg- b nable > Colonel Stuart undertook Savendroog, which bore a still more formidable character, and had been consider- ed by the commander as a place not to be attempted. Yet after seven days' approaches and five of open bat- teries, it was carried by storm without the loss of a single life. Ootradroog, struck with dismay by these succe sses, fell with little effort ; and a coup-de-main had meantime been attempted against Kistnagherry, the capital and bulwark of the BaramahL This attempt failed ; Colonel Maxwell being only able to burn the town, that it might not serve as a cover to predatoiy inroads. The sultan, in the interval, had sent an expedi- tion to the south, which succeeded, by a series of manoeu- vres, in carrying Coimbetoor with its English garrison ; and, violating the capitulation, by which they were to be allowed to join in safety their countrymen at Palgaut, he caused them to be marched prisoners to Seringapatam. CONQUEST OP MYSORE. 455 After some abortive attempts at negotiation, Lord CHAP, xin Cornwallis, having completed his preparations and A.r7T792. brought his army into a state of full equipment, deter- mined no longer to delay his march upon the capital. waiu/coml He was now joined by the troops of the nizam, under his P lete8 hi ? son Secunder Jah, which had been hitherto detained by P " the siege of Goorumconda. His followers consisted of a tumultuary host, closely resembling the corps already described, and giving little hope of an effective co-ope- ration. Purseram Bhow, who at the head of his nume- rous Mahrattas might have performed with great advan- tage the services assigned to light cavalry, had concluded that it would be more profitable to himself to turn aside and plunder the rich country of Bednore ; and to this personal interest he hesitated not to sacrifice all the grand objects of the confederacy. Captain Little, who, with a body of about a thousand men, had been attached to the host of the Bhow, was obliged to second him in all these irregular pursuits ; the most arduous services devolving upon himself and his followers. At one time Gallant he was urged to attack a large detachment of Tippoo's captain army, stationed in an almost impenetrable jungle, cover- UttiK - ed by a deep ravine. With less than 750 bayonets he undertook the service, and, after a severe and even doubtful contest, dislodged the enemy with great loss, an exploit considered one of the most brilliant by which this war was distinguished. By these circumstances Lord Cornwallis was reduced Available to depend on the force under his own immediate com- forces. mand, amounting to 22,000 men, including forty-two battering-guns and forty-four field-pieces ; and on that of General Abercromby, consisting of 8400 men, which he ordered immediately to approach Seringapatam. He began his march on the 1st February 1792, and by pro- ceeding in three lines instead of one, with his ordnance and heavy baggage in the centre, his infantry and light troops on the flanks, he avoided much of the annoy- ance hitherto experienced from the attacks of an active enemy. 456 CONQUEST OF MYSORE. CHAP. xm. A. D. 1792. Meeting of Cornwallis and Tippoo. Strength of Tippoo's position. Its imme- diate assault resolved upon. On the 5th of the month, the English army having reached a range of heights, discovered the Mysorean metropolis, in front of which Tippoo, with his whole force, amounting to between 40,000 and 50,000 infantry and 5000 cavalry, appeared strongly intrenched. In Colonel Wilks* opinion, the sultan would have practised with greater advantage his original system of desultory war- fare, by throwing into the city a strong garrison under a faithful commander, while he himself, with his light cavalry, might have endeavoured to intercept the supplies and communications of the enemy. It is probable, how- ever, that he fully trusted to the strength of his pre- sent position, and also hoped, by maintaining it, that he might weary out and finally exhaust his antagonist, in the same manner as Hyder hi 1767 had baffled the for- midable invasion of the Mahrattas. His encampment was exceedingly strong, covered on one side by a thick bamboo-hedge and by a small river and canal, while the main body of his army was secured in front by a fortified hill and a chain of redoubts, and its rear by the works of the town and island, which, at the same tune, afforded a secure retreat. This position was such as, in the opinion of many, and particularly of all the native officers, precluded every idea of attack. Lord Corn- wallis, however, considered, that while his movements were delayed, this intrenchment would be continually strengthened by new works, and that his own situation, in the midst of a hostile country and of allies so little to be trusted, would become always more precarious. He determined, therefore, to make an immediate and general attack ; though it appeared necessary, as in the storming of a fortress, to carry on his operations under cover of night, when the batteries by which the camp was defended could not be directed with any degree of precision. The troops to be employed in this hazardous service were divided into three columns, under General Medows, Colonels Stuart and Maxwell ; the commander with the reserve following close behind ; and the whole, under a CONQUEST OP MYSORE. 457 bright moon, began to more at eight in the evening. CHAP, x The operations of this memorable night have been very j^^j minutely narrated, yet they are somewhat enveloped in the obscurity of the scene in which they were acted ; and we should despair, without minute topographical details, of conveying to our readers a distinct compre- hension of them. The officers experienced to a con- siderable extent the casualties and dangers of a nocturnal attack ; the divisions of Colonels Stuart and Maxwell being once on the point of charging each other with the bayonet. Lord Cornwallis having entered the boundary- hedge, and searching in vain for General Medows, was attacked by a greatly superior force, against which he with difficulty maintained his ground. The general issue of the contest, however, was, that the English, when regularly brought to bear upon the enemy, carried all before them. The most critical moment was when Passage of the two divisions above mentioned, after having found a the river- ford, undertook to force their way across the river. Being aided by an able movement of Colonel Knox, they succeeded more easily than was expected, though it was so deep that all their cartridges were spoiled by the water, and they were accordingly compelled to place their sole reliance on the bayonet. Tippoo, during the early part of the engagement, occupied a strong redoubt on the river, where he took his evening meal ; but, on seeing the English divisions advance to the ford, he felt alarm as to his communication with the city, and has- tened to cross it before them. He almost touched the head of the column, and had several of his attendants killed before he could reach a detached work in an angle of the fort, where he again took a station. But morning soon dawned, and discovered the British army fully established on the island, and facing the fortress without any interposing barrier. The sultan lost, it is Immense said, no less than 23,000 men, chiefly in consequence of the multitudes who dispersed amid the confusion, and returned to their homes. A body of ten thousand, with their wives and children, rushed along the Mysore 458 CONQUEST OF MYSORE. Vigorous efforts of Tippoo to recover his position. His perilous position. Tippoo sues for pence. bridge to reach the western territory. The loss on the side of our countrymen amounted only to five hundred in killed and wounded. Tippoo, on discovering the extent of his disaster, made the most vigorous efforts to retrieve it. By the advice of Poornea his treasurer, he announced that two lacks of rupees would be distributed among the troops, as the most effectual mode of alluring back the nume- rous fugitives. He urged his soldiers to recover if possible the positions in which the British were not fully established ; and several of their attacks, being supported by the artillery of the fort, were very formidable, though they were all finally baffled. It was no longer possible for the sultan to conceal from himself that his crown and kingdom were in the most extreme peril, and indeed that a peace dictated by his enemies could alone save them. The English force under Cornwallis had singly defeated his army and besieged his capital ; and that force was now about to be increased by the corps under General Abercromby, by another from the south, which had ascended the pass of Gujelhutty, and even by the Mahrattas under Purseram Bhow, who had at length been shamed or frightened out of his predatory course. There was nothing, there- fore, it has been justly observed, but the general uncer- tainty of human things, which could leave a doubt as to his approaching downfal. He accordingly determined to seek peace on almost any conditions. Two English officers, Lieutenants Chalmers and Nash, who had been taken at Coimbetoor, and made prisoners contrary to the terms of capitulation, were still detained at Seringa- patam. They were sent for, and the first was asked if he was not an officer of rank, and a near relation of Lord Cornwallis. Notwithstanding his reply in the negative, he was released, and desired to convey to that commander the sultan's earnest wish for peace, and the proposal to send an envoy to treat for it. His lordship's answer, though it expressed deep dissatisfaction at the treatment of the captives, contained an acceptance of CONQUEST OF MYSORE. 459 this overture. An officer of distinction, Gholaum Ali, CHAP, xnt arrived in the camp, and several days were busily spent iTnei in negotiation, to which the allies, though they had been so entirely useless, were admitted on equal terms. The following was at length fixed as the ultimatum to be delivered to Tippoo : The surrender of half his domi- Terms o? nions, taken from districts contiguous to the territory peace " of the confederates ; the payment of three crores and thirty lacks of rupees (about 4,000,000 sterling) ; and the delivery of two of his sons as hostages. Hard as these conditions were, they were powerfully enforced by events which had occurred in the course of the negotia- tion. On the night of the 18th February, while the attention of the enemy was attracted to the south side of the fort by the operations of a flying corps under Major Dalrymple and Captain Robertson, the trenches Trenches were opened on the north side with such silence and caution, that though the fort was kept blazing with blue tam. lights for the purpose of observation, morning had arrived before the sultan discovered that this operation, so fatal to him, had commenced. A nullah or ravine had been converted into a wide and extensive parallel, where the assailants were placed so fully under cover, as to render ineffectual every attempt to interrupt their ope- rations. This parallel was carried on and improved till the 21st, when it was completed ; and in the night the line was marked out for a second. It was finished on the 23d, and the ground was fixed for the heavy batteries about 500 yards from the fort, in so advantage- ous a position, as to leave no doubt of a practicable breach being speedily effected. As the crisis of his fete thus rapidly approached, Critical Tippoo felt the necessity of coming to a prompt decision upon the proposals submitted by the British commander. He called his principal officers to meet in the great mosque, and laying before them the Koran, adjured them by that sacred book to give faithful advice in this dread emergency. He stated the terms demanded by the enemy, adding, " You have heard the conditions 460 CONQUEST OF MYSORE. CHAP. XHL of peace, and you have now to hear and answer my A. jJ~i792 ^L ues tion, Shall it be peace or war ?" A reference made in such words, could leave no doubt as to the course which he felt himself under the necessity of following, and that he merely sought the sanction of his chiefs. They unanimously agreed that, under present circum- stances, there remained no alternative. The scene is said to have been peculiarly affecting, and Colonel Wiiks met with few that had been present who could even allude to it without tears in their eyes. Accepts of That very night Tippoo sent off, signed and sealed, Lord com- the conditions transmitted to him by Lord Cornwallis. Sms* COU " Early in the morning orders were sent to the English troops to cease from their labour in the trenches, and to forbear farther hostilities. The injunction was received with a deep feeling of disappointment. Their enthusiasm had been raised to the highest pitch ; they cherished the most sanguine hopes that they should triumphantly scale the proud walls of Seringapatam, and with their own hands rescue their countrymen immured in its dungeons. The commander-in-chief, however, issued very judicious general orders, in which he exhorted them to display moderation in their present success, and to avoid any insult to their humbled adversary. Tippoo's ^ n interesting scene occurred in the fulfilment of that hostages. article of the treaty which related to the delivery of the two royal youths as hostages. We confess ourselves unable fully to perceive the object of a stipulation, con- formable indeed to Indian ideas, but contrary to the more improved feelings of modern Europe. Supposing the treaty violated in the most flagrant manner, what use could have been made of the boys, or what injury done to them 1 However, such being the course adopted, Lord Cornwallis softened it by every species of kindness and indulgence ; and in consequence of the deep distress which was understood to prevail in the palace, a day's lelay was granted. Tents having been sent from the fort, and erected for their accommodation, the general offered to wait upon them ; but their father wrote that it CONQUEST OP MYSORE. 461 was his particular wish they should be brought to his CHAP. xin. lordship's tent, and delivered into his own hands. They . set out at one in the afternoon of the 26th, the walls ' being crowded with spectators, among whom was the sultan himself. They rode on elephants richly capari- soned, dressed in white muslin robes, having round their necks several rows of large pearls, intermingled with valuable jewels. The marquis received them at the Their deli- door, and taking their hands in his, led them into his T? ry to ^ rd tent. The chief vakeel then said," These children ' were this morning the sons of the sultan, my master ; their situation is now changed, and they must look up to your lordship as their father." Their reception was in fact truly paternal ; they were soon relieved from all apprehension ; and though the one was only eight and the other ten years of age, yet, having been trained with infinite care in every thing relating to external behaviour, they astonished all present by the dignity and ease of their deportment, and by that union of politeness and reserve which characterizes oriental courts. After the hostages had been delivered, and a crore of Unforeseen rupees paid, a serious difficulty arose. The treaty sti- difficulties, pulated the surrender of one-half of Tippoo's dominions, where they bordered on those of the allies ; but there was no specification of the actual territories to be ceded, a point so essential, that it ought, one would imagine, to have preceded the execution of any of the articles. The ceded districts were to be rated according to the revenues which they yielded. His majesty presented statements by which the produce of those contiguous to the posses- sions of the allies were grossly exaggerated, and the others underrated ; while the nizam and Purseram Bhow were not slow to err on the opposite side, and hence the discrepancy became enormous. Meantime reports were (j roun d s oi spread of suspicious conduct on the part of the sultan, and suspicion. in particular that, contrary to treaty, he was actively strengthening the fortifications of Seringapatam. When remonstrated with on this subject, he replied that, if they thought proper, he would throw down a bastion 462 CONQUEST OF MYSORE. CHAP. XIIL A.JJ. 1792. Statement of the sultan's revenues. His Indigna- tion at the demand for Coorg. Threatened renewal of bostilites. and let the English see into the fort, an answer so wild and extravagant, that it tended little to dispel appre- hension. At length his vakeels produced documents which were supposed to be authentic, and whence it appeared that the entire revenue of their master's dominions did not exceed 2,960,000. Each of the allies then picked out what best suited him ; the Mahrattas extended their frontier to the Toombuddra ; and the nizam carried his beyond the Pennar. The English took their share in detached portions ; on the east the frontier-territory of Baramahl ; in the south Dindigul ; on the west a great extent of the disputed coast of Malabar, including Telli- cherry and Calicut. No objection was made till it was observed that this last section included Coorg, long the subject of much deadly contest. On seeing this condi- tion, the sultan burst into a paroxysm of rage thai approached to absolute phrensy. " To which of their territories," said he, " is Coorg adjacent I Why do they not ask at once for Seringapatam ! They know that I would sooner have died in the breach than have con- sented to such a cession, and durst not bring it forward till they had treacherously obtained my children and my treasure." Some English authors endeavour to prove that the demand ought not to have been unex- pected ; and yet it cannot be denied that, while all the other cessions consisted of frontier-territories, leaving untouched the mountain-barrier which encloses Mysore Proper, this included a portion of its very summit, and opened a ready access to the capital. But the truth is, that as long as Tippoo was eagerly intent on pouring his vengeance on its brave people, Lord Cornwallis could not abandon to his fury faithful allies, and a race unjustly oppressed. Upon this refusal all was again in move- ment, the princes were separated from their native attendants, and arrangements entered into for despatch- ing them to the Carnatic under an English escort, preparations were made for renewing the siege, the army was full of new hope and animation, Purserara CONQUEST OF MYSORE. 463 Bhow began once more to plunder. In less than two CHAP. xm. days, however, the sultan again felt the weight of the ne- -. cessity which pressed upon him, and sent notice that the demand was acceded to. A considerable delay still inter- vened ; but, on the 18th March 1792, the definitive The demand treaty was transmitted to the young princes, that by acceded t- their hands it might be delivered. At ten in the morn- ing of the 19th they waited on Lord Cornwallis, and the eldest presented to him all the three copies of the treaty ; but as the vakeels of the two allied chiefs, who did not choose to appear in person, soon after entered, his lord- ship returned their copies, which the boy delivered to them in a manly though evidently less cordial manner ; and on hearing something muttered by the Mahratta envoy, asked what he grumbled at, hastily adding, " they might well be silent, as certainly their masters had no reason to be displeased." General Dirom calculates, that after deducting the Cost of the Company's share of the sum exacted from Tippoo, the >var- extraordinary expenses of this war would scarcely amount to two millions sterling. Every department had been conducted with the strictest economy. Instead of the large grants that had accrued to individuals from the conquest of Bengal, the prize-money in three campaigns amounted only to 93,584, which, after Cornwallis and Medows had given up their shares, and the Company had added a large gratuity, only allowed to a colonel 1161, 12s., and to a private soldier 14, 11s. 9d. The losses sustained by the sultan during the period of hos- tility are estimated by the same author at 49,840 men, 67 forts, and 801 guns. This celebrated treaty has been the subject of much opinions on controversy ; nor do the views which influenced Lord the Cornwallis seem ever to have been fully understood. It appears to have effected either too little or too much. The cessions extorted were such as to preclude all hope of future friendship ; for they inevitably created in the mind of a proud, ambitious, and restless prince, a feeling of deadly enmity, as well as an incessant desire to retrieve 464 . CONQUEST OF MYSORE. CHAP. XIIL his lost greatness ; while they left him a degree of power A,ixT794. wnic h might easily become formidable hi the hands of such an enemy. Fulfilment of Notwithstanding these unpromising circumstances, six return' '"the years elapsed without any violation of the treaty ; and hosugea. all its conditions being fulfilled, the two young hostages were sent back to their father in 1794. Tippoo saw no prospect of making war with advantage ; and Sir John Shore, who succeeded as governor-general, followed a strictly pacific system, which he was even accused of carrying to excess. His policy was particularly ques- tioned in the case of the nizam, when the Mahrattas, his late allies, carried into effect their long-cherished Mahratta design of invading and plundering his territories. The aggressions, engagements entered into with this ruler previous to the commencement of the Mysore war, though some- what vague, were such as reasonably led him, in that event, to look for British protection. The new governor, however, considered himself as strictly precluded by his instructions from engaging in any contest that was not The nizam purely defensive. The nizam, in the exigency to which seeks French ne was thus reduced, had recourse to a Frenchman named Raymond, who possessed no ordinary share of enterprise and martial skill. He succeeded also in allur- ing into the service of his employer a great number of French officers, and with their aid organized a large body of troops, who were superior to any native force, with the exception of the sepoys trained in the British army. Tippoo, meantime, was busily employed in attempting to improve his military system, though, from want of means and practical information, he met with very imperfect success. Weiiesiey Such was the state of affairs, when in May 1798 the KOTeraoiv ^ ar ^ ^ Mornington, afterwards Marquis Wellesley, general went out as governor-general. This nobleman, whose splendid career was destined to eclipse that of Clive, was sent with the most solemn injunctions to follow a course directly opposite to that which, throughout the whole of his administration, he did actually pursue. He was CONQUEST OF MYSORE. 465 instructed not to engage, if possible, in hostilities with CHAP, xia any native power; and yet he waged deadly war with every one of them. He was desired not to add by con- quest a single acre to the Company's territory, and he u subdued for them all India from the Himmaleh to Cape proceeding Comorin. Yet his adherents contend that he acted steadily and uniformly in the spirit of his instructions ; and that, in deviating so widely from the wishes of his employers, he was carried along by a current of circum- stances which existed prior to any step taken by him in the government of that country. He had no sooner assumed the exercise of authority, New schemes than his attention was roused by a most remarkable ofTl PP- proceeding on the part of the sovereign of Mysore. That prince, like his father Hyder, had been long connected in close alliance with the French, as the power by whose aid he hoped to subvert the dominion of the English. This connexion was in a great measure broken by the expulsion of those allies from India upon the breaking out of the revolutionary war ; but Tippoo had listened with the utmost eagerness to the accounts of their suc- cess against Britain and the continental nations, and had been led to hope for their assistance in the re-establish- ment of his own greatness. While he was in this dis- Fresh hopes position, Ripaud, the captain of a French privateer, j^^f 1 arrived at Mangalore, in the beginning of the year 1797, to solicit the means of repairing his shattered vessel. There he met with Gholaum Ali, whom the sultan had for- merly employed on an embassy to France ; and, finding a field open for the display of a little vain-glory, he represented himself as second in command at the Mauri- tius, and stated that he had come to give notice of a large force being ready at that island to co-operate with them hi driving from India their common enemy. He Bipand's was immediately forwarded to Seringapatam, where the ^^. on ' J monarch, contrary to the advice of his most prudent counsellors, who assured him that this stranger was an impostor, received him into his entire confidence. After a number of little arrangements and transactions, ho 466 CONQUEST OP MYSORE. CHAP, xiii sent two ambassadors along with Ripaud to the Isle of iTnes. France, to adjust the terras of a treaty offensive and defensive. This mission arrived at the Mauritius, where . the y were altogether unexpected ; but when Malartic, the governor, learned their purpose, animated by that desire to promote national interests which generally characterizes his countrymen,he determined to give them a cordial reception. They landed under a salute of artil- lery, were conducted to the government-house, and Projected received there in state. Malartic expressed the utmost India. readiness to accede to the proposals of their master, which were no less than that he should send an army of 25,000 or 30,000 men to assist in conquering the English, the nizam, and the Mahrattas, and to divide all India between them. The arrangement was fully completed, with the important exception that, to compose the powerful force by which these mighty projects were to be accom- plished, there did not exist a single soldier. All that could be done was to transmit the plan, accompanied with strong recommendations, to the Executive Direc- tory ; and, in the mean time, to invite as many as possible of the Frenchmen and natives resident on the island to Extravagant enrol as volunteers. With the most palpable impru- V* feedings j encCj ^ ne governor issued a proclamation, announcing governor of the arrival of the ambassadors and the object they had Mauritius. m v j ew ^ an( j ca }}j n g U pon all the citizens who had any martial spirit to enlist under the banners of the Mysorean sovereign, who made the most liberal offers of pay and allowances. They thus succeeded in levying exactly insignificant ninety-nine persons, a motley group, Europeans, results. Creoles, citizens, soldiers, sailors ; and with this troop, for want of more and better, the ambassadors were fain to depart. They landed at Mangalore on the 26th April 1798 ; when the sultan, though galled at the utter dis- appointment of his expectations, and the rash exposure made at the Mauritius, had still the means of averting the danger. He might have disowned the envoys, and refused their mock auxiliaries, while, by secret explana- tions he might at the same time have contrived to keep CONQUEST OP MYSORK. 467 open the communication with France. But he seems CHAP, xm to have been in a state of blind and violent excitation. ^ DT;9a The embassy, with their slender accompaniment, were welcomed to the capital, where they founded a Jacobin club, planted the tree of liberty surmounted with the cap of equality, and on the public parade hailed the bigoted Mohammedan as " Citizen Tippoa." In these Citizen republican forms he cordially concurred, although wholly TI PV- ignorant of their true meaning ; imagining them to be the badges of a mystic association, whose members were to devote themselves to his aggrandizement. These proceedings were fully communicated to the steps taken governor-general, who immediately transmitted to the no r -generaL Court of Directors his decided opinion, that they were equivalent to " a public, unqualified, and unambiguous declaration of war," and that " an immediate attack upon Tippoo Sultan appeared to be demanded by the soundest maxims both of justice and policy." These conclusions have been generally assented to by British officers and politicians ; yet Mr Mill, with his usual anxiety to escape national partialities, has not hesitated to assert, that the above incidents afforded no ground for attacking, or reason for dreading, the sovereign of Mysore, beyond what previously existed. No doubt, it is said, could be enter- Opinions on tamed, ever since the last peace, of his deep hostility Lis P oUc >- against the English, and his disposition to embrace any opportunity of regaining his lost territories. There was, we admit, the most reasonable presumption of the exist- ence, in his mind, of such sentiments. Well-founded, however, as this suspicion was, the governor had no right to proceed upon it without some overt act ; it being something very different from the positive conclusion of a compact aiming directly at the destruction of the British power in India. It is argued, moreover, that the treaty, having been entered into without any means of fulfilling it, might safely have been regarded as nugatory, and altogether neglected. This reasoning cannot be held conclusive, unless there were some certainty that the eultan could not obtain the means of carrying into 4C8 CONQUEST OF MYSORE. CHAP, xm effect those hostile schemes in which he had so eagerly A.T798. engaged- But it is well known that he could depend upon the co-operation of the greatest military power in the French! the world, animated, too, with the most rancorous feel- ing towards Britain, and peculiarly desirous to strike a blow against her in this very quarter. The only secu- rity lay in the dominion of the seas, which England had fully established ; though experience has shown that no fleet, however triumphant, can hermetically seal the ports of a great country, or even prevent a squadron from finding its way to the most distant regions. This had just been made evident, as Bonaparte, in the face of the British navy, had recently landed in Egypt a force sufficient to conquer it ; an expedition, too, which was generally believed to be undertaken with an ultimate view to India. The perils of a French invasion of that country were then, perhaps, generally overrated ; now, after the event, they are probably too much despised ; for it seems highly probable that the republican govern- ment, had they not been involved in a series of conti- nental wars, would have attempted to transport a large army into the East, and it is by no means certain that they would not have succeeded. Dangers to The dangers to be apprehended from Tippoo were heiTae? from moreover greatly increased by the actual position of the Tippoo. neighbouring states. The only two by which his power could be balanced were the Mahrattas and the nizam. The former confederacy, notwithstanding its great extent, was now in so distracted a state that the peishwa, its nominal head, could scarcely maintain his autho- rity against the turbulent chiefs who were struggling Disorganized for supremacy. The dominions of the other were also ill native rivals, organized, and his troops quite undisciplined. His chief military strength lay in the corps trained after the European manner by Raymond, which hi a few years had been raised from 1500 to 10,000, and arrange- ments were now making to increase it to 14,000. These troops, however, were so far from affording a ground of confidence to the English that they were felt CONQUEST OF MYSORE. 4by as sure and deadly enemies. It had long been a fixed CHAP, xm. policy of the French government thus to employ their ^ D~T"98. officers among the native powers, hi the view of exalting their own influence and depressing that of their rivals. Little doubt was entertained that, if Tippoo once raised a hostile standard, this and similar corps would soon flock round it, and make a formidable addition to his forces. That prince, moreover, was carrying on active lntrign<" of intrigues with the courts both of Poonah and Hydra- Tippoa bad, the fidelity of which to the British alliance was by no means assured. He had sent also an embassy to the Afghan potentate Zemaun Shah, the most powerful of those who then held sway over the destinies of India, and an invasion from whom was considered very pro- bable. Thus, it was clear, a very trifling change of poli- tical relations might lead to the formation of an over- whelming confederacy against the English provinces. Under these circumstances, the Marquis Wellesley Plans of considered it of great importance to commence imme- ' diate operations with a view to the attainment of certain concessions which he was sensible would never be volun- tarily made. These included the giving up by Tippoo of all his territory on the coast of Malabar, and his com- plete exclusion from the sea, the banishment of all Frenchmen from his dominions, the admission of a permanent resident at his court, and the reduction of his resources by making him pay the expense of the contest. The governor-general hoped, by a coup-de- main, to have suddenly carried these objects before the Indian prince could make preparations or procure alliances. Great, however, was his mortification to learn inefficient that the Coromandel army, so far from being adequate ** h<5 to such an achievement, was quite insufficient to the defence of the Carnatic. This arose chiefly from the want of cattle and other means of transport, which rendered it wholly unable to keep pace with the rapid movements of the sultan, who, had he then invaded the British territories, might have ravaged them unresisted from one end to the other. The earliest period when it 470 CONQUEST OP MYSORE. CHAP, xm was supposed this deficiency could be supplied was three A. D~r?98 mon * ns ? while Lieutenant-colonel Close, a high authority, thought it would require six. On the 8th September, ufegoveraor. ^ r ^ Clive, then governor of Madras, considering that the season of action was only from January to May, did not think the campaign could be opened till the beginning of the year 1800 ; yet such activity did the marquis in- fuse into the conduct of affairs, that in October 1798 an adequate force was assembled, and early next January preparations were in so advanced a state as to afford the prospect of its being speedily able to move. Meantime an important preliminary operation had been effected. Negotiations Immediate attention was required to the strong corps t Hydrabad. fonned under French o ffi ce rs at the capital of Hydrabad, and upon this point the governor-general determined to adopt the most decisive measures. Captain Kirkpatrick, resident at that court, was instructed to lay before the nizam the plan of an alliance, offensive and defensive, by which he was to be guaranteed against the attack of all his enemies. In support of this pledge, four English battalions, with a body of artillery, in addition to the two already stationed there, were to be sent to his capi- Measures tal ; but he was informed that the regiments commanded them. by the French must be immediately dissolved, and them- selves dismissed. The movement of a large body of troops to the frontier intimated that these propositions were not meant to be optional. The nizam was involved in much doubt and perplexity. He is said to have been disgust- ed by the insolent and domineering conduct of the foreign officers ; but he dreaded to see his country made the theatre of a contest between the rival nations ; still more, perhaps, he foresaw that, by the proposed arrange- ment, he would become completely the vassal of Eng- land. At length, on the 1st September 1798, he signed the treaty, which was ratified at Calcutta on the 18th, and carried into effect with such expedition, that on the 10th October the new subsidiary force arrived at Hydra- bad. His highness again relapsed into all his doubt and irresolution, and endeavoured to evade or delay every CONQUEST OF MYSORE. 471 decisive step, till Colonel Roberts, the commander, CHAP, xin cutting short all discussion, marched up to the French -~l 79if cantonments, and on the 22d formed a circle round them. The troops, at once dreading a conflict with the English, ^^ nRS and discontented on account of their arrears of pay, rose of the British in mutiny against their chiefs ; when, on being assured of the money due to them, and of future service under other leaders, they laid down their arms. Thus, in a few hours, without a blow being struck, was dissolved a corps of fourteen thousand men, having an arsenal filled with military stores, and a handsome train of artillery. Wellesley, having by these means secured the co-ope- Direct com- ration of the Hydrabad forces, and, at the same time, ."?'S! tion by indefatigable exertions rendered his military establish- ment efficient, determined to bring affairs to an immediate crisis. His correspondence with Tippoo had continued friendly till the 8th November 1798, when he wrote a letter, in which, after discussing some general topics, he observed, that it was impossible the sultan could suppose him ignorant or indifferent as to the intercourse main- tained by him with the French, the inveterate foes of Britain. He and his allies, he added, had on that account been obliged to adopt certain measures of precaution and self-defence. Anxious, however, to suggest a plan which might promote the mutual security and welfare of all f parties, he proposed to depute Major Doveton, an officer Major Dove- well known to the sultan (having been employed in 1794 in conveying back to him the young princes detain- ed as hostages), " who," said he, " will explain to you more fully and particularly the sole means which appear to myself and to the allies of the Company to be effectual for the salutary purpose of removing all existing distrust and suspicion." On the 10th December the governor-ge- neral forwarded another communication, announcing that he was on the point of setting out for Madras, where he hoped to receive his reply. Tippoo, apparently before receiving the first despatch, had written, on the 20th November, an expostulation, in rather amicable terms, upon the military preparations 472 CONQUEST OF MYSORE. CHAP. xiii. of the English, and a profession of his own pacific dispo- A. iT779& sition ; but the letter of 8th November was followed by a long and suspicious silence. The demands of the gover- nor-general would, at this time, have been very mode- rate, confined to the dismissal of French emissaries, and the exchange of a part of the coast of Malabar for a Hesitation of territory of equal value in the interior. But the sultan, who foresaw that some demands were to be made upon him, could not bring down his mind to the necessity of submission. He still placed a vague confidence in des- tiny, in the aid of foreigners, and in alliances which he hoped to form with the northern powers of India. At length, on the 18th December, probably after receiving the despatch of the 10th, though he did not acknow- HIS explana- ledge it, he wrote a long explanatory paper. He repre- sented the French affair as only the casual arrival of a party of strangers hi search of employment, which he had granted to a few ; and he expressed extreme surprise that there should be any idea of the interruption of mutual amity. Referring to the proposed mission of Major Doveton, he observed that " the treaties and en- gagements entered into were so firmly established and confirmed, as ever to remain fixed and durable, and be an example to the rulers of the age. I cannot imagine that means more effectual than these can be adopted for promoting the security of states, or the welfare and ad- vantage of all parties." It seems impossible to regard Lord Wellesley's interpretation as strained, when he con- sidered this note as implying an absolute rejection of the embassy, and a determination against any concession beyond those made by former treaties. Tvpiyof In reply to it, accordingly, his lordship, having ar- rester, ^yed at ^1^^ ^ofe, on tbe 9th January 1799, a long memorial, fully explaining all his grounds of complaint. He gave a narrative of the transactions at the Isle of France, enclosing a copy of Malartic's proclamation, and finally inferred, that " his Highness' ambassadors had concluded an offensive alliance with the French against the Company and its allies ; that they had demanded CONQUEST OF MYSORE. 4J3 military succours and levied troops with a view to its CHAP. XIIT. prosecution ; that his Highness had sanctioned the con- . ~T 799 duct of his ambassadors, and had received into his army the troops which they had levied; that having made military preparations of his own, he was evidently ready, had the succours obtained been sufficient, to have com- menced an unprovoked attack on the Company's posses- sions, and had broken the treaties of peace and friend- ship subsisting between him and the allies." Deeply regretting that the offered mission of Major Doveton had not been accepted, he still urged it as a means of Major Dove- conciliation, but earnestly reqiiested that not above one ^gain^ro-' " day should elapse previous to its acceptance. On the posed. 16th he sent another letter, enclosing one to the sultan from the Grand Seignior, transmitted through Mr Spen- cer Smith, and also that monarch's declaration of wai against the French. At this stage of the proceedings attempts were made to work upon the Mohammedan Attempt to zeal of Tippoo, and to induce him to resent the attack made by that people upon the head of his religion ; at the same time the reception of Doveton was again pressed. After a long silence, there arrived at Madras on the 13th February 1799, without date, the following short and singular epistle : " I have been much gratified by the agreeable receipt of your lordship's two friendly letters, the first brought by a camel-man the last by hircarrahs, and understood their contents. The letter of the prince, in station like Jumsheid, with angels as his guards, with troops nume- rous as the stars ; the sun illumining the world of the heaven of empire and dominion ; the luminary giving splendour to the universe of the firmament of glory and power ; the sultan of the sea and the land, the King of Room (the Grand Seignior), be his empire and his power perpetual ! addressed to me, which reached you through the British envoy, and which you transmitted, has ar- rived. Being frequently disposed to make excursions and hunt, I am accordingly proceeding upon a hunting- excursion. You will be pleased to despatch Major Dove- 474 CONQUEST OP MYSORE. CHAP. XIIL ton, about whose coming your friendly pen has repeat- A. n 1799 edl y written, slightly attended. Always continue to gratify me by friendly letters notifying your welfare." its meaning. This strange reply might certainly have created a doubt whether it was not designed as an evasion, or even in insult ; though Colonel Wilks afterwards learned from the Mysorean chiefs, that it was meant for a real con- sent, though somewhat forced and ungracious. The letter of the 9th January had fully opened Tippoo's eyes to his alarming situation. He was thrown into a state of suspense and violent agitation, venting imprecations against all who had been concerned in the mission to the Isle of France, and exclaiming, " the fractured mast of Ripaud's worthless vessel will cause the subversion of an empire." He made, however, a reluctant movement to the eastward, with the view of meeting Major Doveton ; Weliesley's but Wellesley now considered the time as passed when poliC3r ' such an arrangement could be advantageously admitted, The monsoon, which begins in June, would put a stop to military operations, so that to enter at present upon a negotiation would enable his enemy to gain a whole year, in the course of which he might hope to procure allies and reinforcements from various quarters. On re- ceiving, therefore, no answer by the 3d of February, the governor-general had ordered the armies to advance ; and on the arrival of the sultan's letter, he wrote to him on the 22d February, announcing that the mission of Doveton could no longer be attended with the expected advantages ; that his long silence had rendered it neces- sary to command the approach of the troops ; but that Tippoo General Harris was empowered to receive any embassy, serufaV an ^ to enter mto sa y explanations by which a treaty embassy. might be arranged, on such conditions as should appear to the allies indispensably necessary to the establishment of a secure and permanent peace. Tippoo, however, even before receiving this notice, either suspecting that his consent had not produced the intended effect, or moved by his own inconsistent disposition, had deter- mined to try the fortune of arms. CONQTTEST OF MYSORE. *< '' The army appointed to invade the kingdom of My- CHAP. x:a Bore consisted of 4381 European and 10,695 native in- . fantry ; 884 European and 1751 native cavalry, with 608 gunners ; forming in all 18,319 fighting-men, with Britishforc <* 104 pieces of cannon, and 2483 lascars and pioneers. To these were added 10,157 infantry and 6000 horse belong- ing to the nizam, and which, under British command, now formed an effective body of troops. In the mean time General Stuart, a veteran in Indian warfare, was advancing with 6420 men from Malabar to join and co- operate with the main army. General Hams was furnished with the plans of two Conditions treaties, to be selected according to circumstances. The treiTtjfwas tr first, which was to be produced in the event of the be agreed tc army merely arriving before Seringapatam, required the cession to Britain of the coast of Malabar, and an equal extent of territory to each of the two, allies ; the recep- tion of a resident ambassador ; the expulsion of all natives of European countries at war with Great Britain, and the payment of 150 lacks of rupees. In case, however, the events of the campaign should not open the prospect of a successful termination this season, these terms might be modified according to circumstances ; but every effort should be made to inspire the sultan with fear, from which alone any concession could be hoped. If again the trenches were actually opened before the capital, with the pros- pect of its speedy reduction, the second treaty was to be produced, in which peace was to be granted only upon the cession of half his^dominions. Tippoo, anxious to strike a blow at the commence- Rapid ment of the campaign, had the penetration to discern the advantage which he derived from the detached state of the invading armies proceeding from Malabar and Co- romandel. He might thus attack the former, when it had just ascended the Ghauts, and taken a defensive position amid the hills and forests which enclose the territory of Coorg. Accordingly, by a rapid movement to the westward, he arrived, on the 5th March 1799, very unexpectedly in their neighbourhood ; and the Eng- 476 CONQUEST OF MYSORE. CHAP, xi n lish, who conceived that the main force of the enemj A. 77799. was sti U on tne opposite side of India, were somewhat disconcerted. General Stuart had stationed a corps under Gemstu ** Colonel Montresor eight miles in advance, on the hill of Stuart Sedaseer, to ohserve any signal which might be made hy the eastern army. Much surprise was felt when a num- ber of tents appeared on the ground in front, which gra- dually swelled to several hundreds, and composed a for- midable encampment. Among others, belonging appa- rently to chiefs of distinction, there was a very large one covered with green, which was concluded to be that of the sultan himself; and yet so contrary was this to all previous intelligence, that Stuart merely reinforced the party on the hill with a single battalion, and waited to act according to circumstances. At daybreak, General Hartley, from a height, discovered an appearance of activity among the opposite troops. It does not appear very clear why the commander did not immediately con- centrate his forces, by either marching forward himself, or ordering the advance under Montresor to fall back. Secrecy and In fact, the Indian army penetrated through the junglo Tip P S's n f with such ^ray a 11 * expedition, that between nine and attack. ten in the morning they had completely surrounded that officer's brigade, attacking it at once in front and rear. It maintained most gallantly an arduous conflict till after two o'clock, when General Stuart came up, and after a brisk charge obliged the enemy to retreat in all directions through the thicket. The advanced corps being imme- diately withdrawn, Tippoo had a^retence for claiming a Failure of his victory ; but the casualties on our side, which amounted parp08& only to 29 killed, 98 wounded, and 1 6 missing, sufficiently- showed that he had failed in his object of striking a de- cisive blow. Even by his own statement, his loss includ- ed several chiefs of rank ; and this was the last action in which he displayed any military genius. He effected a complete surprise, and the destruction of the English corps was averted only by its own extraordinary valour and the inferiority of his troops in a pitched battle. The sultan hastened back to oppose the main army CONQUEST OP MYSORE. 477 advancing against him from Coromandel. It might now CHAP. xnr. have appeared evident that his only resource was, by A. 77799. recurring to the ancient military policy of his house, to throw a strong garrison into Seringapatam, to keep the ^Soa^ field with large bodies of cavalry, and by continual move- ments to intercept the enemy's communications, cut off his supplies, and surprise his detachments. He might thus either have defended his throne, or have remained powerful after its fall. His plan, however, appears to have been to contend with the English according to their own method, in regular warfare and by pitched battles. To this system he had been partial ever since Lord Corn- wallis' first retreat after the engagement fought near his capital. But even there Tippoo was beaten ; and the subsequent retreat had been occasioned solely by the want of supplies and equipments, produced by the desul- tory warfare previously waged. During the peace, he made great exertions to assimilate his force to a Euro- pean army, and his success had been such as to render him an overmatch for any of the native powers ; but the cavalry, the instrument by which all the triumphs of his family over the English were achieved, had been comparatively neglected. The British were now advancing into the heart of Advai.ce of his dominions ; and the comprehensive mind of Marquis the Britlsh< Wellesley instantly saw it to be his true policy not to detain himself with any secondary object, but to strike at once at Seringapatam, the reduction of which would be followed by the entire downfal of the sultan. All our writers agree in stating, that no army could be in a higher state of equipment than the one which now took the field under General Harris ; yet the march, though he did not encounter any serious resistance, was very slow. He passed the frontier only on the 5th, and made the slow pro. first united movement on the 10th March 1799, the time i ^ Tes& that had been fixed as the latest at which he ought to have arrived at the capital. Certain authors speak as if in this tardy progress there were some mystery which could never be developed; but the delay seems suffi- Cause of Jelav. 478 CONQUEST OF MYSOBE. xm. ciently explained by an allusion to the ample supplies which he carried with him. He conveyed, by means of sixty thousand ill-trained oxen and careless drivers, several months' provisions for his whole army, and a battering-train to reduce a fortress, the fall of which was expected to bring with it that of the whole kingdom. Battle of When he had reached Malavilly, about thirty miles avilly * from the capital, the sultan's encampment was observed from the heights, and General Floyd, with the advance, having approached within a mile of that village, dis- covered their whole force posted on the elevated ground behind it. An attack being immediately determined on, it was led by Colonel Wellesley, supported by Floyd's cavalry, and directed against the enemy's right. A column of their troops advanced in perfect order and with great gallantry ; but the English infantry, reserv- ing their fire, received that of their antagonists at the dis- tance of sixty yards, rushed upon them and broke their ranks, when a resolute charge by the horse drove them off the field. The whole of the Indian line then gave way, and a general retreat ensued, which Harris, who was greatly inferior in cavalry and light troops, did not attempt to molest. The loss was not very serious on either side ; but an additional proof was given how unable even the flower of the Eastern armies was to contend in pitched battle with the British. Tippoo's Tippoo made another attempt to carry into effect his vented! 1 " P^ an ^ desultory warfare. He had removed or destroy- ed all the forage, and almost every blade of grass on the highway between his enemy's position and the capital ; and he hovered round, ready to fall upon their rear, as they marched along this desolated route. But he was completely disappointed by the movement of General Harris, who after leaving Malavilly turned to the left, crossed the Cavery at the fords of Sosilla, and proceeded to Seringapatam along the southern bank of that river, a resolution which, being wholly unexpected, no pre- H!B dismay, cautions had been taken to defeat. On seeing their last scheme thus baffled, the sultan and his principal officers CONQUEST OF JMY3OHE. 479 were struck with deep dismay and despondence. Hav- CHAP. XIIL ing assembled them in council, he said: " We have ^^Y 799 arrived at our last stage ; what is your determination !" " To die along with you," was the universal reply. A unanimous resolution was formed to try again the for- tune of the field, with the alternative only of victory or death. All present were deeply affected ; one of the Despondency chiefs, before taking leave, threw himself prostrate and oftischiefs - clasped the feet of his master, the usual sign in India of the most solemn farewell. The latter could not re- frain from tears ; his example quickly spread through the whole assembly ; and they parted as men who had met for the last time in this world. But the final crisis was not yet arrived. Tippoo had expected that the Thwarted in English commander would proceed to the eastern extre- his measures - mity of the island of Seringapatam, cross the branch of the Cavery that enclosed it, and establish himself on the ground formerly occupied by Lord Comwallis. But General Hams chose to make a circuit, which would bring his army opposite to the western point of the island and fortress ; thus avoiding the wasted tract prepar- ed for him, and, at the same time, opening a more ready communication with the Bombay army under Stuart, and the fertile districts in the south. Besides, in that quarter he had every reason to expect a more favourable opportunity for attack. This expedient also enabled him to avoid the ground on which the sultan had purposed to give battle ; and that chief, thwarted in all his measures, threw himself into the town, with the resolution of defending it to the last extremity. On the 5th April, the British took their station British posi opposite the western front of the fortress, at the dis- tion - tance of about two miles. The position was strong ; their right resting on elevated ground, their left upon the river Cavery ; and several topes, or groves of trees, afforded ample materials for the construction of the works. The enemy still occupied a defensive line be- hind an aqueduct, on which Colonels Wellesley and Shawe made a nieht-atta^k and were repulsed ; but, be- 480 CONQUEST OF MYSORE. Bombay army. Plan of attack on Seringapa- CHAP. xin. ing reinforced, they carried it in open day. Meanwhile A. D~f799 Flyd was detached to meet and escort General Stuart and the Bombay army. On the evening of the 13th, Arrival of the their signal-guns were heard; and they arrived late on the 14th, having been beset on their way by the whole body of the Mysorean cavalry, yet without sustaining any serious loss. General Floyd then marched to the southward in search of provisions ; for an unexpected and alarming discovery had been made, that there was grain hi the camp for only eighteen days' consumption. This extraordinary failure, into which Colonel Wilks myste- riously says, that after the lapse of nearly twenty years it was ncrt yet time to inquire, did not, however, as supplies were obtained from various quarters, prove an impediment to the progress of the siege. Meantime deep deliberation had been held as to the point whence the town might he most advantageously attacked. There was a south-western angle, by assailing which the besiegers could have obtained a lodgement on the island, and been thereby secured from the expected swelling of the Cavery, while at the extreme west, the walls, extending along the very brink of that river, could be reached only by crossing its channel. The fortifica- tions at the first point, however, appeared both strong and complicated ; while the most western angle projected beyond the mam body of the fortress, and was not duly flanked or protected by the other defences. Besides, while regularly attacked from the south, it could be enfiladed from the northern bank of the Cavery. The river, too, evidently appeared fordable, as both men and cattle were seen passing without difficulty ; and it was confidently expected tliat before the monsoon had aug- mented its waters, the campaign would be over. In pursuance of these views, General Stuart crossed the stream, and notwithstanding a vigorous resistance, and one very brisk sally by the garrison, succeeded in gain- ing a position hi which he could effectually co-operate with the main attack. Letter from On the 9th April, Tippoo wrote a letter to General Ti DDOO CONQUEST OP MYSORE. 481 Harris, in which he merely asked why the English had CHAP. XIIL entered his country, and made war upon him contrary ^ ^99. to subsisting treaties, which he had never violated. The general in return briefly referred him to the communi- cations of Marquis "Wellesley, which had put an end to the correspondence. Wilks, who usually lets us into the interior of the Mysore councils, leaves us here in the dark as to the views by which the Indian chief was actu- ated. Meantime the trenches had been opened, and the Trenches works proceeded regularly and rapidly. On the 20th opene surrounded by numerous attendants. "The recollection," says the major, " of Moiz-ad-Dien, whom on a former occasion I had seen delivered up, with his brother, hostages to Marquis Cornwallis, the sad reverse of their fortunes, their fear, which, notwith- standing their struggles to conceal, was but too evi- dent, excited the strongest emotions of compassion in my mind. I took Moiz-ad-Dien by the hand, and endea- voured by every mode in my power to remove his fears." This prince concurred with the others in giving assur- ance that the padsha was not in the palace, and, on the urgent representation of the English officers, he agreed, The gate with strong reluctance, that the gate should be thrown thrown open. open General Baird had already approached with a considerable force, and instantly sent back the major with Colonel Close to bring out the princes. After expressing much alarm and many objections, they allowed them- selves to be conducted into the presence of the Bri- tish commander. The general was greatly irritated, from having just heard that thirteen prisoners had been murdered during the siege ; and his feelings were pro- bably heightened by the recollection of his own sufferings Moderation * n tne 8ame P^ ace ^ ut ' w h en he saw these unfortunate of General youths led out as captives, every harsher sentiment yielded to that of pity, and he gave them the most solemn assurances that they had nothing to fear. They were escorted to the camp with arms presented, and all the honours due to then- rank. Search for Sir David's object being now to obtain possession Jtan - of the person of the sultan, he proceeded with a body of troops to make the most diligent search in every corner of CONQUEST OP MYSORE. 487 the palace. He forbore, indeed, to enter the zenana, but CHAP, sm strictly guarded every passage by which any one could ^ fTT'ss leave it. No trace of the individual he sought could any where be found ; till at length, by severe threats, a con- fession was extorted from the killedar, that his royal master was lying wounded, as he supposed, in a gate- way, to which he offered to conduct the conqueror. The latter immediately accompanied him to the spot, where he beheld a mournful spectacle : it was here that the fiercest combat had raged ; the wounded and dead were lying piled in heaps over each other ; while the darkness which had just fallen rendered the scene still more dismal. It was indispensable, however, immedi- ately to ascertain the fact ; torches were brought, and the bodies successively removed till they discovered the sultan's horse, then his palanquin, and beneath it a wound- ed man, who was soon recognised as a confidential ser- vant, and who pointed out the spot where his sovereign had fallen. The body was found, and forthwith identi- rinding tha fied by the killedar and theotherattendants. The features ^ f were in no degree distorted, but presented an aspect of stern composure ; the eyes were open, and the appear- ance of life was so strong, that Colonel Wellesley and Major Allan could not, for some tune, believe him actu- ally dead. It appears that, after having issued armed from the palace, with a band of trusty followers, he saw the English advancing along the rampart, and his men fleeing. He rallied them by the utmost efforts of his His pailant voice and example, shooting several of the enemy with exertions. his own hand ; and he thus called forth that resistance which had proved so formidable. At length, when the determined valour of the British troops prevailed against all opposition, he was left at one time almost alone, and obliged to accompany the fugitives ; but, with a few re- solute adherents, he maintained the combat, till, being exposed to a fire from different quarters, he received two musket-balls in the side. His horse was killed under him ; and, becoming faint with loss of blood, he was un- able to make his way through the crowd. He was over- 488 CONQUEST OF MYSORE. of the dynasty. CHAP. xra. taken by a party of the conquerors, when one of his at- A.DT799 ten(i ants besought him, as the only means of saving his life, to make himself known ; but he peremptorily for- bade the disclosure. An English soldier then made an attempt to detach his sword-belt, when the sultan, with all his remaining strength, made a cut at him, and His death- wounded him on the knee. The man presently fired, wound. t k e jjgji en tered the temple, and the wound proved speedily mortal. The body was carried to the palace, and was afterwards interred, with royal honours, in the splen - did sepulchre of the Lall Baug, erected by Hyder. Thus terminated a dynasty, which, though short, and limited in respect of territorial dominion, was undoubt- edly the most vigorous and best organized of any that had sprung out of the wreck of the Mogul empire. It arose, indeed, from the distracted state of India, and rested almost entirely on the personal character of its two rulers, the qualities of whose minds, striking though dissimilar, we have had repeated occasion to describe. It may be farther noticed, however, that, while Hyder entered on his career unable to read or write, and remained always a stranger to these primary elements of human knowledge, Tippoo, amid the most active cares of government, retained the habits and character of a man of letters. He read and wrote almost incessantly, carried on an extensive correspondence, and became the historian of his own exploits. Yet the adoption of hastj and superficial theories, in preference to the practical good sense which had guided his predecessor, led him often into crude and rash innovations, which were fol- lowed by disastrous consequences. The absolute indif- ference with which the subject of religion was vie wed- by Hyder, though marking a degraded state of moral feeling, induced him in his administration to adopt the wise measure of general toleration. His son's mind, on the contrary, was occupied and almost engrossed by his Mussulman zeal, which became the chief source of his crimes and follies. He fancied himself a sort of militant apostle, who was to spread his faith over the world. Acquire- ments of Tippoo. His Mnsul. man zeal. CONQUEST OP MYSORE. 489 Combining this design with his projects of ambition, he CHAP. XIIL waged sacred wars on every side ; against the Nazarene ^^799 English, against the Bramin Mahrattas, and against the Pagan and licentious nayrs. Ultimately, as we have ^^"mi* seen, he sunk into the most childish superstition, calling superstition, not only upon the Mohammedans, but the persecuted Hindoos, to practise their arts of divination. After the capture of Seringapatam, when his repositories were searched, along with treaties, state-papers, and political correspondence, there was found a record of his dreams and their interpretation, of which Colonel Beatson has preserved some curious specimens. At one time, when His dremas. he was threatened with an invasion of the Mahrattas, he dreamed that a young man came up and accosted him, who in the course of conversation proved to be a female. Hence he sagely inferred that his enemy, who at first had a manly and formidable appearance, would in battle prove no better than women. On another occasion, when he was about to make war with the native Chris- tians, he was favoured with the vision of a cow and a calf, the former resembling a tiger in aspect and fierce- ness ; it had a slight motion in its fore-legs, but no hind- legs. He resolved to kill this cow, but awoke before he could accomplish his purpose. Hence, however, he thought himself entitled to infer, that he would kill the Christians as he had proposed to kill the cow ; that the slight movement of the fore-legs indicated faint attempts at resistance, while the absence of the hinder-legs proved that they would have no alliances to support them. These lucubrations form a strange contrast to his display of talent on other occasions ; nor can it be wondered that public measures resting upon such conclusions should not always have proved very prosperous. This prince, owing to his long wars with the English, Op in!ons his cruel treatment of the captives, and the imbittered entertained enmity which he manifested, was regarded by them of him ~ almost as a monster in human shape. Yet when their armies penetrated into the ulterior of his kingdom, they found it nourishing, highly cultivated, and seemingly 490 CONQUEST OF MYSORE. CHAP. Xin. A.D. 1799. Attachment of Ills people. Mysore at the disposal of the British. Its dismem- berment. Partial re- construction well governed. His people always showed a strong attachment to him, and the inhabitants of the ceded districts were ever ready to embrace his cause. But to the conquered nations he was at all times a cruel master, and rendered himself the object of their inextinguishable hatred ; a cause to which his downfal may, in a great measure, be attributed. It has been said, with the general approbation of British authors, that " Hyder was born to create an empire, Tippoo to lose one ;" yet it may be observed, that he maintained a complete ascendency over all the native states, some of which had matched, and even overmatched, his father. He fell beneath the English power, employed on a scale, and wielded with an ability, of which, hi the course of Indian history, there had been no example. Mysore, having been thus completely conquered, was placed, as to its future arrangements, entirely at the disposal of the British government. The Mahrattaa had taken no share in the expedition, and the nizam knew that he must content himself with whatever the victors might choose to give. The governor-general took for the Company, hi full sovereignty, the coast of Canara, the district of Coimbetoor, the passes of the Ghauts, and Seringapatam itself, the capital and main channel of intercourse. He thus secured the whole sea- coast, and an easy communication across the peninsula. To the nizam was assigned a large tract of territory adjoining to his dominions. Another portion was re- served for the purpose of being offered to the Mahrattas, on conditions which, however, as will be hereafter seen, they did not choose to accept. There remained yet an extensive district hi the interior of Mysore, which Mar- quis Wellesley judged most expedient not to partition, but to form it into a native kingdom under the protec- tion and control of Britain. The question then arose, as to the prince hi whom the supreme dignity was to be vested. The governor-general would not have been dis- inclined to bestow it on one of the family of Tippoo ; but he jnsfly considered, that the recollection of the CONQUEST OP MYSORE. 491 recent greatness of their house must have rendered them CHAP. XIIL always hostile to the power by whom its downfal had been achieved. It appeared, therefore, more advisable, after making a liberal provision for these princes, to draw forth from their deep humiliation the ancient race of rajahs- rajahs, to whom the people were still fondly attached. The representative of this house, a minor of five years old, and his mother, were found in great poverty and neglect ; from which, amid the applauses of their coun- trymen, they were raised to the splendour and to some share of the power of Asiatic royalty. 49L J VAHBATTA WAB, CHAPTER XIV. Mahratta War, and Conquest of Central Hindustan. Great Power of the Mahrattas Shao succeeds as Rajah Able Administration of Ballajee Wishwanath Bajee Rao succeeds Rise of Holkar and Scindia Great Power of the Peishwa Reduc- tion of the Pirate Angria Madoo Rao becomes Peishwa His able Government Ragoba He is expelled by the Ministers Forms an Alliance with the Government of Bombay Keating'* ExpeditionProceedings at Bombay disallowed Treaty War renewed March against Poonah Shameful Capitulation Cam- paign of General Goddard Exploits of Popham and Camac Mahrattas allied with Britain Increased Power of Mahadajee Scindia His Death Death of Madoo Rao Various Intrigues Jealousies of Britain Dissensions of Scindia and Holkar Defeat of Scindia and the Peishwa Subsidiary Alliance with Britain Opening of the Campaign General Wellesley enters Poonah Negotiations with Scindia and the Rajah of Berar Hostilities commenced Battle of Assaye Of Argaom Siege of Gaw ilghur Treaty with the Rajah of Berar Force of the Enemy in Central Hindostan Battle of Coel Capture of Alighur Reduction of Delhi The Mogul Emperor Final Defeat of the Enemy- Treaty with Scindia Rupture with Holkar Retreat of Colonel Monson Siege of Delhi Defeats sustained by Holkar Siege of Bhurtpore Repulse of the English Treaty Hostile Con- duct of Scindia New System of Policy in Britain Marquis Cornwallis comes out as Governor-General Dies, and is suc- ceeded by Sir George BarlowTreaties with Scindia and Holkar Lord Minto's Administration. CHAP. xiv. IN prosecuting, without interruption, the train of British A. fTTsso. conquest in Southern India, we have lost sight of the ' Mahrattas, except in reference to their relations with the government of Mysore. The reader, however, will recol- Uxjt the steps hy wliich that people raised themselves on AND CONQUEST OP CENTRAL HINDOSTAN. 493 the decline of the Mogul empire, and became the most CHAP. XIV powerful instrument in its overthrow. They would . fTIfiflo even have occupied its place, had they not encountered the more regular and formidable armies of the Afghans, Checked by from whom they sustained two such mighty defeats as theAf e hans - would have annihilated any force which did not possess in itself a strong principle of vitality. But they soon recruited their strength out of the warlike and roving population of their mountain-districts ; and as the Afghans did not attempt a permanent establishment in the Indian peninsula, the Mahrattas acquired again a decided preponderance among the native states. Only Mysore, in the height of its greatness, for a short time disputed their supremacy ; but when that throne was first shaken, and then subverted, the foreign power by which this triumph had been achieved became the only rival to them ; and the question soon arose, which of the two was to rule Hindostan. Before coming to the decisive struggle, however, some internal movements of this government, and some previous transactions with the English presidencies, seem to demand our notice. Sevajee had exercised a power nearly absolute over power of his rude followers, and the reverence cherished for his Sevajee.. name enabled him to transmit the Mahratta sceptre to his posterity. But the princes born to his throne did not possess the active and daring hardihood necessary for treading in the steps of such a progenitor. Indulg- ing in ease and voluptuousness, they gradually intrusted the arduous concerns of government and war to their ministers and generals. Then followed a consequence influence of almost inevitable in oriental dynasties : the minister, or g" still more the general, in whose hands the actual admi- nistration was lodged, and who had the disposal of all favours and offices, soon became the real depositary of power, whom the sovereign would have sought in vain to displace, being in fact his master and that of the kingdom. Yet a certain veneration attached to the ori- ginal race, and the recollections connected with the his- 494 MAHBATTA WAP, CHAP. XIV. tory of its founder would hare made it unsafe actually A.'fTi708. * Depose *^ e legitimate rajah. It was much easier as well as safer to maintain him in ease and luxury, as a splendid pageant, while all the real authority was exer- cised in his name by the individual who presided in the council or army. Shao, the This consummation, which always took place in the Seyaj d ee! n of course of two or three generations, was, in the case now before us, precipitated by a remarkable accident. At the capture of Rayree, in 1690, by the troops of Aureng- zebe, the grandson of Sevajee and his mother, having fallen into the hands of the conquerors, were carried to the Mogul country, where Begum Sahib, the emperor's daughter, took an interest in the young captive, and obtained permission to educate him under her own eye. His majesty, when visiting the princess, contracted a great fondness for the youth, whom, instead of his pro- per name of Sevajee, he used to address by that of Shao, which alluded, in an ironical manner, to the thievish vo- cation of his ancestors. He married him successively to the daughters of two considerable chiefs of his own nation, and celebrated his nuptials by rich presents, among which was the sword of his father, taken in his capital, and distinguished in the East under the name of Bhowanee. Shao's return After the death of Aurengzebe, Shao remained with to the that emperor's son, Azim, who, wishing to excite divi- sions in the Mahiatta nation, then carrying on a furious predatory warfare against the Moguls, sent home the young prince. During his absence the regency had been held by his cousin, Rajah Rama, and afterwards by the widow of that officer, Tara Bye, who felt exceed- ingly inclined to continue in the exercise of her high functions ; but the people retained such an attachment to the direct line of Sevajee, that she was obliged to give Recovers the Wa 7> an( i Shao, in March 1 708, was seated on the throne of his ancestors. During a long reign he displayed some ability, and did not absolutely sink from his place as a sovereign ; vet the debilitating influence of oriental AND CONQUEST OP CENTRAL HINDO8TAN. 495 habits was heightened in his case by his education in CHAP xiv the Mogul seraglio. He soon discovered a lively taste A ^~[ r>Q for pleasure, and a disposition to devolve on others the burdensome cares of government ; but fortunately for^ ofplea " himself, or at least for the greatness of the state, he placed his chief confidence in Ballajee Wishwanath. This future head of the Mahratta confederacy occupied originally an inferior situation in the revenue ; and at his first rise had so little of the adventurous character of his tribe, that he could not sit upon horseback without a man on each side to support lu'm. His consummate Ballajee talents and address, however, soon raised him to high Wlshwanatl1 - consideration with Shao, whose object was rather to re- establish order, and cement his power by a conciliatory system, than to lead his countrymen in their predatory campaigns. By a very able negotiation, this minister extricated his master from a quarrel with Angria, and induced that powerful chief to own his supremacy. Shao was so highly pleased with him on this occasion, that he raised him to the dignity of peishwa, usually translated general ; but which, embracing as it did all the branches of administration, seems to have had more analogy to the office of vizier in the Ottoman empire. Ballajee soon engrossed the whole power, and ruled successfully, but rather as a legislator than a warrior. He contrived, by ties of common interest, to unite toge- His diploma- ther the somewhat discordant elements of which the* 108 ^ Mahratta confederacy was composed, and to fit them for those united efforts that afterwards rendered them so J formidable. He introduced order into the finances,; encouraged agriculture, and brought all the branches of the administration into a regular system. After a brief government of six years, which, however, was found sufficiently long to effect these important objects, Ballajee died in October 1720, leaving two sons, the eldest of whom, Bajee Rao or Row, had been train- Ba j ee j^ ed under his own eye both to business and amis, and succeeds bis had proved himself 'in the former equal, in the latter father< superior, to his parent and preceptor. He urged his 496 MAHRATTA TTAR, CHAP. XIV. master to much bolder schemes of ambition than had A. D~1740 occupied the views of Wishwanath ; drawing his atten- tion to the Mogul empire, in which all the Indian ideas of empire! 1168 f greatness were centred, reduced now to such a state of weakness and disunion, that it must present an easy prey to the first bold assailant. Shao, though not personally a soldier, was dazzled by these prospects of dominion, and gave his entire sanction to the designs of his mini- ster. The peishwa, however, disturbed by domestic rivalry, and involved in a contest with the nizam, or Subahdar of the Deccan, could not for some years follow out his scheme of aggrandizement : And when at length he assembled his forces, and began his march to the mam seat of Mogul power, he was seized with a sudden Death of illness, and died on the banks of the Nerbudda in 1740, after holding office nineteen years. Under him two chiefs, Holkar and Scindia, who, with their posterity, were destined to dispute the sovereignty of Hindostan, rose from very low stations into considerable importance. Holkar. The former, who sprang from the class of Sudra or labourers, had, by his military talents and spirit, collect- ed a small party of horse, with which he attached him- Scindia, self to the army of the peishwa. Scindia, though claim- ing descent from a family of the high-born tribe of Raj- poots, belonged to a decayed and illegitimate branch, which had sunk so low that he began his career by carry- ing the general's slippers ; yet, by the diligence and dex- terity with which he executed this menial function, he attracted the notice of that commander, and laid the foundation of his own greatness. These two chiefs, having distinguished themselves by several daring ex- ploits, rose gradually, till at length they were intrusted with separate commands ; and favoured by the general propensity of the Hindoos to obey only their immediate superiors, they subsequently acquired an independent political power. Hereditary The office of peishwa was now nearly established as peishwa. hereditary, and the eldest son of Bajee Rao, who pre- fixed to his father's name that of Balajee, after some AND CONQUEST OF CENTRAL HINDOSTAX. 497 opposition from Raghojee Bhonslay, another aspirant, CHAP. xiv. succeeded to that high station. The disputes with this ^-^~[ 14a last chieftain, however, and other occurrences, suspend- ed the design of subverting the imperial throne. The ordinary exaction of chout, or a fourth of the tribute, was stipulated to be paid by the Mogul, while Raghojee made the most desolating inroads into Bengal. In 1749 Shao died, when the dignity of rajah, which had been Death of the in some degree maintained by his personal character as ra ^ ah " well as his descent from Sevajee, sank into total insigni- ficance. Ballajee even intended to suppress it altogether, especially as there was some doubt as to the legitimacy of the young prince nominated to the succession ; but after some consideration he determined to preserve, though witli reduced state and expense, this shadow of royalty. His measures were strenuously opposed by Suckwar Bye, the favourite wife of the late rajah ; but Suckwat that lady, among other manoeuvres, had rashly announc- Bye - ed an intention to devote herself to the flames on the death of her husband. The peishwa contrived, even while apparently dissuading her from fulfilling this de- sign, to bring it before her family and the public in such a manner as made it impossible for her, according to Indian ideas, to avoid this dreadful sacrifice. Having gained over Raghojee Bhonslay, and transferred the seat of government from Satara to Poonah, the peishwa be- came the sole and undisputed head of the Mahratta con- federation. For several years he was involved in foreign connexions, the wars and politics of the Deccan and Car- natic, and the reduction of the piratical power of Angria. The last of these objects gave rise to certain achievement? of a memorable description, in which the English bore the most conspicuous part. The coast of the Concan, between Bombay and Goa, concim which belongs to the Mahratta territory, has always coast - been the seat of tribes who exercised in piratical expe- ditions those predatory habits which elsewhere impelled them to inroads by land. In the middle of the seven- teenth century, during the first rise of the Mahrattas, 498 MAKRATTA VAX, Conajee Anapa's ambitious schemes. CHAP. XIY and while they were carrying on a maritime war with A iTnsa tne Mogul, one of their officers, Conajee Angria, con- ceived the design of founding an independent kingdom. He was greatly aided in his project by the harrier of pre- cipitous rocks, which on this coast rise out of the sea, like the hill-forts from the Indian plain. On the two insulated cliffs of Gheria and Severndroog reigned this chief and his successors of the same name, where the} 7 became more and more formidable, till at length they felt themselves able to cope with the greatest European powers, and even aspired to the dominion of the adjacent seas. They made many valuable captures from differ- ent nations, who, through dread of their ravages, could not proceed along the shore without a convoy. In February 1754, a Dutch squadron of three ships, carry- ing 50, 36, and 18 guns respectively, was attacked, and the whole either burned or taken. The British then considered themselves called upon to take vigorous steps for putting down this growing and dangerous power ; and the Mahrattas willingly afforded their co-operation. In March 1755, Commodore James sailed with a squa- dron against Severndroog, where Angria's ships were stationed ; but these last, on the approach of the enemy, slipped then- cables and ran out to sea. They were ol light construction, and the crews, by fastening to flag- staves their robes, quilts, and even turbans, caught every breath of wind, and completely outsailed the English. The commodore then steered for the place itself, which was found to consist of several forts on the island and opposite coast, the workd of which were either cut out of the solid rock, or strongly framed of blocks ten or twelve feet square. By throwing in bombs, however, which blew up a large magazine, and caused a general conflagration in the principal stronghold, he spread such an alarm, that the inhabitants and garrison successively evacuated the different posts. Rear-Admiral Watson having arrived with a much larger fleet, proceeded to the attack of Gheria, the capital, which Colonel Clive undertook to blockade OH the land side. On the llth Opposed by the British. Expedition against Angria. Attack of Gheria. AND CONQUEST OP CENTRAL HINDOSTAN. 499 February 1756, the several ships took their positions, and CHAP, xiv next day opened so tremendous a fire that the batteries A ~ 1760 were soon silenced. On the 13th the enemy delivered up the town, solely, as it appeared, through terror at this ^towa* overwhelming discharge of artillery ; for the fortifications were of such strength, that no weight of metal could ever have effected a breach. The treasure, vessels, guns, and every tiling constituting the strength of this piratical state, fell into the hands of the victorious squadron. The influence of the Mahratta confederation continued Power of the constantly to increase. Scindia and Holkar, on the in- Jonfedem- vitation of the Nabob of Oudc, had crossed the Jumna, tfon, and invaded the Rohilla territory, which they soon over- ran, but were obliged to retire on the approach of the Afghan monarch. But it was not till 1760 and 1761 that several grand expeditions were undertaken, which promised at first to make them masters of the Mogul throne, and extend their dominion over the whole of India. Having, however, provoked the resentment of Ahmed Abdalla, they experienced those signal over- throws, particularly in the battle of Panniput, which we have already noticed in tracing the fall of that empire. The tidings of that fatal day filled all Maharashtra with mourning ; and the disaster pressed with peculiar weight on Ballajee Rao, who, having suffered for some time Death of ( under declining health, now sunk under a load of grief. ajee and died in June 1761. As the office of peishwa had become quite hereditary, Madoo Raa Madoo Rao, son of the deceased minister, was immedi- ately elevated to that distinguished rank, under the regency of his uncle, Ragonaut Rao. This chief, after- wards well known to the English under the familiar name of Ragoba, had already acquired considerable mi- litary reputation. Four years, however, had not elapsed, when his young nephew showed a power and decision of character, which fitted him for executing in person the duties of his exalted station. In 1764 and 1765 he undertook his celebrated expedition against Hyder, the triumphant issue of which displayed at once his owa 500 MAHRATTA WAH, CHAP. XIV abilities, and the almost inexhaustible resources of hie - military system. He carried on also, chiefly through ' the agency of his general Trimbuck Mama, the other His preat enterprise against the same ruler, which is mentioned in the history of Mysore. Finally, towards the close of his reign, the peishwa again undertook to establish his supre- macy in the very centre of the imperial dominions. A great army under Scindia overran Rohilcund, and Shah Allum, who inherited the mighty name of Great Mogul, having exchanged the protection of the English for the aid of the Mahrattas, enabled the latter people to seize all that was left of the power which had so long been held supreme over India. Improve- The voun o ru ^ er madc considerable improvements in nients in the the different branches of the state, especially in the col- a^minisi - j ect j on Q f tne revenue an( j the administration of justice. He could not extirpate the corruption so deeply rooted in all Indian governments ; but he studiously afforded protection to agriculture, which, allowing for the infe- rior fertility of the country, was then more flourishing in Maharashtra than in any other part of Hindostan. The revenue drawn from the people is estimated by Mr Grant Duff at ten millions sterling, though little more than seven is understood to have entered the treasury. His army The arm y consisted of 50,000 good cavalry, while the contingents of Scindia, Holkar, and other feudatory chiefs, raised it to about 100,000. They were followed to the field by crowds of irregular infantry, who were little better than camp-followers, and by bands of Pindaree horse, fit only for plunder, but very eminently skilled in that vocation. JfanalnRaa Madoo Rao died in 1772 without issue, and was suc- ceeded by his next brother, Narrain Rao, a youth not more than seventeen. He was placed in a difficult situa- tion ; for the office of peishwa, after having crushed beneath it that of rajah, was itself beginning to lose its influence. His uncle, Ragoba, was not likely to view without jealousy the elevation of so young a rival ; while a body of experienced ministers, trained under successive AND CONQUEST OP CENTRAL HINDOSTAN. 501 peishwas to a thorough acquaintance with the affairs of CHAP xiv state, were beginning to contend for the supreme direc- tion. In these circumstances, a temporary and apparent ' 73> calm was followed by a dreadful commotion. On the morning of the 30th August 1773, Narrain Rao, having observed some unusual agitation among the troops, desired one of the ministers to be on the alert ; but the warning was neglected. The unfortunate prince rus fats. had gone in the afternoon to repose in a private cham- ber, when a band of soldiers burst by an obscure entrance into the palace. They at first pretended that they came to demand arrears of pay, about which they had for some tune been clamouring ; but it soon appeared that they were impelled by a much darker purpose. Narrain, roused from slumber, ran into his uncle's apartments, and threw himself into his arms, entreating that he would save him. The latter at first appeared to interpose in favour of his relative ; but Somer Sing, the ringleader, said, " I have not gone thus far to ensure my own destruc- tion ; let him go, or you shall die with him." He then extricated himself from the grasp of the youth, whom, as well as a faithful servant that had also clung round his neck, the conspirators instantly despatched with their swords. All eyes were turned to Ragoba, as the person by R ag0 ba. whom this crime must have been suggested. For some time no proof could be obtained, till Ram Sastree, one of the most respectable and upright of the ministers, having collected various evidences, brought the charge so home to him, that he at length confessed he had signed the HIs cr i m i na . order to seize the person of his nephew, but denied hav- U rience, as a soldier, in Germany, so that an Indian war pre- sented a scene altogether new to him. However, a force of 3900 men, of whom only 600 were British, landed at Panwell, and advanced to attack the capital of the Mah- ratta empire. The march of an army in that country, encumbered with baggage, bullocks, and beasts of burden, is always slow ; but the tardiness of this movement was altogether unprecedented. In eleven days they had not proceeded above eight miles. A week more brought them, on the 9th January 1779, to the village of * Tullygaom, where they found in front a mass of about 50,000 men, who began to skirmish in their usual desultory manner. They did not, however, venture on a serious attack ; but though nothing had occurred which might not have been foreseen with the utmost certainty, Mr Carnac and Colo- Rash deter- nel Cockburn, who, in consequence of Egerton's sick- ^| n " ness, had succeeded to the command, formed the fatal determination, from which nothing could dissuade them, of immediate retreat. Such a step, in the face of a Mah- ratta host, with clouds of cavalry, was more perilous than the boldest advance. The English troops had scarcely begun to fall back, when their rearguard was assailed by the whole force of the enemy. Fortunately Gallant it was commanded by Captain Hartley, a young officer ^J^ rf of high and rising reputation, who gallantly withstood Hartley, several most furious charges ; and they were finally un- 508 MAHRATTA WAR, CHAP. xiv. able to make a serious impression on any part of the line. A. iTma ^e ^ OSS > however, was very severe, amounting to up- wards of three hundred, among whom were fifteen Eu- ropean officers. Disgraceful After this action, the military authorities decided that even retreat was no longer practicable, and consequently that there remained no resource but negotiation. This, in such circumstances, was equivalent to offering the ene- my a carte blanche as to the terms on which the invaders should be allowed to return to Bombay. In vain did Hartley remonstrate against that humiliating step, and point out a course by which the retreat might have been effected ; in vain did Carnac advance objections, which, however, he forbore to press ; nothing could shake the pusillanimous determination of the commanders. They were even prepared to give up Ragoba, had not that chief made a private agreement to surrender himself to Scin- dia. The British themselves, by treating with the latter, obtained somewhat more favourable terms : still the con- vention of Worgaom, if not the most disastrous, was much the most disgraceful event which had marked the annals of our army in India. All the points in dispute were yielded ; all the recent acquisitions were to be re- stored ; and orders were sent that the troops now march- ing from Bengal should proceed no farther. Indignation Both at Bombay and at home the utmost indignation excited by it was f e j t at t hi s convention. Mr Carnac, Colonels Eger- ton and Cockburn, were all three dismissed from the service. Their conduct in the present instance certainly appears quite indefensible, and it is not a little remark- able, that it formed a decided contrast to their characters as displayed on former occasions. Cockburn, in particular, had distinguished himself by exploits of the most daring valour, and was considered one of the best officers in the service ; but the qualities which had fitted him for a secondary part, proved insufficient to guide his judgment Treaty in this higher and more arduous station. The treaty was immediately annulled, as having been concluded without sufficient authority, and the arrival of Colonel Leslie AND CONQUEST OP CENTRAL HINDOSTAN. 509 witli his detachment was alone waited for in order to CHAP. xi v commence offensive operations. This officer, however, A-cTnao had not made the despatch which was expected. His march being harassed by some of the Rajpoot chiefs, progress of he absurdly allowed himself to be drawn into several ^^ petty contests, and in the course of five months had not proceeded above 120 miles. Mr Hastings was obliged Colonel to supersede him, and send in his place Colonel Goddard, Goddard - who, by passing over three hundred miles in twenty days, reached Surat, having avoided the snares formed by the enemy to interrupt his progress. This commander, who, though acting on a conciliatory Unsuccessful system toward the Bombay government, was invested with a jurisdiction nearly independent, began with an attempt to negotiate. This being found impracticable, on account of the lofty tone assumed by the cabinet of Poonah upon its recent success, hostilities were immedi- ately commenced ; and the English appeared no longer as auxiliaries to Ragoba, but as principals. On the first of January 1780, Goddard, now a general, crossed the Tuptee, and before the end of the month reduced Dub- stonninjr of hoy, and carried by storm Ahmedabad, the great but Ahmedabjd decayed capital of Guzerat. Then, however, he received notice that Scindia and Holkar, with upwards of twenty thousand horse, had passed the Nerbudda, and were ad- vancing against him. The former chief opened a negotia- tion with the British, for whom he professed a warm at- tachment. But, as it was soon perceived that he sought only to gain time, Goddard determined if possible to bring him to a general action ; and attacking his camp Desultory by night, he succeeded in surprising some of his outposts. f^ ^ eEt! The .day, however, dawned in time to enable the main Indian army. body to mount their horses and present themselves in order of battle : they even made a movement as if to charge, but being received with a brisk fire, they galloped off and were soon out of sight. The English commander, who imagined he had gained a decisive victory,soon learn- ed with surprise that they had taken a fresh position quite entire, at a little distance. He again endeavoured to 510 MAHRATTA WAR, CHAP. XTV. bring them to action ; but on his near approach they _ merely discharged a flight of rockets, and disappeared as before. Wearied with these fruitless and harassing operations, he at length removed his army, and placed it, during the rains, in cantonments on the Nerbudda. siege of In the course of the dry season, which commenced Bassein. j n October, the general employed himself in the siege of Bassein, while Colonel Hartley covered his operations, spreading his force over a great part of the Concan, whence he drew both supplies and revenue. This cam- paign was very successful ; Bassein surrendered on the llth December, while Hartley, taking a judicious posi- tion, completely repulsed the whole combined force of the Mahrattas, which attempted to overwhelm him. Proposals for Thus the English affairs were beginning to assume a negotiatiug. p ros p erous aspect, when Goddard was apprized of an intention on the part of government to open an immedi- ate negotiation. He was directed, therefore, to hold him- self in readiness to cease hostilities as soon as intelligence should be received from Poonah of a corresponding dis- position. This resolution was connected with certain events of the war hi the south of India related in a British former chapter. Hyder, having formed an alliance with soothlrn tnc nizam sn ^ ^ e Mahrattas, had made a terrible irrup- India. tion into the Carnatic, and was threatening the very ex- istence of the British establishment at Madras. Under these circumstances, it was determined to make sacri- fices to a great extent, in order to detach the court of Poonah from this formidable confederacy. The treaty, however, proceeded slowly, especially after tidings had arrived of the catastrophe that had befallen Colonel Unsuccessful Baillie's detachment. In these discouraging circum- S a G^r^ g sto 11068 General Goddard conceived that an advance with Goddard. his army beyond the Ghauts, and the placing it in such a position as to menace the Mahratta capital, might pro- duce a favourable effect. Accordingly, with about 6000 men he succeeded in penetrating the barrier of hills. Nana Furnavese, however, still refused to separate from bis ally ; and the general was so harassed by attacks OB AND CONQUEST OF CENTRAL HINDOSTAN. gjj his rear, by having his convoys intercepted, and by see- CHAP. xiv. ing the country laid waste around him, that he felt at ^ ^~7?80 length the necessity of retreating to Bombay. In this march he was assailed by the enemy with so much fury, ^ losses that although he reached the coast without dishonour, British. he sustained a loss more severe than had been incurred in the campaign which terminated in the convention of . Worgaom. Mr Hastings, meantime, attempted to influence the Pianofope- war by military movements from Bengal, directed to- wards the very heart of India. Captain Popham, with 2400 men, crossed the Jumna, and attacked the fort of Lahar ; but finding it much stronger than was expected, and labouring under the want of battering-cannon, he could effect only a very imperfect breach. He deter- storming cf mined, however, to storm it ; and, though both the officers Lahan' Ol who led the assault fell, the troops followed with such intrepidity that the place was carried with the loss of 125 men. But the most brilliant exploit was that against Gwalior, a stronghold repeatedly mentioned as being con- sidered in Hindostan Proper the most formidable bulwark of the empire, though it could not rank with the impreg- nable hill-forts of the south and west. After two months of observation and contrivance, on the 3d August 1780 a party was employed to make a night-assault. They Taking of mounted the scarped rock by a regular escalade, then GwaUor - ran up the steep face of the hill, and by ladders of rope ascended the inner wall, thirty feet high, when they found themselves within the place ; and though some of the men gave the alarm by firing prematurely, they nevertheless stood their ground. The garrison were panic-struck ; and the sun had scarcely risen when the British, with almost no resistance, became masters of this celebrated fortress. In pursuance of the same system, Mr Hastings sent War in the Colonel Camac to carry the war into the territories of 8 * Scindia. He penetrated without difficulty into Malwa ; but the Mahratta chief then hastened to oppose the in- vasion, and by the rapid manoeuvres of his numerous cavalry, soon reduced the British to great distress ; keep- 512 MAHRATTA WAR, CHAP, xrv ing up an incessant cannonade during the long period of A. r7T78i. 8even ^y 3 - "^ e colonel, however, by remaining for some time inactive, lulled the suspicions of the enemy, nrnSS^ tnen suddenly burst by night into his camp, and defeated of Colonel him with great loss. This success, although he was not "^ able to follow it up, raised considerably the reputation of the English, who also succeeded, by a large sum of money, in detaching Moodajee Bhonslay, rajah of Berar, from the other Mahratta leaders. Thus, after various transactions, a separate convention was first concluded withScindia on the 13thOctoberl781 ; and finally,on the flmM^hmta 7tJl May foUowin g> a general peace was signed at Salbye, war. on terms as favourable as the chequered events of the war could give room to expect. The limits of the re- spective territories were fixed nearly on the same footing as by the treaty of Poorundur ; and a monthly pension of 25,000 rupees was assigned to Ragoba. Thus closed the first Mahratta war, by which our countrymen, it must be confessed, had earned very little either of glory or advantage. amance 7 From this time the relations of that people with our with the government were for many years those of amity and alli- ahratta& ance ; a union which was produced by a common dread of the exorbitant power and pretensions of the house of Mysore. We have seen them joined with the British in successive leagues, and affording a tumultuary aid in the contests which brought to an end the power of Tippoo. The history of the confederation, however, was remark- ably distinguished by the rise of Scindia to a pre-emi- nence which made him decidedly superior to all its other Superiority leaders. His territory being contiguous to the southern y states and to the fragments of the Mogul empire, he add- ed to it successively these different possessions. On the east he subdued Bundelcund ; on the west he rendered tributary the warlike princes of Rajpootana ; and at length, amid the dissensions of the imperial court, Shah Allum, who still retained the name, revered even in its downfal, of Mogul emperor, placed himself under his protection. In this manner that chief became master AND CONQUEST OF CENTRAL HINDOSTAN. 513 of Agra, Delhi, and the surrounding territories ; while CHAP, xrv he exercised all that now remained of imperial power. ^ iTTzsi He was so elated by these successes, that he ventured upon a demand of chout or tribute from the government of tribute from Bengal ; a claim which Mr Macpherson, then governor, the British. repelled with the highest indignation, and insisted upon its formal renunciation. Scindia's elevated position was in other respects pre- precarious carious and difficult. Labouring under an extreme defi- ciency of funds, he was obliged to levy exorbitant con- tributions from the Rajpoot chiefs. That proud race rose in insurrection, and were joined by Mohammed Beg and Gholaum Kawdir, to whom, as well as to the emperor himself, the domination of the Mahratta ruler had become odious. In an invasion of Rajpootana, he was completely His defeat by defeated, and though the feudal bands of that country, as ^e^ poot usual after a victory, dispersed and went to their homes, he was no longer able to resist the power even of the Moslem princes. He was again worsted, and reduced to the greatest extremity, when he entreated, though with little success, that Nana Furnavese would forget all grounds of quarrel and jealousy, and aid him in the ge- neral cause of the Mahratta confederation. He was ex- Savage tricated by the savage violence of Gholaum Kawdir him- Ghoiaum self, who, having obtained possession of Delhi and of the Kawdir. emperor's person, treated him, his family, and adherents, with the most wanton barbarity. With his own hand he used the point of a dagger to put out that prince's eyes ; and committed other cruelties which rendered him the object of general horror and disgust. At length his own associate, Ismael Beg (who had succeeded to Mo- hammed), went over to Scindia, who also at length ob- tained a reinforcement from Poonah. By this means he His capture was enabled to enter Delhij and pursue Kawdir, who was and death ' taken and put to death ; and having thus regained almost the entire plenitude of his dominion, the Mahratta chief sought to strengthen his military power by means not resorted to by any of his predecessors. He enlisted into his army the various warlike races in the north of India, 514 MAHHATTA WAR, CHAP. XIV the valiant Rajpoot horsemen, the Goseins, a religions sect, whose tenets did not prevent them from taking arms, and even Mohammedan soldiers who had been thrown out of the Mogul service. But the force on Scindia which he chiefly relied was a corps of regular infantry, position! hiS organized and disciplined in the European manner by a French adventurer named De Boigne. This body, at first consisting only of two battalions, had been rapidly augmented, till it amounted to three brigades, each com- prising 5600 infantry, 500 cavalry, and forty pieces of cannon. He had besides a separate train of artillery, and was supported by a mass of irregular foot. A considerable territory was assigned for the support of this corps ; which included officers of all nations, among whom was a considerable proportion of English. Ambitions Having thus rendered himself the most powerful bcindia! f among the Mahratta princes, Scindia's next object was to acquire a preponderance at the court of Poonah. He proceeded thither with the professed purpose of confer- ring on the peishwa the dignity of Vakeel-i-Mootluq, or supreme deputy, which he had caused the Mogul to bestow ; a most unwelcome visit, which Nana Furna- vese sought in vain to decline. He arrived at length, and Reception at was received with every mark of outward respect. The Po^ahT f peishwa, amid great state, was in vested with this new title, which was considered an addition to the splendour even of his rank ; while the gallant warrior, being ap- pointed his perpetual deputy, with the right of nominat- ing a successor, acquired all the real power attached to the function. Besides dazzling the eye of the youthful prince by the pomp of this ceremony, he gamed his fa- vour by inviting him to field-sports and other amuse- ments, from which he had been in a considerable degree withheld by the austere maxims of the aged Bramin, His sndden his minister. In short, Scindia seemed about to supplant leath * Furnavese as the arbiter of the Mahratta state, when he was seized with a violent illness, which terminated his life on the 12th February 1794. Mahadajee Scindia, who had been the chief instrument AND CONQUEST OF CENTRAL HINDOSTAN. 515 in raising his house to be the first in Hindostan, was a CHAP, xiv person of very great activity and address, long experi- ^ 5^" 794i ence, and of so much principle as to be supposed incap- able of committing any very enormous crime, a praise which cannot often be bestowed on the great men of India. His death at the present moment, when a danger of the greatest magnitude impended over the state, may probably be considered as the main cause of the ulti- mate decline of the Mahratta power. Dying without issue, he adopted as his successor, not the nearest heir, Dowlut Eao - but Dowlut Rao, his nephew, the son of his youngest brother ; a youth not more than fifteen years of age, who, though possessed of talents and enterprise, was with- out that knowledge which would have been necessary to guide him through the difficult circumstances in which he was soon placed. Nana Furnavese, on the death of his rival, seemed Nana Funi* again replaced hi the supreme direction of affairs ; but Tes the very eagerness with which he clung to power soon involved him in a deeper calamity. While he kept Ma- doo Rao, the peishwa, in very strict tutelage, he held also in close confinement Bajee Rao, the son of Ragoba, who, on approaching manhood, displayed high accom- plishments and engaging manners, which rendered him an object of general interest. This was particularly felt by his cousin Madoo Rao. An epistolary communica- Romantic tion was opened, and a romantic friendship formed by between' 1 * these two young men, who stood in a position of such ? ! Ia . doo J" ld deadly rivalry. In their correspondence they were wont to anticipate the moment when, delivered from their present thraldom, they might form a personal intimacy, and emulate the great actions of their ancestors. This innocent exchange of sentiment, being discovered by Nana, excited his most violent rage. He increased the rigour of Bajee's confinement, and, at the same time, loaded Madoo with the severest reproaches. The high- Death of spirited youth, in a paroxysm of grief and indignation, threw himself from a terrace in the palace, and died in two days. This was a most disastrous event to Fuvna- 516 MAHRATTA AVAR, CHAP. XIV. vese ; for Bajee, whom he had done so much to make his j-"~^ 7 j4_ enemy, was, in fact, the legitimate heir. The minister attempted at first to parry this fatal circumstance, and JSSef proposed that the widow of the deceased prince, though she had not reached the age of womanhood, should adopt a son, whom he might establish as peishwa, and in his name conduct the government. He found this measure, however, to be quite repugnant to public feeling ; and learning that Scindia had declared in favour of the im- prisoned youth, endeavoured to make the best of his situation by employing his influence in raising the latter to the vacant dignity. Bajee Rao, on this intention be- ing announced to him, was so much surprised, that he obliged the messenger to take hold of a cow's tail, and swear by the holy waters of the Godavery that no stra- Bojee Rao. tagem was intended. He then repaired to Poonah, and ^jd^fa. was placed on the musnud. The reconciliation, however, could not be durable. The court from this time became a complete chaos of political intrigue, between the peish- wa, who endeavoured to exercise his own authority, and Nana, Scindia, Purseram Bhow, and other chiefs, who sought to administer it in his name. These individuals appear in the confused scene one day united in close alli- ance, the next plotting one another^ destruction. We shall not now follow the thread of these intricate trans- actions, nor encumber our pages with the uncouth names of humbler individuals who, amid the general confusion, contrived to thrust themselves into notice. Some at- tempts were even made to employ as an instrument the long-imprisoned rajah, whose title was still dear to the NanaFuTEa- ^ a ^ ira ^a people. Nana Furnavese, after passing through vee. a U various fortunes, and being reduced to the greatest dis- tress, was restored to some share of his former power, but died soon afterwards, leaving the reputation of one of the ablest and most skilful politicians that India had ever produced ; and there remained no individual pos- sessed of those comprehensive and statesman-like views, which were soon much wanted to direct the affairs of the confederation. AND CONQUEST OF CJ5NTKAL HIND08TAN. 517 Even before the death of Furnavese, the court of CHAP.SIV Poonah had been placed for some time in a critical situa- ^ "1794 tion. It was united in a triple alliance with Britain anl the nizam, against the power and pretensions of tnt t^comt of house of Mysore, and had repeatedly co-operated, though Poonah. in an irregular and unsatisfactory manner, with th English in their wars with that dynasty. Lord Corn- wallis, though he had much reason to complain of the conduct of their army, so far from expressing any anger, granted to them a third, or equal share with the Com pany and the nizam, of the ceded lands : and MarquJ Wellesley afterwards, when he entered upon the las and decisive contest with Tippoo, called upon the Mah- ratta government to fulfil the stipulations of this alli- ance. By that time, however, they had begun to cherish Jealousy of a deep and not ill-grounded jealousy respecting the rapid the British progress of the British power ; and although they chose to temporize, their wishes were now completely in favour of Mysore. Nana strongly shared this feeling ; neverthe- less he decidedly objected to any measure which might commit the state in a war with so formidable a nation But Scindia and the peishwa, those young and ardent spirits, embraced with enthusiasm the cause of the sultan ; Proposed a fact which was proved by a correspondence found at Seringapatam, breathing unequivocal hostility, and leav- ing no doubt, that had fortune favoured the son of Hy- der, he would at once have been joined by these chiefs. They were arrested, however, by the intelligence of the fall of that capital, the death of its ruler, and the downfal of his formidable dynasty. Then, indeed, every effort was made to excuse their inactivity as allies, and to explain away every symptom of a hostile intention. Though the failure on the part of the Mahrattas had Politic pro- been undeniable, Marquis Wellesley declined showing weuTstey? any resentment ; he even set apart for them a portion of the sequestered territory. But he determined to avail himself of his present commanding position to establish if possible an effective control over this great and turbu- lent state. He tendered to them a share in the spoils 518 MAHRATTAWAR, 6 * cou pl e d w fth th 6 condition, that the peishwa, _1_ ' on terms similar to those of a treaty just arranged with A. D. 1803. ^ e njzan^ should receive a British subsidiary force, and Proposed ftde a portion of territory, the clear revenue of which might be sufficient for their maintenance. But this proposal, after some months of delay and evasion, was decidedly rejected. It evidently appeared that his high- ness would never agree to any such measure, unless under the pressure of an irresistible necessity ; and the governor-general, entertaining sanguine hopes that such a crisis might erelong occur, carefully watched his op- Divisions portunity. He calculated, that the distractions in the among the Mahratta confederacy, as they must increase, could powers. 1C scarcely fail of compelling that prince to have recourse to British aid ; for, though the nominal head of the other chieftains, and himself a man of spirit and ambition, he saw his power every day more and more controlled by the pretensions of those military adventurers. Scindia began to act as the real sovereign of Maharashtra, com- manding a force superior to that of his master, whom he evidently intended to treat as a mere state pageant. Holkar, too, having assembled round him a vast preda- tory army, was not unwilling to measure his strength with any rival, however mighty. Yet these turbulent The expected elements continued for some tune to ferment without c"* 18 - producing an actual explosion ; and hence, more than three years elapsed from the conquest of Mysore, before the expected crisis arrived. Marquis Wellesley was even preparing to return to Europe in January 1803, when the unexpected intelligence induced him to remain. The convulsion which he had long waited for, occurred on a greater scale, and in a form more favourable to his views, than he had ever anticipated. JeswuntRao. The rival houses of Scindia and Holkar, after recently emerging from the lowest obscurity, had for some time ranked nearly equal ; but after the former had once risen to greatness, his family acquired a very decided preponderance. The power of the Holkars, however, revived under an illegitimate branch, Jeswunt Rao, who AND CONQUEST OP CENTRAL HINDOSTAN. 519 by boldness, enterprise, and a peculiar talent for preda- CHAP. xiv. tory warfare, soon raised himself, notwithstanding the , ^ stain on his birth, to be the head of his house, and the leader of all who fought under its banners. Dissensions soon arose between him and Scindia, whose territory he did not spare in the course of his ravages. After various Total rout of movements, the two armies engaged near Indore, Hoi- kar's capital, when that chief was completely routed, with the loss of ninety-eight pieces of cannon ; and his power was supposed to be so completely crushed, that the other very imprudently neglected any farther pursuit. No force is so easily or so rapidly recruited as that of the Mahrattas. The vanquished leader, having undertaken some inroads into the surrounding territories, soon rallied round him all the bold youths who delighted in plunder and adventure : large bands even from the ranks of his Aggressive adversary, tired of an inactive life, nocked to his camp. S 1 In short, he soon found himself in a condition to march upon Poonah. Scindia and the peishwa united their ea forces to oppose him ; and there ensued in the vicinity of that city one of the most obstinate battles recorded in the annals of Indian warfare. Holkar fought with the His complete utmost desperation, and led his men to successive charges snccesa> with such fury, that the enemy were completely broken, and fled in every direction. Colonel Close, the British resident, while the engagement lasted, hoisted his flag, which was respected by both parties ; and next day he was asked to visit the victorious general. He found him Solicits in his tent, ankle-deep in mud, wounded both with a spear and a sabre. He received the colonel with the utmost politeness, professed a cordial attachment to the English, and expressed a wish that they would assist in adjusting his differences with Scindia and the peishwa. The latter prince, however, had already entered into Negotiations engagements with the British. On the first approach of the crisis which had now overwhelmed him, he began to make overtures for a subsidiary force, though on the narrowest possible conditions. It was not even to enter the country, but to be posted on the frontier, ready to 520 MAHRATTA WAft CHAP. xiv. advance when circumstances might call for its services. A-oTsoa His ohject evidently was, not to incur the odium and danger of introducing these powerful foreigners into his dominions, hut hy the mere dread of their approach to overawe the contending chiefs, and restore his own supre- Accommo- macy. The marquis was not, however, unwilling to of We1iSie Cy c ^ ose ^e an "angement, even under this jealous restric- tion ; hut the treaty for the maintenance of the corps was attended with great difficulties. An ample extent of territory was indeed offered, hut heing situated hi Hindostan Proper, where the peishwa had a mere nomi- nal authority, it was really occupied hy Scindia and Holkar, from whom it must be wrested hy force of arms. The assignment was required of a tract of coun- try over which the English could hold command ; even money would he accepted, notwithstanding the uncer- tainties of obtaining payment. Thus the negotiation The peishwa was spun out till the very day before the battle, when British * th prince, foreseeing that whoever prevailed he would alliance. be reduced to a state of vassalage, signed the compact. After Holkar's signal victory, he determined to throw himself entirely into the arms of the British. This in- tention he intimated from Singurh, to which he had fled, and was then invited to repair to the coast, where the ar- rangements could be conducted with security. Having repaired to Severndroog, he embarked for Bassein, where he was met by Colonel Close ; and at that place, on the Treaty of 31 st December 1802, was signed the celebrated treaty by iro s- which the alliance was settled on a more extended basis. The Company not only engaged to furnish 6000 men, for the support of whom was assigned a territory yielding twenty-six lacks of rupees ; they engaged, moreover, to bring forward all the force they could command, and which might be necessary to re-establish the peishwa in his full rights as head of the Mahratta confederacy. Mahratta * n enterm on *^ e greatest war which England ever war. waged in India, and which was destined completely to establish her supremacy over that region, it is impossible to refrain from some inquiry respecting the necessity and AND CONQUEST OF CENTRAL HINDOSTAN. 521 the wisdom of tins eventful measure. Mr Mill, in a CHAP, xiv very masterly discussion upon this subject, argues, that ^ D~~i802 the war arose out of the treaty of Bassein, which was manifestly the spontaneous act of the governor-general ; and that the Mahratta chiefs, engrossed by their own contests for power, had no immediate intention or wish to involve themselves in hostility with the British go- vernment. The object of each was to obtain possession of the peishwa's person, and to exercise in his name a general control over the whole state. But an arrange- ment which altogether withdrew that ruler from the control of all of them, and transferred to a foreign British poAver the whole weight of his name and resources, be- *" sSb'ect of sides humbling their national pride, presented a common general obstacle to the ambitious views of each chief, and was s^ ehen therefore to all an object of equal resentment. He goes on to maintain that the Company might have safely looked on, and seen the different leaders waste them- selves in internal conflicts, while courted by each they might have secured advantages to themselves, and held the balance between them. This part of the question, however, depends upon circumstances that are extremely Probable complicated ; and the arguments urged on the other side conflict appear to be at least equally plausible. It has never been denied, that a power which sees its neighbours engaged in war may be justified in interfer- ing, either from generosity to defend the oppressed, or from policy, lest any one state, by conquering the others, should attain a dangerous ascendency. But the conflicts of the Mahratta chiefs now bore much less the character of internal disturbance, than of regular war between in- dependent princes. The common national tie served little more than to inspire the design and hope of a general General view dominion, the object which, it is clear, had kindled ^ 6 ques " the ambition of the several aspirants. There was there- fore, perhaps, a strong probability that erelong some one of these leaders would gain the supremacy, and wield the entire resources of the Mahratta power. It seems impossible to deny that in such a case an able warrior CHAP. XIV A. D. 1802. Anticipa- tions of the Marquis Wellesley. Raghojee Bhonslay. Adverse' 1 Influence of Scindia and Baghojee. 522 MAHRATTA WAR, might have become very formidable to Britain, both by the great extent of territory which he would have command- ed, and by the success which might have been expected from disciplining his troops after the European manner. He would also have enjoyed the prospect of being aided by the French, while the English would have had to dread the doubtful faith of the nizam and other native princes whom they held in vassalage. The Marquis Wellesley, from his confidential corres- pondence recently published, evidently cherished san- guine hopes that the mere influence of this treaty, with- out any actual appeal to arms, would have re-established tranquillity and a due balance of power in the Mahratta state. Scindia, it was hoped, after so overwhelming a blow, would have been happy to co-operate with him and the peishwa, under the offered pledge of regaining all he had lost, and having its preservation guaranteed to him. Holkar's resources were considered too unsolid and ephemeral to make any stand against these three united powers. The only doubt respected Raghojee Bhonslay, who had become Rajah of Berar, and whose ancestor, as formerly mentioned, had even laid claim to the rank of peishwa. He had, however, been observed do attach himself so very decidedly to the successful party, that there appeared little chance of his espousing a cause so desperate as that of Holkar. In fact, had these chiefs been guided by sound views of policy, they would have at least temporized till Scindia had recruited his shattered forces, and till his rival, who had retired beyond the Godavery, and seemed disinclined to take any decisive step, could be induced to join the confederacy. These hopes, though resting on plausible grounds, were not fulfilled. Scindia and Raghojee felt such a hatred and dread of British power, as not only suspended the strongest feelings of enmity between themselves, but impelled them to make precipitate efforts against treaty which appeared to render the Company supreme over Maharashtra. Yet the former, who, after his defeat, had retired to Burhanpoor, where he had reas AND CONQUEST OF CENTRAL HINDOSTAN. 523 sembled a considerable force, did not at first declare him- CHAP, xiv. self. Being invited to accede to the treaty of Bassein and to share its advantages, he expressed an intention to comply, only wishing previously to correspond with and obtain some explanations from the peishwa. Afterwards he declined acceding, but declared he would do nothing to obstruct its execution. Alarm was naturally excited by his continuing posted at Burhanpoor, which could appar- ently have no other object but that of regaining his as- cendency at Poonah ; wherefore Collins, stationed as" resi- dent in his camp, again pressed upon him the acceptance of the treaty, though intimating that his refusal would not be considered as a ground of offence. In that case, how- ever, it was expected he would prove the absence of any hostile intention, by immediately recrossing the Ner- budda, to the north of which his own dominions lay. He made friendly professions, but urged that his present Disguise of position was necessary to watch and keep in check the Us motiyeG - movements of Holkar. The marquis afterwards inti- mated to the resident, that if this should appear to be the case, he would accept any other unequivocal proof of pacific dispositions ; and he continued long to cherish the hope, that this warrior would not venture any opposi- tion without the concurrence of Holkar and the Rajah of Berar. He wrote both to him and the rajah, as- Overtures of suring them of being left secure and unmolested in the * Marquis, possession of their dominions ; at the same time, in allu- sion to certain unfavourable reports, he warned them, that all attempts on the part of any state or power to obstruct the execution of the treaty of Bassein, would place them in a state of hostility with Britain. The rajah replied, disclaiming any hostile views ; though a letter was at the same time communicated, which he had written to a chief, Azim-ul-Omrah, expressing his desire to meet Scindia, and concert measures with him for op- posing the fulfilment of the said treaty. Although this in- tention was denied, and amicable professions continued, yet the movements both of Scindia's army and that of Berar entirely corresponded to it. The governor-general there- 524 MAHKATTA WAR, CHAP. xiv. fore determined to place all his armies in sucu positions A. ixlsoa. a 3 might enable them to act with the utmost vigour, the Pre arato moment & should he determined to strike the blow. Ge- measuresof neral Wellesley from Mysore, Colonel Stevenson from * ne n i zam ' s capital of Hydrabad, and some regiments under Colonel Murray from Bombay, had been ordered to advance upon Poonah, and after re-establishing the peishwa, to be ready if necessary to act against the tur- bulent Mahratta chiefe. Lord Lake, stationed with a large force at Cawnpore, on the Bengal frontier, had instructions, immediately on learning the commence- Pian for ment of hostilities, to advance. His objects were to operations, conquer Scindia's territories in Hindostan Proper, cap- ture the Mogul capitals of Delhi and Agra, obtain pos- session of the emperor's person, and open a friendly com- munication with the Rajpoot chiefs. At the same tune, detachments were to be sent against Cuttack, belonging to the Rajah of Berar, and from Bombay against Baroach and the neighbouring coast of Guzerat. The success of these last expeditions would render the Company mas- ters of the whole circuit of the Indian coast, and cut off all connexion between their European and native enemies. Major-gen^ On the Oth of March 1803, Major-general Wellesley enters 6 the ey marched from his position at Hurryhur, and on the 12th territor 1 * entere d the Mahratta territory. Colonel Stevenson, at the same time, broke up from Hydrabad with the subsidiary force of about 8000 men, and 16,000 troops furnished by the nizam. On the 15th April the two divisions united at Aklooss, about 70 miles south-east of Poonah. Holkar, Retirement on hearing of the approach of the English, determined of Holkar. no ^ ^ mO } ve himself i n hostile proceedings, but early in April retreated to Chandore, a place 130 miles to the northward of Poonah, leaving Amrut Rao, whom he had invested with the dignity of peishwa, with only a small detachment in that capital. Sir Arthur then judgod it unnecessary to lead his whole army to a place where it could not without much difficulty procure subsistence ; but being informed by Colonel Close that AND CONQUEST OF CENTRAL HINDOSTAN. #>5 there was reason to apprehend Amrut Rao would set CHAP, xiv fire to the capital, where part of the family of the peish- ^ ~f m wa still resided, he formed a select corps of cavalry, and advanced with such speed, that in thirty-two hours, on ^|^ Arthur the 20th April, he reached Poonah, which Amrut had Weiiesiey. hastily quitted without attempting any violence. The English power being thus established in the Mahratta metropolis, the sovereign was escorted from Bombay by the detachment under Colonel Murray, and resumed his seat on the musnud amid the congratulations of the British and native armies. General Wellesley now paused till he could ascertain Difficulty of the disposition of the other Mahratta chiefs. Though great difficulty was found in procuring supplies and the means of transport, no aid was derived from the peishwa, who .was either unable, or, as was strongly suspected, dis- inclined to command the exertions of his subjects for this object. However, by his own activity and the assistance forwarded from Bombay, the English leader was at length enabled to put his troops in inarching condition. As the conduct of the native rulers became daily more General suspicious, the governor-general, to avoid the delays of communicating with Calcutta, invested his brother on the 26th June, not only with the supreme military com- mand in the Mahratta territories, but with the decision of the question of peace or war. In the first capacity, indeed, he was still inferior to Lord Lake and General Stuart ; but the former was on an entirely different line of operations, and the latter, it was understood, would not interfere. Sir Arthur hereupon instructed Colonel Collins urgently to demand from Scindia an explana- tion of his present menacing attitude, and to solicit ^^ns his retirement into the interior of his own dominions. That chief gave the most positive assurances of a pacific disposition, and even of an intention to acquiesce in the treaty of Bassein ; but as, in conjunction with the Rajah of Berar, he still maintained his menacing posture, and was understood to be issuing orders to his officers to hold themselves in readiness to act on the shortest notice, it 526 MAHRATTA WAR, CHAP. XIV. was judged farther necessary to require that he and the A. iTTsoa. raj 3 * 1 should withdraw their troops to their ordinary stations in the centre of their respective territories, while a corresponding movement should be made on the part of the British army. To this demand, Scindia replied, that he expected in a few days to have an interview with the Rajah of Berar, when the resident would be informed " whether it should be peace or war." This ambiguous expression, so strongly indicative of the latter alterna- tive, induced the general to advance to Walkee, a strong post near Ahmednugger, whence he could with advantage commence military operations. On the 3 dead, with ninety-eight pieces of artillery. The loss of the conquerors was very severe, amounting to killed and 1G22 wounded. Much of this was occasioned by the mistake of an officer who led his corps direct against the formidable battery at the village of Assaye, instead of attacking another quarter, which being car- ried would have caused that post to fall of itself. Scindia's infantry fought better than Tippoo's, and his ordnance was so superior that it could be used by the British, while that taken in Mysore was found quite worthless. Such was the battle of Assaye, which established the Opinions on fame of the greatest commander of the age, and fixed the ofVenew? dominion of Britain over prostrate India. Yet hia Weiiesley. conduct on this occasion has been the subject of consider- able controversy, and many consider that he led on his troops too daringly to an unequal combat. The pane- gyrists of the general, on the other hand, argue, that he availed himself of this apparent disadvantage as the only footing upon which the enemy could be induced to en- gage in regular battle. But this plea is refuted by one of his interesting letters to Sir Thomas Munro, where he disclaims any intention of acting separately from Colonel Stevenson, and admits himself to have been taken considerably by surprise, when he discovered the whole Indian army assembled on the extensive plain. He judged, however, that under existing circumstances, he could not retreat without disastrous consequences. Sir *g^ Thomas, rather a severe military critic, observes, " If there was any thing wrong, it was in giving battle ; but in the conduct of the action every thing was right. General Wellesley gave every part of his army its full share ; left no part of it unemployed ; but supported, sometimes with cavalry, sometimes with infantry, every point that was pressed at the very moment that it was most necessary." In regard to the result also, it has been said, that the enemy suffered so little of actual loss 53Q MAHRATTA WAB, CHAP, xiv as to render the battle very indecisive. But besides the A-fTTsos. ca P ture of their formidable artillery, and the extensive dispersion which in undisciplined armies always follows defeat, it appears probable that this triumph', achieved by such a disparity of numbers, produced a moral effect greater than would have arisen from a much more decisive victory gained under ordinary circumstances. There is something extremely sensitive in the Indian mind, that is acted upon with extraordinary force by whatever is strange or unexpected. Such displays of valour they never fail to exaggerate, attaching to them a mysterious efficacy which partakes deeply of the supernatural. It was on the field of Assaye that the spirit of India was vanquished ; and Hindostan, after that fatal day, was viewed by its people as having passed into the hands of invincible conquerors. After this victory Scindia proceeded to make separate overtures ; but as they were presented at first through private and unaccredited channels, which he might afterwards disown, no proceeding could be founded upon them. The commander-in-chief directed Colonel Steven- son to reduce the great city of Burhanpoor and the ad- joining fort of Asseerghur, which bore the reputation of being almost impregnable. The town yielded without opposition, and the fort after a surprisingly short resist- ance. The Mahratta chief then sued for peace in earnest, and the terms of an armistice were arranged for all his territories south of the Nerbudda. The British general next led his army against Berar, and found the rajah with his troops on the Plains of Argaom, where, contrary to the convention, he was still supported by a strong body of Scindia's cavalry. He attacked them without the slightest hesitation, and, after a contest less obstinate than at Assaye, gained a complete victory, taking 36 pieces of artillery, and losing only 46 killed and 308 wounded. Siege was then laid to Gawilghur, one of those hill-forts which are esteemed the bulwarks of India. It made a more vigorous defence than any of tke other strongholds, and severe labour was required to Orertnres of Scindia. Capture of ghur. Victory of Argaom. AND CONQUKST OF CENTRAL niNDOSTAN. 531 plant the cannon on its steep sides ; but in a very few CHAP, xrv days a breach was effected, and the outer wall was carried by storm. There remained still an inner rampart, which for some time defeated the efforts of the assailants, till Captain Campbell (now Lieutenant-general Sir Colin), with a detachment of light troops, carried it by escalade, and opened the gate to the rest of the army. Sir Arthur could now have advanced upon the rajah's Tbe '.reaty of capital, and completed the extinction of his power ; but De 8^aun. a vakeel had already arrived in his camp to solicit a con- ference preparatory to negotiation. This envoy endea- voured to prove that his master had never entertained any hostile intention ; and after some unprofitable dis- cussion on this question, asked the terms on which peace might now be obtained. The British commander de- manded the cession of the maritime district of Cuttack, which was desirable for completing the Company's do- minion over the eastern coast ; also the surrender of a territory on the river Wurda, the authority over which had hitherto been inconveniently shared between the rajah and the nizam. Some further demands were made, but withdrawn ; and the arrangements, being hastened by the fall of Gawilghur, were completed on the 16th, and the treaty signed at Deoghaun on the 17th Decem- ber 1803. Meantime, the central regions of Hindostan were the FormidaWi? theatre of events equally memorable. Scindia's force ^nTraFHitt- there consisted almost exclusively of the large corps form- dostan. ed on the European model by De Boigne, who, having returned to France, had, as we have already stated, been succeeded by Perron. These troops were considered very formidable, consisting of 16,000 or 17,000 regular infantry, from 15,000 to 20,000 cavalry, a large body of irregulars, and a well-appointed tram of artillery. General Lake, Advance of having been informed of the failure of the negotiation with L^"" their master, moved from Cawnpoor on the 7th August 1803 ; on the 28th he passed the frontier, and next day found the whole of Perron's horse in a strong position near Coel, a town on the Doab. lie presently led his 532 MAHRATTA WAU, CHAP. xrv. troops to tie attack ; when the native army, deemed so A-fTTsoa. efficient an d we ll equipped, after a short random fire re- treated with such rapidity that the English could not rerreat'ofthe overtake them. The next object was the fort of Alighur, enemy. the main depot of the enemy. It was a very strong place, surrounded with a good glacis, and a broad and deep ditch always filled with water. It would have been unassailable had the entrance been confined to a draw- bridge ; but a terrace had been imprudently formed for that purpose, over which Lake concluded his troops Capture of might force a passage. Colonel Monson, who led the storming-party, soon penetrated across the mound and over the breastwork ; but the wall was so strongly guard- ed by spearmen, that he could not attempt escalade. A twelve-pounder was brought forward to burst open the gate ; but before it could be pointed the soldiers remain- ed exposed to a most galling fire, which severely wounded and disabled their leader himself. Major M'Lcod suc- ceeded to the command ; and, after the first gate had been forced open, pushed his way through a long and intricate passage and two siiccessive gateways to a fourth, against which, however, the gun was employed without effect. The situation of the assailants would now have been serious, had not the major succeeded in forcing the wicket, and thus opening an entrance to his countrymen, who soon became masters of the place. Desertion of Jt being understood that Perron was discontented with ; by the service of Scindia, Lord Lake was authorized to make large offers on condition of his coming over to the English, and bringing his troops with him. In fact, a letter was received from him on the 7th September, re- questing to be allowed to repair with his family, servants, and property, in safety to Lucknow, but without express- ing any disposition to detach his army from their allegi- ance. His request was readily granted ; and he after- wards stated his desertion to have been occasioned by the appointment of another officer to supersede him in the command. After the capture of Alighur. Lake marched directly AND CONQUEST OF CENTRAL HINCOSTAN. 533 upon Delhi, the imperial capital, and the residence of him CHAP. xiv. who still enjoyed the rank and title of Great Mogul. . fTTsoa He had advanced within view of its walls, when he dis- covered the army, organized under French command, p^j* 011 drawn up in a strong position to defend its approaches. Though he had only 4500 men against 19,000, yet he determined to give battle without delay; but as the enemy could not without difficulty and severe loss have been dislodged from their present ground, he used a feigned retreat as a stratagem to draw them from it. This delicate manoeuvre was executed by the British Successful troops with the most perfect order ; and the enemy, ima- General f gining the flight real, quitted their intrenchments, and Lake, eagerly pursued. But no sooner were they fully drawn forth on the plain than Lord Lake faced about, and in a single charge drove them from the field, with the loss of three thousand in killed and wounded, as well as their whole train of artillery. The British general now entered Delhi without re- His reception sistance. He immediately requested and obtained an ttt Delhi - audience of the sovereign, with whom a secret commu- nication had previously been opened. He beheld this unfortunate descendant of a long line of illustrious princes " seated under a small tattered canopy, the rem- nant of his former state, his person emaciated by indi- gence and infirmities, and his countenance disfigured with the loss of his eyes, and marked with extreme old age and a settled melancholy." He is described as deeply sensible to the kindness of Lake, on whom he bestowed several titles, such as " the sword of the state, the hero of the land, the lord of the age, and the victorious in war." All his adherents, and especially the inhabitants His welcome of Delhi, expressed delight on this occasion, and the * journalists, in the language of oriental hyperbole, pro- claimed that the emperor, through excess of joy, had recovered his sight. Mr Mill derides these rather pom- pous descriptions of the " delivering" of Shah Allum, as he was in fact merely transferred as a state-prisoner from one custody to another ; yet, besides having suf- 53 i MAHflATTA WAR, CHAP. xiv. fered the most barbarous usage from some of the native A,~ia>a, c^efs, ^ e had endured from all of them very great neglect. The French officers seem to have been inclin- Sredby ed to treat him with respect ; but &* ft" 1 ** 3 obtained means of the from Scindia for his support were exceedingly scanty. Mogul. ,j,j je Ej-gikh did not indeed restore any shadow of his former power ; still they maintained him in comfort, and with some semblance of the pomp by which the Mogul throne had been anciently surrounded. In return, they obtained for all their measures the sanction of a name still venerated throughout the empire ; in fact, they were thus virtually seated on the throne of India. Capture of The conquerors now marched upon Agra, the rival capital, which still possessed the advantage of being defended by a strong fort, occupied by a large body of troops. Anarchy however prevailed in the garrison, and the officers, being chiefly of English extraction, had be- come objects of suspicion, and were thrown into confine- ment. At the same time seven battalions of Scindia's army, having been denied admittance, lest they should claim a share of the riches it contained, still kept their post in the town and principal mosque. It was considered necessary to begin by dislodging them, which was effect- ed, though not without an obstinate resistance ; and the soldiers, to the amount of 2500, immediately transferred their services to the victors. The Mahratta leaders meanwhile resolved to propose a treaty of surrender ; but as the time for its ratification approached they suddenly Immense recommenced firing. The trenches were forthwith open- P " 8 - ed, and a breach being effected on the 17th October 1 803, the enemy capitulated the same evening, stipulating only for the safety of their persons and private property. The treasure found here, amounting to no less than 280,000, was divided among the troops as prize-money. Forces stm in There remained still in the field a corps composed of the field. troops detached from the Deccan, reinforced by fugitives from the different armies. General Lake hastened in pursuit of this force ; and, considering it only as a col- lection of runaways deserted by their officers, little ap- AND CONQUEST OP CENTRAL HINDOSTAN. 535 prehended that he was about to encounter the most ob- CHAP, xiv slinate resistance he had sustained during: the whole A, "1803 campaign. This body, consisting of 9000 foot, 5000 horse, and a numerous train of artillery, were rapidly 2n|]j. r ect d retreating, when, on the 1st November, he overtook them strengthand with his cavalry alone, and determined, by an immediate Vlgtmr ' attack, to prevent their escape. The enemy, however, having their motions concealed by a cloud of dust, speedily threw themselves into an advantageous position, which they strengthened by cutting the embankment of a reservoir in their front. The dragoons were led on, and had gained some advantages, when they suffered so se- verely by the fire from a number of well-served guns, that it was judged necessary to withdraw them, and wait till the infantry should come up. That force accordingly Bold move- advanced ; but the 76th regiment and a few companies General of sepoys, having arrived earlier than the others, were Lake, exposed to so destructive a fire, that the general deem- ed it his wisest as well as safest plan, to lead singly to the charge " this handful of heroes." They accordingly carried all before them, though with severe loss ; and when the Mahratta cavalry attempted to break their thinned ranks, the British horse triumphantly repelled the charge. The remainder of the foot soon appeared, Total annihi- and, after a desperate stand, the enemy, for the most } f$? a part, were either destroyed or made prisoners. In short, army, by this brilliant success, the entire army, formed and disciplined under Scindia by British officers, and con- sidered the finest possessed by any native power, was completely annihilated. Besides these achievements, the expeditions detached Achieve- under Colonel Woodington into Guzcrat, under Colo- ^ ot ' de - nel Harcourt into Cuttack, and under Colonel Powell bodies. into Bundelcund, were all conducted with the most favourable results ; though we have already hinted our doubts whether these troops might not have been more advantageously employed in strengthening the armies in the principal seat of war, and rendering the success there more prompt and decisive. 536 MAHRATTA WAR, CHAP -STV A.IXTS03. Scindia's rabmission. Terms of treaty. Eqnlrocal proceedings of Holkar Excites the alarm of Scindia. Scindia, thus vanquished at every point, deserted by the Rajah of Berar, and seeing his finest levies de- stroyed, felt the necessity of relinquishing those expedi- ents by which, till now, he had hoped to avert the ne- cessity of a humiliating peace. On the 30th December 1803, a treaty was signed in General Wellesley's camp, by which he ceded the Doab, or territory between the Ganges and the Jumna, with considerable provinces be- yond the latter river ; surrendering thereby to the British dominion Delhi and Agra, the two capitals of the Great Mogul, and with them the person of the nominal emperor. He sacrificed also Baroach, with the rest of his mari- time territory in Guzerat ; while on the south he yielded Ahmednugger to the peishwa, and some extensive dis- tricts to the nizam. But he regained the other places conquered from him in the course of the war. Finally, pressing offers were made to him of a treaty on the same terms as that concluded with the peishwa, by which he should admit into his territory a subsidiary force that would relieve him to a great extent from the cares of government ; but this courtesy was for the pre- sent positively declined. Meantime Holkar, while witnessing the downfal of the other members of the Mahratta confederacy, had maintained a very uncertain and equivocal position. At first he gave them ground to suppose that he would join their league ; but on the actual commencement of hos- tilities he remained inactive, and seemed to watch the opportunity when the other powers should have ex- hausted themselves by mutual conflict, to throw himself in and secure a preponderance. He was struck with con- sternation at the victorious career of the English, who pro- ceeded with such rapid steps, that before he could come to any decision they had completely realized their object. He seems then to have shown some disposition to take ad- vantage of the reduced state of Scindia, and to strengthen himself at his expense. That prince at least was so much alarmed, that he accepted the offer made by the Company of a subsidiary force of 6000 men, to be sta- AND CONQUEST OP CENTRAL HINDOSTAN. 537 tioned, however, only on his frontier, while their main- CHAP, xrv tenance was to be defrayed out of the districts already ^ jTYsoa, ceded. Holkar, seeing himself thus completely hemmed in, and all his schemes of conquest about to be checked ^1^9^ by the British, seems to have hastily determined to Holkar. plunge into a contest with them. He threatened the territory of their ally the Rajah of Jyenagur ; he made extravagant and even insulting demands ; and in a letter to Sir A. Wellcsley, he said, " Countries of many hun- dred coss shall be overrun and plundered ; Lord Lake shall not have leisure to breathe for a moment ; and calamities will fall on lacks of human beings in continual war by the attacks of my army, which overwhelms like the waves of the sea." At the same time he earnestly invited Scindia, and the other princes who remained still independent, to unite against the English as a common enemy. The governor-general, in coming to the resolution of Liberal plan opening the campaign against Holkar, considered it ne- f . c t 'he qU o e ver cessary not merely to reduce and limit, but altogether to nor-generaL extirpate a power whose existence seemed incompatible with the repose and security of all the other states. To display, however, the disinterested views of the Company, it was determined not to retain any part of the conquered territory, but to distribute it among those chiefs who adhered even formally to her alliance. Scindia was to receive the largest share, provided he gave cordial aid in overthrowing the pretensions of his rival. Holkar, however, was by no means a contemptible ad- Formidable versary. His cavalry, swelled by the wreck of the other j,^^ f defeated armies, and by numerous adventurers, amount- ed to 60,000, to which were added 15,000 well-disciplin- ed infantry and 192 pieces of artillery. General Welles- ley was unable to advance in consequence of a famine which prevailed in the Deccan ; and Lake, after reduc- ing the fort of Rampoora, left Colonel Monson, with five ^.^J* battalions and 3000 hoi-semen, to watch the enemy's m1nTs 8 of movements. The prudence of this arrangement miy be questioned. Holkar, who was a second Hyder for d(- 538 MAURATTA WAR, A.r804. retreatoT Colonel ason " CHAP. XIV. sultory warfare, succeeded in bringing his whole force to act against this single detachment ; yet it has been sup- posed, that, had Monson promptly led his men to the charge, he might have encountered with success the large undisciplined host opposed to him. But he resolved upon retreat, a movement always disastrous before Mahratta forces, which of all others are the most rapid and vindic- tive pursuers. Every thing, besides, combined to render his march unfortunate ; the swelling of the rivers, the inundated and swampy plains, the scarcity of provisions, the desertion or hostility of the native troops, among whom was a strong party belonging to Scindia. These last, in the hour of distress, turned their arms against the British, whom they had undertaken to assist. The detachment, indeed, did not forfeit their honour, having triumphantly repulsed every attack ; but they lost all their artillery and baggage ; many of the sick, the ex- hausted, and the wounded were left behind, and cut to pieces ; and when, on the 31st August 1804, they reach- ed Agra, most of the regiments were in a state of total disorganization. Bapid pro- Holkar advanced upon Muttra and took possession of Genera? ' ^ > but General Lake now proceeded with the utmost Lake. expedition from Cawnpoor, and having assembled hia forces at Secundra, marched against the Mahratta army, which at once relinquished its position. The Indian chief, however, contrived, by alternately advancing and retreat- ing with his cavalry, to occupy the attention of the British commander, while his infantry, by a rapid movement, succeeded in reaching Delhi on the 8th October, which they immediately invested. The city, ten miles in circum- ference, with a ruinous wall, was guarded only by a small body of sepoys. Lieutenant-colonels Ochterlony and Burn, however, led on these troops with such spirit and judgment, that all the enemy's attacks were repulsed, and after seven days of persevering efforts they were obliged to raise the siege. Lake, on receiving intelligence of the danger of Delhi, hastened to that capital, which he reached on In vestment of Delhi by Holkar AND CONQUEST OF CENTRAL HINDOSTAN. 539 the 17th October. Learning there that Holkar with CHAP, xrv his cavalry had begun a course of devastation along A.~jg( the Doab, he set out in pursuit of him. He sent at the same time his infantry, under General Frascr, to attack Hoikar'by that of the enemy now stationed at Deeg, a strong fort General belonging to the Rajah of Bhurtpore, who, on seeing the a a scale of fortune turn against the English, had embraced the opposite interest. Fraser found them on the 13th, skilfully intrenched under the stronghold just named, their front covered by a morass, and their left by a forti- fied village. The battle which followed was a repetition Battle of of the usual scene ; the English rushing on in the face Deeg- of a destructive cannonade, and suffering severely till they came to close quarters, then charging with the bayonet, and carrying all before them. Here there were successive lines of guns, which it was necessary to cap- ture by repeated assaults. The general, a very gallant officer, received a wound that obliged him to quit the field, and afterwards proved mortal ; the victory was tompleted by Colonel Monson. This action, like that of Assaye, was distinguished by a stratagem on the part of stratagem cf the Indian cavalry. Wheeling round and recovering cavalry^ several of the first line of guns, they turned them on the English rear ; but they were soon chased off the field by twenty-eight men of the 76th, headed by Captain Nor- ford, who, however, lost his life in the performance of this memorable exploit. At length the enemy were driven to the walls of the fort, with the loss of the greater part of their artillery, among which Monson recognised a por- tion of that lost during his late unfortunate retreat. Meantime the gallant Lake was in hot pursuit of the Rout of Hoi - Mahratta chief, following him at the rate of twenty-three kar ' s Uorse> miles a-day; and at length, by marching fifty-three miles in twenty-four hours, he came up with him, on the 17th November, encamped under the walls of Furruck- abad. The Indian horse, which never could stand a charge in the field, were routed, 3000 cut to pieces, and the rest saved only by the rapidity of their flight. Holkar then proceeded towards Deeg to join the remains of his in- 540 MAHRATTA WAR, CHAP XIV. fantry : and the British general arriving at that fortress on A.rTl804. the 1st Dectmber, determined immediately to undertake the siege. Ten days, however, elapsed before the batter- ing-train could be brought from Agra, and thirteen days more before a breach could be effected in a detached work which commanded the approach. It was then storming of carried by storm on the night of the 23d, and the enemy !"*" were so struck by the daring intrepidity of the assailants, that, in the course of the two following days, they eva- cuated both the town and fort, and retreated towards Bhurtpore. Hoikar's Holkar was now about to sustain a complete reverso fortune. f of fortune. While the strength of his army was broken by recent defeats, his dominions, whence he might have drawn recruits and resources, had fallen into the enemy's possession. Colonel Wallace from the Deccan had re- duced Chandore and the other strongholds in that quar- ter while Colonel Murray from Guzerat, having over- ran nearly the whole of Malwa, and entered Indore the capital, was already preparing to intercept his retreat. Bhurtpore. The only point of resistance was Bhurtpore, the rajah of which still adhered to his alliance ; and the reduction of that city was therefore considered necessary to complete the triumph over this turbulent chieftain. At first sight, the place did not present a very formidable aspect to on army before which many of the mightiest bulwarks of India had fallen. It was encircled by none of those rugged steeps which guarded the approach to Gwalior and Asseerghur. The only works were a lofty mud- wall and a broad ditch not easily fordable ; and the very extent of its walls, which embraced a circumference of six or eight miles, increased the difficulty of protect- Skflfnl ^ ing them. But the rajah applied himself to its defence witn ^ ie utmost skill and resolution: the kingdom of the Mahrattas, he observed, was in their saddle ; his was within his ramparts. Hitherto, in general, the reduc- tion even of the strongest forts had proceeded in a sure and regular course ; the trenches were opened, a storm- ing-party was selected, who forced their way with AND CONQUEST OF CENTRAL H1NDOSTAN. 541 greater or smaller loss, and were masters of the place. CHAP, xrv But the defenders of Bhurtpore not only fought with the ^ ^y^ most daring valour, hut called into action means of de- fence and annoyance which our people had never else- Obstinate where encountered, and for which they were wholly un- prepared. They rendered the hreach impracticable, by raising behind it stockades and other bulwatks ; they made the ditch unfordable, by damming up the waters ; and during the assault, logs of wood, pots filled with com- bustibles, and burning cotton-bales steeped in oil, were thrown down upon the soldiers. In short, the British Repulse and were repulsed in four successive attempts, sustaining hi killed and wounded a loss of 3203, greater than had occurred in any two battles during this obstinately disputed campaign. Even their glory was somewhat tarnished. The 76th, hitherto the bravest among the brave and the foremost in every triumph, along with the 75th, refused on one occasion to follow their officers, after the 12th Bengal sepoys had planted the colours on the top of the rampart. Being bitterly reproached by General Lake for having thus caused the failure of the assault, they were overpowered with shame, and en- treated to be led to a last attack, in which they displayed a desperate but useless valour. It was now necessary to intermit the operations of the Advantage- siege in order to repair the losses sustained, and to bring forward more adequate means of attack. The rajah, however, apprehensive of the final issue, and seeing that certain rum must accompany the fall of his capital, made very advantageous overtures, including the pay- ment of twenty lacks of rupees as the price of peace ; while, on the other hand, the situation of affairs wae such as induced the English general, on the 10th April, to embrace the conditions, and even to promise, in case of a steady adherence to treaty, the restoration of the fortress of Deeg. Holkar, during the siege, had made several exertions j*^ ns rf to interrupt or retard it by movements with his cavalry juring the He partly succeeded ; but a large body of his men siesre - 542 MAHRATTA WAR, A. oso*. Unexpected CHAP, xiv under Ameer Khan was entirely defeated, and some sma ller detachments suffered so severely, that at length they fled at the mere sight of their antagonists. This cnief > therefore, after being deserted by the Rajah of Bhurtpore, was reduced almost to the condition of a fugitive ; and his situation seemed altogether desperate, when relief came from an unexpected quarter. Scindia, who had been strongly affected on witnessing the commencement of the war by Holkar, and the bril- liant successes with which he had opened the campaign, evidently cherished the idea of seizing this opportunity to retrieve his own fortunes ; but the indecisive character of Indian councils caused him to advance towards his object only by tardy and circuitous steps. He began by rais- ing his demands upon the British ; he marched his troops towards their frontier, and when remonstrated with, de- layed upon various pretexts to withdraw them. At length, when Holkar, after the peace made by the Bhurt- pore rajah, was retreating in a shattered and reduced condition, he received him into his camp ; having already committed the almost unprecedented outrage of plunder- ing the abode and seizing the person of the British resident. Lord Lake, as the rainy season now approached, could not immediately follow the two hostile chiefs into the heart of their territories. Their power, however, was so completely broken that he entertained no doubt of soon reducing them to submission : but at this crisis the 'whole system of our policy respecting India underwent an important change. ^ he vast ^heme f conquest and subsidiary alliance, by which Marquis Wellesley had studied to place this great eastern empire under British control, had excited in the mother country a very deep sensation. The public were, to a certain degree, dazzled with its splendid suc- cess; yet a numerous body of politicians exclaimed that this course was contrary to all true principles of policy, that it formed an interminable system of war, that the Company, in seating themselves upon the Change of AND CONQUEST OF CENTRAL HINDOSTAN. 543 throne of the Mogul, and endeavouring to effect the con- CHAP, xiv quest of all Hindostan, had entirely relinquished the A TT 8 04 basis on which they had uniformly professed to act. The contest with Holkar, breaking out with so formi- dable an aspect after all the others had closed, gave rise to painful feelings as to the endless duration of Indian hostility. The Directors, strongly influenced by public opinion, and struck by the enormous expenditure in which the campaign had already involved them, deter- mined to change entirely the system on which their affairs were conducted. Accordingly, in place of the Marquis Marquis Wellesley, who, with or without reason, had Cornwall^ acquired the reputation of a war-governor, they sub- governor, stituted the Marquis Cornwallis. This nobleman had not, indeed, while in power, pursued a course materially different ; yet his character was generally esteemed mo- derate and conciliatory, and he was understood to disap- prove of the extent to which conquest had now been carried. His instructions were to proceed on principles every way opposite to those of his predecessor, to con- clude peace almost at any price, to form a defensive line beyond which English interference was not to extend ; and to allow the native powers to treat and to fight with each other as if situated at the extremity of the globe. The courts of directors and proprietors voted thanks Qualified to the Marquis Wellesley for his zeal, vigour, activity, and ability, to which they attributed in a great measure the brilliant successes which had crowned the British arms. They qualified the vote, however, by stating, that it was " without entering at present into the origin and policy of that war." This reservation was deeply felt by the marquis, who intimated that, while the votes of thanks to the commanders had been communicated in general orders to the army, and in an extraordinary gazette, he considered it his duty to forego the gratifica- tion of publishing his own. These expressions would, he thought, convey a universal impression of doubt and uncertainty respecting all the recent arrangements and the permanency of all treaties with the native powers. 2 L 544 MAHRATTA WAR, CHAP. XIV. He pressed the question home upon the courts, by ob- A D~T04. serving? " the general fame of your equity and magna- nimity precludes any supposition, that in condemning the justice of our cause, you would retain the fruits of our success." Questionable Admitting that the policy of Marquis Wellesley was 'band ^fr-ia no ^ quite so pacific as his friends contended, it was very bis policy, doubtful how far it could now with safety, or even with justice, be thus abruptly relinquished. A great power can seldom be justified in withdrawing from all concern in the contests of its neighbours, from endeavouring to protect the weak against the strong, and thereby pre- venting any one of them from acquiring a decided prer ponderance. It was perhaps chimerical to suppose that the principal native chiefs would cultivate habits of sin- cere peace, or entertain a solid attachment for the British Cb&r&cierof government. They were for the most part usurpers, w ^ ^^ started up amid the ruins of one great empire ; each seeking to aggrandize himself at the expense of the rest, and viewing undivided dominion as a prize at which he might ami. They had all, however, through the in- terposition of the Company, seen their aspiring views checked or baffled, their armies vanquished, and some of the brightest jewels plucked from their diadems. There could be little doubt, therefore, that when left to them- selves there would be a struggle for the mastery ; and that either by him who should succeed in this object, or by a league of all united, an effort would be made to overthrow the ascendency of England, and to regain the possessions which she had wrested from them. Accord- Danger ing to the advocates of the Wellesley policy, the system changTof 11 * pursued by that nobleman was so far advanced towards policy. maturity that only one effort, of easy and assured success, was necessary to place all India in a state of tranquillity, and to keep down those discordant elements which would otherwise lay waste the country itself. By stopping short at this point, great part of the empire was involved in calamity and disorder, and the founda- tion laid for another expensive and even perilous struggle. AND CONQUEST OF CENTRAL HINDOSTAN. 545 Lord Wellesley, owing to the state of his health, had CHAP. XIV announced the necessity of returning to Europe as soon ^ 0~ig04 as the contest with Scindia and the Rajah of Berar should have been brought to a termination. On learning, how- ever, the rupture with Holkar, he intimated his willing- ness to remain, and bring it also to a close : but the views of the government at home were different. On the 30th Arrival of the July 1805, Marquis Cornwallis arrived at Calcutta ; SSSSito. where, learning that the war was still going on, he de- termined to proceed immediately into the upper pro- vinces, and make personal inquiry into the state of affairs. In his zeal for the public service, however, and to fulfil the anxious wish of his countrymen, he had undertaken this duty at a period when his age and infirmities ren- dered him very unequal to its performance. Tinder the fatigue of the voyage his illness daily increased, till on reaching the village of Gazypoor on the Ganges, he was obliged to land, and after lingering some time died on His death. the 5th of October. Having been unable to reach hia destination, while his mind as well as body were impair- ed by indisposition, he had been little able to receive or consider any fresh information. His place was supplied by Sir George Barlow, the senior member 01 the supreme Sir George council, who had reached that station through various Barlov - gradations of service, which he had filled with distinc- tion ; but his previous habits had not accustomed him to take comprehensive and statesmanlike views of public interests. Regarding with the deepest respect the views of his predecessor, and considering them as supported by the government at home, he refused to listen to any ar- guments, or admit any of the modifications suggested by Lord Lake. That commander, although he disapproved of the new judicious system, finding it was firmly established by the supreme power, judiciously sought to carry it into effect on the most advantageous footing. He managed, with great address, to draw the first overtures from Scindia ; and as it had been determined to yield all the points in dis- pute, no difficulty was found in the conclusion of a treaty 546 MAHRATTA WAR, CHAP. xiv. on the 23d November 1805. The Mahratta leader ob- tained the highly-important fortress of Gwalior, which he made his residence and capital ; the Chumbul was fixed as the boundary between his possessions and those of the British, who agreed to dissolve their alliance with the Rajpoot princes and others whom he claimed as tri- butaries. This last measure was in accordance with the new political system ; yet in the case of the Rajahs of Boondee and Jyepore, who on the ground of this con- nexion had performed important services, it was con- sidered scarcely compatible with national faith. Advantages - Holkar, after being deserted by his ally, retreated with " by the wrecks of his army into the western provinces to seek refuge among the Seiks. They refused to receive him ; and, being closely pursued by Lord Lake, he must have been reduced to extremities had he not been saved by the new policy which the military commanders were compelled to observe. No sooner did he ask for peace, than it was granted on terms so advantageous, as allowed him to regain almost all that he had lost during the Amid this general dissolution of defensive alliances, jive alliances! t ^ 08e f orme< l on the great 8cs ^ e witn the nizam and the peishwa necessarily came under consideration. The con- nexion with the latter, founded on the treaty of Bassein, and out of which the late war had arisen, was described by the Company as one which they were desirous to relinquish. Yet even Sir George Barlow, when he came to consider the proposed measures, could not but view Extreme them as fraught with extreme peril. To dissolve the ta^hdr lTed aU iance with these potentates, and to withdraw the troops dissolution, by which they were at present overawed, would have been to relieve the greater part of the powers of India from British control, while they were still animated by the most hostile feelings towards her ; it would, in fact, have been to lay the foundation of a future confederacy for her downfaL The peishwa, likewise, notwithstand- ing his general aversion to the English, had motives, con- nected with the internal state of his dominions, which AND CONQUEST OF CENTRAL HINDOSTAN. 547 made him desirous, for the present at least, to claim on CHAP. XIV. that ground the fulfilment of the treaty of Bassein. iTTsOT Sir George Barlow was succeeded in 1807 by Lord Minto, a prudent and intelligent nobleman, who endea- voured in his general system to maintain the pacific policy recommended by the Company, without shrink- j^ Minto ing from vigorous and even hostile demonstrations, when appointed the conduct of the native powers appeared to render gov these necessary. The great states during his admini- stration retained their position nearly unaltered ; but animosities continued to ferment, which were destined to burst into a violent tempest, and to involve India afresh in a sanguinary war. 548 PINDAREE WAR, CHAPTER XV. Pindaree War Conquest of the Mahratta*, Sp. Progress of the Pindarees Their Character Ameer Khan AT- rangements with the Peishwa Trimbuckjee He murders the Guzerat Minister Is delivered np to the English Escapes Concessions required from the Peishwa Marquis of Hastings arrives in India Rupture with Nepaul Death of General Gil- lespie Successes of Ochterlony Negotiations Renewal of the War Final Treaty Alliance formed with Berar Irruptions of the Pindarees Opening of the Campaign against them Treaties with Scindia and Ameer Khan The Cholera attacks the Grand Army Rise and Diffusion of that Malady in India Alarming Accounts from Poonah Operations against the Pindarees The Adherents of Holkar join them Battle of Mehidpoor Treaty- Final Catastrophe of the Pindaree Chiefs Movements of the Peishwa He attacks the English His Repulse and continued Flight Repeated Defeats Surrender Intrigues at Nagpore The Rajah attacks the English Issue of the Contest His Escape Contest with Bhurtpore Disturbances in Bengal and the Circars Campaign against Coorg Troubles at Gwalior Joudpore Jeypore Lord Bentinck succeeded by Lord Auck- landContest with Goomsoor Succession of Oude Charges against the Rajah His Deposition Discussions on the Subject Local Disturbances in India. CHAP, rv IN the aspect which India at this period exhibited, the A.lTi807. most remarkable feature consisted in the marauding . habits of the people by whom so large a portion of it reel ' *" w as occupied. A new power which rose without any basis to rest upon, without country or territory to claim for its own, and without any regular place in the polit- ical system, was chiefly supported by the roving tribes named Pindarees, who carried to an extreme all the pre- datory usages characteristic of Mahrattas. The latter, indeed, regarded plunder as an essential part of their policy ; still they had a country and a home to which they were fondly attached j and they had regular occu- AND CONQUEST OP THE MAHRATTAS. 549 pations which they followed in the intervals, unconnected CHAP. XV with their more violent pursuits. Their chiefs aimed not A Ti807 merely to enrich themselves by booty, but also to attain political power. The Pindarees, on the contrary, were S'S^Maii" nothing more than robbers, elevated by their number ratta s and into armies ; and their boast was, not that they were ind able to encounter disciplined troops, but that they could elude them. If overtaken or surprised, the point of honour was, who should flee the most swiftly. No barrier arrest- ed them ; they penetrated the closest chain of military posts, finding a way even between the divisions of an army drawn up to oppose them ; they desolated the countries in the rear ; after which, making an immense circuit, they returned home by a different route. Their aim was, not to possess a district, but to sweep away all that was in it. Obliged to pass with a celerity almost preternatural, and to employ expeditious modes of ex- Barbarous^ tracting treasure, they inflicted the most merciless tor- ' tures to compel the owners to yield up their concealed hoards. Redhot irons were applied to the soles of the feet ; oil was thrown on the clothes, and inflamed ; the head was tied into a bag filled with hot ashes and dust. The proudest exploit of a Pindaree was to steal a horse ; and this operation was conducted with a dexterity which might put to shame the most skilful of their fraternity DexterouE in Europe. They could carry one off from amid a crowd- ed camp : stretched on their bellies they crept to the spot, and lay concealed till a favourable moment, when they cut the cords, mounted, and galloped off among the bushes with a rapidity that defied pursuit. When an enemy was distant, they divided into small partieg, Predatory moving in a circular direction, so as to sweep the whole s J* tem - country. Their numbers were continually augmented by disbanded soldiers, and by persons of idle and des- perate character. The leaders annually raised their standard on the northern bank of the Nerbudda at the termination of the rains, that they might be ready, as soon as the rivers should become fordable, to commence a general movement. CHAP. XV. .A.D. 1809. Jlohafn- ir.edan pre- datory bands. Expedition against Berar. Tactics of 1-ordMinto. Tarfiy arrange- ments with 550 PINDAREE WAR, The Patan and other Mohammedan troops, who, in the wreck of all the thrones occupied by their country- men, had no longer a sovereign in whose service to fight, afforded another source whence predatory squadrons were formed and recruited. Most of them rallied round Ameer Khan, a bold and enterprising chief, who in the late war had fought under the banner of Holkar. He still retained his allegiance to that house, and attempted to direct its councils ; but his main object was, with his chosen band of about 12,000 horse and 200 pieces of artillery, to overawe and extort contributions from the Rajpoot and other petty states in this part of India. Though equally destitute of fixed possessions, and as much devoted to plunder as the Pindarees, he acted more systematically, and aimed at the attainment of political influence ; yet, in Sir John Malcolm's opinion, the Mo- hammedans, from their tendency to sink into indolence and luxury, are less to be dreaded than the Hindoos, who, though they yield for the moment, pursue their object, on the whole, with unwearied perseverance. Though Ameer Khan formed a power distinct from the Pindarees, he easily attracted large bodies of them to any enterprise that promised to gratify their appe- tite for plunder. Such was the expedition which, in 1809, he undertook against Berar, then governed by an effeminate unwarlike sovereign ; and he would have succeeded in subverting that monarchy, had not Lord Minto wisely departed from his strictly defensive system. A strong detachment under Colonel Close was despatched into the territory of Nagpore, which, it was notified to Ameer, was under British protection. That adventurer made a blustering and indignant reply, but was soon, by a variety of circumstances, compelled to retreat into Malwa ; and the governor-general, on farther considera- tion, gave up the design which he had once entertained, of finally crushing him. The arrangements with the peishwa, meantime, pro- ceeded also in a very unsatisfactory manner. That prince began, indeed, by courting the English, and even solicit- AND CONQUEST OF THE MAHRATTAS. 55 J ing the continuance of their subsidiary force in his ter- CHAP. xv. ritory ; but his object was to regain the control which he A ^~ 1809 had almost entirely lost over his own dominions. Besides the provinces possessed by Scindia and other independ- ent princes, numerous districts, especially in the south, had been parcelled out into jaghires, which, like the JagMret European fiefs in the Middle Ages, were held on the mere tenure of homage and military service. To make the resemblance more complete, the jaghiredars, during the recent period of public confusion, had secured for them- selves a condition of almost complete independence. The Company felt considerable difficulty when impor- Difficulty of tuned for aid against these chiefs, with many of whom, them! g ^ during the late exigencies, they had formed an alliance ; notwithstanding, they agreed to enforce over them the authority of the peishwa, not as an absolute sovereign, but as their liege lord. As these proud dependants, how- ever, were little inclined to own even this imperfect obli- gation, they imposed on their head the frequent necessity of calling upon his allies to support his claims, and of de- claring their possessions forfeited. Thus, in a few years, principally through the aid or fear of our countrymen, he had reduced most of these retainers, and enriched his treasury by extensive confiscation. Having completely Bold position recovered his power and provided the necessary funds, ^L ed b: he resolved at once to shake off also the British yoke, and to re-establish his influence over the great feudatories of the Mahratta state. For this purpose he availed himself of the services of Trimbuckjee Dainglia, a bold, able, but very dissolute minister, raised from the lowest ranks, and entirely devoted to his master's purposes. British resident from the first viewed with umbrage the elevation of this personage, and was soon brought into direct collision with him. The peishwa, among his other plans of aggrandizement, had revived certain ancient claims on the guickwar or sovereign of Guzerat, with whom also the Company had formed a subsidiary alli- ance. A3 the negotiations on this subject became ex- tremely intricate, it was agreed that Gungadhur Sastree, 652 PINDAREE WAR, CHAP. XV the prime minister of that state, should repair to the A.D~1809 cour t- f Poonah, and endeavour to place them on an intelligible basis ; having, however, previously obtained Gnngadhur & ^ con( j uct f rom tne English. From being supposed favourable to our interests, as well as from some personal causes, he incurred the enmity of Trimbuckjee and the peishwa ; and to gratify their revenge, they prevailed upon him to accompany them to Punderpoor, where a religi- ous festival of peculiar solemnity was to be celebrated. After their arrival Gungadhur, though indisposed, was induced to repair to the temple with a few unarmed at- tendants. On the way certain persons were heard ask- ing in a whispering tone which was the sastree ; to this it was answered that it was he who wore the necklace ; but the question, it was imagined, was prompted by mere His assassi- curiosity. The minister, having performed his devotions, nation. wag re t urn j n g w it} 1 a diminished escort, when several men, with long twisted cloths used for the purpose, call- ed aloud to clear the way : and the sastree being thus left alone, they rushed upon him with drawn swords, and quickly pierced him with numerous wounds. Every thing conspired to render it manifest that Trimbuckjee was the author of this daring crime ; for the assassins, who had left him in the temple, were seen running back with naked weapons. On the most trivial pretexts, however, he declined to submit to any formal investiga- tion. In short, the inquiries of Mr Elphinstone, the re- sident, left no room to doubt that he was the direct in- stigator of the murder, and had obtained the full consent of Bajee Rao to its perpetration. Decisive The British minister, on this emergency, determined th^BriSu to adopt the most decisive measures, and, with the view minuter. O f giving effect to the negotiation, ordered the auxiliary force to approach nearer to Poonah. The peishwa, evi- dently apprehensive of being personally charged with the deed, evaded, on various grounds, all communication on the subject. At length, two persons in his confidence waited on the resident, apparently with a view to sound his intentions. Mr Elphinstone allowed them to under- AND CONQUEST OP THE MAHRATTAS. 553 stand that there was no design of fixing the crime upon CHAP. xv. the peishwa ; indeed, when he made any allusion to the ^-^ m rumour of Bajee's guilt, it was with the air of entire disbelief, and only to show the necessity of his disprov- ff- ^^ to ing it by bringing the real offender to justice. It was screen his demanded that Trimbuckjee, who was openly charged mmister - with the murder, should, with his two principal accom- plices, be placed in close confinement to await a full in- vestigation. The prince studiously employed every ex- pedient to save his favourite ; sometimes endeavouring to justify him, and at other times declaring it beyond his power to effect his arrest. The suspicion thus afforded of a determination to screen the offender, induced the resident, with the concurrence of the governor-general, to demand that he should be delivered into British cus- tody. This proposal was of course still more revolting to the peishwa, who began to augment his troops ; and it was understood that he was on the point of making common cause with his minister, to flee with him from the capital, and endeavour to raise the Mahrattas against the Company. Mr Elphinstone then considered it indis- Trtmbnckjeo pensable to order the subsidiary force to march upon t^the'Eng^' Poonah ; but Bajee Rao, when he saw the sword about feh- to be drawn, lost courage, and Trimbuckjee was delivered into the hands of the English. This they esteemed an important triumph, having long foreseen that they must ultimately come to a rupture with this person, who had shown a disposition the most evidently hostile ; yet to have driven him from power, merely because he support- ed his master's interests and opposed a foreign influence, would have been extremely odious in the eyes of the nation. But the crime with which he stood charged, be- Popular ing aggravated in the view of the natives by every possi- came. bie circumstance, as having been committed on a Bramin of high sanctity, and within the precincts of one of their holiest shrines, threw a great degree of popularity on the vigorous steps taken by the resident for its punishment. Our countrymen conducted then- prisoner to the strong fortress of Tannah in the island of Salsette, and watched . 554 PINDAREE WAK, CHAP. XV. ~~Ji 16 His escape. Double dealing i Bajeelfc His corres- pondence with the in- surgents Native confede British. him so narrowly that they did not admit a single nath into the guard. But this excessive precaution was per- haps the very circumstance which defeated their object. ^he vicinity was filled with the minister's adherents ; and a groom in the service of one of the British officers, in passing near the terrace where the accused was al- lowed to walk, chanted gaily what was supposed to be a Hindoo song, but which really communicated a plan con- trived for his escape. Through a small gap in the wall of the edifice, he reached a stable ; and not being missed for a few minutes, succeeded in crossing the narrow chan- nel which separates Salsette from the continent. He immediately hastened to the southern districts, where he began to levy troops, and raise the whole country against the English. The peishwa disavowed all knowledge of the course taken by Trimbuckjee after his escape, as well as of the place of his retreat ; and as no proof could be obtained of the falsehood of this declaration, the good understanding between the two states was not at first interrupted. Ba- jee's conduct, however, became more and more unsatis- factory. Troops were indeed sent, ostensibly to put down the insurrection ; but they reported that they could not find an enemy ; and, in feet, they held a friendly communication with the very individual whose plans they professed to oppose. The British resident farther learned that the prince was in active correspondence with the insurgents ; that he had held an interview with Trim- buckjee at a village seventeen miles from Poonah ; and had even forwarded to him liberal supplies of money ; being at the same tune employed in military prepara* tions, with the intention, as was suspected, of co-operat- ing with him. Secret negotiations were also carried on ^'^ Scindia, Holkar, and other Mahratta chiefs, for the purpose of uniting the whole confederation for the over- throw of British power. All remonstrances relative to these proceedings having been met by a positive denial, as well as by a refusal to adopt any of the measures demanded as proofs of an amicable disposition, it was AND CONQUEST OF THE MAHRATTAS. 555 thought inconsistent with sound policy to allow this CHAP. XV. combination to reach maturity. Mr Elphinstone order- ^ fTTsiT ed the subsidiary force to advance upon Poonah, and gave notice to the peishwa, that hostilities would com- measures of mence within twenty-four hours, unless three of his jjj^jj? 1 * 11 strongest fortresses, Singurh, Rayree, and Poorundur, should be provisionally placed in the hands of the Eng- lish, and assurance given that within a month Trimbuck- jee would be again delivered up. Bajee Rao delayed some time to give any answer ; but at length, with that infirmity of purpose which usually appeared in the hour of danger, he agreed unconditionally to all these terms. The fortresses were surrendered, and a price set on the uajee Rao'o head of the minister. Still the resident gave warning, a^J^ that these concessions could not be considered as final ; render. and that the peishwa, having forfeited the confidence of the Company, could not expect the treaty of Bassein to be renewed, unless under modifications, the extent of which must depend upon the next despatch from the governor- general. Accordingly it was soon after announced, that amicable relations could only be restored on the follow- ing terms : That the subsidiary force should be aug- mented by 5000 horse and 3000 infantry, for the main- tenance of which, territories yielding a revenue of 34 lacks of rupees must be ceded ; that in this cession the strong city of Ahmednugger should be included ; tha his highness should renounce the character of head ol the Mahratta confederacy, and cease to hold direct com- Severe munication with any of the native powers. These severe conditions the peishwa sought by every effort to mitigate or elude ; but as the resident remained inflexible, a treaty to this effect was signed on the 13th June 1817. In carrying on the narrative of the transactions at Marquis Poonah, we have been led beyond the commencement of "p^f the administration of the Marquis of Hastings, who arrived governor. in the end of the year 1813. The Company, in appoint- ing to this high station so eminent a military character, seemed to intimate a conviction that the pacific or merely defensive policy on which they had for some time acted gfjg PINDAREE VTAR, CHAP. XV. could not be much longer maintained. Lord Hastings in A.D~1813. ^ ac ^ soon indicated a disposition to resume the more ac- tive scheme of government so ably pursued by the Mar- I 1 " 8 Wellesley. He appeared resolved to suppress the growing power of the predatory associations ; to renew the alliances with the Rajpoot and other minor chiefs ; and generally to establish the control of the English over the Indian states. But his attention was for a tune drawn off by movements in a new and somewhat unexpected quarter. nerce tribes The extensive region which slopes downward from muto? * the summit of the Himmaleh to the plain of Hindostan has always been occupied by fierce and warlike tribes. Being, as described in a former chapter, broken into a number of narrow valleys separated by steep and lofty ridges, it had been parcelled out among various independ- ent chiefs, never before united in such a way as to prove TheGorkhan. dangerous to the central kingdoms. Lately, however, the Gorkhas, a rude but brave race of men, led by a warlike commander, had conquered the valleys of Ne- paul, the finest which intersect that magnificent range of mountains. Thither they transferred the seat of their government, and having by a skilful policy conciliated the neighbouring princes, had made this acquisition a king- step to farther conquest. They accordingly proceeded ' b ~ different tracts, till their territory extended Northern above 800 miles in length, and comprehended nearly the lnd1 *' whole Alpine region of Northern India. They then cast a longing eye towards the wide plain that spreads be- neath, covered with all the riches of tropical cultivation, and capable of affording an ample revenue. Being ge- nerally superior to the native troops, both in courage and discipline,theymight perhaps in favourable circumstances Plans of con- have founded an empire equal to that of Aurengzebe. They had, however, to encounter, not the fallen frag- ments of Mogul greatness, nor the loose squadrons of Mahratta horse, but the disciplined strength of that new power which had become paramount in Hindostan. The British, by the numerous victories gained in the late war, AND CONQUEST OF TUB MAHRATTAS. tftf had extended their boundaries along nearly the whole CHAP. xv. line of this mountain-domain. The Gorkhas, on seeing A-ixTsii their career thus checked, hesitated for some time whether they should commit themselves against so formidable an sioM adversary. Meanwhile they appropriated certain small ish power. portions of territory, to which, by the vague tenures prevalent in that country, they could found some ancient claim. Repeated complaints being made, they at length Evasive agreed that deputies from either side should meet in P IICV - order to examine and decide the pretensions to the land in dispute. The commissioners assembled ; but those of Nepaul, it is alleged, showed a singular insensibility to the clearest proof of the total absence of right on their part to the favoured spots of which they had taken pos- session ; and even where they were obliged to yield, the supreme authority evaded or retracted its sanction. At Interference length the governor-general, considering the claim to a nor^eneraL particular district most clearly established, sent a detach- ment, which provisionally occupied it, till these endless discussions should terminate. The Nepaulese did not at first oppose this movement ; but as soon as the troops had retired during the unhealthy season, leaving only a small party to guard the frontier, they advanced in force and drove them out, killing and wounding several of their number. After this there was no longer room to hesitate as to the immediate necessity of warlike operations. Ameer Sing, the able and enterprising commander of Ameer Sing'a the Nepaulese, on grounds which it seems impossible P roceedli: * s> fully to understand or justify, had taken post on the western extremity of their conquests. Lord Hastings, who, in 1814, sent into the field a force of 30,000 men, availing himself of the position assumed by the enemy, British force formed the plan of enclosing his army, and cutting it of from the central territories. Generals Ochterlony and Gillespie, at the head of their respective divisions, march- ed, the one to attack Ameer in front, the other to occupy the passes by which he might effect his retreat. The latter speedily penetrated into the Deyra Dhoon, one of the finest valleys which diversify the Himmaleh, and 558 PIN1UREE WAR, CHAP. xv. the main channel of communication between the eastern A. D~i8i4. m & western districts. Somewhat unexpectedly he found this passage commanded by the fortress of Kalunga, or KaiSL* Nalapanee, rendered formidable, not by artificial bul- warks, but by its situation on the top of a hill, where it could only be approached through a thick and entangled jungle. That gallant officer, however, perceiving that it formed the key of the territory, hesitated not to com- mence an attack. He divided his army into four detach- ments, which, advancing from different points, were to meet at the summit, and engage in a common assault. Perilous plan Such a plan is at first view imposing; yet it appears of attack. f oun( jed O n false principles, and in practice is likely to prove extremely perilous. The chances are many that the different corps will not all reach their destination at the same moment ; and if one arrive before the others, it will have to encounter the united resistance of the enemy's force. Such was the case now ; one division, making their way through every difficulty, arrived in front of Kalunga before they could be supported by the rest of the army. The general then came up, and see- ing bis troops thus exposed to the whole fire of the be- sieged, led them at once to the assault, hoping, with this corps alone, to carry the place. They accordingly dis- lodged the outposts, and arrived under the very walls ; but were twice driven back by showers of grape-shot, arrows, and destructive missiles peculiar to Indian war- fare. Gillespie, nevertheless, determining to carry the fort or die, placed himself at the head of the storming-party, and cheered them on, waving his hat, and pointing with his sword to the gate. At this moment a ball pierced his Death of heart, he fell ; and all hopes of success were at once GiUespie. abandoned. The arrival of another division served merely to cover the retreat of the former. Colonel Mawbey, however, who succeeded to the command, felt deeply the importance that this first and great military operation should not be finally abortive ; but he was obliged to delay his meditated attack till a battering-train was procured from Delhi. Three days AND CONQUEST OF THE MAHRATTAS. 559 afterwards a breach was effected, and an assault com- CHAP, xv menced, under the command of Major Ingleby ; but ^j^Y^ the resolute defence, and formidable fire of the garrison, again baffled every effort . The batteries,notwithstanding, continued to play till the walls, which were by no means lofty, were reduced almost to a heap of ruins ; and the natives then evacuated the place which they had so gal- Evacuation lantly defended. General Martindale, who now took l^ toT ' the command, advanced to attack the enemy stationed at the strong fort of Jytuk ; but here again the British troops, through their too impetuous valour, were thrown into confusion, and obliged to fall back with considerable British loss. At the same time, the army which was attempting re P ulses> to penetrate direct into Nepaul through the district of Sarun had two of its detachments surrounded and cut off ; on which account operations on that side were com- pletely paralyzed. These events produced an alarming sensation at Cal- Alarm at cutta, while they were received with the highest exulta- * tion in all the native courts, which were watching for an opportunity to effect the downfal of British power in India. Movements were made by Scindia and other princes, which seemed to call for an increase of the corps of observation stationed in their territories. Yet the Judicious Marquis of Hastings, judiciously considering that to ob- l^l^r tain some decisive success over the Nepaulese and com- nor-general. pel them to sue for peace was the only mode by which the evil could be remedied, augmented and concentrated his force already stationed on the theatre of war. Ge- neral Ochterlony, hitherto checked by the losses of the division that was to act in combination with him, began vigorous operations on the offensive. He had already com- Operation? ol polled Ameer Sing to retire from the heights of Ramghur to those of Malown, which were also exceedingly strong. He had likewise reduced Ramghur, Bellaspore, and the other fastnesses that commanded this mountain-region. At the same time the province of Kemaoon being left unprotected, a detachment was sent under Colonel Nicolls, who besieged, and, on the 25th April 1815, took Almora, 560 PINDARBK WAR, CHAP. XV. its capital. Ameer, now closely confined to his fortified A.7i8i6. P ost at Malown, was obliged to capitulate, though on honourable terms, being allowed to join the main army with the troops under his charge. Submission of The government of Nepaul were so deeply discouraged by these reverses, that notwithstanding the opposition of several chiefs, and particularly of Ameer Sing, who pro- posed even to seek support from the Emperor of China, they determined to open a negotiation. The terms de- manded by Lord Hastings were high, including the ces- sion of all the provinces conquered in the west, and also of the Teraee or Tarryani, the border of jungle which extends along the base of the mountains. This last Obstacles to article formed the chief obstacle to the treaty, not so ^proposed much on account O f t he actual value of the territory, as because most of the principal chiefs at court had in it as- signments of land from which they derived their income The marquis, considering the point to be of little conse- quence, had made up his mind, and given directions that it should not stand in the way of an adjustment. The Negotiations Nepaulese ambassadors had, in fact, agreed to the terms 1 and signed them, but when transmitted for ratification, the court was induced, on the grounds just stated, to refuse its consent. In such circumstances, there appeared no longer room for the intended concession ; and no alternative was left but the renewal of war. This was attended with con- siderable inconvenience, since, hi confident expectation of peace, the preparations had not only been relaxed, but even part of the military stores sold off ; however, extra- ordinary exertions were made, and the army, in January 1816, was again ready to take the field. War The enemy had intrenched themselves in the strong pass of Chereea-ghatee, which formed the entrance into their mountain-territory ; but General Ochterlony, by a skilful though laborious march, turned this position, and penetrated to Muckwanpoor, in the vicinity of which they had erected several forts and stockades. Two suc- cessive defeats convinced them of the folly of their at- tempt to contend with British troops ; they made over- AND CONQUEST OP THE MAHRATTAS. 561 tures for a fresh negotiation, in which all the points in CHAP. xv. dispute were -yielded ; and in March a definitive treaty A .^~7 816 . was concluded. The governor-general was then with a good grace able to grant, as a matter of favour, most of Sum!?" the districts for the possession of which they had been so extremely solicitous. The contest with Nepaul having been brought to a New systeir successful termination, the Marquis of Hastings turned of policy. his views to that new system of policy, which he was desirous to establish with regard to the central powers of India. It consisted partly in the renewal and extension of subsidiary alliances with the native princes, partly in the extirpation of the predatory states which had arisen in the heart of the empire. In the former view, over- tures from Bhopal, when threatened by Scindia and the Rajah of Berar, were at first well received ; but, amid the distractions occasioned by the Nepaul contest, it be- came necessary that they should be courteously evaded. Difficulty of A negotiation was opened with the Rajpoot prince of ^ native Jyepore, who had made heavy complaints of having in powers. 1806 been deserted by the English, and exposed to the depredations of the Holkar family and other plundering tribes. The treaty for some time proceeded with promp- titude ; but, the very knowledge that he was about to be supported by the British having overawed his enemies and averted the present danger, the deep-rooted jealousy always cherished by the native sovereigns respecting the admission of foreign troops soon revived. A powerful party exclaimed against the ministers by whom the treaty was conducted, as betrayers of their country ; and they thought it expedient, by advancing conditions that were inadmissible, to prevent its final conclusion. This disappointment was compensated by a more for- Death of tunate occurrence in another quarter. Raghojee Bhon- Bhonslay slay, rajah of Berar, died, leaving a son, Pursajee, so infirm both in mind and body as to be incapable of main- taining even the semblance of royalty. In these circum- stances, Appa Saheb, his cousin and also presumptive heir, assumed the authority of regent, to which he seemed PINDAREE WAR. CHAP. XV to possess a legitimate claim. Another chief, however, A.D. 1816. Dhurmajee Bhonsla, having formed a powerful party, _. . . Tendered it doubtful whether Appa would be able to succession, maintain himself without foreign aid. The latter, there- fore, made overtures to the British for a subsidiary alli- ance, coupled with the condition of supporting him in the administration. This, in the present temper of the councils of Calcutta, was most readily granted. Thp stipulated force was to consist of six battalions of infan- ty and one reg" 11611 * f cavalry, partly attached to the regent's person ; for the maintenance of which the an- nual amount of 7^ lacks of rupees was to be received in money-payments, instead of the invidious mode of terri- torial cession. This treaty, according to Mr Prinsep, was viewed at the presidency with the highest exultation, as an arrangement by which the state of Berar was finally detached from the Mahratta league, and fixed in our interests ; and not as what it really was, a mere expedi- ent for the attainment of personal objects, and to be thrown aside as soon as these were accomplished. Facilities for The occupation of Berar afforded great facilities for new^opera- Q^gj-^JQ^g against the predatory powers, whose mam rallying-point was in Malwa, the hilly province to the northward of the Nerbudda. The governor-general, however, had not yet obtained permission to root them out of that strong country, and was obliged to content himself with drawing a cordon along the southern bank of the river, by which he hoped to prevent them from again penetrating into the Deccan. Unfortunately for themselves, Cheetoo and other chiefs had at this time acquired a considerable increase of strength. They had been k^ severa * y ears near ty unmolested ; and had even received secret assurances of support from the prin- cipal Mahratta chieftains, who were meditating a fresh attempt, with the aid of the Pindarees, to subvert the ascendency of Britain. They were, however, consider- ably alarmed by the appearance of the force stationed on the Nerbudda ; but seeing it remain inactive, while they themselves had mustered 23,000 cavalry, they conceived AND CONQUEST OF THE MAHRATTAS. 563 it possible to penetrate at some point the extended line CHAP. xv. along which the English were posted. Accordingly, A ^~7" 816 with 10,000 horsemen, they crossed on the extreme right with such rapidity, that our infantry were unable either ^cm-sion of to arrest or overtake them. They then separated into the Pinda. two lubhurs or plundering bands, one of which proceeded ref due south into the country of the nizam, and reached the banks of the Godavery. The other marched east- ward, and entered the Company's territory of Ganjam, where in the course of twelve days during the preceding year they had killed and wounded nearly 700 persons, and carried off or destroyed property to the value of 100,000. A third party crossed at Burhanpoor, and overran the dominions of the peishwa to some distance beyond Poonah. The Pindarees had thus eluded the regular force ap- irregular pointed to check their inroad ; yet though they were % still liable to be attacked by several detached corps that were scouring the country in different directions, they never stationed sentries, nor took any similar precaution against an evil to which they were always exposed. While the large body who had reached the Godavery The main were deliberating on their future course, Major M'Dowal, pr^d"[ y with a party of light troops, came upon them so unex- Ma J r lla< > pectedly, that they had received a discharge of fire-arms before almost a man of them was mounted ; and they were obliged to flee, abandoning nearly all their horses and plunder. One bold chieftain, with 260 troopers, crossed the Peninsula, swept along the western shore, and, ascending the Tuptee, reached his home with less indeed than half his original number, but all of them carrying in their saddles a rich booty. Major Lushington again, learning that the other band had passed Poonah, made Other bands a march of fifty miles, came upon them while busied in cooking, and gave them so complete a defeat that only a few escaped. In Ganjam, too, they met with several surprises, in one of which Lieutenant Borthwick beat up their camp with only fifty men. They abandoned their attempt to penetrate into the territory of Cuttack ; and 564 FIND A REE WAR, CHAP. XV. learning that a plan was formed to intercept their return, A D~isi7. ^ ne y endeavoured to effect their object by a circuitous route through Bundelcund, in the course of which Colo- nel Adams and other officers inflicted upon them very severe losses. Apprehen. Although this campaign had been in some measure gestedby successful and even triumphant, it afforded reason to ap- this cam- prehend that India could never be secure from the inroad of these marauders, so long as they should have a place of safe retreat. Upwards of 30,000 troops had been employed against them, a number adequate to a regular war on the greatest scale, and involving an immense ex- penditure ; yet they had penetrated through a strong line of defence, while their subsequent failure was occa- sioned only by an undue security, which they would probably learn to correct. The permission granted by the government at home to prosecute the war against them was far from being unlimited ; but the marquis trusted that the events which had occurred during this campaign, and the success which he hoped would still attend his measures, would procure for him the sanction of the Company. Efficient About the middle of the year 1817, the governor-ge- aegoveTOor- nera l P ut "* motion the most numerous and efficient general. host that had ever perhaps taken the field in India. Its entire amount is estimated at about 81,000 infantry and 10,000 cavalry ; of which 57,000 advanced from the Deccan and Guzerat, and 34,000 from Bengal through Hindostan Proper. To the corps from the Deccan were attached 13,000 irregular cavalry, and to that from Ben- gal 10,000 of the same force, many of them good troops. The main body of the Bengal army, under the immediate command of the Marquis of Hastings, assembled at Se- cundra, and proceeded to cross the Jumna near Calpy. Another corps was instructed to pass that river at Agra ; while two smaller sections were to act on the flanks, and to connect this with the other armies. The Deccan force was to advance in two divisions under Generals Hislop and Sir John Malcolm ; Colonel Adams led the AND CONQUEST OF THE MAHRATTAS. 565 regiments from Berar, while Generals Doveton and Smitli CHAP. xv. took post in the rear, ready either to support the main A.rTTi7 body, or to suppress any commotion that might arise at Poonah or Nagpore. General Keir meantime led the army of Gu/erat into Malwa. All these divisions formed a complete circle around the Pindaree positions, closing in upon them as to a common centre. This system judicious of tactics, which in contending with disciplined forces is system of accompanied with the danger that the enemy, availing himself of his central position, may successively attack and beat the different corps advancing against him, was attended with no such hazard when directed against troops who never encountered an adversary in pitched battle, whose sole aim was escape, and to whom flight was victory. It was by such a movement only that they could be enclosed and finally crushed. There was one circumstance attending this campaign Dangers which could not be regarded without some degree of ^is'oun? alarm, namely, that it led our army into the territories paign. of princes who viewed with the most rancorous jealousy the height to which the British power had now attained. All of them, seeing in its success the downfal of their own ambitious hopes, and even of their independence, anxiously watched the favourable moment for striking a blow. Even the courts of Nagpore and Hydrabad, not- withstanding the treaties by which they professed to be bound, could not by any means be relied upon. Besides, the Pindaree war was to be earned on in the dominions of Scindia and Holkar, the most deadly foes to the British Katnral ap- name. Of the former Sir John Malcolm justly observes that he never could be expected to forget the loss of em pire sustained through Britain : " All his habits, his prejudices, his wishes, are against us ; we have nothing in our favour but his fears. His faith and his promises cannot be relied on for a moment." It appears indeed that Cheetoo, the principal leader of the Pindarees, had made urgent applications that he would allow to him a place where his family might be secured from danger ; adding, " that thereby my heart may be set at ease, 66 PINPAREE WAR, CHAP. xv. and I may face the English with confidence. Then for ,T~::. 17 once, by the blessing of God and the fortune of the ex- alted, the tumult shall be spread to the environs of Cal- Pians of cutta, the whole country shall be consigned to ashes, and Chetoo. to such distress shall they be reduced, that the accounts will not fail to reach you ; but at present this must be delayed for want of a place of refuge." To this Scindia's ministers replied, that they could not take such a step without an immediate rupture with the British govern- Secret ment ; but that Cheetoo might depend on their utmost JrfTid" 306 * aid in secret. In these circumstances Lord Hastings considered it indispensable, before leaving Scindia's domi- nions behind him, to extort his consent to such a treaty as might withdraw from him the means of a hostile in- terposition in the approaching conflict. Colonel Close, the resident at Gwalior, was instructed to demand that he should place his troops entirely at the disposal of the governor-general ; that he should furnish a contingent of 5000 horse, and supply funds out of which they might be supported ; finally, that he should provisionally de- liver up the forts of Hindia and Asseerghur, on which, to save his honour, his flag would continue to fly. There was even to be a private understanding, that while the contest lasted he should not quit his capital. Scindia manifested the most violent opposition, first to the Eng- lish entering his dominions at all, and then to the terms attached to that movement ; nor was it till Lord Hast- ings from one quarter, and General Donkin from another, were each within a day's march of his frontier that the treaty was reluctantly signed. A negotiation was next opened with Ameer Khan, and, as he was a principal member of the confederation, it was made a primary article that he should disband the whole of his turbulent corps. This demand was severe, for he must thereby lose every thing on which his im- portance and power had been founded ; but in return he was offered the guarantee of the territories held by him under grants from Holkar, and of which his tenure was otherwise very precarious. Having submitted to the AND CONQUEST OP THE MAIIBATTA8. 567 terms, the treaty was signed by his agent at Delhi, on CHAI . xv condition that a month should be allowed previously to jTmT ratification ; but the stipulated period had elapsed, and a British army was surrounding him on every side, before he would affix his name to it. His troops being then disbanded, he seemed thenceforth to place his hopes of aggrandizement solely in the English alliance, and cordi- ally exerted himself in promoting its objects. The Pindaree chiefs could not view this immense force, Embarrass- especially when it began to close in around them, with- Rndaree tU out the deepest alarm. While the rainy season still sus- chiefs, pended operations, they held frequent conferences on the state of their affairs. Their only hope, they were con- vinced, was to quit their present haunts and seek a tem- porary home in some remote quarter of India. But it was difficult to find a secure place in which to deposite their property and their families ; for even amid their wandering life they were still susceptible of the strongest domestic attachments. This embarrassment and the violent dissensions which had long reigned between their two principal heads, Kurreem and Cheetoo, caused them to break up without having formed any definite plan. The invading armies began to move as soon as the rains had abated, and while the swelling of the rivers might yet impede the rapid movements of their adversaries. The opening of the campaign, meantime, was retarded Unexpected by two very unexpected circumstances : The first was the appearance in the main army of that terrible epide- mic, usually denominated the cholera spasmodica, which, after creating desolation and dismay in the greater part of India, spread through Persia into Russia, and thence all over Europe, occasioning a very considerable loss of life in the British empire, and then reaching even to the American continent. In its first progress, it struck the world as a new and unheard-of visitation ; but further researches have established, that the same disease has from time to time appeared in the East. Ancient writings, in the languages of Southern India, describe it very dis- tinctly under the names of Sitanga or Vishuchi. Ex- 5t)8 PINDAREE WAR, CHAP. xv. tensive ravages are represented to have been committed A D~1817 ky it in Bengal in 1762 ; in a division of troops which in 1781 were marching through the district of Ganjam ; the^sease. anc * m 1 ^ 83 durin g tfte annual festival at Kurd war. In 1787, a malady, the symptoms of which clearly establish its identity, prevailed at Vellore and Arcot on the coast of Coromandel. It had not however, during a long period, assumed any formidable aspect, and in the comprehensive tables published by the medical board at Madras, the column for cholera spasmodica in 1815 and the two fol- lowing years exhibits nearly a continued blank. its first This disorder first showed itself, in August 1817, in appearance t he zillah of Jessore, about sixty miles north-east of Cal- cutta, in the marshy districts which form the Delta of the Ganges. The whole of the tract extending along the lower course of that river is intersected by number- less branches of its stream, whence are derived canals and tanks that diffuse the benefit of irrigation almost to every field. These artificial channels, however, are often in bad repair and filled with stagnant water, while even the river itself at certain seasons has not current suffi- cient to preserve its salubrious qualities. Added to this, the extreme violence of the heat in summer, and of the rams in winter, renders the whole of this part of Bengal liable to fevers and other climatic disorders. When any of these atmospheric phenomena occur in an extraordi- nary degree, and especially when, by injuring the culti- vated fields, they render the grain scarce and bad, epi- demics of the most malignant description are frequently generated. The years 1815 and 1816 were distinguished by very striking peculiarities of season and weather. In May of the latter year, the heat became most intense, the thermometer rose to 98 degrees in the shade, and various persons, both European and native, fell down dead in the streets. A deficiency in the periodical rains was also apprehended till the beginning of September, when there poured down a complete deluge, causing a more extensive inundation than was recollected by the oldest inhabitant. This was followed by attacks of low AND CONQUEST OP THE MAHRATTAS. 569 typhus fever, and of malignant sore throat, a disorder CHAP, xv formerly unknown in that region, but believed on this ^iTTsn occasion to be contagious. The year 1817 was from the first uncommonly moist, Excessive and the annual rains began on the 25th May, about rains - three weeks before the usual period. They fell to a depth greater by one-third than in ordinary years ; so that, before the middle of August, nearly the whole dis- trict composing the Delta of the Ganges was one sheet of water. It was during the distempered state of the air thus produced, that the malignant cholera broke forth on a scale hitherto quite unprecedented. The disease, either in its common or violent form, appeared nearly at the same time in different parts of Bengal. But it was in Jessore, situated in the tract called the Sunderbunds, covered with thick jungle and surrounded by stagnant waters, that it assumed its most alarming aspect. At Occurrence Calcutta, during the month of August, many cases of Calcutta? '" common cholera had occurred ; but at the beginning of September it appeared in that city under its most malig- nant type ; though whether it was imported from Jes- sore, or rose spontaneously under similar circumstances, is a question not yet decided. It spared Europeans for a few days, but began to attack them on the 5th, though without committing the same dreadful ravages as in the native town ; yet the register of one of the life insurance societies exhibited a proportion of deaths four times as great as in several preceding years. The malady was dif- fused almost simultaneously through the different cities of Bengal, rapidly ascended the Ganges, and spread even to the west of the Jumna ; sparing, however, the compara- tively elevated territories of Oude and Rohilcund. In the beginning of November, in consequence, as is Its appear- supposed by some, of the arrival of a detachment from army!" 1 the lower province, this disease in its most virulent form broke out in the army under the immediate command of the Marquis of Hastings. Troops on a march are ob- served to be peculiarly liable to its attack, which is im- puted to the extreme heat of the tents, doubtless com- 570 PIXDAREE WAR, CHAP. XV. bined with the great exposure to the atmosphere. The 4.D~1817 cn l era appeared while they were slowly marching through the low and unhealthy district of Bundelcund, which labours under a singular deficiency of good water. For about ten days it converted the camp into a large Dreadful hospital. All the public establishments being engrossed SS? 13 b y the care of the tro P s > the numerous camp-followers could not be accommodated except in the tents of their masters, who formed also their only attendants. The route over which the army moved was strewed with the dead and dying ; the bazars were deserted ; even those persons whose health was good suffered under severe de- pression of spirits ; so that during the whole period the efficiency of this fine body of men was completely de- stroyed. The usual bustle and hum of a crowded camp was changed into an awful silence, broken only by the groans of the sick and lamentations over the dead. In the European patient death usually followed from six to twelve hours after the attack, while the sepoy was carried off in about half that interval. The malady raged with its utmost fury from the 15th to the 23d Novem- ber, when it ceased almost at once ; so that the army having reached a more salubrious camp, at Erich on the Betwa, became rapidly convalescent, and by the com- mencement of December were prepared to enter on the duties of the campaign. Mortality in The loss sustained during this most gloomy crisis die army wag ver y greatly exaggerated. It has been represented even by good authorities as amounting to three, five, or even eight thousand,* out of the whole division of ten thousand men. More precise statements by Mr Prinsep and Mr Kennedy, derived from personal and official knowledge, prove this inaccuracy to have arisen from the not taking into account the vast crowd of camp- followers, who, in an Indian army, always greatly out- number the soldiers. When the proper distinction is made, it appears that the deaths among the troops aniount- * Bisset Hawkins' History of Cholera, p. 169. AND CONQUEST OF TilE MAHRATTAS. 571 ad only to 764 ; while the loss among the camp-follow- CHAP. XV. crs was about 8000, which did not however exceed a tenth ^ rTTsn. of their entire number. We cannot here follow in detail the progress of this Progress of severe malady, which made its way in every direction. After having spared in its first progress the provinces of Oude and Rohilcund, it reached them in April and May 1818, and in the following months penetrated to Cat- mandoo, Almora, and other very elevated positions on the chain of Himmaleh. The march of armies into the centre of India, and the its general despatches sent through every province of that country, di* 18 * 011 were supposed to diffuse more and more widely its fatal in- fluence. The natives, instead of using any rational means of cure or prevention, sought to avert it only by pompous and crowded visits to the temples, which increased the irrational danger of communicating the disease ; or by sanguinary of thenatlvca, proceedings against certain persons who were suspected of producing it by witchcraft. In the course of the year 1818 it spread through every part of India. The report of the medical board at Madras contains an interesting map, showing its track through the Deccan and the south by an irregular course, sometimes along the high roads, sometimes in cross directions ; but, in the end, leaving scarcely any point of importance untouched. It reached Nagpore on the 15th May, Bombay by way of Poonah on the 14th August, Hydrabad on 25th July, Madras on 8th October, and finally the extreme stations of Tri- vanderam and Palamcotta in January 1819. Through- out these provinces it manifested itself in various degrees of intensity. In general, however, this dreadful disease its fatality. seemed to be marked, rather by its fatal effects than by the great number who were actually attacked. The en- tire amount of cases occurring in the army of Fort St George during 1818, the most severe year, was 1087 out of 10,652 Europeans, and 3314 out of 58,764 natives. Of the former 232, and of the latter 664 died.* In the Report of Madras Medical Board, p. '2& 572 PINDAREE WAR, CHAP. XV island of Bombay, which contains a population of about A. 5T 1817. 210,000, the ascertained cases were!5,945, of which 14,651 were medically treated, and the deaths among these were only 938, or 6 T 4 5 per cent., perhaps the smallest propor- tion of mortality that has any where been observed.* In- stances, however, are given of single corps, particularly on a march, suffering much more severely. The 2d bat- talion of the 20th regiment of native infantry was pro- ceeding to Hydrabad, when of about 1150 men 200 were attacked, and 73 died. The 1st battalion of the 1st regi- ment, on its road from Nagpore to Hydrabad, out of 1010 men had 167 attacked, of whom 64 died. His majesty's 54th regiment, on their way from Madras to Bangalore, had 159 out of 632 attacked, and 54 died. Unexpected Another unexpected crisis arrested Sir Thomas Hislop BjJjetfRao. TOth the army of the Deccan, just as he had arrived on the frontier of Malwa. Intelligence then reached him thatBajeeRao had taken up arms and attacked the British residency in his capital ; upon which Sir Thomas judged it necessary to fall back, that he might support the re- serve corps, and aid in the suppression of this insurrec- tion. General Keir, who had advanced from Guzerat, was induced by the same information to retreat. But Lord Hastings justly considered that the fortune of the campaign must ultimately depend upon the prompt suc- cess of the operations in Central India, and conceiving Smith's force, with another under Pritzler, quite sufficient at present to overawe the peishwa, ordered these com- manders to return without delay to the scene of action. Proceedings The Pindarees, as soon as they saw themselves corn- darees. Pm ~ pletely enclosed by the advancing corps of the British, made no attempt at resistance, and studied only how to escape. One party succeeded in penetrating into the rear of our army in Bundelcund, where they began to commit serious ravages, and were not dispersed without some difficulty. Cheetoo, with nearly 8000 men, effected a march westward into the territory of Mewar, where he Bombay Report, App. pp. 13, 14. AND CONQUEST OF THE MAHRATTAS. 573 was assured of support from several quarters, and had CHAP, xv the strong mountain-fort of Kumulner as a refuge for ^jTYsn his family. The escape of the Pindaree chiefs, when so great a force surrounded them, Colonel Blacker explains Causes of by a reference to the defective means of conveyance pos- their escap& sessed by the British ; to their having, in the dread of encountering a Mahratta army, encumbered themselves with ordnance ; and, above all, to the agility of the native horses, which can pass over the most rugged roads and uneven ground with great speed. Kurreem, with one of his associates, attempted to push his way to Gwalior, where he hoped to find support from Scindia. All the passes in this direction, however, were most strictly guarded ; and a strong corps was appointed to watch the motions of that ruler, whose secret enmity to the British was so fully understood. The first that came up with this body of Pindarees was General Marshall, who easily drove them before him. They escaped without much loss, but were obliged to change their direction and march for the territory of Jyepore, where they hoped to be joined by some of the disbanded troops of Ameer Khan. Complete On their way thither they were surprised by General a^ Donkin, who gave them a complete overthrow, captur- of them. ing the wife of Kurreem, with all his state-elephants and kettle-drums. His army, therefore, no longer attempt- ed to preserve any appearance of regularity, but broke into detachments, and sought for safety by fleeing in va- rious directions. The greater number endeavoured to reach the corps of Cheetoo ; and, accordingly, the final destruction of that warrior appeared all that was now necessary to finish the Pindaree contest, when there started up another head of the hydra which the English were labouring to vanquish. The councils of the house of Holkar had been involved for some time in the utmost confusion. Jeswunt Rao, who had raised that family to power, after the unfortu- nate issue of the war with the British, became deranged, and died in a few years. His heir, Mulhar Rao, was a mere boy, and the administration during his minority 574: PINDABEE \VAR, CHAP. XV. was agitated by the most violent dissensions. The chief A. iTTsiT P^'ti 68 were, on one side Toolsee Bhye, widow to the late Holkar, who had been invested with the office of regent ; and on the other the Patan chiefs, who were strongly attached to the predatory system. The lady, Toolsee Bhye's with the direct view of maintaining her influence, made tares to tiie & CTe *> overtures to the English for receiving a subsidiary British. force. This measure was firmly opposed by the leaders just named, whose sentiments were shared by the mili- tary in general ; and the weight of their opinions was so strongly felt by the regent, that she did not venture to proceed with the negotiation. The chiefs, however, being suspicious that something of that nature was still in pro- gress, were fired with such indignation, that they seized her person, carried her down to the river, and put her to Her death, death. War was then only delayed till the completion of the necessary preparations. Troops, especially infan- try, were collected with the utmost diligence, and their movements assumed so formidable an aspect, that Sir John Malcolm judged it advisable to fall back upon the corps of General Hislop, who, as already mentioned, had begun a retrograde movement, but was again advancing Junction of towards Poonah. These commanders having effected a forces! junction, proceeded together, and found the native army strongly posted at Mehidpoor, with a steep bank in front, at the foot of which flowed the river Soopra, pass- able only by a single ford. Although this position might have been turned by a circuitous march, Hislop con- sidered such an advantage more than counterbalanced by the impression which would be produced by pushing on promptly and directly to the attack. This mode of proceeding, it has been often observed, is better suited than more scientific manoeuvres to the genius of English Decisive troops. A scene then ensued, similar to that which Hattro ^>- 6 usually took place in Mahratta battles ; the British regi- ments rushing forward with the most daring intrepidity in the face of a numerous artillery, by which they severe- ly suffered, and at length, when they came to a close charge, carrying all before them. They lost 174 killed. AND CONQUEST OF THE MAHKATTAS. 575 and 604 wounded ; there being among the former three, CHAP. xv. and among the latter thirty-five European officers. The , ]7T 817 Mahrattas, though they left 3000 on the field, retreated with a great part of their army entire : but they aban- doned all the artillery ; their courage and confidence were gone ; and though their numbers were not greatly diminished, they were no longer a regular force. The British terms chiefs therefore at once accepted the offered terms ; acce P tei namely, that young Holkar should be placed under the protection of the Company, who were to maintain an auxi- liary force, and to have a contingent of 3000 men at their disposal ; and that certain districts of moderate extent should be ceded, not for the purpose of bring possessed by the conquerors, but distributed as -rewards to those allies who had remained faithful during the present contest. After losing the support of the Holkar family, the jeswtmtRaa Pindarees found an unexpected asylum with Jeswunt Rao, one of Scindia's generals, who occupied several strong camps in the neighbourhood of Rampoora. After several fruitless remonstrances, General Brown attacked this chieftain, reduced his intrenchments, and obliged him to flee with only a handful of followers. The hopes of the marauders were now reduced to the Desperate lowest ebb. Flight, they knew not whither, became their only resource. They had obtained Kumulncr and other fortresses in the Rajpoot territory ; but these be- ing quickly invested, were, after a short resistance, all given up. Major Clarke having overtaken the party under Kurreem during the night, and finding them plunged as usual in profound security, delayed the attack till morning, that they might derive no ad vantage from the darkness. He divided his corps into two bodies, with one Total over- of which he made the charge, while the other occupied p^ty under the only road by which the enemy could retreat. They Kurreem. sustained, accordingly, a complete overthrow, and were dispersed in every direction, leaving several of their chiefs dead on the field. After suffering some farther disasters, their whole body was reduced to a state truly 576 PINDAREE WAR, CHAP. xv. miserable. Cheetoo and his adherents sometimes slept A. D~i8i8. w ^h their horses saddled, and the bridles in their hands, that they might be ready for instant flight. At length Terms an intimation was circulated, that, in case of uncondi- offeredand tional surrender, their lives would be spared, and the accepted. means o f an honourable subsistence secured for the chiefs in some remote district. One after another submitted upon these terms ; and at length Kurreem, after wandering for some time on foot through the jungles, gave himself up, on the 15th February 1818, to a te ot Sir John Malcolm. Cheetoo opened a negotiation ; but, on learning the small allowance which was to be granted to one whom he thought entitled to a jaghire in his na- tive country and a place in the British service, he hastily took his departure. He afterwards encountered a variety of distresses, which ended in a manner equally dismal and p.ppalling, being devoured by a tiger while lurking in the forests of Asseerghur. His fate excited sympathy among our officers, who admired the spirit and intrepidity with which he had on all occasions braved the deepest re- verses of fortune. Occurrences While the performances on the mam theatre of Indian of Poonak warfare were thus brought to a successful close, two sepa- rate dramas of a subordinate though eventful character were acted on other stages, of which the most remarkable occurred at the court of Poonah. The peishwa, ever since the last treaty which he was compelled to sign, had eagerly sought deliverance from a yoke which now pressed heavily upon him ; and the employment of the British forces in thePindaree campaign offered a tempting opportunity to reassert his independence. A little con- sideration indeed would have shown him that this contest could not engage bis enemy beyond a very short period ; after which they would find it easy to crush such re- sistance as he or any other of the Mahratta states could create. But the peishwa, like many other Indian princes, though possessed of talent and address, and skilled in pursuing the ordinary objects of eastern policy, was in- capable of taking a comprehensive view of his actual AND CONQUEST OP THE MAHRATTAS. 577 situation. He was encouraged by the hatred of the Eng- CHAP. xv. lish which he saw prevalent among his own chiefs, and ^ D isn by the general disposition of all the other leaders to unite in a confederacy against that people. For a considerable time he threw an impenetrable veil Secret over his hostile designs. On intimation being given of the'peishwa. an intention to go to war with the Pindarees, he profess- ed his cordial concurrence in the object, and his desire to co-operate by all the means in his power. So great indeed was his address, that Sir John Malcolm, an intel- ligent and veteran politician, after living at his court several days, was completely deceived, and communicated his opinion, that nothing hostile was to be apprehend- ed from the peishwa. But Mr Elphinstone, the official Suspicions resident, entertained from the first an opposite opinion. exc which was soon fully confirmed. He saw that the ut- most activity was employed in collecting troops, under the pretext of aiding in the projected war, though for a purpose directly opposite. At the same tune, the jaghiredars, who had been studiously depressed and humbled, were courted and conciliated ; while Bapoo Gokla, an officer of distinguished ability, who had hither- to been kept in a species of disgrace, was invested with the supreme direction of affairs. A numerous camp was formed close to the British cantonments, around which the Mahratta horsemen were seen riding in menacing attitudes. The brigade commanded by Colonel Burr, the amount of which had been fixed with a very undue con- fidence in the friendly disposition of the prince, did not exceed three sepoy battalions, with a European regiment not yet arrived from Bombay. As the hostile intentions Measures of the court became more and more manifest, it was judged advisable to withdraw the troops into a strong ceedings. defensive position formed near the city by an angle of the river Moola ; but Mr Elphinstone, anxious to avoid the imputation of being the aggressor, resolved not to quit the residency till he should be driven away by force. Threatening notes began to be exchanged ; and on the 6th November 1817, so sudden an attack was made that o78 P1NDAREE WAR, C1IAP. XV. A D. 1817. Understand- ing with General Smith. Vigorous measures of the British officers. Retreat of ItejeeKao. Gallant repulse by Captain the resident and his suite had scarcely time to mount their horses, when his mansion was plundered, and all the property, including his books and papers, was either carried off or destroyed. General Smith, though placed in the rear of the grand army, had agreed, if a single day should pass without his hem-ing from Poonah, that he would conclude the communications were interrupted, and hasten thither with his whole brigade. A week, however, must ne- cessarily elapse before his arrival, and to keep the sepoys in the mean time cooped up in a narrow space, harassed by the enemy's artillery and light horse, would, it was feared, damp their courage, and promote that tendency to desertion which had already been strongly manifested. Hence the officers determined to march out with their small corps and attack their foes, who, to the amount of 20,000, were already stationed in front. This movement was executed promptly,andwith such vigour, that though the enemy's horsemen made some desperate charges, and reached several times the flanks of the English brigade, the latter finally remained masters of the field. They had not indeed done much damage to their adversaries ; but the intrepidity of their attack, and the amount of their success against numbers so vastly superior, changed decidedly the moral position of the two armies. When General Smith, therefore, on the 13th November, after fighting his way through the peishwa's cavalry, arrived at Poonah, and prepared to attack the Mahratta camp, that prince at once commenced a retreat. He continued it upwards of six months without intermission, ranging over the wide extent of the Deccan ; at one tune ap- proaching Mysore, at another proceeding nearly to the Nerbudda, always distancing his pursuers by the skill and rapidity of his march, and even passing between corps advancing from opposite quarters. At one time he made himself sure of cutting off a division of 800 men destined to reinforce Colonel Burr ; but Captain Staun- ton the commander, taking post in a village, repulsed with desperate valour, though with severe loss, all his AND CONQUEST OF TifE MAHRATTAS. 579 attacks, and he was at length obliged to desist. This CHAP. XV was considered the bravest exploit performed in the ^pTTsiT. whole course of the war. The peishwa finding himself now a hopeless fugitive, and learning the triumphs of overtures for his enemy in other quarters, made overtures for a treaty ; peace, hoping to be allowed to retain, though in a reduced con- dition, his rank as a sovereign. But the governor-gene- ral, on considering his long course of hostility, and the treacherous attack made at so critical a moment, had determined to erase his name from the list of Indian princes, and that there should be no longer a peishwa. Britain was to exercise the sovereign sway in all the terri- Plan for tories which had belonged to him ; though, in order to Britui^sove- sooth in some degree the irritated feelings of the Mah- reignty ratta people, the Rajah of Satara, the descendant of Se- vajee, still deeply venerated even after his long depres- sion, was to be restored to some share of his former dig- nity. To follow up this purpose, General Smith laid siege to Satara, which surrendered after a short resist- ance. The interval afforded a brief respite to the peish- wa, and lulled his vigilance ; so that when this officer had p\ished on by forced marches, at the head of a divi- sion of light horse, he arrived unobserved within hearing of the Mahratta kettle-drums. Concealed for some time J"*^^ of by the brow of a hill, he appeared on its summit to the ra tm astonishment of the Indian leaders. The fallen prince forthwith left the field with his attendants ; but Gokla determined to hazard a battle rather than sacrifice nearly the whole of his baggage. He made the attack with the greatest vigour, and had succeeded in throwing part of the cavalry into some confusion, when he fell mortally wounded. His death was regretted even by the English, since his enmity to their nation, and zeal for the inde- pendence of his own, had been tempered with honour and humanity. The whole army immediately fled, and the British obtained possession of the person of the Rajah of Satara, who had before been a prisoner in the hands of his rival. Bajee Rao still continued his retreat, of which he as- 580 PINDAREE WAR, CHAP. xv. sumed the sole charge ; and gave out every morning A. iTisn tne direction m which the troops were to move, hav- ing concealed it till that moment from his most confi- Bajee a Ral dential officers. After much and long wandering, he moved northward to the borders of Berar and Malwa, where he partially recruited his strength by collecting the remains of the beaten armies. But he soon found himself hemmed in still more closely ; and in pursuing his march, in the absence of proper information, he met Colonel Adams at the head of a considerable force, and Defeat by could not avoid a battle. He was defeated, with the loss 22^ f most f his infantry and all his artillery, saving only his horse and light troops. He then made an effort to reach the capital of Scindia, hoping for aid, or at least protection, from this most powerful of the Mahratta chieftains ; but all the passes were strictly guarded. His distress became greater every day ; his followers deserted in vast numbers ; and the English drew their nets round him so skilfully that he could not hope long to escape. Terms of sur- jj e then opened a correspondence with Sir John Malcolm. After some discussidn, it was agreed that he should sur- render, and that, on being secured in a pension of eight lacks of rupees (about 100,000), he should renounce the dignity of peishwa, with all his claims as a sovereign ; spending the rest of his days in some holy city at a dis- tance from the seat of his former dominion. The sum was regarded by the Marquis of Hastings as too large ; though, considering it as the final adjustment with a prince who ranked in authority and power above all others at that tune in India, it does not appear very ex- travagant. The apprehension that his revenue would be employed by him as an instrument for regaining his political influence has not been realized. He imme- diately resigned himself to voluptuous indulgences, to which, it is said, he had been always addicted, and sought to drown in them every recollection of his former schemes and greatness. While the territory of Poonah was agitated by these violent commotions, a scene almost exactly similar was AM) CONQUEST OF THE MAHRATTAS. 581 passing at Nagpore. Appa Saheb had invited the British CHAP. xv. troops with the sole view of maintaining his own situa- A.f^n. tion as regent ; and so long as he judged them necessary for that object he remained faithful. At length he got rid by assassination of the young prince, and placed him- self on the guddee, as the seat was called to which the dignity of rajah was attached. He then considered him- A ppa Sahet. self independent of foreign aid, and began to regard it with the dislike so generally felt by all persons in his condi- tion. He was thus led to enter into that confederacy against the British power which was formed among the Mahratta chiefs in consequence of the Pindaree war; and was observed also to carry on an active correspond- ence with the peishwa while the latter was maturing his plans of aggression. The first treaty which that prince was compelled to sign greatly abated the courage of his ally, which was revived, however, by the intelli- gence of his having again taken up arms and attacked the English subsidiary force. The subsequent retreat of Bajee Rao threw him into much hesitation and uncer- imprudent tainty, though at length it resulted in the hazardous de- haste- termination to follow his example. On the 24th No- vember 1817, Mr Jenkins, the British resident, was in- vited to see his highness invested with a dress of honour ; having assumed the juree putka or golden streamer, an emblem of high command, both of which had been trans- mitted by the peishwa. Our countryman declined at- tendance, not without expressing indignation at the ra- jah's acceptance of these honours at such a moment ; and indeed it seems to have been an imprudent and pre- mature insult, by which the Company's servants were warned of approaching danger. The subsidiary force then stationed at Nagpore was Critical posi- very small. It consisted only of two battalions of native British resi- infantry, with detachments of cavalry and artillery ; and dency. the whole, being much reduced by sickness, did not amount to 1400 men. The rajah's army, on the contrary comprised 10,000 cavalry and 10,000 infantry, includ ing 3000 or 4000 very brave Arab troops. The residency 582 PINDAREE WAK, CHAP. XV. was situated outside the town, and separated from it by a ridge rising at each extremity into low hills, which were hastily occupied as defensive posts. At sunset the Attack on the pi an( l soon residency, after a general discharge of artillery was opened upon all the positions, particularly those on the smaller eminence. This was continued till two hi the morning with con- siderable effect, the first officer in command on that sta- tion being killed, and the second wounded. The English, during the remainder of the night, made the best pre- parations in their power against the more serious attack which was anticipated in the morning ; and, accordingly, at daybreak the charge was renewed with increased fury. At ten a tumbril burst on the lower hill, which threw the troops into some confusion ; the Arabs rushed on with loud cries, the sepoys were seized with panic and fled, abandoning the guns and the wounded, who were immediately put to the sword. The enemy then began a heavy fire on the larger hill, when several officers fell, and among them Mr Sotheby, the resident's assistant, a young man of distinguished merit, while he was endea- vouring to rally and restore the courage of his men. The Desperate dismay of the troops, the cries of the women and chil- dren, * ne vas *- numbers and increasing confidence of the enemy, seemed to portend the most fatal result. Yet, even then, resources were found in British firmness and courage. Captain Fitzgerald, who had withdrawn the Gallant cavalry within the residency-grounds, seeing the critical cavafry f U ' e state of the infantry, and the fire already extending to his station, felt that aflairs could be retrieved only by one of those bold attacks which a native army can scarcely ever resist. He accordingly led his few horsemen to the charge, drove every thing before him, took two guns and turned them against the enemy. The troops on the other hill, animated by this example, resumed courage, and, raising loud shouts, opened a brisk fire on the assailants. A party dashed across to the smaller elevation, from which the rajah's followers were driven in their turn, and about noon were repulsed at every point. Yet the British had AND CONQUEST OP THE MAHRATTAS. 583 lost a fourth of their number, and their ammunition was CHAP. XV drawing to a close, so that had Appa persevered, he must ^ fTmr have finally succeeded in cutting off the detachment, an event which would have produced the strongest sen- Arrival of sation over all India. But he remained inactive, while reinf - reinforcements poured in to his antagonists from every quarter. On the 12th December, for example, Doveton arrived with the strong reserve under his command, and it then became impossible for Saheb to hope for success ; he had already obtained an armistice, and now inquired as to the terms on which a final accommodation might be effected. Mr Jenkins replied that nothing would be accepted short of entire submission, the disbanding of renns his troops, the delivering up of all his forts and artillery, fjj and his own presence as a hostage at the British resi- dency. It was, however, intimated, that, on his com- plying fully with these requisitions, he would be restored to nearly his former condition, being required only to maintain a subsidiary force, and submit to a certain degree of control. When the troops, however, marched into Nagpore to take possession of the ordnance, they were saluted with a hot fire, and suffered some loss before they could seize the guns and compel the Arabs, who Capitulation took the chief part in this resistance, to retire within the of ^eP " 5 - fort. As they refused to surrender, a siege was imme- diately commenced, and a practicable breach appeared to have been made in the gate ; but when the assault was given, it was found to be so secured by interior walls, that the English were obliged to retreat with consider- able damage. Preparations were then made to invest the place on a more regular plan ; but the garrison, satis- fied with the display of valour which they had already made, capitulated on condition of being allowed to march out with their baggage and private property. As none of these transactions could be brought home Liberation of to Appa Saheb, he was not made responsible for them ; Salieb - whertiore on the surrender of Nagpore he was liberat- ed, and received notice of the terms on which he might retain his seat on the guddee. These consisted in bis 584 PINDAREE WAR, Tntrigues of the rajah. His aiTest and escape. CHAP. XY being placed entirely on the same footing with the nizam ; having his military force subjected to the control of the A.D. 1817 Company, and even his ministers appointed by them. The rajah only so far expressed his dissatisfaction as to offer to retire altogether on a liberal pension, a proposi- tion which was not considered admissible. He therefore began forthwith to intrigue, with the view of shaking off this hated dependence. Troops were levied, the governors of fortresses and the mountain-chiefs were instructed to muster their forces, and give every possible annoyance to the enemy ; finally, a secret correspondence was discovered with Bajee Rao, who being invited to join his army to the standard of the peishwa, had actually taken steps for that purpose. Mr Jenkins hereupon deemed it indispensable to call upon Appa to resume his place within the residency ; and this not being complied with, a party was sent who effected his arrest, fortunately without having recourse to violence. It is less difficult, however, to seize Indian princes than to keep them : the rajah being mildly treated, and access procured to him by several of his adherents, a plan was arranged for his escape in the disguise of a sepoy. He went off at two in the morning, and the discovery was not made till daylight ; so that, relays of horses having been provided, all pursuit was vain. But as the Pindaree war was now terminated, and Bajee Rao reduced to the last extremity, he was unable to do more than excite desultory hostilities in the moun- tainous districts. The English were thus able, on their own terms, to seat on the guddee Bajee Rao, a grandson of RaghojeeBonslay, while the administration was placed entirely under their own control. In the beginning of 1822, the Marquis of Hastings was induced by certain family circumstances to inti- mate his wish to retire from the high situation which he had filled for nine years. The Court of Directors passed a unanimous vote of thanks for the unremitting zeal and ability with which he had discharged its func- tions ; and this was subsequently confirmed by the Court of Proprietors. In the subsequent October, Lord Amherst Retirement AND CONQUEST OP THE MAHRATTAS. 585 was nominated his successor, and arrived at Calcutta on CHAP, xv the 1st August 1823. The principal event of his adminis- A ,~.,. tration was the war with the Birman empire, which, after some vicissitudes, was completely successful, and the J^U^ Company acquired a considerable addition of terri- appointed tory on the eastern coast of the Bay of Bengal. As this ^neST contest, however, was carried on entirely beyond the limits of India Proper, it does not belong to the subject of the piesent work. But in 1825 an important event occurred in the inte- Bniwrmt rior of India. After the death if the Rajah of Bhurtpore in that year, his legitimate he j, Bulwunt Singh, being dethroned by Doorjun Sal, his cousin, applied for aid to Sir David Ochterlony, then resident at Delhi. That officer embraced the prince's cause ; but his conduct in doing so was disavowed by the governor-general, who, at this crisis, showed a disposition to proceed upon the old principle of non-interference. Farther information, however, induced him to change this intention, and Lord Combermere was ordered to march upon the city and expel the usurper. This able commander accordingly, with 25,000 men and an ample train of artillery, proceed- ed to attack that celebrated stronghold. The siege was Siege and begun on the 23d December ; but it was soon found that cannon-shot could not penetrate mud-walls sixty feet thick, and that it would be necessary to employ mining operations. By means of these a breach was effected on the 17th January 1826 ; the assault was given next morning, and after a gallant defence of two hours, in which many veterans who had triumphantly fought in the former siege took an active part, the place was car- ried ; Doorjun was made prisoner ; and there remained no longer in Hindostan a fortress that had successfully defied the British arms. While this conflict lasted, a important general ferment was observable among the surrounding m principalities ; and Bishop Heber doubts not, that had the attack failed, the whole country westward of the Jumna would have risen in arms, at least so far as to resume the predatory system of warfare. This triumph, however. 586 PINDARKE WAR, CHAP. XV. checked the disposition to revolt, and completely confinu- e< * ^e supremacy of Britain. Lord Amherst's conduct both in the Birman and Bhurtpore contests, was the subject of severe criticism herst'spoiicy. a t home, especially by the liberal party, who had by that time .acquired great influence. They particularly complained of his having continued the severe restric- tions on the press introduced by Mr Adam, during his temporary possession of power in the interval after Lord Hastings' departure. Influenced by these and other His recall motives, the Company, in 1826, determined to recall his lordship, who left India in the following year. Having ultimately afforded much greater latitude to public dis- cussion, and being in his general conduct very ami- able, he had acquired considerable popularity. He was created viscount and earl, and the Courts of Directors and Proprietors passed votes of thanks to him by large majorities, though not without some warm discussion. Lord William In July 1827, Lord William Bentinck was sworn in as appointed tne new governor-general. His election was peculiarly governor- acceptable to Mr Canning, then premier, but who died before his departure. His lordship was understood to go out with the intention of introducing a liberal and econo- mical system, which was now considered desirable. He arrived on the 2d July 1828, and soon after set out on a tour to the upper provinces, in order to survey the state of affairs, and endeavour to cement the relations of amity with the neighbouring independent princes. A Peaceful visit was paid to Scindia's family at Gwalior, and some sued by^Um. ^ me was s P en * a ^ Ajmere, where the Rajpoot chiefs were invited either to visit him, or to send ambassadors. Ex- tensive military reductions were made, particularly on the field allowance called batta, which excited a great deal of discontent among the officers, many of whom were of good family, and had gone out in the hope of living in splendour, and acquiring fortunes. No general conflict took place during. Lord Bentinck's administration, but some partial disturbances agitated the ruder borders of our Indian possessions. AND CONQUEST OP THE MAHRATTA8. 587 In 1832 and the following year, considerable annoy- CHAP. XV ance was sustained from a tribe named Chooars, inhabit- j^^~[ S3 y ing the jungly tracts on the eastern limits of Bengal. An extensive contraband trade in salt, favoured by this situa- Tbe Chooart tion, gave them the habit of acting in large bodies, which they soon improved into an extensive and orga- nized system of plunder. Individuals of high distinc- tion were strongly suspected of exciting and supporting them ; though this could not be legally proved. The Gnnga- ostensible leader was Gunga-narain, chief of a small vil- naraia lage in a hill-pass, whose house was only a clay edifice, surrounded by sheds covered with grass. The depreda- tions were at length committed on so great a scale, and with such impunity, that it became necessary to enter into an avowed war against them. Four regiments and a large body of irregulars were at one time employed, yet found much difficulty in putting down these marauders. Attack and -, . , , ., , , defeat of the Uunga-naram, who never appeared at the head ot more marauders. than 400 men, was repeatedly defeated ; the Chooar fortresses were successively taken and destroyed ; yet the pillagers still lurked under the thick cover of their entangled forests. At length their daring captain was killed in a casual encounter with another tribe, after which his followers mostly dispersed, and did not again muster in any formidable numbers. About the same time, the hill-country behind the Cir- rhe Fit- oars became the scene of some serious disturbances ; for toor >' dari in those rugged tracts, bands of robbers had begun to as- semble and plunder the lower districts. Gradually they were organized into two great bodies called Fittoorydars, assuming the aspect of an insurrection, which was un- derstood to be fomented by some great zemindary families. The first detachment sent to attack their principal strong- hold was repulsed with the loss of about fifteen men killed and wounded. Reinforcements having been brought up, the insurgents evacuated the fort ; and they were then hunted from place to place, being dispersed chiefly by surprises, to which their incautious system rendered them always liable. At length several of their leaders being 588 PINDAREE WAR, CHAP xv. taken and executed, the district was restored to a state A-iTTsM. of tranquillity. In 1 834 a more serious contest arose in the west of India. The^Coorg rp ne oor g ra j ^ as we had formerly occasion to mention , was an attached ally of the British, and had given ma- terial aid in the conquest of Mysore ; but the sceptre had now descended to his son, a violent and tyrannical youth, who had exercised such excessive cruelties in his own family, that his sister and her husband were obliged to flee to the English for protection. The rajah demanded, in the insulting most peremptory manner, that they should be given up, governor- 1116 and on this being refused, addressed letters of an insult- generoL j n g tenor to the Madras presidency and the governor- general. One of the Company's servants being sent to treat with him, was put under confinement, and his re- lease refused. He was accused at the same tune of hav- ing assumed an attitude of hostility against us, and of receiving and encouraging our avowed enemies ; on which grounds a proclamation was issued on the 1st ApriJ 1834 from Calcutta, deposing him from the office of rajah, and announcing that a force was about to enter and take possession of his territory. Peculiar This country, as to its capacity of coping with the British power, might, from the small amount of its population, have been considered as utterly contemptible. The extreme difficulty of the ground, however, com- posed altogether of lofty mountains, covered with the thickest and most entangled jungle, defended by a race of determined valour, gave to it a somewhat serious character. A force of COOO ixien was placed under Brigadier Lindesay, in whom was vested the supreme command of the expedition ; and marching from Mysore with the main body, he entered Coorg Tarty march on the 1st April. The troops were harassed by the country. e difficulties of the road, which were much increased by large trees cut down and laid across it, so that they could scarcely accomplish above five miles in fourteen hours. The enemy, however, did not venture to en- counter him, and all the stockades were found deserted. AND CONQUEST OF THE MAHRATTAS. 589 On the 6th the army entered without resistance Muda- CHAP. XV. kerry, the capital, on which the British flag was display- ^ fTTss*. ed. The campaign thus seemed to have been easily and triumphantly terminated ; and yet it acquired a some- t e e re ital what disastrous character, from the operations of three other detachments which entered the territory at differ- ent points. Owning that we may not have full means Questionable of judging, we yet cannot help calling in question the ^"force^ policy of sending so many separate and unconnected bodies into the heart of so difficult a country. There was every ground to presume that the reduction of the capital would carry with it that of the whole district, as it actu- ally did ; and even had it been otherwise, these subor- dinate posts could scarcely have failed soon to follow the fate of the leading one. Colonel Foulis, marching from Cananor, on the west- The Hngui ern coast, approached, on the 2d April, the entrance of hant the Hugul Ghaut, theprincipalopeningfrom this side. The enemy had fortified it with three successive stockades, as well as with breastworks and felled trees at every hundred yards. Their posts were driven in, and on the 3d, at six in the morning, the attack began. The first stockade was car- ried with trifling loss ; but from that time till four in the afternoon, a series of very hard conflicts was maintained in carrying the successive barriers, which the enemy de- fended with vigour, carrying on at the same time a con- tinued skirmishing from the wood. The last stockade was only captured by attacking it in reverse as well as in flank. Next day, as the colonel continued to advance, Proposed a flag of truce appeared bearing a proposal from the rajah ^ nsi01 for a suspension of arms. He replied, that if the Coorg troops did not fire, his would also abstain from doing so ; but that nothing should prevent him from passing through the ghaut. He accordingly effected this march without opposition, and on the afternoon arrived at Hugul. His service was now completed, with the loss of twelve killed and thirty-six wounded ; but among the former was Lieutenant Erskine, a very promising young officer. At the same time, Colonel Waugh, from the north. 590 PINDAREE WAR, Ur attack on Buck. CHAP. XV. advanced upon a fortified position named Buck, seated A. T7s34 on *k e ^ row f a stee P ascent > ^d accessible only by a narrow defile through a dense jungle. The assailing party was divided into two, who were each to make a detour and take the stockade in flank ; but being misled, it is said by native guides, they both met in front of that barrier. With characteristic valour they rushed for- ward to the attack ; but the place was so strong and so vigorously defended, that all their efforts were vain, and their ranks were thinned by a most destructive fire. Upon encountering this resistance, the commander directed Lieutenant-colonel Mill to send part of his force to sup- port the storming-party ; and immediately that officer, inspired by a too ardent valour, led them on himself, and was followed by the whole detachment. An impetuous assault was then commenced against the stockade ; but be- ing in a great measure built of stone, it baffled every at- tempt, while a most murderous fire issued from it against our countrymen. Mill was shot dead on the spot, and several, wliile vainly attempting to rescue his body, fell around him. Major Bird then determined to withdrawthe party, and, with little additional loss, brought it under cover. In this most unfortunate affair about forty-eight were killed, including three officers, and 118 wounded. Another column, under Lieutenant-colonel Jackson, ad- vanced from Mangalore upon a position named Bullary Pett ; and this officer, learning that there was a strong stockade five miles in front of him, sent Captain Noble with a detachment to reconnoitre it. The latter made his way through a narrow and winding path, till he arrived in front of the barrier ; and having completed his recon- naissance, he began his return, when a running fire waa instantly commenced from among the bushes. His party continued exposed during the whole of their retreat to this assault from an invisible foe, whom they could neither elude nor repel ; and the casualties amounted to thirty killed and thirty-six wounded. Colonel Jackson, after considering this loss, and the reported strength of the position, thought it impossible to attempt carrying the Retirement of Lieuten- ant-colonel Jackson. AND CONQUEST OF THE MAHRATTAS. 501 stockade without further reinforcements, and fell back CHAP. xvr upon Coombla. This transaction was at first made a sub- . fTTssi ject of official inquiry, but was ultimately decided to have arisen from inevitable circumstances, without any re- proach on the commander. The war, as formerly observed, was already decided Surrender o/ by the primary movement of the main body upon the tliera .i al1 capital, where the rajah, in no degree emulating the courage of many of his subjects, did not even attempt resistance. On the llth April he entered Mudakerry in pomp, with about 2000 attendants, mostly unarmed, and fifty palanquins containing his female establishment. He then surrendered himself, in the hope probably of being reinstated on certain conditions. But the British had already formed their determination ; his territory was annexed to their dominion ; and the rajah, receiving only an allowance fitted to support a suitable household, was removed to Bangalore. Prize-money to the amount of thirteen lacks of rupees was distributed among the army. Gwalior being the most powerful of the independent states now remaining, its interior movements were regard- Gwalior. ed as of considerable importance. Dowlut Rao Scindia having died, left the regency in the hands of his widow, the Baiza Bye ; and that lady, to ensure a male succes- sor to the throne, as none had been left by her husband, adopted a youth under the name of Jhundkoo Rao, and the title of Maharaja. This young man, on coming of Ambitions age, aspired to the actual possession of the supreme power, which the Bye was by no means inclined to R*o grant ; while he, without any regard to his obligations to that lady, determined to use every means of enforcing his claim. When the governor-general visited the capi- tal, he solicited his aid to place himself upon the musnud. Lord William, however, intimated, that Gwalior being an independent state, the British government could by no means interfere ; then reminding him of what he owed to his patroness, advised him to pay the utmost de- ference to her, and await the tune when she might be willing to place the government in his hands. But he 20 a i the British arrear ; he had given shelter to bands oi marauders, and had refused, when called upon, to assist hi putting down others. When remonstrances were made against these proceedings, his answers indicated no desire to comply or act according to his professed obligations ; and it was therefore determined to march against him a force which Active pro- might either compel unqualified submission, or dethrone him. For this purpose 10,000 men were ordered to assemble at Nusserabad on the 20th October 1834 ; but he had no sooner learned that matters were coming to so serious a crisis, than he sent a deputation of thirty per- sons, with a numerous attendance, to Ajmere, to treat with the residents there, Major Alves and Captain Trevelyan. The envoys made lavish professions of their master's attachment to Britain, and regret at having given offence. When informed, however, that no declarations His submis- would be esteemed of any value, unless followed up by 8ion - certain specific actions, namely, the immediate delivery of the refugees, and payment of a large sum of money, they made many apologies, and showed an extreme anxiety to avoid compliance. But on inquiring what alternative awaited the rajah, and being informed that he would be forthwith dethroned, they showed the utmost consterna- tion, and solicited a delay of at least two days. At the end of that time, after some farther attempts to parry the blow, they finally yielded an unqualified submis- sion ; and the storm which threatened the peace of Western India was thus averted. A part of the force prepared for this expedition was The Shekh*. immediately after employed against the Shekhawuttees, wnttee8 - a rude tribe occupying the almost desert territory west- ward of Rajpootana. A number of these petty chiefs has been accustomed to subsist by plundering the neigh- 594 PINDAREE WAR, CIIAP. xv. bouring districts, and when these were held by native A.iTi83i powers this was regarded as a matter of course. Having now, however, come into contact with the "Company's Their defeat territory, they continued towards it the same system of indiscriminate marauding ; and yet when the Bri- tish force under General Stevenson marched into the country, no attempt had been made for an organized resistance. The forts of the freebooters were rased to the ground, the district of Sambhur was retained as security for the expenses, and a detachment left to over- awe the rude natives. Jeypore. The Rajpoot state of Jeypore was soon after the scene of a tragical and distressing event. The rajah, a thought- less and voluptuous youth, had left the whole adminis- Jotaram, thetration in the hands of Jotaram, originally a banker, an chief minis- M9 man ^ ^ believed to bear that unprincipled cha- racter too common among Indian statesmen. The prince died suddenly, leaving an infant as the heir ; and as the inspection of his body was refused to the public, a strong Suspicions suspicion arose that the minister, finding his master 1 aDOut t shake off his influence, had secretly murdered him. Amid the ferment thus occasioned, the British residency interposed, and procured the removal of Jota- ram, and the transference of the government to a regency, measures which appeared entirely accordant with public feeling. Soon, however, a jealousy was en- tertained that public affairs were placed entirely under the dictation of a few foreigners, and a feeling of enmity arose, which broke forth fatally on the following occa- sion : On the 4th June 1835, Major Alves, the resi- dent > witu M* Blake, Cornet Macnaghten, and Lieu- tenant Ludlow, had an interview with the Myesaheb or dowager-princess. After taking leave, as the first- mentioned gentleman was mounting his elephant, a man rushed out of the crowd with a drawn sword, and inflicted three wounds, one in the forehead ; but these being im- mediately dressed, he was placed in a palanquin, and con- veyed home in safety. The assassin having been seized, Mr Blake undertook to conduct him to the place of con- AND CONQUEST OF THE MAHRATTAS. 595 finement ; but as he proceeded, the cry was raised, CHAP. XV " The Feringees have shed blood in the palace !" A A 5^835. crowd instantly assembled, who are said to have been joined by many of the police ; stones were thrown, and ^onTf sir attempts made to stop him by maiming his elephant. Blake. He reached the city gate, which was found shut, where- upon he turned back, and sought shelter in a mun- dur or temple, which was then fastened on the inside ; but the multitude burst in, and he fell pierced by numerous wounds. He is said to have been a very promising officer, and generally popular among the natives. Macnaghten, by galloping in another direction through the crowd, though assailed by stones and other missiles, reached the residency in safety. The govern- ment disowned all knowledge of this outrage, though five individuals, whose guilt was clearly proved, were condemned and executed. Suspicion, however, soon Trial of fell upon Jotaram, the late minister, and, after long pre- j^ or paration, he and several grandees connected with him were brought to trial before a native jury. Being found guilty of instigating and abetting the crime, sentence of death was pronounced upon them ; but it was commuted to exile and imprisonment. A strong sensation was caused in March 1835 by the Assassina- assassination of Mr Fraser, commissioner and agent of the British ag^nt governor-general at Delhi. As he was riding out late one at Delhi, evening, a man rode up as if to speak to him, rapidly discharged three balls through his body, and galloped off. After some time, through the evidence of an accom- plice, the crime was brought home, not only to Kurreem, the actual murderer, but to a native chieftain, the Nawab of Ferozepore, by whom he had been employed. Both Execution or were condemned and underwent the extreme sentence e of the law. The execution of the former was attended by a vast concourse of natives, who, though kept in awe by an armed force, displayed a decided sympathy hi his favour. It is somewhat unpleasant to learn that he was then in a manner canonized by them ; that his grave was visited by great numbers, who sang songs 596 PINDAREK WAR, CHAP. XV. A.DTT835. Resignation of Lord William Bentinck. His policy. Nomination of Lord Beytesbury. superseded fcyLord Auckland. and strewed flowers over it. The rajah was executed without the gates, which were shut, and any large attend- ance of the people was thereby prevented. In the course of the year 1834, Lord William Ben- tinck was obliged, from the state of his health, to make known to the government at home the necessity of resign- ing his high office, and in March 1835 he embarked for England. His departure was the subject of very general regret ; for his administration had been marked by eco- nomy, a pacific spirit, and one of mildness and indulgence towards the natives. His system was considered by a party, especially among the military, as having been carried somewhat too far ; but it was conformable to his instructions, and prompted undoubtedly by the best motives. His efforts to improve internal intercourse by the establishment of steam-vessels between the different Indian ports, and the formation of extensive lines of road through the interior, commanded universal applause. He favoured also the diffusion of education and know- ledge among the Hindoos, and his views were seconded by the amiable and benevolent exertions of Lady Ben- tinck. A statue of his lordship was erected by sub- scription. His place as governor-general was supplied in the interim by Sir Charles Metcalfe ; and on receiving intelligence of Lord William's resignation, the Court 01 Directors unanimously nominated Lord Heytesbury, a choice which was cordially sanctioned by Sir Robert Peel and the Duke of Wellington, then ministers. The proceedings in Parliament, however, soon led to their resignation, and the accession to power of the Whig party, who deeming it important to have a governor- general whose views accorded with their own, annulled the appointment. The Directors, though they expressed some dissatisfaction at this change, finally concurred in the nomination of Lord Auckland, who was entirely acceptable to ministers. On the 4th March 1836 his lordship landed at Calcutta, and assumed the reins of government. About this time another mountain-struggle occurred AND CONQUEST OF THE MAHRATTAS. 597 in a territory named Goomsoor, inhabited by a peculiar CHAP. xv. race named Khoonds, who had remained nearly inde- ^"^37 pendent. Their rajah having shown a refractory spirit, a considerable force was despatched against him ; and the TheKlloonds ' troops, on reaching the summit of the alpine chain, were surprised to see an extensive and fertile tract of country covered with fine villages hi romantic situa- tions. Little serious resistance was encountered ; Goom- soor and the principal forts soon fell ; the rajah, and afterwards his son, submitted ; yet a number of detached chieftains, exercising a sort of feudal power over vassals devotedly attached to them, kept up for a time a desultory- resistance. In one skirmish two British officers were Difficulty of killed. The prolongation, too, of the war in a country ^ subjec- filled with jungle and marshy districts caused severe sickness among the troops, and two campaigns elapsed before this bold tribe could be brought under full sub- jection. A considerable sensation was excited in 1837 by the The throne succession to the throne of Oude, the most important of Outle> dependency of the Bengal government ; an event the prospect of which had for some years attracted attention, as the king's infirmities indicated that the throne would soon become vacant. That weak prince had acknowledged as his sons two youths, Ky wan Jah and Moonah Jaun ; but the general belief was, that he had acted under the influence of certain females, and that they were not his children. He himself finally made a declaration to that Disputed effect, and, after a good deal of consideration, the British 8accession authorities determined to set them aside, and to sup- port Nusseer-ood-Dowlah, his majesty's eldest surviving uncle, who, according to the peculiar tenor of Moham- medan law, was considered the legal heir. But the Padsha Begum, or queen-mother, a bold and ambitious princess, had, in the mean time, adopted Moonah Jaun, and was determined to espouse his cause. On the night of the 7th July 1837, Colonel Low, the Death of the resident, received a message that the king was taken khlg> (suddenly ill, and believed to be dying. This officer 598 PINDAIUJE WAR, CHAP. XV. having ordered his troops to be in readiness, obeyed the A D~1837 summons, when he found that his majesty had just ex- pired. Having in this crisis obtained from Nusseer- Preparations ood-Dowlah an engagement to sign such a treaty as the Nu^eer^ood* governor-general should dictate, he led him to the royal Dowlah. residence, where preparations were made for his imme- diate installation. Suddenly, however, a great noise was heard, and it soon appeared that the Padsha with an armed force of about 2000 men, was approaching the palace, which, as our soldiers were not yet come up, was very slightly guarded. In spite of a warm remon- insun-ection strance, the natives burst open the gates, filled the edi- Moonah^ nce with shouts and clamour, seized both the prince and Jaun. the Company's servants, in presence of whom Moonah Jaun was placed on the throne, the Begum being seated in a palanquin beneath him. The insurgents after some violent proceedings towards the resident, allowed him to retire, when, upon finding his men assembled, he sent repeated messages to the Begum, calling upon her to sur- render. As she returned evasive answers, a battery was opened, and in a short time she and her minions were made prisoners. The old prince, whom, though he had endured many insults, they found safe, was immediately seated on the throne, and his accession announced by a royal salute to the inhabitants of the capital. All these proceedings were approved by the governor- general ; but of the promise extorted from the king re- lative to a new treaty, it appears that no advantage has been taken. Principles of Claims were advanced by two nephews, sons of a de- cease< * elder brother, who urged that, as their father, if alive, would have succeeded, they ought to inherit in his stead. This question, however, had early attracted the attention of the Indian government, who, after much consideration and reference to high authorities, as well as precedents (among which was that of the present King of Delhi), had concluded that, according to the princi- ples of the Soonee sect, a son cannot succeed to rights or property to which his father was heir, if he died before AND CONQUEST OF THE MAHRATTAS. 599 coming into actual possession. In this case, the inherit- CHAP. xv. ance goes to a brother. A curious contest also arose A "^3^ between the two princes which was the elder ; though, as both were excluded, there was no need to discuss this question. One of them spent a considerable time in England, but without being able to obtain any atten- tion either from Parliament or the Company. Another political change, somewhat similar, excited a The Rajah d great interest in India. The Rajah of Satara, lineal Satara * descendant of Sevajee, the warlike founder of the Mah- ratta dynasty, had, as formerly mentioned, been drawn from the prison into which the peishwa and the othei chiefs had thrown him, and invested, not indeed with the wide dominions of his house, but with a certain extent of valuable territory. He held it, however, under the avowed stipulation of paying the greatest deference to the advice of the English resident, and holding no inter- course with foreign states through any other channel. For several years he gave the highest satisfaction, showing the most cordial attachment to the British government, and exerting himself with diligence, unfor- tunately not usual among Indian princes, to promote the prosperity of his subjects. At length he began to show Manifesbw strong symptoms of an intriguing spirit ; and about unfriendly 1836, the charges against him assumed a definite form, policy, being resolved into three heads : 1. That he had been guilty of an attempt to seduce certain native officers from their allegiance to the Company. 2. That he had carried on a treasonable correspondence with Appa Sahib, then a refugee at Joudpore. 3. That he had maintained a similar intercourse with the Portuguese governor of Goa. After long investigation, Sir Robert Grant, gov- ernor of Bombay, became thoroughly convinced of his guilt ; and Lord Auckland, after a good deal of hesita- tion, acquiesced in the same judgment. Sir Robert died, and was succeeded in 1839 by Sir Concurrent James Carnac, who went out, it is said, with a strong prepossession in the prince's favour. He soon, how- ever, became convinced that there was ground for the 600 PINDAKEE WAR, CHAP. XV. A.D. 1839. An amnesty proposed. His deposi- tion. Proceedings in his favour at home. An Investi- gation sought charges against him, but obtained the approbation of Lord Auckland to an amnesty, by which past offences were to be buried in oblivion, on securities being given to adhere strictly in future to the treaty by which he had been placed on the throne. He was also required to dismiss his favourite minister, and not allow him, without our permission, to reside in his dominions Sir James on a visit to him, presented these proposals, but they met with a peremptory and indignant rejection. His friends admit that he was " proud, overbearing, strong in the assertion of his rights, impetuous, in short a regular Hotspur." It is added, on the other side, that the idea had been instilled into him, that the Company would not proceed to extremities, and great confidence was placed in extensive agencies maintained in England, Bombay, and Poonah, at an annual expense of above 35,000. The governor, in four successive interviews, sought in vain to change his resolution, and in depart- ing on the 28th August, left instructions with the resi- dent to forward any communications he might receive. The rajah remaining inflexible, a proclamation deposing him was issued on the 5th September, and on the 7th December he was removed to Benares, to be entered on the list of pensioned princes. The vacant seat was be- stowed on his brother, who was placed on the gadi on the 18th November 1839. Among his first proceedings was the abolition of suttee, which was followed by other measures decidedly calculated for the public good. A portion, meantime, of the East India proprietors, actuated by honourable motives, considered these mea- sures oppressive, and even injurious to the British cha- racter. A special court being called on 12th February 1840, upon the requisition of nine of their number, Sir Charles Forbes moved, that they should recommend to the Directors and the Board of Control to withhold their sanction to the measure till after a full and fair investi- gation of the charges. This motion was opposed, until the subject should be considered by the Directors, and the proper documents laid before the proprietors ; which be- AND CONQUEST OF THE MAHRATTAS. 601 ing done on the 6th May, and a sufficient time afforded for CHAP. xv. consideration, the court again met on 14th July 1841, when a very long and animated debate ensued. Ge- nerals Robertson and Lodwick, who had been resid- ents at the prince's court, took a very decided part in his favour. They urged, that none of the charges were confirmed by any thing in his own handwriting, or had been brought personally home to him ; alleging that his agents and officers, especially the Bramins, cherish- ed in many cases hostile feelings towards his person ; that his brother, hoping for the succession, had an obvious interest in proving him guilty ; that the very idea of de- fying British power by the aid of the Governor of Goa and the imprisoned Rajah of Nagpore, was ridiculous, and could never have been entertained by a prince who was admitted to possess ability ; and at all events, that he was entitled, like every accused person, to a fair and open trial. In these views they were supported by others. It was Defence of answered, that the inquiry had been most impartial ; that ^|^ OTCra " due allowance had been made for the defects in the evi- dence, much of which had been given by persons who had no interest in proving the rajah's guilt ; that even his ad- vocates, Robertson and Lodwick, had addressed severe warnings to him on his intriguing disposition, and the con- sequences which might follow ; that there had certainly been some correspondence with Goa and the Nagpore rajah, which alone was a breach of the treaty placing him on the throne ; and that though possessing ability, he was not a politician, and might easily form chimerical expec- tations from distant quarters. The public trial of a prince in his own dominions, it was admitted, was liable to many objections ; but the charges had been stated to him, and no satisfactory explanation given. Finally, the terms on Approval -jf which continuance in power had been offered were ex- Je tremely lenient, making no material difference from his position when first raised to it. The motion was finally negatived by 31 to 13, and several attempts made to re- vive it were unsuccessful. At Hydrabad, a somewhat serious conspiracy was 602 PINDAREE WAR, Ac. CHAP. XV. formed among thirty or forty leading men, headed by A.IV1839. ^e nizam's brother, a proud and daring chief; but, being discovered, it was baffled, and the prince conveyed to the fort of Golconda. During the investigation which followed, the Nabob of Kurnool, a place situated about 120 miles farther south, was found implicated. A force being immediately marched to reduce the town, it Capture of was entered without opposition ; and the nabob, who e nabob, ^ k ee n carr i e( i awa y by his own troops, was pursued and captured after a sharp conflict. Within the fortress, however, were found a number of well-constructed fur- naces, in which cannon and shot had been cast on a large scale, and in forms fitted not for defence only, but foi active proceedings in the field. These preparations had been secretly carried on for a considerable time. Snbmtssionof The Rajah of Joudpore, after yielding in 1834 to all Joudpore. ^ ne demands of the governor-general, had constantly evaded their fulfilment, and now showed himself more than ever refractory. Six regiments, with some cavalry and artillery, were sent against him, on whose approach he abandoned the stronghold, which was entered without resistance, only one British officer being wounded. Thus, the troubles which had arisen in so many quarters were crushed, and our ascendency more fully than ever established throughout Hindostan. Proceedings While these movements were taking place in the Uer- he fr U " interior, a most extensive and serious contest was waging on the western frontier. Although Afghanistan, its theatre, is not strictly part of India, the two regions have always been very closely connected, and sometimes united ; and the events in question deeply affect the interests of our Eastern empire. The succeeding chapter is, accordingly, devoted to the history of the memorable transactions in Afghan, which seemed for a time to threaten the overthrow of British empire in India. THE AFGHAN WAR. 603 CHAPTER XVI. The Afghan War. Revolutions of Cabul Dost Mohammed Expedition of Shah Sujah Intrigues of Russia and Persia Siege of Herat Treaty to restore Shah Sujah March of the Army Submission of the Ameers Arrival at Candahar Capture of Ghizni Flight of Dost Mohammed Death of Runjeet Sing Troubles in Afghan- istan Invasion by Dost Mohammed His Defeat and Surren- der Disturbances in various Quarters March of General Sale Great Insurrection at Cabul Various Conflicts Treacherous Negotiations Disastrous Retreat Fall of Ghizni Transac- tions at Candahar Gallant Exploits of General Sale General Pollock passes the Kyber DeBle Repulse of General England Death of Shah Sujah Lord Ellenborongh Governor-general His Policy Transactions at Jellalabad Victories of General Pollock He arrives at Cabul General England's Return- General Nott's March on Ghizni and Cabnl Return of the Prisoners Capture of Istalif Proceedings at Cabul Return of General Pollock Conclusion. THE kingdom of Cabul, under Ahmed Abdalla, had, CHAP. XV) towards the end of the last century, become one of the ^ rTTTGi most powerful in Asia ; and after his victory over the Mahrattas in the battle of Panniput, in 1761, the Mogul 55ST throne seemed completely within his grasp. He had the moderation or prudence, however, to content him- self with the rich provinces on the Indus, and the fine valley of Cashmere. Having added Balkh, Herat, and Sinde, he formed a powerful monarchy, estimated to contain above fourteen millions of inhabitants ; and this dominion Mr Elphinstone, on his mission to Peshawer in 1808, found still entire in the hands of his successor Shah Sujah ul Mulk. But it was then on the eve of a great revolution ; and in a few months afterwards, that prince was driven out by his brother Mahmoud, whose 604 THE AFGHAN WAR. CHAP. XVL successes, however, were mostly achieved hy his vizier A. iTmi Futeh Khan, of the Baurikzehee tribe. That minister, having incurred the jealousy of his master, was deposed Mahmoud. aJJ j ^j g e ^. eg ^^ QU ^ a crue j < j ee d j which roused the vengeance of his numerous offspring. The usurper was driven from all his territories except Herat ; and, after Partition of some vicisstyudes, Cabul, Ghizni, Candahar, and Pesha- his kingdom. weFj were partitioned among members of the Baurikzehee house, the first two falling to Dost Mohammed, the most powerful of their number. Amid these distractions, Runjeet Sing, having acquired absolute authority over the warlike race of the Seiks, made himself master of the provinces eastward of the Indus, to which he added Cashmere. Balkh was seized by the sovereign of Bok- hara ; the chiefs of Sinde threw off their dependence ; while the fine territory of Herat was occupied by Kara- ran, son to Mahmoud, the only branch of the house of Ahmed Abdalla to whom any thing now remained. In this manner, a monarchy, lately so great, was parcelled out into a number of disjointed fragments. ShahSujali. Shah Sujah, after his expulsion, resided at Loodiana, being allowed by the British government 4000 rupees monthly. He kept a longing eye upon his lost king- dom, and was encouraged by various chiefs of Afghanis- tan and Khorasan to attempt its' recovery. With this view he made proposals, in 1831, to Runjeet Sing; and, after some difficulties, concluded a treaty with British share him on the 12th March 1833. The British agreed to in his plans. gj ye an a( j v ance of four months' allowance, but de- clined taking any further concern in the enterprise. Hence the exiled prince could not begin his march till the season was somewhat advanced. He passed first through the territories of the Rajah of Bahawul- pore, from whom he received only an old gun and 1000 rupees ; and then, with the consent of the chiefs of Sinde, he crossed the Indus, and established himself Summary at Shikarpore. Those leaders, however, turned a deaf ear * his applications for money ; and the shah, who had assembled a considerable force, determined to take that affair upon himself, demanding from the city THE AFGHAN WAR. 605 a contribution of three lacs, and seizing all the crops in CHAP. xyi. the surrounding districts. The Sindians thereupon levied ^ 77834. a force, and marched to attack him ; but being com- Enforced pletely defeated, they agreed to the payment demanded, supplies, and even to send an auxiliary force. The conqueror, thus supplied, advanced, in February 1834, upon Canda- har, and was joined on the road by numerous adherents. He defeated a force which attempted to oppose his pro- gress, entered the city, and laid close siege to the citadel. Siege of The Baurikzehee brothers retreated upon Cabul,and,aa Ca) disunion was understood to prevail between them, the complete and speedy success of the undertaking was anticipated. But Dost Mohammed, by indefatigable exertion, assembled an army, and marched upon Canda- har, the chiefs of which sallied forth from the citadel, and an engagement ensued, in which the army of Shah ita relief on Sujah was totally defeated and dispersed. He himself at the head of only 200 men fled in the direction of Herat, but afterwards regained India, though mortified by the total failure of this attempt to recover his crown. The " Lion of the Punjaub," however, succeeded on his part in capturing Peshawer, and annexing it to his dominions. Dost Mohammed, elated by his victory, and indignant, Dost Mo- not without reason, at the conduct of Runjeet Sing, who hammeU - certainly had acted without any provocation, became eagerly desirous, not only of recovering the lost terri- tory, but of entirely overthrowing this ambitious poten- tate. Sensible that his own power was inadequate to the undertaking, he hoped to accomplish it by a general confederacy among the powers of Central Asia ; and the one from whom he could look for the most effective aid was the sovereign of Persia. The empire just named has been involved in a conti- Persian nued series of re volutions. The last century in particular revolutions was marked, first by the conquest of the Afghans, then by their expulsion on the part of Nadir, and the splen- dour to which he raised the monarchy ; after his death,a long anarchy ensued, out of which she was raised by 606 THE AFGHAN WAR. CliAP. xvi. AgaMohammedjgreat grandfather to the reigning pnncr. A. ixTsM. Under him and his son, Futeh Ali Shah, she was sup- ported in a respectable position, but having to contend interference against the advancing power of Russia, with whose with Persia. numerous an( j disciplined troops hers could not cope, she was stripped of some of her finest provinces be- tween the Caspian and the Black Sea. In this situa- tion the government applied for assistance to England, which, jealous of the progress of the czar, supplied ome pecuniary aid and experienced officers to discipline the shah's troops. Nothing more was meant, however, than to maintain him in a purely defensive position, and with this view he was dissuaded from all schemes of war and conquest. Change in An alliance thus founded on mutual interest, seemed of Persia. to promise permanency ; but a change gradually came over the councils of Persia. Although her improved discipline could not enable her to contend with Russia, it gave to her arms a decided superiority over the rude tribes of Khorasan and Afghanistan. The former country, long held by brave and turbulent chiefs, was, after a despe- rate struggle, reduced to submission. The adjacent pro- Plans of vince of Herat was next aimed at, and after its conquest, there appeared no difficulty, in the present distracted state of Afghanistan, to extend the Persian sway to the Indus. To these schemes the old king, Futeh Ali, unwillingly assented, chiefly on the impulse of his son, Abbas Meerza, whose younger brother he had made Accession of governor of Khorasan. In 1834 he died ; and as Meerza to the nme h^ previously deceased, his son Mohammed now suc- ceeded. This young and aspiring sovereign, who had actually led an expedition against Herat, embraced with ardour the new and ambitious system of policy. To carry it on successfully, the acquiescence of Russia was indispensable, while her aid might prove of the greatest advantage. England, on the contrary, had always opposed schemes of conquest, and would doubtless view with peculiar jealousy those carried in the direction of her own frontier. It might scarcely have been expected THE AFGHAN \VAK. 607 that Russia would favour the aggrandizement of an old CHAP xvi enemy, from whom she had wrested so many valuable ^ ^335 provinces, which there was doubtless an eager desire to recover. Yet there was in her cabinet a powerful party . who urged the adoption of these views. They considered that attempts at distant conquest would only increase the dependence of Persia on so powerful a neighbour ; and they had probably other views to be forwarded by such profound diplomacy. The question, whether Russia contemplates the con- Her object in quest of British India has been much canvassed, in most cases with imperfect local knowledge. Her route is presumed to lie across the vast, almost desert regions of Turkestan, and then through the tremendous passes and eternal snows of the Indian Caucasus, by wliich it is argued that the complex apparatus of a modern army could never be conveyed. This was in- deed the course followed by Alexander and Timur ; but the former was obliged to pursue Darius into Bac- tria, while the latter came from Central Asia. There is, however, another route leading through Persia and Af- Rent to ghanistan, and along the southern verge of the great India * chain, which is beset with no peculiar difficulties ; and this has been usually followed by the conquerors of Hin- dostan, the Ghisnevide, the Patans, Baber, and Nadir. At the same time, though Russia could send by this track 40,000 men, we imagine her too politic seriously to think of such a step. By employing, however, or even promising a much smaller force, she might acquire a preponderating influence hi Western Asia, and might hope to overawe Britain by exciting alarm for her Indian possessions. By communications from Mr Ellis, our envoy in 1835, Claims it appears that both powers were strongly actuated bjr Persia. y these views. The Persian court openly avowed its claim not only upon Herat but upon Candahar and Cabul ; and great preparations were making for an expedition against the former city, the immediate prosecution of which was eagerly urged by Count Simonich, the^Rus- 608 THE AFGHAN WAR. CHAP. XVL sian ambassador. In April 1836, a deputy arrived from A.D."l836. the chiefs of Candahar proposing an alliance offensive and defensive, even offering themselves as feudatories, ttoft^to y and holding out the hope that through their aid the ambassador gh^ m ight follow the steps of Nadir to Delhi. He was received with great favour, and the alliance agreed to, though the Persian minister, in his communications with Ellis, represented such language as that of a madman. Expedition jfo M'Neill, who succeeded that gentleman, reported, in tterat' September 1836, that the shah had actually marched against Herat. At Astrabad, the dearth of provisions and the insubordination of the troops reduced him to great distress ; yet the Russian minister continued to British re- urge even a winter campaign. Lord Durham being nereu P on instructed to represent these particulars to the cabinet. Russian cabinet, Count Nesselrode answered, that if Simonich had really acted in the manner alleged, it had been hi direct opposition to his orders. Letters were afterwards shown from the ambassador, asserting that he had used all his influence to dissusxle the shah from the expedition ; yet Mr M'Neill declared, that his infor- mation was confirmed by all the Persians with whom he conversed, the prime minister not excepted. Prepara- tions were avowedly making for a fresh expedition, when Tribute an envoy arrived from Kamran, offering not only the by redress of all positive complaints, but an annual tribute, and the aid when required of a military force. Our agent strenuously urged the acceptance of these terms, intimating that otherwise the intentions of Persia would evidently be conquest, which would give decided um- brage to the British government. The 'prime minister replied, that Herat was a province of their empire, that the object required was submission, which would in- clude all the other conditions, while the bare use of the term shah by its chief was expressive of disobedience. The entire conquest of Herat was thus openly contem- plated, and without any regard to the remonstrances of our ambassador, Mohammed began his march. When he was near Meshed, a messenger employed by the British THE AFGHAN WAR. 609 representative was seized, stripped, and carried to the CHAP XVL camp, where he continued to he treated with indignity, o even after the remonstrances of Colonel Stoddart. Mr A - D - 1836> M'Neill had no doubt the object was to show contempt indignity -_... , , J ii. . offered to a tor the English, and remove the unfavourable impression messenger of derived from their opposition. The Persian ruler mean- time reached, and in ten days reduced, the frontier for- tress of Ghorian, which had been considered very strong. Elated with this success, he proceeded to besiege the capital, where Kamran, having concentrated his forces, had begun a vigorous defence ; yet the general opinion in Western Asia was, that he could not long resist the formidable force now brought against him. The British government in India, on receiving this in- instructions telligence, instructed our minister to use his utmost exer- ^ister"'''' 1 ' tions to mediate a peace between Persia and Herat. He mL accordingly set out for the latter place, and, after many difficulties, succeeded in persuading the shah, who began to suffer from want of provisions, to enter into a negotiation, which seemed even in a fair train, when Count Simonich arrived at head-quarters. Then the views of Mohammed were entirely changed, and the treaty was suspended ; for the Russian not only sup- Counter plied money, but aided with his advice the operations g^{ u of the siege. As, however, it advanced slowly, the shah, ten days after, sent for Mr M'Neill, and offered to close with Kamran's proposal, provided the ambassador would pledge the guarantee of Britain. The latter felt this somewhat beyond his powers, yet, on considering the very great importance of the object, he at last gave his consent ; upon which the other altered his tone, ad- vanced new demands, and resumed the siege. The cause of this change was soon understood to be Fresh allies the arrival of a messenger from Kohundil Khan, ruler of of Persia - Candahar, expressing the most friendly sentiments, and a disposition to co-operate against Herat. It was known in fact, that about four months previously Captain Vico- vich, a Russian officer, had proceeded to that city through Persia, having been received on his way with distinction, and supplied with money. The result of this 610 THE AFGHAN W AB CHAP. XVL mission forthwith appeared in a treaty, by which the A D~i838. snan agreed to cede the town to the chiefs of Candahar and to defend them against attack from any quarter ; in interference return for which he was to receive allegiance, peesh-cush of Russia, (tribute), and military aid. This treaty was sanctioned in the name of Russia by Count Simonich ; upon which Mr M'Neill, defeated in all his views and scarcely treated with common decency, quitted the camp on the 7th June 1838. Meantime, uncertainty reigned as to the views of Dost Mohammed at Cabul. Lord Auckland sent thither Captain Burnes to negotiate for the free commerce of the Indus, and if opportunity occurred, to endeavour to restore peace between him and Runjeet Sihg. The former prince received the envoy well, and soon intro- duced political subjects, endeavouring to gam the sup- port of Britain. He was assured, by a letter from the governor-general, that she would readily interpose her good offices to negotiate a peace with the Sheik chief, Offers of who had accepted her mediation, and he might thus be mematiML*" secured in all his actual possessions, though he must not expect any more ; for even this was only on condition of his renouncing all political connexion with the powers* to the westward. These terms were by no means equal to his expectations, so that Vicovich and a Persian envoy having arrived with great boasts and promises, he was induced to prefer their alliance. Captain Burnes was then allowed to depart, bearing with him a very ambi- guous letter to Lord Auckland. Critical state This situation of affairs was considered by the gover- ^o^genej.^ 33 calling for the most serious consideration. The ultimate fell of Herat appeared still inevitable, all means of relief being apparently cut off by the Can- dahar treaty. The whole of Western Asia would then be united in one vast confederacy, under the influence of Russia, which would thereby be able to disturb at will the repose of India, where there were doubtless many princes eager to shake off all dependence on Britain. Un- der these circumstances, the system of non-intervention, hitherto pursued, was thought no longer practicable nor THE AFGHAN WAR. 611 even safe. Shah Sujah had a legitimate claim to the throne CHAP. xvi. of Cabul ; and he had in his favour a strong party, which ^ ~Ts38 Major Wade reported to be decidedly superior to that by which the Baurikzehees were maintained in authority, non-'inter- He had formed an intimate alliance with Runjeet Sing, vention then engaged in hostilities with the ruler of Cabul. It appeared that Britain, by a union with these two powers, could easily replace the exiled monarch on his throne, v and thus render the strong country of Afghanistan friendly, and a sure bulwark against all attacks from the westward. In pursuance of these views, a treaty between the three parties was signed at Lahore, on the Treaty of 26th June 1838 ; and a considerable force was marched Lahore- from the Bengal provinces upon the Indus, where it was to be joined by all the disposable troops of the Bombay presidency. Shah Mohammed continued to prosecute the siege, Prosecution and on the 23d June made a general assault, planned JSJ^f 6 " by Count Simonich, who complained however that his directions had not been attended to. The Persians at- tacked with much bravery, but were repulsed with great slaughter, the Afghans pursuing them sabre in hand across the ditch. Yet as the blockade was continued, and the difficulty arising from- want of provisions ap- Decisive peared to be in a great measure removed, on the 10th ^l^^usL July Mr M'Neill sent Colonel Stoddart with a notice minister. that its farther prosecution would be considered an act of decided hostility towards England. The message was doubtless rendered weighty by the prince's knowledge of the triple alliance, and the approaching march of British troops into Afghanistan. On the 14th August he announced his unreserved assent ; but it was not till the 9th September, that he took his departure, and without attempting to negotiate the treaty with Kamran on the terms formerly stipulated. In October 1838, Lord Palmerston presented a remon- Remon- strance to the Russian government, reminding them of Witb their professed desire to maintain Persia in a pacific state, and asking whether their policy was to be judged of by the declarations of their cabinet, or by the acts of their (J12 THE AFGHAN WAR. CHAP. xvi. ministers ! Count Nesselrode, in two successive papers, A.D~Ts39 reiterated the same pacific professions, particularly dis- claiming any designs upon India, as impracticable and repiiesof the inconsistent with any sound and reasonable policy. Yet, Russian by a singular course of reasoning, he defended the con- ister. ^ uc ^ o j. fa os& ffi cerSj not excepting Simonich's active share in the siege of Herat, representing it as merely aiding a friendly power in distress, while the Candahar treaty had been a purely defensive one. It was, how- Recall of the ever, announced that both officers had been recalled, and officer* the place of ambassador filled by General Duhamel, " so well known for the moderation of his character, that his nomination alone may be held as the surest proof of the line of conduct which he is instructed to follow." The emperor had also refused to ratify the treaty of Candahar, however harmless, as being " beyond the limits which he had fixed to his policy," and took no part in the civil wars of the Afghan chiefs. As this was written on the 5th March 1839, when the British expedition was fully known, it amounted to an engage- ment not to oppose that measure. Lord Palmerston, therefore, while declining to give any assent to the rea- sonings contained in these despatches, expressed entire satisfaction with the result. Movement of The British force was in motion by the end of 1838 ; foref litish an ^ ^ or var i us reasons, chiefly political, it marched not through the Seik territory, but by way of Sinde and Beloochistan. The troops from Bombay, under Sir John Keane, embarked on the 21st November for the Indus, on the banks of which they were to be joined by Sir Henry Fane, the commander-in-chief, with the force from Bengal. On the 3d December, the former Plan for disembarked at the branch of the river named Hujamree, action* and by difficult marches arrived on the 28th at Tatta, the ancient Patala, which, though much decayed, still presented some vestiges of its former grandeur. Here negotiations were opened with the Ameers, resident at Hy- Negotiations drabad, to whom on the 13th January, two officers were sent with an ultimatum, which included the free navi- gation of the Indus, the admission of a British force to THE AFGHAN WAR. 013 be stationed at Tatta and other points, together with the CHAP xvi. payment of 170,000 rupees, in part of arrears due to Shah . ~T 839 Sujah. The mission returned on the 26th, reporting the entire rejection of these terms, describing the city as rilled J e j e d . with large bands of warlike Beloochees, and stating that active measures had been taken to strengthen the fortifi- cations. They advised, therefore, to defer the attack till after the arrival of the Bengal force. Sir John, however, on the 3d February, took post on the opposite side of the river ; while Admiral Maitland, with theWellesley seven- ty-four, moved upon Curachee, a large seaport west of the Occupation Indus, and communicating with it by a navigable channel. The governor at first showed a bold face ; but as soon as a breach had been made the garrison fled, and the place was occupied without resistance. On receiving this intel- ligence, and seeing the British army, most of the Beloo- chees broke up from Hydrabad, and the ameers at once agreed to the terms demanded. Sir John now marched up the banks of the Indus, Sir Henry and on the 21st February reached Sehwun, where he met Sir Henry Fane with the Bengal army. These last sir John had crossed at Bukkur, having, by a great exertion of eane " skill and activity, thrown a bridge of boats over the river, here 490 yards broad. A long conference was held between the two officers ; but the latter was obliged by severe illness to return to Britain, so that the chief com- mand devolved on General Keane, and the second on Sir Willoughby Cotton. Mr Macnaghten, who acted as en- Advance <>f voy, having urged an immediate advance, progress was Britilhforca resumed on the 22d ; the whole force, according to Major Hough, being 19,350 men, with 6000 of the shah's contin- gent. Having reached Larkhanu on the 5th March, and halted there nine days for refreshment, they quitted the Indus, and struck into the interior. They had then to per- form a march of 500 miles to Candahar, through a most difficult country, being partly the same in which Alex- ander, on his return from India, so severely suffered. Great part was quite a desert, and the heat so excessive, that Major Dennie reports two officers and fifty or sixty 614 THE AFGHAN WAK. A.D. 1839-. CHAP. XVL men in his division to have died from the action of ita deadly simoom. The Bolan pass, through a range of mountains stretching from north to south, and at ita head, according to Major Hough, 5793 feet above the sea level, is in its nakedness and desolation almost unpa- ralleled. The Afghan princes certainly showed a great want of foresight in not bringing forward their main force, defending the strongest positions, and attacking the invader at every assailable point. Even without such opposition, the army was not a little annoyed by desul- tory attacks from the Beloochees and the Kakurs, tribes inured to plunder, who not only carried away camels, provisions, and other property, but murdered all whom they found straggling, or could entice by false promises to quit the main body. The distress became extreme from the want of water, the enemy having filled up the wells and diverted the mountain -streams. A pestilential air filled the close valleys, and a noisome stench arose from the numerous bodies of camels, and even men, that lay strew- ed on the ground. But tlirough all these obstacles, they, on the 4th May, arrived without any serious loss, though in a very exhausted state, at the ancient city of Candahar. The chiefs, who at first came out to meet them, were seized with panic, quarrelled among themselves, and left the place, which was entered without even a show of resistance. It could not, it is true, have stood twenty-four hours against a British army. On the 8th, Shah Sujah was crowned with every circumstance of pomp and exter- nal honour; but accounts vary as to the cordiality dis- played by the native inhabitants. Mr Fane mentions that few men of consequence made their appearance on the occasion. The army remained six weeks at Candahar, and received from its fruitful plain tolerable supplies of provisions. They then marched through the valley of the Turnuk upon Ghizni, the celebrated capital of Mahmoud, and still esteemed by the Asiatics an impreg- noble fortress. The British, indeed, when they arrived on the 21st July,found it considerably stronger than their Fortress of Ghizni THE AFGHAN WAR. 615 information had led them to expect, and which had even CHAP. XVL induced them to leave hehind their small battering , ^Tgoo train. The town is situated on high ground, the walls were lofty and in good repair, surrounded by a wet ditch, reported to be unfordable. This position was considered very unfavourable either for mining or escalade ; and yet rapidity of operation wasoftheutmostimportance. Captain Novel Thomson, the principal engineer, after a careful survey of expedient^ the whole circuit, reported that the Cabul gate could be approached, and suggested the novel expedient of convey- ing thither a heavy train of gunpowder, and blowing 'it up. General Keane having approved the plan, a party, consisting of three officers and twenty-one men, advanced, carrying 900 pounds of gunpowder in twelve sand-bags. On the 23d, at early dawn, they made their way unper- ceived to the spot, deposited the train, and, setting it on fire, hastily retired. It presently burst with a tremend- Capture of ous explosion, by which the gate was shattered entirely Glliznii to pieces ; the storming party, directed by Colonel Sale, and headed by Colonel Dennie, rushed in ; the garrison, struck with astonishment and dismay, made a brisk but irregular resistance ; and in a short time the whole works were in our possession. A number had kept up a fire at particular points, and from houses, exulting even in death if they had slain an infidel ; whence our loss amounted to 17 killed and 165 wounded. Dost Mohammed, trusting that the siege of Ghizni Confusion would have occupied the invaders a considerable time, had an army prepared to operate, according to oppor- tunity, against the besiegers ; but on receiving intelligence of what had taken place, he endeavoured through one of his brothers to open a negotiation. Being informed that the only terms which would be accepted Avere resigna- tion of the crown and residence within the Company's territories, he refused compliance ; but, deserted by his British ecus best troops, he did not attempt to defend even the strong CabuL passes leading to Cabul ; his artillery was captured on the road ; and the British entering his capital without re- sistance, he retreated by Bameean over the mountains into 61 fi THE AFGHAN WAR. CHAP. xvi. Turkestan. Haji, a native chief who had deserted hig A.DTT839. cause was employed to pursue him with 2000 men and ail escort of 1 00 English troops under Major Outram ; but he performed the task carelessly and even treacherously, . ^ t h a t the fugitive prince without difficulty escaped. The whole country then submitted, excepting a few grandees who held strong positions in the Ghilzie territory, whom Outram obliged successively to yield. r>eath of In the end of 1 839, an event took place which threat- KunjeetSing eng( j ft ser j ous commotion. Runjeet Sing died, leaving a kingdom formed by himself, and supposed to be kept together almost solely by his talents and energy. Kur- ruk Sing, his eldest son, was understood to be well dis- posed, but devoid of such vigour and determination as were necessary to control the turbulent elements over which he must preside. Runjeet's abilities were in some Shere Sing, degree inherited by Shere Sing, another son, whom, through certain feelings of jealousy, he had refused to acknowledge. Yet, as that prince grew up, and dis- played eminent military qualities, he was received into favour, and even invested with the government of Cash- mere, where he is said to have ruled tyrannically. Kurruk, being undoubtedly the legitimate heir, and on that ground supported by Britain, was at once placed on the musnud. He ventured, however, to transfer his confidence from Dhian Sing, the active minister of his influence of father, to another chief named Cheyt Sing. Yet Dhkn's g< influence being still paramount, he brought about the death of the new favourite ; and placing Kurruk under restriction, lodged all the power in the hands of his son, Now Nehal, said to be a prince of spirit and talent. On the 5th October 1840, the deposed prince died, after a lingering illness, not without strong suspicion of poison ; and at the funeral ceremony Nehal was killed by the fall- ing of a beam, which was also believed to have proceeded from preconcerted di-sign. Both these guilty deeds were ascribed to Dliian, who immediately after sent for Shere, and placed him on the musnud ; but one of the widows of Nehal declaring herself pregnant, her cause was espoused THE AFGHAN WAR. 617 by the mother of that prince, a person of determined cha- CHAP XVi. racter,andShere,findingherinfluenceatLahore too strong A.D. Tsw. for him, resigned his pretensions and left the city. His only object, however, was to muster his adherents, who Triumph of held a species of feudal sway over different districts of Shere 8in8> this turbulent domain. He soon obtained ample assur- ances of support, and though commencing his return to the capital at the head of only 500 followers, he approached it with fair prospects of success. Dhian having joined him with a numerous band, completed his triumph ; and the queen, though she still made some attempts to resist, was soon obliged to yield, on the promise of safety and honourable treatment. During this strange series of events, the British govern- Passire ment kept a strong cordon of troops on the frontier, British? and carefully watched every movement ; but there ap- peared no ground for interference, which could not in- deed have been attempted without taking actual posses- v sion of the country. Agitations and alarms continued to be felt ; but the dread of British hostility restrained Shere Sing for a time, while objects of more immediate interest engaged the attention of the British govern- ment. On the west of the Indus, even after the conquest of Unfriendly Afghanistan, another serious contest was waged. Meh- M$^ f rab, khan of Kelat, whose dominions lay on the left flank of the British in their advance, had shown a very unfriendly spirit, and actively directed against them his predatory bands. It was judged necessary to chastise this conduct, and General Willshire, in November 1839, marched against his capital. He rejected all overtures, British anny and the army arrived on the 12th before Kelat, which ""* was found defended by three heights, each covered with infantry, and guarded by a parapet wall. As nothing decisive could be effected till these troops were driven from that position, the general ordered three columns to advance, who found when they reached the eminences, that the enemy had been dislodged by the fire of the artillery. Hopes were entertained of reaching a gate 618 THE AFGHAN WAR. CHAP. Xvi. before it was closed upon the fugitives. This could not A. rTim lie e ff ecte ^; Dut > DV some well-directed discharges of heavy shot, one was nearly demolished, and the pursuers rushed in. The garrison, after making a gallant and de- termined resistance, retired into the citadel ; but its gate being reached before it could be fully secured inside, was burst open. Mehrab and several of his chiefs fell fight- ing sword in hand, before the final surrender. The con- test was more severe than that at Ghizni, the loss amount- ing to 31 killed and 107 wounded. The fort was now placed under Shah Niwaz, another Beloochee prince, who, with a party of thirty men, under Lieutenant Loveday, undertook its defence. Nusseer, how- ever, heir to Mehrab, having assembled a considerable band, threw himself between that place and Quetta, the British head-quarters ; and the force there being too much reduced to dislodge him, he cut off several small detachments. He then directed his march upon Kelat, which he closely invested. The defence was spirited ; but extensive treachery being discovered within the walls, Successes of Shah Niwaz judged it necessary to submit. Loveday, Nnsseer. wno wag fa us ma( j e prisoner, was very harshly treated, and at last barbarously murdered. Nusseer then advanced upon Dadur, an important British post, which he took, and plundered its magazines; but Major Boscawen came up next day and obliged him to retreat. Larger reinforcements arriving soon after, General Nott took the command, and marched upon Kelat, which he Total rout of reached on the 3d November, but found it abandoned nemy ' by the enemy. At length, on the 1st December, Colonel Marshall from Kotra succeeded in surprising the enemy's camp, and routed and dispersed his force. TheMurreen. Another troublesome contest soon afterwards arose. The Murrees^ a brave tribe of Beloochistan, owned some allegiance to the Khan of Kelat, but were, it is said, not at all disposed to take part with him against Britain. By way of security, however, Captain Brown, with a detachment, occupied Kahun, their prin- cipal hill-fort. No resistance was made at the time ; THE AFGHAN WAR. 619 hut their feeling of patriotic independence being soon CHAP. XVL roused, they assembled in large bodies, cut off several de- ^xTi8 tachments, and closely invested the place. Brown was thus placed in a critical situation, and Major Clibborn, who was sent with a party to relieve him, found Captain the pass of Nufoosk very strongly guarded. He endeavoured to force it ; but this being the hot and dry season, his troops were overpowered by thirst and fatigue ; and though he gained considerable advantages, and a number of hostile chiefs fell, he could not clear the ravine. A party sent for water were entirely destroyed ; he lost in all 150 men, and through the defection of the camel-drivers, was obliged to abandon stores, artillery, and baggage. After this disaster, there seemed no hope left for the detachment at Kahuu. Brown, however, by dexterously deceiving the enemy as to the extent of his resources, succeeded in obtaining a treaty, which allowed him to return unmolested. It was honourably fulfilled, and no farther disturbance has been experienced from that quarter. The interior of Afghanistan, meantime, remained in Uncertain a state of somewhat precarious tranquillity. Sir John Afghanistan. Keane returned with a portion of the army into India, not through Sinde, but by the route of the Punjaub, crossing the Indus at Attock. It was found necessary, however, to leave still a considerable force under Sir Wil- loughby Cotton ; for although all regular resistance had ceased, there were clear symptoms of the unpopularity of the new government, and especially of its foreign sup- porters. The conduct of the shah, too, as well as of his imprudent sons, is represented as neither prudent nor conciliatory, the Shah. Officers and men found straggling were murdered ; seve- ral of the mountain-chiefs openly resisted, and were not reduced without some difficulty. The most serious affair was at Peshoot, where Colonel Orchard's attempt to blow up the gate as at Ghizni failed through the bad quality of the powder, and he was finally beaten off with the loss of sixty-nine killed and wounded. The fort, however, with the adjacent one of Khatke, was then evacuated. fi2ft THE AFGHAN WAR. CHAP XVL In ^7 a general insurrectionary movement took place among the Ghilzies, a tribe occupying the high A. D. 1840. moun t a i n _t err it or y betweefTCandahar and Cabul ; who, insurrection accus tomed to a wild independence, brooked ill the ofthe G a- gtr j cter ru ^ Q un der which they were now held. Captain Anderson, marching against them with 1200 men, was attacked by more than double that number, who fought with such bravery as to render the contest for some time doubtful ; however, they were at length repulsed with great loss. Colonel Wallace also took by surprise the fort of a leading chief ; and the two corps having joined, composed a force which the insurgents could not face. The brother of Mohammed Kliau, the leader of these revolted chieftains, then came into camp, and ef- fected an accommodation. Dost MO- Dost Mohammed, after his retreat beyond the moun- proceedings. tains, being favourably received by the chiefs of Khool- loom and Koondooz, had proceeded to Bokhara, hoping to obtain aid from that most powerful of the states in Central Asia. The khan, however, alarmed by the Russian march upon Khiva, and unwilling to offend Britain, not only refused his request, but placed him under confinement. In August 1840, he made his escape, and, being still favoured by the border princes, found no difficulty in raising among the Usbeck tribes and his own former subjects a very considerable force. The Raises a Wallee of Khoolloom even took the field along with considerable kj m> an( j t h ev advanced through the mountain-defiles upon Cabul. That capital, only about fifty miles from this great barrier, became seriously exposed. Dost Mo- hammed marched upon the strong frontier town of Syg- Faithiess nall) t nen held by an Afghan corps organized under the the Afghan eye of the British, and commanded by Captain Hopkins. Uies> On the approach ofthe enemy, they fell back on Bameean in a mutinous and disorderly state, several companies having deserted. Colonel Dennie, who with about 2000 men was then sent to encounter the invader, anticipated himin crossingthe Irak pass,disarmed Hopkins' corps,and advanced from Bameean. He learned, on the 18th Sep- THE AFGHAN WAR. 621 tember 1840, that the enemy were advancing in great CHAP, xvi force from Syghan ; and, being desirous to draw them . ~ on, suspended his movements. Being informed, however, that a party, supposed to be their advanced guard, had at- ^Jce!^ tacked a fortified post which claimed his protection, he attack of pushed on with about a third of his troops. On arriving, Denial he was surprised by seeing the whole of the Dost's army in front, estimated by him at 10,000 ; but finding his men full of ardour, and dreading the effect of halting or retreating, he promptly decided on an immediate attack. The enemy, who at first made a somewhat vigorous stand, seeing the steady advance of the British, lost courage after a few volleys, and fled in confusion into the pass, through which they were pursued by the cavalry four or five miles. Mohammed and the Wallee of Khoolloom fled with only 200 followers. Meantime, one of the sons of Dost Mohammed had Ghorebnnd. occupied the strong defile of Ghorebund in Kohistan. General Sale was sent against him, and on the 29th found him stationed in a village covered by a garden-wall, and defended by a chain of forts. A column of attack was formed, and pressed forward with such energy, that, on its advancing within fifty paces of the wall, the enemy abandoned all their positions, and fled with precipitation into ground where the cavalry could not follow. The loss of the assailants did not exceed six wounded. The Assault of general, then learning that several rebel chieftains had j^ g ^ rt sought refuge in a fort at Julga, sixteen miles to the north-east, succeeded on the morning of the 3d October in completely investing it ; but from the state of the road, the artillery could not be brought into action till four in the afternoon. By three next day, a breach had been effected, and considered practicable; upon which Captain Tronson, with a detachment, undertook to storm it. They reached the crest of the breach, but were encountered by a close fire from the houses, which, after a desperate struggle, obliged them to retire under cover of a neighbouring ravine. The only use, how- ever, which the enemy made of this advantage was to effect a safe retreat out of the fort, to the great regret 622 THE AFGHAN WAR. CHAP. xvi. of the British commander, who took immediate posses- sion of it. The loss amounted to thirty-four killed and wounded. About the same time, Colonel Wheeler, stationed at Kudjah, stormed the castle of a chief in the Wuzzeree valley, who had shown decided proofs of a hostile spirit. Occupation Meanwhile, Brigadier Dennie, after his victory at Ba- of Syghan. meean> advanced and occupied Syghan, but did not think it prudent to pursue the fugitive leaders in their retreat over the mountains. The Wallee, however, following the Asiatic rule of adhering always to the fortunate side, made overtures, and requested an officer to be sent to arrange the basis of a compromise. A conference accord- ingly ensued between him and Dr Lord, and a treaty was concluded on terms securing to him a considerable acces- sion of territory, which was carried to the very summit of the Caucasus, called here Dundan Shikun. He declined to give up Dost Mohammed, but promised to afford no aid or protection, and even to advise him to surrender. Proceedings That prince, thus left to himself, hoped still to effec-t Mohammed, something by advancing into Kohistan. He was preceded by his son with a considerable force, and himself arrived about the middle of October. General Sale, to oppose his progress, hastened to Purwan, where he learned that the Afghan chief, with about 4000 men, was in the vicinity, and preparing to march upon the Ghorebund pass. He made arrangements to attack them ; and, on the suggestion of Dr Lord, sent forward the 2d native cavalry to skirt the eminence on which they were posted, with the view of cutting off their retreat. When they Disgraceful had advanced about a mile, Dost Mohammed rushed Sen'ative down upon them with 200 horse. This corps, which had cavalry. hitherto maintained a distinguished character, were seized with a sudden panic ; they first faltered, and then gave way at all points. The officers were left alone to meet the charge of the enemy ; their bravery was unavail- ing ; Dr Lord, Lieutenants Broadfoot and Crispin, were killed, Captains Fraser and Ponsonby severely wounded. Sale, however, pushed forward his infantry, who succes- sively dislodged the enemy from all the strong positions, THE AFGHAN WAR. 623 and drove them to a distance, though without heing able CHAP, xvi to keep up a long pursuit. - The ex- ruler of Cabu] notwithstanding the partial suc- cess now gained, soon found himself reduced to great ex- ^amr^d" tremity. His troops, discouraged by so much ill fortune, reduced to were no longer disposed tofollowhis standard ; avictorious "^ army was pressing upon him, and he had no retreat but into the territory of allies by whom he had been deserted. We are indeed informed by Colonel Dennie that he claimed refuge from the Wallee, who, however, refused to receive him ; and in this extremity he determined to throw himself upon the clemency of his foe. Setting out Delivers with only one companion, he rode undiscovered through himselfu P' the camp, and arrived at Cabul, where he surrendered to the British authorities. By his orders his son, who still remained in arms, gave himself up also. He was thence conveyed into Hindostan, and his residence finally fixed at Loodiana, with a pension of 30,000 a-year. For some time afterwards only partial outbreaks oo Anktur curred. Auktur Khan, a cliief on the extreme western Khan- frontier, had worsted the shah's general and assembled a considerable force ; but Captain Farrington hastened up, defeated him, and captured his fort. Another move- ment took place in the Nizian valley, near Jellalabad, studded with eighty-four strongholds, which Brigadier Shelton reduced one after another, yet with the loss of fifty-two killed and wounded. Sinde was still unsettled, Nusseer declining to place State oi himself in the power of the British, and hovering about the hills. A rude tribe named Kujuks refused to pay the shah's tribute, under the plea of inability, which does not seem to have been duly considered. Colonel Wilson marched against them, but was repulsed, himseli and some other officers being wounded, and Lieutenant Creed, who led the storming party, killed. Affairs con- tinued thus unsettled till September, when it having been made known to Nusseer that the governor-general had determined to replace him in his khanate, he came to Quetta, and matter were amicably arranged. By this prudent step Sinde was restored to tranquillity. 624 THE AFGHAN WAR. CHAP. XVL Meantime, in Western Afghanistan, the insurrection was A.D~1840 becoming more formidable. Auktur Khan was again in arms, and fanatical moollahs were proclaiming a religious western 11 war against the British. Colonel Wymer defeated a large Afghanistan. f orce near Kelat-i-Ghilzie, but had not strength sufficient to pursue the fugitives to any distance. On the 17th August, Captains Woodburn and Griffin encountered about 5000 men under Akram and Auktur Khan, whom they totally defeated, though with the loss of nearly 130 killed and wounded. In October, a force of Ghilzie in- surgents occupied in great force the valley between Cabul I ass of and Jellalabad. As they held the strong pass of Koord a Cabul, which interrupted the communications, General Sale was sent from the capital, with the 13th and 35th regiments, to clear the pass. He found the enemy sta- tioned behind a breastwork, which they quitted on the approach of the assailants, but kept up a well-directed fire from the rocky heights on each side. Sale was wounded, and obliged to quit the field ; but the troops under Brigadier Dennie drove the enemy from all the cliffs except the very highest, whither, as the object was only to clear the pass, it was thought needless to follow them. The Afghans, then retreating to Tezeen, occupied the surrounding heights, but were driven successively from all whence they could cause any annoyance. The Friendly chiefs sent proposals of negotiation, making friendly pro- the f cniefe. 80f f essions > and promising no longer to annoy the march of the column ; but their sincerity was rendered more than doubtful by the continued molestation which the troops experienced. After passing Jugduluk, they entered a long winding pass, overhung by terrific eminences, every one of which was held by men showing the most obsti- nate determination to dispute their progress. An ad- vance could only be effected by the arduous operation of scaling the heights, while from above a heavy fire was still maintained. A single company, however, having dashed through the defile, found its main outlet unguard- ed * ^ e w h le tnen passed, but their rearguard con- tinued to be harassed till their arrival at Gundamuk. Respecting this long march, the commander generally THE AFGHAN WAR. 625 observes, " each succeeding morning brought its affair CHAP. XVL with a bold and active enemy, eminently skilful in the species of warfare to which their attempts have been con- fined, and armed with jezails, which have enabled them to annoy us at a range at which they could only be reach- ed by our artillery." This march had doubtless a fatal influence, inasmuch as it showed to the natives the mode of warfare by which they could inflict upon us the most extensive injury. General Sale remained at Gundamuk ; but the armed General Sale natives, termed by him Ooloose, crowded round him in increasing numbers, while many of them in his own ser- vice showed symptoms of disaffection, or went over to the enemy. In these circumstances, he found it impossible to maintain himself in a mere cantonment, and had no choice but to push on to Jellalabad. He broke up on the llth November, when the inhabitants rushed in, and blew up the magazine in such haste, that a number of themselves were killed. During that day, our troops were harassed only by predatory attacks ; but on the 12th, a body of 2000 or 3000 pressed behind, and were joined by the whole population of the country. Colonel Dennie, commanding the rear- guard, for some time con- sidered it sufficient to beat them off, but on coming to a level tract, contrived to allure them on, then suddenly attacked, and put them to flight with great slaughter. After this the army, with little molestation, reached Jellalabad. This place was found by no means defensible, sur- rounded merely by a weak wall, with a narrow rampart and insufficient parapet ; while on the north angle, treea and old buildings afforded excellent cover for the enemy within pistol-shot. They soon assembled in great force on all sides, and particularly on this, whence they succeed- ed in burning a cantonment erected at a heavy expense in 1840, and kept up a harassing fire of musketry. It being deemed necessary to dislodge them from this posi- tion, a considerable body of horse and foot was placed under Colonel Monteath. That officer, after reducing three posts which might have harassed his advance. 626 THB AFGHAN WAR. CHAP. XVI. pushed forward against the great mass of the enemy who A iTisiL occupied the heights hi front. On his approach, the whole suddenly gave way, and fled to a considerable distance, suffering severely from a cavalry charge by Captain Old- field. The divisions on the other sides of the city be- Defences of ing then attacked, made off with equal rapidity and in Jeiiaiabad. great consternation ; there was soon scarcely an armed Afghan to be seen in the vicinity of Jellalabad. Ad- vantage was taken of the interval to repair and strengthen the defences, so as to render them secure against any Asiatic force, unaided by siege artillery ; also to collect grain from the adjacent villages. To guard both against famine and internal insurrection, it was judged necessary to remove all the inhabitants except the shopkeepers. Eventful Meantime, Cabul became the theatre of scenes most Cabal m deeply eventful, and which have indeed no parallel in the whole of our Indian history. The expedition into that country had, as we have seen, been undertaken, not with a view to its conquest, but under the belief that the exiled monarch, once replaced on the throne, had a party strong enough to maintain him in power. It now ap- peared, however, that he was solely supported by the arms of the British, who thus became the real masters Character of of the country. The Afghans were perhaps the bravest de Afghans. an( j p^u^t people in Asia ; from the time of Mahmoud of Ghizni down to that of Ahmed Shah, they had made several victorious expeditions into India ; they had founded its two greatest dynasties, the Patan, which reigned more than three hundred years, and that which, though called Mogul, was established by Baber with Cause of their native troops. They now saw themselves a conquered p e0 pj 6) compelled to acknowledge the superiority of a distant nation, of strange language, religion, and manners. That in such a situation they should have felt at once indignant and vindictive, can excite no wonder; nor could we have avoided in some degree sympathizing with them, had they sought deliverance by legitimate means ; but assassination and breach of faith cannot be palliated even by a good cause. Notwithstanding the explosion at Koord Cabul, the THE AFGHAN WAR. 627 country was generally in a state of seeming tranquillity ; CHAP. xvi. though there were not wanting circumstances calculateo" A TTs4i to inspire apprehension. Strong discontent had arisen among the Ghilzie leaders, owing to a reduction of their Discontent stipends, ordered by Lord Auckland from motives of eco- GMizie* 16 nomy. Alarms were also spread among the principal lea(J ers. chiefs, that they were to be seized and carried prisoners to London. Major Pottinger, who acted as envoy in Kohistan, reported the state of that rude territory to be such, that unless reinforcements were sent, a serious in- surrection might be apprehended. British officers, when met singly, were insulted, and attempts made in some cases to assassinate them. These, however, were looked upon as only the ebullitions of private discontent, not as the symptoms of a universal antipathy. Sir Alexander Burnes, though intimately acquainted Misplaced with the country and people, was so far deceived by a o n sir ence feeling of security that he did not hesitate to take up his Alexander residence at a house in the town, detached from the English quarters. On the 2d November 1841, it was attacked by about 300 Afghans ; yet his confidence was such, that he refused to leave it, and attempted to appease the assailants by haranguing them from a high gallery. They soon, however, forced an entrance, over- powered all resistance, and mercilessly slew himself, his His assassi- brother, Captain Johnson the paymaster, and Lieutenant nati n- Broadfoot, a promising young officer. General Elphin- stone, on receiving this report, and seeing flames issuing from that part of the city, ordered Brigadier Shelton to march and occupy the Bala Hissar, or citadel-palace, where the shah resided. Captain Lawrence, who was sent to announce this intention, was attacked by a large band, and with difficulty escaped. Lieutenant Sturt, coming with another message, received three wounds, though none of them dangerous. The shah immediately ordered his guard, with some other troops, to attempt the restora- tion of tranquillity ; but they were repulsed with great slaughter. The standard of insurrection was thus openly raised ; open inscr and the English, from the emergency being so wholly rection - g2& THE AFGHAN WAR. CHAP. xvi. unforeseen, were little prepared for the events which TT7L.1 now pressed upon them. Their force was divided into A. P. 1841. two parts, one in the Bala Hissar, the other in a canton- at P e r of a? ment about two miles distant > separated by the Cabul British. river and by a broad canal. The situation was low, commanded by adjacent hills and buildings ; while the numerous camp-followers rendered the extent too great for the number of troops appointed to defend it. An error still more serious had been committed in making a weak fort at some distance the depository of all the commissariat stores. Deficiencies General Elphinstone, the commander-in-chief, is de- ma t nder!n- scribed as an amiable and intelligent officer ; but age and chief: declining health had induced him to obtain leave for his immediate return. He appears to have been peculiarly deficient in decision and promptitude, the qualities now most urgently required. Having under him about 5500 troops, it can scarcely be doubted that a brisk attack on the city would have been so successful as to have crushed False tactics, the immediate rising. A dilatory and defensive system was adopted : orders were sent to General Sale to rejoin him, and to General Nott to send two regiments from Candahar. A farther reinforcement was despatched to the Bala Hissar ; but Major Swayne, in attempting to lead two more companies thither, was obliged by the heavy fire of the enemy to fall back. Danger of The most urgent object of attention was the commis- sariat fort.' 8 sariat f ort > separated from the cantonment by the Shah Bagh or royal garden, which afforded large cover to the enemy. Captain Swayne, on the 4th, attempted to pene- trate thither with two companies of the 44th, but was ex- posed to so severe a fire from a fort in possession of the enemy, that he himself and another officer were killed, and the troops driven back with great loss. A party of the 5th light cavalry were equally unfortunate. Captain Boyd of the commissariat, however, represented so for- ment and n " ^ 1 ' the extreme importance of this post, that a stronger detachment was prepared, but delayed till next morn- ing ; when Ensign Warren, who held the fort, came in with the garrison, stating that the enemy, by forming a THE AFGHAN WAR. (529 mine and setting fire to the gate, had rendered it un- CHAP. XVL tenable. This failure in an object so essential, and A ^7 84] seemingly so easy, produced a fatal effect on the spirit of both parties. The enemy became greatly embolden- Sfects'on'u ed, and were joined by many who had been hitherto our los s. friends ; while the British troops were deeply mortified, and ceased to display that courage which usually so much distinguishes them. To retrieve this disaster, Major Swayne was sent on the 5th to attack a fort which commanded the one lost; and some success was at first gained ; but not being duly followed up, the detachment was recalled. On the 6th, a stronger and more regular corps was employed, when the artillery having succeeded in making a practicable breach, the place was carried by storm. An attempt was also made, but without success, to occupy the ShahBagh ; when the enemy brought up large bodies of cavalry, hop- ing to intercept our retreat ; but they did not ultimately make the attempt. Hence the general result of this day was somewhat favourable. On the 9th, the health of General Elphinstone was so Brigadier much affected, that Brigadier Shelton was desired to f^g, e take the comiraiid ; and with him rested henceforth the command, chief direction of military operations. But the hope that he would revive the drooping energies of the troops was not realized ; he having early formed the opinion that they could not hold their ground at Cabul, and advised, therefore, an immediate retreat to Jellala- bad. Sir William Macnaghten, on the contrary, con- ceived the army bound to maintain their position, for which their power, if vigorously exerted, seemed to him Want of quite sufficient. This opinion prevailed to the extent of sure^ 6 08 " making them remain ; but the brigadier, retaining his own judgment, was disposed to preserve an attitude purely defensive, and was urged only by the strong remonstrances of the envoy to any active measures. Either a vigorous attack or an immediate retreat would probably have saved the army ; but amid conflicting counsels, a middle course was adopted, which could produce only the very worst results. 030 THE AFGHAN WAR. CHAP. XVI. On the 10th, the Afghans, with large bodies of cavalry, A-fTTwi occupied the surrounding hills, and took possession of several forts. One of these, called Rika-bashee, some- Rikbashee. what commanded the cantonment, and interrupted the supply of provisions, which became now extremely scarce ; the envoy, therefore, by urgent representations, obtained from the commander-in-chief an order that Shelton should attack it next day. The storming party then burst open what appeared to be the gate, but which proved a mere wicket admitting only two or three at once. The first who entered suffered severely ; but when a few had forced their way, the garrison were struck with panic, and evacuated the post. Mean- time, a body of cavalry had charged the British, who, Flight of deserted by their usual courage, precipitately fled. soldiers. Shelton, however, who was always conspicuous for valour in the field, twice rallied them, and at last car- ried the fort, which the enemy had reoccupied. Un- happily, during their temporary possession, they had killed almost all the little party who first entered ; only Lieutenant Bird and a sepoy maintained their ground in a stable, till relieved by their countrymen. Our object was indeed gained, four other stations being evacuated, and a supply of grain procured ; yet 200 men were lost in killed or wounded. On the 13th, the enemy, occu- pying in force the adjacent heights, fired with some attack^ en ect into tlie cantonment ; when the envoy, by earnest entreaty, prevailed on the general to send a body of troops against them. They made an obstinate resistance, and at first repulsed the assailants, but by some skilful move- ments of the artillery and cavalry, were finally driven from the position. Our soldiers, however, under existing circumstances, could never hold any ground which they had gained, but were obliged to return to the canton- ment, while the enemy, having rallied, pressed closely behind them. Pouter. On the 16fch > Ma J or Pottinger arrived from Charekur, in the mountain-territory of Kohistan, north of Cabul, which he had defended at the head of 800 Gorkhas. He , and some other officers occupied a small adjacent foil, THE AFGHAN. WAR. G31 when they were invited to a conference, and Captain CHAP. xrv. Rattray, being inveigled to a little distance, was suddenly . J~T 841 shot dead, while the major with difficulty escaped. A vast number of insurgents then assembled, who were at first repulsed with great slaughter ; but their force increas- ing, and the post being untenable, the troops withdrew Retreat and to Cliarekur. Here they maintained themselves twenty- ^ five days, amid continual assaults from an overwhelming force, body, and the most severe sufferings from want of water. No resource then appeared but to cut their way to Cabul, amid incessant hardships and attacks. All the troops either perished or were dispersed, and only the Major and Lieutenant Haughton, passing during the night through the city, succeeded in reaching the can- tonment. A proposition was now started, and even urged by Fatal deiny. the envoy, that the force should quit the cantonment for the Bala Hissar, where the whole would be united in a much more defensible position. The military au- thorities, however, decided that this plan, including an extensive conveyance of stores, could not be accomplished without ruinous loss. The measure of retreat was then agitated, and would now really seem to have been the wisest course ; but the envoy still urged a delay of eight or ten days, in the hope of some favourable occurrence. On the 22d, Mohammed Akbar, second son of Dost Mohammed, arrived at Cabul, and was invested with An-iral of the command of the hostile army, to whose movements ^* mfcd he gave an augmented energy. He had already dis- tinguished himself by his military talents, having been employed by his father in defending the frontier against the Seiks. The village of Beymaroo, lying to the north of the Unsucce^m; cantonment, on the road leading to Kohistan, was now the only quarter through which, at high prices, sup- plies of provisions were procured ; and the enemy, by marching out in great force every morning, and occu- pying it during the day, much narrowed this resource. It appeared indispensable to take possession of the place ; and on the 22d Major Swayne moved thither with a 632 THE AFGHAN WAR. CHAP. XVI. A.D. 1841. Storming of Bermaroo. Failure of the cavalry. Panic and flight of the British. Severe loss of the army. strong detachment, but found it so well garrisoned, and the entrance so blocked up, that he considered it im- possible to force a passage. He kept up a fire some hours, while his troops suffered severely, but without any result. On the 23d, Shelton determined to employ a large corps in storming Beymaroo, as well as in maintaining the adjacent heights against any force the insurgents might send out. He marched at two in the morning, occupied the brow of the height, and threw the enemy into con- siderable confusion, but with doubtful prudence delay- ed the attack till daylight. Major Swayne then effected an entrance ; but, as it proved, only through a small wicket, admitting merely a few, who could not long secure their post against a heavy fire. The natives then poured out from the city large bodies, estimated at 10,000 men, and covered all the surrounding heights. The British troops were led against them, and main- tained a long contest with various fortune, suffering most severely from the jezails, whose range the musket could by no means equal. Yet the other party, having sustained several checks, and being discouraged by the fall of Abdoolah Khan, one of their greatest chiefs, began a retreat towards the city, abandoning a gun which they had captured. The cavalry were then called upon to pursue them ; but that body, having been for a long time kept in an injudicious position, exposed to the enemy's fire, shrunk back, and would not obey the summons. This the Afghans no sooner perceived, than they renewed the assault with augmented courage and energy. The square of British infantry was broken ; panic spread through the troops ; all attempts to rally them were vain ; and finally the whole rushed in con- fused and tumultuary flight to the cantonment. The spirited efforts of one or two corps prevented the enemy from entering along with them. On this fatal day, the loss both of men and officers was immense ; and the spirit of the army was completely broken. The proposal of removing to the Bala Hissar was renewed, but again rejected. On the 24th, a letter THE AFGHAN WAR. 633 was received from Osman Khan, a chief believed friendly, CHAP. XVL boasting, seemingly with truth, that he had spared our ^ V~IMI. troops in the preceding day's pursuit ; and declaring himself earnestly desirous of terminating the war, on condition of our quietly evacuating the country, leaving it to be governed by a king and laws of its own. The Humiliating general, on a reference from Sir William, strongly ad- conditions vised negotiation. Accordingly, on the 27th, an inter- ' view took place at the eastern gate with several Afghan leaders ; but their demands were enormous, amounting to the unconditional surrender of the British force, with only a hope that their lives might be spared. These terms were indignantly rejected, the envoy declaring that he must " again appeal to arms, leaving the result to the God of battles." Some days elapsed without any important event ; but Accnmuiatec the English were pressed continually closer. An im- d* 388 * 618 - portant post was sacrificed through the cowardice of the garrison ; and the scarcity of provisions approached to famine, being only relieved by precarious supplies from the Bala Hissar. On the 8th December, the general strongly recommended negotiation, as the only alternative left. On the llth, Sir William had an interview with a number of chiefs, among whom the khans, Osman and Akbar took the lead. Their deportment was courteous ; Satisfactory and it was finally agreed that the British should evacu- tenns - ate all Afghanistan, on being not only allowed to retire unmolested, but furnished with provisions and the means of transport. Shah Sujah was to be granted a pension, with the option of remaining at Cabul or accompanying the retreating army. t In pursuance of this treaty, the force in the Bala Hissar was on the 13th and 14th removed to the can- tonment, not however without annoyance from the Afghans. Yielding to successive demands, the adjacent forts, hitherto maintained, were evacuated, and several English officers delivered as hostages. Yet the promised supplies indispensable to the march of the army were still, on various pretexts, withheld ; and it became evident that, seeing the weak and desponding state of 634 THE AFGHATS WAR. Scheme of Akbar Fatal Imprudence of Sir Wil- liam Mac- naghten. CHAP. xvi. the invaders, the barbarians had determined to treat A. D 1841. them as entirely in their power. Under these circumstances, Akbar formed the scheme which brought affairs to a fatal crisis. Captain Skinner, who happened to be in his power, was sent to the envoy with a proposal to unite with him in seizing Amenoollah Khan, the chief second in influence to himself. Shah Sujah was then to be acknowledged king, with Akbar as his vizier ; the English would be allowed to remain till next spring, and then to depart under circumstances that would save their honour. Sir William caught with a fatal facility at this delusive proposition ; his mind, owing to the late reverses, was in an excited state ; and when warned by his officers of the danger, he declared that it appeared to present the only ray of hope, and that death would be preferable to the life he had lately led. He agreed to go out and meet the chiefs in an open space near the cantonment ; and though a strong guard was ordered, it was very imperfectly furnished. About noon of the 23d, he proceeded thither, accompanied by Captains Lawrence, Mackenzie, and Trevor ; and, on approaching the spot, he walked on with them, leaving the soldiers behind. The chiefs then came up, and opened the conference in the most friendly terms. It being Treacherous remarked that numerous armed Afghans were coming oy. U P> ai *d drawing a circle round them, Akbar said they were in the secret. Presently, however, he grasped the left hand of the envoy, while Sultan Jan seized his right; and a fierce struggle ensuing, the former chief drew out a pistol, and shot Sir William dead. This cruel action appears to have been prompted by the dread of his escape and the excitement of the moment, as it would have been better policy to have secured him as a hostage. The body, however, was instantly seized by the fanatic Ghazees, who cut it in pieces, and exposed the head to the people in the great bazaar. Captain Trevor also fell into their hands and was murdered on the spot ; but other chiefs caused Lawrence and Mackenzie to mount on horseback, and conveyed them to Cabul, protecting them even at the hazard of their own lives. Thev were THE AFGHAN WAR. 635 there thrown into a fort, where the multitude made CHAP, xvi furious attempts to break in and put them to death. A.lT~i842 After this dreadful scene, it might have been expected that all the generous feelings of the troops Avould have Smducf of been roused ; that they would have been impelled to some toe British - deed of decisive and desperate valour ; at all events, that they would have ceased to place any faith in Afghan promises, and hoped for a safe retreat only from their own efforts. It is mortifying, however, to think how much the highest qualities depend upon circumstances. That British spirit, which was elsewhere making such lofty displays, here entirely failed. Major Pottinger, Major now appointed envoy, alone urged vigorous measures ; all Pot'in^er's the others insisted on yielding to the humiliating terms rejected, offered by the enemy. They were to leave behind most of their guns and treasure ; bills were drawn on India for fourteen lacs of rupees (140,000) ; and four addi- tional officers were given as hostages. Delays were still interposed till the 6th January, Commence- i ,Y_ T ,i -f L mentoftUe when the army at length began its inauspicious march, march. It consisted still of 690 Europeans, 2840 native in- fantry, and 970 cavalry ; in all, 4500 fighting men. There Avere, besides, 12,000 camp followers, who rendered the preservation of order almost impossible. A straggling march, amid deep snow and many ob- structions, prevented them from advancing more than five miles ; and it was two in the morning before the last reached the place of encampment. The Ghazees, as soon as they saw the cantonment empty, rushed in, ^^ cf filled it with exulting shouts, and commenced a work ' at once of plunder arid destruction. The troops during the night, being very ill supplied with clothes and shelter, suffered extremely from the cold, which to some proved fatal. Next day they resumed their march, forming a mingled mass of soldiers, followers, and beasts of burden. The enemy soon began to harass them with a fire of jezails ; and though bravely repulsed at sev- eral points, obliged them to abandon some guns and much baggage. Captain Skinner, learning that Akbar was at hand, appealed to his sense of honour and hu- 636 THE AFGHAN WAR. CHAP. xvi. manity. The latter declared the attack to have been A.iT7s4i made against his will, but offered a safe conduct to Jel- lalabad, on condition of their stopping till the morning, and giving six other hostages. Next day, however, they were again assailed, and upon making a fresh appeal to the chief, were required to yield Major Pottinger and two more officers, before he would renew his promises of protection. In this way, no doubt, they obtained a re- spite, and reached the entrance of the tremendous pass of Koord Cabul ; but the frost had so disabled even the strongest men, that only a few hundreds remained fit for service. PassofKoord They now entered the defile, five miles long, over- hung by high cliffs, with a torrent dashing through it ; and, contrary to every pledge, the Ghilzies crowned the heights, pouring down a destructive fire. The only safety lay in rushing rapidly through the pass, abandoning almost all their baggage and supplies. The females happily escaped unhurt, except Lady Sale, who was slightly wounded. They passed the night at Koord Ca- bul ; but the snow was falling thick, and, from the losf of almost every equipment, their sufferings were much more severe than before. Treachery of On the 9th, the army was about to renew its march, Akbar - when Akbar, by plausible though treacherous promises, persuaded the general to halt. This step deeply dis- couraged the men, who conceived their only hope to be in the most expeditious movement ; and the native troops began to desert in great numbers. About noon, Lady Sale Captain Skinner arrived with a proposal, that the ladies companions w ^h their husbands should place themselves under the left behind, protection of the Afghan chief. The hardships endured by the former were indeed so excessive, that there ap- peared no other hope of saving their lives, and the gene- ral accordingly consented. The soldiers marched on, and spent another night of intense cold, all the promises of food and fuel being unfulfilled. On the 10th, the army resumed its progress, though the fighting men were reduced now to a small number. They were unmolested for about two miles, when they THE AFGHAN WAR. 637 oame to a narrow gorge between two precipitous hills ; CHAP, xvi but here the Afghans had occupied all the heights in great ^ ixTwj. force, whence they directed a most murderous fire. The native troops, throwing away their arms and accoutre- massacreof ments, sought safety in flight, when the enemy rushed native troops down, sword in hand, and commenced a general mas- sacre. Nearly the whole force disappeared during this fearful march, at the end of which it was found that, of the 4500 who had proceeded from Cabul, there survived only 270 Europeans, with indeed a consider- able number of the 12,000 camp followers. Akbar, who now appeared in the neighbourhood, made an offer, that if the former would place themselves entirely un- der his protection, he would escort them safely to Jel- lalabad ; but all the others must be left to their fate. The general humanely rejected such terms, and his Rejection at people went on amid fresh losses, till they reached, at four o'clock, an encampment in the Tezeen valley. Another attempt was made to treat, but with the same result. Their only hope then appeared to be in making a night march of twenty-two miles to Jugduluk ; when, under cover of the darkness, they might penetrate safely through that terrible pass. They eagerly pushed on- ward ; but, through delays occasioned by the followers, when daylight had arrived they were still ten miles from their destination, while the enemy began to oc- cupy the surrounding hills. They had now to en- counter much suffering and loss, though Brigadier Shelton, redeeming somewhat his former errors, led n them on with signal valour. At three in the afternoon, they were at Jugduluk, where the miserable remnant posted themselves in an enclosure, which afforded only imperfect shelter from the enemy's fire. Captain Bygrave, with fifteen brave men, drove the latter back, but they soon returned. The wretehed resource was again tried of negotiating with Akbar, who demanded that General Elphinstone should come to a conference, while Shel- ton and Captain Johnson should be delivered as host- ages. All was acceded to ; the officers were cour- teously received, and refreshments supplied. At nine 638 THE AFGHAN WAR. Attempt to push through the pass. Dreadful daughter. CHAP. xvi. next morning, a meeting was held, when a number of A oT842 the chiefs mvei g hed bitt erl y against the English, while Akbar pretended to plead their cause ; but in this dis- cussion the day elapsed without any decisive arrange- ment. Brigadier Anquetil, who had been left in com- mand, then saw no hope but to push in the dark through the next pass of two miles in length. Having taken the Afghans somewhat by surprise, the troops moved at first with little molestation ; but at the summit found two barriers strongly formed of brushwood, which could not be removed without much difficulty and some delay. The enemy then came up, mixed with the fugitives, and committed a dreadful slaughter. An- quetil and eleven other officers fell ; only about forty men, half of whom had lost their arms, advanced to Gundamuk, hoping there for security. They reached it about daybreak, but found themselves so beset, as to be obliged to leave the road, and take a defensive posi- tion on a height. An attempt was made to negotiate, but Major Griffiths and Mr Blewitt, who proceeded for the purpose, were detained. Hostilities were then renewed, and the little band, overpowered by numbers, were suc- cessively cut down, only Captain Souter and three men being made prisoners. A separate party of twelve, among whom were seven officers, pushed on for Jellalabad ; but they fell successive victims to the fury and treachery of the inhabitants, except Dr Brydon, who reached that town, where he gave the first direful tidings of the fate of the army. Sergeant Lissant and four others, also seeking to escape individually, had been made prisoners. The captives on the whole were about seventy ; an un- known proportion of the native troops and followers had gone over to the enemy ; but by far the greater part of the 16,500 who left the cantonment at Cabul had miserably perished. This retreat may be considered without a parallel, if not in the extent, at least in the completeness of its calamity.* * This relation of events at Cabul, and during the retreat, has, in the absence of official documents, been drawn up chiefly on the authority of Lieutenant Eyre whose narrative of " Military Ope- Tidings borne to Jellalabad THE AFGHAN WAR. 639 While this tragical drama was in progress, minor scenes CHAP. XVL were acting in different quarters, too much in accord- - ance with its character. We have already related the ' adventures and narrow escape of Major Pottinger. In ^^rences the same quarter, Lieutenants Maule and Wheeler, com- in other manding a detachment about twenty miles north-west quarters - of Cahul, were deserted by their men and barbarously murdered. Pesh Bolak, a fortress which commands the passes Pesh Boiak. between Jellalabad and Peshawer, was held by Captain Ferris, with 250 native troops belonging to the shah ; and there several officers halted, the roads in front being re- ported impracticable. On the 13th November, the piquets began to be attacked, and skirmishing parties to appear, who, though at first easily beaten off, gradually increased to 6000, when they surrounded the post, with wild yells and furious gestures. A gun placed in the centre bastion Desperate kept them at bay ; but the sad discovery was soon made, that the ammunition was on the point of being exhaust- ed, and moreover that there was treason within the walls. No hope then appeared but to cut their way through ; and accordingly, on the night of the 16th, a column was formed, consisting of the armed force, in the centre of which were Mrs Ferris and her sister dressed in men's clothes, with all the civilians of the garrison. A brisk fire was kept up till the moment of departure, when they rushed forth. The enemy at once took the alarm, and made a furious attack ; but some vigorous discharges of musketry obliged them to retire. The party hastened to Lallporah ; but observing the sinister looks of the people, and hearing that the Khyber pass was closely guarded, they induced, by large gifts, one of the khans to lead them by a mountainous path to Peshawer. The ladies were obliged to travel about 150 miles, clamber- ing a great part of the way on their hands and feet. The great rising at Cabul was accompanied by one rations " (London, Murray, 1843) appears intelligent and candid. The narratives of Dr Brydon and Sergeant Lissant have also been consulted. ^ 640 THE AFGHAN WAR. CHAP. xvi. equally determined at Ghizni. Captain Woodbum, - with about 100 men, moving thence to the capital, was surrounded by a numerous body, and his little band almost entirely destroyed. The insurgents soon as- sembled in great force, and closely invested this celebrated fortress. Colonel Palmer, who commanded, not having quite 1000 men, was unable to prevent their entering the city, but maintained himself hi the citadel, and in some outposts. Here he continued during the depth of winter ; and hopes were entertained that he would be able to remain till relieved. In February, however, seemingly after the destruction of the Cabul army, the besieging force was greatly increased in numbers and courage. They are said on one occasion to have been Danger of repulsed with great loss ; but his despatch of the 1st the garrison. M arcn states that they had established themselves under cover, within fifty yards of the fortress, and that the troops were exhausted by constant duty and the extreme cold, the thermometer being 14 below the freezing point. Above all, water, which had long been scarce, was about to fail altogether, as the surrender of the out- posts would, in forty-eight hours, enable the enemy to command the only well, and the whole garrison would in a few days inevitably perish. These reasons, if not Additional exaggerated, appear sufficient ; yet it is very curious surrender? * ^ n( ^ n ' m adding, as a further justification, that he had received a letter from General Elphinstone and Major Pottinger, desiring him to take this step on the arrival of Rohilla Khan, an Afghan chief ; and he refers even to similar instructions from Sir W. Macnaghten. It would appear, indeed, that such a letter had been sent during the calamities of the army ; but Generals Sale and Nott, who received similar ones, did not, under the circumstances, think themselves authorized to obey martM them. The governor-general, on receiving the intelli- Coionel gence, ordered a court-martial to be held as soon as Palmer. convenient on the conduct of Palmer. He had obtained the promise of honourable treatment and a safe march to Cabul ; but, in consequence of thousands of Ghazees being in the city, these terms were very imperfectly fulfilled. THE AFGHAN WAR. fl^l General Nott, commanding at Candahar, on learning CHAP XVL the crisis at Cabul, sent Colonel Maclaren, with a brig- ^~f g4i ade, to support the British cause. That officer, however, on approaching Ghizni, found the snow so deep, and the ^"l!* animals with him perishing so fast, that he was obliged assistance to retrace his steps. Candahar itself was threatened by ' a force of 5000 men under Mohammed Atta, a fanatical chief, and Prince Sufter Jung. The general marched with a strong corps, totally routed and dispersed them, with the loss on his own side of only three killed and between twenty and thirty wounded. By this seasonable success that important capital was for the present secured. Their triumph at Cabul, however, soon reanimated Renewed the insurgents in this quarter, who perhaps received Candahar. reinforcements from the victorious army. In the be- ginning of March, they threatened Candahar with a larger force than before. Nott marched against them with the greater part of his troops, when they gra- dually retreated till they had drawn him to a consi- derable distance. Then, an imposing appearance being still preserved in his front, about 6000 of them wheeled round, and, by a circuitous route through a friendly country, came quite unexpectedly upon the capital. They immediately gained possession of the old town, and were penetrating into the new one, when 2700 British, who had been left for its defence, charged the Failure, assailants with such vigour, that they were totally dis- persed, with great slaughter. This failure of a scheme, ingeniously planned and partially successful, seemed greatly to disconcert them ; while the people became more friendly, and brought in supplies of provisions. The fall of GhLzni, however, seemed again to revive their spirits ; and troops began to move from tliat quarter westward. On the 1st April, Colonel Wymer, having marched with about 1500 men to meet a force expected from Quetta, was furiously attacked by about 8000 of the enemy ; but a few volleys from the infantry checked their ardour, and a charge of cavalry completely dispersed them. Candahar was well supplied with provisions, but the 642 THE AFGHAN WAR. CHAP. XVL A.D. 1842. General England despatched with stores. Attack by the enemy. Screwed attack on JelJalabad. Spirited repulse. public money wasexhausted,and ammunition had become scarce. To supply these wants, General England was sent from Sinde with about 4000 men, escorting a nu- merous train of camels, with the requisite funds and stores. They marched in three divisions, of which two, on the 16th March, arrived at Quetta, 147 miles from Candahar ; whence, as the country in front was occupied by insurgent bands, the commander advanced with a con- siderable force, to clear the way and obtain forage. He seems not to have been duly apprized of the enemy's strength, and hence his vanguard, on reaching the sum- mit of a hill, were assailed by an ambuscade, and com- pelled to retreat, leaving Captain May and sixteen men dead on the field. The corps, in descending, were charged in the rear by a strong body of cavalry, when Major Ap- thorp of the 20th was mortally wounded ; but, having formed themselves into a square, they repelled all farther attack, and fell back upon Quetta. Their loss is stated at 27 killed and 71 wounded. The Afghans had received large reinforcements from the north, under a resolute chief, Mohammed Sedeez, and became so strong, that General England was obliged to throw up intrenchments for the defence of the station he now occupied. We have seen that General Sale at Jellalabad repulsed all attacks down to the 14th November ; but it could not be expected that the triumphant operations at Cabul would not encourage the enemy to renew their assaults upon him. Accordingly, the tribes again began to muster, keep- ing up afire which interrupted the defensive works, and they even threatened mining operations. It appeared ne- cessary to drive them to a greater distance ; with which view, on the 1st December 1841, a column was formed within the Cabul gate, which was then thrown open, and Colonel Dennie led out the troops with such impetuosity, that the enemy speedily took to flight. Our loss was trifling. They now retired about twelve miles, feeling that they could not make another attempt without a strong reinforcement of cavalry. After the catastrophe of the Cabul army, however, they returned hi increased numbers, commanded by Ak- THE AFGHAN WAR. 643 bar in person, who had formerly, as we mentioned, been CHAP. xvi. governor of Jellalabad. He made the most strenuous A ~Y 84 2 efforts to establish a rigorous blockade : the ravines, hollows, and remains of mud-forts, were filled with tio'ckade^ skirmishers, who kept up an incessant fire on the para- pets. On the 10th March, operations were pressed with particular ardour on the north side, and a report was received, that they were driving a mine in that direction. It being highly important to ascertain this fact, Colonel Dennie next day, with 800 men, sallied out by the gate Effective leading to Peshawer. Leaving Captain Oldneld with BaUy ' the cavalry to occupy the enemy's attention there, he swept round to the north quarter, which, beyond expec- tation, was found quite unoccupied. Only one picket held a spot of rising ground, from which it was soon driven by Captain Broadfoot. Full opportunity was thus given to ascertain whether any mining operation was going on, but neither shaft nor gallery was found to have been yet commenced. Akbar's camp was now seen in full movement, and masses of cavalry and infantry ad- vancing : as, however, the object of the British was not to give battle, they returned in good order, and with- out loss, into the city. On the 1st April, General Sale, Opportune having observed some flocks of sheep grazing in the vici- provisions nity, sent out the cavalry and light infantry, who, driv- ing off the covering parties, secured an opportune sup- ply of 500 of these animals. About this time various rumours began to thicken. Rumours of General Pollock was said to have been repulsed in an attempt to penetrate the Kyber, and a feu de joie fired in the army of Akbar, was understood to celebrate that event. The latter chief was also reported to be about to despatch part of his force to assist in defending the pass, while other accounts bore, that he was preparing to retreat to Lughman, and even that a revolution had broken out at Cabul. Little reliance could be placed on any of these statements ; but upon a general survey of affairs, General Sale concluded, that a victory over Akbar would at once relieve the pressure upon himself, and aid the G44 THE AFG11AN WAR, Repulse of CHAP. XVL operations of General Pollock ; and though that chief A.D~1842 commanded 6000 men, he hoped for success. He there- fore formed his infantry, 1360 strong, into three col- tattJe re? 1 u tnnSj under Colonels Dennie and Monteath and Captain solved upon. Havelock, while Captains Abbot and Oldfield led on the cavalry and artillery. On the 7th April, at daybreak, they issned forth by the Peshawer and Cabul gates, and saw the enemy drawn up in regular order to receive them, having their left resting on the river. Cap- tain Havelock soon drove in the advance ; while the central column attacked a strong fort, which covered that part of Akbar's line. They were repulsed, and in the attack Colonel Dennie received a mortal wound. They contrived, however, to pass this work on the left, and form the army on the opposite side. A grand gene- ral attack was then made, the artillery advancing at the gallop, and the three columns of infantry rushing on in concert. The enemy gave way immediately at all points, his left being dislodged from its posts on the river, and some men and horses pushed into it. Vi- gorous attempts were made to rally, particularly by masses of cavalry, while a battery, screened by a garden wall, was directed, it was supposed, by the sirdar him- self. By seven in the morning, however, the whole army was in full retreat towards Lughman, the camp and tents were involved in a general conflagration, and their artillery captured, including four pieces taken from the Cabul army. The victory was complete, and only alloyed by the fall of Colonel Dennie, whose heroic ex- ploits in this war we have repeatedly commemorated. General Sale, while deploring it as a public calamity, felt it must be a consolation to his friends, that he fell while most gallantly performing his duty. Meantime, as soon as the first disasters were known, Afghanistan, all the troops that could be spared from the north of India were pushed forward into Afghanistan. Their rendezvous was at Peshawer, now belonging to the Seik government, who were ready to afford them every assistance. Early in January, several regiments had been mustered there ; but the fort of Ali Musjid, about Their total rout Fresh troops sent Into THE AFGHAN WAR. 645 20 miles in advance, and on the road to Jellalabad, was CHAP. XVL announced to be in great distress. Colonel Moseley was ^ D~i842. sent forward with two regiments, which, by a nijrht- march, succeeded in reaching the place. Brigadier abandoned. Wild, on the 19th, attempted to penetrate with two more ; but he was repulsed, himself wounded, and the whole party obliged to retreat with considerable loss. In Ali Musjid, meantime, the provisions were so completely exhausted, that the colonel was obliged to quit it on the 25th, and push back to Jumrood, having suffered a loss of 175 killed and wounded, including several officers. Reinforcements, however, continued to arrive ; andGe- General neral Pollock, who has most fully justified the choice appointed made of him, was appointed to command them and all to the com - the troops west of the Indus. He arrived in the end of January, but before attempting the formidable operation with which the campaign must open, he judged it neces- sary to await the accumulation of a considerable force. By the beginning of April, it had been raised to aboxit 8000, and though this was scarcely adequate, and 4000 more were expected, the urgent state of affairs in Af- ghanistan made him determine to attempt the passage Passage of * of the Khyber. This tremendous defile was defended the Khyber ' by about 10,000 brave mountaineers, thoroughly skilled in this species of warfare. They had raised a strong breastwork to defend the narrow entrance, and their bands covered all the rocky and precipitous heights on the right and left, whence they could take sure aim against the small column, which alone could march on the road beneath. To have penetrated through this passage, exposed to so terrible a fire, would have been Difficulty of scarcely possible, and certainly not without dread- ful carnage. The general saw that the only means of securing success was to send troops to scale the heights, and dislodge the enemy posted upon them. This was a most formidable operation ; but British soldiers, when brought into close contact, had shown themselves able to van- quish the enemy under almost any circumstances. Two columns were therefore formed, of twelve companies 646 THE AFGHAN WAR. CHAP. XVL each, and placed, the one under Colonel Taylor and Ma- A. JTT842. J or Anderson, the other under Colonel Moseley and Major Huish ; while 400 of the native troops called drSven'froin Jezailchees, were led by Captain Ferris. Both columns, the heights, in the face of a determined opposition, which they overcame in the most gallant style, succeeded in ex- pelling the enemy from the crest of the hill. In this achievement they were much aided by Captain Alex- ander of the artillery, who threw in shrapnell shells wherever opportunity offered. The assailants continued to drive the opposing force from height to height till they had cleared the whole range as far as Ali Musjid. At the view of this success, the barrier at the mouth of the pass was abandoned, and the body of the army, with treasure, ammunition, and baggage, marched through without op- position. This grand operation was accomplished with the incredibly small loss of 14 killed, 104 wounded, and 17 missing ; the first including one and the second three officers. The Khyber On the 6th, Ali Musjid was attacked, and possession irei taken, after a slight resistance. A full command was thus obtained of the Khyber Pass, and the route lay open to Jellalabad and into the interior of Cabul. Operations at Meantime, active operations were proceeding in the Candahar. we st, where the enemy omitted no exertion to dislodge the force with which General Nott occupied Candahar. Prince Sufter Jung, a son of Shah Sujah, seconded the hostile chiefs in plundering the villages, and exciting the people to rise against the British. After continuing these movements during February, they began early in March to press close upon the city ; when the gene- ral, finding it necessary to push them to a distance, left 2600 men under Major Lane for its defence, and with the main body dashed out against the marauders. Though possessing a strength of 12,000, of whom one half were nerai cavalry, well mounted, they hastily retreated, passed the Nott rivers Turnuk and Urghundab, and carefully shunned all contact with the pursuing infantry. On the 9th, General Nott approached so near that his artillery could open upon them with effect, when they were completely THE AFGHAN WAR. 647 broken and dispersed, being only saved from destruction CHAP, xvi by his defect in horse. After accomplishing this ob- A-iTT&ia ject he returned, without sustaining the slightest loss in men, baggage, or camels. While the commander was engaged in this expedition, Renewed a strong detachment of Afghans, making a wide circuit, and favoured by their knowledge of the country and affections of the people, came suddenly upon Can- dahar. Major Lane, seeing their assemblage in the forenoon of the 10th, caused every preparation to be made for resistance, and the gates to be secured by bags of grain piled inside. The enemy, however, about eight in the evening, when completely dark, succeeded, by com- bustibles secretly ignited, in setting fire to the Herat gate. The governor lost no time in reinforcing this post, and opening upon them a destructive fire ; yet in Their total the face of the havock thus made, dense masses kept up re P nls& an incessant and heavy discharge, while eight or ten even tore down the burning fragments, and, scrambling over the bags, effected an entrance. They were soon despatched ; and about midnight, after four hours of inces- sant attack, the assailants withdrew. A similar attempt to fire the Shikarpore gate entirely failed, as did a feebler one on that leading to Cabul. The enemy then re- treated with such diligence, that when day broke not one of them was visible ; but the ground was strewed with dead bodies, while the British had not sustained a single casualty. Though the Afghans were thus severely checked at every Harassing point, they continued to lay waste the country, carrying |J ^eneffj away the forage, and turning aside the supplies of water. Colonel Wymer was sent out to check these movements and to collect supplies. On the banks of the Urghundab he saw large bodies of cavalry grazing their horses ; and on emerging from a pass a considerable force was observed to be forming in his rear. He marched back and obliged them to retreat ; while Colonel Maclaren dislodged another band from a village in front. But at the same time, an overwhelming body, which had collected on the right flank, gained a temporary advan- 648 THE AFGHAN WAR. CHAP. XVL tage, several officers being wounded. The commander A. D~i842 l iastene d to their a 'd 5 an< * t ^ ie skirmish terminated in the enemy being driven in confusion across the Ur- ghundab, while the convoy was completely secured. Advance of We have already mentioned that General England, General j n the middle of March, load been repulsed in his attempt to convey stores to Candahar. Being re- inforced, he advanced again in the end of April, and on the 28th found the enemy in considerable strength, strongly posted in front of the village of Hykulzie. He attacked them with such vigour, that, notwithstand- ing a spirited defence, they were soon broken and dis- persed ; his loss being only ten wounded. On the other side he found Colonel Wymer, who had come to aid him ; and the united corps proceeded without Softer Jung, opposition to Candahar. In the end of May, Sufter Jung, being joined by Auktur Khan with 3000 men, advanced upon the capital, where the force was weak- ened by Wymer having been sent with a detachment into the Ghilzie country. They took post on some steep rocky hills about a mile from the city, imagining the commander would not have strength enough to at- tack them in the field. Yet he without hesitation sallied out : all their positions were gallantly carried ; and they were driven with great loss across the Ur- ghundab. The strong fortress of Kelat-i-Ghilzie had been maintained with great difficulty during the winter, surrounded by a hostile people, who early in spring formed lines of circumvallation, and closely blockaded it. Unable to effect any impression, they retired ; but now again, on the 21st May, made an attack, at four in the morning, in two columns, each of 2000 men, with thirty scaling ladders. After an hour's contest, they were completely beaten off. Meantime, Cabul itself, on the departure of the English, became the theatre of most violent dissensions and revolutions ; but the train of these events, and the motives of the barbarous actors, are involved in much obscurity. Shah Sujah, having at that crisis remained behind unprotected, might have been expected to fall a Compelled to retreat Dissensions at Cabal. THE AFGHAN WAR. 649 victim to the excited fury of the people. On the CHAP XVI contrary, he retained possession of the Bala Hissar, A ^" M2 exercised a powerful influence, and was even courted by the different parties. The odium attached to him, it thus appears, had heen chiefly reflected from the foreign aid by which his cause was upheld. As all parties united in this sentiment, the shah evidently deemed it expedient to dissemble whatever attachment he might feel for the British ; nor is there wanting ground to suspect, that he joined with apparent cor- diality in schemes for their entire expulsion. One of the two factions into which the country was rent obtained, it is said, his consent to place himself at the head of a force levied for that purpose. On this destina- tion he left the Bala Hissar ; but the hostile party of the Baurikzehee sirdars,strongly attached to Dost Mohammed and Akbar, determined to seize so favourable an opportu- nity for gratifying their enmity. They placed in ambush His assassl- a body of skilful musketeers, who, when they saw the na ' monarch coming to the spot, sprung forth, and discharged against him a shower of balls. Two of them took effect in a vital part, when he fell down and expired almost im- mediately. Several of his attendants were also slain ; his crown and jewels were seized ; and he left his family in as distracted a state as his kingdom. We have seen his son Sufter Jung raising all the western tribes against the British power ; while another, Futteh Jung, was understood to be animated by quite opposite sentiments. The latter, being on the spot, obtained possession of the Bala Hissar, and assumed the reins of sovereignty. A.kbar, however, who had been absent during these trans- influence of ictions, and whose power was seemingly much reduced, Akbar< QOW hastened to Cabul ; and by his talents, influence, and address, regained the complete mastery of that capi- tal. He then turned his arms against the Bala Hissar ; ind having effected a breach, compelled it to surrender. Yet he did not proceed to extremities against Futteh Jung, but acknowledged him as shah, upon the under- standing that he himself, under the title of vizier, should exercise the whole authority. The prince at 650 THE AFGHAN WAR. CHAP. xvi. first consented ; but not brooking this mere shadow Ti849 of royalty, and being in fact treated as a kind of state- prisoner, he made his escape, and presented himself in Fntteh Jung. ^ cam p of Q enera i Pollock, whom he urged to advance upon the capital. Akbar was thus left undisputed master of the country, and the only enemy with whom that commander had now to contend. Change of The British counsels, at this era, underwent an impor- fthom ent tant change ; for in September 1841, Sir Robert Peel and his friends came into power, in no degree pledged to the Indian policy of their predecessors. They do not appear to have intended to recall Lord Auckland ; but that nobleman, feeling himself in a delicate situation, and the usual term of his office being nearly expired, so- Resignation licited permission to resign. This was granted ; and, Auckland. am i saved themselves by flight. Captain Broadfoot enemy. also completely succeeded on the left ; but the fugi- tives from both points rallied on the top of a very lofty mountain, where they planted their standards, and seem- ed to consider themselves unapproachable. To dispel this idea, Captains Wilkinson and Broadfoot mounted in columns, covered by the guns of Captains Abbott and Backhouse. As soon as the Afghans saw them ap- proach, they hastily took to flight, abandoning this last stronghold, and carrying off their standards. They included the most powerful of the hostile tribes those among whom the insurrection had arisen and who were led by numerous chiefs. But neither Akbar Khan nor any other of the first rank was present. Our loss amount- ed to six killed and fifty-eight wounded, among which last was General Sale. Arrival at Pollock now proceeded with the utmost diligence, and Tereen. on ^ e nth arrived at Tezeen, where, finding the men and cattle much fatigued, he allowed them to repose on the 12th, before entering into the still more formidable passes which lay before him. The barbarians, im- puting this pause to timidity, commenced an attack upon the outposts on the left, which it was necessary to send Colonel Taylor with 240 men to repel. The Renewed enemy then retired to the crests of the neighbouring attacks on hills, whence they kept up an obstinate fire ; but the colonel, having made a circuit unperceived, took them in flank, and drove them down with severe loss. Soon after, however, they came suddenly upon a picket on the British right, under Lieutenant Montgomery, which was driven in, with the loss of four killed and seven- teen wounded, before a reinforcement could arrive to strengthen the post. They continued similar attempts through the night, but found every point completely guarded. Major Skinner, who had been detached with a party in the evening, succeeded hi dislodging a body of the enemy from the heights in front of the camp. THE AFGHAN WAR. 655 On the morning of the 13th, the army entered the CHAP xvi pass of Tezeen, and found mustered there the whole A.DT842. Cabul force, estimated at 16,000 men, under the per- sonal command of Akbar, Ameenoolah, and other great chiefs attached to his cause. They had most carefully improved the naturally great strength of the position, and manifested a determination to defend it to the last extremity. When therefore the British troops ascended the heights, they found them, contrary to custom, advanc- ing to the contest, which was maintained with despera- Obstinate tion, and in many instances decided only by the bayonet, {^"gf J^ It was peculiarly obstinate before they were dislodged from the numerous positions on the lofty eminence of the Huft Kothul. The resistance was indeed protracted during a great part of the day ; but at length British valour overcame every obstacle, and our troops, with three cheers, established themselves on this mighty summit. The enemy then fled in every direction, losing Flight of their guns and three standards. A strong body had the enemy attacked the rear-guard, with the view of hemming in the army on both sides, or at least of capturing the bag- gage ; but they were gallantly repulsed by Colonel Richmond, who commanded in that quarter. The general now marched on to Koord Cabul. The Pass f dreadful pass of that name still lay before him, and troops were sent to crown its heights ; but the enemy, dismayed and disorganized by their recent overthrow, had made no attempt to secure them. On the 14th, he arrived at Bootkhak, and next day encamped on the race-ground at Cabul. On the morning of the 16th, Bn'tisH with his staff and a detachment, he entered the Bala planted on Hissar, on whose summit, amid the anthem of " God BaiaHissar save the Queen," the British colours were hoisted. Futteh Jung was allowed to accompany them, and placed himself on the throne, but without any co-opera- tion or guarantee on our part. The strictest orders were issued to the officers and troops not to injure in any shape the city or its inhabitants, nor even to enter it without express permission. Meantimej as early as the beginning of June, General 656 THE AFGHAN WAR. CHAP. xvr. Nott had been making preparations to evacuate Candahar, A D~1842. after dismantling its fortified positions. Colonel Wymer, who had marched upon Kelat-i-Ghilzie, demolished ^ strongholds, and withdrew the garrison. A similar course was followed in respect to Ghirisk, long held by Bulwunt Sing, a steady adherent of England. All the stores in the capital which could not be carried off were destroyed ; and on the 10th August, the city being eva- cuated, the army divided itself into two portions. One under General England, composed of the troops recently arrived from Bombay, and removing with them all the heavy baggage, commenced their return by Quetta and Dadur to the Lower Indus. On the 16th, he reached Pass, the entrance of the Kujuk Pass, where he had been informed that the Afghans were preparing to make a most desperate effort to intercept his artillery and sup- plies, including nearly 10,000 beasts of burden. He saw, however, that the highest mountain pinnacles were Principal not yet occupied, and though the troops were fatigued secured. ^ v a n *&^ nwch of twenty-four miles, he lost no time in sending a light detachment to take possession of the most important ridge, and the peaks commanding the principal passes. This proved a most judicious precau- tion ; for, next morning, the enemy began to appear in small bodies, their numbers continually increased, and repeated attacks were made, but rendered fruitless by the want of any commanding position. The loss sus- tained was only two killed and eight wounded. The The Bolan army then marched in two columns by Quetta to Dadur, which it reached on the 9th October. In traversing the Bolan Pass, the heat was extremely severe, and some slight annoyance was experienced from the natives. Engagement On the 10th August, also, General Nott quitted Can- Nott 1 dahar > leaving it to be occupied by Prince Sufter Jung shumshoo- and his adherents. On the general reaching Naunee, ***"* however, about twenty miles from Ghizni, Shum- shoodeen Khan, governor of that capital, met him on the 30th with 12,000 men. He marched out with only a part of his force, when the enemy advanced boldly, open- ing a hot fire from small arms and two well-served guns. THE AFGHAN WAR. 657 The British columns, however, steadily advanced, and CHAP. XVL after a brisk but short contest, completely dispersed them. ^ ^~Ts4a Their guns, tents, and ammunition fell into our hands, and the darkness alone saved them from being entirely cut up, their commander fleeing with a train of no more than thirty horsemen. Our loss, however, amounted to thirty-eight killed and sixty-six wounded. On the morning of the 5th, the general arrived at Arrival at Ghizni, which he found defended by strong bodies of Ghizni - troops, reinforced by Sultan Jan, one of the leading actors in the scene of assassination. They had occupied not only gardens and ravines in front of the walls, but a long range of mountains stretching to the north-east. The first object being to reconnoitre the place, and the party thus employed being briskly attacked, it was ne- cessary to send additional companies to their support. It was judged requisite to begin by driving the Af- The heights ghans from the heights, which the troops effected in gallant style, carrying successively every point. The village of Bullal was then chosen as a convenient site for erecting a battery ; and before daybreak on the 6th, one of four eighteen pounders was constructed and ad- vanced towards the walls. It was then, however, dis- Citadel of covered that the enemy had evacuated the place ; and denfolished. arrangements were immediately made for the demolition of this celebrated citadel, as far as could be effected in two days. The loss in these operations consisted of three killed and forty-three wounded. General Nott now marched directly northward upon March on Cabul ; but in approaching Mydan, he again encountered Cabul - Shumshoodeen and Sultan Jan, with a force as large as before, occupying a range of strong mountain-posts. The 14th and 15th September were spent hi driving them successively from these eminences, which was done with the usual success, though not without a hard resist- ance, costing a loss of four killed and fifty -nine wounded. The army then proceeded to join General Pollock at Cabul. An auspicious result now followed the triumph of the British arms. As soon as Akbar saw his victorious enemy 658 THE AFGHAN WAR. CHAP. XVL advancing, he despatched the prisoners under a strong A. D~i842 g uar( i to Khoolloom in Turkestan, where they were either to be thrown into dungeons or given as slaves to * ne principal chiefs. In this fearful predicament, they of course looked round for all means of deliverance. The escort was commanded by Salih Mohammed, who had deserted from the British cause, and might therefore Negotiations not be incorruptible. A tender was repeatedly made to him of a lac of rupees (10,000), on condition of enabling them to reach the English camp. He evaded these pro- positions, evidently doubtful which side would gain the ascendency. On their arrival at Bameean, however, he came and 'announced that orders had been received for their immediate departure for Khoolloom ; but that General Pollock had intimated through another channel a readiness to bestow 2000 and a monthly pension of 100, in case of his effecting their deliverance. This he engaged to do, provided they should enter into a bond guaranteeing the offer just made. Four officers signed Terms the obligation, the other prisoners engaging to pay such bylaiih sums as might hereafter be demanded from them for Mohammed, fulfilling it. Salih then dismissed the escort, and changed the governor of the fort for one on whom he could rely. Dreading lest the Afghan army, even in its retreat, should take this direction, they made indefatigable efforts to put the stronghold in a state of defence. However, on learning the victory at Tezeen, and anticipating the entry of the British forces into Cabul, they con- ceived it possible to effect their deliverance by their own efforts, trusting to co-operation from that quarter. In Rescue of fact, General Pollock, immediately on arriving there, had epnsoners. ma( j e arran g em ents for the departure of 700 Kuzzilbash horse, accompanied by Sir Richmond Shakespeare, to whom he advanced 10,000 rupees ; and soon after Gen- eral Sale followed, with a corps of 2000 men. The prisoners departed from Bameean on the 16th, and next day crossed the Kaloo mountain -range, 13,000 feet high, being little inferior to Mount Blanc. After descending, they were filled with joy by meeting with Sir Richmond and theKuzzilbashes, and on the 19th with General Sale. THE AFGHAN WAR. 659 The meeting of that officer with his heroic lady and CHAP. XVI daughter may be more easily conceived than described. A ^"^ His mission proved by no means superfluous, as Sultan Jan was in full pursuit, and would perhaps have been up oifthe'arri- in twenty-four hours. They arrived in camp on the even- vai of the ing of the 21st, when their arrival was celebrated by a pnsoner8 - royal salute and the most heartfelt rejoicings. They included General Shelton, Colonel Palmer, Majors Pot- tinger and Griffiths, twelve captains, three surgeons, nine lieutenants, three ensigns, twenty-eight non-com- missioned officers and soldiers. The females were Ladies Macnaghten and Sale, besides the wives of five officers and of three privates. There remained only Captain Bygrave, who had been detained by Akbar ; but he, too, arrived on the 27th, with a despatch from that chief. The Afghans, after so many disasters, retreated into Retreat of the mountain-territory of Kohistan, immediately north [o of Cabul, where they hoped to find a present refuge and a point whence they might return upon the city. Gen- eral Pollock, however, determined to dislodge them, and if he could not capture, at least drive them to a distance. The grand rallying point, to which most of the chiefs had conveyed their property and their wives, was Istalif. istalit This town, with 15,000 inhabitants, consists of clusters of houses and forts built on the slope of a mountain, having in its rear still loftier eminences, that shut in a defile leading to Turkestan. It could be approached only across rangesof hillsseparated by dark ravines, and covered with gardens, vineyards, and orchards, enclosed by strong walls ; all the heights being occupied by the Jezailchees, those formidable sharpshooters. After careful exam in- Chosen ation, it was determined to make the attack on the right, ^^ though the quarter naturally strongest ; but from this very cause, the enemy had been induced to place on the left their guns and the most efficient of their force. The troops, formed into two columns, under Brigadiers Tulloch and Stacy, advanced in the face of a heavy fire storming of from the gardens, and then united in a joint attack on IsmiUah - the village Ismillah, considered the key of the position, which they stormed with distinguished gallantry. Press- ggQ THE AFGHAN WAR. CHAP. xvi. ing on, and leaving the enemy not a moment to rally, ~^42 * ne y can 'i e d successively all the enclosures, forts, heights, suburbs, and finally the town. The singular spectacle The fort was then presented of the women and children hastening U P * ne m UQ ta m -side to effect their escape, which no attempt was made to intercept. As armed bodies, how- ever, were seen rallying on some very lofty heights, guns were conveyed up by some narrow paths, and soon caused their dispersion. The British loss was six killed and forty-five wounded, considered very small in carry- ing so strong a position. The place was found filled with property conveyed thither for security, and in great part taken from our army in 1 841 . After removing every thing that could be useful, arrangements were made for the entire demolition of the fortress. Evacuation No further operations were undertaken against the tryresoved enem y Akbar and other chiefs, on whom it might have nponT V been desirable to let fall our resentment, had fled beyond the frontier, and sought refuge in Turkestan. The speedy approach of winter gave warning to lose no time in executing the resolution of evacuating a country which had been the scene of so much glory and dis- aster. Futteh Jung, as already mentioned, had seated himself on the throne, but without Britisli sanction. It proved that the Kuzzilbashes, and other friendly chiefs, chose rather that it should be occupied by Shah * >oora > nis y oun g e r brother, a mere lad, hoping, it is probable, to govern in his name, and taking advantage of the respect with which his family were still regarded. General Pollock, who had resolved to refrain from dic- tating on this subject, not only acquiesced, but left un- injured the Bala Hissar, with a store of artillery for its defence. The elder brother accompanied our army to India. It was, however, considered indispensable that, before departing, a severe lesson should be given to the onhegreat -^fe^ 8 ** to tlle hazards which must always attend bazaar a war with Britain. The great bazaar, erected under Aurengzebe, by the celebrated architect Ali Murdan Khan, was esteemed the most spacious edifice, and the chief seat of trade in Central Asia. It was 600 feet long, THE AFGHAN WAR. ^gj and contained 2000 shops ; and here had been exposed CHAP. XVL to public insult the remains of the late envoy. It was ~ therefore determined to reduce it to ashes ; and Colonel Richmond, with a party of sappers and miners, and a detachment of troops, were employed two days in com- pleting its destruction. The army marched on the 12th October in three divi- Order of sions, commanded respectively by Generals Pollock, tnarch - M'Caskill, and Nott. General Sale, with a light corps, went in advance to clear the right flank, and crown the heights of the Koord Cabul Pass. Through these good arrangements General Pollock's division arrived at Jug- duluk on the 16th, without any serious attempt to molest it. The second, xmder General M'Caskill, suffered some annoyance and loss. General Nott's rear was much re- Attac ,t 8b y tarded by the exhaustion of the baggage-cattle, of which theGMizies advantage was taken by large hordes of Ghilzies to make several brisk attacks. They were gallantly repulsed, yet with a loss on our side of twelve killed and forty-nine wounded. From Jugduluk, the divisions, for the con- venience of march, proceeded separately, each at a day's interval. On the 22d, 23d, and 25th, they successively arrived at Jellalabad. Three days were employed in Destruction destroying the military works of that celebrated for- "eUaiaba4 tress. On the 27th, the first division left it, followed on the 29th by the others. They proceeded with all ex- pedition through the passes, and though constantly har- assed by the Khyberees, sustained no serious loss except on the 3d November, when General M'Caskill's division was attacked with great fury, and a contest ensued, in which two officers and a considerable number of Passage men fell. Two guns were taken, but recovered next day. f On the 6th, the last, under General Nott, emerged from the pass at Jumrood, and the whole were soon united in the vicinity of Peshawer. On the 10th, they marched in four brigades ; on the 17th, crossed the In- dus at Attock, and, proceeding through the Punjaub, on the 18th, passed the Sutledge to Ferozepore, where the governor and commander-in-chief joyfully received them. On the 25th October, Lord Ellenborongh had QQ2 THE AFGHAN WAK. CHAP, xvi announced in a proclamation, that with a view to ter- A. iTi842. ruinate as early as possible all the evils arising out of the Ca tive war> *^ e severa * Afghans now in the power of the Bri- A?|hans set tish government would be set at liberty. In this num- at liberty. ^ Dost Mohammed, his wives and family, and also those of Akbar Khan, were included. Kesnit of tiie Such was the termination of this long contest diversi- Itest fied by so many events at once glorious and tragical. It was doubtless a subject of rather painful reflection that the only result should be, the restoration of all things to their previous state, and the renunciation of every object for which the war had been undertaken. Yet few, we think, will deny, that the resolution thus to close it, as announced by Lord Ellenborough, was highly judi- cious. The expedition had, as formerly shown, been Mistaken projected by Lord Auckland, under the belief, that Auckland "' *^ e deposed monarch would be welcomed by his former subjects, and that the secure possession of the throne in his hands would form a barrier to our Indian possessions. It h. indeed appeared, that the people were not without some attachment to the ancient family, but as soon as it was proved that he could not be maintained in power except by a British force, all hope of holding this proud, bnve, and turbulent people in willing subjection neces- wisdnmof sarily vanished. We might, indeed, by good manage- evacuating meut, have held a number of fortified positions in a be- 011 iy> sieged state, but could never have possessed the country. It must have been what Spain was to Napoleon, and what Algiers now is to France, a source of weakness, inasmuch as it would have proved a continual drain both of men and treasure. THE WAR IN SINDE ANT) GWALIOtt, 663 CHAPTER XVII. The War in Sinde and Gtcalior. Rejoicings on the termination of the Afghan War Desire for the consolidation of the British possessions in India Disturbances in Sinde Hostile manifestations of the Ameers Sir Charles Napier assumes the command in Sinde Faithless proceedings of the Ameers Attack on the British Resident Battle of Hydera- bad Defeat of the Sindian and Beloochee Forces Important effects of the Victory Battle of Dubba Strong position of the Enemy Decisive Victory Insalubrity of the Climate Disturb- ances on the Northern Frontiers Disordered state of Afghan- istan Revolutions in the Punjaub Army of Observation on the Sutledge Disturbances at Gwalior Battles of Mabarajpoor and Panniar Decisive effects of these Victories Recall of Lord Ellenborougli Lord Hardinge appointed Governor-general Change of Policy Continued Disturbances in the Punjaub Discussions which they gave rise to. THE year 1842 closed, both in India and at home, with CHAPXVir. gratulations and rejoicings for the successful termination A. DTTm. of Eastern warfare. A succession of disasters had attended p the British arms, such as had scarcely before been matched Afghanistan. in its history. Dishonour, defeat, and flight, had disgraced the British standards beyond the Indun, and already boding prophets, both in England and on the Continent, were anticipating the overthrow of our whole Indian empire. Events the most tragical and disastrous had, how- Final success. ever, been followed by triumphs no less glorious, and the temporary humiliation of British arms had only helped more thoroughly to show their superiority, in the long run, against any power that Asia can muster against them. All parties, however, were thoroughly convinced of the necessity imposed upon England, to accept of thd 664 THE WAR IN SINDE AND GWALIOR. CHAP.XVII. great natural barrier which the Indus appears to offer A.D~1842 M * ne north-western boundaiy of her Eastern posses- sions ; and the establishment of peace on a firm and lasting basis was confidently anticipated as the result of this definite line of policy. There remained, however, another enemy still bent on hostility. Kingdom of The kingdom of Sinde which occupies both banks of the Great Delta of the Indus, immediately to the south of Af- ghanistan, altogether differs in climate and natural features from that rugged hill country which the British arms had so recently conquered, only to return into the hands of its turbulent native possessors. It was at the very close of 1842, that Lord Ellenborough completed the arrange- ments for the renunciation of Afghanistan, and restored to liberty the last of the Afghans still remaining in his Hostiiemanl- power. Almost immediately thereafter, his attention the Ameere was directed to various acts of the Ameers of Sinde in of Sinde. contravention of their existing engagements, as well as to decided manifestations of hostile intentions. During the temporary disasters in Afghanistan which threatened to destroy the prestige acquired by British valour in India, the Ameers had displayed an evident desire to avail themselves of the first favourable opportunity for setting at naught all existing treaties, and thereby almost as effectually favoured the Afghanistans as if they had raised an army to co-operate with them against the British. Decided symptoms of hostile intentions became speedily apparent. Early in August a letter describes the surrounding tribes as little better than in a state of insurrection. Chiefs were moving about with armed bands, endeavouring to enlist followers, and availing themselves of every opportunity to plunder. In the Bombay Gazetteer of 9th September, it is remarked : " With regard to the Ameers of Sinde, we think there will be ample grounds for sending them to Benares." The movements of British troops speedily afforded indi- cation that the governor-general was resolved to adopt summary measures for suppressing any hostile move- THE WAR IN SINDE AND GWALIOR. 665 ments on the part of the Sindeans. The force under CIIAP.XVIL General England, amounting to about 3500, was ordered A rTT&is. to move from Candahar, towards Sinde, and other bodiea of troops soon followed them, increasing their number to above 5000 men. General England's forces experienced little interrup- Sufferings in tion in their progress towards Sinde, excepting that p^ olan which arose from the excessive heat. The temperature in the Bolan Pass is described as almost unbearable. Eight men died in the course of two days from its effects. The last portion of General England's forces left Quattah on the first of October, and proceeded without interrup- tion for the first two marches into the Bolan Pass. But as they threaded a difficult portion of the defile on the 3d, an attack was made on the column, and skirmishing kept up for some hours, during which the rear-guard suffered considerably. On the 4th of October, Sir Charles Napier arrived at Sir Charles Sukker, and assumed the command of the forces in Sinde. assumes the On his way he had left with the Ameers Lord Ellen- ~|J borough's ultimatum, and a few days after Major Outram Sinde. was commissioned to demand an equally definite reply. It was then confidently anticipated that when they learned the complete success of the British arms in the North, there would be little difficulty in negotiating with them. In this, however, the governor-general was dis- appointed. Negotiations were indeed carried on for above four months, with considerable hopes of a satisfactory termination ; and new provisions, which Lord Ellen- borough deemed indispensable, in consequence not only of their manifestations of a hostile disposition, but of various acts in direct contravention of existing engage- ments, received the assent of the Ameers of Sinde. The %j usual difficulties, however, were experienced in dealing negotiating with native powers. It was obvious, notwithstanding ^crs? then- adoption of the prescribed terms, that no reliance could be placed on their good faith. Of this abundant evidence was speedily afforded. The new treaty which 666 THE WAR IN SINDE AND GWALIOR. CHAP.XVII. had been proposed and agreed to, received the signature A.r7T843. of the Ameers on the 14th of February 1843, and on the very day thereafter, they made a sudden attack, at the head of a large force, on the residence of Major Outram, the British commissioner. Unexpectedly sudden and undisguised as this treacherous assault was, the commis- sioner had been warned to place little faith in their sin- Assanit of cerity. On leaving the durbar the previous day, where Outturn. t" 6 '"'hoi 6 body of the Ameers had formally affixed their seals to the treaty, Major Outram and his companions were exposed to great peril, and were only rescued by the Ameers' guards from a hired band of assassins. But on the following morning, the Major's residence was attacked Attack of by a body of 8000 troops, headed by several of the Ameers re&fotency. h an ^ principal chiefs. The small force under his com- mand maintained their post with the utmost gallantly, and had it not been for the terror of the camp followers, who were employed to remove the property on board a steamer that la} 7 in the river, the assailants would not have obtained possession of any portion of it. Despatch of Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier, on the Onmim. 15th : " My despatches of the last few days will have led you to expect that my earnest endeavours to effect an amicable arrangement with the Ameers of Sinde would fail, and it ia with much regret I have now to report that their highnesses have commenced hostilities by attacking my residence this morning, which, after four hours' most gallant defence by my honorary escort, the light company of Her Majesty's 22d regiment, commanded by Captain Conway, I was compelled to evacuate, in consequence oi our ammunition running short. At nine A.M. this mom- ing, a dense body of cavalry and infantry took post on three sides of the Agency compound, (the fourth being defended by the Planet steamer about 500 yards distant,) in the gardens and houses which immediately commanded the enclosure, and which it was impossible to hold with our limited numbers. A hot fire was opened by the enemy, and continued incessantly for four hours ; but all THE WAR IN SINCE AND GWALIOR. 667 their attempts to enter the Agency enclosure, although CHAP.XVJI. merely surrounded by a wall, varying from four to five ^c"T843 feet high, were frustrated by Captain Conway's able dis tribution of his small band, and the admirable conduct defences of of every individual soldier composing it under the gallant ' lleresi - example of their commanding officer and his subalterns, Lieutenant Harding and Ensign Pennefather, Her Ma- jesty's 22u regiment, also Captains Green of the 21st regiment native infantry, and Wells, of the 15th regi- ment, who volunteered their services, to each of whom was assigned the charge of a separate quarter, also to your aide-de camp Captain Brown, Bengal Engineers, who carried my orders to the steamer, and assisted in working her guns and directing her flanking fire. Our ammuni- Failure of tion being limited to forty rounds per man, the officers ammuniti n- directed their whole attention to reserving their fire, and keeping tlieir men close under cover, never showing themselves or returning a shot, except when the enemy attempted to rush, or showed themselves in great num- bers, consequently great execution was done with trifling expenditure of ammunition and with little loss." Major Outram had held out in the hope of obtaining reinforce- Disappointed ments and a supply of ammunition from the Satellite supines*" 1 steamer, which was hourly expected ; but in this he was disappointed, and they were at length compelled to evacuate the place, which they did, says Major Outram, "covered by a few skirmishers, as deliberately as on parade." The commissioner joined Sir Charles Napier at Hala, and immediately on learning from him of the com- mencement of hostilities, he put the whole forces at his ^9 1 r arl ^ s command in motion, to oppose the united armies of Upper his P who?" * and Lower Sinde, which were already in the field. the 16th Sir Charles reached Muttaree, where hb learned that the Ameers had taken up a position at Meeanee, about twelve miles distant, at the head of a force of 22,000 men, while the number then with him did not amount to 3000. At eight o'clock on the following morn- ing, his advanced guard came in sight of their camp at 668 THE WAR IN SINDE AND GWALIOK. CHAP.XVII. Meeanee, within sight of the towers of Hyderabad. The A. 57ma position occupied by the Sindeans had been chosen with Position of re&t skillj an ^ t ^ ieir iramense superiority in point of the Sindeans numbers allowed them to turn it to the utmost advan- *t Meeanee. fa^ Both flanks were protected by thick woods, which seemed calculated to baffle any attempt to turn them, while the whole length of their front was effectually secured by the dry bed and steep banks of the river Fulaille, one of the branches of the Indus. So soon as the British forces came within range of the enemy's guns, a battery of fifteen pieces of artillery opened upon them with deadly effect. The whole artillery on the side of British the British consisted of twelve small field-pieces, which * rtmery - Sir Charles posted on his right, while some skirmishers and a body of'native cavalry were ordered to advance, in order to make the enemy show his force. The main body then advanced from the right in echellon of battalions, moving rapidly across the open plain, which was swept General by the enemy's cannon. The British fire of musketry engagement. opened ftt ab(mt 1QQ yarfg from ^ bank flf the ^^ and in a few minutes the engagement became general along the whole line. The Sindeans, however, made good use of their well chosen position, and for above three hours the combatants struggled for mastery along the banks of the river, fighting with the most deadly fury Tae Beloo- man to man. The Beloochees, who formed an important branch of the Sindean army, are celebrated as bold and skilful swordsmen, and they fought in this engagement with the most desperate fury. Rushing on to the top of the embankments, they discharged their matchlocks and pistols at their opponents, and then dashed into the midst of them sword in hand. Difficulties The nature of the ground almost completely precluded the ordinary manoeuvres of a disciplined force, and from je- the vast superiority of the enemy in point of numbers, it ' appeared for a time impossible that the British could hold their ground. Fast as one wild band of desperate assailants fell before their cool and resolute defence, an- THE WAR IN SINDE AND GWALIOE. 669 other band equally numerous and fearless sprung into CHAP.xvn. their place. On seeing the perilous state in which the ^ D~Ts43 main body in his front was placed, after maintaining their ground for above three hours against a foe which seemed s^cc 653 ^ to spring up before them anew as fast as they were struck cavalry. down or driven back, Sir Charles sent orders to his re- served cavalry to force the right wing of the enemy. This movement was most gallantly executed. In the first charge the 9th light cavalry took a standard and several pieces of artillery, and another body of native cavalry obtained possession of the enemy's camp, from whence a large body of their horse were slowly driven, fighting every inch of ground as they withdrew. They were pursued for upwards of two miles, until they were effectually broken and scattered in hopeless disorder. This Its decisive gallant charge decided the fortunes of the day. Though effect& the main body of the enemy did not immediately give way, their resistance slackened as soon as they saw their wing turned and the chief body of their cavalry driven from the field. The 22d, the 23d, and the 12th regiments then successively charged up the bank with muskets and fixed bayonets, which in the hands of British soldiers have rarely been withstood. They forced the line of the The enemy's enemy at all points, the last regiment capturing several lme broken guns, while the Sindeans gave way in all directions and fled from the field, leaving the whole of their artillery, ammunition, standards, and camp, with considerable stores, and some treasure, in the hands of the victors. Not a single prisoner, however, was captured by the British, a fact to which Sir Charles Napier made special reference at a later period. In the barbarous Barbarous system of warfare to which the Beloochees had been ac- SSinw- customed, no quarter is ever given to an enemy, and fare. the consequence was, that, anticipating the same treat- ment from their British victors, the wounded refused all quarter, and continued to strike at every one that ap- proached them, until they were bayoneted where they lay. On taking possession of Hyderabad, considerable 670 THE WAR IN SIXDE AND GWALIOR. CHAP.xvn. treasure fell into the hands of the British, and further A.D~i843. discoveries afterwards greatly augmented this, so that a total amount of specie was ultimately reported in the hands of the victors, amounting to above three millions sterling. LOSS of the This victory was not secured without considerable loss on the side of the British ; 256 are reported in the des- patch of the general as killed and wounded, including an unusual proportion of officers. But the loss of the enemy was immense, amounting, it is believed, to more than twenty times that of their opponents. In referring to the unavoidable absence of certain British officei-s, and the loss of others during the engagement, Sir Charles Napier remarks in his despatch to Lord Ellenborough : Necessity for " I hope your Lordship will pardon me for saying, that offlce?Tfor 4 ^ e want * European officers in the native regiment at native troops, one period endangered the success of the action. The sepoy is a brave and excellent soldier, but, like all sol- diers, he expects to be led on in certain moments, and as he looks to his European officer, if he misses him, the greatest danger arises ; three times I saw them retreat, evidently because the officers had fallen, and when an- other appeared and rallied them, they at once followed him boldly. This, my Lord, accounts for the great num- ber of European officers killed and wounded in proportion to the whole." The policy indicated in this suggestion of the general, has since been acted upon by the govern- ment at home, and the staff" of British officers for the Indian army, and especially for the native troops, has been permanently enlarged to a considerable extent Satisfaction Much satisfaction was naturally experienced at the newg Q a v j ctorv O f 80 brilliant a character, gained under unexpected circumstances, and against such very consi- derable odds. Whatever doubts might have been enter- tained of the good faith or friendly intentions of the Ameers of Sinde, the British general might have been excused had he been found unprepared for so sudden and treacherous an attack as that which immediately followed THE WAR IN SINDE AND GWALIOR. 671 the signing of the treaty. Still the disasters of the firsf. CHAP.XVH Afghan war had not been entirely effaced from recollec- ^ r7T843 tion, even by the decisive character of the victories of the second campaign. It Avas perhaps felt by some of the native powers, little inclined to appreciate any far-sighted course of policy, that the British had neither accom- plished the object for which the war in Afghanistan was originally undertaken, nor had they enlarged their Indian empire by retaining possession of the conquered territory. Victory beneath the walls of Hyderabad might therefore important be said to be indispensable to secure the prestige of British SS^totay. superiority, against whatever odds it had to be achieved. This the military skill of the leader, and the valour of the forces under his command, had accomplished, and their victory was welcomed with corresponding gratula- tions. By a despatch, dated from the palace of Agra, on the 5th of March, Lord Ellenborough conveys the thanks of the Government and people of India to their gallant defenders. In referring to the first act of hostility by the enemy, he remarks : " The governor-general cannot for- Observations give a treacherous attack upon a representative of the British government, nor can he forgive hostile aggression prepared by those who were in the act of signing a treaty. It will be the first object of the governor-general to use the power victory has placed in his hands in the manner most conducive to the freedom of trade, and to the pros- perity of the people of Sinde, so long misgoverned. To reward the fidelity of allies by substantial marks of favour, and so to punish the crime of treachery in princes as to deter all from its commission, are further objects which the governor-general will not fail to effect. To Major-general Sir Charles Napier, and to the brave troops he commanded, the governor-general offers the tribute of his own admiration, and of the gratitude of the govern- ment and people of India. The bravery of the enemy against whom they were engaged has enhanced their glory the most decisive victory has been gained upon the best fought field. In perpetual commemoration of 672 THE WAR IN SINDE AND GWALIOR. Honours awarded to the Tictors. Partial 1S CHAP.XVIT. this briUiant achievement, the 2d company 2d battalion, A. D7T843. aud the 3d company 3d battalion, of Bombay artillery, and the company of the Madras sappers and miners, will bear upon their appointments, and the 9th regiment of Bengal light cavalry, the Poonah horse and the Sinde horse, upon their standards and appointments, and the 12th and 25th regiments of Bombay native infantry, upon their colours and appointments, the word ' Hyder- abad, 1843.' The regiment of Sinde horse is on its pre- sent establishment permanently attached to the army of Bombay." The policy, however, which is indicated in the despatch of the governor-general, as to the use which was to be made of this important victory, was not yet to be carried out. The Ameers of Sinde must have been well aware that when they drew the sword under such circumstances they flung the scabbard away, as all fur- ther friendly treaty was vain with princes who had availed themselves of the very time of completing ami- cable negotiations to break through even the common courtesies of hostile nations. Notwithstanding the very severe loss sustained by the enemy, they were still greatly the superior in point of numbers to their opponents, and were headed by chiefs who could not hope for any satisfactory terms from the conqueror. The foremost of these was Hoche Mohammed theirieaders. Seedee, one of the Beloochee chiefs, who, along with Meer Shere Mohammed, the chief of Meerpoor, was looked upon as the great promoter of the war. The deeply-rooted impression which had been left on the public mind by the disasters in Afghanistan, was manifest from the ex- Rumours of aggerated and dubious rumours that speedily superceded the British?' tne rejoicings with which the news of the defeat of the Sindean army under the walls of Hyderabad had been received, so that on the departure of the May mail from India, an ill-defined rumour was prevalent, that in a second engagement the British army under Sir Charles Napier had sustained a decided defeat. The small number of the forces under Sir Charles's Superior nuhibers of the enemy. Desperate position of THE WAR IN SINDE AND GWALIOR. 673 command, amounting only to about 6000 men in all, CHAP.xva prevented his occupying any extended positions beyond ^ c~i84a the walls of Hyderabad, which he had taken possession u of immediately after the victory at Meeanee. Thebers of tha British commander, accordingly, learned, towards the^"^* middle of March, that the enemy were once more mus- tering in numbers not greatly inferior to the force he had already defeated after so arduous a struggle. On the 23d of March, the British General writes from the camp at Hyderabad, announcing to Lord Ellenborough Opportune the junction of Major Stack, on the previous day, with ment 6 the 3d cavalry, the 8th native infantry, and Major Les- lie's troop of horse artillery. This reinforcement sufficed to supply the losses sustained in the previous victory, and to restore confidence to the British army, in the pros- pect of again encountering the same determined foe. Sir Charles, accordingly, states in the same despatch to Lord Ellenborough, thab the enemy then lay within six miles of his camp, in such force that they had already begun attacking his camels, and he was resolved to go in pursuit of them on the morrow, and attack them wher- ever they might be found. The Sindeans had posted themselves in a strong and ^ e slt 1 on of well-selected position, little more than four miles distant an l m from the British camp, a strong evidence of the very restricted operations to which the British General had been reduced, in consequence of the small number of his available forces. The position of the enemy was nearly similar to that which had formerly proved so difficult to surmount. They had again posted themselves on the banks of the Fullalie, whose dry channel in the previous engagement afforded them such valuable protection. But they had improved not only on the experience acquired in the former defeat, but strengthened their position with j ng O f tlieir a degree of skill never before manifested by them in their position, wars, and which was considered as affording undoubted indications of the presence of European councillors in their army. 674 THE WAR IN SINDE AND GWALIOR. CHAP.XVIL Advance of the British forces. Battle of Dubba. Effect of the Biitish artil- lay. Sir Charles Napier's despatch. Sir Charles put his forces in motion early in the morn- ing, and by the time they had advanced about two miles, they descried the enemy about a mile and a half in ad- vance. Approaching within twelve hundred yards of their position, the troops were drawn up in order of battle, and advanced in echellon of regiments to the attack. About nine o'clock the British guns opened their fire on the enemy's position, producing considerable confusion in their centre, where considerable bodies were observed to move to the left, apparently unable to sustain the cross fire of the artillery. The position of the enemy was nearly a straight line. The nullah which fonned its front consisted of two deep parallel ditches, one twenty feet wide and eight feet deep, the other forty-two feet wide and seventeen feet deep, further strengthened by banks and escarpments of the most formidable character. These skilful preparations, however, proved altogether ineffec- tual in arresting the victorious career of the British army, manned though they were by defenders immensely out- numbering them, and inferior in courage and daring to no native force which had yet attempted to withstand the British arms. When the centre of the enemy was seen to give way under the severe fire of the British ar- tillery, Major Stack, at the head of the 3d cavalry, sup- ported by a body of native horse, charged them on their left flank, crossing the nullah, and bearing down upon them with such determined valour, that they gave way before them, and were pursued for several miles with great slaughter. Sir Charles Napier thus describes the action in the centre and on the left, at the period when the cavalry on his right charged the left flank of the enemy, and drove them from the field : " While this was passing on the right, Her Majesty's 22d regiment, gallantly led by Major Poole, who commanded the brigade, and Captain George, who commanded the corps, attacked the nullah on the left with great gallantry, and, I regret to add, with con- siderable loss. Tliis brave battalion marched up to the THE WAR IN SINDE AND GWALIOE. 675 nullah under a heavy fire of matchlocks, without return- CHAP XVIL ing a shot till within forty paces of the intrenchment, . fTT 84 o and then stormed it like British soldiers. The intrepid Lieutenant Coote first mounted the rampart, seized one ?hfS } S[ of the enemy's standards, and was severely wounded intrench- while waving it and cheering on his men. Meanwhile me ' the Poonah horse, under Captain Tait, and the 9th ca- valry, under Major Story, turned the enemy's right flank, pursuing and cutting down the fugitives for several miles. Her Majesty's 22d regiment was well supported by the batteries commanded by Captains Willoughby and Hutt, which crossed their fire with that of Major Leslie. Then came the 2d brigade, under command of Major Wood- burn, bearing down into action with excellent coolness. It consisted of the 25th, 21st, and 12th regiments, under the command of Captains Jackson, Stevens, and Fisher, respectively. These regiments were strongly sustained by the fire of Captain Whitley's battery, on the right of which were the 8th and 1st regiments, under Majors Brown and Clibborne ; these two corps advanced with the regularity of a review up to the intrenchments, their commanders, with considerable exertion, stopping their fire, on seeing that a portion of the Sinde horse and 3d cavalry in charging the enemy had got in front of the brigade. The battle was decided by the troop of horse Decisive artillery and Her Majesty's 22d regiment." The enemy char e - stood their ground well, and defended themselves with the utmost hravery, in so much so that the victory has been pronounced by experienced officers, as perhaps the most sternly contested of any in which British troops Brave stand have ever been engaged in India. The 22d regiment, eln e troop& which had to bear the brunt of the fight, alone lost six officers and 145 men, out of about 300 British killed and wounded. It is in the despatch, in which Sir Charles Napier announced this victory to the governor-general, that he refers to the capture of some prisoners (only eight Capture of in all) as a subject of congratulation, since it affords some pnsoncra ' indications of amelioration in the barbarous and exter- 676 THE WAB IN SINDE AND GWALIOR. CHAP.XVIL minating mode of warfare which their enemies had forced A.Ti843 u P n ^em. The reference to this apparently trivial circumstance, in the flush of victory, is a pleasing and honourable trait in the gallant British leader. " It gives mej ^yg he, " great satisfaction to say, that some pri- soners have been taken, and though the number is small, it is still some advance towards a civilized mode of war- fare; for I cannot help thinking that the desperate resist- ance generally made by wounded Beloochees has arisen from their own system of warfare, which admits of no quarter being given in action. We are at present em- ployed in collecting the wounded Beloochees within our reach, in order to render them medical assist- ance." Many acts of intrepid valour were displayed in this severe contest. The general exposed himself during the whole fight, moving with the utmost coolness where the enemy's shots were flying thickest, and his example was not lost on his officers. Eleven pieces of ordnance and nineteen standards were taken, Hoche Mohammed Seedee, and three other chiefs, fell in the battle, the Beloochee force was entirely routed and dispersed in every direction, and Meer Shere Mohammed fled into the desert, taking his family with him, and attended by only forty followers, whom he could attract to his service. The British com- Reception of mander is said to have been welcomed with joy by the the victors, ^habitants of the country, who had suffered so much from the fickle rule of the Ameers, that they testified the utmost anxiety to be assured that Sinde was to be annexed to the British possessions. By the 5th of April, Sir Charles Napier announced to Lord Ellenborough, that the important fortress of Oomercote had opened its gates to a British force sent against it. Policy of the The termination of the Afghan war had been charac- ictory ' terized by a practical manifestation of the policy repeat- edly dictated to the governor-generals of India, by the Home Directory, to refrain from all further augmenta- tion of the vast possessions of Bi-itish India. The con- THE WAR IN SINDE AND GWALIOR. 677 quests in Sinde, however, which so speedily followed those CHAP.XVIL in Afghanistan, originated under totally different circum- ^ r7T843 stances, and showed how little reliance can be placed on theories of policy, however well grounded they may appear encylTtJie to be. The following is the opinion, expressed at the time, annexation of this new acquisition, though longer experience has tended greatly to modify the first ideas of its value: "It is a country without the possession of which our boundary ideas enter- of the Indus cannot be compact. Neither can the navi- ^jj of its gation of that river be considered safe while an indepen- dent, and now hostile power, keeps possession of either bank of the Delta. It is productive, and under our man- agement, may be made more productive, and the troops required to keep possession of it, will cost us nothing ; the country itself will maintain them with ease. It lies within a week's reach of our western capital. Its high roads do not run through impassable defiles like the Bolan and the Khyber and the Khoord Cabul ; they consist of magnificent streams, which our steam flotilla may tra- verse with speed and safety. It lies open to the sea, and troops, ammunition, and supplies may be poured in with ease. It is a plain and may be defended with little diffi- culty, for there will soon be no enemy more formidable than the heat." Considerable annoyance was experienced from the Continued proceedings of such of the Ameers and Beloochee chiefs K^" as were still at large, and especially from those of Shere Mohammed, who was making the most determined exer- tions to bring another army into the field. Meanwhile the conduct of the chiefs, who had been confided in as friendly to the British was even more alarming than the Alarming threatening position assumed by the defeated leaders. Brit1sh amea AH Moorad, who had received repeated marks of farour from the British occupants of Sinde, when put in pos- session of Kyrpoor, appears to have concluded that whatever other territories the British wrested from the Ameers, would in like manner be transferred to him. As a further evidence of favour, the guns captured at 678 THE WAR IN SINDE AND GWALIOR. CHAP.XVII Meeanee had been made over to him, and so soon as he A. D. 1843. found that his extravagant expectations were not to be realized, he surrendered the artillery captured by our forces to Shere Mohammed. Alarming The near approach of the hot season, when Europeans rumours. &re expose( j to sucn sev ere sufferings if forced to take the field, led to much anxiety as to the movements of that chief. The most extravagant and contradictory rumours were afloat. Shere Mohammed was said to be already mus- Shere Mo- tering a more numerous force, than either of those which hammed. j^ susta ; ne( j sucn com plete defeat ; while great and well- grounded apprehensions of sickness were entertained within the camp at Hyderabad, where the troops were hemmed in by low marshy grounds and the river, in a situation in which any of the native epidemics could hardly fail to prove fearfully destructive if it should break Extravagant out among them. By letters from the camp in the month for P cei S f hiS of May, Shere Mohammed is said to be at Sukkurind, at the head of 40,000 men, and a large park of artillery ; marauding parties of the Beloochees were moving about, and committing great depredations on the live stock, so that great fears were entertained of a scarcity of pro- visions. Most of these rumours, however, proved to be grossly exaggerated. A despatch of Sir Charles Napier's, dated 17th June 1843, announces an attack on Meer Total nmt of Shah Mohammed at the head of 2000 men, in which that hammed's leader was captured, and his whole forces totally routed. ^ conl pl e t e was their panic, that the British forces suf- fered much more from the heat than from any opposition offered by the enemy. In order to take them by surprise, Lieutenant-colonel Roberts, who commanded the detach- ment sent against the ameer, moved without any camp equipage, and the sufferings consequent on their exposure Sufferings to the heat are described as very severe. " The heat," heat tte 8a y s Colonel Roberts, " after nine o'clock, became most awful, and the whole detachments were much distressed." Two European artillery-men died of coup de soleil while on the march. In a despatch, dated two days later, THE WAR IN SINDE AND GWALIOR. 679 the commander refers to the sudden change to extraor- CHAP.XVU dinary heat, and reports the death of a lieutenant, five ^j sergeants, and forty-four men, by the same sudden and terrible stroke. While Lieutenant-colonel Roberts proceeded against siiere Mo- Meer Shah Mohammed, other parties had been sent out to hamme. succeeded in effecting his escape. The apprehensions as to the great danger to be dreaded insalubrity from the effects of the climate, and position of the troops of the cli - in Sinde, were speedily realized. Every account brought more alarming intelligence of the ravages of disease, in so much so that before the cold season began to set in, there was a period of about six weeks, during whicli it is doubt- ful if, out of a force of 10,000 men, 3000 could have taken the field had any sudden attack occurred ; and the whole outposts in the country, exposed to the mountain Beloo- critical chees in front, and effectually cut off, by the Indus and the ^ desert beyond it, from resources in the rear, were in such a condition, that a sudden and well-directed descent upon them by the scattered tribes of Beloochees, might have destroyed them to a man. Fortunately before this deadly enemy had prostrated for a time the conquerors of Sinde, the point of danger had been removed to an entirely dif- ferent scene. The letters brought home by the Indian mail of Octo- News of ber 1843, announced the satisfactory intelligence that our p^I 680 THE WAR IX S1NDE AXD GWALIOR. CfUP.xvn Eastern empire, which had been for many months the A.B. 1843. object of such lively and painful interest, had ceased to furnish any incidents worthy of comment or discussion. The Bombay Times, of 6th September, remarks: "Let- ters are now received with as much punctuality from Sukkur and Hyderabad, as from any of the most tranquil quarters of our empire. The tidings brought by them are stale, flat, and unprofitable ; no fighting, no adven- ture, no stir of any description, and even rumours of danger have died away. The chiefs, it is said, are daily coming in, and the country becoming pacified with most Disturbed unexpected celerity." Accounts, however, from the north northern continued to indicate a very different state of things. frontier. Afghanistan furnished frequent reports of distraction and threatened outbreaks. Cabool was in the most disturbed state. Dost Mohammed Khan was stated to be exercising a most arbitrary and despotic sway, and directing his acts of oppression in an especial manner against such of the native chiefs as had manifested any friendly feeling to- wards the British during their occupation of that country. Disorders in Ameenoollah Khan had been imprisoned and put in stan * chains, and upwards of twenty of the chief men of Cabool were reported to be held in durance by the same chief. At Candahar, Sufter Jung was stated to be in close con- finement with chains, while his adherents and advisers were every where seeking safety by flight. In all this, however, British interests were no further concerned than in so far as there might be any risk of the disturbances extending to the provinces under our control. The wise of "abandon ^ ine of P olicv dictated to Lord Ellenborough, had happily ing Afghan- freed Britain from the necessity of interfering in these intestine quarrels, though it could, not but be felt that it was more difficult to throw off the responsibility of having to a great extent occasioned such division and strife among that brave but turbulent race. -Another country, beyond the northern boundaries of our Indian empire, was, however, already furnishing cause for apprehension. In the extensive regions comprehended THE WAR IN SINDE AND GWALIOR. 681 between the Sutledge and the Indus, considerablo symp- CHAR2VH toms of disturbance were already apparent, and we find r official correspondents, early in the following year, giv- ing expression to congratulations that the affairs of British India were in such a tranquil state, as to per- J aub - mit the attention of the governor-general and his coun- cil to be devoted to the crisis which seemed to be ap- proaching both in the Punjaub and at Gwalior. So early as the month of August, the whole troops in the Agra district received orders to keep themselves in readiness to move at a moment's notice, and it was reported that an army of observation was to be immediately formed on Army of the Sutledge, under the immediate command of Sir Hugh on'SIs^t- Gough. The causes which finally led to a sanguinary le&s*- revolution in the Punjaub, may be thus briefly recapitu- lated. Upon the death of Runjeet Sing, in 1839, hir Causes of favourite wife after she had ascended the funeral pile, rcvolntion - where, along with three others, she was burnt with his corpse called to her Kurruck Sing, the deceased rajah's son and heir, along with Dhian Sing, his favourite minis- ter, and placing the dead rajah's hand in that of his son, she required the latter to swear to protect and favour his father's minister, and by the like solemn oath bound the minister to be faithful to his new master. Kurruck Sing Kurruck immediately ascended the throne. He was well-affected sing - to the British government, but possessed none of the talent or energy requisite for so difficult a post. He had not occupied the throne four months when he died, as Sndden has been stated in a previous chapter, not without strong j^J^jf an( j suspicions of poison, and his son and heir, Now Nehal Xeiwi sing. Sing, who should have succeeded him, was killed by the falling of a beam, as he returned from the funeral pile on which his father's corpse was consumed. These succes- sive deaths were both ascribed to the intrigues of Runjeet Sing's favourite minister ; and, after some difficulty, chiefly arising from the opposition of one of the widows of the latter prince, he succeeded in his long-cherished project of placing Shere Sing on the throne. During the Shere Sin*. CHAP.XV11. Anxiety of the British government. Internal sources of difference. Accusations charged against the Ambitions character of his minister. Plots against the rajah. 682 THE WAR IN SINDE AND GWALIOE. frequent agitations and alarms that ensued, the British government continued to watch their proceedings with some anxiety ; but after a time, the affairs of the king- dom, which chiefly owed its formation to the abilities of Runjeet Sing, seemed to acquire some degree of order and settlement, and ceased to attract special attention from the government of India, occupied as it soon was with objects of more pressing interest. Meanwhile causes of mutual difference and dislike were springing up between the new rajah and his ambitious minister. Various reasons are assigned for these. The Hon. Mr. Osborne, who de- scribes Shere Sing as a fine, manly-looking fellow, adds that he had become especially obnoxious to his minister, in consequence of his attackment to European manners, and his friendly inclinations toward the British, whom Dhian regarded with rancorous hate. This, however, was probably only one of the causes of dissension, suffic- ing to indicate their disagreement on all questions of general policy. It is stated that the rajah had abandoned himself to the indolent and dissolute habits which have so frequently been the ruin of the native dynasties of India, and that during the frequent dissensions which prevailed between Shere Sing and his powerful minister, the latter went so far as to reproach him in open durbar with his dissipation and excesses. Whatever might be the ostensible grounds of dispute, however, the previous character of the minister leaves little room to doubt, that the real ground of offence was the interference with his policy, and the curtailment of his power. He accordingly organized a conspiracy for the assassination of the rajah, in which he enlisted several of the clu'ef sirdars of the court. His influence with the army is sufficiently apparent, from the time chosen for executing his base design. The rajah had appointed a general review of his troops, at the Dusserah festival, and Ajeet Sing, who is described as an effeminate-looking youth, was selected as the assassin. The Delhi Gazette thus describes the assassination and the fearful slaughter THE WAR IN SINDE AND GWALIOR. 683 1hat followed, in which the faithless originator of it per CHAP.XVH. ished, the victim of his own plot : " Dhian Sing made ^ D~1843 the arrangement by proposing to the rajah to ins pect Assae Ajeet Sing's troops, which he said he would do the fol-tiouofShen lowing morning, and orders were accordingly issued. On Sillg> the rajah's arrival on the parade-ground, he found fault with the appearance and condition of some horsemen purposely placed to attract attention, when Ajeet Sing became saucy, words ran high, and, drawing a pistol from his bosom, he shot Shere Sing through the head, the ball having entered his right temple. General Ventura and his party attacked the murderer, but, being opposed by a powerful body of troops, were defeated. Ajeet Sing cut up the rajah's body, placed his head on a spear, and on entering the town met Prince Purtaub Sing's (Shere's son) suwarie, which was immediately attacked, and the Dhuileep prince killed ; the palace was taken, and Dhuileep Sing, jja&ied " the only remaining son of Runjeet Sing, a lad ten years J ah - old, proclaimed to the throne. The treasury was thrown open, and the troops paid up their arrears. Troops were sent off to guard all the ghauts, and all the opposite party (except Ventura, who escaped) were made prisoners. Ajeet Sing, after having killed Shere Sing, was return- ing to the fort, and met Dhian ; he told him he had done the deed, and asked him to return ; he got into Dhian's carriage, and when they got near the gate of the fort, sing. Ajeet Sing stabbed Dhian, and sent his body to his brother and son, Sookhet and Heera Sing. These two individuals surrounded the city with their troops, and the people within continued plundering all night. In the morning, Heera Sing having entered the fort, seized Ajeet Sing, Lena Sing, and ethers, and having put them to death, exposed their heads in the plain, and threw their bodies into the bazaar. Dhuileep Sing has been put on the guddee, and Heera Sing made vizeer. Six hundred men were slaughtered on both sides." This barbarous deed was enacted on the 15th Septem- ber 1 843, and by means of it the nominal authority was 684 THE WAR IN SINDE AND GWALIOR. 84a. CHAP.XVIL vested in Dhulleep Sing, a child of ten years old, while ^ e rea ^ P wer j "which the unprincipled minister destined for himself, had passed into the hands of Heera Sing, who was now both commander of the army and vizier, and was therefore actual ruler, so long as he could retain the fidelity of the army. Disturbances Meanwhile the affairs of the court of Gwalior, which at Gwalior. j^ ^ i OT1 g occasioned anxiety and distrust, were at length brought to a crisis. Confusion and anarchy pre- vailed there, one party deposing another, and successive chiefs struggling for power, while the country was left at the mercy of licentious and undisciplined troops. The Obligations British government being bound by its treaties with the ove 6 British late rajah to protect his successor, and preserve his ter- ritories unviolated, the governor-general could no longer overlook the fact that the conduct of the authorities of Gwalior involved a virtual violation of the treaty. Lord Ellenborough accordingly immediately ordered the advance of troops, sufficient, as he said, " to obtain gua- rantees for the future security of its own subjects on the common frontier of the two states, to protect the person of the rajah, to quell disturbances within his highness's territories, and to chastise all who shall remain in dis- obedience." This was rendered the more imperative by the tender age and helpless position of the rajah, which exposed him to the double danger of being made a tool in the hands of his enemies, and the nominal source of wrongs to his friendly allies. Notwithstanding the pre- parations which had been made for such an emergency, the commander-in-chief, Sir Hugh Gough, was met by a much stronger and more determined opposition than he had anticipated. The army had left Agra betwixt the 12th and 18th December, and continued steadily to move on. On the 17th, General Valiant with the advance arrived at Dholpoor. On reaching the ghaut opposite Kentree, the Dholpoor Rajah paid a visit of ceremony to the governor- general, and his visit was returned by Lord Ellenborough Helpless position of the rajah. Advance of the British army. THE WAR IN SINDE AND GWALIOR. 685 and the command er-in-chief the following day. On the CHAp.xvn 22d they moved, with the head-quarters of the 4th bri- ^ ^ 843 gade, on Kentree ghaut, and the advance, under Sir J. Thackvvell, crossed to the right bank of the river. On the 23d the second division crossed the Chumbul, and proceeded seven miles in the direction of Hingonah, where the advance was encamped. The road was ex- tremely difficult, winding through a steep ravine, scarcely more than twenty feet wide, which a determined enemy might for a time have obstructed almost with impunity. Here for five days the force halted to take rest and coun- sel. Bappoo Seetoleah had been despatched from Gwalior negotiations. on the 22d, and on the following day had an audience with the governor-general, when it was believed in camp that every thing was settled the Maharanee and the Sirdars having, it was said, agreed to the terms proposed. On the 24th, the Gwalior Vakeels had a further inter- view of some duration with the governor-general. Many Rumours of of the more respectable inhabitants, who came from a s reem ent Gwalior on a visit to the camp, conceived the idea of re- sistance out of the question. Preparations were made to receive the Maharanee, who was expected in camp on the 28th, with sufficient pomp and circumstance for the rank she held, and audience to which she was about to be admitted. The governor-general, who had originally increased been moderate in his demands, requiring the restoration fhe"gover of the Mama Sahib and his friends the surrender of the nor -general. Khasjee Walla, and dismissal of his partisans the ex- change of certain portions of country, so as to improve the condition of the mutual frontier and the disbanding of the mutinous portion of the troops finally demand- ing the entire revision of the military establishment, and the surrender of the park of artillery, brought into ex- istence about forty years since by Dovvlut Rao Scindia, to their and regarded as the palladium of the state. This was faaaer f- looked upon as implying the entire destruction of the army, and surrender of the independence of the nation. There is every reason, however, to believe that, through- 686 THE WAR IN SINDE AND GVTALIOR. CHAP.XVII. out, the professions of the Mahratta durbar were hollow A.cTs43 and insincere that so soon as it was found that their earlier and delusive propositions were insufficient to arrest the'durbar f our progress, it was resolved to offer the most determined resistance. Further negotiations appear to have been resorted to merely to gain time. Difficulties of It must always, indeed, form one of the greatest difficul- dipiomatic ^j eg m ^ e diplomatic intercourse between civilized and with the semi-barbarous nations, the difficulty of knowing what UTes> dependence can be placed on the most solemn assevera- tions, and professions of good faith. Among highly civi- lized nations the value of national credit and unblemished honour is so thoroughly appreciated, that it is rare in- deed for the most unprincipled diplomatist to set it at defiance ; but among the native princes of India such faithless proceedings as those of the Ameers of Scinde have been too frequent to excite very great surprise. Formidable The formidable character and position of the Mahratta th^Mah- army, however, had not been anticipated from the vacil- nuta army. i a ti n g character of their councils. The country generally exhibits features offering great natural obstacles to the operations of disciplined forces, being intersected with Difficulties of numerous deep and almost impassable ravines, and gul- 1111 lies, affording great facilities for the irregular tactics of an undisciplined army. It was only by the unceasing la- bours of the sappers, that a practicable passage was effected for the army under Sir H. Gough ; and after passing the Koharee river in three columns, at points considerably distant from each other, the whole British army took up their position by eight o'clock on the morn ; ng O f the 29th of December 1843, about a mile in front of Maharajpoor. The Mahrattas had occupied the ground during the previous night, taking up their posi- tion with such skill as compelled the commander to alter the disposition of his forces. Seven regiments of Mah Battle of ratta infantry were ranged in front, each corps having angpoor. ^^ g^ na attached to it, which opened on the advanced forces of the British as they took up their ground. The THE WAR IN SINDE AND GWALIOR. 687 39th regiment of British infantry advanced gallantly to CHAP.XVIL the charge, supported by the 66th native infantry. The ^v~^ m Mahrattas stood their ground with great bravery, and the British forces sustained a severe loss, their guns doing great execution as they advanced. But no native rattas - force has ever been able to withstand the determined charge of the British bayonet. They drove them from their guns into the village, but there the Mahrattas again rallied, and a most sanguinary conflict ensued. After discharging their matchlocks, they flung them from them, and fought hand to hand with the most determined courage. Meanwhile General Valiant had led on his Combined brigade, and succeeded in taking Maharajpoor in reverse. ta^Bi-iUsii. Twenty-eight guns were captxired by this combined movement, but the Mahrattas still stood their ground ; nor was their strong position taken till nearly eveiy one of its defenders had been left dead on the spot. The same determined resistance was experienced at every Determined point. They had thrown up entrenchments, and planted resistance - their guns with great skill, and in nearly every case the gunners were bayonetted at their posts, without attempt- ing to fly. The consequence was, the loss of the British, both in officers and men, was unusually great. " I re- Severe loss oi gret," says Sir H. Gough in his despatch to the governor- the BrW * 1 general, " I regret to say that our loss has been very severe, infinitely beyond what I calculated on ; indeed, I did not do justice to the gallantry of my opponents. Their force, however, so greatly exceeded ours, particu- larly in artillery, the position of their guns was so com- manding, they were so well served, and determinedly defended, both by their gunners and their infantry, and Advantages the peculiar difficulties of the country giving the defend- opMnents. ing force so great advantages, that it could not be other- wise." As usual, where the native forces have displayed peculiar steadiness and skill, it was found that they had had the benefit of more experienced assistance ; though they required no aid to give effect to their undisciplined courage and gallant daring. There was found to have 688 THE WAR IN SINCE AND GWALIOR. European deserters. CHAP.XVIL been a considerable number of the Company's discharged A.D~1843. native infantry, as well as one or two European deser- ters among the Mahratta troops. One of the latter, it is stated, named Berry, from the 2d European regiment, had, when he fell, his lighted port-fire in his hand, and fired off his gun, sweeping away fifteen men. Auxiliary At the same time that the commander-in-chief crossed Major"gen&- the Sindean frontiers, Major-general Grey led an auxi- ral Grey. jj ary f orcej ty or( j er o f tne g ener al, towards Punniar, twelve miles south-west of Gwalior, to co-operate with the main body, and place the Mahratta army between two forces, acting in concert. The immense excess ol the Mahrattas in point of numbers over the British forces, however, was such as enabled them to counteract Great dispa- this plan of mutual co-operation. A body of 12,000 -it.. : i,,f ' men, with a large complement of guns, &c. was detached to arrest the progress of Major-general Grey, whose whole force did not amount to a fourth of that number. The two armies met on the 29th of December, in the vicinity of the fortified village of Mangore, near Pun- niar, where the Mahmttas had taken up a strong posi- tion, and were able to begin the attack at considerable advantage, by assaulting the cumbrous baggage trains which necessarily accompany an Indian army. Towards four o'clock the commander observed the enemy taking up a strong position on a chain of hills to the east of his camp, and resolved on an immediate attack. By a judi- cious disposition of his forces, the enemy were assailed simultaneously on the centre and left, and completely the'jiah * D1 '^ en - The whole guns, twenty-four in number, were rattaaitii- captured, and all their ammunition, with a portion oi treasure, were taken. The action did not close till night- fall, which prevented the pursuit of the enemy, and en- abled them to carry off many of their killed and wound- ed. Their loss, however, had been very severe, and the occurrence of two such decisive victories on the same day, as those of Maharajpoor and Punniar, effectually put an nd to further resistance. rity in point of numbers. Battle of Punniar. THE WAR IN SINDE AND GWALIOR. t)O Private accounts would lead to the idea, which the cu.;p.xvn. acknowledgments in the despatch of the commander-in- A ~ 18 , 3 chief may seem in some degree to confirm, that little or no opposition had been anticipated either by the gover- tiotfof The Bar-general or the commander-in-chief, both of them 31ill "'atu probably conceiving that the presence of so large and effective a British force would have sufficed to overawe the rebellious Mnharattas. The commander-in-chief'p surprise of staff, with the ladies of his family, are said to have been ^ n c d " in quietly proceeding towards Maharajpoor when the Mah- chief, and ratta guns opened upon them. Lord Ellenborough was general^" likewise present with the ladies of his family ; nor was he forced to quit his dangerous and exposed position, until the well-served Mahratta guns gave proof that the elephants of the governor-general, towering over the rear of the 39th regiment, as it took up its position on the field, had become the objects towards which their fire was directed. The result of the two great battles of Maharajpoor and Effects of Punniar destroyed the hopes rot only of the mutinous ^y^ara/ 6 * Mahrattas at Gwalior, but of numerous restless mal- poor and contents of Hindostan, and had the effect of diffusing 1uniaub ' on the banks of the Sutledge, and war was regarded as inevitable, however long circumstances might delay the commencement of hostilities. Very great misapprehen- sion however existed, both in India and at home, as to the character of the Seiks, or the nature of the prepara- tions requisite for meeting any aggressions on their part. So universal was the conviction of their disorderly and mutinous state, and of the want of any supreme power among them, calculated to secure that unanimity of ac- tion on which the success of great military movements so CHAP xvni. the seik. ' cter ' policy. Misconstrue- defensive eir preparations, Presumed ^ ule Seiksf " 604 WAR IN THE PUNJAUB. greatly depends, that when at length the long-expected collision took place, both the governor-general and the comraander-in-chief were found to have overlooked some ^| ie mos f, indispensable preparations for war. Consi- dering the lengthened period during which war with the Seiks had been anticipated, and arrangements made for resisting their threatened aggressions, it may well asto- nish the reader to learn of the difficulties which impeded the first operations of Lord Gough, when hostilities were commenced by the Seik army crossing the Sutledge. Captain Cunningham, the impartial historian of the Seiks, seeks to show that, although the first aggressive movements were undoubtedly made by the Seiks, the English were guided rather by the selfish and short- sighted policy which guards against immediate danger, than by the wise and honourable foresight which should direct the councils of an enlightened nation when dealing with a people esteemed in every respect their inferiors. He accordingly conceives, that the open pre- parations for defensive, and, if necessary, for offensive measures, which marked the progress of the army of ob- servation, appeared in the estimation of a rude people as so many acts of designed hostility deliberately marshalled for an attack on their country whenever a convenient opportunity offered. "The same defective apprehension," says this intelligent officer, " which saw no mark of hos- tilifcv m collecting boats for bridges across a boundary river, and which paid no regard to the effect on a rude people, with more to fear than to hope, of displaying an army with no road before it except tliat to Lahore, also led the confident English to persevere in despising or misunderstanding the spirit of the disciples of Govind to an extent which almost proved fatal to the continuity of their triumphs. In 1842, the Seiks were held to be un- equal to cope with the Afghans, and even to be inferior in martial qualities to the population of the Jummoo hills. In 1845, the Lahore soldiery was called a 'rabble' in sober official despatches, and although subsequent WAR IN THE PUNJAUB. 695 descriptions allowed the regiments to be composed of the CIIAP.JCVIJI yeomanry of the country, the army was still declared to ^iTliMg be daily deteriorating as a military body. It is, indeed, certain that English officers and Indian Sepoys equally anlasy"^ ' believed they were about to win battles by marching toi 'y- steadily and by the discharge of a few artillery shots, rather than by skilful dispositions, hard fighting, and a prolonged contest. The English not only undervalued their enemy, but they likewise mistook the form which the long-expected aggressions of the Seiks would assume. It was not thought that the ministry, or even that the army would have the courage to cross the river in force, and to court an equal contest ; the known treasonable Disregard of views of the chiefs, and the unity and depth of feeling " '^"the which possessed the troops, were equally disregarded, Seii soldiers and it continued to be believed that a desultory warfare would sooner or later ensue, which would require the British to interfere, but which would still enable them to do so at their own convenience. Thus boats for bridges, and regiments and guns, the provocatives to a war, were sufficiently numerous; but food and ammunition, and inefficient carriage and hospital stores, such as were necessary for a j^ppi^ f campaign, were all behind at Delhi or Agra, or still re- mained to be collected." Tims, at the very time when a soldier was at the head of the Indian government, dis- tinguished for military experience as well as for courage and sound judgment, the army was allowed to take the field in every way worse provided and equipped than had been the case when an inexperienced and rash civilian held the office of governor-general. It is only now that the peculiar characteristics of the Origin of the Seiks is coming to be rightly understood. Their origin Seiks - is traced back to the sixteenth century, when Narruk and Govind, two Khutree prophets, obtained a few con- verts to a doctrine of religious and social reform, from among the peasants of Lahore and the southern banks of the Sutledge. It is not necessary here, however, to trace their history further than to remark, that by the time 696 WAR IN THE PUNJAUB. CHAP. xvin. the Seiks came into collision with the British empire in A.D 184S India, they had grown into a powerful nation, bound together not only by social and political ties, but by the Points of still more stringent bonds of a common creed. The toTiie'iio 106 history of Mohammedanism furnishes sufficiently striking hammedans. evidence of the remarkable effects that may result from such a source, and tbe Seiks, or "disciples," appear to be not a whit behind the zeal of the Arabian prophet's fol- lowers in their devotion to the " Khalsa," or chosen people. The powerful influence of such a bond of union can hardly be over-rated, though unfortunately the true character of the Seik nation was completely misunder- stood previous to the war ; and the source, as well as the thei^i-evoL^ spmt> of the continued revolutions which created such tiom. alarm on the northern frontiers of British India, entirely escaped the notice of the sagacious diplomatists who conducted our intercourse with that people. It would How seem, that so far from the revolutions and tumults being the evidences of disunion and revolt among that people, they originated in their devotion to the essen- Faitiilessness tial elements of their singular polity, while it was the ofthe^Seik success j ve rulers who struggled with them and sought alliances with the English that were in reality mutineers and rebels against the state. Ambition, and the desire for unlimited power, overcame in the minds of successive Seik rulers the earlier bonds of good faith as members of the Khalsa, but the very cause of alienation between the rulers and the people, supplied a stronger bond of union Sniritoftiie to the latter. The soldiery talked of themselves as pre- seik soidiers. em ; nent ] v t ] ie p un t'h Khalsajee," or congregation of believers, and their leaders were awed into submission by the resolute spirit with which they were animated. It was by this united and resolute body that successive revolutions were brought about, and one ruler after an- other dethroned and put to death. Doubtless such a Jnstcanseof state of things was well calculated to excite uneasiness * D3Uety - among neighbouring states, and might perhaps be justly enough characterized both as ianatic and revolutionary, WAK IN THE PTINJAUB. 697 according to more civilized notions of social and political CHAP, xvin compacts. Nevertheless, it was manifestly something altogether different from the mutinies and rebellions of an ordinary army of hireling soldiery, such as has most commonly opposed our arms in the East, where the only bond which secures the services of the soldiery is the prospect of pay and plunder. The aspect of the Seik singular army, indeed, is one altogether singular, and to a disin- g^f^ 1 '"' 8 terested observer remarkably interesting. The soldiery are seen animated by a lofty spirit of patriotic daring, aided doubtless by the fierce fire of fanatic zeal, while the Seik leaders are frequently found secretly counter- acting their brave efforts, and more effectually checking their success than the enemy by whom they are openly opposed. " The object of Lai Sing and Tej Sing," says Lai andTej Captain Cunningham, in describing some of the early bins- proceedings of the Seiks, " was not to compromise them- selves with the English by destroying an isolated division, but to get their own troops dispersed by the converging forces of their opponents. Their desire was to be upheld BS the ministers of a dependent kingdom by grateful con- querors, and they thus deprecated an attack on Feroze- pore, and assured the local British authorities of their secret and efficient good will. But these men had also Double deal- to keep up an appearance of devotion to the interests of seucl^aerB. their country, and they urged the necessity of leaving the easy prey of a cantonment untouched, until the leaders of the English should be attacked, and the fame of the Khalsa exalted by the captivity or death of a governor-general. The Seik army itself understood the necessity of unity of counsel in the affairs of war, and the Wise policy power of the regimental and other committees was tern- anny!" 1 porarily suspended by an agreement with the executive heads of the state, which enabled these unworthy men to effect their base objects with comparative ease. Never- theless, in the ordinary military arrangements of occupy- ing positions and distributing infantry and cavalry, the generals and inferior commanders acted for themselves, CHAP.XVni. A. D. 1845. 698 WAR IN THE PUNJAUB. and all had to pay come respect to the spirit which ani- mated the private soldiers in their readiness to do battle for the commonwealth of Govind. The effects of this enthusiastic unity of purpose in an army, headed by men not only ignorant of warfare, but studiously treacherous towards their followers, was conspicuously visible in the speediness with which numerous heavy guns and abun- dance of grain and ammunition were brought across a 1 irge river. Every Seik considered the cause as his own, and he would work as a labourer as well as carry a mus- ket; he would drag guns, drive bullocks, lead camels, and load and unload boats with a cheerful alacrity, which contrasted strongly with the inapt and sluggish obedience of mere mercenaries, drilled, indeed, and fed with skill and care, but unwarmed by one generous feeling for their country or their foreign employers." Here, therefore, the Sepoy force, by which so much has been accomplished for British power in India, was opposed by native sol- diers, actuated by all the inspiring influences of patriotic feeling, as well as by the wilder fire of fanatic zeal. It was doubly incumbent on British India to lean for safety on the indomitable energy and valour of her European troops, who could alone be safely entrusted to cope with such a foe. The first acts of aggression were characteristic of the uncivilized race, with whom collision had become inevi- table. Intelligence reached Ferozepore, on the 5th of December 1845, that a party of Seiks had crossed the river and can-led off fifty of our camels, with which they had retraced their steps, in order to distribute the booty in their own camp. Several parties of their horse con- tinuing on the left bank. .>, was deemed advisable, on the same day on which this information arrived, to send off a strong force for the purpose of protecting some military stores that were on their way from Dhurrumkote to Ferozepore. On the 6th, three days' supplies were or- d-jred to be laid in by the different regiments, and it was supposed that operations against the Seiks would be WAR IN THE PUNJAUB. 699 commenced without delay. This, however, was not the CHAP.XVUL case, the measure being merely one of precaution. On ^ D~Ts4& the 8th, the Seik troops began to appear in large masses OM the right bank of the Sutledge, and their numbers, on ' the two following days, greatly increased: they had a good deal of artillery with them, which they were con- stantly discharging. From opposite Ferozepore, they occupied the bank of the river as far as Hurreekee ghaut, some thirty-five miles distance, and considerable parties of their cavalry crossed to the left bank, within their own territory, however, and commenced cutting off sup- iiarrassing plies, in a manner which led to some apprehensions in msu *uvreB. Ferozepore that their store of firewood and bhoosa might run short. Between the 8th and llth, thirty mor camels were earned off to the other side of the river, making a total of eighty. On the 9th or 10th, the main body that was opposite Ferozepore changed its position, and moved a little up the river towards the Hurreekej ghaut, and a rumour having found its way to Ferozepore on the night of the 10th, that the Seiks were crossing in numbers, the assistant quartermaster-general, Captain Egerton, was directed to reconnoitre early on the fol- lowing morning. He went, escorted by a squadron of the 8th light cavalry, and on approaching the point at which he expected to find them, he left the escort behind and rode forward with two orderlies. The Seiks we Preparation seen to be busy collecting boats about eight miles from of the s . dks Ferozepore, a little beyond our boundary line, and they the river no sooner perceived Captain Egerton than they fired upon him. It would appear that the men who fired were on the left bank of the river, and only some COO yards from Captain Egerton. Certain it is that the balls fell around him, and that the moment the firing commenced by the party, the alarm was given in the whole camp, the drums beat to arms, and the whole of the force turned out with great rapidity. It was now evident to all that a Punjaub campaign was inevitable. The whole of the ladies in the governor-general's camp took their depai- 700 WAR IN THE PUNJAUB. Signs of inevitable hostilities. CliAP.xvni.ture and returned to Umballah, while orders were issued A.D~7845i to troops in all directions to move up with all practicable haste to the frontier. The governor-general paid a hur- ried visit to Loodiana on the llth, and inspected the troops there, returning afterwards to Sirhind. The Seik vakeel at Loodiana received his conge, while the Bri- tish agents at the Lahore court were ordered to withdraw themselves a sure sign of coming hostilities. By the 12th, about 10,000 Seiks had crossed the river, with twenty-seven guns, at a place about twelve miles from Ferozepore, and on the 13th they were seven miles from that station, crossing, men and guns, by a bridge of boats, with great activity and expedition. The ladies at Fero- zepore were now all sent into the fort for safety, and an immediate attack was expected." On the 13th, the governor-general issued a proclamation, setting forth the views and objects of the British government, and sum moning all the chiefs and sirdars of the protected terri tories to render faithful service against the common enemy. The Indian mail of February 1846, which brought advices from Bombay up to the 3d of the previous month, startled all who sympathized in the fortunes of our Eastern empire, with the news that a great battle had been fought on the banks of the Sutledge, while it left the result in the utmost uncertainty. Rumour im- mensely exaggerated the number of the Seik forces, and the public mind, still agitated with the recollection of the early reverses in Afghanistan, was thrown anew into a state of feverish excitement by the nature of the infor- mation thus imperfectly conveyed. Sir John Littler had been left with a body of 7000 men to defend the exposed post of Ferozepore. This was menaced by the overwhelming forces of the Seiks, but the British commander showed a resolute and undaunted front, and boldly led out his little force to give them battle. Had the Seik leaders been as resolutely bent on the defeat and extermination of their opponents as the Proclama- tion of the governor- generaL Startling rumours of Defence of Ferozepore. WAR IN TUB PUNJAUB. 701 faithful Khalsa were, it may be well doubted if all the CliAp.xvm heroism of this isolated division of the British army A 7x845 would have saved it from destruction. But Lai Sing and Tej Sing were both probably in greater dread of their J'^J 1 *} 1 ," 1 ^ Seik followers than of their British foes, and regarded Suik. leader*, the chances of victory with greater dread than the pros- pect of a defeat, which would disperse the enthusiastic Seiks, who, amid all their fickleness to their leaders, maintained an unimpeachable fidelity to their faith. A battle, however, had become inevitable, and the rumours which conveyed the first uncertain and contradictory reports, magnified the difficulties experienced by the British forces into renewed disasters, if not absolute de- feat. Doubts and fears, however, were speedily dissipated by the arrival of well-authenticated news of victory, though purchased at a cost which served to temper the rejoicings at a partial triumph with many fears. The first battle fought with the Seiks took place on Battle of the 18th of December, between the Ambala and Loo- ^o^e. diana divisions of the British army, which had been pru- dently united by order of Lord Ilardinge, and a detach- ment of the Seik army under Lai Sing. The two armies met at Moodkee, twenty miles from Ferozepore, and the Seiks immediately begun the attack. The whole forces under Lord Gough amounted to about 11,000, relative while the Seiks were estimated at 30,000 men, with forty "i"e"forces guns. This estimate, however, appears to have greatly en s a etL exaggerated their number, and Captain Cunningham even inclines to doubt if they much exceeded the British in numbers. The Seiks were repulsed with severe loss, and seventeen of their guns were taken ; but the British learned in the battle of Moodkee the valour of the enemy they had to contend with. The forces of Lord Gough, already too few, were reduced by a loss of 215 killed and f^yfjo'^'' 657 wounded ; among the former of whom were Major- generals Sir Robert Sale and Sir John M'Caskill. The commander-in-chief remarks in his despatch : " The troops were in a state of great exhaustion, principally 702 WAB IN THE PUNJAUB. Meeting of tue armies. Character of the country. . from the want of water, which was not procurable on A. DTs45 tne road > w h en > about three P.M., information was re- ceived that the Seik army was advancing ; and the troops had scarcely time to get under arms, and move to their positions, when the fact was ascertained. I imme- diately pushed forward the horse artilery and cavalry, directing the Snfantoy, accompanied by the field batteries, ^ Q raove f on vard in support. We had not proceeded beyond two miles when we found the enemy. They evidently had either just taken up this position, or were advancing in order of battle against us. To resist their attack, and to cover the formation of the infantry, I advanced the cavalry under Brigadiers White, Gougli, and Mactier, rapidly to the front, in columns of squadrons, and occupied the plain. They were speedily followed by the five troops of horse artillery, under Brigadier Brooks, who took up a forward position, having the cavalry then on his flanks. The country is a dead flat, covered at suor t intervals with a low, but, in some places, thick j how jungle, and dotted with sandy hillocks. The ene- my screened their infantry and artillery behind this jungle, and such undulations as the ground afforded ; and, whilst our twelve battalions formed from echellon of brigade into line, opened a very severe cannonade upon our advancing troops, which was vigorously replied to by the battery of horse artillery under Brigadier Brooke, which was soon joined by the two light field batteries. The rapid and well-directed fire of our artillery appeared soon to paralyse that of the enemy ; and, as it was necessary to complete our infantry dispositions without advancing tne artillery too near to the jungle, I directed the cavalry under Brigadiers White and Gough to make a flank movement on the enemy's left, with a view of threaten- ing and turning that flank, if possible. With praise- worthy gallantry, the 3d light dragoons, with the 2d brigade of cavalry, consisting of the body guard and 5th light cavalry, with a portion of the 4th lancers, turned the left of the Seik army, and, sweeping along the whole WAR IN THE PLNJAUB. 703 rear of its infantry and guns, silenced for a time the lat- CHAP.XVII. ter, and put their numerous cavalry to flight. Whilst ^^45 this movement was taking place on the enemy's left, I directed the remainder of the 4th lancers, the 9th irre- gular cavalry, under Brigadier Mactier, with a light field battery, to threaten their right. This manoeuvre was also successful. Had not the infantry and guns of the Formidable enemy been screened by the jungle, these brilliant jhl'seik f charges of the cavalry would have been productive of artillery, greater effect. When the infantry advanced to the at- tack, Brigadier Brooke rapidly pushed on his horse artil- lery close to the jungle, and the cannonade was resumed on both sides. The infantry, under Major-generals Sir Harry Smith, Gilbert, and Sir John M'Caskill, attacked in echellon of lines the enemy's infantry, almost invisi- ble amongst wood and the approaching darkness of night.. The opposition of the enemy was such as might have Resolute been expected from troops who had every thing at stake, and who had long vaunted of being irresistible. Their ample and extended line, from their great superiority of numbers, far outflanked ours ; but this was counteracted by the flank movements of our cavalry. The attack of the infantry now commenced, and the roll of fire from this powerful arm soon convinced the Seik army that they had met with a foe they little expected. Their whole force was driven from position after position with Driven from great slaughter, and the loss of seventeen pieces of artil- ean lery, some of them of heavy calibre ; our infantry using that never-failing weapon, the bayonet, whenever the enemy stood. Night only saved them from worse disas- ter, for this stout conflict was maintained during an hour and a half of dim starlight, amidst a cloud of dust from the sandy plain which yet more obscured every object." The experience acquired by this victory taught the Experience British leaders the necessity for bringing every available means to bear against their brave and resolute enemy. When it became evident that the Seiks w r ere marching in force towards the Sutledge, bent on assuming the initia- 704 WAR IN THE PUNJAUB. CHAP.XVllLtive in the war, Lord Hardinge proceeded to the expect- A.DT84& ^ scene * contest > and made the somewhat novel ar- rangement of tendering his services as an officer to the rangement commander-in-chief, and assuming the position of second ofthegover- ^ C0 mmand under his own subordinate. By the ar- rangements which he effected the largest possible force was placed at the command of Lord Gough, to oppose the Seik invaders. According to the governor-general's despatch, the Seik army, which occupied the intrenched camp at Ferozeshah, amounted to 60,000 men, while the British forces opposed to them did not exceed 17,000 Estimates of men. Captain Cunningham, however, in his history of forces? 11 ^e Seiks, altogether questions the evidence of this very great disparity. He states the forces of the enemy as amounting perhaps to 40,000 ; but he acknowledges that their numbers were further increased by numerous bo- dies of undisciplined horse, while their artillery included 150 pieces, served with the most desperate valour, as well as with great coolness and skill. " At Ferozeshah," Their great says Captain Cunningham, "the larger calibre and 8 reater w eight of metal of the mass of the Seik artillery, and consequently the superiority of practice relatively to that of the field guns of the English, was markedly apparent in the condition of the two parks after the bat- tle. The captured cannon showed scarcely any marks of round shot or shells, while nearly a third of the Bri- tish guns were disabled in their carriages or tumbrils." Victory achieved against such a force, by an army com- posed in part of native mercenaries, and dependent for its sustaining energy and perseverance on the British officers and the European troops, composing a minority of its limited numbers, requires no exaggeration to stamp it with the character of a splendid achievement. The Seik army encamped in the form of a horse- s ^ oe aroun in a state that mi S ht wel1 induce the bravest forces. to despond. Even after they were involved in the fear- ful struggle of the morrow, they were exposed at one time to the most imminent risk from the failure of the artillery ammunition. With every acknowledgment which candour may induce the generous historian to concede, it cannot be questioned that the indomitable indomitable valour of British soldiers was never more strongly dis- ush^aio^r!" Played than on the bloody field of Ferozeshah. What- ever amount of their success may have been really due to the infidelity of the Sikh leaders, the whole procedure of the British commanders was entirely independent, if not in ignorance of it. The most credulous, indeed, could attach little value to the co-operation of men who were WAR IN THE PUNJAUB. 70? heading an overwhelming force against which victory CHAP, xvm had already been twice .won with such difficulty and A~ severe losses. During the battle, both on the 21st and 22d, the governor-general commanded the left wing of the army, while Lord Gough personally conducted the right. The night that intervened between the commencement Pause in the and the close of the battle of Ferozeshah must have been Ferweshah. one of the deepest anxiety to the British commanders ; nor were even the exhausted troops allowed to slumber in peace, where they lay, with their arms at their side, ready with the dawn to renew the bloody struggle. " Night fell," says Lord Gough in his despatch, " while the conflict was everywhere raging. Although I now brought up Major-general Sir Harry Smith's division, and he captured and long retained another part of the Precarious position, and her Majesty's 3d light dragoons charged and ^British. took some of the most formidable batteries, yet the ene- my remained in possession of a considerable portion of the great quadrangle, whilst our troops, intermingled with theirs, kept possession of the remainder, and finally bivouacked upon it, exhausted by their gallant efforts, greatly reduced in numbers, and suffering extremely Suffering^ from thirst, yet animated by an idomitable spirit. In and losses - this state of things the long night wore away. Near the middle of it, one of their heavy guns was advanced, and played with deadly effect upon our troops. Sir Henry Hardinge immediately formed her Majesty's 80th foot and the 1st European light infantry. They were led to the attack by their commanding officers, and animated in their exertions by Lieutenant-colonel Wood, who was wounded in the outset. The 80th captured the gun, and the enemy, dismayed by this counter-check, did not ven- ture to press on further. During the whole night, how- ngn-assing ever, they continued to harass our troops by fire of service artillery, wherever moonlight discovered our position. nj^lf But," adds the commander-in-chief, " with daylight came retribution. Our infantry formed in line, supported on both flanks by horse artillery whilst a fire was opened CHAP.XVUI A. D. 1845. The battie Complete success of the British. Capture of the enemy's Opportune victory. Exhausted tate of the victors 708 WAR IN THE PUNJAUB. from our centre by such of our heavy guns as remained effective, aided by a flight of rockets. A masked battery played with great effect upon this point, dismounting our pieces, and blowing up our tumbrils. At this mo- ment Lieutenant-general Sir Henry Hardinge placed himself at the head of the left, whilst I rode at the head of the right wing. Our line advanced, and, un- checked by the enemy's fire, drove them rapidly out of the village of Ferozeshah and their encampment; then, changing front to its left, on its centre, our force continued to sweep the camp, bearing down all oppo- sition, and dislodged the enemy from their whole posi- tion. The line then halted, as if on a day of manoeuvre, receiving its two leaders, as they rode along its front, with a gratifying cheer, and displaying the captured standards of the Ehalsa army. We had taken upwards of seventy-three pieces of cannon, and were masters of the whole field." The victory was most opportune, and might well fill the minds of all with joy and gratitude. Nevertheless, though a complete, it was not a decisive victory. The Seiks had, indeed, been routed and driven from the field. " For twenty-four hours," says Lord Gough in his despatch, " not a Seik has appeared in our front. The remains of the Khalsa army are said to be in full retreat across the Sutledge, or marching up its left bank, towards Hurreekeeputhur, in the greatest confusion and dismay. Their camp is the scene of the most awful carnage, and they have abandoned large stores of grain, camp equi- page, and ammunition." However satisfactory such evidences of flight might be, the narration of the com- mander-in-chief betrays the fact, that the exhausted vic- tors had been unable to follow in pursuit of the retreating foe, and that the flying Seiks, who might have been scat- tered, and irretrievably broken by a timely pursuit, had been allowed to cross the Sutledge at their leisure, and to reform on the opposite bank. The loss of the British was very severe. The official despatches state 694 killed WAR IN THE PUNJAUB. 709 and 1721 wounded, or 2415 in all, amounting to about a CHAP.XVIU. seventh of the whole British force in the field. ^ ~1845 When the details of the victory of Ferozeshah were reported to the British public through the official de- spatches, the news was received with gloomy forebodings victor > rather than with the wonted exultations that follow in the train of victory. The commander-in-chief 's conduct was made the subject of unsparing criticism. He was blamed alike for his ignorance of the formidable condition of the Seik army, and for the hardihood with which he had exposed his army to such fearful odds, and incurred the risk of defeat as well as the certainty of such severe loss as his despatches acknowledged. Even his tactics in Unreasona- the field were freely discussed and censured, and the ex- cited critics seemed disposed to make the British general responsible alike for the bravery of the Seiks, and for his own inferiority in numbers and artillery. The want of proper supplies both of provisions and ammunition was unquestionably an oversight of the gravest nature, though not justly chargeable on the commander-in-chief. From the want of the latter, the British forces were compelled Conse- to remain inactive while the Seiks recrossed the Sutledge in great force, and proceeded to construct a bridge-he by which to secure the passage of the river. The com- mander-in-chief feared to oppose these proceedings of his beaten foe, lest an attack on his part should bring on an- other general engagement, while they were so deficient in ammunition that their artillery must have been nearly useless, and they were even prevented from attacking some petty forts which still overawed the neighbouring population, and checked the march of convoys and de- tachments whose approach was so indispensable to them. The battle of Ferozeshah threatened to prove a fruitless Difficulties victory. By the capture of Dhurmkot, the safe transit querors. of grain to the army was rendered more secure ; but the march of the large convoy of guns, ammunition, and treasure, for want of which the British forces had been compelled to remain inactive, was not accomplished CHAP. XVIII A.iTl845. Partial triumph of the Seiks. Relief of Loodiana. Critical position of the British forces. Triumphant anticipations of the Seiks. 710 WAR IN THE PUNJAUB. without a severe skirmish, in which 137 were killed or wounded, and, what was felt still more, several of the British were left prisoners in the hands of the Seiks. " Every beast of burden," says Captain Cunningham, " which had not got within sight of Loodiana, or which had not, timorously but prudently, been taken back to Jugraon, when the firing was heard, fell into the hands of the Seiks, and they were enabled boastfully to exhibit artillery store carts as if they had captured British can- non. " Loodiana was relieved ; but an unsuccessful skir- mish added to the belief, so pleasing to the prostrate princes of India, that the dreaded army of their foreign masters had at last been foiled by the skill and valour of the disciples of Govind, the kindred children of their own soil. The British sepoys glanced furtively at one another, or looked towards the east, their home ; and the browj of Englishmen themselves grew darker as they thought of struggles rather than triumphs. The governor-gene- ral and commander-in-chief trembled for the safety of that siege train and convoy of ammunition, so necessary to the efficiency of an army which they had launched in haste against aggressors, and received back shattered by the shock of opposing arms. Sir Harry Smith, the leader of the beaten brigades, saw before him a tarnished name after the labours of a life, nor was he met by many encouraging hopes of rapid retribution. The Seiks on their side were correspondingly elated ; the presence of European prisoners added to their triumph." The Seiks seemed about to retrieve their losses, and march victorious into the British dominions. Qolab Sing was chosen their leader, and with the unanimity and vigour of xletermined councils and a definite plan of action, the Khalsa forgot their previous losses and boasted that the British army should be annihilated, or driven in dishonour from the field. But the time was gone when unity in the councils of Seiks could secure their triumph over the conquerors of the East. Sir Harry Smith wab WAR IN THE PUNJAUB. 71 1 the first to give the check to those who had momentarily CHAP.XVIIL tarnished his well-won reputation. With the reinforce- ^ c~i846 mcnts he had received, which raises the forces under his command to 11,000 men, he marched on the 28th of si^Hany* January 1846, determined to give the enemy battle. Smlth - The commander-in-chief had reinforced him on the 26th both with cavalry and guns, and on the following day he occupied their deserted position. The Seiks retreated about ten miles, towards the banks of the Sutledge, where they were joined by a reinforcement, which raised their forces to fully 15,000 men, and they took up a position, Position of with the village of Aleewal on their left, and threw up liee^vaif ** banks of earth to protect their line in front, and oppose additional impediments to their assailants. Sir Harry Smith's narrative of the battle which followed is charac- terised by singular coolness and precision "As I neared the enemy," he remarks in his despatch, "the ground became most favourable for the troops to manoeuvre, Manoeuvring being open and hard grass land. I ordered the cavalry forces. BritUh to take ground to the right and left by brigades, thus dis- playing the heads of the infantry columns, and as they reached the hard ground I directed them to deploy into line. Brigadier Godby's brigade was in direct echellon to the rear of the right, the Shekawatte Infantry in like manner to the rear of my left. The cavalry in direct echellon on, and well to the rear of both flanks of the infantry. The artillery massed on the right, and centre and left. After deployment I observed the enemy's left to outflank me, I therefore broke into open columns and took ground to my right : when I had gained sufficient ground, the troops wheeled into line ; there was no dust, the sun shone brightly. The manoeuvres were performed coolness in with the celerity and precision of the most correct field- ^g 8 day. The glistening of the bayonets and swords of this " order of battle was most imposing, and the line advanced. Scarcely had it moved forward 150 yards, when, at ten o'clock, the enemy opened a fierce canonade from his whole line. At first his balls fell short, but quickly reached 712 WAR IN THE PUXJAITB. CHAP.xvnL us. Thus upon him, and capable of better ascertain**.., A DTs46 nis P sition > I was compelled to halt the line, though under fire, for a few moments, until I ascertained that by bringing up my right and carrying the village of Aleewal, I could with great effect precipitate myself upon his left and centre." The capture of the village proved an easier task than was anticipated. The holders of the post speedily gave way before the determined charge of the British brigades. The Seiks stood their ground on the field, however, with the most resolute valour, and even threatened at one time to out-flank the right wing of the British. "The enemy," says Sir Harry Smith, "fought with much resolu- tion ; they maintained frequent rencounters with our cavalry hand to hand. In one charge of infantry upon Her Majesty's 16th lancers, they threw away their mus- kets, and came on with their swords and targets against the lance." But their brave resistance proved unavailing. They made several ineffectual attempts to rally but at length were driven across the Sutledge, with immense loss, and in the utmost confusion and terror. The whole artillery of the enemy was either captured or destroyed, 52 guns remained in the hands of the victors. The whole of the Seik camp, baggage, stores of ammunition, grain, and nearly every thing brought into the field re- mained as the spoils of the conquerors, and the com- mander exultingly exclaims in his despatch, "I am unwont to praise when praise is not merited, and I here must avowedly express my firm opinion and conviction that no troops in any battle on record ever behaved more nobly." The victory of Aleewal was one of the most important that has ever been gained by the British forces in India. The number engaged was indeed comparatively small. But the effect of this opportune defeat of the Seiks, at the very time when they were rejoicing in united coun- cils and exulting in anticipated victory, completely over- threw their whole schemes. Golab Sing instead of Capture of the village. Valonr of me Seiks. Their total defeat Import ofthev WAR IN THE PUNJATTB. 713 attempting to rally his defeated forces upbraided them CHAP, x via with the rashness and folly of hoping to overcome the rTY^e conquerors of India, and immediately opened negotiations with the English commander. Another battle, however, had to be fought, and another victory won, before the Golab Sin & British conquerors could dictate terms to the hardy and resolute race whom they encountered on the northern boundaries of British empire in the East. The terms offered by the British leaders in reply to the negotiations Reasonable of Golab Sing were such as must be acknowledged to** s ^ r - afford reasonable evidence of the integrity of their motives British, in entering on the contest. They disclaimed all desire of annexation or conquest, and intimated their readiness to acknowledge a Seik sovereignty in Lahore, so soon as the army should be disbanded. But, however reasonable and even generous such terms might appear to those that dictated them, they struck at the very root of the Khalsa's dreams of supremacy and integrity, and if the historian of the Seiks is to be relied upon, the battle of singular Sobraon, which followed these abortive negotiations, was ^g^ 8 ^ 8 fought with a perfect understanding with the faithless ceded the rajah, that in case of British arms being once more vie- sobraon. torious, the Seik army should be openly abandoned by its own government, and that the victors should pass the Sutledge unchecked, and march without opposition to the capital. The conditional terms of a negotiation thus mutually agreed upon by belligerent leaders, preparatory to once more appealing to the arbitration of battle, are probably unparalleled in the history of ancient or modern warfare. They suffice, however, to show the singular footing on which our vast Eastern empire rests, and how difficult it is to judge of the proceedings of those to whom its conduct is committed, or by whom its progress ie opposed, according to any standard of European policy. The Seiks, meanwhile, were not wanting in prepara- preparations tion for renewing the contest. The brilliant achievement of the Seiks> of Sir Harry Smith's division at Aleewal, had been con- ducted with an amount of boldness, caution, and military CHAP.JXVm A.D 1846. Moral effect ofSir Harry Smith's Tic- tory. Necessity for prompt mea- The uncondi- tional sub- mission of the Seik chiefs indis- pensable to peace. 7 14 WAR IN THE PUNJAUB. skill, worthy of a brave and experienced commander, and it had been productive of the happiest effects on British interests in India, nevertheless it was only the victory of a division. Its moral effect in confirming the courage and high faith in the destiny of British arms of the one party, and in moving the opposite party to despondency and dread, was doubtless great. Fortune had deserted the Khalsa. Defeat and subjection already depended over them, and divided councils were hurrying on their fete. A decisive victory was, however, still needed, ere the British could force the passage of the Sutledge, and become masters of the Punjaub. Prompt measures were indispensably required. " To subjugate the Punjaub in one season, by force of arms, was a task of difficult achievement and full of imminent risks. The dominion of the English in India hinges mainly upon the number and efficiency of the troops of'their own race which they can bring into the field. But besides this, it was felt that the minds of men throughout India were agitated, and that protracted hostilities would not only jeopardize the communications with the Jumna, but might disturb the whole of the north-western provinces, swarming with a military population which is ready to follow any stan- dard affording pay or allowing plunder, and which already sighs for the end of a dull reign of peace. Bright visions of standing triumphant on the Indus and of numbering the remotest conquests of Alexander among the provinces of Britain, doubtless warmed the imagination of the go- vernor-general ; but the first object was to drive the Seiks across the Sutledge by force of arms, or to have them withdrawn to their own side of the river by the uncon- ditional submission of the chiefs and the delegates of the army; for, until that were done, no progress could be said to have been made in the war, and every petty chief in Hindostan would have silently prepared for asserting his independence, or for enlarging his territory on the first opportunity." This critical state of things in our Indian empire has long been felt by the few earnest WAR IN THE PUNJAUB. 715 thinkers, on whom the false glare of military glory exer- CHAP.XVIH cises no blinding influence. Even the short-sighted A-cTiMe. policy of self-interested motives has sufficed to awaken Genera the Home Directory to a sense of it ; and for many years conviction of each successive governor has been warned against any ^f^^ 7 further aggressive movements, or the annexation of ad- datum in ditional domains to the already unwieldly empire which owns our sway. It is easier, however, to dictate a theory of policy, than to control the events by which it must ultimately be modified. Some of the later wars have Difficulty of perhaps been justly characterized as aggressive, notwith- this policy. * standing the necessity which frequently compelled the first movements which were thought to render the rest indispensable to the safety of our former possessions, but others of them were reluctantly begun, and only boldly and effectively carried on as the safest and swiftest means of preventing their recurrence. While Sir Harry Smith was manoeuvring his division, Active pre- and the indispensable reinforcements were being brought the a seikl up from the rear, the main body of the Seiks had been no less active in their preparations for the final struggle. They had gradually brought the greater part of their available force into an intrenched camp formed on the left bank of the Sutledge, and which comprised within its irregular ramparts the whole possessions they still held by force of arms in the British dominions. Their force was estimated at 35,000 fighting men, though Cap- number of tain Cunningham inclines to think that such an estimate the Seika ' greatly exceeds the truth. He adds, moreover, that their works exhibited marked evidence of a want of unity of design, the soldiers doing every thing and the leaders nothing. It is probable, however, that in this the candid historian of the Seiks ascribes to want of unity of pur- pose what should rather be ascribed only to imperfect Defective knowledge and inferior skill. It was hardly to be ex- JJ^g!^, pected that an experienced military engineer, as he is known to be, should find in the Seik intrenchments a satisfactory display of engineering skill, even although 716 WAR IN THE PUNJAUB. CHAP.XVIIL there were European officers of acknowledged experience ^ and great bravery in command of some of their divisions. But the defeat at Aleewal, which had proved so welcome and so important in its results to the British, had a cor- responding depressive effect on the Seiks. Some of the older and more experienced Seik chiefs looked forward with sad forebodings to the approaching contest, and one favourite leader, Sham Sing, announced to the despond- ing Khalsa his resolution to meet death in the foremost ranks that engaged with the enemy, and so to offer him- self up as a sacrifice on behalf of the sacred common- wealth, threatened with such impending danger. Confidence Confidence and joyful anticipations of triumph pre- in toe British va ji e d throughout the British camp. The victory of Aleewal had restored the faith of the Sepoys in the for- tune of British arms, while the European forces exulted in the anticipation of victory. Substantial grounds of confidence had meanwhile been supplied by the arrival Arrival of of the heavy ordnance, with abundant ammunition and Eimce and" st 01 * 68 ' The obstacles which had impeded their earlier abuuduit operations, and made victory so difficult and so hardly supplies. W on, no longer existed to check the bold advance of the British forces, or the daring impetuosity of the com- mander-in-chief. The 10th of February, only twelve days after the victory of Aleewal, was fixed for storming the Seik position, and driving them beyond the river. Through indifference or neglect, the British had allowed a post of observation of some importance to fall into the hands of the Seiks, and the surprising of this was deter- Preparations mined upon as the first proceeding. Long before dawn, the'sri?" 18 ^e whole British camp was in motion, and an advanced position. party was ordered to drive in the enemy's pickets. The additional gloom of a thick haze added to the darkness of the night, as the British forces silently advanced to assume the initiative in the contest, but the posts of ob- servation, both at the Sobraon and in front of Koodee- walla, were found unoccupied, though held by a strong force on the previous day. The Seiks were every where WAR IN THE PUNJAUB. 717 taken by surprise, and beat loudly to arms throughout CHAP.XVIH their wide intrenchments on both sides of the river. . f)~Y 846 The English heavy ordnance had been arranged in masses on some of the most commanding points opposite th the enemy's intrenchments, and at sunrise the bat- teries opened upon them. For three hours the deadly shower of iron hail poured down upon the Seik forces Deadly within their intrenchments, mingled with the more deadly shells, that scattered death on every side as they fell. lery. But the Seik intrenchments bristled with the heavy ordnance which had told so effectively against the light fieldpieces that formed the sole British artillery in the earlier engagements, and the sun's level rays hardly pierced through the clouds of sulphurous smoke that loomed over the scene of deadly strife. " Our battery of nine-pounders," says the commander-in-chief in his de- spatch, " opened near the little Sobraon, with a brigade of howitzers formed from the light field batteries and troops of horse artillery, shortly after daybreak. But it was half-past six before the whole of our artillery fire was developed. It was most spirited and well directed ; but notwithstanding the formidable calibre of our iron guns, mortars, and howitzers, and the admirable way in which they were served, and aided by a rocket battery, it would have been visionary to expect that they could, within powerful any limited time, silence the fire of seventy pieces behind well-constructed batteries of earth, plank, and fascines, or dislodge troops covered either by redoubts or epaule- ments, or within a treble line of trenches. The effect of the cannonade was, as has since been proved by an in- spection of the camp, most severely felt by the enemy; but it soon became evident that the issue of this struggle must be brought to the arbitrament of musketry and the charge of bayonet. At nine o'clock, Brigadier Stacey's brigade, Br i ti8 htri supported on either flank by Captains Horsford's and Fordyce's batteries, and Lieutenant-colonel Lane's troop of horse artillery, moved to the attack in admirable order. The infantry and guns aided each other correlatively. CHAP. XVIII A.rT7846. Coolness of their ad- vance. Their partial success. Terrible resistance of the Seiks. Desperate struggle for their posi- tion. 718 WAR IN THE PUNJAUB. . The former marched steadily on in line, which they halted only to correct when necessary. The latter took up suc- cessive positions at the gallop, until at length they were within three hundred yards of the heavy batteries of the Seiks ; but, notwithstanding the regularity, and coolness, and scientific character of this assault, which Brigadier Wilkinson well supported, so hot was the fire of cannon, musketry, and zumboorucks, kept up by the Khalsa troops, that it seemed for some moments impossible that the in- trenchments could be won under it ; but soon persevering gallantry triumphed, and the whole army had the satis- faction to see the gallant Brigadier Stacey's soldiers driv- ing the Seiks in confusion before them within the area of their encampments." The resistance of the Seiks was terrible. The deadly fire of their muskets and well-served artillery, mowed down the advancing lines of the British, and compelled them to give way. The first assailants were repulsed, but they rallied and returned to the charge, and, supported by the advance of the second divi- sion, after a severe struggle, they obtained possession of some of the enemy's most important batteries in the front. Still the Seiks stood their ground. No panic seized these hardy enthusiasts, though thus assailed within their own intrenchments. One point after an- other was forced. The sappers levelled spaces sufficient for the cavalry to pour into their camp, and sustain the efforts of the infantry who had borne the brunt of the deadly struggle. But still the Seiks fought with all the wild fury of despair. Single batteries still held out, and hundreds fell in the attempt to arrest their persevering efforts to retrieve the hopeless fortunes of the Khalsa. " The interior," says Captain Cunningham, " was filled with courageous men, who took advantage of every ob- stacle, and fought fiercely for every spot of ground. The traitor, Tej Sing, indeed, instead of leading fresh men to sustain the failing strength of the troops on his right, fled on the first assault, and, either accidentally or by design, sank a boat in the middle of the bridge of com- WAR IN THE PUNOAUB. 719 munication. But the ancient Sham Sing remembered CHAP.XVUL his vow; he clothed himself in simple white attire, as A-DTms one devoted to death, and calling on all around him to fight for the Gooroo, who had promised everlasting bliss to the sac'Sfice!^ brave, he repeatedly rallied his shattered ranks, and at last fell a martyr on a heap of his slain countrymen. Others might be seen standing on the ramparts amid showers of balls, waving defiance with their swords, or telling the gunners where the fair-haired English pressed thickest together. Along the stronger half of the battle- ments, and for u:e period of half an hour, the conflict raged sublime in all its terrors. The parapets were Bloody cha- sprinkled with blood from end to end ; the trenches were conflict* "' filled with the dead and the dying. Amid the deafening roar of cannon, and the multitudinous fire of musketry, the shouts of triumph or of scorn were yet heard, and the flashing of innumerable swords was yet visible ; or from time to time exploding magazines of powder, threw bursting shells, beams of wood and banks of earth, high above the agitated sea of smoke and flame which enve- loped the host of combatants, and for a moment ai'rested the attention amid all the din and tumult of the tremen- dous conflict. But gradually each defensible position was captured, and the enemy was pressed towards the scarcely fordable river. Yet, although assailed on either side by Desperate squadrons of horse and battalions of foot, no Seik offered H^*' to submit, and no disciple of Govind asked for quarter. They everywhere showed a front to the victors, and stalked slowly and sullenly away, while many rushed singly forth to meet assured death by contending with a multitude. The victors looked with stolid wonderment upon the indomitable courage of the vanquished, and for- bore to strike when the helpless and the dying frowned unavailing hatred. But the warlike rage, or the calculat- ing policy of the leaders, had yet to be satisfied, and, stand- Fierce policy ing with the slain heaped on all sides around them, they ofthevictol ' s urged troops of artillery almost into the waters of the Sutledge to more thoroughly destroy the army which had 720 WAK IN THE PUNJAUB. CHAP. xvin. so long scorned their power. No deity of heroic fable A. rTTstt; received the living within the oozy gulphs of the op- pressed stream, and its current was choked with added numbers of the dead, and crimsoned with the blood of a fugitive multitude. 1 Such is the lust of never-dying fame.' But vengeance was complete ; the troops, denied with dust and smoke and carnage, stood mute indeed for a moment, until the glory of their success rushing upon their minds, they gave expression to their feelings, and hailed their victorious commanders with reiterated shouts of triumph and congratulation." Never before had British arms been opposed to such determined bravery and skill, as strove with them on that bloody plain. The deadly struggles which had hung disgrace for a time on the British banners in the passes of Afghanistan, owed their fatal terrors to the natural character of the country, far more than to the bravery of its hardy but undisciplined forces. But here they were withstood on a fair field by a foe that listened unappalled to the thunders of their cannon, and stood unmoved before the glittering points of their bayonets when laid to the charge. Even the brave Seiks. however, sustained by all the nerve that fanaticism can add to native valour, found British skill and daring more, than a match for them on an equal field. " At one time," says the British commander, in his despatch from the field of battle, " the thunder of full 120 pieces of ord- nance reverberated in this mighty combat through the valley of the Sutledge ; and as it was soon seen that the weight of the whole force within the Seik camp was likely to be thrown upon the two brigades that had passed its trenches, it became necessary to convert into close and serious attacks the demonstrations with skirmishers and artillery of the centre and right ; and the battle raged with inconceivable fury from right to left. The Seiks, even when at particular points their intrench- Triumphant Joy of the victors. Determined nature of tho struggle. Unexpected courage of the foe. description oi the battle. "WAR IN THE PUNJAUB. 721 ments were mastered with the bayonet, strove to regain CHAP.XVIU them by the fiercest conflict sword in hand. Nor was it A.D~Ts46 until the cavalry of the left, under Major-general Sir Joseph Thackwell, had moved forward, and ridden British through the openings of the intrenchments made by our caT8lr J' sappers, in single file, and reformed as they passed them, and the 3d dragoons, whom no obstacle usually held for- midable by horse appears to check, had on this day, as at Ferozeshah, galloped over and cut down the obstinate defenders of batteries and field-works, and until the full weight of three divisions of infantry, with every field artillery gun which could be sent to* their aid, had been cast into the scale, that victory finally declared for the British. The fire of the Seiks first slackened, and then nearly ceased, and the victors then pressing them on Retreat of eveiy side, precipitated them in masses over the bridge, and into the Sutledge, which a sudden rise had rendered hardly fordable. In their efforts to reach the right bank, through the deepened water, they suffered from our horse artillery a terrible carnage. Hundreds fell under this cannonade ; hundreds upon hundreds were Dreadful drowned in attempting the perilous passage. Their awful S^"' slaughter, confusion, and dismay, were such as would qutsfaei have excited compassion in the hearts of their generous conquerors, if the Khalsa troops had not, in the early part of the action, sullied their gallantry by slaughtering and barbarously mangling every wounded soldier whom, in the vicissitudes of attack, the fortune of war left at their mercy. 67 pieces of cannon, upwards of 200 camel Trophies of swivels (zumboorucks), numerous standards, and vast nctory- munitions of war, captured by our troops, are the pledges and trophies of our victory. The battle was over by eleven in the morning, and in the forenoon I caused our engineers to burn a part and to sink a part of the vaunted bridge of the Khalsa army, across which they had boast- fully come once more to defy us, and to threaten India with ruin and devastation." The victory was complete ; but it was not purchased 722 WAR IN THE PTJNJAUB. CHAP. xvni. without a severe loss on the part of the victors ; 320 A.Ti846 British soldiers lay dead on the field, including Major- general Sir Robert Dick, a veteran soldier, who had l!f Sectors, served with honour in the Peninsula and at Waterloo ; Brigadier Taylor, and other distinguished officers, who fell while leading on their men, or recalling them to a sense of their duty, as they recoiled from the deadly fire of the enemy. In addition to these, the British had 2083 wounded, some of them fatally. But the loss of th Seiks did not amount to less than 8000, while they were irretrievably broken and scattered, without hope of again being able to take the field. " We have to deplore a severe loss," says the commander-in-chief, " but certainly not heavy when weighed in the balance against the ob- Passage of stacles overcome and the advantages gained." That same the Sutiedge. jjjgjj^ sev eral regiments were pushed across the Sutledge opposite Ferozepore, but no enemy appeared to resist their progress. On the llth the British forces pushed on to Kussoor, and on the following day its fortress Occupation was occupied by them without opposition. On the 13th isoor the British army encamped under the walls of that an- cient town. They learned there that the Seiks had re- assembled to the amount of 20,000 men ; but they were no longer formidable to the victorious invaders of the Punjaub. Their whole artillery and munitions of war were in the hands of the enemy. The power of the The power of Khalsa was effectually broken, and no force of innate effectually courage or fanatic zeal could replace to it the indefensible broken. provisions for continuing the struggle, or even restoring the confidence which had before nerved them to the fight, and upheld them with the hope of victory even after repeated defeats. The official proclamation of the governor-general, issued only four days after the victory of Sobraon, contains both a declaration and a defence of British policy. It thus proceeds to announce, and to justify the course pursued under the immediate surveillance of the gover- nor-general, who had combined in so unwonted a man- WAR IN THE PUNJAUB. 723 r.er the duties of the civilian and the soldier. "The CHAP.XVIIL British army has crossed the Sutledge, and entered the " Punjaub. The governor-general announces by this pro- clamation that that measure has been adopted by the government of India, in accordance with the intentions mander expressed in the proclamation of the 1 3th of December last, as having been forced upon the governor-general for the purpose of ' effectually protecting the British provinces, for vindicating the authority of the British government, and for punishing the violators of treaties and the dis- turbers of the public peace.' These operations will be steadily persevered in and vigorously prosecuted, until the objects proposed to be accomplished are fully attain- ed. The occupation of the Punjaub by the British forces will not be relinquished until ample atonement for the Ample insult offered to the British government by the infraction re of the treaty of 1809, and by the unprovoked invasion of the British provinces, shall have been exacted. These objects will include full indemnity for all expenses in- curred during the war, and such arrangements for the future government of the Lahore territories as will give perfect security to the British government against simi- lar acts of perfidy and aggression. Military operations against the government and army of the Lahore state have not been undertaken by the government of India from any desire of territorial aggrandizement. The gover- nor-general, as already announced in the proclamation of Defence of the 13th of December, ' sincerely desired to see a strong B ( Jj i t ( ^ h Seik government re-established in the Punjaub, able to control its army, and to protect its subjects.' The sin- cerity of these professions is proved by the fact, that no preparations for hostilities had been made when the La- hore government suddenly, and without a pretext of complaint, invaded the British territories. The unpro- voked aggression has compelled the British government Responsibi- to have recourse to arms, and to organize the means of seLlfforliie offensive warfare, and whatever may now befall the Lahore consequences etate, the consequences can alone be attributed to the 724 WAR IN THE PUNJAUB. CHA p. xvm. misconduct of that government and its army. No ex- A.D~i848. tension of territory was desired by the government of India ; the measures necessary for providing indemnity for the past and security for the future will, however, involve the retention by the British government of a portion of the country hitherto under the government of the Lahore state. The extent of territory which it may be deemed advisable to hold will be determined by the conduct of the durbar, and by considerations for the secu- rity of the British frontier. The government of India will, under any circumstances, annex to the British pro- vinces the districts, hill and plain, situated between the rivers Sutledge and Beeas, the revenues thereof being ap- propriated as a part of the indemnity required from the Lahore state." From the sketch we have already drawn of the singu- lar religious commonwealth of the Seiks, the reader will readily perceive that, however consistent with sound policy and the just claims of the victors the proposed terms might appear, they were dictated without any re- ference to the peculiar consistency of the Seik common- wealth, if not indeed in ignorance of the peculiar features on which it was based. For the British governor-general to dictate terms by which a government might be estab- lished in the Punjaub capable of controlling the Seik army, might not unreasonably be compared to the liberal offers of the English Edward to Baliol, on condition that he should control the patriot army of Scotland. The defence of British policy, however, lies in the fact that, whoever may be justly chargeable with the initiative in the war, the movements of the British was purely defensive. They desired no accession of territory, and did not seek to interfere in the control of the Seik sol- diers, until their revolutionary movements menaced the British frontier, and endangered the peace and safety of the empire. In the conclusion of the same official pro- clamation, the governor-general thus confidently appeals to the integrity of purpose which had influenced the extension of territory. Limits of annexation. Candid estimate of British jolicy its nnsuita- lleness for Che Seiks. defence British policy WAR IN THE PUNJ\UB. 725 whole course of British policy. " The governor-general, CHAP.XVIIL at this moment of a most complete and decisive victory, , iT~i846 cannot give a stronger proof of the forbearance and mo- deration of the British government than by making this declaration of his intentions, the terms and mode of the arrangement remaining for further adjustment. The governor-general, therefore, calls upon all those chiefs Appeal to who are the well-wishers of the descendants of Runjeet native dliefc - Sing, and especially such chiefs as have not participated in the hostile proceedings against the British power, to act in concert with him in carrying into effect such arrangements as shall maintain a Seik government at Lahore, capable of controlling its army and protecting its subjects, and based upon principles that shall provide for the future tranquillity of the Seik states, shall secure the British frontier against a repetition of acts of aggression, and shall prove to the whole the moderation and justice of the paramount power of India. If this opportunity of Alternative rescuing the Seik nation from military anarchy and mis- renewed* rule be neglected, and hostile opposition to the British h *tUities. army be renewed, the government of India will make such other arrangements for the future government of the Punjaub as the interests and security of the British power may render just and expedient." If the Seik soldiers did not a'cquiesce in the justice of Submission of British policy, which dictated the necessity for a supreme sofdte^ and independent power by which their future motions would be controlled and kept in check, they at least acknowledged the right of dictation which victory had placed in the conquerors of Sobraon. They agreed to authorize their chosen minister, Golab Sing, to treat with the British, and empowered him to concur in arrange- ments ton the basis announced in the proclamation, of recognizing a Seik government in Lahore. On the 15th of February, the governor-general was interview of visited at Kussoor by the rajah and several of the most chiefs with influential Seik chiefs, to whom he stated the terms upon which he was willing to conclude a peace. These in- 726 WAR IN THE PUNJADB. CHAP.XVUI eluded the recognition of Dhuleep Sing as sovereign of Lahore, but required the cession of the country between the Beeas and the Sutledge, as specified in the proclama- They were likewise required to pay to the con- querors a million and a half sterling, as some indemnity for the expenses of the war. The governor-general was induced to dictate humiliating terms, in order that the ^ conviction of the supremacy and invincibility of Bri- terms. tish arms might be felt wherever rebellious thoughts had been cherished, among the allies or the dependents of our Indian empire. After vain endeavours to evade some of the most unpalatable requirements, the Seik chiefs re- luctantly acoepted the offered terms, and the young rajah personally tendered his submission. Still more effectually Occupation to demonstrate how effectually the Khalsa was humbled of Lahore. *" under the supremacy of their conquerors, the British army entered Lahore on the 20th February, and, two days afterwards, an English garrison occupied the citadel of the Seik capital. selfish policy In the arrangements which followed, Golab Sing con- sing? ab trived that his own interests should be advanced, however those of the great body of the disciples of Govind might suffer. His influence with the Seik forces, and his own wealth both in treasure and munitions of war, rendered him still formidable, should he be driven, by the exact- ing demands of his conquerors, to fall back on the sup- port of the Seiks. Captain Cunningham thus narrates impartial this part of the transactions in the Punjaub : " The low proceedings, state of the Lahore treasury, and the anxiety of Lai Sing to get a dreaded rival out of the way, enabled the gover- nor-general to appease Golab Sing in a manner sufficiently agreeable to the rajah himself, and which still further reduced the importance of the successor of Runjeet Sing. The rajah of Jummoo did not care to be simply the master of his native mountains ; but as two-thirds of the pecuniary indemnity required from Lahore could not be made good, territory was taken instead of money, and Cashmeer and the hill states from the Beeas to the Indus WAR IN THE PUNJAUB. 727 were cut off from the Punjaub Proper, and transferred CHAP.XVHI to Golab Sing, as a separate sovereign, for a million of A p7Ts46 pounds sterling. The arrangement was a dexterous one, if reference be only had to the policy of reducing the transaction " power of the Seiks ; but the transaction scarcely seems worthy of the British name and greatness, and the objec- tions become stronger when it is considered that Golab Sing had agreed to pay sixty-eight lacs of rupees, (680,000,) as a fine to his paramount, before the war broke out, and that the custom of the East as well as of the West requires the feudatory to aid his lord in foreign war and domestic strife. Golab Sing ought thus to have paid the deficient million of money as a Lahore subject, instead of being put in possession of Lahore provinces as an independent prince. The succession of the rajah was displeasing to the Seiks generally, and his separation was the Se less in accordance with his own aspirations than the ministry of Runjeet Sing's empire; but his rise to sove- reign power excited nevertheless the ambition of others, and Tej Sing, who knew his own wealth, and was fully persuaded of the potency of gold, offered twenty-five lacs of rupees for a princely crown and another dismembered province. He was chid for his presumptuous misinter- pretation of English principles of action; the arrange- ment with Golab Sing was the only one of the kind which took place, and the new ally was formally invested with the title of Muharajah at Amritsir, on the 15th Golab Sinj? March 1846. But a portion of the territory at first pro- aJS*-** posed to be made over to him was reserved by his mas- Muharajah. ters, the payments required from him were reduced by a fourth, and they were rendered still more easy of liquida- tion by considering him to be the heir to the money which his brother Soochet Sing had buried in Feroze- pore." The author then describes this influential Seik His chnrao chief, in a note which he appends to the previous narra- ter> tive : " In the course of this history there has, more than once, been occasion to allude to the unscrupulous char- acter of Rajah Golab Sing; but it must not therefore bfl CHAP. XVIII A. D. 1846. The standard by which to try him. Spirit of the Seik soldiery. Disbanding of the Seii army. Confidence in their future des- tiny 728 WAR IN TUE PUNJAUB. supposed that he is a man malevolently evil, He will, indeed, deceive an enemy and take his life without hesi- tation, and in the accumulation of money he will exercise many oppressions ; but he must be judged with reference to the morality of his age and race, and to the necessities of his own position. If these allowances be made, Golab Sing will be found an able and moderate man, who does little in an idle or wanton spirit, and who is not without some traits both of good humour and generosity of temper." The spirit of the Seik soldiery, however, was not broken by their reverses, though they had doubtless learned to acknowledge the superiority of British arms. But for such a formidable power to check this enthusiastic sol- diery of the creed of Govind, it is difficult to conceive what might ultimately have proved the limits of their conquests. Their partial historian thus describes their deportment in the presence of their conquerors : "While the governor-general and commander-in-chief remained at Lahore at the head of 20,000 men, portions of the Seik army came to the capital to be paid up and disbanded. The soldiers showed neither the despondency of mutinous rebels nor the effrontery and indifference of mercenaries, and their manly deportment added lustre to that valour which the victors had dearly felt and generously extolled. The men talked of their defeat as the chance of war, or they would say that they were mere imitators of unap- proachable masters. But amid all their humiliation, they inwardly dwelt upon their future destiny with unabated confidence ; and while gaily calling themselves inapt and youthful scholars, they would sometimes add, with a significant and sardonic smile, that the ' Khalsa' itself was yet a child, and that as the commonwealth of Seiks grew in stature, Govind would clothe his disciples with irresistible might and guide them with unequalled skill. Thus brave men sought consolation, and the spirit of progress which collectively animated them yielded with a murmur to the superior genius of England and civil iza- WAR IN THE PTJNJAUB. 7%'J tion, to be chastened by the rough hand of power, and CHAP.XVIII perhaps to be moulded to noblest purposes by the inform- ^ Tsi6. ing touch of knowledge and philosophy." Such is the account furnished by the partial pen of a generous British soldier, of the hardy insurgents who assailed the north- inflections western frontier of British India, and were thus hardly of the war* defeated, after repeated battles under the most undaunted of British generals. British arms were again triumph- ant. New additions were, temporarily or permanently, annexed to our Indian empire, forced on us by circum- stances or necessity. New duties and cares helped to complicate the difficulties of our Indian policy, while sanguine politicians flattered themselves that the long- sought natural boundaries of Hindostan had at length been reached, and that the British soldier might now sheath his sword, unless as the weapon of defensive jus- tice against aggression. What the final results of the . first campaign in the Punjaub may yet prove to be, it is vain for the historian to speculate ; but the view we have endeavoured to give of the singular race of armed zealots who constitute the Seik commonwealth, is alone suffi- cient to satisfy the reader that it would be folly to anti- cipate the reverses of a single campaign could sufiice to reduce them to contented subjects, or peaceable and trust- worthy allies. A much briefer experience than the least hopeful could have anticipated, served to show on how uncertain a tenure peace could be established with them. 730 WAR IN MOULTAN AND THE PUNJAUB. CHAPTER XIX. War in Moultan and tJte Punjavh. Confident anticipations of peace Sudden outbreak at Moultan Acquirement of the district by Kunjeet Sing Its original inha- bitantsSuccession of Lalla Moolraj Sirdar Khan appointed governor Assassination of British officers Alarming conspiracy at Lahore Prompt measures of Lieutenant Edwardes Native allies Siege of Moultan Junction of General Whish Fall of Moultan Battle of Cbillianwallah Doubtful nature of the results Decisive victory of Goojerat Pursuit of the Afghans Annexation of the Punjaub Consideration of British policy. CHAP, xix THE campaign of 1846 closed with the total rout of the A. oTTsis. Seiks, and their unequivocal submission to the supremacy of British arms. The ceded provinces were occupied by anticipations British forces, and early in 1848, Viscount Hardinge, of peace. W j 10 na( j re t urn ^ from the scene of his civil and military triumphs, declared that all danger of insurrection or dis- turbance in the Punjaub was at an end. No combina- tion of civil and military genius, however, could in so brief a period convert the wild Seiks of the Punjaub into peaceable subjects or faithful allies. The Indian Mail of June 1848, once more announced that the note of war had sounded on the north-western frontiers of British India. The locality of renewed aggression and treachery w s Moultan, the capital of a large tract of the same name, extending between the Indus and the Sutledge, to WAR IX MOULTAN AND THE PUNJAUB. 731 the south of Lahore. The city of Moultan is a place CHAP. xix celebrated of old for its great strength. Its more recent ^ ixTsw. history exhibits the Seik not as the patriot defending his native soil, but as the aggressor subjecting neighbouring districts by his sword. After various unsuccessful at- Capture of tempts, extending over a long period, Runjeet Sing sue- Bunje&t J needed in taking Moultan, though not without immense Sing - loss. Here, as in so many other instances in our Indian wars, Britain appears only as a new and stronger power superseding a previous conqueror, whose right of posses- sion is of the sword. The inhabitants of the province of Moultan consist chiefly of Jats, the descendants of the Datives of Scythian invaders of India, who offered a fierce resistance to the Mohammedan invaders, and, since their conquest by Mahmood of Ghuzni in 1026, they have repeatedly asserted their independence. Towards the close of last century, this province was nominally dependent on the Afghan empire, between which and Runjeet Sing repeated struggles took place for its possession. After the Seik rajah had been again and again foiled by the Afghan governor, Mozuffer Khan, he at length succeeded, in 1818, more by good fortune than skill, in gaining posses- sion of the long-coveted place of strength, and annexing the province to his kingdom. By the treaty of 1838, Cession of Moultan was finally ceded by Shah Sooja to the ruler of the Seiks. the Punjaub, who committed it to the care of Sawan Mull, a subordinate governor, who held it by a species of feudal tenure, administering its affairs as a dependent of the Seik state. Sawan, who is described as a ruler of great ability and moderation, perished by the hands of an assassin in a durbar affray, in September 1844. He was succeeded by his eldest son, Lalla Moolraj, whose name L *>' a Mo01 - so frequently occurs in the narratives of recent events on r the frontiers of British India. Differences occurred be- tween Moolraj and Lall Sing. One of the districts of his government was violently snatched from him by the rajah. Subsequently he was summoned to Lahore to Bettle his accounts, at all times a complicated and reluct- 732 WAR IN MOULTAN AND THB PUNJAUO. CHAF. xix tant proceeding in the East. He went under British A o 7s48. guarantee, effected some sort of settlement, and returned in safety to Moultan ; but negotiations were being still carried on, with the object chiefly of bringing the whole Seik kingdom under a uniform mode of government. These it was believed had, at length, been brought to a Sirdar Khan successful issue. Sirdar Khan Sing was appointed gover- pointe^ nor, and Mr Vans Agnew, assistant to the British resident governor. a j. Lahore, was deputed to proceed, along with Lieutenant Anderson, to install the new governor in his office. No opposition was anticipated, and they were attended appa- rently by a force fit for little more than a guard of hon- Receptjon by our . T ne two British officers arrived at Moultan early 30 * J ' in April 1848, and received from Lalla Moolraj the for- mal resignation of his fortress, &c. On the following day, while inspecting the fortress, Mr. Agnew was sud- The British denly assaulted by assassins, and dangerously wounded. tiveJfas" He was rescued by the new governor, and conveyed to a aanlted. 8ma ll fort outside the town. In the meantime, Lieuten. ant Anderson had been attacked in like manner, when riding in company with Lalla Moolraj, and was borne to the same fort, severely wounded. There a fire was open- ed upon them from Moultan, and three days after the Moultanese troops moved out to attack the fort in which Attempts to they lay. The wounded officers resolved to hold out the their posi- fort in hope of relief. They sent out messengers to claim Kon< assistance from a neighbouring chief, of Bahawulpore, who retained his allegiance to the British. Had their garrison been faithful, these officers might have been able to maintain the fort till effectual aid reached them ; but the Seik troops within joined the assailants w ^ nou *> an( ^j flinging open the gates, both Lieutenant Anderson and Mr. Agnew were assassinated while vainly defending themselves against a host of assaiknts. It was believed for a time that this violent outbreak was entirely referrible to some temporary and accidental misunderstanding with the Seik soldiery, and was uncon- nected with any organized plan of opposition to esta- WAR IX MOULTAN AND THE PUNJAUB. 733 Wished rule, or to any designed hostilities with the Bri- CHAP, xii tish. Long experience, however, suffices to prove that AD~Ts4&. the more recent acquisitions of our Eastern empire resem- ble in their most quiescent state rather the stillness of a peace 08 powder magazine than the calm of the unvexed sea. A India - single spark suffices for the explosion, and it is scarcely possible to calculate hx>w far its effects may extend. Amid their most sanguine hopes this was not overlooked by those at the head of affairs in India ; but the scene of danger was remote from means of defence or supply, the warm season was at hand, when active operations are scarcely possible, and rumours of the instability of affairs at Lahore, and of the equivocal fidelity of the Rajah Golaub Sing, furnished grounds for the deepest apprehen- sion. The confidence expressed by Viscount Hardinge in the peace of the Punjaub was based doubtless to a con- siderable extent on the admirable military arrangements made by him previous to his departure. At Lahore these were rendered fully available by the vigilance of the British officers in charge. The troops all along the fron- tier were commanded to hold themselves in readiness for immediate action. Officers absent on leave were ordered to join their troops without delay, and every precaution was taken to guard against surprise. The wisdom of such precautions soon became apparent. The outbreak at Moultan was followed by the discovery of a conspiracy of the most alarming character at Lahore, having for object the massacre of all the British officers, the expul- sion of our whole troops from the Punjaub, and a revo- lution in the Seik government. Attempts had been made, not without some slight success, to seduce the Sepoys from their allegiance. On the discovery of this, the British resident, Sir Frederick Currie, directed certain . native officers, whose fidelity could be relied upon, to fall in with the plans of the conspirators, by which means the whole plot was disclosed. Three native corps, it was found, had been tampered with, but only a small number of the men had yielded to the temptations by which they 734 WAR IN MOULTAN AND THE PUNJAtB. CHAP. xix. were assailed. Undoubted proofs, however, were disco- A. D~Ts4a vere< i f persons of the highest rank being privy to the plot, by whom the fakeers had been employed to use their influence over the Sepoys in seducing them from their fidelity. It was at the very time that the Indian papers were filled with the accounts of this abortive con- spiracy at Lahore, that the mail from England reported the speech of Viscount Hardinge, in which he stated False confl- he had no apprehension for the tranquillity of the Pun- denceofLord . , , -, . r .,, . ., f ,, . . jaub ! So impossible is it for the most experienced statesman to anticipate the changes which a few months may effect on the state of our Eastern empire. Uentenant The indomitable courage and skill of a British officer of youth and inexperience, sufficed at this critical juncture to do more for the safety of the British empire than all the experience and foresight of the civil and mili- tary rulers of India. It speedily became apparent that Faithlessness the zeal of Dewan Khan Sing, in the defence of the un- Wmn sfng. fortunate British officers deputed to accompany him to his new government, was altogether assumed, and thai he was in league with the conspirators in Lahore and elsewhere, by whom a scheme had been matured for overpowering the British, and expelling them from the country. In the neighbourhood of Lahore, a Gooroo, or Maharaj priest, named Maharaj Sing, had raised the standard of revolt, and speedily collected a numerous force of the disbanded Seiks, among whom he enjoyed a reputation for great sanctity. By this means the British forces at Lahore were prevented attempting any movement upon Moultan, and every successive mail brought news of fresh difficulties or alarms, tending still further to confound the speculations of the most experienced politicians as to the extent, or probable issue, of this new revolution in the i d e " ten * nt Punjaub. At this time Lieutenant Edwardes was sta- ti>e Indus. 01 " tioned on the Indus with a force consisting only of one regiment of infantry and 300 sowars, with two guns. His duty was the collection of the land-tax due to Mool- raj, and the occupation of Leiah, a town situated on the WAR IN MOULTAN AND THE PUNJAUB. 735 left bank of the Indus. " Hearing of the affair at Moul- CHAl'. xix. tan, and finding himself exposed to risk, many of his A. T) 1848. Seik soldiers deserting him on learning the rumour of a general rising, he crossed the river into the Deerajat, whence he wrote to the Khan of Bhawulpore, to make a Fidelity of demonstration which should prevent Moolraj from exe- cuting any design against him or Colonel Cortlandt, who commanded the garrison of Dhera Ismael Khan. The Khan lost no time in making preparations to act. A party of 300 horse had been left by Lieutenant Edwardes to complete the collection of the revenue at Leiah, where they were attacked, on the 18th of Slay, by 400 Moultan Defeat of horse, with ten zumbooruks (light field-guns), who were j^jf* 11 completely defeated, with the loss of their guns. Mean- while, Colonel Cortlandt, with his force, amounting to about 4000 men, quitted Dhera Ismael Khan, and pro- ceeded to the southward by the base of the mountains, being joined on his way by a Beloochee chief named Kativc allies Melah Khan, with 100 of his tribe, who were sent to take the fortress of Sunghur, a place to the west of Attock, which surrendered after six hours' fighting, the garrison retreating upon Moultan. Another Beloochee chief, named Kora Khan Khosa, soon after joined the colonel, who de- spatched him with 800 of his tribe, horse and foot, against Attack of the the fort of Dhera Ghazee Khan, the second city in the Sff*** province. The Beloochee chief seems to have executed Khan, his orders with great zeal, expedition, and success. He marched his men along the skirt of the hills, sending for- ward a messenger to the commandant of the fort with a summons to give it up. The Seiks, however, resolved to fight for the place. They went out to give battle, and were defeated ; the fort was surrendered, and the karder Capture of slain. Colonel Cortlandt (who appears to have expected jj' ^^ that the Beloochees would have only amused the garrison) cheea. found the business over when he came up. He occu- pied the town, where Lieutenant Edwardes joined him on the 20th of May, and on the morning of that day another engagement took place between the British forces and 2 z CHAP. xix ^~7g4,5 junction of wdcSt!' landt's forces Censures of the press. Anticipa- victory. 6a8y Strength of tan " influence of native 3 " 736 WAR IN MOULT AN AND THE PUNJAUB. the Moultanese insurgents, who were routed with great slaughter, their chief, Chatur Mull, being killed, and an- other chief, Lunga Mull, taken prisoner." Lieutenant Edwardes effected a junction with Colonel Cortlandt's forces, by which a body of about 7000 men was placed under their joint command. With this force considerable success was achieved, and it was confidently anticipated for a time that these young officers, at the head of such a small and irregular force, were to bring the rebellion summarily to a close, and re-annex Moultan to the Punjaub, ere the British resident or the com- mander-in-chief could adopt any definite line of policy for the suppression of this unexpected outbreak. The press as usual were as severe in their criticisms on the fordy operations of the commander-in-chief, as they after- wards were on his supposed rashness and indiscretion. The " Friend of India" censured in the severest terms " the tame conduct of the chief authorities," and pre- dieted that there would be no Moultan laurels but for Edwardes and Cortlandt. None more worthy indeed could be achieved. The gallant lieutenant, now advanced to the rank of a major, led the British troops and their allies under the very walls of Moultan, after twice defeat- ing a force greatly superior to them in numbers. But the fortifications of Moultan were such as bad defiance to the efforts of an irregular force, with no other artillery than a few light field-pieces. Major Edwardes at once perceived his inability to make the slightest impression on the fortress with the troops under his command, and he accordingly despatched a messenger to the British resident at Lahore, for reinforcements and heavy artillery. Meanwhile the position of the British force in the neigh- bourhood of Moultan was somewhat critical. The hold he had upon his native allies had owed much of its force to his own tact and the success which had hitherto at- tended his operations ; and to the latter cause also may be ascribed the successive junction of Shere Sing and other Seik chiefs, at the head of about 10,000 men. WAR IN MOULTAN AND THE PUNJAUB. 737 Such allies, however, were a source of far more appre- CHAP. xix. hension than confidence to Major Ed wardes. Many of ^"^4^ the Seiks were known to be disaffected, and he was obliged to watch their camp, situated about a mile from his own, with scarcely less jealousy than that of Moolraj. His suspicions of his Seik allies proved only too well founded. Faithlessness Their defection speedily turned the scale against him, ^u\ e l and he was obliged to take up a new position, at a much greater distance from the stronghold of Moolraj. But though it was no longer to be hoped for that the gallantry of this British officer would prove sufficient to counteract the deep-laid plots and machinations of the Seiks, the check he had given at so critical a period was productive of the most important results. Much valuable time was important gained. The cautious deliberations of those at the head LTen'mt of affairs were carried on while he held the enemy at Edwardes' bay, and by the time it became obvious that the most feeds! decisive measures were indispensable, they were ready to forward to his aid a force capable of coping with such difficulties. On the 21st December 1848, General Whish at length effected a junction with Major Edwardes, in the neighbourhood of Moultan, by which he found himself at the head of an efficient force, amounting to 15,000 British Advance of a troops, and 17,000 allies, and with 150 pieces of ordnance, fre for n fhe nearly half of which were of the largest calibre. The sie e e - result became no longer doubtful. After one of the most obstinate and gallant defences on the part of the enemy ever recorded in the annals of Indian warfare, the city of Moultan was yielded to the British commander, and its citadel occupied by a British garrison, though not till the principal powder magazine of the defenders, containing nearly a million pounds of powder, had been blown into the air, and their principal granary and stores had been burned. When the citadel of Moultan had at length fallen into Tribute to , , , , , T> ! i, i, c. a. c j.u the assassm- the hands ot the British, one or the first acts ot the ate d British victors was to pay a graceful though vain tribute to the ffic eK- remains of those who had been the first victims of Seik 738 WAR IN MOULTAN AND THE PUNJATJB. CHAP, xix treachery. The proceeding is thus narrated by an officer A. 71849 wno 1)ore a P art in tlie ^ rites ' ^"^ w ^ich the con- querors sought to repair the wrongs already so signally The burial, avenged : " On the evening of the 26th, I joined in a very pleasing, though melancholy ceremony. The burial- place of Mr. Agnew and Lieutenant Anderson had been discovered, and it was determined to exhume the bodies, and move them to the fort. The grave was opened under the superintendance of one of their most intimate friends, and the bodies were found to be in a sufficient state of preservation to be identified. A carrying and funeral party, with the band of the fusiliers, to which regiment Lieutenant Anderson formerly belonged, attended, with a large portion of the officers in camp, and moved off from the Eedgah, near which the bodies had been found, at five o'clock, and, entering the fort by the breach, the coffins were deposited in a grave which had been prepared in the highest part of the fort. The chaplain was in attend- ance, and read the funeral service in a most impressive manner." Coincident "While the united forces under General Whish were 03 1D breaching the walls of Moultan, and reducing Moolraj to the desperate position which at length compelled him to capitulate on the 21st of January 1849, and to j'ield up the ruined city and its shattered but still strong and for- midable fortress to the British general, the commander- in-chief had to withstand a still more formidable resist- ance in the open field. Notwithstanding the dear-bought experience of the former Seik campaign, the commander- in-chief was found at this second outbreak of the turbu- l ent soldierj' of the Punjaub fully as unprepared as be- fore. It was not indeed to be expected, that an estab- lishment was to be kept along the banks of the Sut- ledge, ready to take the field at a moment's notice; still the knowledge acquired of the character and mo- tives of the Seik revolutionists during the previous war, was such as showed the necessity of constant watchful- ness and preparation for war, so long as British forces WAR IN MOTJLTAN AND THE PtTNJAtJB. 729 occupied any portion of the territory of the disciples of CHAP, xix Govind. ^ D~Ts49 After the lapse of a considerable period of painful sus- pense, the Indian Mail of February 1849, brought to a tattle England confused rumours of a decisive battle having been fought, which successive publications of demi- official information tended only more effectually to clothe with doubt and apprehension. During the interval be- tween the arrival of the succeeding mails in March, the most painful anxiety prevailed. Beports were circulated Reports of that the British forces had sustained a total defeat, defeat the most extravagant rumours were believed, and a state of feverish excitement prevailed, which required far more acceptable news than the most flattering narrative could convey of the doubtful victory gained by the British arms on the banks of the Jelum. " Our narrative of the sanguinary battle of Chillianwalla," says the Indian Mail of March 5, 1849, " which, though termed a victory, Dissatisfac- might by a not very partial historian be described as a p^sed" at defeat, must be compiled from the details furnished by th e result. writers on the spot to the various public journals, which are unanimous in their condemnation of the general. ' Not, since the destruction of the garrison of Cabul,' says the Bombay Times, ' has so heavy a catalogue of blunders Blame and misfortunes been carried home from India as that T, which the present mail conveys ; we have, for the first time since 1842, to give particulars of the annihilation of half regiments, from the sheer mismanagement of the commanding officer.' The Bombay Telegraph believes 'the opinion to be almost universal, that the terrible slaughter during the engagement is attributable, in a great measure, to the want of forethought, judgment, and tactical skill on the part of the commander.' " Lord Hai-dinge was no longer present to control the Partiality impetuous hardihood of Lord Gough, and the public, however willing to overlook the rashest. daring when it is successful, are little inclined to charity or even to reason, when it leads to loss or to defeat. Lord Gough had been 740 WAR IN MOULTAN AND THE PUNJAUB CHAP. xix. compelled, as in his former campaign, to manoeuvre iu- A i7T849 s t ea< l f fight? from the want of an effective force and sufficient supplies. On the 5th of January, the British forces under his command lay encamped at Janiki, with- tiufslT f in a ^ ay ' S marcn * tne eik armv > un der Shere Sing, aroiv. which had taken up a formidable position at Moong, on the left bank of the Jelum. Lord Gough had at one time intended to wait the fall of Moultan before he attacked the Seiks, but he found reason to dread the unfavourable effects which his inactivity was calculated to exert on that portion of the natives whose co-operation and neutrality depended solely on his success, while it afforded Shere Sing an opportunity of largely augment- ing his army. Accordingly, on the llth of January, the British forces left their encampment at Janiki, and marched in the direction of the Seik camp. Shere Sing's forces were found to be intrenched in a position of great natural strength, which they had still farther secured by chan 6 " f wor ks f formidable extent. The commander-in-chief plan by is affirmed to have hastily changed his plan of ' opera- Lord Gough. tionSj and to haye pained ' the safety of the whole British forces by ordering an attack on the enemy's camp about two hours after noon, when it had been previously re- solved to defer all active operations till the following day. The ground was impeded with jungle, which con- natm-ifof the ceale( * *^ e ^ eik matchlock men, and afforded them an Seik camp, immense advantage. The British forces were compelled to storm batteries at the bayonet's point, most advanta- geously posted on steep heights, and still farther pro- tected by artificial works. Darkness put an end to the engagement, leaving the British in possession of the field f of battle. But their loss had been terrible. Nearly an hundred officers were killed or wounded ; 2269 troops, including nearly 1000 Europeans, were disabled, or left dead on the field, while whole troops had been com- pelled to give way before the determined front of the enemy, and the deadly fire of their artillery. Such a questionable victory sufficed to overshadow the triumphs WAR IN MOULTAN AND THE PUNJAUB. 741 at Moultan, and to increase the anxiety and apprehen- CHAP, xix sion with which the overland mail was anticipated in A r77 849 England. Meanwhile the fall of Moultan had released a large Reinforce- body who were pressing forward to reinforce the army ^u on"^ of Lord Gough, while the total inaction of Shere Sing fa!1 of M ul - proved that the bloody field of Chillianwallah had para- lyzed the movements of the Seiks even more than it had crippled the available resources and damped the exulting anticipations of the British. Victory, however, had not deserted the British arms Victory of in India. Another interval of feverish suspense elapsed, oojeia and then came the unofficial reports, followed after a comparatively brief interval by the despatches of the commander-in-chief, announcing the triumph of Goo- jerat. The Seik army estimated at 60,000 men, with fifty-nine pieces of artillery, and a powerful auxiliary force of Afghan cavalry, had been completely routed. " Their ranks broken ; their position carried ; their guns, ammunition, camp-equipage, and baggage, captured ; and their flying masses driven before the victorious pursuers from mid-day to dusk." Fifty-three pieces of artillery left Spoils of the in the hands of the victors, along with the camp, baggage, victors - magazines, and a vast store of ammunitions, abandoned by the flying Seiks, abundantly testified to the triumph which had at length dissipated the apprehensions of thousands, who waited with anxious dread the announcement of the first despatch that should narrate the proceedings subse- quent to the dear-bought field of Chillianwallah. The victory of Goojerat proved to be complete and de- Decisive cisive. Once more the van of the British army had the^ctory' maintained its ground on this remote border of British India until reinforcements could be brought up, and supplies forwarded to the point of attack, and then try- ing the strength of the opposing power on a well-fought field, victory had unequivocally declared for the con- querors of the East. The fruits of this battle were the entire surrender of the Seik army, including their com- 742 WAR IN MOULTAN AND THE PUNJACB. CHAP. xrx. mander, Rajah Shere Sing, his fether, Chuttur Sing, his A.D7T849 brothers, and most of the principal Seik sirdars and chiefs. Forty-one pieces of artillery, the whole that re- Snrrender mained uncaptured by the British, were at the same ier^!nd artil ~ time unconditionally surrendered, and the remains of the arms. conquered army, to the number of 16,000 Seik soldiers, laid down their arms in the presence of the British troops. The principal scene of this act of surrender by the vanquished was a place called Hoonnuk, at one of the principal fords of the river, across which their broken ranks had fled in dismay before the final charge of the victors of Goojerat. At this spot the Seik soldiers crossed and delivered up their arms, passing through the lines of two native infantry regiments appointed for this duty. Each of the Seiks received a rupee to subsist hint on his return home, in addition to which they were per. mitted to retain their horses. tfeasures In the general order of the governor-general, with Ufehana. & which he accompanied the welcome despatches announc- ing the result of the campaign, he adds : " But the war is not yet concluded ; nor can there be any cessation of hostilities until Dost Mohammed Khan and the Afghan army are either driven from the province of Peshawur, or destroyed within it." The most determined measures were accordingly adopted against the Seik allies who still remained in arms. But the greatest apprehension of the victors was that they should escape them by flight, there being little reason to apprehend that any Afghan force would alone withstand the British arms on the open field. On the evening of the same day on which Major- general Sir Walter Gilbert superintended the disarming of Shere Sing's army, he pushed on by forced marches towards Attock, in hopes of overtaking the Afghans before they could succeed in crossing the Indus. In this, however, he failed. The Afghans were already across the great river, and the impatient general pushing on with his staff, and accompanied only by a small escort, beheld them from a neighbouring eminence Pursuit of them by Walter Sir Gilbert. WAK IN MOULTAN AND THE PUNJADB. 743 busily engaged in the destruction of the bridge of boats CHAP, xix by which they had effected their timely passage. The ^ D~Ts49 sight of the British staff filled the flying enemy with new apprehensions, as they had believed the British to be thTimius. still two days' march behind. The artillery was speedily brought to bear upon them, and fifteen of the best boats forming the bridge were secured. By means of this the British troops were passed across the Indus, and negotia- tions were entered into with the Khyberries to obstruct the retreat of the Afghans through the dreaded defile of which they were the guardians. But the Indus was rising. Its deep and rapid flood retarded the passage of impediments the cavalry and artillery indispensable for the pursuit, g/ t he pur * while fear urged on the retreat of the flying foe, who were struck with such panic at the sudden appearance of the British at the passage of the Indus, that they aban- doned their baggage in order to accelerate their flight. By this means, Dost Mohammed Khan succeeded in Escape of reaching Dakka, on the western side of the Khyber Pass, m ed KhaL' and thereby escaping the vengeance he had provoked by his junction with the rebellious Seiks. With the flight of the Afghans beyond the Khyber Close of the Pass the war was at an end ; but new measures were war ' requisite to guard against the renewal of similar out- breaks of the restless and daring Khalsa. Within the brief period that had elapsed since the summary recall of Lord Ellenborough, experience and necessity had over- thrown every theory of British policy in India. One critic, in summing up the record of events of the previous year, at the time when only the first steps in the new war beyond the Sutledge had transpired, remarks : " A Difficulties year barren of events, although a tame and unattractive ^uia" period to readers of history, is a propitious one to good rulers, especially rulers of such a country as India. The want of time, and opportunity, and political quiet, to digest plans of improvement, has been the ready and un- answerable excuse of every governor of India since the administration of its affairs has been transferred to our 744 WAR IN MOULTAN AND THE PUNJAUB. CHAP, xix hands from those of the Moguls. The fault is not A. D~T849 ft* 6 "" 8 > it i s the vice, or rather a misfortune, inseparable from the circumstances of British rule in India in rela- tion to the native powers, which clothe it with progres- sive (or, as some say, aggressive) attributes, that a station- ary policy is not only irreconcileable with the security of our Indian empire, but impracticable, and the intervals of suspension of war and conquest are few and brief. The last three governors of India furnish examples which the next three may be compelled to follow. " Lord Ellenborough, Sir Henry Hardinge, and Lord Dalhousie, proceeded to India with visions of peace, of prosperous revenues, and of the realization of benevolent schemes of social benefit for the people of India. The first was, upon his arrival, immersed in the perils and perplexities of the Cabul outbreak and the Mahratta campaign. The second was most unwillingly forced by a Seik invasion into a war, first of defence and then of conquest, beyond our frontiers. Lord Dalhousie, in like Overthrow of manner, has been compelled to desert the seat of govern- hMsie^" ment, where he was busied with plans of domestic im- piana. provement, and to enter upon projects which, from the magnitude of the preparations, appear to embrace the conquest of an extensive territory, the cost of which will exhaust the present and pledge the future revenues of India, postponing every scheme of local and general im- provement and moral amelioration which demands an outlay of money. Should our presage be correct, and the Questionable British empire be extended to the Indus, that ' forbidden' UwOndns as river > convenientl y termed the ' historical boundary of a boundary. India,' will not be a final boundary any more than the Sutledge has been ; the expansion of our line of frontiers, bringing us into contact with new neighbours, jealous of our greatness or alarmed at our proximity, will involve us in fresh quarrels, and we shall be led onward, until, as Baron Hugel predicts, we reach Herat. This is the condition of our existence as a ruling power in India ; and critics of our administration there, instead of expos- WAR IN MOULTAN AND THE PTJNJAUB. 745 ing its imperfections, and proclaiming the vast amount oi CHAP, xix what has not been done to ameliorate the people, would A ~j" 8 4 9 be more just if tl^ey compared what has been accom- plished with the time and means at our command, in snatches of repose, broken by sudden political explosions, which engross the attention and the energies of the go- vernment, amidst the financial incumbrances created by an increasing expenditure, which cannot be met, as in other countries, by increase of taxation." The result has proved the justice of these remarks. By a proclama- Grounds of tion of the governor-general of India, dated March 30th S 1849, the Punjaub is declared to be a portion of the British empire in India ; and the same official document thus enters on the defence of British policy : "For many years, in the time of Maharajah Runjeet Sing, peace and friendship prevailed between the British nation and the Seiks. When Runjeet Sing was dead, and his wisdom no longer guided the counsels of the state, the sirdars And the Khalsa army, without provocation and without cause, suddenly invaded the British territories. Their army was again and again defeated. They were driven with slaughter and in shame from the country they had invaded, and at the gates of Lahore the Maharajah Dhu- leep Sing tendered to the governor-general the submis- sion of himself and his chiefs, and solicited the clemency of the British government. The governor-general ex- clemency of tended the clemency of his government to the state of the Britisl >- Lahore ; he generously spared the kingdom which he had acquired a just right to subvert; and, the maharajah having been replaced on the throne, treaties of friendship were formed between the states. The British have faith- fully kept their word, and have scrupulously observed every obligation which the treaties imposed upon them. But the Seik people and their chiefs have, on their part, Faithlessnesi grossly and faithlessly violated the promises by which of tlie Seiks - they were bound. Of their annual tribute, no portion whatever has at any time been paid, and large loans ad- vanced to them by the government of Indis have never 746 WAR IN MOULTAN AND THE PUNJAUB. CHAP. xix. been repaid. The control of the British government, to A.D~T849 which they voluntarily submitted themselves, has been resisted by arms. Peace has been cast aside. British officers have been murdered when acting for the state ; others engaged in the like employment have treacherously Their final been thrown into captivity. Fina'ly, the army of the outbreak. 9 t a te and the whole Seik people, joined by many of the sirdars in the Punjaub who signed the treaties, and led by a member of the regency itself, have risen in arms against us, and have waged a fierce and bloody war for the proclaimed purpose of destroying the British and their power. The government of India formerly declared that it desired no further conquest, and it proved by its acts the sincerity of its professions. The government of Honesty of India has no desire for conquest now ; but it is bound, policy 11 m i* s d u ty) t provide fully for its own security, and to guard the interests of those committed to its charge. To that end, and as the only sure mode of protecting the state from the perpetual recurrence of unprovoked and wasting wars, the governor-general is compelled to resolve Necessity fo- upon tile entire subjection of a people whora their own Seikinde 8 government has long been unabie to controi, and whom pendence. (as events have now shown) no punishment can deter from violence, no acts of friendship can conciliate to peace. Wherefore the governor-general of India has declared, and hereby proclaims, that the kingdom of the Punjaub is at an end ; and that all the territories of Maharajah Dhuleep Sing are now and henceforth a portion of the British empire in India." Justice of The wonted justice of British rule tempered the policy nde. ish tnus f orced u P n ft- The maharajah has been treated with due consideration of his rank, the property of all who had not forfeited their rights by their own conduct, has been respected, and the utmost care has been taken to preserve to all the free exercise of their religion. What the final results of this new annexation to our Indian empire may prove to be, it is vain to speculate. Whether the Indus, " the historical boundary of India," WAR IN MOULTAN AND THE PUNJAUB. 747 shall prove a barrier against foreign aggression and a CHAP, xix limit to British acquisition, remains to be seen ; but many ^ ^ 18;1 , years must elapse, even under the most peaceful sway, ere the diverse races and creeds of British India can be reconciled, and the vast peninsula consolidated into one kingdom, united by the safe bonds of mutual confidence and the sense of a wise, just, and benignant rule. Ex- perience has heretofore overturned every speculation. The first campaign in the Punjaub was regarded by many, whose judgment was worthy of confidence, as final: few perhaps will venture to pronounce the same of the second, notwithstanding the apparent finality of its results. Such is the history of the latest and perhaps the most Re critical struggle which Britain has yet been compelled to the engage in, in order to maintain the integrity of her Indian empire. The disastrous struggles in Afghanistan are altogether insignificant, when compared with a war thus waged on terms so nearly equal, and yet so hardly brought to a triumphant close. When we take into consideration all the circumstances of the former campaign, we can readily account for them. The real strength of the Af- ARROW'S (DR. ISAAC) WHOLE WORKS, 3 volumes 8vo. With Life, -*' by the Rev. JAMES HAMILTON, D.D., London. Cloth, price 23s. BISHOP HALL'S CONTEMPLATIONS. With Life, by the Rev. JAMES HAMILTON, D.D., London. 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