/ 'A' 6 11 1 ^i ••i r ii^t^i I. ^\l \ V->i ^ <'' // 1 h LIBRARY OF THE University of California, Class Digitized by tine Internet Arcinive in 2007 witii funding from IVIicrdsoft Corporation littp://www.arcliive.org/details/actssecondvolumeOOgilbricli THE BIBLE FOR HOME AND SCHOOL SHAILER MATHEWS, General Editor PROFESSOR OF HISTORICAL AND COMPARATIVE THEOLOGY THE UNIVE8SITY OF CHICAGO ACTS GEORGE HOLLEY GILBERT THE BIBLE FOR HOME AND SCHOOL SHAILER MATHEWS, General Editor VOLUMES IN PREPARATION GENESIS By Professor H G. Mitchell I SAMUEL By Professor L. W. Batten PSALMS By Reverend J. P. Peters ISAIAH By Professor John E. McFadyen AMOS, HOSEA, AND MICAH By Professor J. M. P. Smith JOHN By Professor Shailer Mathews | ACTS By Professor George H. Gilbert | ROMANS By Professor E. I. Bosworth GALATIANS By Professor B. W. Bacon EPHESIANS, COLOSSIANS, AND PHILEMON By Reverend Gross Alexander HEBREWS By P^ioFESsoR E. J. GOODSPEED THE BIBLE FOR HOME AND SCHOOL -B.'lsle. Al.T. ACTS ■^^]^'^^ THE SECOND VOLUME OF LUKE'S WORK ON THE BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY WITH INTERPRETATIVE COMMENT BY GEORGE HOLLEY GILBERT, Ph.D., D.D. THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 1908 All rights reserved GENERAL Copyright, 1908, By the MACMILLAN COMPANY. Set up and electrotyped. Published December, 190S. Norinaob i^tess J. 8. Gushing Co. — Berwick & Smith Co. Norwood, Mass., U.S.A. GENERAL INTRODUCTION The Bible for Home and School is intended to place the results of the best modern biblical scholarship at the disposal of the general reader. It does not seek to dupli- cate other commentaries to which the student must turn. Its chief characteristics are (a) its rigid exclusion of all processes^ both critical and exegetical, from its notes; (3) its presupposition and its use of the assured results of historical investigation and criticism wherever such results throw light on the biblical text; {c) its running analysis both in text and comment ; {d) its brief explana- tory notes adapted to the rapid reader ; {e) its thorough but brief Introductions ; (/) its use of the Revised Version of 1 88 1, supplemented with all important renderings in other versions. Biblical science has progressed rapidly during the past few years, but the reader still lacks a brief, comprehensive commentary that shall extend to him in usable form mate- rial now at the disposition of the student. It is hoped that in this series the needs of intelligent Sunday School teachers have been met, as well as those of clergymen and lay readers, and that in scope, purpose, and loyalty to the Scriptures as a foundation of Christian thought and life, its volumes will stimulate the intelligent use of the Bible in the home and the school. SHAILER MATHEWS. 18069^ CONTENTS PAGB Introduction i Text and Interpretation . . . . . • 23 Notes 259 Index 263 vii ACTS Bv GEORGE HOLLEY GILBERT U N I V E R S . OF J INTRODUCTION I. The Book in Itself The writer of this book regarded it as belonging to the same literary class with an earlier production (the third Gospel), dedicated to the same person, and he referred to it as a / narrative,' — the designation frequently given by Herodotus to his historical work. The simpler of the two best-authenticated Greek titles of the book, viz. ' Acts ' (not The Acts, as though recording all of them), whether given to it by the author, or, as was doubtless the case, given by some one else, is altogether fitting, for the narrative is indeed a succession of worthy acts, a story of some of the heroic deeds of the first Christian generation. It does not profess to be a complete history of that generation, or even of the two men who are most prominent in its pages. It leaves broad spaces in the career of Peter and Paul un- touched. As Httle does it seek to give a detailed account of the rise or the organization and life of any one of the great churches to which it refers, as those at Jerusalem, Antioch, Ephesus, Corinth, and Rome. Though the longest of the New Testament writings, Acts is exceedingly brief when one has regard to the extent and the importance of the material with which it deals. Within the compass of about eighty pages, ordinary octavo, or forty pages of one of our current magazines,^ it gives a sketch of the progress of Christianity from its rise in Jeru- salem shortly after the death of Jesus until it was firmly established in the world's metropolis some thirty years later. This sketch includes the most critical moments in the early history of the new religion, and in its unfolding we are * Acta has about 25,000 words, approximately the same as the first five books of Vergil. According to Graux Acts contains 94,000 letters, and Luke's Gospel 97.7i4» INTRODUCTION brought into personal contact with the leading men of the Church and of Judaism, also with those of the Roman State who promoted or hindered the development of Christianity. Of Peter we have eighteen speeches (if we count those which have as few as two verses), and of Paul thirty, delivered in the most widely diverse situations. There are four utter- ances of the apostles as a whole, there are living portraits of the first martyr and the first evangelist, and a letter from the mother church regarding the first subject of serious controversy between Christians. Among the representa- tives of Judaism we meet Gamaliel the most distinguished rabbi of the day, Herod Agrippa I, and Agrippa II with his two sisters Bernice and Drusilla; we meet also two high- priests together with various rulers and officers of the temple, as well as the rank and file of the people. Of the Graeco- Roman world that came into contact with the new faith either officially or in the way of personal interest we are made acquainted, among others, with two centurions, with the praetors of PhiUppi, the proconsul of Achaia, the town-clerk of Ephesus, the captain of the Antonia garrison, with two successive governors of the province of Judea, with two Roman emperors, with Stoic and Epicurean philosophers, with magicians of Samaria, Cyprus, and Ephesus, with the barbarians of Lycaonia and Malta. In this sketch of the early history of Christianity, which consists of nine hundred and eighty-seven verses, no less than three hundred and sixty-nine verses are ostensibly quotations from living persons, this count not including quotations of less than two verses in extent. If we regard even shorter quotations, we find that the pages of Acts introduce twenty-six speakers, and twelve more or less in- definite groups, of which three are Christian and nine non- Christian. These figures do not cover the utterances of angels or of others who speak in visions and dreams, neither do they include certain quite unimportant speakers like Sapphira. Thus it appears that our book of Deeds is in point of INTRODUCTION variety and dramatic interest akin to the writings of Herodotus, while in the importance of its material for our knowledge of the rise of Christianity, if that material is found trustworthy, it is second only to the synoptic Gospels. As to the structure of Acts little need be said. It is an unbroken story from beginning to end. It is not divided into four parts, or three, or two. It is not divided on a national, geographical, or apostolic basis. It does not treat first of Christianity among the Jews and then among the Gentiles : both spheres are more or less constantly blended. It does not treat of the spread of Christianity as originating in Jerusalem, mediated through Antioch, and extended to Rome, as though the author consciously ordered and arranged his materials according to these three points. The part which Jerusalem plays cannot be assigned to any particular section of the book. Its influence extends from the first page to the last. Again, the words ascribed to Jesus in I : 8 cannot be regarded as suggesting the au- thor's definite outline for his book. For though he begins with the work in Jerusalem, he nowhere speaks of the evan- gelization of Judea. Peter's tour to Lydda and Joppa was pastoral in its nature, not a tour of evangelization. More- over, if Jesus can be supposed to have marked out for his disciples the geographical order of their work, — which seems altogether improbable, — still it is not likely that he would have mentioned Judea and have omitted Galilee, as is done in i : 8. Finally, though Acts is, roughly speaking, divided into two parts, the first being given to Peter and the second to Paul, there is no reason to suppose that the author was consciously influenced by such a principle of division. Peter is prominent in the first chapters of Acts because his chief work preceded Paul's in time, but the activity of both apostles overlaps in the central part of the book. The aim of the author in this book of Deeds is stated by him at the beginning of the first volume of his work, where, in the dedication to Theophilus, he says : ''that thou might- est know the certainty concerning the things wherein thou 3 INTRODUCTION wast instructed." This was the purpose of both volumes of his history. He wished to acquaint Theophilus with what Jesus did and taught, and also with that which the Spirit of God wrought through those who, in the name of Jesus, preached his gospel and extended his kingdom. This aim, as far as Acts is concerned, was accompHshed by telling the story of the early church in Jerusalem from Pentecost to the first great persecution, and then by the story of the Gentile church as far as that was bound up with the labors of Paul from his first Christian sermon in Damascus until the end of his two years' imprisonment in Rome. In the first part of the story the hostility of Judaism toward Chris- tianity is prominent, while in the second part no less prom- inence is given to the fact that the Roman authorities found no cause of death in the leader of the Christian move- ment. For practical purposes the story of Acts may be analyzed as follows : 1. The Church in Jerusalem (i : i-8 : 3). 2. Beginnings of the World-wide Mission (8 : 4-12 : 25). 3. The Church established in Asia Minor and Europe (13 : 1-20 : 3). 4. Paul in bonds : Jerusalem, Caesarea, Rome (20 : 4- 28:31). I. The Church in Jerusalem. I : 1-14. Introduction. 1 : 15-26. The appointment of Matthias. 2 : 1-4 1. Pentecost. 2 : 42-47. Internal state of the earliest Christian community. 3 : 1-26. Peter's first sign and the address it oc- casioned. 4 : 1-3 1. Arrest and release of the apostles. 4 • 32-37. Fellowship among the early Christians. 5 : i-ii. Ananias and Sapphira. 5 : 12-16. Signs of the apostles ; growth of the Chris- tian community. 4 INTRODUCTION 5 : 17-42. Arrest, punishment, and release of the apostles. 6 : 1-7. The Seven. 6 : 8-15. Stephen's work and the opposition it aroused. 7 : 1-53- Stephen's defence. 7 : 54-8 : la. Stephen's martyrdom. 2. Beginnings of the World-wide Mission. 8 : ib-3. The great persecution. 8 : 4-25. Philip and the Samaritan work. 8 : 26-40. Philip and the Ethiopian. 9 : i-iga. The conversion of Paul. 9 : i9b-25. Paul in Damascus. 9 : 26-31. Paul's return to Jerusalem and depar- ture to Tarsus. 9 : 32-43- Peter in Lydda and Joppa. 10. The conversion of Cornehus. II : 1-18. Peter's defence of his Caesarean mission. II : 19-26. Founding of the Church at Antioch. II : 27-30. Mission of Barnabas and Paul to Jeru- salem. 12 : 1-19. Persecution of Christians by Herod. 12 : 20-24. Herod's death. 12:25. Return of Barnabas and Paul to Antioch. 3. The Church established in Asia Minor and Europe. 13 : 1-3. Barnabas and Paul set apart for the Gentile mission. 13 : 4-12. The work in Cyprus. 13 : 13-52. The work in Antioch of Pisidia. 14 : i-6a. The work in Iconium. 14 : 6b-2ia. The work in Lystra and Derbe. 14 : 2ib-28. The return of Paul and Barnabas to Antioch. 15 : 40-16 : 5. Paul revisits his churches in Syria, Cilicia, and central Asia Minor. 5 INTRODUCTION i6: 6-IO. Paul seeks new fields. i6: 11-40. The work in Philippi. 17: 1-9. The work in Thessalonica. 17 : 10-14. The work in Beroea. 17: 15-34. Paul in Athens. 18 : i-i8a. The work in Corinth. 18: i8b-22. From Corinth to Antioch. 18:23. VsLul revisits the churches of central Asia Minor on his way to Ephesus. 18 : 24-28. Forerunners of Paul in Ephesus. 19 : 1 -41. The work in Ephesus. 20: 1-3. The European churches revisited. 4. Paul in bonds: Jerusalem, Caesarea, Rome. 20: 4-21 : 16. The journey from Corinth to Jerusalem. 21 : 17-26. Circumstances which led to Paul's arrest. 21:27-40. Assaulted by the Jews, taken into custody by the Romans. 22 : 1-2 1. Paul's address from the castle stairs. 22 : 22-29. -P^^l ^^ ^^^ Antonia barracks. 22 : 30-23 : 1 1. Paul before the Sanhedrin. 23 : 12-35. Paul sent to Caesarea. 24: 1-2 1. The hearing before Felix. 24: 22-27. Paul a prisoner in Caesarea. 25:1-12. The hearing before Festus and the appeal to Caesar. 25 : 13-27. Introductory to the defence before Agrippa. 26. Paul before Agrippa. 27 : 1-28 : 16. The journey from Caesarea to Rome. 28:17-31. Paul in Rome. II. Author and Date of Composition Here we have to do with probabilities, not with cer- tainties. Acts is an anonymous production, and no writing mentions Luke as its author until we reach the 6 INTRODUCTION Muratorian Canon, about 175 a.d. Yet the probabilities in this case are of no ordinary sort, and are worthy of careful study. The tradition of the Roman church which we have in the Muratorian Canon, that Luke was the author of Acts, is supported by the following argument. Embedded in Acts, beginning at 16 : 10, there are, as commonly counted, four passages which appear to have been taken from some one's diary. These passages are in the first person plural, and this plural includes Paul except in 20 : 13-14, where the anonymous diarist went by ship while Paul went by land. The diarial character of these sections of Acts is clearly stamped upon them. They give minute details of place, time, and direction. Thus, e.g., they contain some twenty-four geographical terms, chiefly names of towns, that are not found elsewhere in the New Testament, and they note, as a rule, the length of the journey from one place to another, with details regarding the winds and the length of the various stops. They are marked also by other touches which, though natural for a diarist, are of no special signifi- cance for the historian of the early Church. Thus we read that the travellers having set out fromTroas made a 'straight course' to Samothrace (16 : 11); that on the return journey they were five days from Philippi to Troas (20 : 6) ; that they changed ships at Patara (21 : 1-2); and that, on the voyage to Rome, they sailed under the lee of Cyprus because of contrary winds (27 : 4). These and a multitude of similar items indicate plainly that we have to do here with quotations from the journal of some companion of Paul, a fact that gives to these sections of Acts an altogether unique value among the sources of the New Testament. It is not quite clear how much of our text is to be regarded as taken from this diary. Chapter 16 : 10-18 is in the first person. It describes the journey from Troas to Phi- lippi, and the work at the latter place as far as the arrest of Paul. But verses 19-40, which concern other events in Philippi, though written in the third person, may well have 7 INTRODUCTION been a part of the diary. The unknown writer was there on the ground, and this part of the chapter contains many minute details, as we should expect if it was written by the author of verses 10-18. But when Paul left PhiHppi, the unknown author of the diary appears to have remained behind. Some five or six years later, when Paul again passed through Philippi on his way to Jerusalem with the contributions of the Gentile churches, he was joined at this place once more by the diarist. The narrative resumes the first person at 20 : 5 and continues thus through 20 : 15. But it is impossible to separate verse 16 of this chapter from the preceding verse, and no reason is apparent why verses 17, 36-38 should be denied to the diarist. The first person does not appear simply because the actions described con- cerned no one but Paul. As for the speech of Paul to the Ephesian elders, the diary may have had notes of it on which our text is based. If it was like Paul to desire to see the old friends in Ephesus again, it was like him also to speak to them as he is here represented to have done. The speech is permeated with his spirit. Verse 25, which declares that his friends will see him no more and which has sometimes been regarded as showing the late origin of the speech, is nothing more than a natural inference from the facts men- tioned in verse 23, and the prophetic words of verse 29 had ample basis in the long and bitter experience of the apostle. With chapter 21, where the journey is resumed, the first person reappears in the narrative and continues through verse 18. But if the diarist went in with Paul to James, as this verse records, it would be singular if he had nothing to say concerning what transpired at the meeting. More- over the events of the next seven days (21 : 27-40; 22 : 22- 29; 22 : 30-23 : 10; 23 : 11-25, 31-35) are recorded with the vividness of first-hand knowledge, and we know of no one to whom these passages can be more appropriately ascribed than to the diarist. In Hke manner the incidents belonging to the two years spent in Caesarea (c. 24-26), where, according to 27 : i, the diarist was at the end of that 8 INTRODUCTION time, should be regarded as a part of his narrative. He was with Paul at the time of his arrest, with him also when he set out from Caesarea for Rome, and there is no evidence whatever that he was not with him or near him during the interval between these events. He did not make the jour- ney with him from Jerusalem to Caesarea (23 : 31-33), for in that case he would have used the first person plural as elsewhere in the accounts of his travels with Paul, but he appears to have followed him within five days (24 : i). The events of Paul's Caesarean imprisonment and trials are described with the circumstantiahty of an eye-witness (see, e.g., 24 : 10; 25 : 7, 12; 26 : i, 24, 29), but as the eye- witness was neither imprisoned nor on trial with Paul, he had no occasion to write in the first person. It appears, then, that we have good reason to include in the diary not only the four passages that are in the first person, but also the intervening sections concerning events at Miletus, Jerusalem, and Caesarea, though the speeches of these sections may have assumed their present form later than the composition of the diary. Now in our search after the author of Acts we have to inquire who wrote this oldest Christian diary which is em- bedded in Acts. Plainly it was some companion of Paul who was with him on the second missionary journey from Troas to Philippi; who rejoined him at this place on the journey from Corinth to Jerusalem; and who made with him the voyage from Caesarea to Rome. Silas and Timothy were with Paul on the second missionary journey (15 : 40; 16 : 3), but neither of them stopped at Philippi (17 : 10, 15), and Timothy at least did not rejoin Paul there on his way to Jerusalem (20 : 4) . Moreover, since Silas journeyed with Paul from Antioch, we should expect his diary, had he kept one, to have begun there and not first at Troas. He is also excluded from consideration by the fact that Paul's letters nowhere mention him as having been at Rome. No other name is suggested by Acts which can be thought of as pos- sibly that of the author of the diary. 9 INTRODUCTION We turn then to the letters which Paul wrote while a prisoner at Rome. As the diarist went with him to the western metropolis and was therefore, presumably, one of his most devoted friends and helpers, it is natural to expect that his name may be found in the apostle's letters. Now both Colossians and Philemon mention the Macedonian Aristarchus, who, we know from Acts 27 : 2, went with Paul from Caesarea to Rome; but this same verse in Acts distinguishes Aristarchus from the diarist. Of the others who are mentioned in the Roman letters, Timothy has al- ready been considered. Tychicus the 'beloved brother' (Col. 4 : 7) appears to have been a fruit of Paul's missionary work in Ephesus (Acts 20 : 4), and therefore cannot have been with him on the second missionary journey. Mark was with Paul in Rome (Col. 4 : 10; Phile. 24), but not with him on the second missionary journey (Acts 15 : 39), and for this reason if for no other must be left out of con- sideration. Epaphras was a Colossian (Col. 4:12), and as Paul did not labor in the vicinity of Colossae until the third missionary journey, there is no ground for thinking that Epaphras can have been with him on the second jour- ney. Demas is excluded by 2 Tim. 4 : 10 (Col. 4 : 14; Phile. 24). Of Jesus who bore the Roman surname Justus we know only that he was a Jewish fellow-worker of the apostle (Col. 4:11). The only remaining person who was with Paul in Rome was Luke the 'beloved physician' (Col. 4 : 12). Justus was a Jew, Luke a Greek (Col. 4:11, 14). But the diary was obviously composed by one who knew Greek thoroughly, even such unusual and tech- nical terms as abound in the narrative of Paul's voyage to Rome. This fact alone forbids an instant's hesitation between the claims of Justus and Luke. We are next confronted by the question whether the diarist was also the author of the larger work in which his diary is embedded. It has been urged against this identi- fication that, while the diarist had accurate knowledge and wrote with clearness, other portions of Acts betray the igno- 10 INTRODUCTION ranee of their author and are sometimes obscure. This claim, whether well founded or not, may be conceded with- out disadvantage to the view that both writings had one author. No one can write of what transpired forty or fifty years ago, of which the information must be gleaned from written sources or from Hving witnesses, as one writes of what is being experienced from day to day. In the former case one cannot separate absolutely between facts and the interpretation of facts. The diarist does not suggest that he possessed first-hand knowledge of any events in the his- tory of Christianity prior to his journeying with Paul from Troas to Philippi. It is not to be wondered at if he was imperfectly acquainted with some matters of early Chris- tian history, or even with some points in Paul's own career. He was not with Paul when he wrote to the Galatians or to the Corinthians, and since he was never in Corinth or in Galatia, as far as we know, it would not be at all remarkable if he never saw these letters. But, on the other hand, we should expect him to have seen the letter to the Romans when he was in Rome, and it is worthy of notice that there is close agreement between Acts and Romans as touching Paul's work and plans. Here, then, where it is reasonable to expect that the author of the diary would be acquainted with Paul's writings, there is no occasion to charge him with ignorance. Further, we must beware of thinking the author of Acts guilty of carelessness or of partiality merely because he does not always tell what we regard as important to be known. His conception of what was important for his purpose may well have differed somewhat from ours. Again, it would not necessarily be unfavorable to the view that the diarist and the author of Acts were the same person if it could be shown that the author of Acts sometimes idealized char- acters and events of the early days of the church. The tendency to idealize the past, and especially a great past and great characters, is everywhere traceable in history. Why should the author of Acts be an exception ? It ought zi INTRODUCTION not to be surprising even if he were found to idealize the hero of his diary, — on the assumption that Acts was not pubHshed until some twenty or thirty years after that hero's death. Turning again to the question whether the diarist was also the author of Acts, we cannot deny great weight to the following evidence in the affirmative. In the first place, identity of authorship affords the most natural explanation of the retention of the first person in the so-called *we- passages.' If the author of Acts, when he reached i6 : lo, could begin to quote from his own journal, he would most certainly write in the first person. And no other really plausible explanation of the 'we' has been offered. Again, the literary similarity between the diary and the remainder of Acts furnishes a valid argument for identity of author- ship. This is best illustrated by the characteristic vocabu- lary of the two parts. There are four hundred and seventy-eight words peculiar to Acts. Now an examination of the diary shows that these peculiar words are distributed through it about as they are through the rest of Acts. If the account of the shipwreck be excluded, the diary should have twenty-six pecuHar words in proportion to its length, and it actually has twenty- nine. The material of chapter 27 is so entirely unique that we should expect a much larger percentage of peculiar words than we find elsewhere. In estimating the worth of this argument from the vocab- ulary of the two parts of Acts it should be remembered that the vocabulary of Acts and the third Gospel far exceeds in wealth that of any other equal portion of the New Testa- ment, and also that the average of uncommon words for each chapter surpasses every other New Testament writing, not excepting Hebrews. In view of this fact we should hold that the similarity between the diary and the rest of Acts in point of vocabulary is a valid and forcible argument for unity of authorship. It is extremely improbable that two writers, the diarist and the author of Acts, would 12 INTRODUCTION both and in almost the same degree have surpassed all other New Testament authors in the richness of their vocabulary. Finally, unity of authorship is to be argued from the com- bination of the tradition of the Roman church and the testi- mony of the Pauline letters. That tradition assigned the entire book to Luke ; the letters of Paul, as we have shown, that is, the letters of the Roman imprisonment, point to Luke as the diarist. The confluence of these two streams of evidence, of which neither is unworthy of respect, is strongly confirmatory of the two arguments already ad- vanced. Their combined force seems to put the hypothesis of Luke's authorship both of the diary and of Acts on a far higher plane of probability than has been successfully estab- lished for any other view. In conclusion on this point mention should be made of another highly interesting Hne of evidence confirmatory of Lucan authorship. We are told that Luke was a physician (Col. 4 : 14), and we find that the language of Acts as also of the third Gospel accords with this statement of Paul. In Acts alone there are about one hundred and sixty-three words which, though not exclusively used by medical writers, are characteristic of their style. A number of these are found only in the writings of physicians, others are found only there in the pecuHar sense in which Luke uses them. Thus when Paul, in sending Luke's salutation to the Colos- sians, characterized him as a 'physician,' he furnished an important clew to the authorship of Acts. As to the date of composition of Acts, the hypothesis of Lucan authorship sets approximate limits. The diary follows Paul to Rome, and the author of the diary can hardly be sup- posed to have lived beyond the eighth or ninth decade of the century. Acts was composed after the Gospel, and the Gos- pel probably after the destruction of Jerusalem. Accord- ingly the composition of Acts may be put in the period between 70 and 90 A.D. Some writers who do not regard Luke as the author put the date of composition a little later, at the close of the first century or in the early years of the second. 13 INTRODUCTION ni. The Historical Value of Acts From the very nature of the case it is obvious at the outset that the historical value of the book is not wholly uniform. It is scarcely conceivable that it could be. In certain sections the author quoted his own diary, or drew upon his personal knowledge of events. The historical value of these parts of the book is such as belongs to the words of a competent, honest, and thoroughly well-informed witness. It is variously established by the letters of Paul, and in no single detail do those letters clearly set aside the statements of the diary. So far then no source could be more satisfactory. But the events of the first twelve chap- ters of Acts were separated from the probable time of its composition by at least a full generation, and some of those events were of such complex and dramatic interest that even a contemporary and witness of them might easily fail to understand them altogether. They were, however, at the source of a great rehgious movement, and it was in- evitable that they should be much talked of and differently understood by different people. Further, this early history was a history of things Jewish, of a growth which was for a time wholly within Judaism, but the author of Acts was a Greek and therefore somewhat more liable to fail in his apprehension of this early history than a Jew would have been. When one calmly considers these facts, one recog- nizes that it is not possible to regard Acts as having a wholly uniform historical value. And yet there are a number of things which create a favor- able presumption in regard to the trustworthiness even of the earlier part of Acts. Thus, in the first place, there is the author's habit of carefully investigating those matters of which he treated (Luke 1:3). Then it appears to have been his way to commit his observations to writing rather than to carry them loosely in memory. Such at least would be one's inference from the diary which he kept while with Paul. He also possessed, as the diary abundantly proves, 14 INTRODUCTION an admirable faculty of observation, which took account of the slightest details while at the same time looking at events in their larger relations. Moreover, in addition to these things, the author of the diary travelled with Silas, a prominent member of the Jeru- salem church (Acts 15 : 22, 40); travelled a much longer time with Gaius of Derbe, Timothy of Lystra, Tychicus and Trophimus of Asia, with Sopater of Beroea, with Aristarchus and Secundus of Thessalonica, with the former of whom he made the eventful journey to Rome (Acts 20 : 4; 27 : 2). Thus he had opportunity to learn of Paul's work in Beroea and Thessalonica, in Derbe, Lystra, and Ephesus from others besides the apostle. He spent some days in the home of Philip in Caesarea, who was the best source of information regarding his own work in Samaria and his intercourse with the Ethiopian (Acts 21 : 8). Then in Jerusalem he lodged with Mnason, an 'early disciple* (Acts 21 : 16), who might have told him of the first preach- ing of the Gospel in Cyprus (Acts 11 : 19). This visit in Jerusalem was about a quarter of a century after Pentecost, and there were probably persons still living there who had heard Peter's sermon and who had known the martyr Stephen. These facts when taken together establish no slight presumption in favor of the general trustworthiness of Acts. They of course do not render it unnecessary to subject the narrative, wherever possible, to a rigorous test. Such a test can be made at certain points by means of the letters of Paul. In this procedure it is rightly assumed that Paul's letters are the highest authority regarding his aims and his career. If the author of Acts does not agree with Paul in regard to Paul's own work and plans, if there is a clear conflict between their representations as to matters of fact, we know where we ought to stand, whose represen- tations we ought to accept. We shall here pass in review the chief alleged differences between Acts and Paul as to matters of fact. And it is to IS INTRODUCTION be remarked, in the first place, that any omission of facts by Luke, as, e.g., the omission of Paul's sojourn in Arabia, does not constitute a conflict between him and Paul unless it can be shown beyond reasonable doubt that the omission in each particular instance was for the express purpose of creating an impression upon the reader which the fact itself would dissipate. It seems highly improbable that such a purpose can be made out in any single instance. But we have now to consider some positive statements of Acts. In 26 : 20 Paul is represented as saying that he had *' declared both to them of Damascus first and at Jerusalem and throughout all the country of Judea, and also to the Gentiles, that they should repent and turn to God." Now this preaching throughout 'Judea' appears to be wholly irreconcilable with Paul's statement in Gal. i : 18-2 : 10. It is only necessary to read the Galatian passage by the side of Acts to be convinced of this. Again, Acts 9 : 26-29 tells us that Paul on his return from Damascus "assayed to join himself to the disciples," that Barnabas brought him to the apostles, and that he preached boldly in Jerusalem in the name of the Lord. But Paul in Gal. i : 18-19, when speaking of his return to Jerusalem as a Christian, says that he went to visit Cephas, and that he saw no other apostle, though he saw one of equal authority, viz. James, the Lord's brother. Here it is difficult to see how Paul could have been Luke's source of information. The narrative seems to set Paul's relation to the disciples and apostles in Jeru- salem in a different light from that in which Paul himself sets it in Galatians. On the one hand, he "assayed to join himself to the disciples," on the other he came to visit Peter; on the one hand, he was brought to the 'apostles' (the plural is used), on the other he saw no apostle but Peter. Once more, Luke in Acts 11 : 29-30 and 12 : 25 speaks of a journey of Paul to Jerusalem from Antioch, to carry relief to the Christian brethren, but Paul in Galatians (2 : i) seems to declare that he was not in Jerusalem again after his first visit until he went up to consider the question of the 16 INTRODUCTION circumcision of Gentile converts, which, according to Acts, was his third visit. Whether there is here an essential con- tradiction between Acts and Galatians, or whether the wide difference in the aims of the two writings is sufficient to account for the phenomena, is still matter of debate. The same may be said of the problems that appear from a com- parative study of Acts 15 and Gal. 2. In Acts Paul plays a subordinate role, in Galatians the chief one. The account of the conference in Acts breathes a spirit of harmony, that in Galatians a spirit of conflict. According to Acts certain ' neces- sary things were laid upon the Gentile converts in Antioch, according to Galatians the leaders in Jerusalem 'imparted nothing' to Paul. It is clear that Acts gives us a widely different idea of what took place in Jerusalem from that which we get by reading Galatians, but it is not certain that both representations may not be imperfect, one-sided views of the same events. Paul's account bends everything to the establishment of his independent authority; it represents the personal point of view. The account in Acts represents the churchly point of view a generation after the epistle to the Galatians was written. Both accounts agree that the judaizers failed to carry their point regarding the necessity of circumcision, and therefore that Paul was triumphant. It has sometimes been urged against the historical char- acter of Acts that it represents Paul, who declares that he was called to be the apostle of the Gentiles (Gal. i : 16), as always preaching to the Jews and as turning to the Gen- tiles only when rejected by his own people. This procedure is indeed noteworthy, but ought not to be construed in a manner unfavorable to the historical value of Acts. For surely the call to be an apostle to the Gentiles did not de- termine the method of approach to the Gentiles, and did not lay an injunction on the apostle's exercise of common sense. He was still free to begin his work for the Gentiles there where he could do so with the best hope of success, viz. among those Gentiles who were already acquainted with the Hebrew Scriptures and Messianic hope through their c 17 INTRODUCTION attachment to the synagogue. Moreover, the unquestionable letters of Paul are confirmatory of the representation of Acts, that he always approached the Gentile world by way of the Jewish synagogue. He tells us in Romans (i : i6) that it was the prerogative of the Jews to have the first offer of the Gospel, and in Corinthians that to the Jews he became as a Jew, that he might gain Jews (i Cor. 9 : 20). Again, he writes in general terms concerning his message and hearers, saying, ''We preach Christ crucified, unto Jews a stumbling-block and unto Gentiles foolishness; but unto them that are called, both Jews and Greeks, Christ the power of God and the wisdom of God" (i Cor. i : 23-24). It is not therefore to be set down as against the historical value of Acts that it represents the apostle of the Gentiles as sys- tematically beginning his work in the synagogues of the Jews. In conclusion : on this point of testing the historical value of Acts by the epistles of Paul brief mention may be made of two matters. The conception of speaking with tongues which we have in Acts 2 : 4-13 is undoubtedly to be judged by what Paul says of glossolaly. It is not therefore a strictly historical conception, but illustrates the tendency to idealize and to invest intelligible events with a supernatural halo. Again, the story of 'special miracles' wrought by Paul in Ephesus (Acts 19 : 12) is widely different from anything that Paul's letters tell us about apostolic signs. It is indeed wholly credible that in a superstitious age people should have believed that Peter's shadow or the touch of a cloth which had been in contact with Paul's body would cure them of their diseases, but it does not seem likely that either of the apostles would have encouraged such a notion and thereby have descended to the level of common magic. It is more probable that we have here extreme illustrations of the tendency to ascribe miracles to great men. That Paul in the Spirit of God, and likewise Peter, wrought mighty works cannot be doubted, but the evidence goes to show that these works were sane and intelligible. 18 INTRODUCTION It remains to consider briefly the bearing of the longer speeches of Acts on its historical character. What has already been said of Acts as a whole, that it has not uniform historical value, is true also of the speeches in the book. Thus the address of Paul to the Elders of the Ephesian church gathered at Miletus (Acts 20 : 18-35) should prob- ably be regarded as based on notes contained in the diary, and therefore as possessing a high degree of trustworthiness, at least as regards all matters of fact. The speech of the elders in Jerusalem (21 : 20-25), the speech of Paul from the stairs of Antonia (22 : 1-2 1), his speech before Felix (24 : 10-21), and that before Agrippa (26 : 2-23), are all capable of being regarded in the same manner. All may rest substantially on the diarist's own personal knowledge. That does not of course guarantee their accuracy in every point, but it establishes a strong presumption in favor of their essential trustworthiness. No one of these speeches can be regarded as giving the very words of the various speakers. In the first place, no one of the five is probably a quarter as long as the actual speech; some perhaps not more than a tenth or twentieth as long. Then, too, the five taken as a whole show the average number of words peculiar to Luke which in view of their extent they should have.^ But when we turn from these speeches, which are so closely connected with the diary, to those of Peter and Stephen, we cannot expect as high a degree of historical accuracy. The writer's knowledge was second hand at least, and in some cases may have reached him through several inter- mediate links. It is not then a matter of surprise to find that the Lucan element in the vocabulary of these speeches is quite appreciably less than it is in the speeches already considered. This fact seems to indicate that in these por- ' There are 987 verses in Acts and 478 peculiar words, or about one peculiar Lucan word for each two verses. Now the five speeches mentioned above consist of 78 verses, and show 39 peculiar words, that is, they have exactly the average for the entire book. We must regard them, then, as being, in a literary sense, largely a Lucan production. 19 INTRODUCTION tions the author was more dependent on information derived from others than upon his own observation. To sum up in regard to the historical value of Acts we may say, first, that it is not uniform, but ranges from a lower level to the highest order of excellence; second, that on those matters which are touched both by Acts and the epistles of Paul, while points of disagreement are not altogether wanting, the broad and deep harmony of the two writers is, to say the very least, equally striking and significant; and third, as to those parts of Acts which we have no outside means of testing, we are constrained by the character of the diary itself and by the evidence that its author was also the author of the entire book, to be favorably predisposed in regard to their trustworthiness. 4. The Text. — The character of the present work calls only for a very brief paragraph on this subject, mainly to explain and justify a number of variant readings which appear on the following pages. The more important of these are from the Codex Bezae, known also as Codex D. This is written in Greek and Latin, dates perhaps from the sixth century, and is said by experts to show traces of no fewer than nine revisions. It is supposed to have arisen in a bilingual church, and Dr. Chase identifies this with Antioch, where both Greek and Syriac were spoken. The Codex was dis- covered in the monastery of Irenaeus in Lyons, and some writers regard it as giving the text of that eminent Father, who was born in Asia Minor in the first quarter of the second century. This so-called ' Western ' text of Acts represents, according to Blass, the first draft of Luke, while the Eastern text represents a more careful second draft. His view rests on the alleged impossibility of explaining the peculiarities of either text from the other. Codex D, from which we have noted a few readings, differs widely from the Mss. (as Aleph, A, and B) on which our revised Greek text is largely based. Thus there are from one hundred and forty to one hundred and fifty cases INTRODUCTION where its verbs are different from those of the common text and more than a hundred cases where it uses different conjunctions (Weiss). The greater part of this divergence has nothing to commend it in comparison with the common text, but in a very few of its readings the Codex claims re- spectful attention. 5. Literature. Among the less technical books (Eng- lish), chiefly of quite recent date, which are helpful for the interpretation of Acts, the following may be mentioned: Commentaries. R. J. Knowling, in The Expositor's Greek Testament , 1900. H. H. Wendt, 8th ed. of Meyer, 1899. J. R. Lumby, in The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges, 1897. J. Vernon Bartlet, in The Century Bible (without date). R. B. Rackham, The Acts of the Apostles: an Exposi- tion, 1902. Miscellaneous. Schurer, The Jewish People in the Time of Christy Enghsh, 1890 + J. Smith, Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul, 4th ed., 1880. F. C. Chase, The Credibility of the Book of the Acts of the Apostles, 1902. W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen, 1896. A. C. McGiffert, The Apostolic Age, 1897. G. H. Gilbert, The Student's Life of Paul, 1899. History of Christianity in the Apostolic Age, 1906. Paul Wernle, The Beginnings of Christianity, 1903. A. Harnack, The Expansion of Christianity, 1904. INTRODUCTION Approximate Dates for the Apostolic Age A.D. 27-30. Death of Jesus; Pentecost. 32. The Conversion of Paul. 32-35. Paul in Arabia and Damascus. 35-44. Paul in Syria and Cilicia. 44. Church founded at Antioch. 45-47. Paul's first missionary journey. 48. The Conference in Jerusalem. 48-51. Paul's second missionary journey. 51-52. Through the " upper country." 52-55. Paul in Ephesus. 55-56. In Macedonia and Achaia. 56-58. In Caesarea. 58-59. Voyage to Rome. 59-61. In Rome. 64?. The death of Paul. 70. The destruction of Jerusalem. 33 MORE IMPORTANT ABBREVIATIONS AV Authorized (King James) Version. Gr Greek. LXX Septuagint. m ..... Margin. SV Standard American Version. ACTS I. The Church in Jerusalem, 1:1-8:3 I : I- 1 4. Introduction: amplification of the former narrative i : i regarding the final injunction of Jesus to his disciples (1:1-8); the ascension (1:9-11); obedience of the disciples to the word of Jesus (i : 12-14) 1. The ^former °treatise I made, O °Theophilus, concerning 2. all that Jesus °began both to do and to teach, °until The Title : The Acts of the Apostles. The Mss. show a number of titles, as, ' Acts,' * Acts of Apostles,' * Acts of the Apostles,' * the Acts of the Apostles,' ' Acts of the Holy Apostles,' etc. Of these the first best describes the book. I. Former. The Greek word is in the superlative degree, mean- ing ' first,' and on this fact some writers base the view that Luke in- tended to write at least three treatises or volumes. This, however, seems quite uncertain, for it is known that the Greek superlative was sometimes used with the force of a comparative, and further the writings of Luke nowhere employ the comparative of this particular word. — The ' former °treatise,' or the first volume of Luke's work, is identified with the third Gospel, chiefly because, like that, it is dedi- cated to °Theophilus, and also by the fact that the two writings are closely bound together by similarity of style and a common vocabulary. Treatise. See Introduction, p. i. Theophilus. Since in Lk. i : 3 he is called * most excellent,' and since this title is given to the Roman governors Felix and Festus (23 : 26; 24 : 3; 26 : 25), it has been thought that Theophilus also was a high official. Whether this was the case or not, the name 'Theophilus ' and the nationality of the author of Acts favor the view that he was a Greek. It is quite uncertain where he lived. Began to do. It is doubtful whether the author wished to emphasize the beginning and to imply that the pres- ent narrative is only a continuation of the activity of Jesus. The Greek word for ' began ' is frequently used in the New Testament in an almost redundant sense ; and furthermore, Acts, unlike Luke's Gospel, does not deal with the direct activity of Jesus. It is rather a book of the Holy Spirit, showing what he, who had wrought mightily through Jesus, wrought also through Jesus' disciples. 23 ACTS the day in which he was ^received up, after that he °had given commandment ^through the^ Holy Ghost 3. unto the apostles whom he had chosen : to whom he also shewed himself alive after his passion °by many proofs, °appearing unto them by the space of °forty * R Vm ' Holy Spirit ' throughout the book. 2. Until the day. If we had only the Gospel of Luke, we should think of the ascension as having occurred on the day of the resur- rection (see Lk. 24; comp. Jn. 20 : 17). Here in Acts, it is put on the fortieth day after the resurrection. It seems not unlikely that, in the interval between the composition of his first volume and his second, Luke learned of another tradition regarding the time between the resur- rection of Jesus and his final departure. — Since Luke's first volume covers the career of Jesus to the day of his ascension, vss. 1-8, which narrate events that preceded the ascension, and vss. 9-1 1, which de- scribe the ascension, are of the nature of a supplement to the Gospel. To this extent the two works overlap. Received up. The same word is used to describe Paul's taking up into the ship at Assos (20 ; 14) and the taking up of the sheet which Peter saw in his vision (10 : 16). Luke's Gospel, according to what at present appears to be the best text, does not speak of an ascension of Jesus, but only says that he * parted * from his disciples. Had given commandment. This is contained in vss. 4-5. Through the Holy Ghost. The Greek may also be rendered * through a holy spirit,' the attention being directed not to a divine agency, but to a divine effect. See a special note in the Appendix. — The Greek allows us to connect this clause either with * command- ment ' (so R.V.) or with * chosen.* 3. By many proofs. Luke in his Gospel mentions at least two * proofs,' viz., the breaking of bread at Emmaus (24 : 35) and the eating of a piece of broiled fish (24 : 42). Similar proofs are found in Matthew and John. The word translated 'proof,' found nowhere else in the New Testament, is defined by the ancient Greek lexicog- rapher Hesychius as meaning ' a true sign.' The rendering of the A. v., * infallible signs,' is not justifiable. — The reference to ' proofs' of the resurrection of Jesus probably indicates that its reality had been questioned. Comp. i Cor. 15 : 12. Appearing unto them. The writer, as was natural in his time toward the close of the first cen- tury, gave prominence to the appearances of Jesus to the Apostles. But if we look at the Gospels, we find that of the nine appearances of the risen Lord there mentioned, only three were to apostles exclu- sively, and the same number were to disciples when no apostle was 24 ACTS days, and °speaking the things concerning the king- 4. dom of God : and, °being assembled together with them, he charged themnot to depart from ° Jerusalem, but to wait for the ^promise of the Father, which, said 5. hcj ye heard from me : for John indeed baptized with water; but ye shall be baptized with the Holy Ghost 6. not many days hence. °They therefore, °when they present. Forty days. The period of forty days which preceded the public ministry of Jesus (Mk. i : 13) was naturally followed by a period of equal length at its close. Here as in Ex. 34 : 28 and i K. 19 : 8 the number may be understood symbolically, as denoting a period of trial, Jesus had indeed been delivered from death, but was not yet seated at the right hand of God in glory and power. Speaking the things. The Gospels do not justify us in the view that Jesus taught his disciples any new truth concerning the kingdom of God after his resurrection, nor is there reason to suppose that Luke thought of new teaching. 4. Being assembled together with them. The marginal reading * eating with them ' has against it what the Gospels intimate regarding the habitual mode of life of the risen Christ. When he took a piece of broiled fish (Lk. 24 : 42), it was something extraordinary, an act designed to establish his identity. The thought that he was in the habit of eating with the apostles after his resurrection is quite unwar- ranted. See Mk, 14 : 25. Jerusalem, The scene of the Last Sup- per, the scene of the death and resurrection of Jesus, was naturally the place for the Spirit which had been upon him to come also upon them with power. Promise of the Father. A promise of the Spirit for times of special trial is found in Lk. 12 : 12, and a general promise in John (15 : 26), but neither of these is in form a * promise of the Father,' It is possible that the writer was here influenced by the thought of the Old Testament promise (Jn, 2 : 28), For John indeed. This verse is a modification of words spoken by the Baptist before the beginning of Jesus' ministry (Matt. 3:11; Mk. 1 : 18; Lk. 3 : 16; Jn, I : 26-27). As used by him, they referred to something which should be experienced by his hearers as they came into association with Jesus, not to an event that lay on beyond the completion of the ministry of Jesus. They contrasted an outward baptism of prep- aration with an inward baptism of fulfilment. The last clause of the verse, ' not many days hence,' is added to what the Baptist said. — ' Holy Ghost ' is to be taken here as in vs, 2. 6. They therefore. 'Therefore * looks back to the promise of Jesus in vs. 4. This word of Jesus seemed to the Apostles to involve 25 1 : 7 ACTS were come together, asked him, saying, °Lord, dost thou at this time restore the kingdom to Israel ? 7. And he said unto them,°It is not for you to know times or seasons, which the Father hath set within his own 8. authority. But ye shall receive °power, °when the Holy Ghost is come upon you : and ye shall be °my witnesses the fulfilment of the Old Testament promise of a kingdom. When they were come together. The logical relation of this verse to the preceding indicates that this coming together was subsequent to that of vs. 4, but regarding the interval between the two we have no knowledge. It is obvious that Luke thought of this meeting of vs. 6 as associated with the ascension on the Mount of Olives, Lord, dost thou at this time, etc. Without doubt they still thought of an earthly kingdom, of which a redeemed Israel should be the head. A question so little complimentary to the spiritual intelligence of the apostles is not likely to have been invented in the latter part of the first century when the apostles were looked on with veneration as founders of the Church. Thus we have here incidental evidence that Luke drew from an ancient and trustworthy source. 7. It is not for you, etc. This passage and the quotation in 20 : 35 are the only direct citations from words of Jesus in the book. The two passages, however, do not stand quite on the same plane because of the mystery resting on the intercourse of the risen Lord with his disciples. The statement that it was not for the disciples to know * times or seasons ' of the restoration of the kingdom may have been derived from the great saying of Jesus in Matt. 20 : 35, that only the Father knows the day and hour of the consummation. 8. Power. The same word is used both of an inward spiritual equipment and of the resulting outward achievement. Thus Stephen was full of power (6 : 8), and great powers or miracles were wrought by Philip (8 : 13). The connection of this power with the Spirit of God was to be illustrated in the case of the disciples as it had been in the earthly life of Jesus (10 : 38). When the Holy Ghost is come upon you. Here and in the three other passages of Acts (10 : 44, II : 15, 19 : 6), where a coming or falling of the Spirit is mentioned; we have the definite Greek form, the Holy Spirit. The thought is on the divine agent, not on the divine effect. My witnesses. Ac- cording to Lk. 24 : 44-48 the substance of the disciples' witness was to be that the death and resurrection of Christ were in fulfilment of the Scriptures, and that repentance and remission of sins in his name are good tidings for all nations. Thus their witnessing was to be per- sonal, centring in Christ. This thought is involved again and again 26 ACTS both in °Jerusalem, and in all Judea and Samaria, 9. and unto the uttermost part of the earth. And when he had said these things, as they were looking, he was °taken up; and a cloud received him out of their sight. 10. And while they were °looking stedfastly into heaven as he went, behold, °two men stood by them in white in the teaching of Jesus (see, e.g., Matt. 5 : 13, 14; 10 : 32). Jeru- salem, Judea, Samaria, etc. It was natural that the disciples should begin at Jerusalem, and, in keeping with the universality of Jesus' teaching, that they should go to the ends of the earth. The example of Jesus would lead them to begin with their own people (Matt. 10 : 6; 15 : 24), as well as the fact that here the way had already been prepared for the Gospel by the Old Testament and the work of Jesus. The middle terms — Judea and Samaria — can hardly be understood as indicating the order which the evangelization of the world should take after it had begun in Jerusalem. They serve to express the thought that the extension of the kingdom from Jerusalem should be a gradual and continuous work, going farther and farther, as waves that proceed from one centre of disturbance. In this word Jesus clearly intimated to his disciples that their thought of a restoration of the kingdom to Israel (vs. 6) was erroneous. 9. Taken up. The writer plainly thought of a visible ascension. In this respect his narrative goes beyond the Gospels. Matthew and John, who were present on the occasion here mentioned, do not speak of a visible ascension. Hence the view of some writers that this feature of Acts is a later addition, an effort to provide what might be regarded as a worthy conclusion of the period in which the risen Lord had manifested himself to the disciples. If this be true, the use of a ' cloud ' would be explained, since clouds are employed in the O.T. as the chariot of God (e.g., Ps. 104 : 3). But the subject, like some others connected with the resurrection, is such that the interpreter cannot speak with assurance. 10. Looking stedfastly. With the exception of one passage in Paul (2 Cor. 3 : 7-13) the word here translated is peculiar to Luke and denotes an intent scrutinizing gaze, such as that of the people in the Nazareth synagogue when Jesus read Isaiah to them (Lk. 4 : 20). Two men. Though called * men,' the white apparel indicates that they were thought of as angels. In the first twelve chapters of Acts, where the author dealt with things Jewish and where also he was dependent on oral or written sources, the appearance of angels is comparatively frequent, seven times in all; in the later chapters, 27 ACTS 11. apparel; which also said, Ye men of Galilee, why stand ye looking into heaven? this Jesus, which was received up from you into heaven, shall so come °in like manner as ye beheld him going into heaven. 12. Then ^returned they unto Jerusalem from the mount called Olivet, which is °nigh unto Jerusalem, a °sabbath day's journey off. 13. And when they were come in, they went up into the upper chamber, where they were abiding; both °Peter and John and James and Andrew, Philip and based largely on his own experience, there is but one appearance of an angel (27 : 23). 11. In like maimer. Not to be taken in a rigorously literal manner, which would bring the verse into conflict with other passages, e.g., Matt. 25 : 31; Mk. 13 : 27; 2 Thess. 1:7. It is obvious, however, that the verse reflects the belief in a visible return of Jesus, which was common in the apostolic age. As to the underlying thought that Jesus was not gone forever, compare the conception of Matt. 28 : 20. 12. Returned. That they had gone out from Jerusalem is not stated in Acts, but is in Lk. 24 : 50. Nigh unto Jerusalem. Josephus gives the distance from Jerusalem to Olivet as five furlongs and again as six (see Jew. War, V. 23; Ant. XX, 8. 6). Sabbath day's journey. Not prescribed in the Law, but fixed by the rabbis at 2000 cubits, approximately 192 rods. The statement of Luke's Gospel that the ascension was ' over against ' Bethany, a village about fifteen furlongs distant (Jn. 11 : 18), is not necessarily at variance with this, since the phrase ' over against ' does not at all fix the distance of the spot from Bethany. 13. The upper chamber. The Greek word here used is found only in Acts. It designates the room where the body of Dorcas was laid (9-37) a-^d that in which Paul preached in Troas (20 : 8). It is a general term, and does not suggest (like the word ' chamber ') for what purpose the room was used. The writer speaks of this upper room as though it were well known. It may have been in the house of Mary the mother of Mark (Acts 12 : 12). This room was not the lodging-place of the eleven apostles, but rather, in view of vss. 14-15, the meeting-place of the one hundred and twenty. The view that this upper room was in the temple is without support and highly improbable. Peter and John, etc. In all the four lists of the apostles Peter stands first. In the other three Andrew is mentioned with Peter ; here he follows James and John, possibly because of less account for 28 ACTS 1:15 Thomas, Bartholomew and Matthew, James the son of Alphaeus, and Simon the Zealot, and Judas the son 14. of James. These all with one accord continued sted- fastly °in prayer, °with the women, and °Mary the mother of Jesus, and with °his brethren. The appointment of Matthias, 1 : 15-26 15. And °in these days °Peter stood up in the midst of the °brethren, and said (and there was a multitude Acts. In the three synoptic lists James is always mentioned before John ; here the order is reversed, but we do not know why. Matthew and Thomas change their synoptic places in the present Hst. In Acts as in Luke's Gospel, instead of an apostle by the name of Thaddaeus (so Mark) or Lebbasus (so Matthew), we have Judas of James, i.e., probably, Judas the son of James. Here as in the third Gospel the second Simon is called the Zealot,' not as in Mark and Matthew the 'Cananaean.' — It is a question why Luke should have given Theophilus the names of the apostles a second time. Eight of the eleven he does not mention again. It has been suggested that he may have enumerated them in this opening chapter of Acts simply to show that all remained faithful, and that though they had been scattered by Jesus' death, they nevertheless came together again. 14. In prayer. This is probably to be read in the light of vss. 4 and 8, and so to be understood as prayer for the fulfilment of the promise of Jesus. With the women. The marginal reading, which omits the article, has the better Ms. support. Who these women probably were we learn from the Gospels (see Lk. 23 : 55; Matt. 28 : i; Mk. 16:1; Jn. 19:25). Mary. Outside the Gospels this is the only N.T. reference by name to Mary the mother of Jesus. If her home was still in Nazareth (see Jn. 19 : 27), it is most noteworthy that she and other Galilean women made the long journey to Jerusalem in anticipation of some blessing (see Acts i : 8). His brethren. The Gospels represent the brothers of Jesus as unbelieving (Matt. 12 : 46; Mk, 3 : 31; Jn. 7:5), but the earliest account of the resurrection mentions an appearance of the risen Lord to a certain ' James' (i Cor. 15 : 7), who was probably the Lord's brother. This naturally implies that he had come to believe in Jesus before the resurrection, and this may have been the case with the other three. 15. In these days. The ten days between the ascension and Pente- cost. Presumably no tradition of the exact date of the following events was current when Luke wrote. Peter stood up. That Peter 29 ACTS of persons gathered together, °about a hundred and 1 6. twenty), Brethren, it °was needful that °the scripture should be fulfilled, which the Holy Ghost spake before °by the mouth of David ^concerning Judas, who was guide to them that took Jesus. 17. For he was numbered °among us, and ^received 18. his portion in °this ministry. (Now °this man obtained took the lead was due not to any official preeminence among the apostles, but rather, as throughout the Gospels, to his native endow- ment for leadership. Brethren. This word is most frequently employed by Luke to designate Christian disciples, but is used also of members of the Jewish faith (22:5; 28:21). About a hundred and twenty. Paul speaks of an appearance of the risen Lord to above five hundred brethren (i Cor. 15 : 6), but that was probably in Galilee. The one hundred and twenty therefore who were gathered with the apostles in Jerusalem at this time were not all of the disciples. 16. Was needful. The Greek word denotes especially ' that con- straint which arises from divine appointment.' So here. The scrip- ture. This is quoted below in vs. 20, and consists of two passages, though the singular is here used in reference to it, perhaps because the two are regarded as a unit. Comp. 8 : 32, 35, By the mouth of David. The ascription of various Psalms to David was simply the method of tradition, not the conclusion of scholarship. Concerning Judas. It will be noticed that neither of the passages mentions Judas by name, or any individual whatever, nor does either of them refer to a * guide,' or in any obvious way to the Messiah. Hence plainly the application of these ancient words to Judas in his capacity as guide to those who arrested the Lord was based on some supposed fitness in their general thought. 17. Among us : that is, the apostles, not the one hundred and twenty. Received his portion. The margin has ' lot.' This figure of obtaining by lot, as used with reference to the apostleship of Judas, can mean only that his admission to the circle depended not on himself, but on a higher power. This ministry. Characterized in vs. 25 as * apostleship.' 18. Both R.V. and S.V. regard this verse and the next as a paren- thesis, and so suggest to the reader that they may not belong to the words of Peter, It is indeed obvious that if, with some scholars, we suppose that the author of Acts attributed them to Peter, we should have to allow that he proceeded in a very free and even careless manner. For it is impossible to think that Peter, speaking to Jews in Jerusalem, could have felt called to explain to them a simple word of their own 30 ACTS I : 20 a field with the reward of his iniquity ; and falling head- long, he burst asunder in the midst, and all his bowels 19. gushed out. And it became known to all the dwellers at Jerusalem; insomuch that °in their language that field was called Akeldama, that is. The field of blood.) 20. For it is written in the book of Psalms, Let his °habitation be made desolate, Pb. 69 : j And let no man dwell therein : and. His oflSce let another take. Ps. xog : language (* Akeldama '), or that he would have spoken as though absent from Jerusalem and addressing people of another tongue. We must therefore regard these verses as an interpolation in Peter's speech, presumably made by the author of Acts. This man obtained a field. According to Matt. 27 : 5-8 the priests purchased a burial lot for strangers with the money which Judas had received from them, and they did this after Judas was dead. Judas therefore can be said to have obtained the field only in the very indirect sense that it was obtained with money which had been paid to him and had been by him repudiated. Still more difficult is any attempt to har- monize what Luke says of the manner of the death of Judas with that which we have in Matthew. For though it is indeed possible to re- gard Luke's account as ' supplementary ' to Matthew's, it is hardly possible to suppose that he was acquainted with the other account. His story appears to be quite independent, and also to show marks of a later origin than Matthew's. Such are the manifestly rhetorical statements that he * burst asunder ' (a phenomenon which is not accounted for by the supposition that, having hanged himself, the rope broke and let him fall), that 'all his bowels gushed out,' and that it became known to * all the dwellers of Jerusalem.' 19. In their language. A late form of the ancient Hebrew called Aramaic. Some scholars regard these words and the interpretation of the Aramaic term as the only interpolation by Luke, both these being occasioned by the fact that he was writing for Greeks. 20. Of Peter's two quotations the first is a greatly modified form of Ps. 69 : 25 and the second is from Ps. 109 : 8. The author of Ps. 69 had many enemies in view, but Peter suits vs. 25 to Judas by changing the plural 'their' to 'his.' Habitation. If vss. 18-19 are regarded as an interpolation, then one might suppose that Peter referred the word ' habitation ' to Judas' apostolic position among the twelve. This habitation, speaking rhetorically, is to be and remain desolate. 31 ACTS 21. Of the men °therefore which have companied with us °all the time that the Lord Jesus went in and went 22. out among us, beginning from °the baptism of John, unto the day that he was received up from us, of these must one °become a witness with us of his resurrection. 23. And °they put forward °two, Joseph called Barsabbas, 24. who was surnamed Justus, and Matthias. And they prayed, and said, °Thou, Lord, °which knowest the But this view seems inadmissible inasmuch as the eleven apostles straightway chose another to take the place of Judas. Nor is it easy to refer the word ' habitation ' to the field of blood, for, in the first place, that had been in no proper sense the dwelling-place of Judas, and second, as the field in which a suicide had perished, it was not likely that any one would seek to dwell in it. It is better therefore not to attempt any specific explanation of the word ' habitation ' but to be- lieve rather that Peter's thought in citing this verse was only general — the utter ruin of Judas. 21. Therefore. This word looks back to the second quotation. All the time. These words cannot be taken quite literally, for accord- ing to the Gospels there were times, especially toward the end of the life of Jesus, when he took the twelve apart by themselves (e.^., Matt. 16 : 13-20; Mk. 9 : 30). But, in general, the condition of apostle- ship was association with Jesus during his entire ministry, an acquaint- ance with the great facts of his life and teaching. Of course the acceptance of these facts, with all the consequences of acceptance, was involved. 22. The baptism of John. The close of John's ministry is thought of as marking the beginning of the ministry of Jesus, although accord- ing to Jn. 3 : 22-4: 3, the activity of Jesus was for a certain season contemporaneous with that of John. Become a witness of his resurrection. Peter does not say that the candidate must have been a. witness of the resurrection of Jesus, though this is implied. He could not bear testimony to that fact with the other apostles unless he had had experience of it. Comp. i Cor. 9:1. 23. They put forward. Whether the eleven or the one hundred and twenty put forward the candidates does not appear. The same obscurity rests on ' they ' in vss. 24 and 26. Two. We are perhaps to think that these were the only ones who fulfilled the condition of vss. 21-22. This fact would help explain why the brethren were con- fident that God had chosen one of them (vs. 24). — Neither Joseph, the unsuccessful candidate, who bore a Roman surname, nor Matthias, is mentioned elsewhere in the N.T. 32 ACTS 1 : 26 hearts of all men, °shew of these two the one whom 25. thou hast chosen, to take the place in this ministry and apostleship, from which Judas fell away, that he might 26. go °to his own place. And they gave lots for them; and the lot fell upon Matthias; and he was numbered with the eleven apostles. 24. Thou, Lord. The word translated * Lord ' is used in Acts of men {e.g., 25 : 26) and angels (e.g., 10 : 4), of Jesus (e.g., i : 6) and Jehovah (e.g., 2 : 34). The context must determine who is meant in each case. Here, as we show below, the reference is to God. Which knowest the hearts. It is to be noted that the Greek word used here is found again in Peter's speech in 15 : 8, but nowhere else in the New Testament — a suggestion that this prayer was from Peter, In 15 : 8 the one who knows the heart is explicitly designated as God and is distinguished from the Lord Jesus (15 : 11). This fact would lead us to think of God in the present passage. Further, the next prayer of the disciples which is given in Acts (4 : 29-30) is addressed to God, as are also the prayers and praises of Paul in every instance in Acts (16 : 25; 27 : 35; 28 : 15). The prayer of Stephen is the solitary case in Acts in which prayer is certainly addressed to Jesus (7 : 59), though we are probably to take the three passages which speak of ' calling on his name' as alluding to prayer (9 : 14, 21; 21 : 16). In view of these facts we should regard the word ' Lord ' in i : 24 as equivalent to 'God.' Shew. The Greek word, only here and Lk. 10 : I, has the meaning 'announce' or 'show clearly.' It indicates therefore with what assurance the disciples resorted to the use of the lot. 25. To his own place. Peter did not specifically consign Judas to j Gehenna. A man's ' own place ' is that for which he is fitted in the sight of him who knows the heart ; whatever he and the others present may have believed, they practised a wise reserve in their language. 26. All details of the procedure here mentioned are obscure. How the lots' were given, whether to or for the candidate, how the lot * fell ' upon Matthias, whether by shaking an urn until a lot flew out or in some other way — must remain unknown. The only other casting of lots in the New Testament was that by the Roman soldiers for the garments of Jesus and the two who were crucified with him. It is to be borne in mind that the choice of an apostle was not left wholly to lot. Two men had been selected as fulfilling the condition laid down by Peter. The matter of deciding between two who as far as men could judge were equally well fitted for the place might well be left to a prayerful use of the lot. ^ 33 2:i ACTS Pentecost: the Spiritual event; the immediate effect, Peter^s speech; result of Peter's words, 2 : 1-41. 2. And when the °day of Pentecost °was now come, 2. °they were all together in one place. And °suddenly there came from heaven a sound as of the rushing of a mighty wind, and it °filled all the house where °they 3. were sitting. And there °appeared unto them ^tongues parting asunder, like as of j&re; and it sat 4. upon each one of them. And they were all °filled 1. Day of Pentecost. This was the morrow after the seventh Sabbath succeeding the Passover (Lev. 23 : 15-16), hence as Jesus rose on the day after the Sabbath, Pentecost was on the Christian Sunday. Was now come. The marginal reading ' was being ful- filled ' dififers from that in the text as the indefinite from the definite. Pentecost was ' come ' at sunset of Saturday, it was ' being fulfilled ' from that hour until sunset of the following day. As the event to be described took place about nine in the morning (vs. 15), it is obvious that the marginal reading is preferable. They were all together. Two companies of disciples have been mentioned, a smaller (i : 14) and a larger (i : 15). As the latter was last mentioned, it is natural to suppose that the author wished it to be understood here. As the day was the memorial of the resurrection, the larger circle of disciples was naturally together. — The place of assembling is not fixed, save that it was in a house (vs. 2). It is, however, natural to think of the 'upper chamber' of i : 13, which just because it was well known might be understood as the scene of 2:1. 2. Suddenly. This word as well as ' from heaven,' suggests that the phenomenon was supernatural. The same is done by the word * as,' which in comparing the sound with that of wind implies that it was not wind which caused it. Filled all the house. As the coming of the sound was extraordinary, so also was its presence in the house. But how its presence difi^ered from that of any other sound which penetrated the house we are not told. 3. Appeared. The Greek word so translated is frequently used in Acts of visionary appearances {e.g., 7:2, 16 : 9), but the fact that the sound is represented as audible to ears of flesh makes it probable that Luke thought of the * tongues ' as something physically visible. Tongues. Three things are affirmed of these tongues: that they ' distributed themselves ' (R.V.m.), that they were fiery in appear- 34 ACTS 2:6 with the Holy Spirit, and began to speak °with other tongues, as the Spirit gave them utterance. 5. Now there were °dwelling at Jerusalem Jews, devout 6. men, °from every nation under heaven. And when °this sound was heard, °the multitude came together, ance, and that they sat on those present. The form of the Greek word translated ' sat ' suggests a momentary, fleeting phenomenon. The symbolical meaning of the tongues appears in the next verse. 4. Filled with the Holy Spirit. This may better be rendered 'filled with holy spirit,' i.e., with a holy enthusiasm and power be- cause of the Spirit's presence. See note on 1:2. The figure in the promise was that of ' baptism ' (i : 5), or of a * coming ' of the Spirit upon the disciples (i : 8), both of which are used elsewhere in the book {e.g., 11:6; 19:6); here, on the contrary, it is that of ' being filled,' which is much the commonest figure used in Acts in this con- nection {e.g., 4:8; 6:3; 7:55; 9:17). With other tongues. It is plain from vss. 6-7 that the author meant by ' other tongues ' languages different from that which the disciples had been speaking ; that is, foreign tongues. This makes it quite unnecessary to assume a miracle in the hearers, enabling them to hear as in their own language what was actually spoken in another, Luke puts the miracle clearly and solely in the speakers. This speaking with other tongues began in a house, but the circumstances of the following verse seem to require us to suppose that it was continued outside the house, for the multitude which furnished 3000 converts (vs. 41) can hardly have been gathered in the upper room or indeed in any private house which the Galilean disciples are likely to have had. Nevertheless the phenomenon is represented as of short dura- tion. When Peter spoke to the multitude, he spoke a language which all alike understood ; that is, his own Aramaic tongue. Nor does the phenomenon as here described reappear in the book. On the relation of speaking with ' other tongues ' to speaking * with tongues ' see note 2 in Appendix. 5. Dwelling. The Greek word so translated is habitually used in Acts to designate a long-continued or permanent residence {e.g., 7 : 2, 48; 9 : 22, 32), Hence these Jews were not transient guests, who had come to Jerusalem to attend the feast. They were rather Tews who, having spent years in foreign parts, in some cases at least having been born there (vs. 8), had now come back to reside in their sacred city. From every nation. This expression is limited by vss. 9-1 1 to the Roman empire. 6. This sound. It is common to regard this as the same sound ■^hich the disciples had heard, though the word employed here is not 35 2:7 ACTS and were ^confounded, because that every man heard 7. them speaking in his own language. And they were all °amazed and marvelled, saying. Behold, are not all these 8. which speak ^Galileans? And °how hear we, every man in our own language, wherein we were born? 9. Parthians and Medes and Elamites, and the dwellers the same that is found in vs. 2. Now the sound which the disciples heard came ' from heaven,' and it does not appear why the multitude, if they heard the same sound, should have gathered at the house where the apostles were. They would rather have stood looking up to heaven whence the sound came. Therefore it seems better to regard the sound of vs. 6 as that which was made by the speaking of the one hundred and twenty in vs. 4. This must have been heard on the street, and naturally it attracted attention. The multitude. A favorite word of Luke's, especially in Acts. It has recently been held (Deissmann) that the Greek word so translated had a technical sense, denoting the members of a religious association in their totality, somewhat like the word ' community ' Were this explanation adopted (it can hardly be in all cases, e.g., 5 : 14; 14 : 4), it would make the use of the article easier. Confounded. Twice this word (the Greek so translated), which is used in the N.T. only in Acts, denotes intense excitement (j9 : 32; 21 : 31), and in the other passages, as here, it denotes an extreme degree of mental bewilderment. 7. Amazed. A favorite word with Luke (11 times in his writings against six in the rest of the N.T., while 'confounded' (vs. 6) and ' perplexed ' (vs. 12) are found only in his writings). The emphasis put on the effect of the speaking accords with the conception that it was a miraculous speaking in foreign tongues. Galileans. The ques- tion is obviously rhetorical and not for information. How the company of disciples were recognized as Galileans is not clear. Had they been speaking Aramaic, Jerusalem Jews might have detected their Galilean origin in their accent or vocabulary (see Matt. 26 : 73; Mk. 14 : 70; Lk. 22 : 59), but the writer represents them as speaking various foreign tongues, and here their provincial peculiarities in the use of their own language cannot be supposed to have been perceptible. Per- haps we may assume that they were known as followers of Jesus, and that it was already a matter of common knowledge that his followers were chiefly Galileans. 8. How hear we, etc. It must be assumed that people who made this remark made it in Aramaic, for if they had made it in their respective Gentile languages, they would not have understood one another. 36 ¥ UNIVERSITY] X£^LIF0RH1^ ACTS 2:13 in Mesopotamia, in Judaea and Cappadocia, in Pontus io. and Asia, in Phrygia and Pamphylia, in Egypt and the parts of Libya about Cyrene, and sojourners from 11. Rome, both Jews and proselytes, Cretans and Arabians, we do hear them speaking in our tongues the ^mighty 12. works of God. And they were all amazed, and were perplexed, saying one to another, What meaneth this ? 13. But °others mocking said. They are filled with new wine. 9-1 1. The systematic arrangement of the proper names in these verses cannot of course be supposed to have been the utterance of any one at the time. It belongs to the writer. The order of enumeration proceeds from east to west. In the first geographical group — Parthia, Media, Elymais, and Mesopotamia — lived the descendants of those Jews who had been deported between the eighth and sixth centuries B.C. In the second group, excepting Judea, the Jewish population dated chiefly from the Greek age. The two centres in the third group were Alexandria and Cyrene, both of which, in the Greek age, became the homes of large Jewish colonies. We may count Italy or, in particular, Rome, as a fourth division, whither Jews were taken by Pompey after his subjugation of Syria (64-62 B.C.). The Roman Jews present at Pentecost are called * sojourners,' a word found only here and in 17 : 21. Its exact force here is uncertain. It may indicate that the Roman Jews, in contrast to the others, were but temporarily present in Jerusalem, or that their residence in Rome had been but temporary. Comp. i Pet. 1:1. Uncertain also is the reference of the clause ' both Jews and proselytes.' We may limit it to the Roman delegation, which limitation is favored by its position, or we may refer it to all the geographical divisions. In specifying the * Cretans and Arabians ' last, the order of enumeration from east to west is abandoned. They were perhaps added as an after-thought. Judea in the second group, whether we understand it in its ordinary and proper signification, or, with some, hold that it includes all Palestine, presents a difiiculty, for the differences of dialects in differ- ent parts of Palestine were not so great as to justify the expression ' other tongues.' Mighty works. The Greek word so translated is used only here in theN.T. and its reference is undefined. One natu- rally thinks of the revelation of God in the deeds of Jesus and in his resurrection, but this is only a conjecture. 1 2. This repetition of the thoughts in vss. 7-8 prepares the way for vs. 13. 13. Others. It is possible that these were Jews of Jerusalem, and such as had been hostile toward Jesus, but nothing requires this view. 37 ?:i4 ACTS 14. But Peter, °standing up with the eleven, lifted up his voice, and spake forth unto them, saying, °Ye men of Judea, and all ye that dwell at Jerusalem, be this 15. known unto you, and give ear unto my words. For these are not drunken, as ye suppose ; seeing it is but 16. °the third hour of the day ; °but this is that which hath been spoken by the prophet Joel; Foeia:38-3a 1 7. And it shall be in the °last days, saith God, In the multitude who were drawn together, though they were as a whole ' devout men ' (vs. 5), there may have been some whom the strange phenomenon would lead to mocking words. New wine. The Greek word, used only here in the N.T., denotes sweet wine, but it is plain from vs. 15 that this might intoxicate. 14. Standing up. This word with the two following verbs * lifted up ' and ' spake forth * picture the opening of Peter's impromptu address as dignified and solemn. Ye men of Judea. The form of Peter's address gives greater prominence to the Jerusalem and Judean element than do the preceding verses. Comp. vss. 22-23, 3^- 15. The third hour. Probably said in view of the habits of men in general (see i Thess. 5:7). The early morning is not usually devoted to drink. 16. This is that. The speaking with * other tongues * is here aflSrmed to be a fulfilment of Joel 2 : 28-32 a. 17. The quotation of vss. 17-21 departs from the Hebrew (i) in introducing the clause 'last days'; (2) in the words 'saith God'; (3) in the representation that God pours forth part of his Spirit; (4) in changing the order of ' old men ' and ' young men '; (5) in the insertion of the pronoun ' my ' before ' servants ' and ' hand-maidens * (vs. 18); (6) in the insertion of the words ' and they shall prophesy' (vs. 18); (7) in the insertion of ' signs ' (vs. 19) ; and (8) in changing * pillars of smoke ' to ' vapour of smoke * (vs. 19). It follows the Greek Septuagint, in the third, fifth, and eighth of these points. ( In the others we may have free modifications by the speaker, or, as in thie first point, an interpretation of the prophet's words.! Last days. This conception, the same as that of ' last hour ' (i Jn. 2 : 18) and ' last time ' (i Pet. 1:5), does not occur elsewhere in Luke's writings. It is most frequent in the writings of Peter.- Joel has the simple expression ' afterward,' which puts the gift of i God's Spirit after the chastisement of Israel and his recognition of God's goodness (Joel 2). It seems to precede the return of Judah andi Jerusalem from captivity (Joel 3:1). It is not probable that Joel' thought of the outpouring of God's Spirit as being far away in the 38 ACTS 2 : 20 I will °pour forth of my Spirit upon °all flesh : And your sons and your daughters shall ^prophesy, And your young men shall see visions, And your old men shall dream dreams : 1 8. Yea and on my servants and on my hand-maidens in those days Will I pour forth of my Spirit; and they shall prophesy. 19. And I will shew wonders in the heaven above, And signs on the earth beneath; Blood, and fire, and vapour of smoke : 20. The sun shall be turned into darkness, And the moon into blood, future. In applying the prophecy to the events of Pentecost and introducing the ' last days,' it is obvious that Peter thought of the Day of Judgment as near at hand. Pour forth of my Spirit. This partitive expression * of my Spirit ' Peter shares with the Septuagint. In the Hebrew the gift is unqualified. The Jews did not expect the universal outpour of the Spirit as a part of the Messianic dispensation. All flesh. This is limited in Joel, also in the thought of Peter, to the house of Israel. It is ' your ' sons and * your ' daughters on whom Joel tells his hearers that the Spirit shall be poured out, and in 3 : 2 he pictures the judgment of the nations. Evidently the Spirit is not thought of as poured out upon them. Peter's speech, moreover, does not go outside of his audience, and that was Jewish. The events of chapter 10 would have been impossible if Peter had already reached the belief that God's Spirit was to be poured out on Gentiles as well as Jews. Prophesy . . . see visions . . , dream dreams. We are not to think that Peter saw a fulfilment of these points in what had actually taken place, but rather that, in his thought, the time for these things was now come. 19. Both in the prophets and in the New Testament (e.g., in the eschatological discourse of Jesus, Mk. 13) certain awful signs are said to precede the consummation of the age. The sign of * blood ' may be thought of in analogy with 2 K. 3 : 23, but however realized probably signifies bloodshed (comp. Mk. 13 : 7). * Fire ' and * pillars of smoke ' were frequent accompaniments of war, as cities when captured were given over to the flames. 20. Eclipses of sun and moon, because the most terrible of natural phenomena to peoples of the ancient world, were used as heralds of the 39 2121 ACTS Before the °day of the Lord come, That great and notable day: 21. And it shall be, that whosoever shall °call on the name of the Lord °shall be saved. 22. Ye °men of Israel, hear these words : °Jesus of Nazareth, a man °approved of God unto you by ^mighty works and wonders and signs, which God did day of judgment (see, e.g., Amos 8 : 9; Mk. 13 : 24). Day of the Lord. In Joel the approaching day of judgment on the nations. The Hebrew word ' Jehovah ' appears as ' Lord ' in NT. quotations from the O.T. because the Greek translation rendered the Hebrew by the equivalent of our word ' lord ' (KiJ/otoj). 21. Call on the name of the Lord. As part of the quotation from Joel there can be no question that ' Lord ' refers to Jehovah, as also in 15 : 17. But it is equally clear that in some other passages of Acts (three in all, 9 : 14, 41; 22 : 16), calling on the name of Christ is de- scriptive of Christians. Shall be saved. The Greek word so rendered has in some instances {e.g., Acts 27 : 31) the same temporal sense as the Hebrew in Joel. More frequently, however, it denotes the com- plete Messianic deliverance, temporal and eternal, physical and spirit- ual. 22. Men of Israel. An honorable title, of which the Jews were rightly proud. See Rom. 9:4; 11 : i. Note the advance in Peter's forms of address, — 'Men of Judea,' 'Men of Israel,' * brothers ' (vss. 14, 29). Jesus of Nazareth. There were two designations of Jesus which marked his origin. In one, found in 10 : 38; Matt. 21 : n; Jn. I : 45, the name of the town is used, and the title reads * Jesus of Nazareth.' But that is not used here in vs. 22, and the translation (R.V.) is not strictly correct. The second designation employed the adjective ' Nazarene ' (or Nazaraean), and this with the single exception already noted is used in Acts (seven times). There is no reason to think that the reproach which once attached to the word (see Jn. i : 46) was present in Peter's mind. Approved. The ' same word is translated in 25 : 7 by ' prove.' The mighty works of Jesus showed and proved what manner of man he was. This proof was from God, for it was God who wrought the mighty works through the agency of Jesus. This is also the teaching of Jesus himself {e.g.. Matt. 12 : 28; Lk. 11 : 20). Mighty works, wonders, signs. These three terms are not elsewhere combined in Acts. ' Wonders and signs ' are a common combination. The word translated * signs ' is sometimes found alone {e.g., 4 : 16, 22), but not the word translated ' wonders.' The Greek for * mighty works ' (R.V.m. 40 p ACTS 2 : 25 by him in the midst of you, even as ye yourselves know; 23. him, being dehvered up by the determinate ^counsel and fore-knowledge of God, ye by the hand of ^lawless 24. men did °crucify and slay : °whom God raised up, having loosed °the pangs of death : because it was not 25. possible that he should be holden of it. For David saith concerning him, * powers is used only in the plural in this sense. The singular of it denotes the inner power with which the disciples were equipped. See I : 8. The three terms are not synonymous. The first denotes a miracle as a manifestation of power, the second as that which awes, and the third as that which points beyond itself. 23. Counsel and fore-knowledge. The Greek word translated ' fore-knowledge ' is found only here and in i Pet. 1:2, while the word translated * counsel,' and not found in the epistle of Peter, is a favorite of Luke. This fact suggests at least that Peter's speech was not wholly unmodified by Luke. The two terms occur in Rom. 8 : 29, but in- verted. This conclusion that the death of Jesus had been divinely appointed had doubtless been reached by Peter in the light of the resurrection and by way of the Old Testament. Lawless men. The Romans executed what the Jews planned. Peter may have referred to the Romans in this manner as men without the law, thinking that the appeal of the Jews to such men heightened their own guilt. Crucify and slay. The first of these words repre- sents a Greek term that is found only here in the New Testament and pictures the act of fastening Jesus to the cross ; the second translates a word very common in Luke (twenty times) but occurring only three times in the rest of the New Testament (Matt. 2 : 16; 2 Thess. 2: 8; Heb. 10 : g). 24. Whom God raised up. The resurrection of Jesus is in Acts always attributed to God unless 17:3 be regarded as an exception. See 2 : 32; 3 : 26; 13 : 32, 34; 17 : 31. The pangs of death. This expression is found in the Septuagint version of Ps. 18 : 5, and is there recognized as a mistranslation of the Hebrew. The original signifies ' bands,' ' cords,' or * net.' The psalmist represents Death as a hunter who has thrown a net or noose over him. The author of Acts, or possibly his source, seems to have thought of the resurrection as birth, which was accompanied with pangs. But the word ' loosed ' does not suit this idea, nor is it easy to think of Death as bringing forth the * prince of life.* 25. This quotation (vss. 25-28) is given exactly according to the Septuagint, unlike the former citation, which departed somewhat 41 ACTS 8 f . I beheld the Lord always before my face ; For he is on my right hand, that I should not be moved : 26. Therefore my heart was glad, and my tongue rejoiced ; Moreover my flesh also shall dwell in hope : 27. Because thou wilt not leave my soul in Hades, Neither wilt thou give thy °Holy One to see cor- ruption. 28. Thou madest known unto me the ways of life; Thou shalt make me full of gladness with thy countenance. 29. ^Brethren, I may say unto you °freely of the ^patriarch David, that he both died and was buried, 30. and his °tomb is with us unto this day. Being from the Greek translation. But the Septuagint in the present passage has some noteworthy variations from the Hebrew. Never- theless the main point for which the passage was quoted, viz., that experience of God's goodness in the earthly life gives sure ground for the hope of resurrection, is not seriously affected. What the psalmist said concerning himself, Peter applied to Jesus. That the writer of the Psalm contemplated the Messiah is not necessarily to be inferred as Peter's view from the words of vs. 25, which introduce the quotation. The words ' David saith concerning him ' may signify that in Peter's thought " David's experience did not exhaust the meaning of the Psalm." 27. Holy One. To write * Holy One ' with capitals, as is done in this place both by R.V. and S.V. (though S.V. does not use capitals in the Psalm), is to confuse the text of the Psalm with an interpreta- tion of the text. 29. Brethren. This translates two Greek words in this place, while in 3 : 17 it renders only one. The Greek in the present instance is somewhat more formal than in 3 : 17, and might be translated * Hon- orable Brethren.' Freely; i.e., boldly. The boldness lies not in saying that David died and was buried and saw corruption ; but in saying that the words of the psalmist were fulfilled in the man whom the Jews had crucified. Patriarch. This term is elsewhere used in the N.T. only of Abraham (Heb. 7 : 4) and the twelve sons of 42 ACTS 2:33 therefore a °prophet, and knowing that God had sworn with an oath to him, that of the fruit of his loins 31. he would °set one upon his throne; he ^foreseeing this spake of the resurrection of the Christ, that neither °was 32. he left in Hades, nor did his flesh see corruption. °This Jesus did God raise up, °whereof we all are witnesses. 33. Being °therefore °by the right hand of God exalted, and having received of the Father °the promise of the Holy Jacob (Acts 7 : 8, 9). It is a term of great respect. Tomb is with us. Comp. Neh. 3 : 16 (* sepulchres of David '). 30. Prophet. David is nowhere else called a ' prophet ' in the N.T., but is even distinguished from the prophets in Heb. 11 : 32. Set one upon his throne; i.e., to be the Messiah. The basis of the promise for the line of David is in Samuel (2 Sam. 7 : 12-16; 3:9), but the language of this verse recalls Ps. 132 : 11. 31. Foreseeing. This participle has the same object as the main verb, viz., the resurrection of Christ. We are admonished by the words of I Pet. i : lo-i i that this ' foreseeing ' and ' speaking of the resurrection ' may not have been thought of by Peter as something that was clear and intelligible to David. Yet even with this qualifica- tion his view of prophecy — which was that of other Christian Jews of his day — was not that which now prevails in the Church. "Was he left. This change of tense from the future (vs. 26) to the past was probably caused by the fact that the word of the Psalm had al- ready been fulfilled. 32. This Jesus. The word * this ' has reference to the Psalm, and designates Jesus as the one who fulfilled David's prophecy. Whereof. This rendering, which is preferable to that of the margin ('of whom '), refers to the great fact just asserted, i.e., the resurrection, which is the centre of Peter's argument. Comp. i : 22. 2,2,- Therefore. The heavenly exaltation of Jesus is regarded as following logically on the fact of his resurrection. By the right hand of God, The resurrection was by the power of God (vs. 32), so also the exaltation. The reading of the margin, ' at ' instead of ' by,' expresses a common N.T. thought {e.g., Rom. 8 : 34), yet is not to be adopted, because of the Greek preposition. The promise. In I : 4 the promise is for the disciples of Jesus ; here, in analogy with Jn. 15 : 26, it is thought of as conferred upon Jesus himself. Yet what he receives is not /or himself : he already had the Spirit {e.g., 10: 38; Mark i : 10); it is for the disciples. The ultimate source of the Spirit is the Father, as in the prophecy of Joel, but Peter thinks 43 Ps. no : I ACTS Ghost, he hath poured forth °this, which ye see and hear. 34. For David ascended not into the heavens : but he saith himself, °The Lord said unto my Lord, Sit thou °on my right hand, 35. Till I make thine enemies the footstool of thy feet. 36. Let all the house of Israel ^therefore know assuredly, that °God hath made him both Lord and Christ, this Jesus °whom ye crucified. of Christ as the proximate source or as the channel. This, which ye see and hear. We can hardly suppose that Peter identified things visible and audible with the Holy Spirit. The language is popular, and signifies that what they saw and heard was the result of the Spirit. 34-35. Scripture proof of the Messianic exaltation of Jesus, which at the beginning of vs. 33 was regarded as the logical consequence of the resurrection. The prophet speaks of victory over the enemies of the king, and Peter may well have seen in the outpouring of the Spirit and in the consciousness of new power the promise and potency of a victory of Jesus over his enemies. The Lord said unto my Lord. This quotation is from the Septuagint of Ps. no : i, which departs in only a single point from the Hebrew. This departure is the dropping of the proper noun * Jehovah,' and the substituting for it of a common noun * lord.' This is Septuagint usage everywhere, but it is especially unfortunate in this place. — As no king filled out the conceptions of the Psalm, it early came to be regarded as Messianic. SeeMk. 12 :35; Heb. I : 13; 5 : 6; 7 : 17, 21 ; 10 : 14. On my right hand. The place of honor. Jehovah will see that the foes of his king are over- thrown. 36. Therefore. Peter here draws his conclusion from the various passages of Scripture which he has cited. God hath made him both Lord and Christ. In vs. 22 it was God who wrought mighty works by Jesus; in vs. 24 and 32 it was God who raised him from the dead; and in vs. 33 it was God who exalted him and gave him the promised Spirit. Therefore, Peter argues, God made him ' Lord,' that is, the greater king whom the words of the ancient psalmist had foreshadowed, and made him ' Christ.' Whom ye crucified. Peter's audience belonged to the Jewish people, and therefore were in some degree responsible for the act of the leaders. This accusation made to a heterogeneous multitude in the streets of Jerusalem only six weeks after the cruci- 44 ACTS 2:38 37. Now when they heard this, they were °pricked in their heart, and said unto Peter and the rest of the 38. apostles, Brethren, what shall we do ? And Peter said tunto them, °Repent ye, and °be baptized every one of you in the name of Jesus Christ °unto the remission of your sins ; and °ye shall receive the gift of the Holy fixion of Jesus is proof that Peter had gone through some profound experience since his thrice-repeated denial of his master. It is proof that there was a spiritual reality in the mysterious event described in vss. 2-4. 37. Pricked in their heart. This inner effect might safely be inferred from their question, * What shall we do ? ' This question implies that they admitted the justice of Peter's accusation, and recognized that they were indeed in a measure guilty in regard to Jesus, and therefore in danger of punishment at the approaching Day of Judgment. Otherwise their personal anxiety would be unintelli- gible. 38. Repent ye. So far Peter followed the example of the Baptist and of Jesus (Mark 1:4, 15). His experience with them would not allow him to think of anything but repentance as the first step into the new life. Be baptized in the name of Jesus. Here Peter departed from the Baptist, for his baptism was not in the name of Jesus, and Jesus had not himself baptized nor taught that baptism should be in his name (Matt. 28 : 19 reflects Christian ideas at the close of the first century). The great step of the apostle was followed throughout the apostolic age. Though great, this step was natural, if not inevitable. If it was natural for Paul to say that Israel was baptized unto Moses in the Red Sea and in the cloud (i Cor. 10 : 2), much more might Peter conclude that the rite of admission among the followers of the Messiah should be performed in the name of the Messiah. How the name of Jesus was used in the rite of baptism at Pentecost or in subsequent N.T. times we do not know ; but that baptism in the name of Jesus was understood to involve devotion to him and his kingdom cannot be doubted. Unto the remission of your sins. The association of forgiveness with baptism was a part of John's message (Mk. i : 4; Lk. 3 : 3). In the teaching and practice of Jesus forgiveness was associated with the acceptance of himself {e.g., Mk. 2:5, 10 ; Lk. 7 : 47), though it was his habit to speak of forgiveness as coming directly from God in response to repentance (see, e.g., Mk. II : 25; Matt. 6 : 12, 14; 18:35). Remission of sins is regarded by Peter as following on repentance and baptism into the name of Jesus Christ. Nothing is directly said of the death of Jesus. Ye shall receive the gift of the Holy Ghost. Peter makes no distinction 45 ACTS 39. Ghost. For to you is the promise, and to your chil- dren, and °to all that are afar off, even as many as the 40. Lord our God shall call unto him. And with many other words he testified, and exhorted them, saying, 41. Save yourselves from this °crooked generation. They then that received his word °were baptized : and there were added unto them in that day °about three thousand souls. Internal state of the earliest Christian community , 2 : 42-47 42. And they continued stedfastly in the ^apostles' teaching and fellowship, in °the breaking of bread and °the prayers. between the apostles and his penitent hearers in the matter of receiving this gift. 39. To all that are afar off. Some scholars limit these words to the Jews of the Dispersion, others regard them as descriptive of the Gentiles. The language of Paul favors the latter view (Eph. 2 : 17), the situation itself the former. For Peter was ad- dressing Jews, many of them Jews from afar, but there seems to be no clear reason why he should turn aside to speak of the Gentiles. It is, however, to be remembered that the OT. promise repeatedly contemplates the Gentile world, only the Jews of later times thought that the Gentiles could not share this blessing until they should accept the law and become circumcised. 40. Crooked. This figurative term — a synonym of * sinful ' — is found also in i Pet. 2 : 18, but only once in the rest of the N.T., if we except Lk. 3 : 5 where it occurs in a quotation. 41. Were baptized. By whom or with what particular rite we are not told. We are certain only that their baptism was in the name of Jesus Christ. About three thousand souls. The Greek word translated ' about ' is a favorite of Luke (sixteen times, six in the rest of the N.T.), but is not used in statements based on his own personal acquaintance with facts. In seeing such a multitude turn to Jesus Peter saw the fulfilment of the Master's word in Mk. 9:1. Comp. Jn. 14 : 12. 42. Though the conversion of a multitude was sudden, Luke shows in this and the following verses that it was genuine. The converts gave attention to the teaching of the apostles — mentioned here for 46 ACTS 2:45 43. And °fear came upon °every soul : and many won- 44. ders and signs were done °by the apostles. And all that °believed were ^together, and °had all 45. things common; and they °sold their possessions and the first time and undefined, but probably concerned with the great facts in the life and teaching of Jesus. They also cultivated fdlow- ship, as sharing the same hopes. Comp. Phil. 2:1. The breaking of bread. The Greek noun translated * breaking ' is used only here and in Lk. 24 : 35. The kindred verb is used by the synoptists in connection with the two miracles of feeding and in the Lord's Supper ; also by Paul in First Corinthians. Luke uses the word once where the thought of the Lord's Supper is excluded (Acts 27 : 35). In Acts 20 : 7 the Lord's Supper is meant, but need not be understood ex- clusively. It may have been, as in i Cor. 11 ; 17-22, a social meal that concluded with the memorial observance. In the present pas- sage, since the breaking of bread is mentioned with other distinctly religious and ethical activities, we understand it as at least including the Lord's Supper, though not necessarily coextensive with that rite. The prayers. This expression is not to be restricted to the worship in the temple, though that is probably included (see 3:1), but, in line with i : 14 and i : 15, we are to think of the meeting of the dis- ciples by themselves. 43. Fear. The writer probably thought of this * fear ' or awe as occasioned by the supernatural manifestation at Pentecost. Every soul. It is not necessary to limit this to the non-believers. Comp. Acts 5:11. By the apostles. The translation ' through ' (R.V.m.) is more in accord with the general statement concerning the miracles of Jesus (vs. 22), also with 3 : 12-13; ^4' 3'> a^^d 15 : 12. 44. Believed. * All that believed ' is a brief designation of the Christian community, and more unique than 'brethren' (1:15). The word is used absolutely, without object (so also in 4 : 32, etc.), which, however, the preceding verse easily supplies. Comp. 11 : 17. They believed that Jesus was the Christ. Were together. This means that meeting together and having fellowship with each other (vs. 42) characterized believers, not that, shutting their own homes, they all abode together in one building. The Galilean disciples and possibly some Hellenistic Jews who had no home in Jerusalem may have had common lodgings, though this verse does not require us to think so. Had all things common. This is a concrete illustration of the 'fellowship' to which they gave attention (vs. 42). Of its nature and limitations we learn something in the next verse. See note 3, Appendix. 45. Sold their possessions and goods. The imperfect tense indi- cates that sales were made from time to time. One and another, 47 ACTS goods, and ^parted them to all, according as any man 46. had need. And day by day, continuing stedfastly with one accord °in the temple, and breaking bread °at home, they °did take their food with gladness and °single- 47. ness of heart, praising God, and having °favour with all the people. And °the Lord added to them day by day those that were being saved. Peter^s first sign and the address it occasioned ^ 3 : 1-26 3. Now °Peter and John were going up into the temple 2. at °the hour of prayer, being the ninth hour. And a as the need of the brotherhood required, was moved to dispose of property. Parted them to all. It is natural to suppose that this dis- tribution was already made, as it was a little later (see 6 : 2), under the direction of the apostles or by their hands. 46. In the temple. They were there for worship (see 3 : i), and probably also, even from the beginning, for witness, as they are said to have been only a little later than the present chapter. See 4:1; 5 : 21, 42. At home. This stands over against the temple (comp. 5 : 42), but the expression does not necessarily turn our thought to one place. Did take their food. This statement should be understood meta- phorically, as ' walking ' is used by Paul. It is a part for the whole. It would be remarkable if, in Luke's glowing picture of the state of the first Christian community, the central affirmation were simply that they ate with gladness. Singleness. The Greek word so trans- lated means, etymologically, * smoothness,' and may therefore be taken in the secondary sense either of * simplicity ' or * serenity.' Favour with all the people. Not because of their faithfulness to the temple, for the scribes were also faithful there, nor because of the breaking of bread, for that was private, nor, finally, because of their habit of praise; but rather because of the spirit of gladness and serenity that per- vaded their lives. The Lord added. If vs. 36 would lead us to take * Lord ' here as referring to Christ, vs. 39 would with equal force point us to Jehovah as the one who, in the thought of the writer, added new members to the Christian community. In 5 : 14 and 11 : 24 the agency is left entirely undefined. I. This is the first of three specific mighty works assigned to Peter in Acts. It is probably not introduced for its own sake, but simply because of what grew out of it. Peter and John. It is note- worthy that the three apostles whom Jesus on various occasions singled 48 ACTS 3 •• 6 certain man that was °lame from his mother's womb was carried, whom they laid daily at the door of the temple which is called °Beautiful, to ask alms of them 3. that entered into the temple. Who seeing Peter and John about to go into the temple, asked to receive an 4. alms. And Peter, ^fastening his eyes upon him, with 5. John, said, °Look on us. And he gave heed unto them, 6. expecting to receive something from them. But Peter said, Silver and gold have I none; but °what I have that give I thee. °In the name of Jesus Christ of out to be with him (Peter, James, and John) are the only ones who are mentioned by name in Acts apart from the list in Chapter i. John appears at Peter's side on the present occasion, but neither here nor elsewhere in Acts, except in 4 : 19, is any specific activity assigned to him. The hour of prayer. It is mentioned as though it was the chief prayer-hour. No other is mentioned in Acts. At the ninth hour, three in the afternoon, the evening sacrifice was offered. The early Christians were Jews in good standing. 2. Lame. The cure of lameness is ascribed to Jesus (e.g., Matt. II : 5), to Philip and Paul in Acts as well as to Peter (8:7; 14 : 8). Here, as in the case of the lame man whom Paul healed, the lameness was congenital. Beautiful. The location of this door is unknown. In 21 : 30, the only other N.T. passage where temple-doors are mentioned, it is evident that the reference is to some door of the sanctuary itself, not to one of the great gates which admitted into the temple court. Possibly then we may suppose that the ' beautiful ' door was the main eastern entrance by which one came into the Court of the Women. 3. Fastening his eyes upon him. In the parallel case, 14 : 9» the narrator explains the scrutinizing look as designed to discover whether the man had faith. Look on us. The reason of this com- mand may have been to secure the entire attention of the man, pos- sibly also to make him expectant. At any rate, it seemed to have just these effects (see vs. 5). 6. What I have. These words express Peter's assurance of being able to help the man. He was conscious, not indeed of possessing any miraculous power in himself (see vs. 12), but of being the servant of a wonder-working God. In the name of Jesus. What Peter meant by these words we learn from vs. 16. He there asserts that the cripple had faith in the name of Jesus, and that this ' name ' made him strong. Accordingly the words ' walk in the name of E 49 ACTS 7. Nazareth, walk. And he °took him by the right hand, and raised him up: and immediately his °feet and his 8. ankle-bones received strength. And leaping up, he stood, and began to walk; and he entered with them into the temple, walking, and leaping, and °praising 9. God. And all the people saw him walking and praising 10. God : and they took knowledge of him, that it was he which sat for alms at the Beautiful Gate of the temple : and they were filled with wonder and amazement at that which had happened unto him. 11. And as he held Peter and John, all the people ran together unto them in the °porch that is called Sol- 12. omon's, greatly wondering. And when Peter saw it, he answered unto the people, Ye men of Israel, °why marvel ye at this man ? or why fasten ye your eyes on us, as though °by our own power or godliness we had Jesus ' signify to walk trusting in the power of that name. Thus in Peter's words there was an appeal to the man to exercise faith. Ac- cording to the punctuation of R.V., the interpretation of the clause would be dififerent. We should then have to connect the clause ' in the name of Jesus ' with some verb to be understood like * I charge thee.' 7. Took him by the right hand. He treated the man as he had seen his wife's mother treated by Jesus (Mk. i : 30). He commanded the man to walk, and then helped him to fulfil the command. Feet and ankle-bones. These words are found only here in the N.T. Their specification may be due to the fact that the author was a physician. 8. Praising God. The healed man was in no doubt as to the source of his healing. Though he might cling to Peter and John as the men who had brought him help (vs. 11), he knew that they were not the ultimate source of it. Comp. 14 : 9-1 1. 11. Solomon's Porch, A cloister or colonnade on the east side of the great temple area, where Jesus sometimes taught (Jn. 10 : 23) and which appears to have been the favorite meeting-place of the disciples in the first days of the Church (see 5 : 12), 12. Why marvel ye at this man? In Peter's thought, what had taken place did not warrant their great amazement. It was rather SO ACTS 3 : i6 13. made him to walk? °The God of Abraham, and of Isaac, and of Jacob, the God of our fathers, °hath glorified °his Servant Jesus; °whom ye deHvered up, and denied before the face of Pilate, when he had deter- 14. mined to release him. But ye denied °the Holy and Righteous One, and asked for a murderer to be granted 15. unto you, and killed the °Prince of life; whom God 16. raised from the dead; whereof we are witnesses. And a matter of course. By our own power or godliness. The * power * was that of i : 8, not their ' own,' though they possessed it (see vs. 6). Neither was the miracle due to any peculiar piety of the apostles which might, as it were, have earned from God this wondrous display of power. 13. The God of Abraham, etc. The language of the famous pas- sage Ex. 3 : 6. Peter traces the miracle not to any new or strange power, but to the covenant God of his hearers. Hath glorified. The healing of the cripple had been ' in the name of Jesus,' and so had glorified him. His Servant Jesus. No other N.T. writer calls Jesus " servant " except as Matthew once applies to him an O.T. quotation which contains the word. Matt. 12:18. It is probable that the usage was based on Isaiah (see, e.g., 42 : i; 43 : 10), and ex- pressed the conviction of the early Church that what was said of the ' servant of Jehovah ' in the O.T. was fulfilled in Jesus Christ. Whom ye delivered up. Peter contrasts God's treatment of Jesus and his treatment by the Jews. 14. This verse explains what was meant by the ' denial ' before Pilate, viz. the refusal to ask for the release of Jesus (Matt. 27 : 17, 20). The wickedness of the Jews is emphasized by the fact that they asked the release of one who took the lives of others and killed that one who gives life. The Holy and Righteous One. The prophets are called * the holy prophets ' (3:21) and the centurion Cornelius is called a 'righteous' man (10 : 22). Jesus, however, is designated as uniquely holy and righteous — the holy and righteous one. These terms mark one side of his character and life. Comp. what Peter says in 10 : 38. 15. Prince of life; i.e., the one who, full of life himself, leads others into life. The sense of ' author ' does not harmonize with the words that immediately follow. Had Peter thought of Jesus as the ultimate author of life, we should expect that he would have ascribed the resurrection of Jesus to Jesus himself. Jesus is the very embodi- ment of faith and life, and so in a true sense the author of faith and life in others, yet not their ultimate source (comp. Jn. 5 : 26; 6 : 35, 63). 51 17 ACTS by °faith in his name hath his name made this man strong, whom ye behold and know : yea, the faith which is through him hath given him this perfect soundness 17. in the presence of you all. And now, brethren, I wot that °in ignorance ye did it, as did also your rulers. 18. But the things which God foreshewed by the mouth of all the prophets, that his Christ should suffer, he 19. thus fulfilled. Repent ye ^therefore, and turn again, that your sins may be blotted out, that so there may come ^seasons of refreshing from the presence of the 20. Lord; and that he may °send the Christ who hath been 16. Faith in the name of Jesus is faith in what the name represents, the gracious and loving character of Jesus and his power as Christ to execute the will of God. 17. In ignorance. Peter's word echoes Lk. 23 : 34. The Jewish people were ignorant of the character of Jesus, of his divine fitness to be their deliverer. Peter's confidence that this was the case rested on his own personal knowledge. The ' rulers ' are here particularly men- tfoned because they were more directly responsible for the death of Jesus than were the common people. Comp. i Tim. i : 13. 18. This verse marks an advance on the thought in 2 : 23. The death of Jesus was not only by the counsel of God, but that counsel had been made known through the prophets. This same thought is ascribed to Jesus in Lk. 24 : 46. It is noteworthy that when Jesus, toward the close of his ministry, began to teach the apostles concerning his death, Peter rebuked him (Mk. 8 : 32), and none of them under- stood his saying about the necessity of his death (Mk. 9:32). At that time neither Peter nor other Jews found the death of the Messiah in the O.T. ; now Peter sees it in ' all ' the prophets. Thus the O.T. was becoming a new book to the disciples. 19. Therefore. The call to repent is made in view of the fact that they had acted in ignorance, and also in view of the fact that a divine purpose had been fulfilled in the death of Jesus. Seasons of refresh- ing. This expression, found only here in the N.T., denotes, if we define it by the two following verses, as we probably should do, the times of the Messianic fulfilment. 20. Send the Christ. The time of the sending is indicated in the following verse. Appointed for you. This statement is most naturally explained as based on the life and work of Jesus. It was thence that Peter knew his ' appointment.' S3 ACTS 3 : 24 21. ^appointed for you, even Jesus : whom the heaven must receive until the times of °restoration of all things, whereof God spake by the mouth of his holy prophets 22. which have been since the world began. Moses indeed said, °A prophet shall the Lord God raise up unto you from among your brethren, like unto me; to him shall ye hearken in all things whatsoever he shall speak 23. unto you. And it shall be, that every soul, which shall not hearken to that prophet, shall be utterly destroyed 24. from among the people. Yea and °all the prophets 21. Restoration of all things. The O.T. closes with a prophecy of a moral restoration, brought about by another Elijah, prior to the great day of Jehovah's judgment (Mai. 4 : 5-6). The scribes in the time of Jesus taught that Elijah should precede the Messiah and restore all things (Matt. 17 : 11). Jesus saw in John the Baptist a fulfilment of Malachi's word (Mk. 9: 13; Matt. 17: 12-13), but not such a fulfilment as the scribes anticipated. The Baptist did not * restore ' all things; on the contrary, he met with great opposition and was put to death. Yet he was a restorer in the sense of Malachi's prophecy. Jesus continued the work of restoration, the work of preparation for the * day of Jehovah.' Accordingly the * times of the restoration of all things ' may describe the present period, at the close of which, in Peter's thought, the Christ will be sent again. 22-24. These verses are a practical illustration and expansion of the statement at the close of vs. 21. The quotation from Moses is not an exact citation of any passage in the Pentateuch, but is in the main from Dt. 18 : 15 with a free adaptation of the thought of the four subsequent verses. It shows the influence of the Septuagint, especially the first half of vs. 22. The promised prophet is to be like Moses (so the Hebrew), or his raising up, that is, his providential appearance, is to be like that of Moses (so the Septuagint and R.V.m.). As Moses was a restorer, bringing the children of Israel back to Canaan, so Christ is a restorer. The citation from Deuteronomy lays stress on obedience to the prophet. And Peter probably thought of obe- dience to Christ as the way of the * restoration of all things.' A prophet. In Jn. 8 : 40, 41 we learn that some people at least referred Dt. 18:15 not to the Messiah but rather to some conspicuous forerunner of the Messiah. This conception of Christ as a * prophet ' raised up from among his brethren is not one that a writer late in the first century would have been likely to invent and ascribe to Peter. 24. All the prophets from Samuel. Moses indeed was a prophet ACTS ^^ from Samuel and them that followed after, as many as 25. have spoken, they also told of °these days. Ye are the °sons of the prophets, and of the covenant which God made with your fathers, saying unto Abraham, And °in thy seed shall all the families of the earth be blessed. 26. Unto °you first God, °having raised up his Servant, sent him °to bless you, in turning away every one of you from your iniquities. The arrest and release of the Apostles, 4:1-31 4. And °as they spake unto the people, ° ^ the priests and the °captain of the temple and the °Sadducees °came » chief priests (Dt. 34 : 10), but Samuel was regarded as the founder of the prophetic order. Comp. Acts 13 : 20. These days. It appears that Peter, in speaking thus, thought of the period of ' restoration ' as including the present. 25. Sons of the prophets. That is, heirs of the promises which the prophets spoke. Comp. 2 : 38. In like manner, * sons of the cove- nant ' are those who inherit its privileges and obligations. In thy seed. The covenant promise is here quoted with reference to the Jews, though it included all the ' nations ' (Gen. 22 : 18). Peter's hearers were Jews, and it was for their encouragement that he cited the words of the covenant. If, then, they are the ' seed ' of Abraham, all the families of the earth are to be blessed in them, which means that they are called to be the special channel of God's blessing to men, notably of the Messianic blessing. But if they are to communicate it to all nations, they must, of course, first receive it for themselves. If, however, the word * seed ' refers to the Messiah (so Gal. 3 : 16), then Peter is reminding his hearers that they, as one of the * families' of the earth, are entitled to this supreme blessing. 26. You first. This thought is occasioned by the form of the prom- ise. The blessing is for all the families of the earth, but first for the Jews. This was also the doctrine of Paul {e.g., Rom. i : 16). A basis for the doctrine was to be found both in the example and the words of Jesus {e.g., Matt. 10 : <,-6; 15 : 24). Having raised up his servant. Agreeably with the promise in vs. 22, this refers not to 54 ACTS 4:3 2. upon them, being °sore troubled because they taught the people, and ^proclaimed in Jesus the resurrection 3. from the dead. And they laid hands on them, and put the resurrection of Jesus, but to his historical appearance. To bless you. Peter interprets the blessing promised to Abraham as consisting, first and fundamentally, in a turning from iniquities. While Jesus lived, and even after the resurrection {e.g., i : 8), the apostles' concep- tion of the Messianic blessing vi^as largely materialistic; but a great change had come to their views in the last ievf days or weeks. 1. As they spake. From this plural it appears possible that both Peter and John were speaking to different circles at the same time, though only the words of Peter are preserved. The priests. The marginal reading * chief priests ' accords better with the usage of Acts, for while ' priests ' are mentioned only once {i.e., aside from this pas- sage), * chief priests' are mentioned ten times. If we read 'chief priests,' then, since only one held the office at a time, the plural must be understood as including ex-high-priests (see Jew. War, VI, 2. 2), or, more broadly, as including the leading members of the high priestly families. See vs. 6. Captain of the temple. This title is peculiar to Luke, and with one exception (5 : 26) it is always coupled with the office of high priest, usually following that. The officer denoted was head of the temple police force who had the large task of preserving order and of securing the observance of various statutes, as, e.g., those regarding the presence of Gentiles in the courts of the temple. The Sadducees. In view of vs. 6 and 5 : 17 it seems that Luke regarded the high priestly families as being, in good part at least, Sadducees. Comp. Ant. XX, 9. i. In the present verse, then, the ' Sadducees ' are not contrasted with the ' chief priests.' Came upon them. The Greek word here employed is a favorite of Luke (eighteen times, twice in the rest of the N.T.). It is used of sudden, unexpected ap- pearances, as those of angels and other supernatural beings {e.g.y Lk. 2:9; Acts 23 : 11), and there is also frequently associated with it the idea of violence {e.g., 6:12; 17 : 5). 2. Sore troubled. All the common people were favorable toward them (2 : 47), but not the leaders. So, in general, had it been in the case of Jesus. The causes of their dissatisfaction were (i) that the disciples were assuming to be teachers of the people (comp. 2 : 42), and (2) that they proclaimed the resurrection. This latter point made them especially offensive to the Sadducees (comp. 23 : 8). Pro- claimed in Jesus. It is uncertain whether these words mean that the apostles proclaimed the doctrine of resurrection on the basis of the resurrection of Jesus, or that, acting in the name of Jesus, they pro- claimed the doctrine. The book does not elsewhere speak of activity as being * in Jesus.' 55 ACTS them °in ward unto the morrow : for it was °now even- 4. tide. But many of them that heard °the word °be- lieved; and the number °of the men came to be °about five thousand. 5. And it came to pass on the morrow, that their °rulers and elders and scribes were gathered together °in Jeru- 6. salem; and °Annas the high priest was there, and Caiaphas, and John, and Alexander, and °as many as 7. were of the kindred of the high priest. And when they had set them in the midst, they inquired, By what 3. In ward. In 5 : 18-19 ^^^ ' ward ' or confinement was prison, but the word does not necessarily require this. Now eventide. Hence some three hours had been spent in Solomon's porch. Comp, 3 : i. 4. The word. That is, the message of the Gospel. Comp. 6:4; 8:4. It is the equivalent of ' thy word ' (4 ; 29) and the * word of God ' (4: 29, 31). Believed. Frequently used in Acts without an object (e.g., 4:32; 8 : 13). On the author's conception of the content of the belief, see 5 : 14; 8 : 37; 15 : 11. Of the men. Women are first specified as among new converts in 5 : 14. About five thousand. This is an approximate estimate of all the converts from Pentecost to the present hour. 5. Rulers, elders, scribes. These were the constituent elements of the sanhedrin, the supreme court of the Jews. The sanhedrin is more frequently designated in Acts by two of the elements, viz., chief priests and elders. See vs. 23; 23 : 14; 25 : 15. The ' rulers * seem to have been the same in this case as the ' high priests ' (vs. 6), though they are sometimes distinguished from them. SeeLk. 23 : 13; 24 : 20. The * elders,' unlike the priests and scribes, were a class whose membership in the sanhedrin rested on general considerations of prominence in the community. In Jerusalem. This clause, which has been connected with * scribes ' (hence * scribes of Jerusalem'), or with all the three classes (the thought being that those of the three classes who were then at hand gathered together), is rather to be taken with the verb. Since Luke was writing for Greeks and writing long after the sanhedrin had ceased to meet in Jerusalem, it was natural to specify the place of the present meeting. 6. Annas the high priest. He was not strictly such, but virtually. Comp. Jn. 18 : 13, 24. He dominated the office a very long time through five sons and one son-in-law (Ant. XX. 9. i). As many as were of the kindred of the high priest. This expression suggests how grave the situation was in the thought of the rulers. S6 ACTS 4:11 8. power, or in what name, °have ye done this? Then Peter, filled with the Holy Ghost, said unto them, 9. Ye rulers of the people, and elders, if we this day are °examined concerning °a good deed done to an impotent 10. man, by what means this man is °made whole; be it known unto you all, and to all the people of Israel, that in the name of Jesus Christ of Nazareth, °whom ye cruci- fied, whom God raised from the dead, even ° ^ in him doth 11. this man stand here before you whole. He is the stone Ps. 118 which was set at nought °of you the builders, which ' m in this name 7. Have ye done this? They did not question that a cure had been wrought : I hey would only know how. And yet the question may well have been only a pretence. It seems probable that they had heard how it was with the use of Jesus' name that the man had been healed. They may have sought by their question an incrim- inating confession from the disciples. 9. Examined. Treated as disturbers of the peace the night before (vss. 2-3), they are now judicially examined by the same body before which Jesus had been brought. A good deed, Peter is aware, and wishes his judges also to be aware, of the contrast between his own treatment of the lame man and their treatment of him. Made whole. In 2 : 21, 40, 47 the word here used of a physical cure is used of spirit- ual blessing. So elsewhere throughout Acts, It is only from the context that we learn its particular reference. 10. Whom ye crucified. Here, when addressing the sanhedrin, Peter's words are true in a fuller sense than on the two preceding occasions when the same charge was made. See 2 : 23 ; 3 : 14, In him. The margin ' in this name ' is both closer to the Greek and is more suited to the preceding context. Comp. 3 : 6, 16. 11. This verse is an adaptation of Ps. 118 : 22, while in i Pet. 2 : 7 the same passage is given almost exactly as it stands in the Sep- tuagint. This use of the passage by the apostles was natural in view of Christ's own use of it. See Matt. 21 : 42; Mk, 12:10; Lk, 20 : 17. Of you the builders. Not the * builders ' had in mind by the psalmist, for they were the ' nations,' Gentiles not Jews, even as the ' stone ' in the original refers to Israel, not to the Messiah. We may say that the verse was applicable to Jesus and the Jews who crucified him in even a higher, completer sense than it had ever been applicable to 57 12 ACTS 12. °was made the head of the corner. And other is there °salvation : for neither is there °any other name under heaven, that is given among men, wherein we must be saved. 13. Now when they beheld the boldness of Peter °and John, and had perceived that they were ^unlearned and ignorant men, they marvelled; and they °took know- 14. ledge of them, that they had been with Jesus. And seeing the man which was healed ^standing with them, Israel and the nations. Was made. The divine intention to make Jesus the * head of the corner ' was signally manifest to Peter in the fact of the resurrection. 12. In none other. In view of vs. 10 and of what follows in the present verse, we should probably supply with ' none other ' the word 'name.' Others take it personally. Salvation. This noun, as also the kindred verb in vs. 9, is used in Acts both of physical deliver- ance (e.g., 7 : 25; 27 : 34) and of spiritual redemption. Any other name, under heaven. Peter repeats with emphasis the thought of the first clause of the verse. There could be only one Christ. The general character of his language, which looks beyond the Jews, may perhaps have been occasioned by the fact that the Sadducees — and he was speaking to some of this sect — were favorable to Greek culture and philosophy. 13. And John. The ' boldness ' of John might be inferred from his bearing before the sanhedrin, but the perception that he as well as Peter was unlearned and ignorant rather implies that he had spoken, though no speech of his is given. Unlearned and ignorant. The Greek of the first of these words is found only here in the NT. and of the second only here in Luke's writings. Peter and John were, technically speaking, unlearned. They as little as their Master (see Jn. 7:15) had been through the rabbinic schools. But, speaking broadly, they were not ignorant and unlearned in regard to the kingdom of God. Took knowledge of them. The force of the Greek is not wholly clear, but we understand it to mean that one and another recognized Peter and John as men whom they had seen with Jesus, perhaps on the day of his trial. 14. This verse, though treated by the R.V. and S.V. as an inde- pendent sentence, is very closely connected with the preceding. It records a fact that is parallel to the last. The judges both recognized that Peter and John had been with Jesus, and they had nothing to say against the cure, for the healed man was there before their eyes. 58 ACTS 4:20 15. they could say nothing against it. °But when they had commanded them to go aside out of the council, 16. they conferred among themselves, saying. What shall we do to these men ? for that indeed a notable miracle hath been °wrought through them, is manifest to all 17. that dwell in Jerusalem; and °we cannot deny it. But that it spread no further among the people, °let us threaten them, that they speak henceforth to no man 18. °in this name. And they called them, and charged them °not to speak at all nor teach in the name of Jesus. 19. But Peter and John answered and said unto them. Whether it be right in the sight of God to hearken unto 20. you rather than unto God, °judge ye : for °we can- Standing with them. The man who had been healed indicated in this way that he made the case of the apostles his own. It was a brave and loyal act, most unlike the conduct of Peter when Jesus was on trial. 15. It is 'always difficult for a large body to keep a secret; and, moreover, it is probable that in the council were some who, if not at that time yet soon after, became followers of Jesus. Comp. 6:7. Thus the nature of its deliberation would become known. 16. Wrought through them. It is noteworthy that the unbelieving Jews, even as Peter (see 3 : 12-13), traced the sign to a power beyond man. We cannot deny it. This is valuable testimony to the reality of the cure. They did not think it worth while to ascribe the work to Satan, as some of the Pharisees had done in the case of Jesus on a certain occasion. See Matt. 12 : 24. 17. Let us threaten them. They doubtless expected that this would be effectual. How little they understood the new spirit of the dis- ciples ! In this name. The Greek, not the same here as in 3 : 6, might be rendered ' on the ground of this name.' The disciples are thought of as taking their stand upon it, making the name of Jesus (the Christ) the foundation of their teaching. 18. Not to speak at all nor teach. The first clause may be referred to such utterances as that of Peter when he healed the lame man (3:6). That was not formal teaching, but it made the leaders just as much trouble. 19. Judge ye. Peter knew that but one answer could be given to the proposition as he had put it. He was willing that the council 59 ACTS not but speak the °things which we saw and heard. 21. And they, when they had °further threatened them, let them go, finding nothing how they might punish them, °because of the people; for all men °glorified 22. God for that which was done. For the man was °more than forty years old, on whom this miracle of healing 23. was wrought. And being let go, they came °to their own company, and reported all that the chief priests 24. and the elders had said unto them. And they, when they heard it, lifted up their voice to God with one should pass judgment on the point whether a man's supreme obe- dience was due to God or to men. 20. "We cannot but speak. This utterance throws h'ght on the * judge ye ' of the last verse. Whatever the council might say would not change the apostles' purpose to witness to Jesus. Things which we saw and heard. That is, in the ministry of Jesus. 21. Further threatened. This seems to imply that the proposal of vs. 17 had been carried out, though vs. 18 does not mention threats. The threat may well have been to excommunicate the disciples. Be- cause of the people. Thus popular favor saved the apostles as it had more than once averted hostile attacks from the Master. See Mk, II : 32; Lk. 19 : 48. Glorified. Better, * were glorifying,' that is, at that very time. 22. More than forty. To the common people the miracle was probably heightened by the age of the man, but Luke as a physician can hardly have attached such significance to the man's age since he was horn lame. It is noteworthy that the Greek word here translated ' healing ' is found only in Luke in the N.T. 23. To their own company. It is not necessary to limit this ex- pression to the apostles in view of anything in vss. 24-31, for even that which is said in vs. 31 was true of all disciples at Pentecost (2:4); nor, on the other hand, is it probable that it included the total number of believers. 24. This prayer (24-30) is much too long and complex to allow the supposition that all present uttered it simultaneously. It was too early in the history of the Church, and the course of affairs until the preceding day had been too calm, to allow the supposition that these verses were a prayer with which all disciples were familiar. We must then suppose that some one person uttered the prayer, and that the words * with one accord ' refer to its being taken up by all present and made their own; or else that there was a spontaneous outpouring 60 ACTS 4 : 28 accord, and said, °0 Lord, thou that didst make the heaven and the earth and the sea, and all that in them 25. is : who by the Holy Ghost, by the mouth of our father David thy servant, didst say, Why did the Gentiles rage, Ps. a : And the peoples imagine vain things? 26. The kings of the earth set themselves in array, And the rulers were gathered together, Against the Lord, and against °his Anointed : 27. °for of a truth in this city against thy holy Servant Jesus, whom thou °didst anoint, both Herod and Pontius Pilate, with the Gentiles and the peoples of Israel, 28. were ^gathered together, to do whatsoever thy hand and of prayer, and that these verses preserve the general tenor of it, not the very words. O Lord. Rather, * O Sovereign One ' — a desig- nation of God in line with the apostles' conviction that all human opposition to the kingdom of Jesus would be in vain. 25-26. The words which immediately introduce this quotation from the second Psalm contain, according to modern students of the text, some early error. They are variously given in different Mss. The reading represented by the R.V. is the most acceptable. His Anointed. The ' Anointed ' of the Psalm was, in the first instance. Some king of Israel, but which one cannot be definitely determined. The early Christians, as before them the Jews, regarded the Psalm as Messianic. 27. For of a truth. These words introduce certain historical facts which the speaker regarded as fulfilling the Psalm and therefore as justifying its quotation. Didst anoint, i.e., empower by thy Spirit to act as Saviour. Gathered together. The circumstances connected with the death of Jesus corresponded to those described in the ancient Psalm. In both cases there was a gathering of enemies, in both it was against the Anointed of God. Herod and Pilate answer to the 'kings ' and * rulers,' the Romans and Israel to the 'Gentiles.' The expression ' peoples of Israel,' though in a measure justified by the twelvefold division of Israel, seems to have been occasioned by the fact that the Psalm uses the plural. The * peoples ' of the Psalm, however, were Gentiles, not Jews. Here the adaptation of Scripture is just the reverse of Paul's in Rom. 10 : 25-26. 28. The same fundamental thought as in the speeches, 2 : 23; 3 : 18. On * counsel ' see note on 2 : 23. 61 ACTS 29. thy counsel foreordained to come to pass. And now, Lord, °look upon their threatenings : and grant unto thy servants to speak °thy word with all boldness, 30. while thou stretchest forth thy hand to heal ; and that signs and wonders may be done °through the name of 31. thy holy Servant Jesus. And when they had prayed, °the place was shaken wherein they were gathered together; and they were all °filled with the Holy Ghost, and °they spake the word of God with boldness. Fellowship among the early Christians, 4:32-37 32. And the °multitude of them that believed were of °one heart and soul : and not one of them said that aught of the things which he possessed was °his own; 29. Look upon their threatenings. That is, consider with a view to their punishment. Thy word. Just as the signs of Jesus are traced up to the power of God (see 2 : 22), so here the Gospel is ascribed to him. 30. This prayer for divine intervention in the form of miraculous works proceeds from the special to the general. Healing was both a ' sign ' and a * wonder,' but not the only one. This prayer for signs by the side of the prayer for boldness indicates that, at this time, they were thought of great importance for the extension of the king- dom of Christ. Through the name of. This equals * through him ' in 2:22. Their own part in the work is left entirely in the background. It is the power of God working through Jesus that produces the re- sult which they desire. 31. The place was shaken. It is most natural to suppose that the author regarded this as the shaking in 16 : 26. As the noise in 2 : 2, so here the motion is thought of as supernaturally caused. Filled with the Holy Ghost. Since many of those present had been ' filled ' with the Spirit at Pentecost (2:4), it follows that the author did not think of the ' filling ' as permanent. Rather it was thought of as giving a power of which they were unequally conscious at diflferent times. On the rendering of the words, see Appendix. They spake. Better, ' they continued to speak.' The word refers to the succeed- ing days ; while the disciples were together by themselves, there was no opportunity to exhibit boldness. 32. Multitude. See note on 2:6. One heart and soul. The 62 ACTS 4:36 33. but they had °all things common. And with °great jL» power °gave the apostles their witness of the resurrec- ^P tion of the Lord Jesus : and °great grace was upon 34. them alL For neither was there among them any that lacked : for °as many as were possessors of lands or houses sold them, and brought the prices of the 35. things that were sold, and laid them °at the apostles' feet : and distribution was made unto each, according as any one had need. 36. And Joseph, who by the apostles was °surnamed double expression emphasizes the completeness of the harmony. His own. That is, no one, in the face of any need of the brotherhood, said that his goods were his own. All things common. See note on 2 : 44. 33. Great power. Nothing suggests that this should be thought of otherwise than as spiritual power. Gave their witness. The Greek verb suggests that this witness was something that might properly be asked or demanded of the apostles. This is in line with their con- ception of apostleship. See i : 22. What this witness was, in detail, we may infer from the resurrection narratives in the Gospels. From the connection in which this statement stands it seems probable that the reference is to a witnessing in the company of the believers. On earlier occasions Peter had spoken to unbelievers on the same subject. See 2 : 24; 3 : 15; 4 : 10. Great grace. It seems to follow from the next verse that by this * grace ' was meant the favor of God. ' Comp. 2 : 47. An invisible reality was inferred from things which were seen, 34. The simple thought of the verse is that no needy person was allowed to continue in need. Different ones, to prevent this, sold ground and houses from time to time. (The verbs both in this verse and the following are in the imperfect tense, denoting repeated action.) As many as. This cannot be taken literally, for then the early be- lievers would have been singularly devoid of common sense. The sale of lands and houses was doubtless exceptional, and even then did not extend to the very roof over one's head. But the need of the brotherhood — and this is the great fact — was felt by those who had means, and so felt that it was spontaneously supplied. At the apostles' feet. This may mark an advance on the state that existed immediately after Pentecost, 2 : 44-45. There was at that time no indication that the work of aiding the needy was organized and that the apostles directed it. 63 ACTS Barnabas (which is, being interpreted, Son of exhor- 37. tation), a °Levite, a man °of Cyprus by race, having a field, sold it, and brought the money, and laid it at the apostles' feet. Ananias and Sapphira, 5:1-11 5. But a certain man named Ananias, with Sapphira 2. his wife, sold a possession, and °kept back part of the price, his wife also being privy to it, and brought a 3. certain part, and °laid it at the apostles' feet. But Peter said, Ananias, °why hath Satan filled thy heart °to 36-37. A special case of generosity is noted, singled out of the instances implied in vs. 34, perhaps because of the great prominence afterward attained by Barnabas. Suraamed Barnabas, The fact that Luke always uses this surname instead of the man's true name indicates that it had been generally adopted among the disciples in Jerusalem. It must then have been strikingly apt. Luke's inter- pretation of the name may be variously understood (* son of prophecy,' * son of Nebo,' etc.), but in view of 11 : 23-24, the translation of the R.V., * son of exhortation,' appears to be justified. Levite. Barnabas is the only Levite mentioned by name in the N.T. The fact that Levites according to the ancient law (Dt. 10 : 9) had no portion in Israel among their brethren was not regarded, in Jeremiah's time, as debarring priests from the ownership of land (see Jer. 32 : 7-12), nor was it in the first century, for Josephus tells us that he was a priest and also owned lands near Jerusalem (Vita, i. 76). Of Cyprus by race. It is not told us whether his present home was in Jerusalem or in Cyprus. The land which he sold may have been in either place. Cyprus, though not mentioned in the geographical list of chapter 2, had a large Jewish population, and some of its earliest converts were distinguished evangelists (11 : 20). 1. The names of the man and his wife are in striking contrast to their character. 'Ananias' means, 'Jehovah is gracious,' and 'Sap- phira ' means ' beautiful ' or ' precious.' 2. Kept back part of the price. The implication of the Greek word is bad. See Titus 2:10. Laid it at the apostles' feet. The act was like that of Barnabas, but the sequel shows that it was for effect. Why hath Satan filled thy heart ? Inner processes of the mind often manifest themselves in the face and bearing. Peter doubtless saw that the man was acting hypocritically, and his question means, 64 ACTS 5 : 6 P lie to the Holy Ghost, and to keep back part of the 4. price of the land? Whiles it remained, did it not remain °thine own? and after it was sold, was it not in thy power? How is it that °thou hast con- ceived this thing in thy heart? thou hast °not lied 5. unto men, but unto God. And Ananias hearing these words fell down and °gave up the ghost: and great 6. fear came upon all that heard it. And °the young * Why have you allowed Satan to fill your heart ? ' To lie to the Holy Ghost. That is Peter's analysis of the act of Ananias. The man him- self had surely not seen his act in so serious a light. At most he had regarded it as a venial deception of the apostles. 4. Thine own ... in thy power? It is plain from Peter's words that the disciples were under no outward compulsion whatever to sell property for the common good. The legal right of a man to his property was not remotely questioned. Hence there was no excuse for Ananias. Thou hast conceived. In vs. 4 the lie is ascribed to Satan, here to Ananias, but the variation is merely formal. Ana- nias is held responsible there as here. Not unto men, but unto God. It could be said that it was not a lie unto men because that aspect of the deed was regarded as infinitely less important than the other. The statement is rhetorical. 5 . Gave up the ghost. The Greek word here employed — frequently used by medical writers — is found only in Luke in the N.T. (vs. 10; 12 : 23). It is to be noted regarding the death of Ananias (i) that Peter spoke no word of judgment on him : he simply diagnosed his sin, as one of the old prophets might have done. It does not appear from the narrative that he had any idea of what was about to befall Ananias. Hence (2) the author probably regarded the death of Ananias as an immediate judgment of God. (3) Without questioning that it was a divine judgment, we are to hold that it took place according to natural laws. And (4), though it may be regarded as a divine judg- ment, since it took place according to laws which God has estab- lished, it clearly does not accord with Jesus' method of dealing with the sin of hypocrisy. 6. The young men. The use of the definite article here probably does not indicate that certain ones had been appointed to this sort of duty. Of such an office this passage would be the only NT. evidence. It was simply natural that the burial of Ananias should be under- taken by the younger men, those who had strength to bear burdens. Arose. It is here suggested (as also in the last clause of vs. 5) that Ananias had brought his money to the apostles on the occasion F 65 ACTS men °arose and °wrapped him round, and they carried him out and buried him. 7. And it was about the space of three hours after, when his wife, not knowing what was done, °came in. 8. And Peter answered unto her, Tell me °whether ye sold the land for so much. And she said, Yea, for so 9. much. But Peter said unto her. How is it that ye have agreed together °to tempt the Spirit of the Lord ? behold, the feet of them which have buried thy hus- band are °at the door, and °they shall carry thee out. 10. And she fell down °immediately at his feet, and gave of some public gathering. The significance of such an act is obvious. Wrapped him round. The Greek verb might mean that they composed the body for burial, but in a writer w^ho shows so great fondness for medical terms as Luke does, it probably signifies to enshroud, for in medical writings it was used of wrapping about with bandages. 7. Came in. The occasion of her coming, as well as the place to which she came, is not clearly indicated, though it has been thought that the ' three hours ' interval suggests one of the hours of prayer. But the place where the apostles received offerings and made distri- bution (4 : 35) can hardly have been in the temple, where the hour of prayer would naturally have been observed. See 3:1. 8. Obviously Peter was acquainted with Sapphira, and knew her as the wife of Ananias. It may well be that he knew more of her character and of her husband's than this brief narrative suggests. Whether ye sold the land for so much. This expression is natural if Peter pointed as he spoke to the amount which Ananias had brought, or, pointing to it, mentioned the sum. The question evidently aimed to ascertain whether Sapphira shared her husband's guilt. Peter may have suspected this from her demeanor or from his previous knowledge of her. 9. To tempt the Spirit of the Lord? See on vs. 3. Their agree- ment was, of course, not to tempt or try the Spirit of God. This is Peter's uncovering of the real inner significance of the act. At the door. The return of the young men just in the moment when the guilt of Sapphira was made manifest, together with the fate which had befallen Ananias, accounts for Peter's conviction that she also is to share in his judgment. They shall carry thee out. From what he thought to have been God's dealing in one case he argued what it would be in another that was altogether parallel. 66 ACTS 5:14 Pup the ghost : and the young men came in and found her dead, and they carried her out and buried her by 11. her husband. And great fear came upon the whole °church, and upon all that heard these things. Signs of the apostles; growth of the Christian community ^ 5-12-16 12. And °by the hands of the apostles were many signs and wonders wrought °among the people; and °they 13. were all with one accord in Solomon's porch. But °of the rest durst no man join himself to them : howbeit 14. the people °magnified them; and beUevers were the 10. Immediately. The death of Sapphira was regarded by Luke as a divine judgment. It was such only as we see divine judgment realized through natural laws. It was doubtless due to the over- whelming shock caused by the exposure of her sin and the knowledge of her husband's fate. 11. Church. It appears doubtful whether this term, here used for the first time in Acts, was already employed to designate Christians while as yet the courts of the temple were their common place of meet- ing, and the gulf which was to separate them from other Jewish wor- shippers had scarcely begun to appear. One cannot, however, speak on this point with positiveness. 12. By the hands of the apostles. The writer, though recording no miracle by any apostle except Peter, manifestly thought that the others wrought similar works. Among the people. The signs were not wrought in any particular place, as Solomon's porch, but in various places. See 3:6; 5 : 15. They . . . all. It is not clear who were in Solomon's porch with one accord, whether the apostles just mentioned, or the entire company of believers. There is no reason for thinking that the one hundred and twenty (i : 15) continued as a distinct circle within the larger body of believers. 13. Of the rest. The meaning of this depends on the meaning of the preceding ' they,' which is confessedly obscure. It is perhaps best to refer it to non-Christians. In this case the statement that no man durst join himself to the apostles must be understood of outward association. See 9 : 26. The author may have thought that the fate of Ananias and Sapphira had created a certain dread of approaching the apostles. Magnified. The superstitious awe before 67 ACTS more added to the Lord, °multitudes both of men and 15. women; °insomuch that they even carried out the sick into the streets, and laid them on beds and °couches, that, as Peter came by, at the least °his shadow might 16. overshadow some one of them. And there also came together the multitude from the cities round about Jerusalem, bringing sick folk, and them that were vexed with unclean spirits : and they were healed every The arrest, punishment, and release of the apostles, 5:17-42. 17. one. But °the high priest rose up, and all they that were with him (which is the °sect of the Sadducees), and they the apostles as wonder-workers appears not to have excluded popular respect for them as good men. See 2 : 47. 14. A particular statement parallel with the preceding general one. ' People magnified them; converts were made.' The trans- lation of the margin is preferable to that in the text. ' Added to the Lord' is indeed an expression found elsewhere in Acts (11 : 24), but the order of the Greek words in the present instance is against it. Multitudes. The only instance in the N.T. where the plural of this word is used in Greek. It is probably taken to emphasize the greatness of the number of converts. 15. Insomuch that. These words introduce a consequence of the high esteem in which Peter was held, or Peter and the other apostles, that esteem which was affirmed in vs. 13 and illustrated in vs. 14. Couches. The Greek word suggests a small and poor bed, and should be rendered by * cot ' or ' pallet.' His shadow. This belief in regard to Peter's shadow is analogous to that of the woman who touched the hem of Christ's garment (Mk. 5 : 28). What results followed from this faith in the magical influence of Peter, we are not told. 16. This is the first reference to an extra-urban influence of the apostles. It is noteworthy that, as in the case of the public ministry of Jesus, it was not the teaching but the mighty acts which first at- tracted attention. 17. The high priest rose up. The word contrasts his present activity with his previous inaction. He came forward with a new purpose to put down the apostles. Sect. This term is given by Luke not only to the Sadducees but also to the Pharisees (15 : 5) and to the disciples 68 ACTS 5 : 23 18. were filled with °jealousy, and laid hands on °the 19. aposdes, and put them in public ward. But °an angel of the Lord by night opened the prison doors, 20. and brought them out, and said. Go ye, and stand and speak in the temple to the people all the words 21. °of this Life. And when they heard this, they entered into the temple about daybreak, and taught. But the high priest came, and they that were with him, and called the council together, and all °the senate of the children of Israel, and sent to the prison-house to have 22. them brought. But the officers that came found them not in the prison ; and they returned, and told, saying, 23. The prison-house we found shut °in all safety, and the of Jesus (24 : 5). Jealousy. This motive might be inferred from what they said to the apostles (vs. 28). Fear was also mingled with the jealousy. The apostles. Not simply Peter and John. Comp. vs. 29. 19. An angel of the Lord. It is not at all certain that, in the mind of the narrator, a supernatural being appeared to the apostles. He regarded the deliverance as supernatural, even as he regarded the cause of Herod's sudden death (12 : 23), and this thought of its supernatural character led easily to the adoption of angelic agency. In other words, this agency, as 12 : 23 seems to prove, might be only the literary expression of the thought of supernaturalness. 20. It is wholly in keeping with the boldness of Peter and John {e.g., 4 : 13) to suppose that this angelic message was that of their own hearts. All they lacked was opportunity. Once out of prison, it was inevitable that they would speak to the people. Of this Life. This designation of the new teaching, found only here in Acts, followed naturally on the fact of the resurrection, as did the designation ' prince of life ' in 3 : 15. 21. The senate of the children of Israel. Since the N.T. knows nothing of a ' senate ' of the Jews as distinct from the sanhedrin or * council,' we should probably render the Greek word here translated ' and ' by ' even.' We may suppose that Luke added this designation of the sanhedrin as ' all the senate of the children of Israel ' for the benefit of his friend Theophilus, who, being a Greek, needed to have Jewish terms explained. 23. In all safety. This language suggests that they had examined all the doors and windows. 69 ACTS keepers standing at the doors : but when we had opened, 24. we found no man within. Now when the captain of the temple and the chief priests heard these words, they were much perplexed concerning them °whereunto this 25. would grow. And °there came one and told them. Behold, the men whom ye put in the prison are in the 26. temple standing and teaching the people. Then went the captain with the officers, and brought them, but without violence; for they feared the people, lest they 27. should be stoned. And when they had brought them, they set them °before the council. And the high priest 28. asked them, saying, We straitly °charged you not to teach in this name : and behold, ye have filled Jerusalem with your teaching, and °intend to bring this man's 29. blood upon us. But Peter and the apostles answered 30. and said, °We must obey God rather than men. The God of our fathers °raised up Jesus, whom ye slew, 24. Whereunto this would grow. That is, the strange escape from the prison. Of course the leaders did not attribute this to an angel. They may have seen in it only a suggestive hint of the strength of the popular favor enjoyed by the new movement. 25. There came one. The narrative here and elsewhere suggests that the council was not in session on the temple mount. The meeting may have been in the high priests' palace. See Matt. 26 : 57-58. 27. Before the council. The sanhedrin sat in a semicircle, and accused persons stood within the arc. 28. Charged you. See 4 : 18, The interval that had since elapsed cannot be definitely learned. The implication of the passages 4 : 32-35; 5 : 12-16 is that this interval extended to weeks, more probably to months. Intend. This statement of the aim of the apostles, though utterly false, had a show of foundation in the reiterated charge of Peter that the religious leaders were especially responsible for the crucifixion of Jesus. See 3 : 17; 4 : 10. 29. We. This pronoun is not expressed in the Greek. That is impersonal and general: 'One must obey,' etc. On the thought see 4 : 19. Imprisonment has not altered Peter's conviction. 30. As in 3 : 13 so here, Peter contrasts the action of the God of their fathers with their own action. Raised up. The reference is not 70 ACTS 5:36 31. hanging him on a tree. Him did God °exalt with his right hand to he a Prince and a Saviour, for °to give re- 32. pentance to Israel, and remission of sins. And we are witnesses of °these things ; and so is the Holy Ghost, whom God hath given to them that obey him. 33. But they, when they heard this, were °cut to the 34. heart, and were minded to slay them. But there stood up one in the council, a Pharisee, named °Gamahel, a doctor of the law, had in honour of all the people, and 35. ^commanded to put the men forth a little while. And he said unto them. Ye men of Israel, take heed to yourselves as touching these men, °what ye are about 36. to do. For before these days rose up °Theudas, giving to the resurrection, for this ' raising up ' precedes the mention of Jesus' death. Here, as in Lk. i : 69 and Acts 13 : 22, the verb refers to the historical appearance of the Messiah. This primitive thought of his appearance among men was soon entirely lost sight of in the Church, and men spoke only of his having been sent from heaven. 31. Exalt with his right hand. See note on 2:33. The resurrec- tion, though not mentioned here, is presupposed by the exaltation. To give repentance. How this was done we may learn from the story of Pentecost. Repentance was there * given ' by means of the motives of the Gospel brought to bear on the hearers by Peter's words. 32. These things. That is, those referred to in vss. 30-31, — the historical appearance, death, and exaltation of Jesus, together with the redeeming purpose of it all. 33. Cut to the heart. The Greek verb, only here and in 7 : 54, means to * saw into.' It is an intense figure of rage. This Peter, a nobody in the eyes of the priests, had said that they, the elect of God, were murderers and disobedient 1 34. Gamaliel. This was Gamaliel I, possibly a grandson of Hillel, and certainly the most distinguished scribe of his day. Paul was proud of having been his pupil (22:3). Gamaliel was a Pharisee, and so an opponent of those who had called the meeting. Commanded. This term suggests that Gamaliel had a predominating influence in the sanhedrin. Comp. 4 : 15. 35. What ye are about to do. It appears from this expression that the general opinion of the body was hostile to the apostles, and that a sentence of death was imminent. 36. Theudas. The incidents of this verse correspond closely 71 ACTS himself out to be somebody; to whom a number of men, about four hundred, joined themselves : who was slain; and all, as many as obeyed him, were dis- 37. persed, and came to nought. After this man rose up °Judas of Galilee in the days of the enrolment, and drew away some of the people after him : he also per- ished; and all, as many as obeyed him, were scattered 38. abroad. And now I say unto you. Refrain from these men, and let them alone : for if this counsel or this 39. work be of men, it will be ^overthrown : but °if it is of God, ye will not be able to overthrow them; lest haply ye be found even to be fighting against God. 40. And to him °they agreed : and when they had called the apostles unto them, they beat them and charged them not to speak in the name of Jesus, and let them go. with what Josephus says of a certain magician by the name of Theudas, who was put to death in the procurator ship of Cuspius Fadus, which began in 44 a.d. {Ant. XX, 5. i). We know of no other revolutionist by this name. The difficulty of the statement is twofold : (i) the Theudas of Josephus was not put to death until at least ten years after the event of the text; and (2) Gamaliel puts Theudas before Judas of Galilee, that is, before 7 a.d. It is obviously impossible to accept the words of Gamaliel as historical unless there was another Theudas whose career was essentially the same as that of the magician mentioned by Josephus. If this was not the case, then an error must be ascribed to the author of Acts. 37. Judas of Galilee. According to Josephus this man was op- posed to the enrolment of the year 7 a.d., and attempting forcible resistance thereto was slain {Ant. XVIII, i. i). 38. Overthrown. As in the two historical instances which had just been cited. Gamaliel as judged by this narrative appears to have magnified the function of Providence and to have minimized man's part in the progress of truth. 39. If it is of God. Gamaliel went farther than the sanhedrin. Moreover, he did not indicate that he was angered by what Peter had said. 40. They agreed. They agreed with Gamaliel so far as to abandon the purpose to kill the apostles, and yet they did not wholly agree with 7a ACTS 6:2 41. They therefore departed from the presence of the council, ^rejoicing that they were counted worthy to 42. suffer dishonour °for the Name. And every day, in the temple and °at home, they ceased not to teach and to preach Jesus as the Christ. The Seven, 6 : 1-70. 6. Now °in these days, when the number of °the disciples was multiplying, there arose a murmuring of the ^Grecian Jews against the Hebrews, because their widows were neglected in the °daily ministration. 2. And the twelve called °the multitude of the disciples unto them, and said. It is not fit that we should for- the spirit of his speech, for they beat the apostles and used all the weight of their authority to frighten them from their work. 41. Rejoicing. Thus they fulfilled the word of the Master (Matt. 5:12). For the Name. This absolute use of the name of Jesus is found also in Phil. 2 : 9 and 3 Jn. 7. It is in line with the extraor- dinary significance given to it in earlier chapters (e.g., 2 : 38; 3:6, 4:12). 42. The period covered by this verse is quite indefinite. The fact that the apostles could preach even in the temple itself shows that popular favor was strong and outspoken. At home. The Greek word so translated is found only here and in 2 ; 46. The apostles taught in their private dwelling or dwellings as well as in the temple. 1. In these days. This expression looks back to the period just sketched (5 : 42). The disciples. In the preceding chapters the follow- ers of Christ have been designated as ' believers ' (e.g., 2 : 44; 4:4); here for the first time as ' disciples.' This designation, common in the Gospels and Acts, is never used in the epistles or the Apocalypse. Grecian Jews. The Greek term * Hellenist ' is found in the N.T. only here and in 9 : 29, perhaps also in 11 : 20. It was given to Jews of the Dispersion, who, at least as a rule, spoke Greek, and it con- trasted them with the Aramaic-speaking Jews of Palestine, who are here called ' Hebrews.' Daily ministration. This service, as appears from the next verse, was rendered by the apostles, 2. The multitude of the disciples. It is noteworthy that the apostles as a body took action; no single one, as Peter, acted for the others. 73 ACTS 3. sake the word of God, and °serve tables. °Look ye out therefore, brethren, from among you °seven men of good report, °full of the Spirit and of wisdom, whom °we 4. may appoint over this business. But we will continue stedfastly °in prayer, and in the ministry of the word. 5. And the saying pleased °the whole multitude : and they chose ^Stephen, a man full of faith and of the Holy Spirit, and °Philip, and Prochorus, and Nicanor, and Serve tables. The disbursements by the apostles from the com- mon funds appear to have been chiefly to furnish daily bread. It is clear that the apostles regarded their charitable work as interfering with the work of teaching and preaching. Look ye out therefore. The calling together of the multitude of believers was not democratic in appearance only. The appointment of new officers of the com- riiunity was to be made by the community itself, subject only to sug- gestions from the apostles. Seven. Why they suggested this number, we do not know. Presumably they thought that the business called for about seven men, and this number had a certain sacredness of association. Full of the Spirit. More accurately ' full of spirit.' The article is wanting in the Greek. (See Appendix, Note i.) It is notable that the apostles put first the spiritual qualification even of those men who were to have to do with * tables.' They assume that their hearers, the rank and file of the Christian community, can tell who have been touched by the Spirit. Thus it is plain that they thought of the presence of the Spirit as being practically and un- mistakably made known. We may appoint. Wherein this appoint- ment consisted is told in vs. 6. 4. In prayer. Or * in the prayer ' — the same Greek as in i ; 14. There is, however, no reason for limiting it to any particular prayer, public or private, in the temple or at home. 5. The whole multitude. It satisfied both the Hebrews and the Hellenists. Stephen. The qualifications of Stephen are specially mentioned. His work already showed him as a man of faith and spiritual power, Philip. The only one of the Seven besides Stephen who is mentioned elsewhere in the N.T. It is significant that all the seven names are Greek and that one of the Seven, Nicolas, was a Gentile. It, of course, does not follow from the Greek names that the bearers were all Hellenists, for Palestinian Jews, as Andrew and Philip, sometimes had Greek names, but the fact reasonably suggests that a considerable number of the Seven were from the Dispersion. This in turn favors the view that the Hellenistic element among the disciples at this time was large. 74 ACTS 6 : 9 Timon, and Parmenas, and Nicolas a proselyte of An- 6. tioch : whom they set before the apostles : and when they had prayed, they °laid their hands on them. 7. And the °word of God increased; and the number of the disciples multiphed in Jerusalem exceedingly; and a great °company of the priests were obedient to the faith. The Career of Stephen^ 6 : 8-7 : 60 8. And Stephen, °full of grace and power, wrought 9. °great wonders and signs among the people. But there 6. Laid their hands on them. Laying on of hands is, in Acts, associated both with the healing of disease (9:17; 28 : 8) and with the bestowal of spiritual power (8:17). It was an ancient Jewish custom (see Dt, 34 : 9), and a part of various ordinations in the synagogue. In the present instance it would seem to have been observed as a venerable rite connected with ordination to a certain work rather than as a vehicle of the impartation of the Spirit's power, for it was a prime condition of the choice of the Seven that they should be ' full of the Spirit.' It is to be noted that the apostles set apart, without examination or question, those who had been chosen by the whole body of believers. — The ' Seven ' are a group of unique officials. Luke gives them no other name than simply the numerical one, 'The Seven ' (21 : 8). They were chosen to meet a particular emergency in the Jerusalem church, which emergency can hardly be supposed to have been permanent. The office may not have sur- vived the great persecution. At least one of the Seven left Jerusalem at that time and returned to his home in Caesarea (21:8). There is no indication of any relationship between the Seven and the subse- quently chosen 'elders' (11 : 30). 7. The rapid extension of the Church at this time may have been promoted by the appointment of the Seven. The apostles were thus released from all care of the poor, and were able to give themselves entirely to their proper work; and the testimony of believers as a whole must have increased in power with the removal of that which had caused murmuring. Word of God increased. That is, its power over the community increased. Comp. 12 : 24; 19 : 20. Company of the priests. This was the greatest triumph of the apostles thus far. Of these converted priests probably most if not all were Pharisees. 75 ACTS arose certain of them that were of the synagogue called the synagogue of the °Libertines, and of the Cyrenians, and of the Alexandrians, and of them of 10. Cilicia and Asia, disputing with Stephen. And they were °not able to withstand the wisdom and the Spirit 11. by which he spake. Then they °suborned men, which said, We have heard him speak blasphemous words 12. against Moses, and against God. And they °stirred up the people, and the elders, and the scribes, and °came upon him, and °seized him, and brought him into the (a) Stephen's work and the opposition it caused, 6 : 8-15 8. Full of grace. This language may well refer to the persua- siveness and spiritual power of the utterances of Stephen. Comp. Lk. 4 : 22. Great wonders and signs. This is stronger language than has yet been used of the works of the apostles. What these signs and wonders of Stephen were, we are not told. 9. Libertines. This is a designation of Jews who having once been Roman slaves had been manumitted, or of the descendants of such Jews. Many Jews had been taken to Rome by Pompey about 63 B.C. It is not certain how many synagogues are referred to in this verse, whether one, two, three, or five; but as the Greek does not decide the question, the last supposition is to be regarded as the most probable on the grounds that the cities and regions here mentioned were widely separated, contained large numbers of Jews, and had each its own type of civilization. The fact that Stephen bore his witness to Christ in these synagogues of the Grecian Jews indicates, as does his name, that he himself was a Hellenist. 10. Not able to withstand. Among those who were not able to withstand Stephen was, without much doubt, Saul of Tarsus (see 7 : 58; 8:1). This is a suggestion in regard to the measure of Stephen's ability. It also suggests a possible source of Luke's ac- count. Saul was behind the scenes and knew both what Stephen had said and how it was later perverted in the accusation against him. 11. Suborned. The procedure suggests that what was said against Stephen was not an unbiassed statement of the facts. 12. Stirred up. How sensitive the populace were in regard to the sacredness of the law and the temple, we see again in 21 : 28-30. Came upon him. The Greek suggests sudden concerted action. Seized him. The Greek verb so translated, not found elsewhere in 76 ACTS 7:2 13. council, and set up °false witnesses, which said, This man ceaseth not to speak words against this holy place, 14. and the law : for we have heard him say, that this Jesus of Nazareth shall destroy this place, and shall change 15. the customs which Moses dehvered unto us. And all that sat in the council, °fastening their eyes on him, saw his face as it had been the face of an angel. 7. And the high priest said. Are °these things so? 2. And he said. Brethren and fathers, hearken. °The God of glory the N.T., means not only that they laid violent hands on Stephen, but also that they ruthlessly dragged him along with them. 13-14. False witnesses. These were presumably the men spoken of in vs. II. Assuming, as we may, that Stephen was acquainted with the words of Jesus, it is not difficult to surmise what was the basis of the false witness against him. He may have spoken of the transitoriness of the Law and the temple, laying the stress in his teach- ing on the inward rather than the outward, as Jesus had done. Much depended on the manner in which he said this, the setting in which he placed it. The witnesses by ignoring all qualifying words set Stephen in a false light. 15. Fastening their eyes on him. The spell which Stephen's appearance cast over all in the sanhedrin suggests indeed that Luke thought of a supernatural transfiguration of his countenance. The historical fact may well have been profoundly impressive. A man ' full of grace and power,' ' full of the Spirit and of wisdom,' whom none of the ablest Hellenists could withstand in argument, when placed where his Master had been placed and put there because he was faithful to the spirit of that Master, may have been so filled with Christian peace and a triumphant conviction of right that his countenance was transfigured. This was truly of God, but ' supernatural ' only in the sense that it was extraordinary. It was in perfect accord with God's spiritual laws and hence from that point of view perfectly natural. (h) Stephen's defence, 7:1-53 1. These things. That is, the charges preferred in 5 : 13-14. It is to be expected therefore that the following speech will be a defence of the accused. 2. The God of glory. This designation of God — found only here 77 ACTS °appeared unto our father Abraham, when he was in 3. ^Mesopotamia, °before he dwelt in Haran, and said unto him. Get thee out of thy land, and from thy kin- dred, and come into the land which I shall shew thee. 4. Then came he out of the land of the Chaldseans, and dwelt in Haran : and from thence, °when his father was dead, God removed him into this land, wherein ye now 5. dwell : and he °gave him none inheritance in it, no, not so much as to set his foot on : and he °promised that he would give it to him in possession, and to his in the N.T. — is based on such O.T. narratives as Ex. 24 : 9-18. It is not rhetorical, but grounded in history. Appeared. The O.T. speaks of no ' appearance ' of God to Abraham until Gen. 12:7, after he had reached Canaan. Before that time it is said that God 'spoke* to him (Gen. 12 : i). The divergence, however, is not es- sential. Mesopotamia. See Gen. 24 : 10, vi^here the city of Nahor, Abraham's brother, is said to have been in Mesopotamia. Comp. Gen. II : 26, 28. Before he dwelt in Haran. This is a departure from the O.T. record. The divine direction in Gen. 12 : i, the words of which are quoted in vs. 3, was given in Haran (see Gen. 11 : 31-32), and the O.T. says nothing of any communication with Abraham before this. 3. This is the language of Gen. 12 : i, with the omission of a single clause that does not materially alter the sense of the divine command. 4. When his father was dead. According to the record in the O.T. Terah lived sixty years after Abraham left him and went to Canaan. See Gen. 11 : 26; 12 : 4. Whether this departure from the Scripture record on Stephen's part was an error of memory or was due to some tradition is not known. 5. Gave him none inheritance. Abraham sojourned in Canaan as a nomad chief, and grew rich in it (Gen. 13 : 1-12), but it appears from Gen. 23 that he did not acquire a title to any part of the country. When Sarah died, he bought the field of Ephron (Gen. 23 : 17), and this was made sure to him for a possession. Now since Stephen was well acquainted with this purchase (see vs. 16), it seems likely that he did not regard a purchase by Abraham as a gift of God to him. Promised. The first promise was that the land should be given to Abraham's seed (Gen. 12 : 7), then to him and to his seed forever (Gen. 13 : 15). Stephen is not concerned to show in what sense and how far the promise was fulfilled to Abraham himself and how far to his seed. 78 ACTS 7:11 6. seed after him, when as yet he had no child. And °God spake on this wise, that his seed should sojourn in a strange land, and that they should bring them into bondage, and entreat them evil, four hundred years. 7. And the nation to which they shall be in bondage will I judge, said God : and after that shall they come 8. forth, and °serve me in this place. And he gave him the °covenantof circumcision : °and so Abraham begat Gen. 17: Isaac, and circumcised him the eighth day; and Isaac 9. begat Jacob, and Jacob the twelve patriarchs. And the patriarchs, moved with °jealousy against Joseph, °sold 10. him into Egypt : and God was with him, and delivered him out of all his afflictions, and gave him favour and wisdom before Pharaoh king of Egypt; and he made 11. him governor over Egypt and all his house. Now there came a famine over all Egypt and Canaan, and Gen. 41 : 6. God spake. See Gen. 15 : 13. The word is here changed from the direct to the indirect discourse, but the essential thought is un- changed. 7. Serve me in this place. These words are not a part of the oracle in Gen. 15, but appear to have been added from Ex. 3:12. But in Exodus it is Mt. Horeb where the Israelites shall worship Jehovah, while the words quoted in connection with Gen. 15 : 13 refer plainly to Canaan. Such a blending and modification of texts as this was natural for one who was speaking, less so for a writer in his study. 8. Covenant of circumcision. That is, a compact whose outward sign and pledge was circumcision. See Gen. 17 : 10. And so. In this new covenant relation with Jehovah. 9. Jealousy. The S.V. has, in Gen. 37 : 11, * his brethren envied him,' either in view of Jacob's partiality or of the splendid dreams which Joseph had dreamed. Sold him into Egypt. That is, they sold him to the Ishmaelites, and they in turn brought him into Egypt (Gen. 37 : 28). 10. This verse consists of reminiscences of Gen. 39 : 21; 41 : 39, 40, 43- 11. The famine to which reference is made was even more general, according to Gen. 41 : 56, but this wider extent did not concern the story which Stephen was following. 79 ACTS great affliction : and our fathers found no sustenance. 12. But when Jacob heard that there was corn in Egypt, 13. he sent forth °our fathers the first time. And at the second time Joseph was made known to his brethren; and Joseph's race became manifest unto Pharaoh. 14. And Joseph sent, and called to him Jacob his father, 15. and all his kindred, °threescore and fifteen souls. And Jacob went down into Egypt; and he died, himself, 16. and °our fathers; and °they were carried over unto Shechem, and laid in the tomb that Abraham bought for a price in silver of the sons of Hamor in Shechem. 17. But °as the time of the promise drew nigh, which God 12. The first half of this verse is a modification of Gen. 42 : 2. Our fathers. That is, all except Benjamin (Gen, 42 : 4). In the preceding verse the expression naturally included him and Jacob. 13. Based on Gen. 45, but see also Gen. 41 : 12. 14. The private command of Joseph to his brothers was followed by the command of Pharaoh (Gen. 45 : 17). Threescore and fifteen. So is the number given in the Greek version of Gen, 46 : 27, while the original has seventy. This number seventy includes Joseph, his wife, and two sons (see Gen. 46 : 26), but in the Septuagint of Gen. 46 : 27 Joseph is said to have had nine sons. 15. Our fathers. That the patriarchs, with the exception of Joseph (Gen, 50 : 26), died in Egypt, as Stephen says, is not stated in theO,T., but may be inferred therefrom. 16. They were carried. According to Gen. 50 : 13 Jacob was buried in Canaan, but no mention is made of the burial of his sons with the single exception of Joseph (Gen. 50 : 26), Even the bones of Joseph remained in Egypt until the Exodus, when they were brought away by Moses (Ex. 13 : 19), and buried in Shechem in the * parcel of ground which Jacob bought of the sons of Hamor' (Josh. 24 : 32). The two stories are blended in Stephen's speech, and some confusion thence arises. Jacob was buried in Machpelah, Joseph in Shechem ; Jacob bought the field in Shechem, Abraham that of Machpelah. These discrepancies are pardonable in a speaker in Stephen's cir- cumstances, but hardly in a writer who had access to the original narrative. 17. As. This word marks not a definite hour but a measure or degree. With the passing of the time of the promise something else 80 ACTS 7 : 24 vouchsafed unto Abraham, the people grew and mul- Ex. 1:8 18. tipHed in Egypt, till there arose another king over 19. Egypt, which knew not Joseph. The same °dealt subtilly with our race, and evil entreated our fathers, that they should cast out their babes to the end they 20. might not live. At which season Moses was born, and was °exceeding fair; and he was nourished three 21. months in his father's house : and when he was cast out, Pharaoh's daughter took him up, and nourished 22. him for her own son. And Moses was instructed in all the wisdom of the Egyptians; and he was ^mighty 23. in his words and works. But when he °was well-nigh forty years old, it came into his heart to visit his brethren 24. the children of Israel. And seeing one 0} them suffer kept pace, viz., the growth of the people and the hostility of the Egyp- tians. 18. See Ex. i : 8. This * other ' king is supposed to have been Ramses-Sesostris, while Merneptah II was Pharaoh of the Exodus. 19. Dealt subtilly. That is, by increasing their tasks and by the attempt to destroy the male children. See Ex. i : 8-19. 20. Exceeding fair. This is an intensification of the statement in Ex. 2 : 2, that Moses was a ' goodly child.' The more literal trans- lation of the margin in Acts, ' fair unto God,' means the same thing. 21. See Ex. 2 : 5-10. Stephen passes over details, but gives the main facts. 22. The statement that Moses was instructed in all the wisdom of the Egyptians, though not contained in the O.T., is a natural inference from his adoption by the king's daughter. Mighty in his words. This does not conflict with Moses' self depreciatory language in Ex. 4 : 10, that he was slow of speech and of a slow tongue. His words might be full of power, and yet not ' eloquent.' 23. Well-nigh forty years old. In the original it is only said that he was ' grown up ' (Ex, 2:11). It is likely that Stephen followed some Jewish tradition both here and in vs. 30. Ex. 7 : 7 gives the age of Moses when he stood before Pharaoh as eighty years, but the division of this into two forties by the flight into Midian is an addition to the text. 24. This is substantially according to the original in Ex. 2 : 11-12, though less vivid. G 81 ACTS wrong, he defended him, and avenged him that was 25. oppressed, smiting the Egyptian : and he supposed that his brethren understood how that God by his hand was giving them deliverance; but they understood not. 26. And the day following he appeared unto them as they strove, and would have set them at one again, saying, Sirs, ye are brethren ; why do ye wrong one to another ? 27. But he that did his neighbour wrong °thrust him away, 28. saying. Who made thee a ruler and a judge over us ? Would- est thou kill me, as thou killedst the Egyptian yesterday ? 29. And Moses °fled at this saying, and became a sojourner 30. in the land of Midian, °where he begat two sons. And when forty years were fulfilled, an angel appeared to him in the wilderness of mount Sinai, in a flame of fire 31. in a bush. And when Moses saw it, he wondered at 25. This verse is a comment by Stephen, but the original does not suggest on what his view was based. The last clause of the verse, * they understood not,' might, of course, be an inference from the fol- lowing incidents. 26. This is a free version of Ex. 2 : 13. The insertion of ' Sirs, ye are brethren,' and the thought of mutual wrong-doing (which is modified in the next verse) suit the situation of Stephen, but are more difficult of explanation if the speech is regarded as the work of the author of Acts. 27. Thrust him away. The Greek does not necessarily imply that the wrong-doer laid hands on Moses. It may only signify that he rejected Moses' mediatorship. Comp. Rom. 11 : 2. This is clearly favored by vs. 35. 28. This verse follows the Septuagint version of Ex. 2 : 14, and thus departs from the original in adding the word * yesterday.' 29. Fled at this saying. According to the original, Moses fled because Pharaoh sought to kill him (Ex. 2 : 15), but Pharaoh's hostility was due to the report that Moses had killed an Egyptian. Hence Stephen's abridgment is essentially correct. Where he begat two sons. See Ex. 4 : 20 ; 18 : 3. 30. This verse follows Ex. 3 : 1-2 with some variations. Thus, in the original, the vision was near Horeb, while Stephen mentions Sinai; the original has ' angel of Jehovah,' Stephen simply ' an angel '; and for the original * out of the midst of a bush ' Stephen has * in a 82 ACTS 7:37 the sight : and as he drew near to behold, there came 32. a voice of the Lord, I am the God of °thy fathers, the God of Abraham, and of Isaac, and of Jacob. And ^^. Moses trembled, and durst not behold. And the Lord said unto him. Loose the shoes from thy feet : for the 34. place whereon thou standest is holy ground. I have surely seen the affliction of my people which is in Egypt, and have heard their groaning, and I am come down to deliver them : and now come, I will send 35. thee into Egypt. This Moses whom they refused, saying. Who made thee a ruler and a judge ? him hath God sent to be both a ruler and a deUverer °with the hand of the angel which appeared to him in the bush. 36. This man led them forth, having wrought wonders and signs in Egypt, and in the Red sea, and in the wilder- 37. ness forty years. This is that Moses, °which said unto bush.' The mention of Sinai is natural in view of the frequent interchange of the names * Sinai ' and * Horeb ' (e.g., Ex. 19 : 12 ; Dt. 5:2; I K. 8 : 9. From the use of the words * an angel ' it appears that the speaker did not attach any special significance to the definite article of the original. 32. Thy fathers. Both the original and the Septuagint have *thy father,' which, according to vs. 2, refers to Abraham. By the change, Isaac and Jacob are also accounted ' fathers.' 33. The original order of this word and the preceding is inverted in Stephen's speech. See Ex. 3 : 5-6. 34. This verse gathers up the salient points of Ex. 3 : 7-10. 35. Stephen pauses a moment to contrast the treatment which Moses had received from his brethren with the honor which God bestowed upon him. With the hand of the angel. From vs. 38 it appears that Stephen thought of the angel who had given Moses the divine commission to go into Egypt as himself going with him. It was with his ' hand,' by his assistance, that Moses was able to act as ruler and deliverer. But this conception is not found in the O.T. Like that of Gal. 3 : 19, it was probably derived from Jewish tradition. 36. This gives a summary of Moses' work as a deliverer. The 'forty years ' rests on Ex. 7 : 7 and Dt. 34 : 7. 37. Which said. See Dt. 18 : 15. Stephen may introduce this 83 ACTS the children of Israel, A prophet shall God raise up unto you from among your brethren, like unto me. 38. This is he that was in the °church in the wilderness °with the angel which spake to him in the mount Sinai, and °with our fathers : who received °living oracles to 39. give unto us : to whom our fathers would not be obedient, but °thrust him from them, and turned back 40. in their hearts unto Egypt, saying unto Aaron, Make us gods which shall go before us : for as for this Moses, which led us forth out of the land of Egypt, we wot not 41. what is become of him. And they made a calf in those days, and brought a sacrifice unto the idol, and rejoiced 42. in the works of their hands. But God turned, and °gave them up to serve the host of heaven; as it is written in the book of the prophets, word of Moses to set forth yet further his high honor in God's service in view of the contrast in vs. 39. 38. Church. Rather, 'assembly,' viz., the children of Israel as- sembled to receive the Law (Ex. 19). With the angel. In Gal. 3 : 19 and Heb. 2 : 2 the giving of the Law was through ' angels '; here where the same event is in mind, only one angel is mentioned. With our fathers. Here the term 'fathers,' which in vs. 11 denoted Jacob and his sons and in vs. 12 the sons alone, denotes the whole assembly of Israel. Moses was with the angel and with our fathers, and this in view of the next statement, and also in view of Gal. 3:11, suggests that he acted as a middleman between the angel and the children of Israel. Living oracles. These words do not accord with the accu- sation brought againt Stephen in 6 : 13. The reference is to what Moses received from God at Sinai. 39. Thrust him from them. As the man in Egypt rejected the mediation of Moses, so also did the people of Israel, though God had signally honored him. 40. This verse is a close though not exact citation from Ex. 32:1. It suggests that the turning back to Egypt in heart (vs. 39) was a craving for the idolatrous form of religion which they had practised there. 41. The statement of this verse is based on Ex. 32 : 4-6. 42. Gave them up. The speaker saw a divine judgment in the fact that Israel in subsequent years * served the host of heaven.' 84 ACTS 7:45 °Did ye offer unto me slain beasts and sacrifices Amos 5:25- Forty years in the wilderness, O house of Israel? ^^ 43. And ye took up the tabernacle of Moloch, And the star of the god Rephan, The figures which ye made to worship them: And I will carry you away beyond Babylon. 44. Our fathers had the °tabernacle of the testimony in the wilderness, even as he appointed who spake unto Moses, that he should make it according to the figure 45. that he had seen. Which also °our fathers, in their turn, brought in with Joshua when they entered on the possession of the nations, which God thrust out Comp. Rom. i : 24, 26. It is not, however, manifest that Stephen regarded the worship of the host of heaven as a grosser idolatry than the worship of the golden calf. For his fact he appealed not to the Pentateuch but to the book of the prophets (Amos 5 : 25-27). Did ye offer ? The question expects a negative answer. There were in- deed sacrifices to Jehovah in the wilderness {e.g., Ex. 24 : 5), but the implication of the prophetic passage is that any such sacrifices were practically negligible by the side of Israel's idolatrous worship. 43. The Greek of this verse follows the Septuagint substantially, only that it substitutes 'Babylon' for ' Damascus.' The Septuagint, however, departs from the original. Thus, in the first place, it treats this verse as a simple continuation of vs. 42, while in reality it presents a strong contrast to that verse, virtually an answer to the question which is there asked. These two proper names of heathen gods appear in the Septuagint where the original has common nouns. Moloch (the 'Molech ' and 'Milcom ' of the OT.) was a god of the Ammonites and Rephan may be an erroneous rendering of the Hebrew * Chiun ' (Kewan), i.e., Saturn. Nevertheless, the general assertion of the verse is the same as in the Hebrew, viz., that the Israelites were idola- ters. On this account, the prophet announced their captivity beyond Damascus. The appearance of the name * Babylon ' is due to the influence of the actual historical fulfilment of the word. The Jews were indeed carried beyond Damascus, but, more particularly, they were carried to Babylon. 44. Tabernacle of the testimony. This expression comes through the Septuagint. The original has ' tent of meeting ' (Ex. 27 : 21) ; that is, the place where God met his people. 45. Our fathers. Not the same as in vs. 38, but a new generation, 8S > ACTS before the face of our fathers, °unto the days of David ; 46. who found favour in the sight of God, and °asked 47. to find a habitation for the God of Jacob. But Solo- 48. mon built him a house. Howbeit the Most High °dwelleth not in houses made with hands; as saith the prophet, 1, a 49. The heaven is my throne. And the earth the footstool of my feet : What manner of house will ye build me? saith the Lord : Or what is the place of my rest? 50. Did not my hand make all these things? 51. Ye °stiff necked and °uncircumcised in heart and ears, their successors. Unto the days of David, These words are to be connected with the verb at the beginning of the verse. The taber- nacle which was brought into the land in the time of Joshua continued until the days of David. 46. Asked to find a habitation. See 2 Sam. 7:17. 47. Why the privilege of building a house for the God of Jacob was denied to David (i Chron. 22 : 8; 2 Sam, 7 : 8-1 1) and why it was granted to his son (i Chron. 22 : 9-10), Stephen does not stop to say. 48. Dwelleth not. This is not the whole truth but that part which Stephen's hearers needed to have emphasized. The temple was indeed God's dwelling-place, his house {e.g., 2 K. 19 : 15; Ps. 68 : 16; Is. 56 : 7), but this truth was easily misunderstood. It was allowed to obscure the spirituality and the incomparable greatness of God. Looking at the vaster truth, Stephen speaks as though the lesser and lower truth had no existence whatever. 49-50. These verses are a citation from Is. 66 : 1-2. The one notable departure from the original is that the last line is changed from an assertion to a question. It is noteworthy that Stephen ap- pealed to the OT. in support of his spiritual conception of God and his worship, and not to Jesus. 51. Stiffnecked. This was a frequent charge against the ancient Israelites {e.g., Dt. 10 : 16; Ex. 33 : 3, 5). Uncircumcised in heart and ears, Comp. Jer. 6 : 10; 9 : 36. This accusation, as it virtually classed his hearers with the Gentiles, could not fail to be most offensive to them. Always. The entire course of Israel's history is in mind, 86 ACTS 7:55 ye do °always ^resist the Holy Ghost : as your fathers 52. did, so do ye. ° Which of the prophets did not your fathers persecute ? and they killed them which shewed before of the coming of the Righteous One; of whom 53. ye have now become °betrayers and ^murderers; ye who received the law °as it was ordained by angels, and kept it not. 54. Now when they heard these things, they were cut to 55. the heart, and they °gnashed on him with their teeth. But he, being °full of the Holy Ghost, °looked up stedfastly into heaven, and °saw the °glory of God, and °Jesus as well as the condition of his hearers. Resist. The Greek verb (only here in the NT.) implies violent opposition. 52. Which of the prophets, See 2 Chron. 36 : 15-16; Matt. 23 : 29-35. Betrayers. They had given Jesus over to the Romans as a malefactor. Murderers. Peter had made essentially the same accusation (2 : 23; 3 : 14), but had not used this word. What Stephen's hearers regarded as a righteous judicial execution, he branded as murder. 53. As it was ordained by angels. The translation of the verse is difl&cult. * As ordinances of angels ' is closer to the Greek than is the text. The thought was not derived from Scripture but from tradition. Neither [Stephen nor his hearers regarded angels as the ultimate source of the Law. In referring to the giving of the Law as Stephen does, the thought is perhaps that of the glorious manner in which it came to Israel. Even this law, so ministered to them, they had not kept. Stephen had been arraigned as a breaker of the law (6 : 13); this charge he now hurls back against his accusers. (c) Stephen's martyr dom, 7 : 54-8 : la 54. Gnashed. The word suggests brute passion. The hatred and rage occasioned by Stephen's speech were even more intense than those caused by the words of Peter. See 5 : 33. 55. Full of the Holy Ghost. That was the impression made on sympathetic hearers by his appearance and words, which were * full of grace and power.' See 6:8. Looked up stedfastly. An attitude of prayer. Comp. Jn. 17:1. Stephen, knowing well what awaited him from these people who had crucified Jesus, looked away from their raging to God. Saw. That is, in a vision, which the circumstances 87 56 ACTS 56. standing on the right hand of God, and said, Behold, I see °the heavens opened, and °the Son of man stand- 57. ing on the right hand of God. But they cried out with a loud voice, and stopped their ears, and rushed 58. upon him with one accord; and they cast him out of the city, and stoned him : and the witnesses laid down their garments at the feet of a young man named °Saul. were fitted to induce. Glory of God. See on vs. 2. That he saw a supernatural splendor like the Shekinah of old is the inference of the writer from the words of Stephen. Jesus standing. In line with Ps. no : i and with words of Jesus (Mk. 14 : 62), the writers of the N.T. — this passage alone excepted — speak of Jesus as sitting 2it the right hand of God (e.^.,Col. 3 ; i; Eph. i : 20; Heb. 1:3). The attitude of standing may suggest readiness to welcome his faithful witness. 56. The heavens opened. The ceiling and roof of the building where he stood were no barriers to his ecstatic gaze. He saw as Jesus did under the open sky by the Jordan (Mk. i : 10). The Son of man. This is the only instance of the use of this Messianic title in the NT. outside the Gospels. A similar yet not identical title is found in Rev. i : 13; 14 : 14. 57. By shouting and stopping their ears the enemies of Stephen gave outward expression to their feeling that what he spoke was blasphemous. 58. Death by stoning outside the city was the legal fate of one who blasphemed. See Lev. 24 : 16, 23. Another statutory detail seems to have been observed, viz., that the witnesses cast the first stones (Dt. 17 : 7). It was to this end, apparently, that they laid aside their garments. Yet we certainly are not to conclude from these details that Stephen's death was according to the Jewish law. There is no indication that any vote was taken. The Jews, moreover, made themselves liable to Roman punishment in that they, in putting Stephen to death, assumed a prerogative which they no longer pos- sessed. Saul. According to Paul's own statement he appears to have offered himself for this service. See 22 : 20. This is our introduction by name to the most prominent character in Acts. It is altogether probable that he was one of those Cilician Jews who had disputed with Stephen and who had been no match for him (6:9). It was wholly characteristic of his Pharisaic zeal that he was on hand at Stephen's murder. He is spoken of as a * young man,' but the Greek term, like the English, is elastic, covering the long period from boyhood or young manhood up to middle age. 88 ACTS 8:2 59. And they stoned Stephen, calling upon the Lord, and 60. saying, Lord Jesus, receive my spirit. And he kneeled down, and cried °with a loud voice, Lord, °lay not this sin to their charge. And when he had said this, he 8. °fell asleep. And °Saul was consenting unto his death. The great persecution, 8 : 1-3 And there arose °on that day a great ^persecution against the church which was °in Jerusalem; and they were °all scattered abroad throughout the regions of 2. Judaea and Samaria, °except the apostles. And °de- vout men buried Stephen, and made great ^lamentation 59. This cry of Stephen suits the preceding vision, in which Jesus was seen standing as though to receive his disciple. It is the earliest recorded prayer addressed to Jesus. 60. With a loud voice. The final expression of his Christian com- passion, though addressed to Jesus, was meant also for the ears of his enemies. Lay not this sin to their charge. Comp. Lk. 27, : 34. Fell asleep. The Greek word is sometimes used of natural sleep {e.g., Lk. 22 : 45; Acts 12 : 6), but oftener, as here, of death. The tranquil suggestions of the figure contrast strikingly with the noisy surroundings of the martyr. I. Saul was consenting. This statement forms the connecting link between the story of Stephen and the narrative of the subsequent persecution, for it was Saul who headed that movement to annihilate the Church. 1. On that day. The Greek lays a certain emphasis on the time of the outbreak of persecution. It was on the very day of Ste- phen's death. That event lighted the fire. Persecution. The leaders had been brought to the point of persecuting before, but had been stayed by Gamaliel (5 : 33). In Jerusalem. The persecution began there, but later extended even to distant cities. Comp. 9:1; 26 : 11. All scattered. Popular language. See vs. 3. Except the apostles. How they, the leaders of the hated sect, could remain in Jerusalem undisturbed, we are not told. We should have expected that Saul would have laid hands on them first of all. Possibly they were more moderate than Stephen and other Hellenists, and consequently more in favor with the Jerusalem populace. 2. Devout men. Both the expression itself and the situation sug- 89 8:3 ACTS 3. over him. But Saul °laid waste the church, entering into every house, and °haling men and women commit- ted them to prison. gests that these ' devout men * were not Christian disciples. Lamenta- tion. This word also (only here in the N.T.) suggests that the burial was not conducted by Christians. 3, Laid waste. The Greek word so translated — found only here in the N.T. — implies violence, and wherein that consisted the remainder of the verse shows. Haling. The word suggests harshness and con- tempt. On what ground men and women were imprisoned, we are not told. Even if Stephen had been shown to be guilty of blasphemy, that proved nothing against the disciples in general. Yet it is likely that the accusation against them was the same as that against him. 90 Part II. — Beginnings of the World-wide . Mission, 8 : 4-12 : 25 Philip and the Samaritan work, 8 :4-25. 8:4 4. They ^therefore that were scattered abroad °went 5. * about preaching the word. And Philip went down to °the city of Samaria, and ^proclaimed unto them the 6. Christ. And °the multitudes gave heed with one ac- cord unto the things that were spoken by Phihp, when 7. they heard, and saw the signs which he did. For from °many of those which had unclean spirits, they came » Codex D adds ' through the cities and villages of Judaea.' 4. Therefore. This particle is resumptive of the narrative in vs. i. Went about. We might better render the G reek by * went on through,' that is, through the regions entered. The statement is general. Luke may well have known of other evangelistic incidents besides the two which he proceeds to narrate. We may regard these as repre- sentative of a larger class. 5. The city. That is, the principal city, which in ancient times bore the name ' Samaria ' (i K. i6 : 24), but from the time of Au- gustus, who gave it to Herod the Great, called ' Sebaste ' (i.e., Augusta). As this city was on the highway from Jerusalem to Caesarea, which was Philip's home (21 : 8), it is probable that he was journeying thither. Proclaimed unto them the Christ. Comp. 9 : 20. This was the sole theme of the first preaching to the Jews, and here it was the same to the Samaritans. As they had the Pentateuch and looked for a Messiah, the way was made ready for Philip. 6. The multitudes. The response to Philip's message, accom- panied as that message was with * signs,' reminds us of the welcome given to Jesus at Sychar, only two or three hours' walk distant. Both incidents show the Samaritans to have been particularly open to the Gospel. 7. Many of those who had unclean spirits. This language sug- gests that not all were healed. It is notable that Luke passes, un- 91 ACTS out, crying with a loud voice : and many that were 8. palsied, and that were lame, were healed. And there was much joy in that city. 9. But there was °a certain man, Simon by name, which beforetime in the city °used sorcery, and amazed the people of Samaria, giving out that himself was °some 10. great one : to whom they °all gave heed, from the least to the greatest, saying. This man is °that power of God 11. which is called Great. And they gave heed to him, because that of long time he °had amazed them with consciously as it would seem, from those possessing unclean spirits to the spirits themselves. It is these that are the subject of the verb, and the sentence, strictly speaking, is ungrammatical. In the v^ork of Jesus at the neighboring Sychar there is no trace of miracles (Jn. 4 : 1-41). 9. A certain man, Simon by name. According to Justin Martyr's First Apology (about 138 a.d.) Simon was himself a Samaritan, born in the town of Gitta. During the reign of Claudius (41-54) he was in Rome, did many mighty acts, and was regarded as a god. More- over, Justin says that in his time almost all the Samaritans and a few even of other nations worshipped Simon. Used sorcery. The Greek verb so translated is derived from a noun which is used in the N.T. both in a good sense (e.^.,Matt. 2 : i) and in a bad one (Acts 13 : 8). It had a wide application, and the activities of those who bore it were manifold. What particular juggleries or sorceries were prac- tised by Simon, we do not know. Some great one. A vague expression, which suggests that Simon sought to mystify the populace. 10. All gave heed. It is significant that this same language is used of the popular response both to Simon the sorcerer and to Philip the evangelist. This was doubtless due in some part to the fact that Philip wrought signs and Simon had done something analogous. It is likely also that Simon suited his teaching to the expectations of the Samaritans. If he did so, he was not altogether out of line with the message which Philip brought. That power of God. The Samaritans regarded Simon as an incarnation of divine power, and indeed of the chief divine power. This was analogous to the early Christian view (reflected in the Prologue of John's Gospel) that the Logos had become flesh in Jesus. 11. Had amazed them. It appears that Simon's hold on the people was due mainly to his magic arts, not to his teaching. These 92 ACTS 8:15 12. his sorceries. But when they believed Philip preach- ing good tidings concerning the kingdom of God and °the name of Jesus Christ, °they were baptized, 13. both men and women. And °Simon also himself be- lieved : and being baptized, he continued with Philip ; and beholding signs and great miracles wrought, °he was amazed. 14. Now when the apostles which were at Jerusalem heard that °Samaria had received the word of God, 15. °they sent unto them Peter and John : who, when they were come down, °prayed for them, that they might arts, it is to be noticed, 'amazed' people, while Philip's 'signs* brought ' much joy.' 12. The name of Jesus Christ. This combination of names prob- ably suggests what was the burden of his preaching, viz., that Jesus, who had recently been crucified in Jerusalem, and who had risen from the dead, was the long-expected Messiah. They were baptized. Presumably they were baptized by Philip. There was probably no thought at that time that the performance of this rite was limited to the apostles. Philip was a layman, a member of the Board of Charities, yet he did not hesitate to administer baptism. 13. Simon believed. What did he believe? If the message of Philip, then his belief, as appears from subsequent verses, was only of the head. It is perhaps unnecessary to see in the word anything more than a belief in Philip as a greater magician than himself. He was amazed. He could no more understand Philip's works than other people could understand his own. Hence he continued with Philip to learn his secret. 14. Samaria. Here the city, not the province. The name indeed was the same, but it is obvious that it is here used in the narrower sense. They sent. The apostles had begun to act as a body at the time of the appointment of the Seven. See 6 : 2. The purpose of the apostles in sending two of their number to Samaria must be gathered from what they actually did there. 15. Prayed for them. See 6 : 4. Doubtless Philip too had prayed for his converts. It is not necessary to suppose that any peculiar value was attributed to the prayer of the apostles because of their apostolic rank. But they had had a longer and more varied Christian experience than Philip, and more than this they had stood near to Jesus in all his earthly life. It is, then, neither strange that they prayed 93 ACTS 1 6. ^receive the Holy Ghost : for as yet he was fallen upon none of them : °only they had been baptized into the 17. name of the Lord Jesus. Then laid they their hands 18. on them, and °they received the Holy Ghost. Now °when Simon saw that ^through the laying on of the apostles' hands the Holy Ghost was given, °he offered 19. them money, saying, Give me also this °power, that on whomsoever I lay my hands, he may receive the Holy 20. Ghost. But Peter said unto him, °Thy silver perish with thee, because thou hast thought to obtain the nor strange that their prayers made an impression which those of Philip had not made. Receive the Holy Ghost. This petition was doubtless inspired by their own experience. 16. Only. This suggests that baptism into the name of Jesus was not considered a complete equipment for the Christian life. It marked, as it were, the first stage. Comp. 19 : 5-6. 17. They received. The next verse suggests that there was some visible manifestation on the part of those on whom the hands of the apostles had been laid. We may think of ecstatic speech (see 2 : 4) or of signs done by those who had received the gift of the Spirit. See 6:5, 8; 8:6. 18. When Simon saw. Unless the gift of the Spirit had been accompanied with some extraordinary manifestations, something that could be seen, Simon would have had no ground for making the ofiFer of money. Through the laying on of the apostles' hands. The act naturally presented itself to Simon as something magical. He offered them money. This makes it seem probable that his interest in the new doctrine was wholly commercial; that he had professed faith and submitted to baptism (vs. 13) without any appreciation of the real nature of the Gospel. And plainly he had only a false notion of the Spirit inasmuch as he imagined that the apostles could bestow the gift at will. It seems remarkable that Simon did not ask the apostles to lay hands on him, that he might experience this p)ower which was manifesting itself in others. Was he perhaps afraid of being brought under the power of the apostles ? 19. Power. The word ' authority ' better represents the Greek. Simon thought that if he were duly authorized, he could mediate this strange influence, whatever it might be. 20. Thy silver perish with thee. A strong imprecation. This was the first and violent expression of his deep abomination of the sin of Simon. Later his tone softened somewhat. See vs. 22. 94 ACTS 8:25 21. gift of God with money. Thou hast neither part nor lot °in this matter : for °thy heart is not right before 22. God. Repent therefore of this thy wickedness, and pray the Lord, °if perhaps the thought of thy heart 23. shall be forgiven thee. For I see that thou art in the 24. gall of bitterness and in the bond of iniquity. And Simon answered and said, Pray ye for me to the Lord, that none of the things which ye have spoken come upon me. 25. They therefore, when they had ^testified and spoken the word of the Lord, °returned to Jerusalem, and preached the gospel to many villages of the Samari- tans. 21. In this matter. Not the * authority ' to bestow the Spirit's gift, for it was just this that he wanted to buy ; obviously he had no part in this. It is better to take the word in a broader sense as refer- ring to the Gospel. Simon wanted to be as the apostles, able to com- municate the gift of the Spirit, and Peter tells him, in substance, that he has not taken even the first step toward this goal. Thy heart is not right. Doubtless Simon was intensely ignorant regarding Chris- tianity, but Peter did not regard this as the root-difiiculty. It was the pride and selfishness of his heart that the apostle considered. 22. If perhaps. The doubtful way in which he refers to forgive- ness is in keeping with his overwhelming sense of the enormity of Simon's sin. 23. This verse gives the ground (' for ') of the preceding call to repentance and prayer, and this ground is Simon's personal condition. He is not aware of it himself, but his spiritual state is one of extreme bitterness and bondage. 24. Simon fears, but does not repent. He solicits the prayers of Peter and John, but only that he may not be stricken by the judg- ment which Peter had threatened (vs. 20). 25.^ Testified. They bore witness of what they had seen and heard in their life with Jesus. Returned. As the Greek verb is in the im- perfect, we may better translate * they set out to return.' They left the city of Samaria, but not to go immediately to Jerusalem. Their recent experience had probably given them a new sense of obligation to these people, and they, apostles though they were, became, through Philip's example, evangelists to the Samaritans. 95 ACTS Philip and the Ethiopian, 8 : 26-40. 26. But an °angel of the Lord spake unto Philip, sa5dng, Arise, and go °towardUhe south unto the way that goeth down from Jerusalem unto Gaza : the same is desert. 27. And he arose and went : and behold, a man °of Ethiopia, » RVm at noon. 26. Angel. See on 5 : 19. How the message reached Philip is treated as incidental by Luke. Enough that it reached him and with authority. We must suppose that Philip was still in Samaria when the messenger came to him. Toward the south. Since the direction in which Philip was to go was implied in the goal set before him, viz., the road from Jerusalem to Gaza, and since, if we translate the word by 'at noon ' (R.V.m.'s), we have a statement which must have been more intelligible to Philip, this second rendering is to be preferred. Philip was accordingly directed to go to a certain road at noon, and probably to strike this road at a definite place, viz., the ' Desert-Gaza.' Old Gaza, destroyed 58 B.C., might, in contrast to the New Gaza, which was on the coast, be called * desert,' even though partially rebuilt. On this understanding of the words, Philip was given clear directions, which could be carried out. It is, however, grammatically possible to refer * the same ' to the road; but if there was a route from Jerusalem to Gaza which was ' lonely,' it seems hardly likely that one travelling to Egypt would have chosen it. Moreover, Philip was told to go to the way, as though the well-known highway were meant; but of this Luke would hardly have said ' the same is desert.' The distance from Jerusalem to Gaza by way of Hebron and Bet Jibrin is about sixty miles. If, then, the Ethiopian was to reach Gaza about noon of a certain day, he probably set out from Jerusalem in the morning of the day before, and whoever brought the message to Philip must be supposed to have been well acquainted with the treasurer's plans. 27. Of Ethiopia. Hence the man was a Gentile. Philip had just worked among the Samaritans, who were partly Gentile in blood; now he is to meet one who is wholly Gentile. The fact that this man had come to Jerusalem to * worship ' shows that he was a proselyte. If the eunuch came from Meroe, the capital of Ethiopia at this time, he had journeyed considerably more than a thousand miles. Of great authority. The high position of this man — treasurer of the Ethiopian queen — may account for the extraordinary means taken 96 ACTS 8:32 a eunuch °of great authority under °Candace, queen of the Ethiopians, who was over all her treasure, who 28. had come to Jerusalem for to worship; and he was returning and sitting in his chariot, and was ^reading 29. the prophet Isaiah. And the Spirit said unto PhiUp, 30. Go near, and join thyself to this chariot. And Philip ran to him, and heard him reading Isaiah the prophet, and said, °Understandest thou what thou readest? 31. And he said, °How can I, except some one shall guide me ? And he °besought PhiUp to come up and sit with 32. him. Now the place of the scripture which he was reading was this. He was led as a sheep to the slaughter ; Is, 53 : 7, And as a lamb before his shearer is dumb, So he openeth not his mouth : to bring the Gospel to him. Candace. Luke plainly regarded this as a personal name. But Pliny says that the queens of Ethiopia had borne this title * many years,' and Strabo speaks of a queen to whom it was given, who ruled 24 B.C. It seems, therefore, well established that it was a title. 28. Reading the prophet Isaiah. Not only so, but reading a Messianic passage in Isaiah. See vss. 32-33. Thus as the Lord had prepared an evangelist for the eunuch, so he had prepared the eunuch for the evangelist. 30. Understandest thou ? This question was natural, for, in the first place, the man was doubtless recognized by Philip as a Gentile, and secondly, the passage which Philip heard him reading, which for him, at least, was Messianic, had not been given a Messianic interpre- tation by the Jews. 31. How can I? These words are rightly regarded as indicating a modest spirit. As a Gentile, and probably not very familiar with the Jewish Scriptures, he was not likely to understand the full sense of the passage. Besought Philip. Philip was of course recognized by the eunuch as a Jew. 32-33. This passage, quoted according to the Septuagint from Is. 53 : 7-8 departs widely from the original, especially in the second verse. This departure, however, does not touch the eunuch's question, and as for the particular use which Philip made of the passage the narrative tells us nothing. H 97 ACTS 33. In his humiliation his judgement was taken away : His generation who shall declare? For his life is taken from the earth. 34. And the eunuch answered Philip, and said, I pray thee, °of whom speaketh the prophet this? of himself, 35. or of some other? And Philip opened his mouth, and beginning from this scripture, preached unto him 36. Jesus. And as they went on the way, they came unto a certain water; and the eunuch saith. Behold, here is 38. water; °what doth hinder me to be baptized? And he commanded the chariot to stand still : and they both °went down into the water, both Philip and the 39. eunuch; and he baptized him. And when they came up out of the water, the Spirit of the Lord ^caught away Phihp; and the eunuch saw him no more, °for 40. he went on his way rejoicing. But Phihp was found at °Azotus : and passing through he preached the gospel to all the cities, till he came to Caesarea. 34. Of whom speaketh the prophet ? The circumstance that the eunuch was reading a Messianic passage of the OT., and this question regarding its deeper meaning, both favor the view that he had heard something about Jesus. 36. What doth hinder me to be baptized ? It is evident from this question that Philip had not only preached Jesus as the Christ, but had also spoken of the individual's relation to his kingdom, and among other things of baptism. It also shows that the eunuch had accepted Jesus while Philip had been speaking. 38. Went down into the water. This language is in harmony with Rom. 6 : 4 and Col. 2:12, which passages clearly presuppose that, when Paul wrote, the common mode of baptism was by immer- sion. 39. Caught away Philip. On the language comp. i K. 18 : 12; Ez. 3 : 14; I Thess. 4:17. As the Spirit had prompted Philip to run to the eunuch, so, when his mission was accomplished, the same Spirit prompted him to rush away. No adequate reason for a super- natural removal has been suggested. For he went on his way. The eunuch did not search after Philip, but continued his journey. 40. Azotus. The ancient Ashdod, about twenty miles north of ACTS 9:3 The conversion of Saul, 9 : i-iq^z. 9. But Saul, °yet breathing threatening and slaughter against the disciples of the Lord, went unto the high 2. priest, and asked of him letters to °Damascus °unto the synagogues, that if he found any that were °of the Way, whether men or women, he might bring 3. them bound °to Jerusalem. And °as he journeyed, it came to pass that he drew nigh unto Damascus : and suddenly there shone round about him °a light out of Gaza. Here, then, in the nearest town on his way to Caesarea, Philip continued his evangelistic work. When he fled from Jerusalem, his face was toward Caesarea, his home, but he stopped in Samaria; so now, though journeying toward Caesarea, he evangelized the inter- vening cities along the coast. 1. Yet breathing. The writer takes up again the narrative of Saul, which was dropped at 8 : 3. The interval of time between the two verses must have been considerable, for during it Christianity had been established in Damascus (see vss. 10, 14), if we may assume, as seems probable, that it was not planted there until after the scatter- ing of the disciples by persecution. As some of these disciples went to Samaria (8 : 4), Phoenicia, and Cyprus (11 : 19), so others went to Damascus. 2. Damascus. This city, founded, according to tradition (see Ant. I, 6. 4), by a great-grandson of Noah, was about a six days* journey from Jerusalem (about one hundred and forty-five miles in an air line), and was the home of a very large number of Jews. Unto the synagogues. Saul evidently did not think of the Christian move- ment as having separated from the synagogue. There are said to be fourteen synagogues in Damascus at the present time. Of the Way. Christianity is thus designated only in Acts. See 19 : 9, 23; 22 : 4; 24 : 14, 22. It was a natural designation in view of such O.T. passages as Ps. 16 : 11. The name appears to have originated among the disciples themselves; unbelieving Jews called them a * sect.' See 24 : 14. To Jerusalem. Where the supreme court of the Jews met, before which cases of blasphemy were to be brought. 3. As he journeyed. Apparently he made the journey on foot. Consider ' fell,' ' stood,' and ' led ' in vss. 4, 7, 8. A light out of heaven. Evidently the writer thought of a physical phenomenon, for Saul's eyes were blinded by the light (vs. 8). As the eyes of his fellow-travellers were not blinded, we are obliged to suppose either 99 ACTS 4. heaven : and he °fell ^ upon the earth, and °heard a voice saying unto him, Saul, Saul, °why persecutest 5. thou me? And he said, °Who art thou. Lord? And 6. he said, I am Jesus whom thou persecutest : but °rise, and enter into the city, and it shall be told thee what 7. thou must do. And the men that journeyed with him stood speechless, °hearing the voice, but beholding no » Codex D adds ' in a great trance. ' that Saul's eyes were peculiarly sensitive and weak, which some pas- sages seem to imply (see Gal. 4 : 15; 6:11; Acts 23 : 5), or that his blinding was miraculous. The latter alternative does not appear to have support in Luke's writings. Fell, As far as one can judge from Luke's account the light was the cause of Paul's falling to the ground. Nor is there anything improbable in this. A light that actually blinded him for days might have prostrated him with the very pain which it caused. Heard a voice. The character of the voice may be inferred from the nature of what it said. As it brought an accusation against Saul, it is most naturally to be associated with his conscience. The awakening of conscience so that a divine message could come to him through it was brought about by the light which had prostrated him to the earth. Why persecutest thou me? Saul was persecuting the disciples of Jesus, yet he must have known that if their claims were true, his persecution of them was of vital concern to their Master. If this Master was indeed risen and living, as his followers claimed, then the persecutor might well expect to be confronted by him in his mad course of persecution. 5. Who art thou, Lord ? Saul was prostrate and blind when he heard the voice, according to this narrative. His question, ' Who art thou ? ' was occasioned by the voice, not by anything that he saw. We are not, then, to think of this question as audible to his companions, but as asked in Saul's soul. There too was the answer given, 6. Rise and enter into the city. The basis for this message of the Spirit was in the situation itself. Saul was near Damascus, and in the city there were, as he must have been very sure even if he had not positive knowledge. Christian disciples. It was to these that he would now naturally turn after hearing the voice of their Master; for the hearing of that voice assured him in an instant that the great claim of the disciples was true, 7. Hearing the voice. Better, as in the margin, * sound.' Comp. 2:6; 10 : 13; Jn. 12 : 28-29. The passage in John just cited throws 100 ACTS 9 : 12 8. man. And Saul arose from the earth; and when his eyes were opened, °he saw nothing; and they led him 9. by the hand, and brought him into Damascus. And he was three days without sight, and °did neither eat nor drink. 10. Now there was a certain disciple at Damascus, named Ananias; and °the Lord said unto him in a vision, °Ananias. And he said. Behold, I am here^ 11. Lord. And the Lord said unto him. Arise, and go to the street which is called Straight, and inquire in the house of Judas for one named Saul, a man of Tarsus : 12. for behold, he prayeth; and he hath seen a man named light on our text. A sound which, coming just as it did, had a definite divine meaning for Jesus, was declared by some who heard it to be the voice of an angel, by others more in number to be thunder. Here in Acts, following the blinding light, came a sound which had a definite meaning for Saul, but to his fellow-travellers was only a * sound,* or perhaps an unintelligible heavenly voice. 8. He saw nothing. His sudden physical blindness argues, of course, a physical objective cause. The light that shone round atDOUt him was not in his imagination. Undoubtedly the men who journeyed with him saw it (see 22 : 9), though Luke does not mention this fact. 9. Did neither eat nor drink. An experience analogous to that of Jesus in the wilderness. The fasting was not a ' preparation ' for the approaching change in his life, but simply a natural consequence of the overwhelming conviction which had come over him. He was too absorbed in thought to care for food. 10. The Lord. That is, as appears from vs. 17, Jesus. Ananias. The earliest disciple outside of Palestine of whom we know by name. 11. This verse receives light from vss. 13, 14, and 17. If he knew that Saul was in the city, he probably knew where he was lodging — the street and house. Nor is there anything improbable in the supposition that some one who had access to the house of Judas reported to An- anias regarding the state of Saul. All these details do not touch the divine element in the story, viz., the impulse which sent Ananias with a message of peace to the notorious persecutor of the disciples. 12. As Ananias had a previous knowledge of Saul, so Saul, ac- cording to this verse, had apparently received in some manner a knowledge of Ananias, that he was a Christian disciple and probably also that he had power to heal. Such facts would have formed a lOI 9:13 ACTS Ananias coming in, and laying his hands on him, 13. that he might receive his sight. But Ananias answered, Lord, °I have heard from many of this man, how much 14. evil he did to thy °saints at Jerusalem : and here he hath ^authority from °the chief priests to bind all that call 15. upon thy name. But the Lord said unto him, Go thy way : for he is a chosen vessel unto me, to bear my name before the Gentiles and kings, and the children of Israel : 16. for °l will shew him how many things he must sufifer for 17. my name's sake. And Ananias departed, and entered into the house; and laying his hands on him said, ^Brother Saul, the Lord, even Jesus, °who appeared unto basis for his vision — and biblical visions always have a basis in the experience of the men who see them. 13. I have heard from many. This implies that a considerable interval had elapsed since the outbreak of the persecution in Jeru- salem. Saints. This designation of Christians, based on common O.T. usage (e.g., Ps. 132 : 9; 145 : 10), characterizes them in relation to God as the name ' disciple ' characterizes them in relation to Christ. 14. Authority. That was the significance of the ' letters ' which Saul had (vs. 2). The chief priests. Not essentially different from the statement in vs. i, — ' the high priest.' It may well have been known in Damascus that the high-priestly families as a whole were zealous opponents of the new doctrine. 16. This gives a ground for the statement that Saul is a * chosen vessel,' and rests upon the law of the kingdom that, in God's sight, extraordinary honor and extraordinary suffering are joined. I will shew him. This was done through Saul's experience in the service of Christ, not in outward ways. We cannot refer the word to such special and late announcements as those of Acts 20 : 23; 21 : 11. A large part of his sufferings was then past. 17. Brother. This word shows how completely Ananias had accepted the testimony regarding Saul's changed condition, and his destiny as a Christian evangelist. Who appeared unto thee in the way. Since there is no indication that this fact had been communi- cated to Ananias in the vision, we may suppose that a general report of what had transpired near the city had reached him and that he, led by the vision, interpreted it as a message from Jesus. Mayest receive thy sight. The fact that Saul had been smitten with blindness as he drew near the city would surely have been widely circulated in I03 ACTS 9:21 thee in the way which thou earnest, hath sent me, that thou °mayest receive thy sight, and be °filled with the 18. Holy Ghost. And straightway there fell from his eyes as it were scales, and he received his sight ; and °he 19. arose and was baptized; and he took food and was strengthened. Paul in Damascus, 9 : 196-25 And he was ^certain days with the disciples which were 20. at Damascus. And °straightway in the synagogues 21. he proclaimed Jesus, that he is °the Son of God. And °all that heard him were amazed, and said, Is not the three days. Filled with the Holy Ghost. It was natural for An- anias to infer from what the Lord had said (vs. 15) that he would be the means of spiritual blessing to Saul as well as of physical healing. It is not recorded indeed that this part of Ananias' mission was fulfilled; but Saul's activity from this time forward is sufl&cient evi- dence that the Spirit of God dwelt in him richly. 18. It is significant that both the word ' scales ' and the verb translated * fell from ' are used only by Luke in the N.T., and that both were common in medical writers. Luke obviously thought of the healing as miraculous, and we are probably to put it in the same class with the cures wrought by Paul and others. He arose. The restoration of sight by a Christian disciple in the name of Jesus may well have been the last argument needed to induce Paul to receive baptism, which, presumably, was administered by Ananias in the house of Judas. 19. Certain days. Indefinite, but apparently used by Luke of a relatively short time. See 10 : 48; 15 : 36. 20. Straightway. Whether it was after the 'certain days' that he began to preach, or even from their beginning, cannot be deter- mined. The language allows either view. The temperament of Paul favors the latter. On the relation of this verse to Gal. i : 16-18, see Appendix, note 5. The Son of God. This title is found in Acts only here, but is occasionally used by Paul {e.g., 2 Cor. i : 19; Eph. 4 : 13). With him it is primarily a title of the Messiah. So, probably, here. 21. All that heard. This expression is limited to the unbelieving Jews, as appears from what follows. Made havock. The same word 103 ACTS this he that in Jerusalem °made havock of them which called on this name? and he had come hither for this intent, that he might bring them bound before the chief 22. priests. But Saul increased the more in strength, and confounded °the Jews which dwelt at Damascus, prov- ing that this is the Christ. 23. And when °many days were fulfilled, the Jews took 24. counsel together to kill him : but their plot became known to Saul. And they watched the gates also day 25. and night that they might kill him : but °his disciples took him by night, and let him down ^through the wall, lowering him in a basket. PauVs return to Jerusalem and departure for Tarsus^ 9 : 26-31 26. And when he was come to Jerusalem, he assayed °to join himself to the disciples : and they °were all afraid is found in Gal. i : 13, 23, but not elsewhere in the N.T. This fact may be simply a coincidence, or it may indicate that Luke had heard the story from Paul and had caught some of his phraseology. 22. The Jews which dwelt at Damascus. This expression suggests a widespread influence, which is confirmed by the fact that the verb * confounded ' is in the imperfect — ' was confounding.* 23. Many days. It appears from 27 : 7 that this expression might be used of a period of less than a month ; and Luke, who alone em- ploys it, never uses it when it can reasonably be supposed to denote a period as long as a half year. See 18 : 11, 18. It is perhaps prob- able that he intended to designate a longer period by this expression than by the ' certain days ' of vs. 19. 25. His disciples. This is evidence that Saul had labored some time in Damascus. Saul is the only one besides Jesus of whom it is said in Acts that he had ' disciples.' Through the wall. This ex- pression combined with that of 2 Cor. 11 : 33 may be best explained by the supposition that there was a window in the wall, possibly the window of a house which stood against the wall. 26. To join himself to the disciples. Comp. Gal. i : 18. Were all afraid of him. If Saul had been absent from Jerusalem three years 104 ACTS 9:30 27. of him, not believing that he was a disciple. But Barnabas took him, and brought him °to the apostles, and declared unto them °how he had seen the Lord in the way, and that he had spoken to him, and how at Damascus he °had preached boldly in the name of 28. Jesus. And he was with them going in and going 29. out at Jerusalem, preaching boldly in the name of the Lord : and he spake and °disputed against the Grecian 30. Jews ; but °they went about to kill him. And when in round numbers (Gal. i : 18), it appears certain that the disciples in Jerusalem had heard of the great change in his course of life. They knew at least that he had not persecuted the Damascus Christians. But at the same time, if Paul had spent the greater part of the three years in retirement in Arabia, and if, as he seems clearly to indicate, his preaching in Damascus came at the close of the Arabian sojourn, then it is possible that the report of this preaching had not preceded him to the capital, and hence the disciples may have known simply that Saul had had a strange experience near Damascus, that he had not carried out his plan to persecute the Christians, and that he had disappeared no one knew whither. Now, in such circumstances, it seems quite reasonable to suppose that if he suddenly appeared in Jerusalem, the memory of his savage persecutions would for a time at least neutralize the report of his conversion, and the disciples would fear him still. 27. To the apostles. This is qualified by the explicit declaration of Paul in Gal. i : 18-19. How he had seen the Lord in the way. The externals of the event by Damascus must have been known in Jerusalem, but it does not follow that the disciples knew the inner significance of that event for Saul. As far as we know, only Ananias was acquainted with the secret of Saul. Others could see that Saul's life was changed, but they would not know how it had come about except as he himself should tell them. Had preached boldly. This fact, if the preaching preceded the sojourn in Arabia, must of course have become known in Jerusalem; but if we follow 2 Cor. 11 : 32-33 and Gal. i : 16, and let the preaching come after that sojourn, then indeed it might not have been known in Jerusalem, for it may have continued only a short time. 29. Disputed against the Grecian Jews. Paul was a Hellenist and would naturally turn to these Jews from abroad, finding his way first of all, perhaps, to the synagogue of the Cilicians (6 19). They went about to kill him. Saul had formerly been their leader and was now 105 ACTS the brethren knew it, they brought him °down to Caesarea, and sent him forth °to Tarsus. 31. °So the church throughout all ° Judaea and Galilee and Samaria had peace, being edified; and, walking in the fear of the Lord and in the comfort of the Holy Ghost, was multiplied. Peter in Lydda and Joppa, 9:32-43 32. And it came to pass, as Peter went °throughout all parts, he came down also to the saints which dwelt at 33. °Lydda. And there he found a certain man named turned against them. The fifteen days which Gal. i : 18 allows to this visit would doubtless have been quite long enough for Saul to arouse a deadly enmity toward himself. 30. This was the second time in his short Christian experience that he had been delivered from those who sought his life. This verse gives a different reason for Saul's departure from Jerusalem from that of Acts 22 : 18, but the two are not mutually exclusive. Down to Caesarea. The fact that his friends brought Saul down to Caesarea, the only city of southern Palestine which had a good harbor, indicates that he was to make the journey to Tarsus by water. To Tarsus. The statement of the apostle in Gal. i : 21 is general, and designates the fields of his missionary labors after he left Jerusalem; this statement of Acts is particular, and merely gives the goal of his journey from Caesarea. 31. So. That is, because the leading persecutor had been con- verted. Judaea and Galilee and Samaria. It is here implied that the persecution begun in Jerusalem, of which Saul had once been the leading spirit, had been carried into all parts of the land. This would naturally follow also from the fact that Saul had gone as a persecutor to foreign cities, for he would hardly have done this while heretics at home went unpunished. Of the establishment of the Church in Judaea, outside of Jerusalem, also of its establishment in Galilee, we have no knowledge. We may suppose that it had gone on rapidly while Saul had been absent in the east. 32. Throughout all parts. The tour to be described is introduced as one of a number made throughout Palestine from Jerusalem as a centre. Lydda. About twenty-four miles northwest from Jerusalem on the road to Joppa. Like Joppa, it was almost entirely a Jewish town, with but slight admixture of foreigners. 106 ACTS 9:38 °^neas, which had kept his bed °eight years; for he 34. was palsied. And Peter said unto him, ^neas, Jesus Christ healeth thee : arise, and °make thy bed. And 35. straightway he arose. And all that dwelt at Lydda and in °Sharon saw him, and they turned to the Lord. 36. Now there was at °Joppa a certain disciple named °Tabitha, which by interpretation is called Dorcas : this woman was full of good works and almsdeeds 37. which she did. And it came to pass in those days, that she fell sick, and died : and when they had washed 38. her, they °laid her in an upper chamber. And as Lydda was °nigh unto Joppa, the disciples, hearing 33. iEneas. Though ^neas is not called a disciple, this appears to be implied in the statement that Peter was visiting the * saints.' Peter's cure in the name of Jesus Christ makes it almost necessary to suppose that ^neas had faith in Jesus. Eight years. See 3 : 2; 4 : 22; 14 : 8. Luke appears to have been interested in details of this sort. 34. The extreme simplicity with which cures mentioned in Acts were wrought contrasts strikingly with the mystery and the cere- monies associated with the alleged cures of the exorcists and sorcerers of those days. Make thy bed. He is to assume the performance of the duties that belong to one who is in health and strength. 35. Sharon. The maritime plain from the Sorek (Nahr Rubin) on the south to the Nahr es Zerka on the north (Smith), about forty miles, or to Carmel (Buhl), about sixty miles. The principal towns were Lydda, Joppa, Antipatris, and Caesarea. 36. Joppa. The port of Jerusalem about thirty-five miles to the northwest. Tabitha-Dorcas. The Aramaic name and its Greek equivalent. 37. Laid her in an upper chamber. Perhaps with the thought of summoning Peter, for, in general, burial was almost immediately after death. 38. Nigh unto Joppa. The nearness of Lydda to Joppa is given as the ground of sending for Peter. They would not have thought of sending to Jerusalem for him. It seems to follow that they did not think of the restoration of Dorcas to life. Had they thought of that as possible at the hand of Peter, they would surely have sent any distance for him. Delay not to come. The narrative does not indicate whether the messengers were to tell Peter of the circumstances which had led 107 ACTS that Peter was there, sent two men unto him, entreating 39. him, °Delay not to come on unto us. And Peter arose and went with them. And when he was come, they brought him into the upper chamber ; and all °the widows stood by him weeping, and ^shewing the coats and garments which Dorcas °made, while she was 40. with them. But Peter °put them all forth, and kneeled down, and °prayed; and turning to the body, he said, Tabitha, arise. And she opened her eyes; and when 41. she saw Peter, °she sat up. And he gave her his hand, and °raised her up ; and calling the saints and widows, 42. he presented her alive. And it became known through- 43. out all Joppa : and many believed on the Lord. And to sending for him. It is natural to suppose that they would do so, and consequently that Peter went to Joppa with a general knowledge of the situation. 39. The widows. These may have been people whom Dorcas had aided. Shewing. Perhaps we should translate * shewing for themselves.' This meaning would confirm the view that the widows were beneficiaries of Dorcas, Made. Better, ' was in the habit of making.' The presence of ' coats ' and * garments,' which Dorcas had made, is explained if they were in actual use, being worn by the * widows ' themselves. 40. Put them all forth. Possibly this was done in memory of the action of Jesus (Mk. 5 : 40). It seems likely that Peter in doing this was hopeful that the dead would be given back to life. Prayed. As Peter was left alone, the narrative must go back at last to his own report. In praying, Peter was following the example of Jesus pre- liminary to the working of cures {e.g., Jn. 11 : 41-42). She sat up. The Greek verb here used is found elsewhere in the NT. only in the story of the young man whom Jesus restored to life (Lk. 7 : 15). 41. Raised her up. As she was already sitting up, this clause refers apparently to her rising from the couch or whatever it may have been on which the body had been laid. Peter's act indicates that he believed the woman was restored to health and activity, not simply to life. 42. The manner in which this verse speaks of the event shows clearly that it was unique, at least in Joppa and that region. It is to be noted also that, although many are said to have turned to the Lord in consequence of the raising of Dorcas, Peter did not adopt 108 ACTS 10 : 3 it came to pass, that he °abode many days in Joppa with one °Simon a tanner. The Conversion of Cornelius ^ lo 10. Now there was a certain man in °Caesarea, Cornelius by name, a centurion of the band called the Italian 2. °band, a °devout man, and one that °f eared God °with all his house, who gave much alms °to the people, and 3. prayed to God alway. He °saw in a vision openly, as it were °about the ninth hour of the day, an angel of this method of making converts. His address at Pentecost is rep- resented as having had greater spiritual results than this miracle in Joppa. 43. Abode many days. Perhaps to instruct and confirm the converts who had been incidentally won. Simon a tanner. Since the business of the tanner was regarded as unclean ceremonially, Peter's lodging with Simon points to a certain liberalizing which his views had undergone through his acquaintance with Jesus. 1. Csesarea. Situated about thirty-two miles north of Joppa and sixty-seven northwest of Jerusalem. Band. The cohort was a tenth of a legion, and, from the time of Augustus, numbered four hundred and fifty to six hundred men. Since Cornelius is represented as abid- ing in Caesarea, the presumption is that the ' Italian * cohort to which he belonged was located there. 2. Devout. Cornelius was entitled to this designation as one who gave alms and prayed to God. The word looks both Godward and manward, and was apparently used to designate men who had ac- cepted Judaism as a religion but not as a cult. Feared God. As written by a Christian, these words must refer to the true God. Cor- nelius had probably learned of Jehovah from the Jews. Comp. vs. 22. Yet he had not become a proselyte. See vs. 45; 11 : 18; 15 : 7. With all his house. A testimony to the earnest and winning char- acter of his piety. See also vs. 7. To the people. Not to be limited to the Jews dwelling in Caesarea, though such were certainly objects of his charity (vs. 22). The word * people,' though commonly re- ferred to Israel, is used by Luke of the Gentiles as well (15:7). 3. Saw in a vision. In the same manner as Peter on the next day * saw ' the * great sheet ' while in a ' trance ' (vs. 10). Hence Cornelius saw not with the physical eyes, though he saw ' clearly.' About the ninth hour, i.e., about three o'clock in the afternoon. Cornelius Z09 ACTS God coming in unto him, and sa)dng to him, Cor- 4. nelius. And he, fastening his eyes upon him, and being affrighted, said. What is it, Lord? And he said unto him. Thy prayers and °thine alms are gone up 5. for a memorial before God. And now send men to Joppa, and fetch one Simon, who is surnamed Peter: 6. he lodgeth with one Simon a tanner, whose house is 7. by the sea side. And when the angel that spake unto him was departed, he called °two of his household-ser- vants, and °a devout soldier of them that waited on 8. him continually; and having °rehearsed all things unto them, he sent them to Joppa. 9. Now °on the morrow, as they were on their journey, was observing the Jewish hour of prayer (see 3 : i) in his own house (vs. 30). 4. Thine alms are gone up. What was given to men was regarded by God as a sacrifice to him. Comp. Phil. 4:18; Matt. 25 : 40. 5-6. This message, like that to Ananias (9 : 11) and that a little later to Peter (10: 11-16), doubtless had a basis in the experience of Cornelius. He may well have heard of Peter, possibly from Philip or in consequence of the apostle's work in Joppa. It is not likely that the vision gave him any new details in regard to Peter. What it gave him was an impulse, an authorization which he recognized as divine, to summon Peter, that he might hear the Gospel message from him. 7. Two of his household-servants. Hence, according to vs. 2, they were in sympathy with his religious views. A devout soldier. Yet a further illustration, most probably, of the influence of Cornelius' piety. All the three messengers were well suited for the task assigned them. 8. Rehearsed all things unto them. That is, took them fully into his confidence in this matter, showing him tactful as well as devout. 9. On the morrow. The timeliness of Peter's vision is noteworthy. Had it been deferred another day, he would not have been prepared to go to Caesarea. Upon the housetop. A place frequently used in Palestine for quiet meditation. See Lk. 17:31; i Sam. 9 : 25; 2 K. 23 : 12; Jer. 19 : 13. About the sixth hour. This is the only N.T. passage which suggests (it does not require it) that the Jews observed the noon hour as an hour for prayer. no ACTS and drew nigh unto the city, Peter went up °upon the 10. housetop to pray, °about the sixth hour : and he °be- came hungry, and desired to eat : but while they made 11. ready, he fell into a °trance; and he °beholdeth the heaven °opened, and a certain vessel descending, as it were a great °sheet, let down by four corners upon the 12. earth : wherein were all manner of °fourfooted beasts and creeping things of the earth and fowls of the 13. heaven. And there came a voice to him, Rise, Peter; 14. °kill and eat. But Peter said, Not so, Lord ; for °I have never eaten anything that is common and unclean. 15. And a voice came unto him again the second time, °What God hath cleansed, make not thou common. 10. Became hungry. This circumstance is probably mentioned because of its obvious bearing on the nature of the subsequent vision. Trance. A state of transport, in which one is not conscious of the body (see 2 Cor. 12:2), and in which the mind is peculiarly open to heavenly communications. The opposite of falling into a trance appears to be characterized in 12 : 11 as 'coming to one's self.' 11. Beholdeth. In the trance state, with ' the mind's eye.' The same word is used in the story of Stephen (7 : 15). Opened. The same Greek verb which is used by Matthew in the account of the vision of Jesus (Matt. 3 : 16). Sheet. The Greek word so translated, found in the N.T. only here and in 11 : 5, denotes a linen cloth, some- times a sail, and it is possible that the sails which Peter had seen from the housetop — for his house was by the seaside — determined the form of the vision. 12. Fourfooted beasts. The creatures in the sheet were Levitically unclean. See vs. 14. 13. Kill and eat, Peter was hungry when he fell into the trance ; and just as our physical state largely determines our dreams, so Peter's condition determined the form in which the heavenly message came to him. 14. I have never eaten. Peter still adhered firmly to the orthodox conception of Levitical purity in matters of food, although his lodging with a tanner, as has been pointed out, shows that he was breaking with the traditional conception of ceremonial purity. 15. What God hath cleansed. To Peter in his trance state this could only mean that the animals which he saw in the sheet were ACTS 1 6. And this was done °thrice : and straightway the vessel was received up into heaven. 17. Now while Peter was °much perplexed in himself °what the vision which he had seen might mean, be- hold, the men that were sent by CorneUus, °having made 18. inquiry for Simon's house, stood before °the gate, and ^called and asked whether Simon, which was surnamed 19. Peter, were lodging there. And while Peter thought on the vision, the Spirit said unto him, ^Behold, three 20. men seek thee. But arise, and get thee down, and go with them, ^nothing doubting : for I have sent them. clean and so fit for his food. This is the necessary logical sense of the words in this connection, when the scene is understood literally. 16. Thrice. This repetition of course implies not only that the underlying truth was important, but also that Peter was hard to convince. 17. Much perplexed. Peter's perplexity did not continue long, for he seems to have been still on the roof when the three messengers from Cornelius arrived (vs. 20), and the time occupied by the trance was probably only a few moments. What the vision might mean. Peter evidently thought that its true meaning was not on the surface. Had he taken it as referring literally to the distinction between clean and unclean food, it would hardly have perplexed him. Having made inquiry. The Greek verb suggests a somewhat prolonged in- quiry, which was perhaps due in part to the fact that the messengers were foreigners and Simon the tanner more or less of a social outcast. The gate. That is, the large gate which admitted to the inner court of the house. In this gate there appears to have been, at least some- times, a small door (see 12 : 13). 18. Called, Comp. 12 : 13, where, instead of calling, the one who sought admittance * knocked.' 19. Behold, three men seek thee. We may suppose that Peter, seeing the men from the housetop and recognizing them as Gentiles, brought them at once into connection with the vision which filled his mind, and felt that they had a message for him. The spiritual char- acter of this conviction is more evident in the next verse. 20. Nothing doubting. Doubt would be natural because the men were doubtless recognized as Gentiles. I have sent them. This was a conviction born of the Spirit, a conviction mediated to Peter's mind by the vision just seen. See vs. 28. iza ACTS 21. And Peter went down to the men, and said, Behold, I am he whom ye seek : what is the cause wherefore 22. ye are come? And they said, CorneUus a centurion, a righteous man and one that feareth God, and well reported of by all the nation of the Jews, was warned 0} God by a holy angel to send for thee into his house, 23. and to hear words from thee. °So he °called them in and lodged them. And °on the morrow he arose and went forth with them, and certain of the brethren from Joppa accom- 24. panied him. And °on the morrow they entered into Caesarea. And Cornelius was waiting for them, having called together his kinsmen and his near friends. 25. And when it came to pass that Peter entered, CorneHus met him, and fell down at his feet, and °worshipped 26. him. But Peter raised him up, saying, Stand up ; °I 27. myself also am a man. And °as he talked with him, 22. The messengers put their plea strongly, as though feeling that it would require extraordinary inducements to lead a Jew on such a mission. 23. So. That is, because of what the Spirit had said to him on the housetop and because of the force of their appeal. Called them in. This is evidence that he already saw the meaning of the vision and accepted it. He did not longer make 'common' what God had cleansed. On the morrow. The messengers reached Simon's house about noon. The afternoon might well be needed for preparation for the journey, especially as Peter took some of the Joppa Christians with him. 24. On the morrow. It appears from vs. 30 that they reached Caesarea about three in the afternoon, and so were apparently a good deal longer on the way than the messengers had been, 25. Worshipped him. This homage, such as a servant might render to his sovereign, was remarkable as coming from a Roman officer and paid to a member of the generally despised Jewish race. 26. I myself also am a man. On the modesty of Peter comp. 3:12. 27. As he talked with him. This circumstance that as Peter en- tered the room where the people were awaiting him he conversed with Cornelius suggests an eye-witness. It shows Peter's tact, and must have put Cornelius at his ease. I 113 ACTS 28. he went in, and findeth many come together : and he said unto them, Ye yourselves know how that it is °an unlawful thing for a man that is a Jew to join himself or come unto one of another nation; and yet °unto me hath God shewed that I should not call any man 29. common or unclean : wherefore also I came without gainsaying, when I was sent for. I ask therefore 30. with what intent ye sent for me. And CorneHus said, °Four days ago, until this hour, I was keeping the ninth hour of prayer in my house; and behold, a man 31. stood before me in bright apparel, and saith, Cornelius, thy prayer is heard, and thine alms are had in remem- 32. brance in the sight of God. Send °therefore to Joppa, and call unto thee Simon, who is surnamed Peter; he lodgeth in the house of Simon a tanner, by the sea 33. side. Forthwith therefore I sent to thee; and °thou hast well done that thou art come. Now therefore 28. An unlawful thing. Not as forbidden by the law of Moses but by the traditions of the elders. It is noteworthy that the Greek translated * unlawful ' is found only here and in the Epistle of Peter (i Pet. 4:3). Unto me hath God shewed. It was not needful that Peter should tell them how God had showed him this great truth. But the case was different when he faced his critics in Jerusalem. See II : 5-10. It may be doubted whether Peter regarded his vision as containing a principle of universal application. He speaks as though feeling that he had been uniquely authorized to disregard a regulation that still remained in force. 30. Four days ago. Counting the day of the vision, the day the messengers reached Joppa, the day Peter set out for Caesarea, and the day he reached there, we have four days, though only seventy-two hours elapsed between the vision of Cornelius and Peter's arrival at his house. 32. Therefore. Here more clearly than in vs. 5 the mission to Joppa is represented as the logical sequence of the prayer of Cornelius. We may suppose, then, that his prayer, when the angel appeared, was a prayer for * more light.' 33. Thou hast well done. Not expressive of any sense of self- importance on the part of Cornelius, but rather expressive of his 114 ACTS we are all here ^present in the sight of God, to hear all things that have been °commanded thee of the Lord. 34. And Peter opened his mouth, and said. Of a truth °I perceive that God is no respecter of 35. persons : but °in every nation he that feareth him, and 36. worketh righteousness, is acceptable to him. °The word which he sent unto the children of Israel, preach- ing °good tidings of peace by Jesus Christ (he is Lord 37. of all) — that saying °ye yourselves know, which was published ^throughout all Judaea, ^beginning from Gali- conviction that the hand of God was in both the summons of Peter and Peter's response. Present in the sight of God. Cornelius appears to have thought of God as a present God, a truth which he had abun- dant opportunity to learn out of the Jewish Scriptures. Com- manded thee of the Lord. From the fact that Peter had come in response to his request, Cornelius could safely infer that he had a message. 34. I perceive. This word rests on what Cornelius had just said. Peter accepted his statement that God had communicated with him, and yet he was a Gentile. Hence Peter's new sense of the O.T. truth that God is no respecter of persons (Dt. 10 : 17). What Peter saw in the case of Cornelius was confirmed by his own recent vision. 35. In every nation. Peter proceeds from the particular to the general. What makes one Gentile acceptable to God must make all acceptable to him. Thus he freed himself from the legalistic con- ception of God and took the position of the great prophets. 36. The word. If we accept the marginal reading of this verse, its connection with the preceding is made somewhat more clear. The * word ' which God sent to Israel, i.e., the Gospel, was the full and final utterance of the truth enunciated in vs. 35. It was * sent ' in- deed to Israel, but the one through whom it came — Jesus Christ — is equally Lord of all, i.e., of Gentiles no less than of Jews. Good ti- dings of peace. On this characterization of the Gospel compare the words of Jesus, Jn. 14 : 27; 16 : T,y, also 1 Pet. 5 : 14. 37. Ye yourselves know. Peter assumes that these Gentiles in Caesarea have at least a general knowledge of the great facts of the new religion. Throughout all Judaea. Peter gives prominence to * Judea,* perhaps because of its importance and because his hearers were better acquainted with it than with the remoter Galilee. Some writers take * Judaea ' here in the sense of Palestine (see Lk. 1:5), but it is doubt- ful whether it was, strictly speaking, ever so used by N.T. writers. ACTS 38. lee, after the baptism which John preached ; even ° Jesus of Nazareth, how that °God anointed him with the Holy Ghost and with power : who went about °doing good, and healing all that were oppressed of the devil ; 39. for °God was with him. And °we are witnesses of all things which he did both in the country of the Jews, and in Jerusalem ; °whom also they slew, hanging him on a 40. tree. Him God raised up °the third day, and gave him As the principal division of the land, politically and religiously, it might indeed be named alone in connections where the whole land was to be understood, but that would hardly prove that it was a recognized designation of Palestine. It became such in the time of Vespasian. It is perhaps possible that Luke occasionally projected this late usage back into the early times. Beginning from Galilee. It is plain from this clause that Peter in this verse had in mind the course of Jesus* own ministry, not the publication of the Gospel by the disciples of Jesus, which did not begin from Galilee. 38. Jesus of Nazareth. These words are in apposition with * say- ing,' the object of the verb * ye know ' in vs. 37. The readers are assumed to have heard something about Jesus Christ. It is note- worthy that this verse, though so closely connected with the last grammatically, does not, like that, refer to the historical extension of the Gospel, but gives Peter's interpretation of what was central in the Gospel. God anointed him. See 4 : 27. Peter doubtless thought of the baptism of Jesus, which is the only time when the Spirit of God is said to have come upon him (Mk. i : lo-ii). It was from that time, not from his birth, that he was manifestly clothed with * power.' This 'anointing' constituted him the ' anointed one,' i.e., the Christ. Doing good, and healing. The first clause is general, the second special. Peter gives prominence, as does the Gospel according to Mark, which tradition makes in a sense Peter's Gospel, to the works of Jesus. God was with him. Peter thought of the works of Jesus as God's works through him. Comp. 2 : 33; 3 : 13. 39. We are witnesses. Not Peter and the six Christian brethren from Joppa, but Peter and his fellow-apostles. Some knowledge of the Twelve seems thus to be assumed. Whom also they slew. It is noticeable that here, when speaking to Gentiles, Peter said nothing of a divine purpose which was fulfilled in the death of Jesus. Comp. 2: 23; 4: II. , „ 40. The third day. When speaking to Jews m Jerusalem, Peter omitted this detail. See 2 : 24, 32; 3 : 15. 116 ACTS 10 : 44 41. to be made manifest, °not to all the people, but unto °witnesses that were chosen before of God, even to us, °who did eat and drink with him after he rose from the 42. dead. And he charged us to preach unto the people, and to testify that this is he which is ordained of God 43. to he the Judge of quick and dead. To him °bear all the prophets witness, that through his name °every one that believeth on him shall receive remission of sins. 44. ° While Peter yet spake °these words, the Holy Ghost 41. Not to all the people. This negative aspect of the matter is nowhere else expressed. The fact that people in general did not see the risen one, and the language of vs. 40 that God ' gave him to be made manifest,' suggest at least that the appearances were like that of which Paul speaks in Gal. i : 16. Witnesses that were chosen before of God. This language seems to refer to the apostles, but the appearances of the risen one were by no means limited to them. Who did eat and drink with him. Peter wishes his hearers to under- stand that he and other witnesses of the risen Lord were absolutely convinced of the reality of his appearances. This language is some- what stronger than we should naturally derive from the recorded facts. SeeLk. 24 : 41-43; Jn. 21 : 12-13. It seems to point as clearly to an objective appearance as the preceding words do to one of a subjective spiritual character. 42. Comp. I : 8; Lk. 24 : 47. A specific command to the dis- ciples to testify that Jesus is judge of the living and the dead is nowhere recorded in the Gospels. 43. Bear all the prophets witness. It is noticeable that Peter appeals to the prophets regarding the way of salvation through Jesus rather than to words of Jesus himself. Every one that believeth. An advance on 2 : 39, brought about chiefly by Peter's experience in Joppa and here in Caesarea. 44. While Peter yet spake. According to 11 : 15 it was well tow- ard the beginning of his address when the Spirit came upon his hearers. In this case we must suppose that, in the address, the thought summarily expressed in vs. 43 was developed at considerable length. These words. That is, the gracious words about salvation for every one on the simple condition of trust in Jesus. Fell. Luke's char- acteristic term in connection with the coming and presence of the Spirit is ' filled.' From 11 : 15 it appears that he meant the same thing when he said that the Spirit ' fell ' upon people. The fact that the Spirit had fallen on the hearers was inferred from the same 117 ACTS 45. °fell on all them which heard the word. And °they of the circumcision which believed °were amazed, as many as came with Peter, because that on the Gentiles also 46. was poured out the gift of the Holy Ghost. For they heard them speak with tongues, and ^magnify God. 47. Then answered Peter, °Can any man forbid the water, that these should not be baptized, °which have received 48. the Holy Ghost as well as we? And °he commanded them to be baptized in the name of Jesus Christ. Then prayed they him to tarry certain days. Peter^s defence of his Ccesarean mission, 11:1-18. 11. Now the apostles and the brethren that were in Judaea heard that the Gentiles also had received the 2. word of God. And °when Peter was come up to Jeru- salem, °they that were of the circumcision contended phenomena (vs. 46) which had marked the Spirit's presence at Pen- tecost (2:4). It should be noted that the Spirit was given here before baptism and without laying on of hands. See 8:17. 45. They of the circumcision. That is, the Christian Jews from Joppa, who had accompanied Peter (vs. 23). Were amazed. They had not had the discipline which Peter had received. 46. Magnify God. It appears that here, as at Pentecost (2 : 11), the speaking with tongues was not wholly unintelligible. The Joppa Christians caught enough of what was ecstatically uttered to enable them to tell what it was all about. 47. Can any man forbid the water ? The Greek implies a negative answer. If Peter had any of his hearers in mind as he asked the question, it must have been his Jewish brethren from Joppa. Which have received the Holy Ghost. This manifest fact is regarded by Peter as an unanswerable argument that his Gentile hearers were entitled to baptism. It was nothing less than ocular evidence that God had accepted them. 48. He commanded them to be baptized. Apparently the rite must have been performed by the brethren from Joppa. Perhaps Peter felt about administering the rite as Paul did at a later day. See I Cor. i : 17). a. When Peter was come up. This was after a sojourn of indefi- 118 ACTS ii:ii 3. with him, saying, Thou wentest in to men uncircum- 4. cised, and °didst eat with them. But Peter began, and 5. ^expounded the matter unto them in order, saying, I was in the city of Joppa praying : and in a trance I saw a vision, a certain vessel descending, as it were a great sheet let down from heaven by four corners; and °it 6. came even unto me: upon the which when I had fastened mine eyes, I considered, and saw the four- footed beasts of the earth and wild beasts and creep- 7. ing things and fowls of the heaven. And I heard also 8. a voice saying unto me. Rise, Peter; kill and eat. But I said. Not so. Lord : for nothing common or unclean 9. hath ever entered into my mouth. But a voice an- swered the second time out of heaven. What God hath 10. cleansed, make not thou common. And this was done 11. thrice: and all were drawn up again into heaven. And nite length in Caesarea. See 10 : 48. They that were of the cir- cumcision. This expression is not used here of unbelieving Jews (comp. Titus I : 10), but, as in Col. 4 : 11, of Jewish Christians. This is obviously required by vs. 18. Yet we can hardly suppose that any of the Twelve joined in the criticism of Peter's conduct. Had they done so, it would probably have been specified. 3. Didst eat with them. That Peter went into the house of Gen- tiles we are told in chapter 10 ; that he ate with them is indeed not said, but as he does not deny the charge, there is no reason to think it was false. See Gal. 2:12. Peter, then, had thus transgressed the ceremonial law, and it was for this transgression that he was called to account. 4. Expounded. The object of this verb is to be supplied from the preceding verse. It was his intercourse with the uncircumcised which he * expounded ' or explained. 5. It came even unto me. This detail is not found in 10 : 11, but its practical meaning is implied, viz., that Peter was able to see the con- tents of the ' sheet.' 9. As this verse specifies that the voice was * out of heaven,* it is more explicit than the narrative in chapter 10. II. Peter here passes over his difl&culty in understanding the vision. See 10 : 17, 19. That might have diverted attention from the main 119 ii:i2 ACTS behold, forthwith three men stood before the house in which °we were, having been sent from Caesarea unto 12. me. And the Spirit bade me go with them, °making no distinction. And °these six brethren also accom- panied me; and °we entered into the man's house: 13. and he told us how he had seen the angel standing in his house, and saying. Send to Joppa, and fetch Simon, 14. whose surname is Peter; who shall speak unto thee words, whereby thou shalt be saved, thou and all thy 15. house. And °as I began to speak, the Holy Ghost fell 16. on them, °even as on us at the beginning. And °I remem- bered the word of the Lord, how that he said, John indeed baptized with water; but ye shall be baptized point. "We were. It is possible that some one of the six brethren was also in the house of Simon when the three messengers came. This plural would then be explained. 12. Making no distinction. That is, between Gentiles and Jews, though Peter has thus far given no intimation that the three men were Gentiles, except as it is involved in the vision. The words may be taken in essentially the same sense as the corresponding phrase in 10 : 20. These six brethren also accompanied me. It seems probable that these were all who went with him from Joppa. Had there been other Jewish witnesses, that fact would have been indicated. Peter apparently anticipated opposition to his course and wished to be fully able to meet it. We entered into the man's house. This is an ad- mission of part of the charge made in vs. 3, for though Peter has not characterized the three men as Gentiles, that is involved in the situa- tion. 14. This promise is not found in the narrative of the vision by Cornelius, where, however, we should have expected it had these words been spoken by the angel. Yet a promise of this character was really implied in the command of the angel to send for Peter. 15. As I began to speak. See on 10 : 44. Even as on us. The identity of spiritual experience proved that God made no distinction between Jew and Gentile as regards the bestowal of his blessing in response to faith, 16. I remembered. This reference shows that, in the critical situation in Caesarea, if not before, Peter had come to look on the Lord's promise as having a broader application than to the apostles to whom it was first spoken. 120 ACTS 11:20 17. with the Holy Ghost. If then God gave unto them the like gift as he did also unto us, when we believed on the Lord Jesus Christ, who was I, that I could °with- 18. stand God? And when they heard these things, °they held their peace, and glorified God, saying, Then to the Gentiles also hath God granted repentance unto life. Founding of the church in Antiochj 11 : 19-26 19. They therefore that were scattered abroad upon the tribulation that arose about Stephen travelled as far as °Phoenicia, and °Cyprus, and °Antioch, speaking the 20. word to none save °only to Jews. But there were some of them, °men of Cyprus and Cyrene, who, when they 17. Withstand God. He would have ' withstood ' God had he, after having seen the Spirit poured out on the Gentiles, refused to have Christian fellowship with them. 18. They held their peace. The evidence which had convinced him convinced them. It does not follow that they ceased to observe the law which Peter had violated, but only that they ceased to regard him as culpable. 19. This verse looks back (comp. 8 : 4) to the epoch-making perse- cution which began at Stephen's death. Phoenicia. No details of evangelistic work in Phoenicia are given in Acts, but we learn that on Paul's last trip to Jerusalem there were disciples in Tyre (21 : 4) and that on his voyage to Rome he was refreshed by the Christians of Sidon (27 : 3). Thus we have incidental confirmation of the present passage. Cyprus. Barnabas, who was a native of Cyprus (6 : 5), may have been the first to proclaim the Gospel there. Antioch. Nicolas, one of the Seven (6 : 5), was a native of Antioch, and he or some other disciple whose home was there was probably the first bearer of the new faith to that city. Only to Jews. This statement is probably not to be pressed. Philip had preached to the Samaritans and to the Ethiopian proselyte, and there may have been others as liberal as he. But this first wave of the new religion, which was started by the great persecution, reached, in gen- eral, only Jews. So was it in Antioch. 20. Men of Cyprus and Cyrene. These were not the first Chria- 121 ACTS were come to Antioch, spake unto the ^Greeks also, 21. preaching the Lord Jesus. And °the hand of the Lord was with them : and a great number that believed 22. turned unto the Lord. And the report concerning °them came to the ears of the church which was in Jerusalem : and °they sent forth Barnabas as far as 23. Antioch : who, when he was come, and had seen the grace of God, was glad; and he exhorted them all, that with purpose of heart they would cleave unto the 24. Lord : °for he was a good man, and full of the Holy tians to reach Antioch. There had already been some preaching to the Jews when they reached the city. But these men went farther than their predecessors had gone. Greeks. The text of the Mss. is here uncertain, and editors are divided in opinion regarding it. The context, however, strongly favors the reading of the R.V., * Greeks.' This word is in manifest contrast with ' Jews ' in vs. 19, but if we adopt the marginal reading ' Grecian Jews,' this contrast is done away; for, though there was a contrast between the Hebrews of Palestine and Jews of the Dispersion, the ' Jews ' of vs. 19 must of course be supposed to have been predominantly Hellenists. And the men of Cyprus and Cyrene were Hellenists, so there would have been nothing extraordinary in their preaching to other Hellenists. The term here, as opposed to * Jews ' in vs. 19, is to be understood in the broad sense, as including people of any Gentile nationality who spoke Greek. Comp. 19 : 10; 20 : 21. 21. The hand of the Lord. See 4 : 28. The reference is to God. In the next clause, however, the word ' Lord ' may be referred to God (see 14: 15; 15: 1 9), or possibly to Jesus. 22. Them. That is, most naturally, the Greek converts. They sent forth Barnabas. The purpose of this mission is not directly given. If we may infer the aim from what Barnabas actually did in Antioch, then it was simply to give aid to a new and important work. It is noteworthy that it was a Hellenist rather than a Hebrew, a disciple rather than an apostle, who was sent to Antioch ; also that there is no indication of an extraordinary gift of the Spirit to the converts in Antioch such as is recorded in connection with the mis- sion of Peter and John to Samaria (8 : 17). 23. There is nothing said of instructions from Jerusalem or of any authorization of the new movement in Antioch. There is no trace of ofl&cialism in the relation of Barnabas to the Christians of Antioch. 24. For he was a good man. The author, or the source from which 122 ACTS Ghost and of faith : and much people was added unto 25. the Lord. And he went forth to Tarsus °to seek for 26. Saul : and when he had found him, °he brought him unto Antioch. And it came to pass, that even for a whole year °they were gathered together with the church, and taught much people; and that °the dis- ciples were called ^ Christians first in Antioch. The mission of Paul and Barnabas to Jerusalem^ II 127-30 27. Now °in these days there came down ^prophets from 28. Jerusalem unto Antioch. ^ And there stood up one of » According to Codex D we should spell the new name ' Chreistians ' ; another early spelling was ' Chrestians.' ' D begins vs. 28 thus : ' Now when we were come together.' he drew, seems to have felt that not every man who might have been sent from Jerusalem would have taken the same view of the work in Antioch that Barnabas took, 25. To seek for Saul. Barnabas would naturally go to Saul's home to learn where he was. Whether he found him in Tarsus or elsewhere, we do not know. The last reference to Saul's movements was in 9 : 30. Comp. Gal. 1:21. 26. He brought him unto Antioch. Saul was still in his minority, as it were. He went to Antioch as the helper of Barnabas, and with him * built on another's foundation,' which in later times he declared was against his principles. See Rom. 15 : 20. They were gathered together. Luke's meaning is not altogether clear. His usage of the verb here employed does not favor the meaning that they were ' wel- comed ' in the Church. See Matt. 25 : 35. His thought, then, is either that Paul and Barnabas worked together for a year, or, more probably, that they were gathered with the church of Antioch for a year, that is to say, they did not work as evangelists, but rather, as the next clause indicates, built up the disciples who had been won by others. The disciples were called Christians. This name occurs elsewhere in the N.T. only in 26 : 28 and i Pet. 4 : 16. Neither of those passages throws additional light on its origin. The fact that it is found only three times in the N.T. is unfavorable to the supposition that it origi- 123 29 ACTS them named Agabus, and signified by the Spirit that there should be °a great famine over all the world : 29. which came to pass in the days of Claudius. And the disciples, every man according to his ability, °de- termined to send relief unto the brethren that dwelt 30. in Judaea : which also they did, sending it to °the elders °by the hand of Barnabas and Saul. nated among believers. Moreover, the form of expression in this verse — ' the disciples ivere called Christians ' — clearly points to an origin outside the Church. 27. In these days. That is, sometime within the 'whole year' which Paul and Barnabas spent in Antioch. Prophets. The name is used here as in 21 : 10 in its narrower and less frequent meaning of one who foretells. On its broader use see Acts 15 : 32. 28. A great famine over all the world. Luke adds that this prophecy was fulfilled in the reign of Claudius (41-54). There are here two difficulties: (i) That a Christian prophet should announce a universal famine, and in consequence that the disciples in Antioch should send contributions to Judaea. If a universal famine was at hand, the disciples at Antioch would probably have been exhorted to lay up something for their own need. The fact that they sent their contribution to Judaea indicates that the prophecy concerned Judaea. (2) There is no evidence of a famine that was universal in the Roman Empire in the period 41-54 a.d., though there was an unusual number of local famines in different parts of the Empire during this reign, and Josephus tells of a famine in Judaea in the period 44-48 {Ant. XX, 2. 5; 5. 2; III, 15. 3). These difficulties may perhaps best be met by supposing that Agabus spoke of Judaea and that the language of this verse was colored by the fact that the reign of Claudius was in an especial degree marked by failure of crops. 29. Determined to send relief, i.e., when Agabus announced the famine. The prophecy was not of something far off in the future. It probably rested on knowledge of economic conditions in Judaea. 30. The elders. This is our earliest reference to Christian elders. We cannot think of the Seven (6 : 3) as referred to, for our passage makes no reference to Jerusalem in particular and certainly is not con- sistent with the view that the famine was limited to the Jerusalem church. The language seems to imply that, at this time, the churches in Judaea had elders, as had the synagogues. By the hand of Barnabas and Saul, The statement that Saul went to Jerusalem at this time is often thought to conflict with Gal. i : 18; 2:1, and it cannot be denied that there is ground for this view. But it is doubtful whether 134 ACTS Persecution of Christians by Herod, 12 : 1-19 12. Now °about that time °Herod the king put forth his 2. hands to afflict certain of the church. And he °killed 3. James the brother of John °with the sword. And when he saw that °it pleased the Jews, he proceeded to seize Peter also. And those were the °days of unleavened 4. bread. And when he had taken him, he put him in prison, and delivered him to °four quaternions of soldiers to guard him; intending °after the Passover 5. to bring him forth to the people. Peter therefore was kept in the prison : but prayer was made earnestly °of 6. the church unto God for him. And when Herod was about to bring him forth, the same night Peter was this is sufficient. In those Galatian passages Paul is concerned with the independence of his apostleship (Gah i : 12). If he made a journey to Jerusalem which did not in any wise aflfect his apostleship, — its dependence or its independence, — he was under no obligation to the Galatians to mention such a visit. 1. About that time. That is, the time of the mission of Paul and Barnabas to Jerusalem in 11 : 30. Herod the king. Agrippa I, grandson of Herod the Great. From 41-44 the extent of his territory was the same as that over which his grandfather had reigned. 2. Klilled James. Thus the word of Jesus, Mk. 10 : 39, had fulfilment. "With the sword. So John the Baptist had been executed. See Matt. 14 : 10. Since James was put to death in the Roman manner, it may perhaps be inferred that he was held to be an offender against the State, but in what way we do not know. 3. It pleased the Jews. Notwithstanding such expressions as 9:31, the great majority of the Jews were probably hostile toward Christianity. Herod's act suggests the despot, acting from caprice, rather than a just ruler who has regard for law. Days of ujoleavened bread. It seems not unlikely that Herod chose the Passover season that he might advertise himself as widely as possible as one zealous for the traditions of the fathers, 4. Four quaternions of soldiers. That is, sixteen guards, four for each of the four watches of the night. After the Passover. As Herod was careful to please the Jews, he would naturally consult their scruples in regard to the time of Peter's execution. 5. Of the church. That is, naturally, the church of Jerusalem. ACTS sleeping between two soldiers, °bound with two chains : 7. and ^guards before the door kept the prison. And be- hold, an angel of the Lord stood by him, and °a light shined in °the cell : and he smote Peter on the side, and awoke him, saying, Rise up quickly. And °his 8. chains fell off from his hands. And the angel said unto him. Gird thyself, and bind on thy sandals. And he did so. And he saith unto him. Cast thy garment 9. about thee, and follow me. And °he went out, and followed; and he wist not that it was true which was 10. done by the angel, but ^thought he saw a vision. And when they were past °the first and the second ward, 6. Bound with two chains. Paul as a prisoner in Rome was guarded by one soldier. See 28 : 16. It is possible that the former escape of Peter from prison may have led to extraordinary precau- tions. Guards before the door. Two of the quaternion were free to act as guards, while the remaining two were chained to the prisoner. 7. A light shined. That is, probably, in the writers' thought, from the presence of the angel. Comp. Lk. 2 : 9. The cell. The Greek does not suggest that Peter was in a small apartment (' cell ') by himself. The word means simply * dwelling-place.' His chains fell off. The author evidently regarded the details of Peter's deliv- erance as altogether supematurally carried out. He seems to have thought that the soldiers were not aroused, for had they been, then they would naturally have testified that Peter's release had been secured by supernatural means, before which they were powerless, and in that case they would scarcely have been put to death (vs. 19). 9. He went out. That is, through the door that was guarded (vs. 6). It seems to be implied that these obstacles to his escape were overcome in the same manner in which the chains had fallen off. Thought he saw a vision. That is, it seemed to him as though he was in a dream or a trance. He had no sense of the reality of the various acts he was performing. 10. The first and the second ward. It is natural to suppose that the first was that of vs. 6. What and where the second ward was, we do not know, or whether it consisted of one or more of the sixteen soldiers appointed to guard Peter (vs. 4). They went out. That is, forth from the prison structure as a whole; in vs. 9 the going out was from some particular part of it. The language is natural if Peter was confined in the great fortress of Antonia at the northwest comer ia6 ACTS they came unto the iron gate that leadeth into the city; which opened to them of its own accord : and °^ they went out, and passed on ^through one street ; and 11. straightway the angel departed from him. And °when Peter was come to himself, he said. Now I know of a truth, that the Lord hath sent forth his angel and deHvered me out of the hand of Herod, and from all 12. the expectation of the people of the Jews. And when he had considered the thing, he came to the house of Mary the mother of John whose surname was Mark; where °many were gathered together and were praying. 13. And when he knocked at °the door of the gate, a 14. maid came to answer, named Rhoda. And when she knew Peter's voice, she opened not the gate for joy, but ran in, and told that Peter stood before the gate. 15. And they said unto her, °Thou art mad. But she con- » D adds ' they went down the seven steps.' of the temple area. The addition of Codex D that, on going out, they ' went down the seven steps,' sounds as though it might be original. Through one street. The help given to Peter was abundant. He was not left at the * iron door,' but was conducted to a relatively safe distance. 11. When Peter was come to himself. This is the antithesis of the trance state in which he had seemed to himself to be (vs. 9). 12. Many were gathered. Not necessarily all who were praying for Peter's release (vs. 5). The word * many ' is quite indefinite. In 20 : 8 ; 27 : 7 it may well have been used of a number smaller than twenty; in 18 : 18 and 19 : 19 it may have been used of a much larger number. 13. The door of the gate. The Greek word here translated * gate ' has once the meaning ' porch ' or ' court ' (Matt. 26 : 71), but never that meaning in Luke, unless here. As the next verse speaks of opening this ' gate ' and not the * door,' which we should expect to be opened, it is possible that here, as in Matthew, it denotes the * court.' This would be opened by opening the door. 15. Thou art mad. They thought she was out of her mind, and 127 ACTS fidently affirmed that it was even so. And they said, i6. °It is his angel. But Peter continued knocking : and °when they had opened, they saw him, and were amazed. 17. But he, beckoning unto them with the hand °to hold their peace, declared unto them how the Lord had brought him forth out of the prison. And he said, Tell these things unto °James, and to the brethren. 18. And he departed, and went °to another place. Now as soon as it was day, there was no small stir °among 19. the soldiers, what was become of Peter. And when Herod had sought for him, and found him not, he °ex- amined the guards, and commanded that they should yet what she reported was doubtless exactly what they had been pray- ing for. On the word comp. Jn. 10 : 20; Acts 26 : 24. It is his angel. Comp, Matt. 18 : 10. Since the voice was Peter's, it appears that the guardian angel, in the common belief, might assume the characteristics of the one whom he guarded. 16. When they had opened. Not Rhoda alone this time, but, as was natural in the circumstances, several went to the door. 17. To hold their peace. Possibly he. feared that their demon- strations of amazement and joy at his escape might become known on the street, and so lead to an attempt to seize him again. James. This mention of James by name suggests that he was already promi- nent in the Jerusalem church. There is no reason to doubt that he was the same James of whom Paul speaks in Gal. i : 19, who was the Lord's brother. See also i Cor. 15 : 7. In later times he was apparently the foremost man in the mother church. See Acts 15 : 13 ; 21 : 18 ; Gal. 2:9. To another place. It would be natural for him to keep his secret and depart without telling any one whither he was going, for he might anticipate that search would be made for him. It is very probable that Luke did not know whither Peter had fled. The next appearance of the apostle in N.T. history is after an interval of some seven to nine years (15 : 7). Where he was during this interval is wholly unknown. 18. Among the soldiers. That is, the sixteen to whose care Peter had been committed. Their consternation sprang from the fact that they must answer for Peter's appearance with their own lives. Comp. a; : 42. 19. Examined. This was a judicial investigation. Comp. 4 : 9. From the fact that the soldiers were put to death, it may be inferred 128 ACTS 11:24 be put to death. And he went down from Judaea to Caesarea, and tarried there. The death of Herod, 12: 20-24 20. Now he was highly displeased with them of °Tyre and Sidon : and they came with one accord to him, and, having made Blastus the king's chamberlain their friend, they asked for peace, because their country was 21. fed from the king's country. And upon a set day Herod arrayed himself in royal apparel, and sat °on 22. the throne, and made an oration °unto them. And the people shouted, saying, °The voice of a god, and 23. not of a man. And immediately °an angel of the Lord smote him, because he gave not God the glory : and he was eaten of worms, and gave up the ghost. 24. But the word of God grew and multiplied. that the king thought them exceedingly culpable. What the trial developed that might throw light on Peter's escape, we unfortunately do not know. 20. Tyre and Sidon. The Phoenician cities, belonging to the prov- ince of Syria, were largely dependent, according to the last clause of this verse, upon Herod's country, i.e., Palestine, for their food supply. As their representatives came to Herod at Caesarea, asking for * peace,* i.e., for the establishment of friendly trade relations with the king, we may perhaps suppose that he had made them feel his displeasure by checking or stopping the exportation of food to them. 21. On the throne. This, according to Josephus {Ant. XIX, 8. 2), was in the theatre, — therefore not a ' throne,' strictly, but some sort of royal pavilion or dais. Unto them. That is, the Tyrian and Sidonian representatives. 22. The voice of a god. Their extreme Oriental flattery may have been occasioned as much by the granting of their request (implied in vss. 20-21) as by the quality of the king's eloquence. 23. An angel of the Lord smote him. This was no doubt inferred from the sudden death of Herod. It is not said that an angel ap- peared, nor can we suppose this to have been the author's thought. The angel is here simply a literary form, conveying the idea that the death of Herod was a divine judgment. Josephus' account of the K 129 12 : 25 ACTS 25. And Barnabas and Saul ^returned °from Jerusalem, when they had fulfilled their ministration, taking with them John whose surname was Mark. death of Herod agrees with Acts in putting it in Caesarea, also in declaring that it was sudden and was regarded as a just judgment upon him for allowing men to pay him divine honor. Josephus speaks of the occasion on which Herod made the fatal address as a festival in honor of Caesar. 25. Returned. This verse concludes the episode which was begun in II : 30. The critical events of chapter 12 occurred, according to Luke, while they were on this mission. From Jerusalem. If we read with the margin ' to Jerusalem,' the words must be connected not with the verb but with the participle ' having fulfilled.' But against this reading is the fact that the mission of Barnabas and Saul had been to the brethren in ' Judaea,' not exclusively to those in Jerusalem, 130 Part III. —The Church established in Asia Minor AND Europe, 13 : 1-20 : 3 Barnabas and Saul set apart for the work among the Gentiles, 13 : 1 13 : 1-3 13. Now there were at Antioch, °in the church that was there, °prophets and teachers, Barnabas, and Symeon that was called Niger, and °Lucius of Cyrene, and °Manaen the foster-brother of Herod the tetrarch, and 2. Saul. And as °they ministered to the Lord, and fasted, 1. In the church that was there. The prophets and teachers about to be named were not, like Agabus (ii : 28), mere sojourners in Antioch, but a part of the church. Prophets and teachers. It is not probable that Luke had in mind two distinctly marked classes. If he had, it is certainly impossible to determine whom he put in each class. Barnabas is represented in Acts as both prophet and teacher (4 : 36; II : 26; 15 : 32), so also is Saul (11 : 26 ; 27 : 26). This formal mention of Barnabas and Saul as prophets and teachers in the church of Antioch appears, after 11 : 23-26 and 12 : 25, almost super- fluous. It is to be noticed, however, that they are only two out of five. Lucius of Cyrene. It is not improbable that he was one of the founders of the church in Antioch. See 1 1 : 20. Manaen. As a ' foster- brother,' or perhaps simply early companion, of Herod the tetrarch, Manaen was doubtless acquainted with the court of Herod the Great. He may have been sixty years old at this time, hence much older than Saul. The position of the name of Barnabas first in the list and that of Saul last may correspond to their respective ranks in the company of five, that is, in the judgment of the brethren at Antioch. 2. They. Either the five or the entire church. If the five, then Barnabas and Saul were set apart by the other three, for the subject of vs. 3 is the same as that of vs. 2. But this does not accord well with the democratic ideas of the Book of Acts {e.g., 6:5; 14 : 23), and, if the reference had been to the five, it would perhaps have been more natural to say ' these ' than * they.' From the N.T. point of view every believer can minister to the Lord {e.g., Rom. 15 : 27; Phil. 2 : 30). If the word * they ' be referred to the church, then the min- 131 ACTS °the Holy Ghost said, Separate me Barnabas and Saul 3. °for the work °whereunto I have called them. Then, °when they had fasted and prayed and °laid their hands on them, they sent them away. The work in Cyprus ^ 13 : 4-12 4. So they, being °sent forth by the Holy Ghost, went down to °Seleucia; and from thence they ^sailed to 5. Cyprus. And when they were at °Salamis, they pro- claimed the word of God in the synagogues of the Jews : and they had also °John as their attendant. 6. And when they had gone through the whole island unto istry and fasting point to some solemn public service, and from the outcome we are justified in supposing that this service was for the pur- pose of considering the church's relation to the Gentile world. The Holy Ghost said. Probably through one of the three prophets. For the work. This work is left wholly undefined, but surely the church did not set apart two of its members without knowing to what they were set apart. At the time of writing it was known to every one. Whereunto I have called them, i.e., to the Gentile mission. 3. When they had fasted. It is not necessary to suppose that this occasion was dififerent from that of vs. 2, The fasting and prayer have now a more personal and specific end in view. Laid their hands. This clause is naturally limited to certain representatives of the church. On the act see note on 6 : 6. 4. Sent forth by the Holy Ghost. That is, the Holy Spirit speaking in and through the members of the church at Antioch, Seleucia. The port of Antioch at the mouth of the Orontes, about thirteen and a half miles distant. Sailed to Cyprus. The native place of Barnabas, the leader. See 4 : 36. 5. Salamis. At the east end of the broad part of the island, about one hundred and twenty-five miles southwest from Seleucia. From the fact that it had several synagogues we may infer a large Jewish population. From Luke's habit of chronicling successes and persecutions, his silence in regard to the work in Salamis may be taken to indicate that Barnabas and Saul made no very deep impression. John as their attendant. John Mark had probably been taken from Jerusalem to Antioch with a view to this very work. See 12 : 25. There is nowhere any suggestion as to the kind of ser- vice which he rendered, ^ 132 ACTS 13 : 9 °Paphos, they found a certain °sorcerer, a false prophet, 7. a Jew, whose name was Bar- Jesus; which was with the °proconsul, Sergius Paulus, °a man of understand- ing. The same °called unto him Barnabas and Saul, 8. and sought to hear the word of God. But °Elymas the sorcerer (for so is his name by interpretation) with- stood them, seeking to turn aside the proconsul from 9. the faith. But °Saul, who is also called Paul, °filled with 6. Paphos. The chief city of Cyprus, about one hundred miles west from Salamis. Sorcerer. Bar-Jesus was called by the same name as those of whom Matthew speaks (2:1), but in character seems to have resembled Simon of Samaria (8 : 9). Barnabas and Saul appear to have fallen in with this man before they met the proconsul (vs. 7). 7. Proconsul. The highest officer of a senatorial province, which Cyprus was at this time. A man of understanding. That is, a reason- ing, intelligent person, and indeed notably such. He kept this Jewish magician with him in the hope of learning something from him. Called unto him Barnabas and Saul. Probably then they had been some days in Paphos and had made an impression on the public. The fact that Sergius called the evangelists shows that he was not satisfied with Bar- Jesus. 8. Elymas. This name was regarded by Luke as the equivalent of the word 'mage' (sorcerer). It is supposed to be the Graecized form of the Arabic word meaning * wise,' and if so may very well have been adopted by Bar-Jesus. 9. Saul — Paul. Hitherto the Hebrew name * Saul ' has been exclusively used, henceforth only the Roman name * Paul ' is em- ployed (except in quoting Paul's words in chapters 22 and 26). As a Hellenist, the apostle may have had both names from childhood. Whether from this time he himself used the name ' Paul,' perhaps because he was coming in contact with Romans, or whether the change belongs only to the author of Acts, cannot be certainly determined. Filled with the Holy Ghost. Jesus promised his disciples the Spirit, but not for the destruction of their adversaries. See Matt. 10 : 20; Lk. 21 : 15. Nothing similar to this act is elsewhere attributed to Paul. Peter, when dealing with a man of the same order as Bar- Jesus, did not smite him with supernatural power. It seems probable, there- fore, that the story of what took place when Paul and the sorcerer met before the proconsul underwent some modification in trans- mission. 133 ACTS 10. the Holy Ghost, fastened his eyes on him, and said, O full of all guile and all villany, thou °son of the devil, thou enemy of all righteousness, wilt thou not 11. cease to pervert the right ways of the Lord? And now, behold, the hand of the Lord is upon thee, and thou shalt be bhnd, not seeing the sun for a season. And immediately there fell on him °a mist and a dark- ness; and he went about seeking some to lead him 12. by the hand. Then the proconsul, when he saw what was done, ^believed, being astonished at the teaching of the Lord. The work in Antioch of Pisidia^ 13 : 13-52 13. Now °Paul and his company set sail from Paphos, and came to °Perga in Pamphylia : and ° John departed 14. from them and returned to Jerusalem. But they, passing through from Perga, came to °Antioch of 10. Son of the devil. Perhaps consciously used with reference to the name of the sorcerer Bar- Jesus, i.e., ' Son of Jesus.* 11. A mist and a darkness. The words suggest that his blindness came on gradually. 12. Believed. According to Luke's usage, this must mean that he accepted the Gospel message and believed in the Lord Jesus. See, e.g.y 2 : 44; 4:4, 32). But his faith, like that of Simon the sorcerer (8 : 13), is represented as based on a miracle. 13. Paul and his company. The author henceforth represents Paul as the leader (see vss. 43, 46), probably because of his prominence in the scene at Paphos. Perga in Pamphylia. About one hundred and seventy-five miles northwest from Paphos. John departed. Whatever the reason for this step may have been, Paul strongly dis- approved of it. See 15 : 38. 14. Antioch of Pisidia. About ninety miles in a straight course from Perga. The country, however, is wild and mountainous, and the distance by any travelled road much more than that. Antioch became a Roman colony under Augustus. Into the synagogue. Though Paul was conscious of a call to the Gentiles, it was his rule to approach them through the synagogue. 134 ACTS Pisidia; and they went °into the synagogue on the 15. sabbath day, and sat down. And after the reading of the law and the prophets the rulers of the synagogue °sent unto them, saying. Brethren, if ye have any word 16. of exhortation for the people, say on. And Paul stood up, and beckoning with the hand said. Men of Israel, and °ye that fear God, hearken. 17. The God of this people Israel °chose our fathers, and exalted the people when they sojourned in the land of Egypt, and with a high arm led he them forth out of it. 18. And for about the time of forty years ^ suffered he their 19. manners in the wilderness. And when he had °de- stroyed seven nations in the land of Canaan, he gave them their land for an inheritance, for °about four hundred 20. and fifty years : and after these things he gave them * Or, 'nourished them.' 15. Sent unto them. Apparently Paul and Barnabas were some distance from the front of the synagogue, where on a raised platform the ' rulers ' sat. It is not likely that they were invited to speak as total strangers. The authorities were doubtless already somewhat acquainted with them. 16. Ye that fear God. A special recognition of the proselytes who were present. 17. Chose our fathers. The thought of this verse and of the following is analogous to the speech of Stephen, but has no similarity to the addresses of Peter. 18. The reading of the R.V.m., though less strongly supported by Mss., is favored by the context, for in the preceding and the following verses Paul is concerned with the goodness of God, not with the per- verseness of Israel. 19. Destroyed seven nations. Comp. 7 : 45. The language is from Dt. 7:1. About four hundred and fifty years. This chronology is beset with difl&culties. In the R.V. it appears to be quite unintel- ligible, for it cannot be naturally referred to the period from the be- ginning of the Egyptian captivity down to Joshua, nor to that from Joshua to Samuel. Perhaps the best reading is that which puts this 135 ACTS 21. judges until Samuel the prophet. And afterward they asked for a king : and God gave unto them Saul the son of Kish, a man of the tribe of Benjamin, for the 22. space of forty years. And when he had °removed him, he raised up David to be their king; to whom also °he bare witness, and said, I have found David the son of Jesse, a man after my heart, who shall do 23. all my will. Of this man's seed hath God according 24. to promise brought unto Israel a ^Saviour, Jesus ; when John had first preached before his coming the baptism 25. of repentance to all the people of Israel. And as John °was fulfilling his course, he said, °What suppose ye that I am? I am not he. But behold, there cometh one after me, the shoes of whose feet I am not worthy to 26. unloose. Brethren, children of the stock of Abraham, and those among you that fear God, °to us is the word clause in the middle of the next verse, where it plainly designates the period from Joshua to Samuel. Placed there, it fits Paul's rapid his- torical sketch. It is, however, considerably more than the estimate of I K. 6 : I, for that gives the entire period from the Exodus to Solomon's fourth year as only four hundred and eighty years. 22. Removed him. By the mouth of Samuel on the occasion of Saul's disobedience (i K. 15 : 23). He bare witness. The essential part of the witness is found in i Sam. 13 : 14, though in words of Samuel rather than Jehovah. With this passage another, Ps. 89 : 20, is blended. Thus far we have an historical introduction, which may very likely have been suggested by the Scripture read in the syna- gogue just before Paul spoke. 23. Paul comes to speak of Jesus by way of the fulfilment of a Davidic promise. Comp. 2 : 30; 2 Sam. 7 : 12. Saviour. This title is found but once in the undisputed Epistles of Paul (Phil. 3 : 20). It would have been more in Paul's style to have said 'Christ.' 24. An element found in Peter's address in the house of Cornelius (10 : 37), but not in his speeches to the Jews. 25. Was fulfilling his course. That the following testimony of John was near the close of his ministry accords with Luke's narrative (3 : 16, 20). But comp. Jn. 3 : 22-36. What suppose ye that I am? Neither these words nor any similar ones are attributed to the Baptist in the Gospels. 136 ACTS 27. of this salvation sent forth. °For they that dwell in Jerusalem, and their rulers, °because they knew him not, nor the voices of the prophets which are read 28. every Sabbath, ^fulfilled them by condemning him. And though they found no cause of death in him, yet asked 29. they of Pilate that he should be slain. And when they had fulfilled all things that were written of him. °they 30. took him down from the tree, and laid him in a tomb. But 31. God raised him from the dead : and he was seen °for many days of °them that came up with him from Galilee to Jerusalem, who are now his witnesses unto the 32. people. And we bring you good tidings of the promise 33. made unto the fathers, how that God hath fulfilled the 26. To us. That is, to proselytes no less than Jews. So in Peter's last address (10 : 43), but probably not in his first (2 : 39). 27. For. This word introduces the ground of the salvation just mentioned, of which ground vss. 27-31 treat. Because they knew him not. So also Peter spoke in 3 : 17. Fulfilled them by con- demning him. We have essentially the same thought in 3 : 18. 28. Peter in 3 : 13 put the sin of the Jews more emphatically. This statement is also less favorable to Pilate than is that of the former chapter. 29. They took him down. The verse does not distinguish between those who were hostile toward Jesus and those who were friendly. 31. For many days. Comp. 1:3. This time element is not found elsewhere. Them that came up with him from Galilee. It is notice- able that Luke, who at the least was editor of Paul's speech, records the only appearance of the risen Lord to others than Galileans (24:13). The appearances of Jesus of which this verse takes account were in or near Jerusalem. This agrees with Luke's Gospel and with i Cor. 15, unless the appearance to more than five hundred be put (as it probably should be) in Galilee. It is significant that Paul is not represented as appearing to his own vision of Jesus as he does in i Cor. 15 : 8. 33. Paul sees the fulfilment of the promise made to the fathers in the fact of the resurrection of Jesus. It is probable that this great fact was allowed to eclipse, for a time at least, that spiritual fulfilment of the promise which Jesus saw in his own work and his own person. Begotten thee. This application of Ps. 2:7 to the resurrection of Jesus, here first made in the N.T., departs from the primary sense of the words, which refer to the inauguration of a king. The resur- 137 ACTS same unto our children, in that he raised up Jesus; as also it is written in the second psalm, Thou art my Son, 34. this day have I °begotten thee. And as concerning that he raised him up from the dead, now °no more to return to corruption, he hath ^spoken on this wise, I will give 35. you the holy and sure blessings of David. Because he saith also in another psalm, Thou wilt not give thy Holy 36. One to see corruption. For David, after he had in his own generation served the counsel of God, fell on sleep, and was laid unto his fathers, and saw cor- 37. ruption : but he whom God raised up saw no cor- 38. ruption. Be it known unto you ^therefore, brethren, that through this man is proclaimed unto you °re- rection was probably thought of as Christ's entrance on his kingly oflBce. This Psalm was for Paul a confirmation of the testimony of those who had actually seen the risen Lord. 34. No more to return to corruption. Since Paul, as appears from vs. 35, did not think of Jesus as having seen corruption at all, we are required to take this word as a synonym of Hades, as in 2 : 31, — a place of corruption rather than corruption itself. Spoken on this wise. The following is an inexact quotation of Is. 55 : 3. * I will give you ' stands in the place of * I will make an everlasting covenant with you ' in the original. The word ' holy ' is added from the Septuagint. This quotation from Isaiah is to confirm the state- ment that the risen Lord shall no more return to corruption. The ' sure mercies of David ' are assumed to include the great promise of Messianic salvation, and this Messianic salvation implies a Messiah who abides permanently. 35. This citation from Ps. 16 : 10 is adduced in support of the words of Isaiah. The same was used by Peter in 2 : 25 and assigned to David; here the speaker is the same as in the preceding verse, i.e., God. 36. This is a proof that the two passages cited cannot have re- ferred to David. The proof consists in the admitted fact that David died and saw corruption. Comp. 2 : 29, which is more vivid. 37. This declaration that Jesus saw (experienced) no corruption is regarded as needing no proof. It is thought of as following neces- sarily from the fact that God had raised him up. 38. Therefore. Because of the resurrection, which showed Jesus to be the promised Messiah and Saviour. Remission of sins. The same as the ' salvation ' of vs. 26 and the ' good tidings ' of vs. 32. 138 ACTS 13 : 4 39. mission of sins : and by him °every one that believeth is ° justified from all things, from which ye could °not 40. be justified by the law of Moses. ^Beware therefore, lest that come upon you, which is spoken °in the prophets; 41. Behold, ye despisers, and wonder, and perish; Hab. i For I work a work in your days, A work which ye shall in no wise believe, if one declare it unto you. 42. And °as they went out, °they besought that these words might be spoken to them the next sabbath. 43. Now when the synagogue broke up, many of the Jews and of the devout proselytes °f olio wed Paul and Barna- 39. The entire thought of this verse, sometimes regarded as quite un-PauIine, is rather to be regarded as bearing his clear impress. Every one that believeth, Comp. Rom. i : 16. Universal justifica- tion on the sole condition of faith — that is surely characteristic of Paul. Justified. This word is not found in Peter's speeches, nor elsewhere in Acts, but is fundamental in Paul {e.g., Rom. 3 : 24; i Cor. 6:11; Gal. 2 : 16). Not be justified by the law of Moses. The inade- quacy of the Mosaic law is often asserted by Paul {e.g., Rom. 3 : 20; 4:4; 5 : 20; 7 : 24). 40. Beware. It seems to have been rather characteristic of Paul to conclude his addresses in the synagogue with words of warning {e.g., 17:30; 20: 26), — a feature which is lacking in Peter's ad- dresses. In the prophets. That is, in the second great division of the Hebrew OT. Comp. Lk. 24 : 44. The quotation is from Hab. 1 : 5, essentially according to the Septuagint, which departs not a little from the original. 41. In the Hebrew a judgment on the Jews is anticipated, which is to be executed by the Chaldaeans. That is the ' work ' of Jehovah, which men would not believe beforehand. Paul regards the language as applicable to the present situation. If his hearers reject the ofifer of salvation, judgment will overtake them. 42. As they went out. That is, Paul and Barnabas. It appears from the next verse that they went out before the meeting was dis- missed. They besought. As the verb is in the imperfect, it suggests that one and another spoke to the evangelists. 43. Followed. Perhaps to the lodging of Paul and Barnabas. 139 ;:44 ACTS bas : who, speaking to them, urged them °to continue in the grace of God. 44. And the next sabbath almost the whole city was 45. gathered together to hear the word of God. But when the Jews saw °the multitudes, they were ^filled with jealousy, and contradicted the things which were 46. spoken by Paul, and blasphemed. And Paul and Barnabas spake out boldly, and said, °It was necessary that the word of God should first be spoken to you. Seeing ye thrust it from you, and °judge yourselves un- 47. worthy of eternal life, lo, we turn to the Gentiles. For so hath the Lord °commanded us, saying, 49 : 6 °I have set thee for a light of the Gentiles, That thou shouldest be for salvation unto the uttermost part of the earth. To continue. This implies that the grace of God had already se- cured entrance into their hearts, i.e., that they had accepted the message concerning Jesus. 45. The multitudes. Largely Gentiles. See vs. 48. Filled with jealousy. Because these foreign teachers had such great success. The opposition of the Jews was not caused by jealousy alone; behind it there was unbelief. 46. It was necessary. A necessity founded on the word and example of Jesus {e.g., Mk. 7 : 27; Matt. 10 : 5-6; Acts i : 8), also on the evident fitness of things. A salvation long promised to the Jews and expected by them was rightly ofiFered to them first. Judge yourselves unworthy. Not in their own minds, for they doubtless thought that they were in the only sure way to eternal life. The judgment that they were unworthy of the Gospel was one which they passed on themselves in rejecting it. 47. Commanded. That which was spoken to the * servant * of Jehovah (Is. 49 : 6) — a promise there, not a commandment — Paul and Barnabas apply to themselves. The sense of duty which from the very day of his conversion (Gal. 1:16) Paul felt to go to the Gentiles, would naturally lead him to regard this word of Isaiah as a personal ' commandment.' I have set thee. With the exception of these first four words the quotation is exactly according to the Septuagint. In their place the Greek version has ' I have given thee for a covenant of the people.* 140 ACTS 14 : 1 48. And as the Gentiles heard this, they were glad, and glorified the word of God : and as many as were °or- 49. dained to eternal life believed. And the word of the Lord °was spread abroad throughout all the region. 50. But the Jews urged on the °devout women of honour- able estate, and °the chief men of the city, and stirred up a persecution against Paul and Barnabas, and cast 51. them out of their borders. But they °shook off the dust of their feet against them, and came unto °Iconium. 52. And the disciples were filled with joy and with the Holy Ghost. The work in Iconium, 14 : i-6a. 14. And it came to pass in Iconium, that they entered ^together into the synagogue of the Jews, and so spake, 48. Ordained. That which is * ordained ' or appointed is the at- tainment of eternal life. As the rejection of the Gospel is represented as wholly the act of the Jews (vs. 46), so here believing is the free act of the Gentiles. 49. Was spread abroad. This statement implies a work of Paul and Barnabas for much longer than the two Sabbaths specified in vss. 14 and 44. 50. Devout women of honourable estate. Proselytes of wealth and social standing. The chief men. As Antioch was a Roman colony, having a senate and popular assembly, the ' chief men ' may naturally be supposed to have been Roman officers. It is an indication of the hold which Paul and Barnabas had taken on the community that only by the aid of the chief men and prominent women could a successful opposition be raised against them. 51. Shook off the dust. An act symbolical not of contempt but of judgment, — equivalent to saying, ' Your blood be upon your own heads' (18:6). Comp. Matt. 10:14. Iconium. About eighty miles southeast of Antioch. It was an important city, and possibly a Roman colony at this time, for it was made such under Claudius. According to 14 : 6 it was not in Lycaonia. 52. Though Paul and Barnabas were persecuted and obliged to flee, they left a true church in Antioch, — disciples filled with joyful spiritual life. I. Together. The Greek words so translated are found nowhere 141 ACTS that a great multitude both of °Jews and of Greeks 2. believed. But the Jews that were disobedient stirred up the souls of the Gentiles, and made them evil affected 3. against °the brethren. Long time °therefore they tarried there speaking boldly in the Lord, which bare witness unto the word of his grace, granting °signs and 4. wonders to be done by their hands. But the multitude of the city was divided; and part held with the Jews, 5. and part with °the apostles. And when there was made an onset both of the Gentiles and of the Jews °with their rulers, to entreat them shamefully, and to The work in Lystra and Derbe, 14 : 6b-2ia 6. stone them, they became aware of it, and fled unto the cities of Lycaonia, °Lystra and Derbe, and the region 7. round about: and there they preached the gospel. 8. And at Lystra °there sat a certain man, impotent in else in the N.T. The nearest approach to them is in Lk. 6 : 26 and 17 : 30. They may mean that Paul and Barnabas entered the synagogue at Iconium in the same manner as they had done at An- tioch. Jews and of Greeks. That is, Jews and not- Jews. The Gen- tiles of Iconium who believed were not all of the Greek race. Comp. Rom. I : 16. Probably the great majority of them were not Greeks. 2. The brethren. That is, the many disciples who had been won in Iconium. 3. Therefore. Comp. i Cor. 16 : 9. Signs and wonders. They are left wholly undefined. Barnabas as well as Paul wrought signs. 4. The apostles. For the first time in Acts this title is given to Paul and Barnabas. It is used only once more, viz., in vs. 14. Its application to Barnabas is in keeping with Paul's usage (see, e.g., Rom. 16 : 7; 2 Cor. 8 : 23). 5. With their rulers. This clause is not to be limited to the Gentiles, but includes also the rulers of the Jews. 6. Lystra and Derbe. Lystra, if it be identified with Khatyn Sera (Sterrett), lay about eighteen miles southwest of Iconium, and Derbe, if it be identified with the ruins of Bosola and Losta (Sterrett), was about sixteen miles southeast from Lystra. The statement of this verse and the following appears to summarize a considerable period. 142 ACTS his feet, a cripple from his mother's womb, who never 9. had walked. The same heard Paul speaking : who, fastening his eyes upon him, and °seeing that he had 10. faith to be made whole, said °with a loud voice. Stand upright on thy feet. And he leaped up and walked. 11. And when the multitudes saw °what Paul had done, they lifted up their voice, saying °in the speech of Lycaonia, The °gods are come down to us in the Hke- 12. ness of men. And they called Barnabas, ° Jupiter; and Paul, ^Mercury, because he was the chief speaker. 13. And the priest of Jupiter whose temple was before the city, brought oxen and garlands °unto the gates, and Then follows a particular statement (8-20) regarding the work in Lystra. 8. There is no reference to a synagogue in Lystra. We may therefore infer that its Jewish population was very small. There sat. Perhaps in the market-place. See vs. 11. 9. Seeing that he had faith. This was Paul's inference from the man's appearance and his attention to the word of the Gospel. 10. With a loud voice. The only instance in the N.T. where a healing word was thus spoken. 11. What Paul had done. It naturally appeared to the observers as though Paul himself had healed the man. In the speech of Lyca- onia. It is evident that Paul and Barnabas did not understand this tongue, for in that case they would have protested at once against being thought to be gods. The Lycaonians were apparently bilingual, understanding Paul's address in Greek, but using, at least when greatly excited, another tongue of their own. Gods ... in the likeness of men. A like inference was drawn by the natives of Malta (28 : 6). The belief was common that the gods might assume a human form and appear to men on earth. 12. Jupiter . . . Mercury (Zeus . . • Hermes). It was most natural to think of these two gods, because Zeus had a temple at Lystra (vs. 13), and Hermes, as his interpreter, was his attendant. The comparison may perhaps suggest that Barnabas, whom they thought to be Zeus, was a man of large and majestic presence. The ancient Phrygian myth of Philemon and Baucis, though not necessary to account for the idea of the Lystrans that Zeus and Hermes had appeared to them, may possibly have helped to turn their minds to these two gods in particular. 143 ACTS 14. would have done sacrifice with the multitudes. But when the apostles, Barnabas and Paul, heard of it, °they rent their garments, and sprang forth among the 15. multitude, crying out and saying. Sirs, why do ye these things? We also are men of hke passions with you, and bring you good tidings, that ye should turn from °these vain things unto the living God, who made the heaven and the earth and the sea, and all that in them 16. is : who in the generations gone by suffered °all the 17. nations °to walk in their own ways. °And yet he left not himself without witness, in that °he did good, and gave you from heaven rains and fruitful seasons, filling 18. your hearts with food and gladness. And with these sayings scarce restrained they the multitudes from doing sacrifice unto them. 19. But there came Jews thither °from Antioch and Iconium : and having °persuaded the multitudes, they 13. Unto the gates. As the apostles were in the city and the temple of Zeus outside, it seems best to suppose that the gate of the city is intended rather than that of the temple. 14. They rent their garments. This was done to express their intense feeling of aversion. Comp. Matt. 26 : 65. 15. This verse and the two following give the general thought of the evangelists' utterance. These vain things. Rites of idolatrous worship such as they were on the point of performing. 16. All the nations. The Jews were an exception, but that did not come into consideration in the present circumstances. To walk in their own ways. That is, God did not check them with an outward law and did not destroy them on account of their sins. Comp. Rom. 3:25. 17. And yet. Sufifering the nations to walk in their own ways is not at all equivalent to withholding from them all divine light and motive. He did good. The most obvious manifestations of divine goodness, viz., material blessings, such as seasonable rains and bounti- ful harvests, are a witness of God, and might have kept the Gentiles walking in their own ways. 19. From Antioch and Iconium. That the Jews followed Paul's track such distances as from Antioch to Lystra is evidence of their 144 ACTS °stoned Paul, and ^dragged him out of the city, sup- 20. posing that he was dead. But as the ^disciples stood round about him, he rose up, and entered into the city : and on the morrow he went forth with Barnabas The return of Paul and Barnabas to Antioch, 14: 216-28 21. to Derbe. And when they had preached the gospel °to that city, and had °made many disciples, °they re- turned to Lystra, and to Iconium, and to Antioch, 22. confirming the souls of the disciples, exhorting them to continue in the faith, and that through many tribula- 23. tions °we must enter into the kingdom of God. And when they had ^appointed for them ^elders in every deep enmity. Persuaded the multitudes. This sudden revulsion of feeling from idolatrous homage to mortal hatred indicates that the people of Lystra may have been of the same stock as those to whom Paul writes in Gal. i : 6. Stoned Paul. This form of execution shows that the crowd was dominated by the Jews. Why Barnabas es- caped this mad onset, we can only conjecture. Perhaps on account of his mildness he was not thought to be dangerous. Dragged. Thus Paul was treated as he had once treated the disciples in Jerusalem (8 : 3). 20. Disciples stood round about him. The attack was aimed at Paul. There was no attempt to crush out the new doctrine. 21. To that city. They preached also in the surrounding country according to vs. 7. The work in Derbe appears not to have been Interrupted. We may suppose that the Jews from Antioch and Iconium, supposing that they had killed Paul, had returned home. Made many disciples. Among these was Timothy (see 16 : i), per- haps also that Gaius who accompanied Paul on his last journey to Jerusalem. See 20 : 4. They returned to Lystra, etc. The reason of their return to these cities, which they knew must be attended with peril, is not indicated. They may have heard that their con- verts were being persecuted, and so went back to comfort and strengthen them. 22. We must enter. The evangelists classed themselves with their converts, as well they might, Paul in particular, and the record has preserved this personal touch. 23. Appointed. The Greek word here translated — found else- ^ 145 ACTS church, and had °prayed with fasting, they commended 24. them to the Lord, on whom they had beUeved. And they ^passed through Pisidia, and came to Pamphylia. 25. And when they had spoken the word in °Perga, they 26. went down to °AttaHa; and thence °they sailed to Antioch, from whence they had been committed to the grace of God °for the work which they had fulfilled. where only in 2 Cor. 8 : 19 — means to vote by stretching the hand out or up, then, secondarily, to appoint by vote, or perhaps simply to appoint. Hence the method pursued by the evangelists in securing elders for these Asiatic churches cannot be certainly made out from this word. The use of the same word in 2 Cor. 8 : 19 is certainly not unfavorable to the view that a popular vote was taken. On the other hand, there is nothing in Acts or the Epistles to suggest that Paul and Barnabas took the matter entirely into their own hands. Prob- ably we may best think of the method of their appointment as anal- ogous to that of the Seven (6 : 5-6). Elders. This is the first and only certain reference to the appointment of elders by Paul. Ac- cording to Acts there were elders at this time in Jerusalem and the other churches of Judaea (11 : 30). Later we see elders at Ephesus, and it is possible that Paul took part in their appointment (20 : 17), also in the appointment of * bishops' at Philippi (Phil, i : i). The name as that of an ofl5cer was doubtless borrowed from the synagogue, though the same term seems to have been used in other religions ; from the same source also was probably borrowed the general con- ception of the office as it first existed in the Christian Church. It is to be noted that more than one elder was appointed for each church. Prayed with fasting. These rites, taken from the synagogue, accom- panied the appointment of elders as they had the setting apart of Paul and Barnabas to the Gentile mission (12:3). 24. Passed through Pisidia. Verse 21 has mentioned Antioch, which was in Pisidia (13 : 14), but in that region there may have been a number of other Christian communities which they visited. See 13 : 49. The word * passed through ' does not suggest fresh mis- sionary work, or indeed missionary work at all. 25. Perga. At their entrance into Asia the evangelists seem not to have preached in Perga. See 13 : 3. It is not indicated that their preaching on their return journey bore any fruit. Attalia. The sea- port of Perga. 26. They sailed to Antioch. From the later history of Paul one may perhaps infer that the return to Antioch at this time was, in part at least, for the sake of reporting progress, and encouraging the 146 ACTS 15:2 27. And when they were come, and had gathered the church together, they rehearsed all things that God had done with them, and how that he had opened a °door 28. of faith unto the Gentiles. And they tarried °no little time with the disciples. The conference in Jerusalem, 15 : 1-33 15. And ^certain men came down from Judaea and taught the brethren, saying, °Except ye be circumcised after Gal. a:i 2. the custom of Moses, ye cannot be saved. And when Paul and Barnabas had no small dissension and ques- tioning with them, the brethren ^appointed that Paul and Barnabas, and certain other of them, should go up to Jerusalem °unto the apostles and elders about church from which they had been commended to the grace of God. For the work which they had fulfilled. This cannot be understood as meaning that a programme had been made for Paul and Barnabas, designating just the cities or even the countries to be visited. The meaning is rather that the work which they had now accomplished was the specific kind of work for which they had been given over to the grace of God. 27. Door of faith. That is, a door through which only those enter who have faith. 28. No little time. If the conference in Jerusalem be put in the summer of 48, and if we allow three years for the missionary journey, dating its beginning from the spring of 45, then this interval, * no little time,' may have covered a few months. 1. Certain men. They represented a considerable element in the church at Jerusalem, as appears from vs. 5. Those men who came down to Antioch, like those who are mentioned in vs. 5, may well have belonged to the ' sect ' of the Pharisees, as Paul had done (Phil. 3:5), but unlike him they did not see that law and grace are mutually exclusive. Except ye be circumcised. Circumcision, according to vs. 5, stands for the entire law. Comp. Gal. 5:3. These men put the doctrinal point explicitly : either circumcision or no salvation. 2. Appointed that Paul and Barnabas, etc. The church is to be understood as taking this action. In Gal. 2 : 2 Paul says that he went up by ' revelation.' An analogous case is furnished by 9 : 30 with 22 : 18. It is unnecessary to see any ' conflict ' between the two 147 ACTS this question. They therefore, °being brought on their way by the church, passed °through both Phoenicia and Samaria, °declaring the conversion of the Gentiles : and they caused great joy unto all the brethren. And when they were come to Jerusalem, they were ^received of the church and the apostles and the elders, and they ^rehearsed all things that God had done with them. But there rose up certain of the sect of the Pharisees who believed, sa)dng, °It is needful to circumcise them, and to charge them to keep the law of Moses. And °the apostles and the elders were gathered to- statements. Paul was appointed by the church in Antioch, and on his own responsibility he took Titus, an uncircumcised Greek convert, with him. See Gal. 2 : i. Unto the apostles and elders. There was no thought that the apostles had authority to answer such a question, but the apostles and elders as representing the church were to be con- sulted. Of the elders James was the most influential, 3. Being brought on their way by the church. The verb here em- ployed is used in this sense in 20 : 38 and 21:5. For other occasions when Paul was escorted by fellow-believers, see 9 : 30 and 28 : 15. Through Phoenicia and Samaria. The delegates could not well do otherwise than pass through Phcenicia, unless they went by water, but as for Samaria, it would probably have been easier for them to keep down the coast to Caesarea or Joppa. Declaring the conversion of the Gentiles. It seems to be implied that the believers in Phoenicia were all Jews, or practically all of them. The Samaritans were neither Jews nor Gentiles. 4. Received of the church and the apostles and the elders. There is evident stress on the general character of their reception. Re- hearsed all things. Just as they had done among the brethren on the way to Jerusalem. They did not immediately bring up the specific question that had occasioned their trip. 5. It is needful to circumcise them. This declaration of the converted Pharisees was called out, according to Luke, by the report of the Gentile mission of Paul and Barnabas, There is no indication that Paul made any reply to this stricture at this first meeting. 6. The apostles and the elders. Here begins the account of a private meeting of the leaders. They had come together to consider the specific question raised in the public meeting. This is to be re- garded as the meeting to which Paul refers in Gal. 2 : 2. 148 ACTS 15:12 7. gether to consider of this matter. And when there had been °much questioning, Peter rose up, and said unto them. Brethren, ye know how that °a good while ago God °made choice among you, that by my mouth °the Gentiles should hear the word of the gospel, and 8. believe. And God, which knoweth the heart, bare them witness, giving them the Holy Ghost, even as he did 9. unto us; and he made no distinction between us and 10. them, ^cleansing their hearts by faith. Now therefore °why tempt ye God, that ye should put a yoke upon the neck of the disciples, which neither our fathers nor 11. we were able to bear?° But we believe that we shall be saved through the grace of the Lord Jesus, in like manner as they. 12. And °all the multitude °kept silence; and they 7. Much questioning. Evidently there was some difference of opinion even in the smaller gathering. Comp. Gal. 2:5. A good while ago. It was at least four or five years, for it was before the imprisonment of Peter by Herod in 44. See 12:3. Made choice among you. Peter's words imply that any one of his fellow-workers in Jerusalem might have been chosen, and that, in such case, he would have preached to the Gentiles even as he had done. The Gentiles. That is, those whom he had addressed in the house of Cornelius in Caesarea. It is quite evident from this very passage that Peter had not followed up his work among Gentiles, and that no other one of the Jerusalem brethren had done so. 9. Cleansing their hearts by faith. He had not required them to be circumcised. By faith alone had they been admitted into the kingdom and had received the gift of the Holy Spirit. 10. Why tempt ye God? Since God had received Gentiles on faith, it would be directly opposing him to force the yoke of the law upon the Gentile converts. 11. But we believe. That is, we were not able to bear the yoke of the law, to earn salvation through its observance, but we believe that we shall be saved through the grace of the Lord Jesus. Peter says in substance that he is dependent on Jesus only, not on him and the law. 149 15:13 ACTS hearkened unto Barnabas and Paul rehearsing what signs and wonders God had wrought among the Gen- 13. tiles by them. And after they had held their peace, °James answered, saying, 14. Brethren, hearken unto me : °Symeon hath rehearsed how °first °God did visit the Gentiles, to take out of 15. them a people for his name. And to this agree the words of the prophets ; as it is written, Amos 9:", 16. After these things I will return. And I will build again the tabernacle of David, which is fallen ; And I will build again the ruins thereof. And I will set it up : 17. That the residue of men may seek after the Lord, And all the Gentiles, upon whom my name is called, 18. Saith the Lord, who maketh these things known from the beginning of the world. 12. All the multitude. This was certainly not the gathering of vs. 4, to which Paul and Barnabas had already rehearsed all that God had done with them, but it was the smaller assembly. The word does not necessarily imply a great number. See 28 : 3; Jn. 21 : 6. Kept silence. That is, the * questioning ' (vs. 7) was for a time at least quieted by Peter's statement, and an opportunity was secured for Paul and Barnabas to make their statement. 13. James. Mentioned also in 12 : 17 and 21 : 18. His prom- inence in the Jerusalem church, where he seems to have been ranked even above Peter and John (Gal. 2:9), was doubtless due in no small part to the fact that he was a brother of the Lord (Gal. i : 19). 14. Symeon. This spelling of the name is found only in Luke with the exception of 2 Pet. i : i and Rev. 7 : 7. First. This was implied in Peter's statement, but not expressed. God did visit. This is a characteristic Hebrew conception. The human agency is overlooked, and the divine put in the foreground. 15. James here seeks to strengthen the testimony of Peter by showing that it was in agreement with the prophets. 16-18. The quotation of these verses is from Amos 9: 11, 12, and departs in about equal degree both from the Hebrew and the ISO ACTS 19. Wherefore my judgement is, °that we trouble not them 20. which from among the Gentiles turn to God; but that we write unto them, that they abstain from the °pollu- tions of idols, and from ^fornication, and °from what is 21. strangled, and from blood. For Moses from genera- Septuagint. Of the two chief departures from the sense of the Hebrew, the first — * that the residue of men may seek after the Lord,' where the original has * that they may possess the remnant of Edom ' — fol- lows the Septuagint; and the second — * known from the beginning of the world ' — is in neither the Septuagint nor the Hebrew. But still the main point of the original is preserved, viz., that the blessing of Jehovah should come upon the Gentiles. 19. That we trouble not. Thus James said ' No ' to the Pharisaic claim (vs. 5), and conceded all that Paul asked. The purport of his words ' that we trouble not them which from among the Gentiles turn to God ' is the same as that of the ' right hand of fellowship ' given to Paul and Barnabas (Gal. 2:9). 20. Pollutions of idols. Such as eating sacrificial meats. See vs. 29 and i Cor. 8. Fornication. This is to be taken literally, as are the other three specifications ; but whether in its ordinary signi- fication, or in the narrower sense of the intermarriage of near relatives, is questioned. The very low moral standard in regard to the relation of the sexes, especially in great cities like Antioch, makes the former meaning intelligible. If understood in this way, the word is in har- mony with many an exhortation of Paul {e.g., 1 Cor. 6 : 18; 2 Cor. 12 : 21; Gal. 5 : 19; Eph. 5 : 3; Col. 3:5; i Thess. 4 : 3). From what is strangled, and from blood. These injunctions are closely related. The Jews were not to eat what had been strangled because in so doing they would eat blood ; and they were not to eat blood be- cause that was regarded as the seat of life. See Ex. 34 : 15; 20 : 14; Lev. 17 : 13; Dt. 12 : 23. Codex D omits, here and in vs. 29, the injunction regarding what is strangled, thus simplifying the direction, and adds the ethical precept, ' whatsoever they would not have done to themselves not to do to others.' 21. This verse gives the sole reason why James makes his propo- sition. In every city, and so in Antioch, Moses is read every Sabbath; these regulations therefore are continually being brought to the mind of the faithful Jew. The proposal of James, resting on Lev, 17-18 and being closely similar to the regulations which traditional law imposed on proselytes in the land of Israel, was surely noth- ing altogether new, and may have been only what was every- where laid upon proselytes outside of the Holy Land. Thus it would have been, in effect, a proposal that Gentile converts, in their ACTS tions of old hath in every city them that preach him, being read in the synagogues every sabbath. 22. Then it seemed good to the apostles and the elders, °with the whole church, to choose men out of their company, and send them to Antioch with Paul and Barnabas; namely, °Judas called Barsabbas, and Silas, 23. chief men among the brethren : and they wrote thus by them. The apostles and the elder brethren unto the .brethren which are of the Gentiles in Antioch and 24. °Syria and Cilicia, greeting : Forasmuch as °we have relation to Jewish Christians, should observe the regulations of prose- lytes. As such, it was certainly a proposal to which Paul could have had no objection. The proselytes in his churches had, as attendants on the synagogue, undoubtedly observed these or very similar regu- lations. 22. With the whole church. This indicates that the proposed solution of the trouble was brought before a general gathering of the church. This alone would be in keeping with the recognized im- portance of the question, — an importance that is plainly acknowledged in the fact that a committee of two men are sent to Antioch in addition to the letter of the church. Judas and Silas. Of Judas we have no knowledge outside of the present chapter, but of Silas, called also Silvanus (2 Cor. i : 19), we hear much through his connection with Paul, whom he accompanied on his second missionary tour. That he was well fitted to act on a delicate mission like the present, mediating between the Jewish and Gentile elements of the church, is incidentally confirmed by the fact that both Peter, the apostle of the circumcision, and Paul, the apostle of the uncircumcision, associated him with them in their letters (i Pet. 5:12; i Thess. 1:1). 23. The letter was sent in the name of the apostles and elders, but it is plain that they represented the church. See vs. 24. Syria and Cilicia. The letter was intended to go farther than the com- mittee. This was sent only to Antioch, — an indication that this was the chief seat of trouble. Of churches in Syria and Cilicia Acts has thus far said nothing. The inclusion of these regions in the address of the letter rests on information to which the next verse refers. 24. We have heard. As regards the state of believers in Syria {i.e., outside of Antioch) and Cilicia we do not know how they had heard. Paul and Barnabas had come up through Phoenicia, which was a part of the province of Syria, and they may have seen something of the influence of the judaizers there. But there is no 152 ACTS heard that certain which went out from us have trou- bled you with words, °subverting your souls ; to whom 25. we gave no commandment; it seemed good unto us, °having come to one accord, to choose out men and send them unto you with our ^beloved °Barnabas and 26. Paul, men that have hazarded their Uves for the name 27. of our Lord Jesus Christ. We have sent therefore Judas and Silas, who themselves also shall tell you 28. °the same things by word of mouth. For it seemed good to the Holy Ghost, and to us, to lay upon you 29. no greater °burden than °these necessary things; that ye abstain from things sacrificed to idols, and from blood, and from things strangled, and from fornication ; from which if ye keep yourselves, it shall be well with you. Fare ye well. 30. So they, when they were dismissed, came down to reason to doubt that there were churches at this time in Cilicia (see Gal. I : 21), and the zeal of the judaizers knew no bounds. If they had gone as far as Antioch, they may also have gone into Cilicia, especially as they could not be ignorant that this was the home of Paul. Subverting your souls. Thus the letter recognizes that the influence of the legalistic believers had been bad. 25. Having come to one accord. If this refers to the entire church, it is an indication that we must not rate the Pharisaic element too high. It is possible, however, that only the apostles and elders had come to one accord, and that, though they represented the church, there still remained an unconvinced minority. Beloved. This commendation of Paul and Barnabas (see also vs. 26) suggests that they may have been spoken against. Barnabas and Paul. This is a suggestive reversal of Luke's own order since the event at Paphos. In Jeru- salem, where Barnabas was relatively better known as a Christian than Paul, this changed order was natural. 27. The same things. Comp. vs. 28. 28. Burden. The apostles and elders recognized that it would not be altogether easy for the Gentiles to conform to the proposed regulations. These necessary things. From the point of view of James, who originated the proposal, they were * necessary ' to fellow- ship between Gentile and Jewish believers, a modus vivendi. ACTS Antioch; and having gathered the multitude together, 31. they delivered °the epistle. And when they had read 32. it, they rejoiced for the ^consolation. And Judas and Silas, being themselves also prophets, °exhorted the 33. brethren with many words, and confirmed them. And after they had spent some time there, they were dis- missed in peace from the brethren unto those that had 35. sent them forth. ^ But Paul and Barnabas tarried in Paul in Antioch, 15:35-39 Antioch, teaching and °preaching the word of the Lord, with many others also. 36. And after some days Paul said unto Barnabas, Let us return now and visit the brethren in every city wherein we proclaimed the word of the Lord, and see 37. how they fare. And Barnabas °was minded to take 38. with them John also, who was called Mark. But Paul thought not good to take with them him who withdrew from them from Pamphylia, and went not » Some ancient authorities insert, with variations, vs. 34: But it seemed good unto Silas to abide there. 30. The epistle. This designation is correct. Comp. that of 16 : 14. In spirit as well as in form the deliverance of the Jerusalem church was a letter, with only so much authority as the receivers were willing to allow to their brethren in the mother church. 31. Consolation. We might render the Greek word by * relief * or * solace.' The letter would end the unhappy disquieting condi- tion resulting from the activities of the judaizers. 32. Exhorted . . . and confirmed. General Christian exhortation and confirmation, not bearing especially on the subject of the letter. 35. Preaching the word. That is, working among the uncon- verted, as formerly he had labored in the church (11 : 26). 36. Who took the initiative in regard to the first journey of Paul and Barnabas does not appear, but it is Paul who proposes the second. 37. Was minded. It was characteristic of Barnabas, that he was willing to try Mark again. 154 ACTS i6 : 3 39. with them to the work. And there arose a sharp con- tention, so that °they parted asunder one from the other, and °Barnabas took Mark with him, and ^sailed away Paul in Macedonia and Achaia, 15 : 40-18 : 22 40. unto Cyprus; but Paul °chose Silas, and went forth, being commended by the brethren to the grace of the . 41. Lord. And he went through Syria and Cilicia, con- firming the churches. 16. And he came also °to Derbe and to Lystra : and °be- hold, a certain disciple °was there, named Timothy, the son of a Jewess which believed; but his father was a 2. Greek. The same was well reported of by the brethren 3. that were at Lystra and °Iconium. Him would Paul 39. They parted asunder. Though they did not work together again, they do not appear to have remained alienated from each other. See Col, 4 : 10; i Cor. 9 : 6, Barnabas took Mark. The re- sult seems to have justified the view of Barnabas, for Mark became a most valuable laborer. See Col, 4: 10; Phile. 24; 2 Tim, 4: 11. Sailed away unto Cyprus. It may have been by mutual consent that Cyprus was given over to the care of Barnabas. Paul revisits his churches in Syria, Cilicia, and central Asia Minor , 15 : 40-16 : 5 40. Chose Silas, According to vs, ^t, Silas and Judas had re- turned to Jerusalem. In that case, Paul must have tarried yet some time in Antioch, in order to send word to Silas and to await his coming. 41. There is no evidence that Barnabas had ever worked in those regions. The churches which Paul ' confirmed ' in Syria and Cilicia were probably of his own founding in the period before he went to Antioch with Barnabas. See Gal, 1:21. 1. To Derbe and to Lystra. Coming from Cilicia he reached Derbe first, while on his journey from Iconium he came first to Lystra. See 14 : 6. Behold. The finding of Timothy was regarded by the writer as striking or opportune. Was there, i.e., probably Lystra. This view is somewhat confirmed by the fact that Timothy was ap- proved by the brethren in Lystra (vs. 2) rather than by those in Derbe. 2. Iconium. This circumstance that Timothy was well spoken of by brethren eighteen miles distant suggests that he may already 15s ACTS have to go forth with him; and he took and °circum- cised him because of the Jews that were in those parts : 4. for they all knew that his father was a Greek. And as they went on their way through the cities, °they delivered them °the decrees for to keep, which had been ordained of the apostles and elders that were at 5. Jerusalem. °So °the churches were strengthened in the faith, and increased in number daily. 6. And they went °through the region of Phrygia and Galatia, having been °forbidden of the Holy Ghost to have been an active Christian worker, and indicates that Paul did not trust wholly to his own impressions, but sought other evidence of the young man's fitness. 3. Circumcised him. This was done as a matter of expediency. It was on account of the Jews in those regions, not on account of Moses; in the interest of peace, and not of salvation. Comp. 2 : 3, where the rite was demanded as necessary to salvation. Furthermore, as a companion of Paul who would go into the synagogues of the Jews, it was obviously desirable that Timothy be circumcised. 4. They delivered. The letter of the apostles and elders was ad- dressed only to Antioch, and to the churches of Syria and Cilicia (15 : 23). According to this verse, however, it was made known in the Asiatic field of Paul's first missionary journey. The fact that Paul makes no allusion to the regulations of the Jerusalem conference in his letters to the Corinthians is not proof that he may not have quoted them in the strongly Jewish regions of Syria and Cilicia. The decrees. This term is considerably stronger and more ecclesiastical in its suggestion than chapter 15 warrants. 5. So. That is, because of the visit of Paul, and his conciliatory spirit. The churches. This refers both to those of Syria and Cilicia (15 : 41), which we suppose to have been founded by Paul before he labored with Barnabas in Antioch, and those of central Asia Minor. It is important to notice that this verse has the character of a con- cluding statement. It closes a chapter or section of Paul's second missionary journey, viz., that section in which he was on old ground. See 15 : 36; 16 : 6-10. Seeking new fields, 16 : 6-10 6. Throu^ Ihe region of Phrygia and Galatia. Forbidden to go west, Paul turned to the north or northeast, passing through some part 156 ACTS 7. speak the word in Asia; and when they were come °over against Mysia, they assayed to go into °Bithynia; 8. and °the Spirit of Jesus suffered them not ; and °passing 9. by Mysia, they °came down to Troas. And °a vision of Phrygia and Galatia. At another time, he went through Phrygian and Galatian territory but apparently through the Galatian part first. See 18 : 23. At that later day there were Christian disciples in this region, presumably converts of Paul, as he went there to ' stabhsh ' them, but Luke does not intimate that Paul made any considerable stop on this journey which ended at Troas; that is to say, he does not show any acquaintance with the evangelization of the * Phrygian and Galatian ' region, unless that be identified with the region which he visited on the first journey (13 : 14-14 : 28). But the fact that Luke makes no reference to any evangelistic work by Paul in the Galatian regions north of Antioch, i.e., in Galatia proper, is not valid evidence that Paul did not work there, for Luke's account of Paul's career is confessedly fragmentary. On the location of the * churches of Galatia ' see commentaries on Galatians. The Roman province of Galatia included, besides the region of Galatia proper, in which were the cities Ancyra, Pessinus, and Tavium, part of Pisidia, Phrygia, and Lycaonia. The residence of the governor was in Ancyra. Forbidden of the Holy Ghost. It appears that when Paul had gone through the old field, he set his face toward the Roman province of Asia, and naturally toward its capital Ephesus. How or where the Spirit made known that he should not go thither we are not told. 7, Over against Mysia. That is, he had reached its border on the southeast. Mysia was the northernmost part of the Roman province of Asia. Bithynia. This was part of a Roman province lying on the Black Sea; Pontus belonged to the same province. It will be noticed that Luke sometimes employs names of provinces (Asia, Macedonia) and sometimes the older geographical terms (Mysia, Bithynia). The Spirit of Jesus. It is not evident that the writer meant a difiFerent agency from that which in vs. 6 he calls the * Holy Spirit.' Comp. Rom. 8 : 9; Phil, i : 19. 8. Passing by Mysia. As Troas was on the coast of Mysia, they must have passed through it, or through a part of it. Hence ' to pass by ' may be understood here in the sense of * neglect.' The evange- lists did not stop to preach. Mysia was part of Asia where they had already been forbidden to preach (vs. 6). Came down to Troas. It is probable, therefore, that Paul was already thinking of Europe as a possible field, for though he had been forbidden to preach in Asia, he had passed across it to the shore of the iEgean. 157 ACTS appeared to Paul in the night; There was a °man of Macedonia standing, beseeching him, and saying, 10. Come over into Macedonia, and help us. And when he had seen the vision, straightway °we sought to go forth into Macedonia, concluding that God had ^called us for to preach the gospel unto them. 11. ^Setting sail therefore from Troas, we made a straight course to °Samothrace, and the day following to °Ne- 12. apolis; and from thence to °Philippi, which is a city of Macedonia, the first of the district, a Roman colony : 13. and we were in this city tarrying certain days. And on the sabbath day we went forth without the gate by a 9. A vision. It is not probable that the vision gave him his first knowledge of Macedonia and its need. It rather presupposes con- siderable knowledge of Macedonia. Paul was thinking of the subject, and was still uncertain. A vision of the night brought a decision. Man of Macedonia. It is perhaps most natural to suppose that Paul had met a Macedonian in Troas, with whom he had talked of the Mace- donian field. If, then, he saw this man in a vision, he would of course recognize him as a Macedonian. On the assumption that Luke was the author of the Diary, which begins with vs. 10, it is possible that he himself was the ' man of Macedonia.' ID. We sought. That is, Paul, Silas, and Timothy, also Luke, if he was the author of the Diary that suddenly begins here. Called us for to preach. As the writer includes himself among those who were called to preach, we may suppose that he was an evangelist, and that in Troas, if not before, he had become thoroughly acquainted with Paul's work. The work in Philippic 16: 11-40 11. Setting sail. The Greek word, in this sense of it, is peculiar to the Diary. Samothrace. The lofty mountain on this island may have been the travellers' compass even from the time when they left Troas. Neapolis. About one hundred and forty miles from Troas and near the Thracian boundary. 12. Philippi. This lay inland from Neapolis about ten miles. The fact that it was a Roman colony (made such by Augustus, 42 B.C.) and was, according to Luke, the * first ' city of its district, perhaps first in importance (Amphipolis was the capital), may have marked it out as the place where they would begin their European mission. 158 ACTS river side, where we supposed there was °a place of prayer; and we sat down, and spake unto the women 14. which were come together. And a certain woman named °Lydia, a seller of purple, of the city of Thyatira, one that worshipped God, heard us : whose heart the Lord opened, to give heed unto the things which were 15. spoken by Paul. And when she was baptized, and °her household, she besought us, saying. If ye have judged me to be faithful to the Lord, come into my house, and abide there. And she ^constrained us. 16. And it came to pass, as we were going to the place of prayer, that a certain maid having °a spirit^ of divi- nation met us, which brought °her masters much gain 17. by soothsaying. The same following after Paul and us cried out, saying. These men are ^servants of the 'RVm Python. 13. A place of prayer. The Greek word here used, though it may denote a ' synagogue,' probably does not in this case Since those who came to the place of prayer were women, and since no synagogue is mentioned, we are to conclude that the Jewish population in Philippi was small. 14. Lydia. The first convert in Europe was not a Macedonian but an Asiatic, a native of the Lydian city of Thyatira. She appears to have been a permanent resident in Philippi, as the narrative speaks of her ' house ' (vs. 15). She was a proselyte to Judaism, * one that worshipped God.' See 13 : 16, 43. 15. Her household. The household was identified with its head. This reference to the baptism of Lydia' s ' household ' indicates that she was a person of means and suggests also that she was unmarried. On * household ' baptism comp, vs. 33 and i Cor. 1:16. Con- strained us. The Greek verb — found only here and in Lk. 24 : 29 — suggests that Paul and his companions were disinclined to accept Lydia' s hospitality. 16. A spirit of divination. If the word * python ' (R.V.m.) be taken to mean a ventriloquist, then the maid was doubly endowed, having in addition to this gift that of ' soothsaying.' Her masters. She was either a slave or had sold her services. 159 ACTS Most High God, which proclaim unto you the way i8. of salvation. And this she did °for many days. But Paul, being °sore troubled, turned and °said to the spirit, I charge thee in the name of Jesus Christ to come out of her. And °it came out that very hour. 19. But when her masters saw °that the hope of their gain was gone, they laid hold on °Paul and Silas, and dragged them into the marketplace before the rulers, 20. and when they had brought them unto the magistrates, they said. These men, °being Jews, do exceedingly 21. trouble our city, and °set forth customs which it is not lawful for us to receive, or to observe, being Romans. 22. And the multitude rose up together against them : and 17. Servants of the Most High God. In giving utterance to this conviction she was probably moved by a friendly feeling toward the men, and by a desire to help forward their work. For many days. Paul was somewhat at a loss how to deal with the case. 18. Sore troubled. Paul was not sore troubled by the witness which she bore but by the fact that one possessing a demon should bear this witness. The girl followed them, but did not join them. Paul may have delayed several days in the hope that one who bore true witness concerning him and his companions would break with her former mode of life. Said to the spirit. We have here the same conception of the reality of the foreign spirit that we find in the Gospels in the case of the demoniacs. It came out that very hour. The immediate proof of this fact may have been that she ceased to cry out after the evangelists. 19. That the hope of their gain was gone. The girl had apparently ceased not only from crying after Paul but also from all forms of sooth- saying. Whether at the same time she became a Christian disciple we can only conjecture. Paul and Silas. Timothy and Luke escaped. 20. Being Jews. The trouble is attributed to their nationality. Hatred of the Jews was widespread. 21. Set forth customs. The charge may have been vague, as Luke reports it, or it may have been backed up with what Paul had probably said about Jesus as a ' king.' To the Philippians as Roman citizens the doctrine of the kingship of Jesus might easily be pre- sented as something which it would be * unlawful ' for them to re- ceive. Christianity was not yet recognized by Roman law. 160 ACTS the magistrates °rent their garments off them, and 23. commanded to beat them with rods. And when they had laid °many stripes upon them, they cast them into 24. prison, charging the jailor to keep them safely : who, having received such a charge, cast them into the inner 25. prison, and made their feet fast in the stocks. But about midnight Paul and Silas °were praying and sing- ing hymns unto God, and the prisoners were listening 26. to them; and suddenly there was a great earthquake, so that the foundations of the prison-house were shaken : and immediately all °the doors were opened; and 27. °every one's bands were loosed. And the jailor being roused out of sleep, and seeing the prison doors open, drew his sword, and was °about to kill himself, suppos- 28. ing that the prisoners had escaped. But Paul cried with a loud voice, saying. Do thyself no harm : for °we 29. are all here. And he called for lights, and °sprang 22. Rent their garments off them. The Greek verb implies that they were stripped naked, not simply that their backs were bared for the rods. See i Thess. 2:2. 23. Many stripes. The Jewish practice was to give forty less one (2 Cor. 11 : 24), but we do not know how many blows were given by these colonial Roman magistrates. 25. Were praying and singing hymns unto God. These were not two separate acts. What they sang was at the same time both prayer and praise. 26. The doors were opened. Such a consequence of the quaking is easily intelligible where the walls are of brick or stone. Every one's bands were loosed. Staples fastened in the wall and wooden stocks fastened to the ground might obviously be loosened by a force which cracks the ground and the walls. 27. About to kill himself. His life would be forfeited if his pris- oners escaped. See 12 : 19. 28. We are all here. One may well believe that for a few moments the prisoners were so overcome with terror that they had no thought of escaping. 29. Sprang in. The demeanor of the keeper of the prison is only explicable on the supposition that he knew something of Paul and M 161 ACTS in, and, trembling for fear, fell down before Paul and 30. Silas, and °brought them out, and said, Sirs, what must 31. I do to be saved? And they said, °Believe on the Lord Jesus, and thou shalt be saved, thou and thy house. 32. And they spake the word of the Lord unto him, with 33. all that were in his house. And he took them the same hour of the night, and washed their stripes; and 34. °was baptized, he and all his, immediately. And he ^brought them up into his house, and set meat before them, and rejoiced greatly, with all his house, °having believed in God. 35. But when it was day, the magistrates ^sent the ser- 36. jeants, saying, °Let those men go. And the jailor reported the words to Paul, saying, The magistrates » Codex D inserts after ' magistrates ' these words : ' Came together in the market and remembering the earthquake which had happened they feared.* Silas, and something of the message which they had been preaching. Doubtless, too, he knew of the change in the soothsaying girl. 30. Brought them out. That is, at least out of the inner prison into a more comfortable place. 31. Believe on the Lord Jesus. This is briefer than the statement of Peter in 2 : 38. Neither repentance nor baptism is mentioned : only the essential thing. 33. Was baptized. In view of the next verse this act is to be put in some room of the prison. 34. Brought them up into his house. This was done while it was still night (vs. 35). Gratitude for the message made him eager to serve the messengers. Having believed in God. To believe in Jesus, as, by implication, he had now done, was to believe in God. 35. Let those men go. Luke suggests no reason for this action of the magistrates. Perhaps on sober second thought they realized that their treatment of the prisoners had been without legal warrant. The earthquake may have quickened their consciences, as Codex D suggests, but we can only conjecture. 36. It seems that Paul and Silas had returned to the prison. Regard for the jailer, if nothing else, would have restrained them from using their liberty to escape. 162 ACTS 17:1 have sent to let you go : now therefore come forth, 37. and go in peace. But Paul said unto them, They have beaten us pubhcly, uncondemned, °men that are Romans, and, have cast us into prison; and do they now cast us out privily? nay verily; but let them 38. come themselves and bring us out. And the Serjeants reported these words unto the magistrates : and they 39. feared, °when they heard that they were Romans ; and they came and °besought them; and when they had brought them out, °they asked them to go away from the 40. *city. And they went out of the prison, and entered into the house of Lydia : and when they had seen the brethren, they comforted them, and departed. 17. Now when they had passed through °Amphipolis and ApoUonia, they came to '^Thessalonica, °where was ' Codex D adds at the close of vs. 39, ' Go forth out of the city, lest they gather again before us crying out against you.' 37. Men that are Romans. It appears from this that Silas as well as Paul was a Roman citizen. The fact of Roman citizenship aggravated the case against the magistrates. To beat and imprison without trial was contrary to law ; to discharge the prisoners privily, without acknowledgment of the wrong done them, was cowardly. Paul's position was invincible. 38. When they heard that they were Romans, i.e., possessed of the rights of Romans. 39. Besought them, i.e., to let the matter drop. They asked them to go away from the city. They may well have feared lest their presence would cause further popular disturbances. The work in Thessalonica, 17 : 1-9 I. As the narrative is continued in the third person, it may be inferred that the writer of the Diary remained in Philippi, especially as the next passage of the Diary takes up the journey of Paul at that place (20 : 5). Amphipolis and ApoUonia. Amphipolis was south- west from Philippi on the Strymon River, about thirty-three miles, and was the capital of the district. ApoUonia was about halfway 163 ACTS 2. a synagogue of the Jews : and Paul, as his custom was, went in unto them, and for °three sabbath days °rea- 3. soned with them from the scriptures, °opening and alleging, that it °behoved the Christ to suffer, and to rise again from the dead; and that °this Jesus, whom, 4. said he, I proclaim unto you, is the Christ. And some of them were persuaded, and °consorted with Paul and Silas ; and of the °devout Greeks a great multitude, and between AmphipoHs and Thessalonica. Thessalonica. This city, the modern Saloniki, lies on the northeast side of the Thermaic Gulf, about two hundred miles north of Athens. Since 44 a.d. it had been the seat of government for the entire province of Macedonia. "Where was a synagogue of the Jews. The mention of this fact in connection with Thessalonica clearly suggests why Paul stopped there, and so also suggests why he had not stopped at Alnphipolis and Apollonia. 2. Three sabbath days. It is perhaps not necessary to infer that Luke limited Paul's stay in Thessalonica to two or three weeks. He may have remained even after he had ceased to be welcome in the synagogue, as he did a little later in Corinth (18 : 4, 7). Paul's own letters seem to imply a longer stay in Thessalonica than " three sabbaths." See Phil. 4 : 16; i Thess. i : 9. Reasoned with them. The Greek here suggests that Paul's method was conversational, allowing questions and objections to be raised by those present. 3. Opening and alleging. That is, opening passages of Scripture in which he found the necessity of the death and resurrection of the Messiah, and explaining them. This was the method which Paul used in i Cor. 15 : 3-4. Behoved the Christ to suffer. This doctrine was repulsive to the Jews when first declared by Jesus (e.g., Mk. 8 : 31-32), and a * stumbling block ' to them in the days of the apostles (e.g., I Cor. I : 23). This Jesus is the Christ. This was the funda- mental text of the apostolic age (e.g., 2 : 36; 3 : 18; 13 : 23). The doctrine crystallized in the double name * Jesus Christ.' 4. Consorted with Paul and Silas, i.e., 'cast in their lot with them,' avowed themselves disciples of the same Lord whom the evan- gelists served. Devout Greeks. From these proselytes the converts to Christianity were a ' great multitude,' while the preceding clause, which by contrast seems to refer to the Jewish converts, says only that ' some of them ' were persuaded. Chief women. Probably proselytes. Owing to their number and their influence they are espe- cially mentioned as a class or group coordinate with that of the men. The church at Thessalonica was thus from the first predominantly Gentile. 164 ACTS 17:9 5. of the °chief women not a few. But °the Jews, being moved with jealousy, took unto them certain vile fellows of the °rabble, and gathering a crowd, set the city on an uproar ; and assaulting the °house of Jason, 6. they sought to bring them forth to the people. And when they found them not, they dragged Jason and certain brethren before °the rulers of the city, crying, These that have turned °the world upside down are 7. come hither also; whom Jason hath received: and these all act °contrary to the decrees of Caesar, saying 8. that there is another king, one Jesus. And they troubled the multitude and the rulers of the city, when 9. they heard these things. And when they had taken ^security from Jason and the rest, they let them go. 5. The Jews. Here, as in the cities of central Asia Minor, the Jews were the leaders of the opposition to Paul, but they accomplished their end through the multitude of Gentiles whom they stirred up. Paul in I Thessalonians refers to a persecution inflicted by their own countrymen (i Thess. 2 : 14), but this was another persecution. Rabble. That is, such persons as hung around the market-place. House of Jason. This was probably the place where the evangelists lodged. As such it would naturally have been the place of meeting for the disciples. Of Jason we have no certain knowledge. Although the name is Greek, the bearer may have been a Jew. See Rom. 16 : 21. 6. The rulers of the city. The Greek word * politarchs,* which occurs nowhere else in the N.T. nor in classic Greek in just the N.T. form, has been found in a number of inscriptions, once on an arch in Thessalonica itself. Thus the accuracy of Luke has been confirmed. The world. That is, the Roman Empire. 7. Contrary to the decrees of Caesar. A political accusation such as was brought at Philippi (16 : 21). The charge extends only to the teaching of the evangelists as to the lordship of the Messiah Jesus. The Jews had brought the same accusation against Jesus (Jn. 19 : 12, 15)- 9. Security from Jason and the rest. The disciples gave some sort of pledge that nothing should be committed against Caesar. They could do this cheerfully, for they knew that the charge of treason was groundless. 165 i7:io ACTS 10. And the brethren immediately sent away °Paul and Silas by night unto °Beroea : who when they were 11. come thither °went into the synagogue of the Jews. Now these were °more noble than those in Thessalonica, in that they received the word with all readiness of mind, examining the scriptures daily, whether these 12. things were so. Many of them °therefore beHeved ; also of the °Greek women of honourable estate, and of men, 13. not a few. But when the Jews of Thessalonica had knowledge that the word of God was proclaimed of Paul at Beroea also, they came thither likewise, stirring up 14. and ^troubling the multitudes. And then immediately The work in Bercea, 17: 10-14 10. Paul and Silas. Thus Timothy appears to have been left in Thessalonica. Beroea. A Macedonian city about forty-seven miles southwest of Thessalonica by the shortest route. "Went into the synagogue. The Greek word here rendered * went,' which is not found elsewhere in the N.T., signifies more exactly *to go away.* It is possible that an escort had accompanied Paul from Thessalonica (comp. vss. 14-15), and that on reaching the city, he left these and entered the synagogue. 11. More noble. They were free from the jealousy and intoler- ance of the Thessalonians (vs. 5), and were ready to welcome new light which could justify its claim to acceptance out of the word of God. 12. Therefore. Because with open mind they searched the Scrip- tures to find out whether the message of Paul and Silas was true. Greek women. These persons are not characterized as proselytes, neither are the Greek men of the next clause, but both are doubtless to be understood as such in analogy with other cases {e.g., 13 : 43; 16 : 14; 17 : 4)- 13. Troubling the multitudes. Perhaps with the same accusations which had been so effective in Thessalonica (vss. 6-7). 14. As far as to the sea. If they went down to Dium in the extreme southeast of Macedonia, they had a journey of some twenty miles. Silas and Timothy. It appears from this that Timothy had come on from Thessalonica to Beroea. The fact that Silas and Timothy could be safely left in Beroea indicates that Paul was recognized as the one really dangerous man. 166 ACTS 17:18 the brethren sent forth Paul to go °as far as to the sea : 15. and °Silas and Timothy abode there still. But they that conducted Paul brought him °as far as Athens : and receiving a commandment unto Silas and Timothy °that they should come to him with all speed, they de- parted. 16. Now °while Paul waited for them at Athens, his spirit was provoked within him, as he beheld the city 17. °full of idols. So he reasoned in the synagogue with the Jews and the devout persons, and in °the market- 18. place every day with them that met with him. And Paul in Athens, 17 : 15-34 15. As far as Athens. That is, some two hundred miles by ship from Dium. This escort was a proof of Paul's power to attach people closely to himself. That they should come to him with all speed. We infer from i Thess. 3 : 1-3 that Paul wished to send Timothy to Thes- salonica, to comfort the afflicted disciples. He therefore waited in Athens. That Paul summoned Timothy to make the long journey to Athens instead of directing him to return at once from Beroea to Thessalonica shows that he regarded it as important for Timothy to have personal instruction from him concerning the mission. As for the summons to Silas, it may have been caused by a desire to send him to Philippi on an errand similar to that which took Timothy to Thessalonica (this view rests on the following passages: Acts 18 : 5; 2 Cor. II : 8; Phil. 4 : 15; i Thess. 1:1; 3:6). 16. While Paul waited. This language suggests that Paul had no definite plan to work at Athens when he stopped there. His letters make but a single allusion to any stay in Athens (i Thess. 3:1). Full of idols. The reference is to statues and altars erected in the streets. 17. The market-place. On the southwest of the Acropolis. It was surrounded by some of the famous buildings of Athens. On the west was the Royal Porch, on the south the Senate House, the Hall of Zeus, and the Poecil6. The Acropolis, with its great statue of Athena, overlooked it on the northeast, and the Hill of Mars on the west. It was the centre not only of the business life of the city but also of the intellectual. 18. Epicurean. The name was from the founder of the school, Epicurus, who died 270 B.C. The main part of his life was spent in Athens. The philosophy of his followers, if not his own, was open to 167 ACTS certain also of the ^Epicurean and °Stoic philosophers encountered him. And °some said, What would this °babbler say? other some, He seemeth to be a setter forth of °strange gods : because he preached Jesus and 19. the resurrection. And they took hold of him, and brought him unto °the Areopagus, saying, May we know what this new teaching is, which is spoken by 20. thee? For thou bringest certain strange things to our ears : we would know therefore what these things 21. mean. (Now all the Athenians and the strangers sojourning there spent their time in nothing else, but 22. either to tell or to hear some new thing.) And Paul stood in the midst of the Areopagus, and said. the charge of promoting sensuality and atheism. Stoic. So called from the fact that their founder, Zeno, taught in the Stoa or Hall on the south side of the market, the Stoa Pcecil^. Zeno died about 260 B.C. Their chief doctrine may be said to have concerned the Logos and a rational harmony with nature. Some said. It is not certain from the Greek whether these were of the preceding philosophers or were some other frequenters of the market. Babbler. This was a contemptuous designation, and implied that what Paul said was neither original with him nor of any marked intellectual worth. Strange gods. Paul seems to have been singularly misunderstood, for the word * resurrection ' (Greek dvd)' The Hebrew language. That is, the Aramaic dialect, 1. Defence, As far as he went — for he was not allowed to finish his speech (vs. 22) — Paul justified his Christian position, and in part at least his mission to the Gentiles, 2. When they heard . . . the Hebrew language. The appar- ent surprise at Paul's speaking in Aramaic indicates that what they had heard from him before was not in Aramaic, Comp. vs. 37, Greek was the common language of the eastern part of the Roman Empire. 3. Bom in Tarsus. This statement, taken with the next * brought up in this city,' suggests that Paul was sent to Jerusalem while yet a 206 ACTS 22 : 9 in this city, at the feet of Gamaliel, instructed accord- ing to the °strict manner of the law of our fathers, being 4. zealous for God, even as ye all are this day : and °I persecuted this Way unto death, binding and 5. delivering into prisons both men and women. As also °the high priest doth bear me witness, and all the °estate of the elders : from whom also I received letters unto the brethren, and journeyed to Damascus, to bring them also which were there unto Jerusalem in 6. bonds, for to be punished. And it came to pass, that, as I made my journey, and drew nigh unto Damascus, °about noon, suddenly there shone from heaven °a 7. great light round about me. And I fell unto the ground, and heard a voice saying unto me, Saul, Saul, 8. why persecutest thou me? And I answered. Who art thou. Lord? And he said unto me, I am Jesus 9. °of Nazareth, whom thou persecutest. And they that boy (comp. 26 : 4), but his age cannot be exactly determined. On Gamaliel see note on 5 : 34. Strict manner of the law of our fathers. Comp. Phil. 3 : 5-6; Gal. i : 13-14. The law of the fathers was ostensibly the Mosaic law, but more truly it was the oral law which had grown up in the course of centuries. 4. I persecuted this Way. Comp. 8:3; 9:1. The letters of Paul are explicit on this point. See i Cor. 15:9; Gal. i : 13; Phil. 3 : 16. 5. The high priest doth bear me witness. This seems to imply that Caiaphas, who was high priest when Paul was a persecutor (4:6; 9:2), was still alive. Estate of the elders. This term — pe- culiar to Luke's writings — is perhaps no more than an equivalent of the more common word ' sanhedrin.' 6. About noon. This detail is not in Luke's account, chapter 9. It is such as might be expected from one who went through the ex- periences described. A great light. This touch, that it was a great light which shone around him, though really implied in Luke's nar- rative, is not expressed there. It is another detail suitable to the lips of an eye-witness. 7. This verse agrees closely with the corresponding passage in Luke's account (9:4). Here, as there, Paul heard the heavenly voice after he had fallen to the earth. 207 22: 10 ACTS were with me beheld indeed the light, but they heard 10. not the voice of him that spake to me. And I said, °What shall I do, Lord ? And the Lord said unto me, Arise, and go into ^Damascus; and there it shall be told thee of all things which are appointed for thee to 11. do. And when I could not see °for the glory of that light, being led by the hand of them that were with 12. me, I came into Damascus. And one ^Ananias, a 8. Of Nazareth. A third detail not found in Luke's account of the event. This descriptive title of Jesus, as it was common in the earliest days of Christianity {e.g., 2 : 22; 3:6; 4 : 10), may well have been used by Paul. Comp, 26 : 9. 9. This verse, or the substance of it, stands, in Luke's account, after the direction to go into Damascus, that is, at the conclusion of the episode, and not, as here, in its midst. But this difference is without significance. Paul must have learned, not at the time but afterwards, what his companions saw and heard at the time he lay prostrate and blind. The verse has other divergences from the corresponding passage in Luke's narrative. Thus it is said that the men with him saw the light. This, of course, implies that it was something objective. It is also said that they heard not the voice of him who spake to Paul. Luke says they did hear the voice. There are two ways of regarding this difference. It may be a simple discrepancy, and if so regarded, we should follow the narrative which is attributed to Paul himself, which bears various traces of having come from an eye-witness. Or it may be interpreted in the light of Jn. 9 : 28-29. In that case, we are to suppose that his companions heard indeed a sound, but not, as Paul, a sound with a definite meaning. 10. What shall I do. Lord ? This is a fourth detail not found in Luke's narrative. It makes more clear what is there implied, viz., Paul's readiness to follow the heavenly voice. Damascus. In 9 : 6 we have ' the city ' without naming it. This appears to be a wholly unimportant difference for all who take a spiritual view of the incident. There is a real conflict only when the voice is thought of as coming to Paul's ear rather than to his spirit. 11. For the glory of that light. Here it is explicitly declared, what Luke's narrative only implies, that Paul's blindness was due to the flash of light. We may regard this as another, a fifth, detail which suits the view that the present narrative is indeed directly from Paul. 12. Ananias. What Paul says of Ananias, to wit, that he was a devout man according to the law and esteemed by all the Jews of Damascus, does not exclude what Luke says, viz., that he was a dis- 208 ACTS devout man according to the law, well reported of by 13. all the Jews that dwelt there, came unto me, and standing by me said unto me, Brother Saul, ^receive thy sight. And in that very hour I looked up on him. 14. And he said. The God of our fathers hath appointed thee to know his will, and to see the Righteous One, 15. and to hear a voice from his mouth. For thou shalt be a ^witness for him unto all men °of what thou hast 16. seen and heard. And now why tarriest thou? arise, and be baptized, and wash away thy sins, calling on his 17. name. And it came to pass, that, when I had returned to Jerusalem, and while I prayed in the temple, °I fell ciple. What Paul said of him was suitable for his defence before Jews. It is significant that he omits all the circumstances which led Ananias to come to him, which in Luke are so elaborately set forth. 13. The essential facts of this verse are the same that are given by Luke (9 : 17-18), but they are presented more briefly. Receive thy sight. Or, as the verb must be rendered in the next sentence, * look up.' 14. The three statements of this verse were well suited to Paul's defence before Jews. His new experience was traced back to the fathers* God (see Gal, 1 : 15), and the name of Jesus was not men- tioned. Comp. 9:17. He was, however, referred to as ' the righteous one,' a title which should commend him to the people of the law, for it implies that he fulfilled the law perfectly. 15. Witness for him unto all men. This is involved in what the Lord said to Ananias according to the narrative of Luke (9 : 15). Of what thou hast seen and heard. In other words, he was to be a witness of the resurrection of Jesus, hence of his Messiahship. This statement goes farther than anything in Luke's record of the inter- view with Ananias or of his vision. 16. The narrative of Paul at this point is more graphic than Luke's, yet contains nothing which is at variance with that. It was natural that Ananias should summon him to be baptized. It is noticeable that the only other NT. passage in which the verb * to wash away ' is used occurs in a letter of Paul (i Cor. 6 : 11). 17. Paul passes over the sojourn in Arabia and the work in Damascus, presumably because his defence before the Jews did not call for an enumeration of these facts. I fell into a trance. The circumstances recorded in 9 : 28-30 give an outside view of Paul's P 209 . ACTS 1 8. into a trance, and °saw him saying unto me, Make haste, and °get thee quickly out of Jerusalem : because they will not receive of thee testimony concerning me. 19. And I said, °Lord, they themselves know that I im- prisoned and beat in every synagogue them that believed 20. on thee : and when the blood of Stephen thy witness was shed, I also was standing by, and consenting, and 21. keeping the garments of them that slew him. And he said unto me, ^Depart: for I will send thee forth °far hence unto the Gentiles. Paul in the Antonia barracks^ 22 : 22-29 22. And they gave him audience °unto this word; and they lifted up their voice, and said, Away with such a visit in Jerusalem and his departure thence; here, on the contrary, we have an inside view. This is not at variance with the earlier narrative, but is such a supplement as might be expected from Paul. We may suppose that Luke, when writing chapter 9, made no allusion to this trance for the reason that Paul had not spoken of it until he made his defence. 18. Saw him. That is, as appears from what follows, Jesus. Paul may have avoided the name out of regard for his hearers. Get thee quickly out of Jerusalem. This command implies that Paul had already attempted to bring his message to the Jews of the capital. The urgency of the words suggests that it was dangerous for him to remain. Thus this narrative really implies the facts which Luke gives us in chapter 9. 19-20. Lord, they themselves know, etc. We can see in these words of remonstrance how unreasonable it seemed to Paul that his countrymen should not consider the extraordinary circumstances of his call to the ministry of the Gospel. He felt that his former well-known hostility toward Christianity, conspicuously illustrated in his part in the death of Stephen, ought to be a proof that his present course rested on a divine revelation. All this was especially perti- nent to the present circumstances, for the very Jews to whom he was speaking were refusing his testimony just as the Hellenists had done years before. 21. Depart. A repetition of the command of vs. 18. Far hence tinto the Gentiles. We learn from Gal. i : 16 that Paul at his con- ACTS 22 : 28 fellow from the earth: for it is not fit that he should 23. live. And as they cried out, and °threw off their gar- 24. ments, and °cast dust into the air, the chief captain commanded him to be brought into the castle, bidding that he should be examined by scourging, °that he might know for what cause they so shouted against him. 25. And °when they had tied him up with the thongs, Paul said unto the centurion that stood by, °Is it lawful for you to scourge a man that is a Roman, and uncon- 26. demned? And when the centurion heard it, he went to the chief captain, and told him, saying. What art 27. thou about to do? for this man is a Roman. And the chief captain came, and said unto him. Tell me, art thou 28. a Roman? And he said, Yea. And the chief captain answered, °With a great sum obtained I this citizen- version felt that he was called of God to the work among the Gentiles. Here in Jerusalem, after a short period of unsuccessful labor among his countrymen, this consciousness of a divine call to the Gentiles seems to have been, as it were, realized anew. 22. Unto this word. That is, the word ' Gentiles.' This was the stone of stumbling. The thought that the Messiah had really come and was setting up his kingdom among the uncircumcised Gentiles, was intolerable. 23. Threw off their garments. To the end that they might exe- cute their wrath on Paul, as once men like them had cast down their garments at his feet when about to stone Stephen (7 : 58). Cast dust into the air. To give vent to their fury. See 2 Sam. 16 : 13. 24. That he might know, etc. It is not likely that the Roman captain understood Aramaic, or that any one was at hand to inter- pret Paul's speech to him. Had he understood it, he could hardly have failed to see that the hostility toward Paul was not because of any wickedness he had done, but was a matter of religious prejudice. 25. When they had tied him up. Or, following the Greek more closely, * when they had stretched him forth,' the reference being to the procumbent posture of the body in preparation for the scourging. The marginal reading 'for the thongs ' seems preferable to ' with the thongs ' because more significant. Is it lawful ? It was not lawful to scourge a Roman citizen uncondemned, and Paul no doubt knew this well. 311 22 : 29 ACTS 29. ship. And Paul said, But °I am a Roman born. They then which were about to examine him straightway- departed from him : and the chief captain also was afraid, °when he knew that he was a Roman, and °be- cause he had bound him. Paul before the sanhedrin, 22 : 30-23 : 11 30. But °on the morrow, desiring to know the certainty, wherefore he was accused of the Jews, he °loosed him, and commanded the chief priests and all the council to come together, and brought Paul down, and set him before them. 23. And Paul looking °stedfastly on the council, said, ^Brethren, I have lived before God °in all good con- 28. With a great sum obtained I this citizenship. This remark was perhaps called out by the appearance of Paul, which must have belied his words. I am a Roman born. How far back Paul's family had possessed Roman citizenship, we do not know, nor how they had acquired it. 29. When he knew that he was a Roman. Paul's assertion was taken as proof of the fact. To claim Roman citizenship falsely was to expose one's self to death. Because he had bound him. The natural reference of these words is to vs. 25, not to 21 : 33, for the binding of Paul in preparation for scourging was the more palpable violation of Roman law. 30. On the morrow. In the meantime Paul had doubtless been kept in the Antonia barracks. Comp. 23 : 16. Loosed him. That is, either from the two chains which were put on him in the court of the temple when he was seized (21 : 23) > or from whatever form of corporal imprisonment may have been substituted for these chains on the discovery that he was a Roman. I. Stedfastly. A steady, self-possessed looking around upon the sanhedrin was in accord with the words that immediately follow. It was becoming in a man who had a good conscience and who was suffering wrongfully. Brethren. The more formal tone of this address in comparison with that of 22 : i may perhaps have been due to the fact that, while the speech of the preceding day had been to a popular audience and was at the prompting of his own heart, this speech was to the sanhedrin, to the men least likely to have any re- ACTS 23 : 6 2. science until this day. And the high priest ^Ananias commanded them that stood by him to smite him on 3. the mouth. Then said Paul unto him, God shall smite thee, °thou whited wall : and sittest thou to judge me according to the law, and commandest me to be 4. smitten contrary to the law? And they that stood by 5. said, Revilest thou God's high priest? And Paul said, °I wist not, brethren, that he was high priest : for it is written. Thou shalt not speak evil of a ruler of thy 6. people. But °when Paul perceived that the one part were Sadducees, and the other Pharisees, he cried out in the council, Brethren, °l am a Pharisee, a son of gard for what Paul might say, and, moreover, it was, as it were, forced upon him. In all good conscience. As it was Paul's Christian con- fession and Christian work that caused hostility toward him, these words of defence are naturally to be referred to the time since his con- version. 2. Ananias. This Ananias, not to be confounded with the father- in-law of Caiaphas, was appointed high priest about 48 a,d., and perished miserably in the Jewish War, 3. Thou whited wall. A figurative designation of a hypocrite. Comp. Matt. 23 : 27. It is explained and justified by the words that follow. His act in commanding Paul to be smitten was in conflict with his profession. 5. I wist not. However difficult it may be to explain Paul's ignorance that the one who had commanded him to be smitten on the mouth was the high priest, we cannot set aside the plain meaning of the words. He was ignorant. Imperfect eyesight has been sup- posed to account for this ignorance, or the language has been regarded as ironical. Neither explanation is wholly satisfactory. Still less satisfactory is it to attribute the statement of ignorance to the writer and not to Paul. Paul in saying that he did not know that it was the high priest admitted that his words were unbecoming, not that they were untrue. 6. When Paul perceived. We are not told how he became aware that both Sadducees and Pharisees were present. The obscurity is very likely due to the brevity of the report of the proceedings. I am a Pharisee. See Phil. 3:5. As over against the Sadducees. Paul did not cease to be a Pharisee on becoming a Christian. The statement was natural in the circumstances, but might easily be mis- 23 : 7 ACTS Pharisees : °touching the hope and resurrection of the 7. dead I am called in question. And when he had so said, °there arose a dissension between the Pharisees 8. and Sadducees : and the assembly was divided. For the Sadducees say that there is no resurrection, neither angel, nor spirit : but the Pharisees confess both. 9. And there arose a great clamour : and °some of the scribes of the Pharisees' part stood up, and strove, saying, We find no evil in this man : and °what if 10. a spirit hath spoken to him, or an angel? And when understood. To the statement that he was a Pharisee he added the strengthening remark that he was ' a son of Pharisees,' which impHes that at least his father and grandfather were Pharisees. Touching the hope and resurrection of the dead I am called in question. This Statement is difficult. Plainly his belief in the resurrection was not the immediate cause of his arrest. The Jews had seized him as an enemy of their religion and a defiler of the temple. Moreover, the Pharisees also, as well as Paul, believed in the resurrection, and yet the Pharisees were undoubtedly hostile to Paul. It is possible that vs. 9 throws some light on the difficulty. There the Pharisees refer to the possibility that a spirit or an angel may have spoken to Paul. Now this language is natural if they referred to the story of his ex- perience on the way to Damascus. But if Paul had the Damascus experience in mind in vs. 6, then we see how he could say that he was brought to trial because of the hope of the resurrection of the dead. It was his teaching regarding the resurrection and consequent Messiahship of Jesus that made the Jews hate him. 7. There arose a dissension. This, according to the first of vs. 6, is just what Paul anticipated. 8. The Sadducees denied the reality of spirit, and accordingly denied the doctrine of resurrection. In so far they were materialists. The Pharisees believed in the reality of spirit and in a resurrection. Luke's statement agrees with what Josephus says. See Ant. XVIII, I. 4; Jew. War, II, 8. 14. 9. Some of the scribes of the Pharisees' part. Not all scribes were Pharisees ; some were Sadducees. Scribes were the professional ex- positors of the Jewish constitution, that is, the law oral and the written. What if a spirit hath spoken to him ? This is apparently an allusion to Paul's story of his conversion which they had heard the day before. It is noticeable how they explained the event. Paul said that it was Jesus who spoke to him; they say that it may have been a spirit or an 214 ACTS 23 there arose a great dissension, the chief captain, fear- ing °lest Paul should be torn in pieces by them, com- manded the soldiers to go down and take him by force from among them, and bring him into the castle. 11. And the night following °the Lord stood by him, and said, °Be of good cheer : for as thou hast °testified con- cerning me at Jerusalem, so must thou °bear witness also at Rome. Paul sent to CcEsarea, 23 : 12-35 12. And when it was day, °the Jews banded together, and °bound themselves under a curse, saying that they would neither eat nor drink till they had killed Paul. angel. The Greek text leaves the statement of the scribes unfinished. They were apparently interrupted by the clamor. 10. Lest Paul should be torn in pieces. The two parties may have been struggling for the possession of Paul. 11. The Lord stood by him. That is, as the following words show, the Lord Jesus. We are to think of a vision. Comp. 18 : 9; 22 : 17. Be of good cheer. The substance of the Lord's communication was in line with Paul's previous purpose to visit Rome (19 : 21). Now, for the first time, he is assured that he shall be delivered from the disobedient in Jerusalem (see Rom. 15 : 31); and significantly this assurance comes when dangers are thickening around him. The * bonds and imprisonment ' which he had long felt were awaiting him in Jerusalem (20 : 23) had indeed come, but now he sees beyond them. Testified concerning me at Jerusalem. That is, on the last two days in particular, when he had told his story before a crowd in the temple court and had spoken before the sanhedrin. Bear witness also at Rome. This is indefinite. He might bear witness as a prisoner (see 27 : 24), or as a free man. The one point which was certain was that he should bear witness in Rome. 12. The Jews. Those Jews of Asia who had sought to kill Paulin the temple court (21 : 27) were doubtless ready for a conspiracy against him and may have been the very ones who formed it. Bound themselves under a curse. That is, they invoked divine judgment upon themselves if they did not carry out the purpose which they had formed. And this was to be carried out at once, before they should taste food or drink. 215 ACTS 13. And they were more than forty which made this con- 14. spiracy. And they came °to the chief priests and the elders, and said, We have bound ourselves under a great curse, to taste nothing until we have killed Paul. 15. Now therefore °do ye with the council ^signify to the chief captain that he bring him down unto you, as though ye would judge of his case more exactly : and 16. we, °or ever he come near, are ready to slay him. But Paul's sister's son heard of their lying in wait, and he 17. came and entered into the castle, and told Paul. And Paul called unto him one of the centurions, and said °Bring this young man unto the chief captain : for he 18. hath something to tell him. So he took him, and brought him to the chief captain, and saith, Paul the prisoner called me unto him, and asked me to bring 13. How the details of this conspiracy became public we are told in vs. 16. If Paul's nephew knew of the plot, he may have known of the number of men involved in it, also of their proposal to the chief priests and elders. 14. To the chief priests and the elders, i.e., to those members of the sanhedrin who in the meeting of the previous day had taken sides against Paul. 15. Do ye with the council. Those to whom they revealed their plot were to enlist the entire sanhedrin, and this appears to have been done. See vs. 20. Signify to the captain. They could request but not demand that Paul be brought before them. Comp. vs. 21. Or ever he come near. That is, to the place of the meeting of the sanhedrin. The plot was to assassinate Paul between Antonia and the council chamber. 16. This verse raises questions that cannot be answered, as, e.g., whether Paul's sister was living in Jerusalem, whether she was a be- liever, what this son was, and how he had learned of the conspiracy. It certainly affirms nothing that is incredible. 17. Bring this young man to the captain. It is notable that Paul, though assured in the vision (vs. 11) that he should reach Rome, did not neglect human means of protection. Comp. 27 : 23, 24, 31. From the circumstance that the captain took the ' young man ' by the hand (vs. 19) we infer that he was a boy rather than a young man. 216 ACTS this young man unto thee, who hath something to say 19. to thee. And the chief captain took him by the hand, and going aside asked him privately, What is that 20. thou hast to tell me? And he said, °The Jews have agreed to ask thee to bring down Paul to-morrow unto the council, °as though thou wouldest inquire some- 21. what more exactly concerning him. Do not thou therefore yield unto them : for there He in wait for him of them more than forty men, which have bound themselves under a curse, neither to eat nor to drink till they have slain him : and now are they ready, 22. ^looking for the promise from thee. So the chief cap- tain let the young man go, charging him, Tell no man 23. that thou hast signified these things to me. And he called unto him °two of the centurions, and said, Make ready °two hundred soldiers to go °as far as Caesarea, 20. The Jews. That is, if not the entire sanhedrin, at least the leaders and chief representatives. This makes an advance on vs. 15, and seems to imply that the request of the conspirators had been granted. As though thou wouldest inquire. The proposition of the conspirators contemplated a more exact inquiry on the part of the sanhedrin. This verse indicates that the sanhedrin agreed to ask the captain to bring Paul down as though for his own further enlight- enment regarding his case. This seems rather improbable and raises the question whether the modification may not have been due to the youth himself. 21. Looking for the promise from thee. That is, the promise which they hoped he would make, and the fulfilment of which they expected on the morrow. 23. Two of the centurions. Or, according to another Greek text, * a certain two,' as though the captain was careful in his choice re- garding the affair as one that called for especially trustworthy leaders. Two hundred. The total number of the military escort, four hundred and seventy, indicates that the captain was determined to protect the prisoner, and that he thought a serious attack of the enemies of Paul possible. As far as Caesarea. About sixty-eight miles. The foot-soldiers did not go to Caesarea, but turned back at Antipatris. At the third hour of the night. About nine o'clock in the evening. 217 ACTS and horsemen threescore and ten, and spearmen two 24. hundred, °at the third hour of the night : and he hade them °provide beasts, that they might set Paul thereon, 25. and bring him safe unto °Felix the governor. And he wrote a letter °after this form : 26. Claudius °Lysias unto the most excellent governor 27. Felix, greeting. This man was seized by the Jews, and was about to be slain of them, when I came upon them with the soldiers, and rescued him, °having learned 28. that he was a Roman. And desiring to know the cause wherefore they accused him, I brought him down 29. unto their council : whom I found to be ^accused about questions of their law, but to have nothing laid 30. to his charge worthy of death or of bonds. And when it was shewn to me that there would be a plot against the man, I sent him to thee forthwith, °charging his ac- cusers also to speak against him before thee. 24. Provide beasts. The plural suggests that a friend or two went with Paul. Felix the governor. Antoninus Felix, procurator of Judaea, was appointed, according to Josephus, in the twelfth year of Claudius (52 A.D.) His rule of the country was marked by wholesale executions. He was a man of low character and sought to govern by force. 25. After this form. The Greek does not clearly indicate whether the writer claimed to give the very words of the letter or only its chief contents. The character of the letter favors its genuineness. 26. Lysias. The bearer of this Greek name may have been a Greek who adopted the Latin name 'Claudius,' possibly when he secured Roman citizenship. 27. Having learned that he was a Roman. This does not agree exactly with Luke's narrative of the course of affairs, but we should hardly expect that a pagan soldier would voluntarily expose himself to hostile criticism. He simply tells the story for his own advantage. 29. Accused about questions of their law. Lysias may have gained this information from private conversation with the friends and the enemies of the prisoner. 30. Charging his accusers, etc. It is certain that Lysias did not tell the accusers of Paul anything about appearing before Felix until 218 ACTS 24 : 1 31. So the soldiers, as it was commanded them, took 32. Paul, and brought him by night to °Antipatris. But °on the morrow °they left the horsemen to go with him, 33. and returned to the castle : and they, °when they came to Caesarea, and delivered the letter to the governor, 34. presented Paul also before him. And when he had read it, he asked °of what province he was ; and when 35. he understood that he was of Cilicia, I will hear thy cause, said he, when thine accusers also are come : and he commanded him to be kept °in Herod's palace. The hearing before Felix ^ 24 : 1-21 24. And °after five days the high priest °Ananias came down with certain elders, and with an orator, one Paul was at a safe distance from Jerusalem. Therefore the statement of this verse was not true when written. Lysias may have told the accusers the next day that Paul was in Cjesarea, and there is no reason to suppose that he did not plan to inform them when he wrote the letter. 31. Antipatris. A town about forty-two miles northwest from Jerusalem. As the soldiers did not start until the third hour of the evening, they can hardly have made the entire journey * by night/ but they may have gone more than half of the way. 32. On the morrow. That is, the day after leaving Jerusalem. They left. That is, the centurions in charge of the foot-soldiers 'al- lowed ' or * permitted ' the horsemen to go forward alone. They were now at such a distance from Jerusalem that the smaller escort was deemed sufficient. 2)2,. When they came to Caesarea. As all the company were mounted they may have reached Caesarea the day after leaving Jerusalem. 34. Of what province he was. This point was not touched in the letter of Lysias. Just what significance the question had, if any, does not appear. 35. In Herod's palace. Caesarea was built by Herod the Great, and his palace was now the residence of the Roman procurator. I. After five days. That is, from the last-mentioned event, viz., Paul's arrival in Caesarea. Accordingly, as two days must be al- 219 ACTS °Tertullus; and °they informed the governor against 2. Paul. And when he was called, Tertullus began to accuse him, saying, Seeing that by thee °we enjoy much peace, and that by thy providence °evils are corrected for this nation 3. we accept it in all ways and in all places, most excellent 4. Felix, with all thankfulness. But, °that I be not further tedious unto thee, I entreat thee to hear us of thy clem- 5. ency a few words. For we have found this man °a pestilent fellow, and a mover of insurrections among all lowed for the trip, it appears that the Jews acted promptly in following up their enemy. Ananias. See on 23 : 2. The fact that the high priest himself came down is probably an indication of the intense hatred of Paul entertained by the leaders. Tertullus. The Roman name is not proof that the man was a Roman, but there are some reasons for think- ing that he was not a Jew. First, the professional Jewish lawy r was called a ' scribe.' Then, it was natural that, in bringing their case before the Roman procurator, the Jews should have retained one who was acquainted with Roman law, but such an one would more likely be Roman or Greek rather than Jewish. Moreover, there is nothing in the speech attributed to Tertullus which is inconsistent with the view that he was a Roman. As a resident of Jerusalem he would naturally say ' we enjoy ' (vs. 2), * we accept ' (vs. 3), * we have found ' (vs. 5), and would otherwise have identified himself with his clients. They informed the governor. That is, the Jews brought their case before the governor in a general statement. 2. We enjoy much peace. According to Josephus it is doubtful whether Felix deserved this praise. He destroyed the robbers, but in their place sprang up the Assassins. Whatever peace he secured was by brute force. Evils are corrected. This too was flattery rather than truth. The state of Judaea grew worse from year to year. There was a bitter feud between the Jews and Greeks in Caesarea itself, but Felix was not able to cope with it. 4. That I be not further tedious. Or, that I may not longer * detain you,' i.e., with these matters which did not concern the case in hand. It is tolerably safe to say that the flattery of Tertullus was not * tedious ' to the governor. 5. A pestilent fellow. This was merely a general abusive term, not a charge that could be considered by the governor. There are three counts in the indictment of Tertullus. First, he charged that Paul was an ' insurrectionist,' an inciter of riotous disturbances, working 230 ACTS the Jews throughout the world, and a ringleader of the 6. sect of the Nazarenes : who moreover assayed to pro- 8. fane the temple : on whom also we laid hold : °from whom thou wilt be able, by examining him thyself, to take knowledge of all these things, whereof we accuse 9. him. And the Jews also joined in the charge, affirming that these things were so. 10. And when the governor °had beckoned unto him to speak, Paul answered. Forasmuch as I know that thou hast been °of many years a judge unto this nation, I do cheerfully make among the Jews far and near throughout the Roman Empire. It is true that Paul's presence in a city was apt to provoke a riot, yet it was false that he was a riotous person. He was a preacher of righteousness, and the riots usually came from the hatred and jealousy of the Jews. The second charge of Tertullus was that Paul was a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes. This charge was substantially true. Paul was a leader of the Nazarenes. But Tertullus doubtless sought to prejudice the governor against him by the use of the words ' sect ' and * Nazarene.' The former was suggestive of narrowness and bigotry (comp. 26 : 4), the latter of the mean origin of the movement with which Paul was connected. 6. The third count in Tertullus' indictment was that Paul had attempted to profane the temple. This was based on the slander of 21 : 28. 8. From whom thou wilt be able. Tertullus closed with the bold assertion that all of his charges would be found valid from an examina- tion of the prisoner. He intimates that all his charges were so ob- viously true that the governor could verify them from Paul's words, however the latter might seek to cover the truth. What we have of the speech of Tertullus can be no more than the merest outline of its argument. A trained advocate who had come down from Jerusalem on an important case was more likely to have talked a half day than a half minute. 10, Had beckoned. This sign, as the Greek indicates, was a nod. Of many years a judge. If Felix was appointed at the beginning of 52 A.D., he had been a procurator now some four and a half years. This period might indeed have given him a large experience, but would hardly be described as * many years.* But it is perhaps pos- sible or even probable that Felix had been a * judge ' before he was a 221 ACTS 11. my defence : ^seeing that thou canst take knowledge, that it is not more than twelve days since I went up to 12. worship at Jerusalem : and neither in the temple did they find me disputing with any man or stirring up a 13. crowd, nor in the synagogues, nor in the city. Neither can they prove to thee the things whereof they now 14. accuse me. But this I confess unto thee, that after °the Way which they call a sect, °so serve I the God procurator, for Josephus says that the high priest Jonathan asked that Felix might be appointed procurator (AnL XX, 8. 5), a statement which well suits the view that Felix had previously served in some subordinate capacity in Judaea. 11. Seeing that thou canst take knowledge. It was possible, that is, for Felix to satisfy himself that Paul's arrival in Jerusalem was not more than twelve days before the present. A matter of such recent date could easily be determined. Paul probably laid stress on this point because, if he had been in Jerusalem only about a week, he could hardly have made himself obnoxious there as a promoter of riots and a ringleader of the Nazarenes. The twelve days may be counted on this wise : the meeting with James on the first day, the arrest on the sixth, the arrival in Caesarea on the ninth, and adding the five days of 24 : i we come to the thirteenth, that is, twelve full days had passed. Or we may look simply at 21 : 27 and 24 : i, and by deducting enough from the seven days (see the * almost completed,* 21 : 27) to cover the day before the sanhedrin and the journey to Caesarea, we have the twelve days of Paul's statement. 12. This verse is a denial of the charge, as far as Jerusalem is con- cerned, that he was a ' mover of insurrections.' 13. These words may be taken closely with the preceding, and so referred to the first count in the indictment against Paul. He denies that he has stirred up riots in Jerusalem, and then affirms that they cannot prove him a mover of insurrections anywhere. 14. In this verse and the two following Paul takes up the second count in the indictment. He confesses himself a Nazarene. The Way which they call a sect. Evidently Paul did not regard Christianity as a species of Judaism, but since he saw in Jesus the Messiah of the O.T,, he regarded Christianity as something greater than Judaism, the substance of which that was only the shadow. So serve I the God of our fathers. To be a Nazarene, Paul argues, is not to depart from the religion of the OT., which his accusers have seemed to imply. He serves the same God as they ; he believes the law and the prophets ; he believes in the resurrection of the dead. The situation 222 ACTS of our fathers, believing all things which are according to the law, and which are written in the prophets : 15. having hope toward God, °which these also themselves look for, that there shall be a resurrection both of the 16. just and unjust. °Herein do °I also exercise myself to have a conscience void of offence toward God and 17. men alway. Now °after many years I came to bring 18. °alms to my nation, °and offerings : °amidst which they called only for a statement of what he had in common with all Jews, not for a definition of his Christian belief. 15. Which these also themselves look for. This was not true of Ananias or of the other Sadducees, but it was true of the Jews as a whole. The Sadducees were few in number. The language appears to imply that Paul recognized some Pharisees among those who had come down to Caesarea. 16. Herein, Paul has confessed himself a Nazarene and has shown how much the Nazarenes have in common with all Jews. Now, perhaps with some reference to the word ' ringleader ' which was used by TertuUus, he declares that in this faith he has sought to live an exemplary life. I exercise myself. The Greek verb here trans- lated — found nowhere else in the NT. — implies earnest and, if need be, painful effort. The seriousness of the effort may be inferred also from the high aim of Paul, which is nothing less than to do his whole duty toward God and men. 17. After many years. That is, since his last visit to Jerusalem. If we find that last visit in 18 : 22, then only about four years elapsed between it and his recent visit; if we go back to the time of the con- ference (chap. 15), then the period was one of about seven years. In either case, the Greek word translated * many ' might better be rendered by ' some ' (so R.V.m.). Alms to my nation. This was a forcible rebuttal of the charge that he was a ' pest ' and a ' mover of insurrections.' It was a fact of which the governor could easily satisfy himself, for the entire Jerusalem church were witnesses of it. And offerings. Though Paul could speak of his great collection as an * offering ' (see Rom. 15 : 16), yet it seems clear that the word refers here to some personal religious offering in the temple. He had gone up to Jerusalem to worship (vs. 11), and worship in the temple would naturally include an offering. 18. Amidst which. That is, occupied with the offerings. See 21 : 26. If this offering for the Nazirites was the only one which Paul offered, it could scarcely be said that he went up to bring offer- ings, for this was proposed to him after his arrival. The decla- 223 ACTS found me purified in the temple, with no crowd, nor yet with tumult : but there were ^certain Jews from 19. Asia — who ought to have been here before thee, and to make accusation, if they had aught against me. 20. °0r else let these men themselves say what wrong- doing they found, when I stood before the council, 21. ^except it be for this one voice, that I cried standing among them. Touching the resurrection of the dead I am called in question before you this day. Paul kept a prisoner in CcBsarea, 24 : 22-27 22. But Felix, ^having more exact knowledge concerning the Way, ^deferred them, saying, °When Lysias the chief captain shall come down, I will determine your 23. matter. And he gave order to the centurion that he ration that he was found purified in the temple is an answer to the charge of Tertullus that he had sought to defile the temple. But certain Jews from Asia. The sentence beginning with these words is left incomplete, but the completion of it, suggested by the next verse, would be of this sort, ' accused me of defiling the temple.' 19. This verse further shows the weakness of the prosecution as regards the defilement of the temple. 20. Or. Since the Jews of Asia are not present to bear witness in regard to a defilement of the temple by Paul, ' let these men,' etc. 21. Except it be for this one voice. In making an exception of this one point, viz., his utterance of the word about a resurrection, and allowing that this might be called ' wrong-doing,' Paul spoke ironically. For if he had felt that he did wrong in making this statement before the sanhedrin, — which does not seem likely on the whole, — he would scarcely have chosen the present hour to make acknowledg- ment of his fault. We are therefore to hold that he referred to his appearance before the sanhedrin as an unanswerable argument in his favor over against the charges of Tertullus. 22. Having more exact knowledge. That is, more exact than that which was reflected in the words of Tertullus and the Jews. He was in a position, according to Luke, to see the weakness of their accusa- tions. We cannot say how he had obtained this knowledge of Chris- tianity, but it is obvious that he must have had many opportunities. 224 ACTS should be kept in charge, and should °have indulgence ; and °not to forbid any of his friends to minister unto him. 24. But after certain days, °Felix came with °Drusilla, his wife, which was a Jewess, and °sent for Paul, and 25. heard him concerning the faith in Christ Jesus. And °as he reasoned of righteousness, and temperance, and the judgement to come, °FeUx was terrified, and an- Deferred them. This, at least, was to the credit of the governor. The popular thing would have been to gratify the leaders of the Jewish state and condemn Paul. On what grounds he still kept the prisoner in custody, we do not know. When Lysias. There is no indication that Lysias ever came down to Caesarea to give testimony regarding Paul. We may therefore infer that the governor never sent for him. It is possible, then, that this reference to Lysias was only a device for turning away the Jews without disappointing them too greatly. 23. Have indulgence. This implies a lightening of the hardship which up to this time Paul's confinement had occasioned. This is a plain indication that Felix did not consider the case against Paul as very serious. Not to forbid. There is here a suggestion that Paul had not been allowed free intercourse with his friends hitherto. Who these friends were, whether Christians of Caesarea only, or these and some of the companions of Paul from Jerusalem, cannot be said. See note on 23 : 24. 24. Felix came. The probable reference is to a return to Caesarea after an absence. Drusilla. A daughter of Agrippa I, who had be- headed James (12 : 2), and sister of Agrippa II and Bernice before whom Paul spoke when Festus was procurator (25 : 13). Felix had alienated her from her husband King Azizus. Luke says that Drusilla who came with Felix to Caesarea at this time was ' his own wife,' an emphasis which is possibly due to the fact that she was a Jewess. Sent for Paul. That is, from the part of the castle where he was kept. There is no intimation that there were others present besides Felix and Drusilla. It is not unlikely that Drusilla, being a Jewess, was curious to see and hear the prisoner whose name must have been frequently heard in the last days. 25. As he reasoned of righteousness. Apparently Paul did not speak particularly of the faith in Jesus. What he is reported to have said might have been spoken by an OT. prophet. His sermon appears to have been suited to the need of Felix, though it is not likely that Paul made direct personal charges against the governor's character. He would thus have probably failed to touch his conscience. Felix Q 225 ACTS swered, °Go thy way for this time ; and when I have 26. a convenient season, I will call thee unto me. He hoped °withal that money would be given him of Paul : wherefore also he sent for him the oftener, and °com- 27. muned with him. But when °two years were fulfilled, Felix was succeeded by °Porcius Festus; and desiring to gain favour with the Jews, Felix left Paul in bonds. The hearing before Festus and the appeal to Ccesar^ 25: 1-12 25. Festus therefore, having come into the province, °after three days went up to Jerusalem from Caesarea. was terrified. This is not to be inferred from what Felix is reported to have said, but it might have been manifest in his countenance and behavior as Paul spoke. Go thy way for this time. Whether Paul made any personal appeal or not, the governor felt that some sort of response from him was reasonably to be expected. Not a deep and powerful feeling was that which moved him, for then he would not have procrastinated. 26. Withal. This hope may have been nourished by the number and character of the friends who came to see Paul, for it is not likely that his own appearance indicated wealth. Communed with him. Not on the faith in Jesus, and certainly not regarding righteousness, self-control, and judgment to come, but rather about his release. Whether Felix openly asked Paul for money, or only hinted at the possibility of his purchasing his liberty, is not indicated in the text. 27. Two years were fulfilled. The three preceding verses contain all that we know of this long period spent by Paul in Caesarea. It is therefore a blank as regards his own plans, his Gentile mission, his friends, his physical and spiritual state. What years these were, which terminated with the arrival of Festus, is not known with perfect certainty. From Pentecost of 58 A.D. to Pentecost of 60 a.d. is per- haps the best approximation. Porcius Festus. Appointed by Nero, died in 62 A.d. According to the narrative of Acts Festus com- pares favorably with his predecessor. He acted promptly in Paul's case, and acted according to the law. Josephus says that he was a better man than his successor Albinus, but this is not very high praise. I. After three days went up to Jerusalem. Although Cassarea was the official seat of the procurators, it was to their interest to show themselves to the people in the capital. 326 ACTS 25:5 2. And the chief priests and the principal men of the Jews °informed him against Paul; and they besought 3. him, °asking favour against him, that he would send for him to Jerusalem ; °laying wait to kill him on the way. 4. Howbeit Festus answered, that °Paul was kept in charge at Caesarea, and that he himself was about to 5. depart thither shortly. Let them °therefore, saith he, °which are of power among you, °go down with me, and °if there is anything amiss in the man, let them accuse him. 2. Informed him against Paul, As far as we know, the Jewish leaders took no steps against Paul after the hearing before Felix, but they were simply waiting for an opportunity to strike. 3. Asking favour against him. Festus being a new procurator and they the leaders of the nation, they probably had good hope that the favor which they asked would be granted. This favor was in reality that Paul's case should be transferred from the Roman to the Jewish court. That meant, as Festus could easily see (comp. vs. 15), a sentence against him. Yet the Jews did not regard it just in this light, as the next clause shows. Laying wait to kill him on the way. The Jews in asking that the case be transferred to their court were not thinking of a fair trial of it, or indeed of any trial at all. Perhaps they did not dare to risk this after the experience in the sanhedrin two years before. They were plotting assassination as on a former occasion (23 : 15). This plot was, of course, unknown to Festus at the time, but may as easily have come to the knowledge of Luke in later days as had the former conspiracy. 4. Paul was kept in charge at Caesarea. It is not altogether clear what Festus meant by saying that Paul was guarded in Caesarea. That was, of course, no news to the Jews. Perhaps these words are to be taken closely with the following, and perhaps this is the thought of the two parts of the verse : Paul is guarded in Caesarea, two days' journey from here, and I am on the point of going thither myself. If this is a correct construction, then the ground of the refusal, as far as this verse is concerned, is that the governor's plans would not allow the request. 5. Therefore. That is, as I am going down to Caesarea at once. Them which are of power. This appears to be equivalent to saying, ' those who are officially qualified to act in the matter.' Go down with me. Asking them to go down in his company may have been meant to soften somewhat the fact of his refusal to accede to their 227 ACTS 6. And when he had tarried among them °not more than eight or ten days, he went down unto Caesarea; and on the morrow he sat on the judgement-seat, and 7. commanded Paul to be brought. And when he was come, the Jews which had come down from Jerusalem stood round about him, bringing against him °many and grievous charges, which they could not prove; 8. while Paul said in his defence. Neither against the law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor against 9. Caesar, have I sinned at all. But Festus, °desiring to gain favour with the Jews, answered Paul, and said, Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem, and there be judged of request. If there is anything amiss. The information brought against Paul by the Jews had by no means convinced Festus that he was a malefactor. 6. Not more than eight or ten days. That is, the entire length of his stay in Jerusalem, not the time after his refusal of their request. Luke seems not to have had exact knowledge of this period, but only approximate. If we suppose that he was in Caesarea, he would know how long Festus was absent on his visit to Jerusalem, but might not know the exact time spent in going and coming. 7. Many and grievous charges. Since Luke does not specify these charges, we are to suppose that they were essentially the same that had been urged against him before. 8. It may be inferred from this verse that the accusations against Paul had been partly religious and partly political in character, as in the trial before Felix (24 : 5-6). The very great brevity of Luke's report of the defence of Paul may suggest that he made a simple denial of the charges, and challenged his accusers to produce proof. 9. Desiring to gain favour. This is very likely a correct inference from what Festus said to Paul. His real motive may well have been to secure the favor of the Jews. This throws an unfavorable light on his character. At the same time it is to be noticed that his desire to gain favor was not strong enough to make him do more than propose to Paul that he should go up to Jerusalem. He might have sent him up at once. Before me. Festus did not propose, formally at least, that the case of Paul should be given over to the sanhedrin with full power. He would go up himself and be the judge. Yet according to vs. II Paul considered that the governor's proposal virtually meant his surrender to the Jews. 228 ACTS 25:13 10. these things °before me? But Paul said, I am standing °before Caesar's judgement-seat, °where I ought to be judged : to the Jews have I done no wrong, °as thou 11. also very well knowest. If then I am a wrong-doer, and have committed anything worthy of death, I refuse not to die : but °if none of those things is truey whereof these accuse me, no man can give me up 12. unto them. °I appeal unto Caesar. Then Festus, when he had °conferred with the council, answered, °Thou hast appealed unto Caesar : unto Caesar shalt thou go. Circumstances which led to the defence before A grip pa, 25 : 13-27 13. Now when certain days were passed, °Agrippa the king and °Bernice arrived at Caesarea, and saluted 10. Before Caesar's judgement-seat. He was at the Roman bar, for the procurator represented the emperor, but though he was at Caesar's judgment-seat, he was not at the judgment-seat of Caesar. The supreme court was in Rome. Where I ought to be judged. Lysias had informed Felix that Paul was a Roman citizen, and Festus must have known this fact. It was in the consciousness of this citizenship that Paul said he ought to be judged at Caesar's judgment- seat. As thou also very well knowest. Read thus, Paul's words are a decided rebuke to Festus for his proposal. This is somewhat softened when we render the Greek more closely, ' as thou also better knowest,' i.e., better than to make this proposal. 11. If none of those things is true. This is the same position that Paul took in vs. 8. If no sin against the Jews had been proved, no one could give him up to them, i.e., it would be unlawful so to do. I appeal unto Caesar. Exercising thus his right of appeal as a Roman citizen, Paul put an end to the discussion regarding his going up to Jerusalem, and also formally took his case out of the hands of Festus. 12. Conferred with the council. That is, with his advisers, to see if there was any reason why the appeal should be rejected. Thou hast appealed, etc. The words in which Festus announced his decision to Paul perhaps suggest that the prisoner, who had taken his case out of the lower court, might not find the higher court much to his liking. 229 25:14 ACTS 14. Festus. And as they tarried there many days, Festus °laid Paul's case before the king, saying. There is a 15. certain man left a prisoner by Fehx : about whom, when I was at Jerusalem, °the chief priests and the elders of the Jews informed me, ^asking for sentence 16. against him. °To whom I answered, that it is not the 13. Agrippa the king. Agrippa II was a great-grandson of Herod the Great, son of the Herod whose death is recorded in chapter 12, and ruled over a region which was mainly on the east and north of Palestine, its capital being Caesarea Philippi. He was devoted to Rome, and therefore came down to salute Rome's representative. Bernice. A sister of Agrippa II. 14. Laid Paul's case before the king. The aim of Festus, to judge from vs. 26, was to get the king's opinion of the case. Agrippa had a reputation for learning in matters of Jewish law. See 26 : 3. How a conversation between Festus and the king should have come to the knowledge of Luke is indeed rather difficult to surmise. At the same time, it is difficult to regard vss. 14-22 as a free composition by the author of Acts because of certain concrete details, especially in vss. 19-20. Thus the reference to * one Jesus, who was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive,' admirably suits the lips of a foreigner who had just acquired a slight acquaintance with Christianity. And again, the statement that he was ' perplexed ' and the definite arrangement of the time, ' to-morrow thou shalt hear him,' seem to imply an actual historical basis for the account of Paul's case by Festus. 15. The chief priests and the elders. Luke's statement in vs. 2 has ' principal men,' where the present verse has * elders.' The two expressions are not wholly synonymous, for obviously there might be very influential men who were not in the sanhedrin. It seems likely that those who came to Festus on his arrival in Jerusalem, asking favor against Paul, would have introduced themselves to the governor in the light most favorable to themselves, i.e., as members of the supreme court of their nation. As Luke uses the expression * principal men,' it is possible that he knew of some in the delegation which came to Festus, who were not sanhedrists, though all allowed themselves to appear as such to the governor. Asking for sentence against him. This is more expressive than the statement in vs. 3, yet is in reality the same. The Jews did not come out and ask in so many words for the condemnation of Paul, but the procurator saw very well that their request amounted to that. 16. To whom I answered. It seems likely that Festus in putting the case before the king would report his own part in the most fa- 230 ACTS 25:22 custom of the Romans to give up any man, before that the accused have the accusers face to face, and have had opportunity to make his defence concerning 17. the matter laid against him. When therefore they were come together here, I made no delay, but on the next day sat down on the judgement-seat, and commanded 18. the man to be brought. Concerning whom, when the accusers stood up, they brought no charge °of such evil 19. things as I supposed; but had certain questions against him of their own religion, and %i one Jesus, who was 20. dead, °whom Paul affirmed to be alive. And °I, being perplexed how to inquire concerning these things, asked whether he would go to Jerusalem, and there be judged 21. of these matters. But when Paul had appealed °to be kept for the decision of the emperor, I commanded 22. him to be kept till I should send him to Caesar. And vorable light. What he here gives as his reply to the Jews is more creditable to him than what is given in vss, 4-5. 18. Of such evil things as I supposed. This language suggests that the information against Paul in Jerusalem had been chiefly of a political sort, very likely vague and undefined, for Paul was not there to challenge it. But now, in Caesarea, in a formal hearing when the prisoner was present, they appear to have laid chief stress (so vs. 19) on the religious aspect of the case. 19. Of one Jesus. It appears from this verse that the accusers had said something of Jesus, though Luke's report of the hearing does not indicate it (vss. 7-8). What they had said of him, unless that he had been put to death, the words of Festus do not suggest. Whom Paul afltoned to be alive. Of this also the report of the trial by Luke has no trace. If he was present at the trial before Festus, he knew whether Paul spoke of the resurrection of Jesus, and if he had not done so, it does not appear likely that he would have put the words of the present verse on the lips of Festus. 20. I, being perplexed. This gives a somewhat different view of the matter from that of vs. 9. It is there said by Luke that the motive of Festus was to gain favor with the Jews. But of course Festus would not admit this to the king. 21. To be kept for the decision of the emperor. All this was implied in the words spoken by Paul, * I appeal to Caesar ' (vs. 11). 231 ACTS Agrippa said unto Festus, I also °could wish to hear the man myself. To-morrow, saith he, thou shalt hear him. 23. So on the morrow, when Agrippa was come, and Bernice, °with great pomp, and they were entered into the place of hearing, °with the chief captains, and °the principal men of the city, at the command of Festus 24. Paul was brought in. And Festus saith, King Agrippa, and all men which are here present with us, ye behold °this man, about whom °all the multitude of the Jews made suit to me, both at Jerusalem and here, °crying 25. that he ought not to live any longer. But I found that 22. Could wish. Or, ' I should like,' — a polite form of request. This appears preferable to the marginal reading ' I was wishing,' which is vague in regard to time and says nothing of the present interest. Whether Agrippa had ever heard of Paul, we cannot say. Festus appears to have taken for granted that he had not. 23. With great pomp. In honor, not of Paul, of course, but of the Roman government which Festus represented. Their father also seems to have been fond of display. See 12 : 21. With the chief captains. This language suggests that more than one cohort was at present in Caesarea. Josephus mentions that at one time in the Jewish War there were five cohorts at Caesarea. (See Jew. War, III, 4. 2). The principal men of the city. It is evident that Festus thought Paul a man who was worth hearing ; otherwise he would not have invited prominent people to come together. In gathering a large and distinguished company he doubtless wished to pay a com- pliment to Agrippa and Bernice. 24. This man. We are to think of him as in chains (see 26 : 29), perhaps as bound to a soldier. Comp. 28 : 16. All the multitude of the Jews. This is not in strict agreement with vs. 2 and vs. 7, for in the former only the chief priests and elders are mentioned, and in the latter there is no reference to the presence of any Jews except those who had come down from Jerusalem. We may suppose either that Festus regarded those officials who came to him as representing the whole multitude of the Jews, or that, both in Jerusalem and Caesarea, the officials were backed up by a clamorous crowd whom Luke does not mention. Crying that he ought not to live. This ' crying ' would suit the view that there was in reality a crowd of fanatical Jews backing up the charges of the priests. 232 ACTS 26 : 4 he had committed ^nothing worthy of death : and °as he himself appealed to the emperor I determined to send 26. him. Of whom °I have no certain thing to write unto my lord. Wherefore I have brought him forth before you, and specially before thee, king Agrippa, that, after examination had, I may have somewhat to write. 27. For it seemeth to me unreasonable, in sending a pris- oner, not withal to signify the charges against him. Paul before Agrippa, 26 : 1-32 26. And °Agrippa said unto Paul, Thou art permitted to speak for thyself. Then Paul °stretched forth his hand, and made his defence : 2. I think myself happy, king Agrippa, that I am to make my defence before thee this day touching all the 3. things whereof I am accused by the Jews : especially because thou art expert in all customs and questions which are among the Jews : wherefore I beseech thee 4. to hear me patiently. °My manner of hfe then from my youth up, which was °from the beginning among 25. Nothing worthy of death. That is, of course, in the eye of the law. As he himself appealed to the emperor. Festus had already said this to the king (vs. 21), but it was perfectly natural that he should say it also to Bernice and the rest. 26. I have no certain thing to write. Many charges had been made against Paul, but Festus here admits that he did not regard any one of them as established. I. Agrippa said unto Paul. Though Agrippa had no authority in Caesarea or in the case of Paul, yet as the highest dignitary present it was natural that Festus should leave to him the summoning of Paul to speak. Stretched forth his hand. Hence the bonds (vs. 29), whatever they were, did not bind his hands tightly together. One hand may have been free, and the other bound to a soldier. 4. My manner of life. That is, as appears from vs. 5, on its reli- gious side. From the beginning among mine own nation. This seems to imply that while he lived in Tarsus, before going to Jeru- 22>3 ACTS mine own nation, and at Jerusalem, know all the Jews ; 5. having knowledge of me from the first, if they be willing to testify, how that after °the straitest sect of 6. our religion I lived a Pharisee. And now I stand here °to be judged for the hope of the promise made of 7. God unto our fathers; unto which promise our twelve tribes, earnestly serving God night and day, hope to attain. And ^concerning this hope I am accused by 8. the Jews, O king ! °Why is it judged incredible with 9. you, if God doth raise the dead? °I verily thought with myself, that I ought to do many things contrary salem, he was among his own people ; that is to say, though a Hel- lenist, he was not at that time associated with Gentiles. His training was of the strict Pharisaic sort. See Phil. 3:5; Acts 23 : 6. 5. The straitest sect. Other sects were the Sadducees and Essenes. 6. To be judged for the hope of the promise. See note on 23 : 6. What this promise was, Paul did not say until he had first noted certain things about it. 7. Concerning this hope. He has not yet told what the hope is. He has only said that it is a hope which all the Jews cherish no less than he. An orthodox Jew would, of course, have taken issue with Paul at this point, and would have denied that there were historical evidences of that which he claimed to be the fulfilment of the promise to the fathers. Yet we must regard his analysis of the reason why he was accused as substantially correct. The formal accusations that were brought against him by the Jews were super- ficial ; the real underlying ground of all the charges was that he found the fulfilment of the promise in the resurrection of Jesus, and accord- ingly preached him as the Messiah of the world. 8. Here, at last, Paul indicates what the promise to the fathers was, and yet not fully and clearly. Why is it judged incredible ? Paul has the resurrection of Jesus in mind, as the next verse shows. Why, he asks, is this judged incredible, if God raises the dead (as the fathers in general believed) ? 9. I verily thought. Better, * I therefore thought.' The connection of ideas is this : he has just spoken of something which the Jews did not believe, meaning the resurrection of Jesus, and then, with this unbelief in his thought, and passing to his own case, when he also did not believe, he says, ' I therefore thought with myself,' etc. Act- ing contrary to the name of Jesus was the logical consequence of his unbelief in him. Comp. i Tim. i : 13. 234 ACTS 10. to the name of Jesus of Nazareth. And this I also did in Jerusalem : and I both shut up many of °the saints in prisons, °having received authority from the chief priests, and °when they were put to death, °I gave 11. my vote against them. And punishing them °of ten- times in all the synagogues, *^I strove to make them blaspheme; and being exceedingly mad against them, 12. I persecuted them °even unto foreign cities. Where- upon as I journeyed to Damascus with the authority 13. and commission of the chief priests, at midday, O king, I saw on the way a light from heaven, °above the bright- ness of the sun, shining round about me and them 14. that journeyed with me. And when we were °all 10. The saints. This is, of course, said from his present Christian point of view. They were anything but ' saints ' to him when he was a persecutor. Having received authority. Comp. 9 : 2. What was there said of the mission to Damascus is here afl&rmed in regard to all his work as persecutor. It was authorized by the sanhedrin. When they were put to death. This implies the execution of a number. See also 22 : 4; 9:1; 8:1. Luke describes only the first of these executions, that of Stephen. I gave my vote. If we take these words literally, as we probably should, then it follows that Paul was a mem- ber of a court which (subject to Rome) wielded the power of life and death, i.e., that he was a member of the sanhedrin. 11. Oftentimes in all the synagogues. This punishment in the synagogues is not mentioned in the other accounts. The statement is a strong one, suggesting a widespread and severe persecution. I strove to make them blaspheme, i.e., by speaking evil of Jesus. Comp. James 2 : 7. Even unto foreign cities. We know the details of only one attempt to persecute disciples in a foreign city, but this language implies that he had gone to other cities before he went to Damascus. 13. Above the brightness of the sun. A stronger expression than that of 22 : 6. 14. All fallen to the earth. Luke says that Paul fell to the ground, and that those who journeyed with him stood speechless (9 : 4, 7), and Paul in his address from the castle stairs says that he fell to the ground (22 : 7), but does not mention his companions. That Luke left such divergences in his narrative which was designed to establish Theophilus in the faith shows that he regarded them as quite unim- 235 ACTS fallen to the earth, I heard a voice saying unto me °in the Hebrew language, Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me ? °it is hard for thee to kick against the goad. 15. And I said. Who art thou, Lord? And the Lord said, 16. I am Jesus whom thou persecutest. °But arise, and stand upon thy feet: for to this end have I appeared unto thee, to appoint thee °a minister and a witness both °of the things wherein thou hast seen me, and °of the 17. things wherein I will appear unto thee ; ^delivering thee from the people, and °from the Gentiles, unto whom I portant. In the Hebrew language. This detail, which is peculiar to the present passage, is in harmony with the well-known fact that one's deepest thoughts and spiritual experiences utter themselves in one's mother tongue. It is hard for thee to kick against the goad. His state of helpless blindness on the earth illustrated this word that it was hard to kick against the goad ; that is to say, it illustrated the truth that his course regarding Jesus was unreasoning and self-de- structive. This appears to be the force of the proverb. 16. This statement of the heavenly message to Paul in the hour of his conversion is notably fuller than in either of the two preceding accounts. It is also noteworthy in this particular that a part of the thought which is here ascribed to Jesus directly is, in the preceding versions, communicated to him through Ananias in the city. Such a divergence as this last in the two narratives ascribed to Paul himself is a proof (of course, not absolutely conclusive) that they are indeed from him, for we can hardly suppose that another would have handled the material with such freedom. But arise. Nothing is here said about going into Damascus, and therefore nothing about a communi- cation to be made to him there. A minister and a witness. See 22 : 15. Of the things wherein thou hast seen me. That is, of the experience on the road to Damascus, wherein Paul became acquainted with Jesus. All his witnessing was really based on this. Of the things wherein I will appear unto thee. This feature is not found in the earlier accounts. Illustrations of what is meant may be seen in 22 : 17 and 18 : 9. 17. Delivering thee from the people. That is, the Jews. The need of this deliverance revealed itself to Paul immediately in Damascus (2 Cor. II : 32), and later throughout his entire missionary career. The promise of this deliverance is of course involved in the word of Ananias (9 : 15), that Paul should be a witness to the Gentiles and the Jews. From the Gentiles, unto whom I send thee. On the goal of 236 ACTS 1 8. send thee, to open their eyes, that they may turn °from darkness to light, and from the power of Satan unto God, that they may receive remission of sins and an inheritance among them that are ^sanctified by faith 19. in me. °Wherefore, O king Agrippa, I was not dis- 20. obedient unto °the heavenly vision : but declared both to them of °Damascus first, and °at Jerusalem, and ^throughout all the country of Judaea, and also to the Gentiles, that they* should repent and turn to God, his mission, comp. Gal. i : 16; Acts 9 : 15. The following descrip- tion of the aim of his ministry applies both to his work among the Jews and the Gentiles. 18. From darkness to light. Paul's fondness for this figure (e.g., 2 Cor. 4 : 6; Eph, 5:8) to express the thought of conversion may have been due to his own experience on the way to Damascus. Sanctified. That is, relatively to their former state, not absolutely. See Phil. 3 : 13. 19. Wherefore. Because of the character of the experience of which he has spoken. It was so convincing, so glorious, and so full of promise, that he was constrained to obedience. The heavenly vision. This word, while pointing to a purely spiritual element in the event by Damascus and though suggesting that this was the element of chief importance in Paul's mind, does not preclude phys- ical elements. It takes the same view of the event that we have in Gal. I : 15. 20. This verse illustrates his obedience to the heavenly vision. Damascus first. This activity in Damascus is implied in 2 Cor. 11 : 32, ^7,, but the apostle does not elsewhere refer to it. At Jerusalem. There is a possible allusion to this activity in i Thess. 2:15 and Rom. 15 : 19. On the time of this preaching see Acts 9 : 26, 29. Through- out all the country of Judaea. Paul tells us that his stay in Jerusalem on his return from Damascus was of only fifteen days (Gal. i : 18), and that from there he went to the regions of Syria and Cilicia, being still unknown by face to the churches of Judaea (Gal. i : 21-22). Thus the Epistle to the Galatians seems to exclude the possibility of any preaching in Judaea by Paul between his first visit to Jerusalem and his work in Syria and Cilicia. The Book of Acts also knows of no Judsean preaching by Paul aside from this passage. When Paul and Barnabas came up from Antioch to Jerusalem, journeying through Phoenicia and Samaria, and of course through some part of Judaea, it was not on an evangelistic tour. They simply declared the 237 ACTS 21. doing works worthy of repentance. °For this cause the Jews seized me in the temple, and assayed to kill 22. me. Having therefore obtained °the help that is from God, I stand unto this day testifying both to small and great, °saying nothing but what the prophets and 23. Moses did say should come; °how that °the Christ must suffer, and how °that he first by the resurrection of the dead should proclaim light both to the people and to the Gentiles. 24. And as he thus made his defence, Festus saith °with a loud voice, Paul, °thou art mad; °thy much learning conversion of the Gentiles (15:3).. It seems probable, therefore, that this statement about Paul's preaching ' throughout all the country of Judaea ' belongs to the writer. If he was acquainted with Paul's Epistle to the Romans, he might have inferred it from 15 : 19. 21. For this cause. More literally, because of these things, i.e.y the things just narrated regarding his work among Gentiles and Jews, based on the resurrection of Jesus. 22. The help that is from God. That is to say, the promise of vs. 17 had been fulfilled. Saying nothing but what the prophets, etc. Paul returns to the thought which he had emphasized at the outset of his defence, that his preaching was in vital harmony with the Jewish revelation. 23. How that. It is doubtful whether these words give the force of the Greek. We may give it in this way : * if , as I believe, the Christ is to sufifer,' etc. It is to be remembered that Paul was addressing a Jew who was held to be especially expert in matters of Jewish law, and also that the Jews as a whole did not find in Moses and the prophets the doctrine of a suffering Messiah. It was therefore but fair, not to say tactful, in Paul to qualify his statement that he had said nothing but what the prophets and Moses had announced as some- time to come to pass. He did this by the ' if.' He was not in doubt himself, and no one was in danger of misunderstanding him on this point. The Christ must suffer. Comp. i Cor. 15 : 3. That he first. Comp. I Cor. 15 : 4-8, 20, 23. 24. With a loud voice. The fact that Paul was still speaking may in part explain the loud voice with which Festus spoke. He wished to make himself heard. But it was perhaps also due in equal measure to his excited state of mind caused by Paul's words. Thou art mad. This was said in view of Paul's teaching that Jesus was risen from 338 ACTS 25. doth turn thee to madness. But Paul saith, I am not mad, °most excellent Festus ; but speak forth words of 26. truth and soberness. For °the king knoweth of these things, unto whom also I speak freely : for I am per- suaded that none of these things is hidden from him; 27. for this hath not been done in a corner. King Agrippa, • °believest thou the prophets? I know that thou be- 28. lievest. And Agrippa said unto Paul, °With but little the dead and was the proclaimer of light to the Gentiles and the Jews. According to 24 : 19 Festus had mentioned this belief of Paul to Agrippa. Therefore, it did not come to him now as something new, that it should lead him to interrupt the speaker with words of extreme accusation. Possibly he may have been as much moved by Paul's way of putting the doctrine as by the doctrine itself, or he may have sought to voice a feeling which he saw on the face of others. Thy much learning. This expression suggests, what we might otherwise assume to have been the case, that Paul spoke a long time, perhaps an hour or two. But yet more important than the length of his address for impressing Festus with a sense of his learning was doubtless the method of Paul. This probably consisted in an elaborate proof from Scripture, passage by passage, that the Messiah should die and rise again. 25. Most excellent Festus. The prisoner's courtesy contrasts strongly with the governor's rude interruption. 26. The king knoweth. The emphasis on these words suggests that Festus did not know about these things. Paul assumes that Agrippa is acquainted at least with the general facts regarding Chris- tianity, resting his assumption on their public character. How, indeed, could it have been otherwise since his father had put James, an apostle, to death and imprisoned Peter ? Then, moreover, in all these years since Pentecost the sanhedrin had been intensely agitated by the fact of Christianity, and Agrippa could not be acquainted with the leading men of his nation without hearing of it. 27. Believest thou the prophets? It is not plain whether Paul expected an answer to this question. He seems to have answered it himself immediately, but of course there may have been an instant's pause, and as the king did not reply, Paul may have added what he did. In any case, the question was only preparatory to others. Paul says he was sure that the king believed the prophets, but what he doubtless wanted to know was whether the king would not with him find in the events of Jesus' death and resurrection the fulfilment of the prophets. But the king did not see fit to enter into discussion with Paul. 239 ACTS persuasion °thou wouldest fain make me a Christian. 29. And Paul said, I would to God, that °whether with little or with much, not thou only, but also all that hear me this day, might become such as I am, except these bonds. 30. And the king rose up, and the governor, and Bernice, 31. and they that sat with them : and when they had with- drawn, they spake one to another, saying, °This man 32. doeth nothing worthy of death or of bonds. And Agrippa said unto Festus, °This man might have been set at liberty, °if he had not appealed unto Caesar. 28. With but little persuasion. The Greek clause is repeated by Paul in vs. 29 and is there translated ' with little.' This is more lit- eral, and though not the only way in which the words can be rendered, it is perhaps the best. Thou wouldest fain make me a Christian. Or, ' thou persuadest me to play the Christian.' The entire remark of Agrippa was, accordingly, this : " With little thou persuadest me to play the Christian 1 " This may be interpreted as follows : " You are making an easy matter of converting me to Christianity ! " The action of the king in rising and withdrawing suits this interpretation. His words are ironical, his act one of indifference towards Paul's message. If it touched him at all deeply, he did not show it. 29. Whether with little or with much. Another rendering of this clause from a slightly different Greek text is this : ' both in little and in large.' The thought of Paul is then as follows : " I would to God that both in a little degree and in a large degree," etc. This is a play on the words of Agrippa. Paul takes the same phrase, but puts a new meaning into it. If the last words of Agrippa mean ' to play the Christian,' the reply of Paul may have reference to that thought when he says ' in a little degree and in a large degree.' He would not have the king play the Christian but be one. 31. This man doeth nothing worthy of death. The present tense of the verb is significant. The speakers do not express an opinion in regard to any of the specific charges which had been brought against Paul. What they say seems rather to concern his character. 32. This man might have been set at liberty. Agrippa expressed his opinion, although, as far as the narrative informs us, he had not heard the Jews' side of the case. If he knew that the Jews charged Paul with being a mover of insurrections, then he simply ignored this charge in view of the impression which Paul made upon him. If 240 ACTS 27 : 4 The journey from Ccesarea to Rome, 27 : 1-28 : 16 27. And °when it was determined °that we should sail for Italy, they delivered Paul and certain other pris- oners to °a centurion named Julius, of °the Augustan 2. band. And embarking in a ship °of Adramyttium, which was about to sail unto the places on the coast of Asia, we put to sea, °Aristarchus, a Macedonian of 3. Thessalonica, being with us. And the next day we touched at °Sidon : and Julius treated Paul kindly, and gave him leave to go °unto his friends and refresh 4. himself. And putting to sea from thence, we sailed he had not appealed. It appears that since Paul had spoken the decisive word * I appeal to Csesar,' no other course was open to Festus but to send him to Caesar. So Paul was at last delivered from the ' disobedient in Judaea ' (Rom. 15 : 31), and in such a manner that his desire to see Rome and to have some fruit there, as also among the other Gentiles, was gratified. 1. When it was determined. The general decision that Paul should be sent to Caesar was reached in 25 : 12, but the present verse refers to the specific carrying out of the decision. That we. Here we clearly have a resumption of the Diary, which was dropped at 21 : 18. A centurion named Julius. He had soldiers with him (vss. 31, 42), doubtless such a number as were thought a perfectly safe escort for the prisoners. Julius, as the narrative shows, was a man fit to rank with the other N.T. centurions. Of the Augustan band. The honorary designation ' Augustan ' was perhaps given in this in- stance to distinguish the cohort of Julius from others in Caesarea. 2. Adramyttium. A city of Mysia at the head of the gulf of the same name. The ship in which Paul embarked belonged in Adra- myttium and was probably destined for that port. Aristarchus. One of the seven men who accompanied Paul to Jerusalem two years before this time (20 : 4). Had he remained with Paul in the interval ? If not, when and why had he come to Caesarea from his distant home in Thessalonica ? Paul speaks of him in a letter written in Rome as a ' fellow-prisoner ' (Col. 4 : 10). 3. Sidon. Here mentioned for the first and only time in Acts. It was about fifty-five miles north from Caesarea. Unto his friends. Of a church in Sidon we have no other N.T. information than is here involved. Since the disciples in Sidon are spoken of as Paul's R 241 ACTS °under the lee of Cyprus, because the winds were 5. contrary. And when we had sailed across the sea which is off Cilicia and Pamphylia, we came to °Myra, a city 6. of Lycia. And there the centurion found °a ship of Alexandria sailing for Italy; and °he put us therein. 7. And when we had sailed slowly many days, and were come with difficulty over against °Cnidus, °the wind not further suffering us, °we sailed under the lee of Crete, 8. over against Salmone; and with difficulty coasting ' friends,' it seems not improbable that he had been there before, possibly when he went up as a delegate from Antioch to Jerusalem (15 : 3). 4. Under the lee of Cyprus. That is, through the sea of Cilicia. Had it not been for contrary winds, they would have passed Cyprus on their right hand. 5. Myra. This city of southern Lycia was some sixty miles due east from Patara, at which city Paul had stopped on his last voyage to Jerusalem. 6. A ship of Alexandria. As appears later, this was a large craft with a cargo of grain destined for some port in Italy. He put us therein. This was, of course, just such an opportunity as was expected when the prisoners were shipped in a vessel bound for the coast of Asia. Instead of waiting in the small port of Caesarea for a ship bound for Italy, it was thought better to seek such a ship in one of the larger Asiatic ports. 7. Cnidus. A peninsula with a city of the same name on the southwest of Caria. When the ship was * over against * Cnidus, it may have been one hundred and fifty miles from Myra ; and if they were ' many days,' in coming this distance, they must indeed have sailed * slowly.' The wind not further suffering us. In ordinary circumstances the ship would have continued nearly due west, and have passed Crete on the north. If, however, with the margin, we translate ' the wind not suffering us to get there,' then the thought is that the ship would gladly have put in at Cnidus, perhaps to wait for a favorable change of wind, so that it might proceed in a direct course to Italy. We know of no reason for putting in at Cnidus unless it was contrary winds. We sailed under the lee of Crete. That is, they turned the course of the ship and sailed a little west of south. After they had passed the promontory of Salmone at the east end of the island, the high mountains of Crete broke the force of the wind. 8. Fair Havens. This harbor, near the middle of the south coast, 243 ACTS along it we came unto a certain place called °Fair Havens; nigh whereunto was the city of °Lasea. 9. And when much time was spent, and the voyage was now dangerous, because °the Fast was now already 10. gone by, °Paul admonished them, and said unto them, Sirs, °I perceive that the voyage will be with injury and much loss, not only of the lading and the ship, but 11. also of our Hves. But °the centurion gave more heed to the master and to the owner of the ship, than to 12. those things which were spoken by Paul. And be- cause the haven was not commodious to winter in, the more part advised to put to sea from thence, °if by was somewhat more than one hundred miles by water from Salmone, and therefore as their sailing was ' with difficulty,' they were probably several days between the two points, Lasea. This town was about five miles to the east of Fair Havens. ' 9. The Fast. That is, the Day of Atonement, which was the tenth day of the seventh month of the Jewish year, corresponding to a part of our September and October. After the first of October navigation of the Mediterranean was considered dangerous. Paul admonished them. It is suggestive that the prisoner had an opinion and that he was allowed to express it freely. Paul's counsel was naturally based on his nautical knowledge, which may have been considerable, as he had spent years on the coasts of the ^gean and Mediterranean and had already three times suffered shipwreck (2 Cor. 11 : 25). 10. I perceive. The verb implies that Paul had carefully observed the signs of the season and had weighed the evidence bearing on the further voyage. In one particular only his opinion was at fault, and was later changed (vs. 24). He said that there would be a loss of life, but the narrative tells us that all the passengers escaped safe to land (vs. 44). The fact that Luke ascribes such a word to Paul is good evidence that he did indeed speak it. We may suppose that it was written in his Diary at the time, and though the result proved it erroneous, he let it stand. 11. The centurion gave more heed to the master. It appears that the centurion was regarded as the highest authority on board; the movements of the ship were subject to his direction. It was natural that the centurion gave more heed to the sailing master and the owner of the ship than to his prisoner. It would have been strange had he done otherwise. 243 ACTS any means they could reach Phoenix, and winter there; which is a haven of Crete, looking north-east and 13. south-east. And °when the south wind blew softly, supposing that they had obtained their purpose, they weighed anchor and sailed along Crete, °close in shore. 14. But after no long time there beat down °from it a tem- 15. pestuous wind, which is called °Euraquilo : and °when the ship was caught, and could not face the wind, we 16. gave way to it, and were driven. And running under the lee of a small island called °Cauda, we were able, 17. with difl&culty, °to secure the boat : and °when they had 12. If by any means they could reach Phoenix. Plainly it was regarded as a dangerous attempt, but they thought it less dangerous than to risk the ship in the harbor of Fair Havens. If Phoenix is identified with the modern Sutro, it was about forty miles northwest from Fair Havens. This harbor opens or ' looks ' toward the north- east and southeast. The Greek says that it looks ' down the south- west wind ' and * down the northwest wind.' Now if ' down ' is taken with the wind, the harbor looked northeast and southeast; if against the wind, it looked southwest and northwest. The former construc- tion suits the harbor of Sutro. 13. When the south wind blew softly. They had been driven out of their course by a northwest wind, and the coming up of a south wind seemed to indicate a change of weather, and so gave them hope. Close in shore. Or, possibly, ' closer to the shore,' i.e., closer than they had kept between Salmone and Fair Havens. 14. From it. That is, from the island, whose mountains rise to ^ height of seven thousand feet and promote the formation of violent wind storms in their vicinity. Euraquilo. This is probably a term that was used (perhaps by Roman seamen) to denote a northeast wind. 15. When the ship was caught. Judging from the description of the wind that ' caught ' them and from the location of the next-men- tioned land, it would appear that the ship had passed Cape Matala a few miles west of Fair Havens, and was out in the Gulf of Messara. 16. Cauda. Southwest from Cape Matala, and about as far from Fair Havens as it is from that place to Phoenix. To secure the boat. According to vs. 30, this ship's boat appears to have had a capacity sufficient to accommodate all the sailors, or the most of them. 17. When they had hoisted it up. That is, to save it from the 244 ACTS 27 : 20 hoisted it up, they used helps, °under-girding the ship ; and, fearing lest they should be °cast upon the Syrtis, 18. °they lowered the gear, and so were driven. And as we laboured exceedingly with the storm, °the next day °they 19. began to throw the freight overboard; and the third day they cast out °with their own hands the tackling 20. of the ship. And when °neither sun nor stars shone upon us for many days, and no small tempest lay on violence of the waves. Under-girding the ship. It seems more prob- able that this was by passing cables around the ship from stem to stern than by passing them under the keel. It is difficult to believe that this latter thing could have been done in a great storm. Cast upon the Syrtis, A wind that drove the ship from Cape Matala to Cauda would, if it continued, and if the ship was altogether helpless, have driven it upon the Syrtis, — the dangerous African coast west of Cyrene. They lowered the gear. Their purpose is clear, but not their act. They wished to avoid the Syrtis, and so either tried to slacken the speed of the ship or to alter their course. If by ' gear ' is meant the mast and sails, the lowering of these would obviously retard their motion, but not alter their course. Their direction was indeed changed after passing Cauda, — changed once at least, — for instead of falling upon the Syrtis as they feared would be the case owing to the northeast wind, they finally reached land at Malta north of west from Cauda; but whether their course was changed by a change of wind or by nautical means the text does not appear to determine. 18. The next day. That is, the second after weighing anchor at Fair Havens. They began to throw overboard. Just what they first sacrificed is not said. They seem to have kept their cargo of wheat intact for some days longer (vs. 38). 19. With their own hands. The writer is apparently speaking of the same persons who, the day before, had begun to throw things overboard, most naturally the sailors. Now when he says that they with their own hands are again throwing out something, the expression seems to have no meaning unless what was thrown out was their own, or at least something in which they had a special interest. This seems to make the marginal translation * furniture ' preferable to * tackling,' and to justify us in supposing that this * furniture ' in- cluded the sailors' possessions. 20. Neither sun nor stars shone upon us. Hence since sun and stars were their only compass, they could not tell whether their course had been changed. The last that they knew of their direction, they were driving toward the Syrtis, and so they would be apprehensive 245 27:21 ACTS M5, all hope that we should be saved °was now taken 21. away. And °when they had been long without food, then Paul stood forth in the midst of them, and said, Sirs, °ye should have hearkened unto me, and not have set sail from Crete, and have gotten this injury and 22. loss. And now I exhort you to be of good cheer : for °there shall be no loss of life among you, but only 23. of the ship. For °there stood by me this night an angel of the God whose I am, whom also I serve, 24. saying. Fear not, Paul; °thou must stand before Cae- sar : and lo, °God hath granted thee all them that sail 25. with thee. Wherefore, sirs, be of good cheer: for I be- lieve God, that it shall be even so as it hath been spoken 26. unto me. Howbeit °we must be cast upon a certain island. day and night lest they should strike this dangerous coast. "Was now taken away. The Greek is more expressive, for it pictures a gradual failing of hope from day to day until there was none left. 21. When they. There is a suggestion here that Paul and his companions had not fasted, though in the preceding verse the writer seems to include himself among those whose hope was gone. Ye should have hearkened unto me. In reminding the officers and men of his advice not to leave Fair Havens, we may suppose that Paul's aim was not so much to rebuke them regarding the past as to awaken confi- dence in what he was about to say. 22. There shall be no loss of life among you. The common ex- pectation was that all would perish. 23. There stood by me this night an angel. This was in keeping with Paul's former experiences. In critical hours he had received heavenly communications {e.g., 18 : 9; 23 : 11). 24. Thou must stand before Caesar. Comp. 23 : 11. The word of the angel was not a repetition of the decision of Festus, that Paul should be transferred to Caesar's court; it was rather an assurance that, notwithstanding the present peril, this decision was to be actualized. God hath granted thee. This word refers, of course, to the physical deliverance of those who were with Paul. On the con- sciousness which these words reflect, comp. i Cor. 15 : 10; 2 Cor. II : 5; Gal. 6 : 17. They are not the utterance of egotism but rather of a conviction, based on a very wonderful experience in the ministry 246 ACTS 27. But when °the fourteenth night was come, as we were driven to and fro in °the sea of Adria, about midnight the sailors °surmised that they were drawing near to 28. some country; and they sounded, and found °twenty fathoms : and after a Httle space, they sounded again, 29. and found fifteen fathoms. And fearing lest haply we should be °cast ashore on rocky ground, they let go four anchors °from the stern, and wished for the day. 30. And as the sailors were seeking to flee out of the ship, and had lowered the boat into the sea, under colour as though they would lay out anchors from the fore- 31. ship, Paul said to the centurion and to the soldiers, of the Gospel, that he was yet to bear witness of great value to the kingdom of God. 26. We must be cast upon a certain island. That is to say, their deliverance is not to be by a safe arrival at their destined port. They are to be shipwrecked. 27. The fourteenth night. That is, from Fair Havens. Driven to and fro. Better, ' driven on.' The last reference to their course was that they were being driven (vs. 17), and the next verse shows them steadily approaching land, not beaten back and forth. The sea of Adria. The ancient geographies so designated that part of the Mediterranean which lies between Sicily and southern Italy on the west and Crete and Greece on the east. The term must be taken in a broad sense if it is supposed that Luke knew at the time where they were. They had feared the Syrtis, but now that so many days had passed without falling upon it they might infer that they had been driving west rather than southwest. Surmised that they were draw- ing near to some country. More literally, that some country was drawing near to them. Possibly an odor from the land, or a faint sound of breakers, reached them. 28. Twenty fathoms. That is, from one hundred to one hundred and twenty feet. 29. Cast ashore on rocky ground. Or, simply, * cast upon rocky places,' whether upon the shore or at a distance from it. From the stem. If they had cast them from the prow, the ship would have swung around with the wind, and then in case they wished to con- tinue their course at daylight, they would have been obliged to right their ship. 31. Obviously he did not consider the angelic assurance as an 247 ACTS 3 2 . Except these abide in the ship, ye cannot be saved. Then the soldiers cut away the ropes of the boat, and let 33. her fall off. And while the day was coming on, Paul °besought them all to take some food, saying, This day is the fourteenth day that ye wait and continue fasting, 34. °having taken nothing. Wherefore I beseech you to take some food : for °this is for your safety : for there shall not a hair perish from the head of any of you. 35. And when he had said this, and had taken bread, he °gave thanks to God in the presence of all : and he 36. brake it, and began to eat. Then were they all of good 37. cheer, and themselves also took food. And we were in all in the ship °two hundred threescore and sixteen souls. 38. And when they had eaten enough, °they lightened the 39. ship, throwing out the wheat into the sea. And when it excuse for the neglect of any human means that could be used to make their escape from the sea. ;}^. Besought. Or, * was beseeching,' as the act continued some time. At length he caused them all to be of good cheer. Having taken nothing. Probably not to be understood absolutely, but as a strong expression of their general and continuous neglect of their regular meals. 34. This is for your safety. Will conduce to your deliverance. The events of the morning, when they had to swim for their lives, showed the wisdom of Paul's counsel. 35. Gave thanks to God. For food, and doubtless also for his gracious assurance of deliverance out of the present peril. Paul was probably sure that even his pagan hearers (and all but three on ship- board were pagan) would feel sympathy with such a simple religious act. 36. From this hour at least, if not before, the Jewish prisoner from Caesarea was manifestly the leading man on board the ship. 37. Two hundred threescore and sixteen souls. Only a little before this time Josephus sailed for Rome in a ship which he says carried about six hundred persons. See Life, 3. 38. They lightened the ship. This was done because the sound- ings had shown that they were coming to land, and they wished to draw as little water as possible. 39. They knew not the land. The Greek suggests that they could 248 ACTS was day, °they knew not the land : but they perceived a certain bay with a beach, and they took counsel 40. °whether they could drive the ship upon it. And casting off the anchors, °they left them in the sea, at the same time °loosing the bands of the rudders; and °hoisting up the foresail to the wind, they made for the beach. 41. But lighting upon °a place where two seas met, they ran the vessel aground; and the foreship struck and re- mained unmoveable, but the stern began to break up 42. by the violence of the waves. And the soldiers' counsel was °to kill the prisoners, lest any of them should swim 43. out, and escape. But the centurion, °desiring to save Paul, stayed them from their purpose ; and commanded that they which could swim should cast themselves not recognize the land though they tried to do so. Whether they could drive the ship upon it. If they could do this, they might pos- sibly save their ship, and their counsel was doubtless interesting to Paul, who had before expressed the conviction that the ship would be lost (vs. 22). 40. They left them in the sea. This circumstance may suggest that they had very little hope of saving the ship. The sea was rough, and it would have taken time to hoist the four anchors, and therefore, as the case was critical, they disposed of them in the easiest manner. Loosing the bands of the rudders. That is, of course, that they might use them in directing the ship. The ancient Greek and Roman ships had two rudders. Hoisting up the foresail. That they might not drift, but might be able to direct the ship. The existence of this piece of rigging, whatever it was, supports the interpretation of vs. 19 given above. 41. A place where two seas met. This may have been a bank covered by water and having deep water on either side. The beach which they had seen as morning dawned they were not able to reach. 42. To kill the prisoners. Since, if they escaped, the soldiers must answer for them with their own lives. 43. Desiring to save Paul. It is not likely that Julius gave this as a reason to the soldiers, that he wanted to save Paul, but his treat- ment of the prisoner had probably been such, so considerate and kindly, that Luke could safely infer the motive of his action. Get first to the land. From there they might be able to aid those who were 249 ACTS 44. overboard, and °get first to the land : and the rest, some on planks, and some on other things from the ship. And so it came to pass, that they all escaped safe to the land. 28. And when we were escaped, °then we knew that 2. the island was called °Melita. And °the barbarians shewed us no common kindness : for they kindled a fire, and received us all, because of the present rain, 3. and °because of the cold. But °when Paul had gathered a bundle of sticks, and laid them on the fire, a viper came out by reason of the heat, and fastened on his 4. hand. And when the barbarians saw the beast hang- ing from his hand, °they said one to another, °No doubt on planks and on pieces of the wreckage of the ship. With 2 Cor. II : 25 in view we may hold that Paul did not go ashore on a plank, but was one of the first who swam out. 1. Then we knew. Or, ' ascertained.' The source of their knowl- edge was probably the people mentioned in the following verse. Melita. The modern Malta, a small island lying between fifty and sixty miles south of Sicily. The exact spot where the ship of Alex- andria was wrecked is supposed to have been a bay on the northeast part of the island. Malta had long been a possession of Rome, and was politically a part of the province of Sicily. 2. The barbarians. So called because not a Greek-speaking people. They were of Phoenician origin, and may have come across from Carthage. Because of the cold. This is an indication that the wind was still from the northeast, as it had been since the ship left Crete. 3. When Paul had gathered a bundle of sticks. It seems obvious that Paul was allowed a large degree of liberty, if not complete free- dom from surveillance. 4. They said one to another. This is one of the many passages in the Diary which reveal the eye-witness. The barbarians probably did not speak for Paul to hear, but the opinion was passed around among themselves, and Luke may have overheard it. No doubt this man is a murderer. A bit of their philosophy of life. A great per- sonal calamity was evidence of some great sin. Death from the viper's bite — and they expected that Paul would die — was a suitable end for a murderer. It is possible that Paul was recognized in some way 250 ACTS 28:8 this man is a murderer, whom, though he hath escaped from the sea, yet °Justice hath not suffered to live. 5. Howbeit °he shook off the beast into the fire, and took 6. no harm. But they expected that he would have swollen, or fallen down dead suddenly : but when they were long in expectation, and beheld nothing amiss come to him, they changed their minds, and °said that he was a god. 7. Now in the neighbourhood of that place were lands belonging to °the chief man of the island, named Pub- lius; °who received us, and entertained us three days 8. courteously. And it was so, that the father of PubHus lay sick of fever and dysentery : °unto whom Paul en- as a prisoner, and this may have helped the barbarians to their conclusion. Justice hath not suffered to live. ' Justice' probably denoted one of their divinities. The form ' hath not suffered ' is used because they regard the bite of the viper as fatal. They thought that a sentence of death had gone forth against Paul, though it was not yet executed. The circumstance that no deadly viper is now found on Malta is, of course, no refutation of the truth of Luke's story. There may have been such vipers there in Paul's time. 5. He shook off the beast. Paul had been delivered from so many great perils that he was not disturbed by this one. 6. Said that he was a god. This is proof both of their belief that nothing human could withstand the viper's poison and also that the working of miracles pertained to the gods. Comp. 14 : 4. 7. The chief man. That is, probably, the head official of the isl- and, who was himself subject to the proconsul of Sicily. The word used by Luke in speaking of Publius is found in an inscription which was discovered on the island, where it appears to denote the highest official. Who received us. There is no reason for limiting the ' us.' It is to be taken as including all the shipwrecked people. It has been suggested that Publius, as a Roman official, may have been in duty bound to look after Julius and his company, yet it was hardly his duty to receive them into his own house, to say nothing of the sailors and the passengers. 8. Unto whom Paul entered in. The healing of the father of Pub- lius was similar to the cures wrought by Jesus. It naturally pre- supposes that Paul had become acquainted with the man, and that 251 ACTS tered in, and prayed, and laying his hands on him 9. healed him. And when this was done, the rest also which had diseases in the island came, and °were 10. cured : who also °honoured us with many honours; and when we sailed, they put on board such things as we needed. 11. And °af ter three months °we set sail in a ship of Alex- andria, which had wintered in the island, °whose sign 12. was The Twin Brothers. And touching at °Syracuse, this one, through his intercourse with Paul, had faith to be healed, — faith in God and in Paul as his messenger. 9. Were cured. In the same way doubtless and under the same conditions that obtained in the case of the father of Publius. 10. Honoured us. The use of ' us ' here is by no means sufficient evidence that Luke had employed his medical skill in the healing of the sick in Malta. We obviously have no right to limit the word to Paul and Luke. The honors overflowed upon those with Paul simply because they were associated with him. What these marks of honor were, we may probably judge, at least in part, by the last clause of the verse. 11. After three months. The exact time of their sailing from Malta, like that of their departure from Caesarea, and later from Fair Havens, cannot be determined. We may say that there is consider- able reason for putting it either in January or February. Luke says nothing of evangelistic work by Paul in Malta, but it is difficult to believe that he spent three months there and worked bodily cures without preaching Christ, and if he preached Christ, we are justified by the story of his entire Christian career in assuming that he won disciples. We set sail. This * we ' includes at least Julius with his soldiers and prisoners, also Luke and Aristarchus. What became of the sailors and the numerous passengers of the wrecked vessel, whether they also went forward to Puteoli, we do not know. Whose sign. It is possible that the ship bore on its prow an inscription to 'The Twin Brothers,' Castor and Pollux, the tutelary divinities of sailors, or that it had a statue of them as its ' sign.' Again we have a detail that bespeaks the eye-witness. 12. Syracuse. About ninety miles northeast from Malta. When Paul was there, this Greek city, which had ruled itself for five cen- turies, had long been under Roman rule, having been conquered in 212 B.C. Apparently there were no Christian disciples to be found in Syracuse, for though the ship stayed there three days and though 252 ACTS 13. we tarried there three days. And from thence we made a circuit, and arrived at °Rhegium : and after one day a south wind sprang up, and on the second 14. day we came to °Puteoli : °where we found brethren, and were intreated °to tarry with them seven days : 15. °and so we came to Rome. And from thence the brethren, °when they heard of us, came to meet us as far as °The Market of Appius, and °The Three Tav- erns : whom when Paul saw, he thanked God, and °took courage. Paul was probably allowed to go ashore, no reference is made to brethren, as, e.g., in vs. 14. 13. Rhegium. The capital of Lucania and Brittium in Italy, opposite Messina in Sicily, about sixty miles in a straight line from Syracuse. It is, however, uncertain whether they went in a direct course. If the ship ' made a circuit,' as one Greek reading signifies, it was probably due to unfavorable winds. Puteoli. A city due north from Malta and about two hundred and twelve miles from Rhegium. It was the principal port of southern Italy, and the usual terminus of the sea voyage for travellers who came from the south and east bound for Rome. 14. Where we found brethren. The last they had seen were those of Sidon (27 : 3). There had long been a Jewish colony in Puteoli, and by some member of this the new religion may have been brought thither. To tarry with them seven days. The fact that Julius al- lowed his prisoners to remain here a week is an evidence of his deep respect for Paul, since there is no indication that he himself needed to stop in Puteoli. And so we came to Rome. That is, after a stay of a week in Puteoli, or the word ' so ' may refer to the completion of the journey as a whole. From Puteoli to Rome the company went by land, a distance of about one hundred and thirty miles, but whether they journeyed on foot or rode is not indicated. 15. When they heard of us. Some one had borne to Rome the news of Paul's arrival, while he was still at Puteoli. The Market of Appius. Forty miles from Rome. Evidently there were people in the church at Rome who were eager to see and honor the man who had written to them from Corinth some two and a half years before. The Three Taverns. A second group of disciples awaited Paul's approach at this place, thirty miles from Rome. Took courage. Whatever fate awaited him as a prisoner sent up by Festus, he felt now that he was to meet it among dear friends. 253 ACTS i6. And when we entered into Rome, Paul was suffered °to abide by himself °with the soldier that guarded him. Paul in Rome, 28: 17-31 17. And it came to pass, that °after three days he called together those that were °the chief of the Jews : and when they were come together, he said unto them, I, brethren, though I had done nothing against the people, or the customs of our fathers, yet °was delivered prisoner from Jerusalem into the hands of the Ro- 18. mans : who, when they had examined me, °desired to set me at liberty, because there was no cause of death 16. To abide by himself. This special favor to Paul may have been due to the character of the statement from Festus (see 26 : 31), fxjssibly also in some degree to the report of Julius, who could have shown good ground why Paul should be treated with consideration. With the soldier. It appears from vs. 20 that Paul was chained to the soldier. This continued to be the case months later when Paul wrote to the Philippians (see Phil, i : 13-14), Colossians (see Col. 4 : 18), and Philemon (see vss. 10, 13). 17. After three days. It would appear that Paul called the Jews at the earliest possible hour. Three days might easily be taken up with the securing of rooms, the meeting of Christian brethren, and the getting into contact with the chief Jews of the city. The chief of the Jews. Naturally those who were leaders in the religious life of the Jewish colony, as rulers of the synagogue and other officers. The decree of Claudius did not remain long in force (18 : 2). The Jews had returned, and again constituted a numerous colony. Was de- livered prisoner. Paul's words to the Jews are an explanation and defence. He is in Rome a prisoner though conscious of being guilt- less, and he wishes to put his case before his countrymen in its true light, in order that, having cleared himself of blame, he may, though a prisoner, be able to bring to them the message of Christ. 18. Desired to set me at liberty. The fact that Felix did not de- liver Paul to the Jews was evidence that he saw no cause of death in him, and as for Festus he explicitly declared as much (25 : 25). Since, then, neither procurator found any fault in Paul, he must infer that they desired to set him at liberty. 254 I ACTS 19. in me. But °when the Jews spake against it, I was constrained to appeal unto Caesar; not that I had 20. aught to accuse my nation of. °For this cause there- fore did I intreat you °to see and to speak with me: for °because of the hope of Israel I am bound with 21. this chain. And they said unto him, °We neither received letters from Judaea concerning thee, nor did any of the brethren come hither and report or speak 22. any harm of thee. But °we desire to hear of thee what thou thinkest : for as concerning this sect, it is known to us that ^everywhere it is spoken against. 23. And when they °had appointed him a day, they 19. When the Jews spake against it. We do not find any such specific item as this in Luke's report of the trial before Festus, but it is obvious that, in general, Paul's appeal to Caesar was due to the hostility of the Jews, and that is the substance of the present state- ment. 20. For this cause therefore. These words look back on the defence which he has just made. To see and to speak with me. According to his practice, he would have gone into their synagogue had he been at liberty. But being a prisoner, he had entreated them to come to him. Because of the hope of Israel, etc. See notes on 23 : 6; 26 : 6. 21. We neither received letters. This verse does not disclaim any knowledge of Paul whatsoever, but only knowledge of those events of which Paul had just spoken. It is scarcely credible that with the annual visit of Roman Jews in Jerusalem Paul's name had not become known to them, especially during the past ten years. 22. We desire to hear of thee what thou thinkest. Had Paul been to them only a stranger, of whom they had heard nothing until three days before, we can hardly suppose that they would have had a particular desire to know his opinion of Christianity. These words therefore indicate that they had heard of him and knew that he was a leader of the new faith. Everywhere it is spoken against. That was true of the Jews who rejected the Gospel. Wherever it was pre- sented by Paul, it aroused the active opposition of the synagogue. The Jews of this verse took a neutral position, perhaps because they had learned to be cautious regarding Christianity since their ex- pulsion by Claudius, 23. Had appointed him a day. Or, * agreed with him on a day,' 25s ACTS came to him into °his lodging °in great number; to whom he expounded the matter, testifying the kingdom of God, and ^persuading them °concerning Jesus, both from the law of Moses and from the prophets, °from 24. morning till evening. And °some believed the things 25. which were spoken, and some disbelieved. And when they °agreed not among themselves, they departed, after that Paul had spoken one word, °Well spake the Holy Ghost °by Isaiah the prophet unto your fathers, 26. saying, the arrangement being mutual. His lodging. This may not have been the same as * his own hired dwelling ' in vs. 30. It may have been a room placed at his disposal in the house of some friend. The Greek word rather favors this view (see the use of the kindred verb in 21 : 16), but there is no decisive evidence that it is not used here of the same quarters that are mentioned in vs. 30. In great number. Or, comparatively, ' in greater numbers,' that is, greater numbers than on the first occasion. Persuading them. This word characterizes his method rather than its results. Some were indeed persuaded, but he spoke persuasively to all. Concerning Jesus. That is, that he was the hope of Israel, the Messiah. From morning till evening. To go through the Law and the Prophets, discussing what were then supposed to be Messianic passages, and studying them in relation to Jesus of Nazareth, required a long time. 24. Some believed. Or, better, as in 17 : 4 where the same word is used, * some were persuaded.' It is not the word commonly em- ployed by Luke to denote believing in the Gospel. Yet there seems to be no sufficient reason for thinking that these who were ' persuaded * by Paul did not become true disciples. 25. Agreed not among themselves. They were divided into two companies by Paul's discourse, and seem to have continued the dis- cussion among themselves, each party seeking to persuade the other. Well spake. Paul does not indeed say that what was spoken of old to tlie fathers was applicable to his own hearers, but this is obviously the reason for making the quotation, and the word ' well ' expresses his feeling that the ancient words are peculiarly suitable in the pres- ent circumstances. Comp. Matt. 15 : 7. By Isaiah. The passage is from Is. 6 : 9, 10, and is quoted closely according to the Septuagint. By so doing the thought of a fulfilment of judgment through the prophet is somewhat weakened. 26. By hearing ye shall hear. This English, like the Septuagint 256 ACTS 28:30 Go thou unto this people, and say, is. 6: 9, 10. °By hearing ye shall hear, and shall in no wise understand ; And seeing ye shall see, and shall in no wise per- ceive : 27. For this people's °heart is waxed gross, And their ears are dull of hearing. And their eyes they have closed; Lest haply they should perceive with their eyes, And hear with their ears. And understand with their heart, And should turn again. And I should heal them. 28. Be it known °therefore unto you, that this salvation of God is sent unto the Gentiles : °they will also hear. 30. And he abode °two whole years in his own hired dwelling, and ^received all that went in unto him, which it translates, is obscure. The sense of the Hebrew original is that the people should hear indeed or surely. 27. Heart is waxed gross. In the original this is a command to the prophet, as also the two following lines, which fact makes more intel- ligible the words ' lest haply ' at the beginning of the fourth line of the verse. 28. Therefore. That is, because they rejected the Gospel. On the principle, comp. 13 : 47; 18 : 6. They will also hear. The Gospel had been sent by Paul to the Jews whom he was addressing. Now he declares that it is sent to the Gentiles, and that they will also hear. That is to say, in their case it is not only sent but also heard, spiritually obeyed. The clause is hopeful, and Paul's experience among the Gentiles amply justified this hope. 30, Two whole years. This is evidently a definite statement of time, like that of 24 : 27. Comp. 20 : 31. If, then, Paul reached Rome in February, his imprisonment terminated in February. The letters written during this imprisonment (Philippians, Colossians, Ephesians, and Philemon) indirectly support Luke's statement of its duration (e.g., Phil. 2 : 25-28; 4 : 10-18). Received all that went in unto him. His evangelistic activity was confined to his own room, s 257 ACTS 31. preaching the kingdom of God, and teaching the things concerning the Lord Jesus Christ °with all boldness, °none forbidding him. yet, as his letters written at this time show, it was extensive and fruitful. 31. With all boldness. This is the very language that Paul him- self uses in a letter of the Roman imprisonment (Phil, i : 20; comp. Eph. 6 : 19). The boldness shone the more brightly because he was confined as a prisoner and because his life was in peril. None for- bidding him. Or, simply, * unhindered.' This is the final view which Luke gives us, — Paul in Rome preaching with all boldness, unhindered. The purpose of 19:21 was fulfilled. Even if Paul had not come to Rome ' in joy,' he had certainly come ' through the will of God' (Rom. 15 : 32), and during those two years, with a glance over which Acts concludes, he was having * fruit ' in Rome, as he had long since desired (Rom. i : 13). The close of the book would be abrupt and unsatisfactory had the author's aim been to write a bi- ography of Paul, but it was not. He was concerned with the trium- phant expansion of the Christian religion, and therefore might ap- propriately conclude his volume with the ajwstle's unhindered and fruitful labor in the metropolis of the world. 258 APPENDIX Note I. The' Holy Spirit ' in Acts This name occurs forty or forty-one times in Acts according to the R.V., and is always translated in the same way — * Holy Ghost ' in the text, ' Holy Spirit ' in the margin. In the original Greek, however, there is a significant difference in the form in different places. In seventeen instances the article is not used; in the remaining cases it is used. When one reads these two classes of passages continuously, one can be in no doubt that the author was conscious of a distinction between the forms. When he speaks of a spiritual baptism or anointing and (probably) in every case when he speaks of being filled with the Spirit, he uses the form without the article, but whenever he as- sociates the Spirit with personal activities, he employs the other form. An instructive passage for determining the author's distinction be- tween the two forms is 2 : 4. Here we read, " they were all filled with the Holy Spirit, and began to speak with other tongues, as the Spirit gave them utterance." In the latter case he used the article, in the former not. We should probably give the author's thought in this verse more accurately, were we to write it as follows : " they were all filled with (a) holy spirit, and began to speak with other tongues, as the Spirit gave them utterance." By * holy spirit ' was meant a spirit of enthusiasm and power (see 6:5, 8). Thus the author, when thinking of the human effect of God's spiritual presence and activity, wrote * holy spirit,' and when thinking of the ultimate cause, he wrote * the Holy Spirit.' This very broad difference between the Greek forms is wholly lost in our translation. What we read is not what Luke wrote. Note 2. Speaking with * tongues^ and with ^ other tongues^ It seems probable that the author of Acts thought of speaking with ' tongues ' and speaking with * other tongues ' as distinct phenomena. For he regarded the speaking with * other tongues ' as a speaking in foreign languages (vss. 6-8), while in the two instances where he men- tions speaking with * tongues' (10 : 46; 19 : 6), he does not indicate that he thought of it in this manner. But is there sufficient evidence to justify this distinction? There is (i) Luke's habit of investigating with care the subjects on which he wrote ; (2) his probable acquaint- ance in Caesarea or Jerusalem with some who, if they were not present at Pentecost themselves, had heard of it from those who were present ; 259 NOTES and (3) the fitness of a miraculous indication of the universal destiny of the new religion. These considerations, however, do not appear to be adequate support of the distinction in view of the following facts: (i) In the account of Pentecost there are points not harmonizable with the view that the actual phenomenon was a speaking in foreign languages. Thus it is said that some hearers thought the disciples were full of new wine (vs. 13), but that impression would not have been made by a speaking in a foreign language. It is, however, akin to the impression which Paul said was likely to be made by speaking with ' tongues ' (i Cor. 14 : 23). Again, when Peter defended his brethren, he said plainly that the phenomenon which had caused amazement and mocking was the fulfilment of Joel's words, but Joel said nothing about speak- ing in foreign languages. (2) Not only does the narrative of Luke contain indications that the actual historical event was simply speak- ing with ' tongues,' that is, ecstatic speech, but a miraculous speaking in foreign languages was not called for or justified by the situation. The people on the ground were Jews, speaking a common language, and if it was necessary to teach them that the Gospel was for all nations it could have been done in words of their own Scriptures. It is notice- able, however, that Peter in his speech said nothing of the universal destination of the Gospel. Again, according to the narrative itself, the miracle of speaking in foreign languages served no great end. The multitude were brought together by the sound of the voices of the disciples, but they were converted by Peter's Aramaic sermon. (3) We know of a phenomenon in the early church called speaking with ' tongues,' which was regarded as manifesting the presence of the Holy Spirit (10:46; 19:6; I Cor. 12: 10). Of this we are definitely informed that it was not speaking in foreign languages (i Cor. 14.) Now it is easier to suppose that the speaking at Pentecost was speaking with ' tongues,' and so the same phenomenon that we meet at Caesarea, at Ephesus, and at Corinth, than to suppose that there were two totally different phenomena of speech. Add to these considerations that of the ease with which the story of speaking with ' other tongues ' might have been developed out of the speaking with ' tongues ' and the manifest symbolical purpose in such a development, and then the case against the uniqueness of the Pentecostal phenomenon of speaking with tongues should not be con- sidered doubtful. Note 3. The Community of Goods at Jerusalem Of the so-called ' communism ' among the disciples at Jerusalem, in addition to the passage 2 : 44-45, further traces are found in 4 : 32; 4 • 36-37; and 5 : 3-4. It appears (i) that it was wholly voluntary, 260 NOTES and (2) that it was only partial, for individuals continued to hold prop- erty (see, e.g., 12 : 12). An external occasion for it existed in the fact that a number of Christian disciples, perhaps most of the one hundred and twenty (i : 15), perhaps also some of the Hellenists from afar, were temporarily in Jerusalem, separated from their customary em- ployments and from their homes. How long it continued we do not know, but we hear nothing about it beyond the sixth chapter of Acts. We are not justified in saying that the poverty of saints in Jerusalem in subsequent times (see Rom. 15 : 26) resulted from this early * com- munism.' Poor people in a great city, especially in a great Oriental .city, are surely no uncommon phenomenon. Note 4. Stephen's Speech The speech of Stephen is an arraignment of the Jews rather than an apology for himself. It is an arraignment not of his audience merely, but of preceding generations, even back to the early history of the nation. Its fundamental charge is most clearly uttered in vs. 51. There has been, he says, an age-long opposition to the Holy Spirit, and of that opposition his hearers are guilty. The speech not only traces this opposition, but also enumerates certain great historical facts which bring it out by contrast, — facts that should have been allowed to guard men from it, and which, being neg- lected, heighten their guilt. Of these facts the chief are : (a) Abraham, who was spiritually-minded, to whom God spoke on heathen ground, and with whom he made a covenant; (b) God's favor to Joseph in Egypt ; (c) his revelation to Moses in Midian and the high honor he gave him throughout the wilderness period; and (d) such teaching of the prophets as that of Is. 66 : 1-2, that God dwells not in temples made by men's hands. The course of Israelitish opposition to the Spirit is seen : (i) in the hostility of his brothers toward Joseph; (2) in the rejection of Moses by a Hebrew whom he wished to reconcile with his brother; (3) in the lack of obedience to the Law given through Moses; (4) in the long idolatry of the Israelites; and (5) in the un- spiritual conception of tabernacle and temple (implied in vss. 47-48). Note 5. The Relation of Acts 9: 19-25 to Gal. i : 16-18. Paul writes in the Epistle to the Galatians that, when God revealed his Son in him, straightway, without conferring with flesh and blood, he went into Arabia, and thence returned to Damascus, then after three years went up to Jerusalem. Of this Arabian sojourn our narrative not only betrays no knowledge, but seems indeed to have no 261 NOTES room for it. For (i) it appears to imply that Paul did 'confer* with flesh and blood, i.e., have Christian intercourse with fellow- believers, from whom he probably learned much regarding Jesus ; (2) it seems to put Paul's preaching in Damascus immediately after his baptism, while according to Galatians and First Corinthians it followed the Arabian sojourn; and (3) it implies that his return to Jerusalem was not very long after his conversion, for the disciples there had not yet heard what had befallen him or how he had preached in Damascus (vss. 26-27). Perhaps the simplest view to take of the matter is to suppose that Luke was not acquainted with Paul's sojourn in Arabia, and, for that reason, set some details of his story in a wrong perspective. It must not, however, be overlooked that the Epistles confirm the historical character of the main points in the Acts narrative. Thus 2 Cor. II : 32-33 implies just such a successful activity of Paul in Damascus as Acts 9 : 20-22 records. It agrees with Luke also in its account of Paul's escape from Damascus, though not mentioning that it was made possible by the disciples of Paul. Further, the story in Gala- tians takes Paul from Damascus directly to Jerusalem, as is recorded also in Acts. 36a INDEX Abraham, his inheritance in Canaan, 78. Achaia, 172, 178. Acts, the book in itself, 1-6; author and date of composition, 6-14; historical value of, 14-20; text of, 20-21; literature, 21; title, i, 23; relation to Galatians, 261-262. Adramyttium, 241. Adria, sea of, 247. iEneas, 107. Agabus, 124, 199. Agrippa, see Herod. Alexander (of Ephesus?), 185. Alexandria, 242, 252. Amphipolis, 113. Ananias, high priest, 213, 220. Ananias of Damascus, 101-102, 208-209. Ananias of Jerusalem, 64, 65. Angels, 27, 69, 83, 84, 87, 96, 129- 130, 246. Annas, 56. Antioch (Pisidian), 134, 141, 144. Antioch (Syrian), 121, 131, 146. Antipatris, 219. Apollonia, 163. Apollos, 177, 179. Apostles, names of, 28-29; teach- ing of, 46-47; acting as a body, 73, 74, 93; name given to Paul and Barnabas, 142. Apostolic age, chronology of, 21-22. Aquila, 172, 175. Arabia, 105. Aratus, 170. Areopagus, 168. Aristarchus, 184, 185, 241. Ascension, 24, 27. Asia, 157, 180, 189, 192, 203. Asiarch, 185. Assassins, 205-206. Assos, 191. Athens, 167. Attalia, 146. Augustan band, 241. Azotus, 98. Babylon, 85. Baptism, 45, 46, 93, 94, 98, 118, 173, 178, 179, 180. Bar- Jesus, see Elymas. Barnabas, 64, 122, 124, 131, 132, 147. 153. 154, 155- Baucis, 143. Bernice, 230. Beroea, 166. Bishops, 194-195. Bithynia, 157. Bread, breaking of, 47, 190. Brethren, 30, 47, 178. Brothers of Jesus, 29. Caesarea, 99, 106, 109, 176, 198, 217. Caiaphas, 207. Candace, 97. Captain of the temple, 55. Cauda, 244. Cenchreae, 175. Chios, 192. Christians, name, 123-124, 241. Church, 67, 84, 125, 131, 152, 195. Cilicia, 152, 155. Cilicians, 105. Claudius, 92, 124, 141, 172, 254. Clean thes, 170. Cnidus, 242. 263 INDEX Codex D, 21, 91, 100, 123, 127, 151, 162-163, 178, 181, 189, 191, 200. Colossae, 181. Community of goods, 47-48, 260- 261. Corinth, 172. Cornelius, 109, no, 11 4-1 15. Cos, 197. Crete, 242. Crispus, 173. Cuspius Fadus, 72. Cyprus, 64, 99, 121, 132, 15s, 197, 243. Cyrene, 121, 122. Damascus, 85, 99. David, 43. Demetrius, 184. Demoniacs, 91-92, 160. Derbe, 142, 145. i55- Diana, 179, 183, 184, 186. Diary, 7-9, 12, 158, 189, 241. Dionysius, 171-172. Disciples, the name, 73 ; number of, 30, 46, 56, 68, 201. Dispersion, Jews of the, 35, 37, 46, 76. Dium, 166. Door, the Beautiful, 49. Dorcas, see Tabitha. DrusiUa, 225. Elders, Jewish, 56; Christian, 124, 145-146, 148. Elymas, 133. Ephesus, 179, 192. Epicurus, 167-168. Erastus, 183. Ethiopia, 96. Euraquilo, 244. Eutychus, 1 90-1 91. Fair Havens, 242-243. Fast, the, 243. Felix, 218, 220, 221, 222, 225, 226. Festus, 226, 228, 238-239. Gains, 145; of Alexandria (?), 184- 185. Galatia, 156-157, 177, 179. Galileans, 36. Galilee, 106, 116, 137. Gallio, 174-175- Gamaliel, 71. Gaza, 96. Gitta, 92. Graux, i. Grecian Jews, see Hellenists. Greece, 188. Hands, laying on of, 75. Haran, 78. Hellenists, 73, 74, 105, 122. Herod, the Great, 61 ; H. Agrippa I, 125; H. Agrippa II, 230, 233, 239-240; H. the tetrarch (Anti- pas), 131. Horeb, 79, 82-83. Iconium, 141, 155. James, 125, 128, 150, 201. Jason, 165. Jehovah, New Testament rendering of, 40. Jerusalem, 3, 25, 27, 99. Jesus, "in the name of," 49-50, 59; "servant," 51; "prince of life," 51; "Saviour, " 136; anointed, 61, 116. Jews of the Dispersion, see Disper- sion. John, the apostle, 48-49, 55, 58. John the Baptist, 25, 32, 136-137. John Mark, 132, 134, 155. Joppa, 107. Joseph Barsabbas, 32. Judas, the apostle, 30, 31, 33. Judas of Galilee, 72. Judas of Jerusalem, 152. Judea, 27, 106, 1 1 5-1 1 6, 237. Julius, 241, 249. Jupiter, 143- 264 INDEX Lasea, 243. Law, given by angels, 87. Levites, 64. Libertines, 76. Lord, use of name, 33. Lots, 33. Lucius, 131. Luke, 6-14, 158. Lycaonia, 143. Lydda, 106. Lydia, 159. Lysias, 218, 225. Lystra, 142, 143, 155. Macedonia, 187. Manaen, 131. Market of Appius, 253. Mary, mother of Jesus, 29. Mary, mother of Mark, 28. Matthias, 32. Melita, 250. Mercury, 143. Memeptah II, 81. Mesopotamia, 78. Mighty works, 37, 40-41, 48, 62, Miletus, 192. Mitylene, 192. Mnason, 200-201. Moloch, 85. Moses, Stephen's references to, 84. M3rra, 242. Mysia, 157. Nazarenes, 221, 222. Nazareth — Nazarene, 40, 208. Neapolis, 158, 190. Nicolas, 74. Old Testament, use of in Acts, 39, 41-42, 44, 52. 53, 57-58, 87, 97, 150-151. Olivet, 28. Paphos, 132. Patara, 197. Paul, 133; in Pisidian Antioch, 134- 141; in Iconium, 141-142; in Lystra and Derbe, 142-145; sent to Jerusalem, 147; proposed second missionary tour, 154; separated from Barnabas, 154- 155; in Syria and Cilicia, 155- 156; seeks new fields, 156-158; in Philippi, 158-163; in Thessa- lonica, 163-165; in Beroea, 166; in Athens, 167-172; in Corinth, 172-175; journey to Antioch, 175- 177; through the upper country, 177, 179; in Ephesus, 179-187; in Europe, 187-188; jovirney to Jerusalem, 189-200; in Jerusa- lem, 201 ; preaching in Judea, 237-238; voyage to Rome, 241— 253; in Rome, 254-258. See Saul. Pentecost, the day of, 34. Perga, 134, 146. Peter, place of his name, 28; leader- ship of, 29-30; speech at Pente- 76. cost, 38-46; healed a lame man, 49-50; speech in Solomon's Porch, 51-55; before the sanhe- drin, 57-59; rebukes Ananias and Sapphira, 64-67; again 81- before the sanhedrin, 70-71 ; sent to Samaria, 93-95, in Lydda and Joppa, 1 06-1 12; in Caesarea, 113-118; his defence in Jerusa- lem, 1 1 9-1 21; at the conference in Jerusalem, 149. Pharisees, 68, 71. Philemon, 143. Philip, 74, 199. Philippi, 158, 190. 38- Phoenicia, 99, 121, 148. 77- Phoenix, 244. Phrygia, 156-157,^177. i79- Pilate, 61. Pisidia, 146. Politarchs, 165. Pompey, 73. 265 INDEX Pontus, 157. Power, 26, 63. Prayer, hour of, 49. Prayer to Jesus, 33. Priests, 55, 75. Priests, high, 55, 56, 68, loa. Priscilla, 172, 175. Proconsuls, 186-187. Prophet, narrower sense of the word, 124; broader sense of the word, Proselytes, 37, 141, 164, 166. Ptolemais, 198. Publius, 251. Puteoli, 253. Raising up of Jesus, 54-55. 7o- Ramses-Sesostris, 81. Restoration, 53. Resurrection of Jesus, 41, 43; the term misunderstood in Athens, 168; the doctrine rejected by the Athenians, 1 70-1 71. Rhegium, 253. Rhoda, 127-128. Rhodes, 197. Roman citizenship, 163, 21a. Rome, 183, 253. Rulers, 56. Sadducees, 55, 68, 214. Saints, 102. Salamis, 132. Salmone, 243. Samaria, 27, 106, 148. Samaria, city of, 91, 93. Samos, 192. Samothrace, 158. Samuel, 54. Sanhedrin, 56, 69, 70. Sapphira, 64, 67. Saturn, 85. Saul, 76, 88, 89; conversion, 99-103, 207-209, 233-238; disciples of, in Damascus, 104; sought by Barna- bas, 1 23 ; worked at Antioch, 123 266 sent to Jerusalem, 124-125; set apart, 1 31-132; Saul-Paul, see Paul. Sceva, 181. Scribes, 56, Seleucia, 132. Sergius Paul us, 133. Seven, the, 74, 75, 199. Sharon, 107. Shrines, 183, 184. Sidon, 129, 241. Signs, see Mighty works. Silas, 152, 155, 158, 166. Simon of Gitta, 92-95. Simon of Joppa, 109. Sinai, 82-83. Solomon's Porch, 50, 67. Son of God, 103. Son of Man, 88. Sosthenes, 175. Spirit, the Holy, 24, 26, 35, 39, 62, 1 1 7-1 18, 179, 259. Stephen, 74, 76, 77; his defence, 77- 87, 261 ; martyrdom, 87-90. Stoics, 168. Supper, the Lord's, 47. Sychar, 91, 92. Symeon, see Peter. Synagogues in Jerusalem, 76; in Damascvis, 99. Syracuse, 252. Syria, 152, 155, 175. Syrtis, 245. Tabitha, 107-108. Tarsus, 106, 206. Teachers, 131. Terah, 78. Tertullus, 220, 221. Theophilus, 23. Thessalonica, 164. Theudas, 71-72. Three Taverns, 253. Timothy, 145. i55. 158, 166, 183. Tongues of fire, 34-3 S*. "other tongues," 35, 259. INDEX Town clerk, i86. Troas, 157, 190. Trogyllium, 192. Trophimus, 204. Twin Brothers, The, 252. Tyrannus, 180. Tyre, 129, 197, 198. Unknown God, 169. Way, the, 99. Witness to Jesus, 26-27, 32, 63, 117. Wonders, see Mighty works. Zeno. 168. 267 By the Rev. GEORGE HOLLEY GILBERT, D.D. 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