'A'i t^K' =n*r'-*- , '^:-^^ THE LIFE OF WILLIAM WORDSWORTH THE LIFE OF WILLIAM WORDSWORTH BY WILLIAM KNIGHT, LL.D., PROFESSOR OF MORAL PHILOSOI'HY, ST ANDREWS. VOLUME l-'IRST EDINBURGH : WILLIAM PATERSON MDCCCLXXXIX. /^ UUKAHY S^^ I IIMVERSITV OF CAL ^r- SAiNTA liAUUAJ PREFACE. No reader of this Life of Wordsworth can regret, so much as the author does, the long delay that has occurred in its publication. Although the first of the three volumes has been printed for more than a year, the issue of the work has been postponed from causes too numerous to mention. When the edition of the Works of Wordsworth — to which this Life was to be an appendix — was projected, eight years ago, the first idea was that a single volume would suffice, both for a Biography of the poet, and for a critical Essay upon him. As soon as the work of research began, however, so much new material accumulated from many sources, that it was judged expedient, not only to extend the Biography from one volume to two, and ultimately to three, but to ex- clude the critical Essay, reserving it for a future occasion, and a different purpose. It can be of little consequence to any who read these volumes, to know what the writer thinks of Wordsworth, of his place as a poet in the great hierarchy of genius, and of his function as a teacher of mankind ; but it matters a great deal that they should liave authentic information as to the manner of man Wordsworth was — as to what he thought and said and did — and that they should know the relations he sustained toward the more distinguished of his contemporaries. The hitherto unpublished material which the volumes contain far exceeds, in value and importance, what has been added to them from the miscellaneous sources of informa- VI PREFACE. tion, open to all students of English Literature. The solitary canto of the projected Recluse — already published by itself, but which was intended to appear first in this work — the fragments of Michael, the poem on Nab Well (originally designed as a portion of TJic Ecclusc), and many nufjcc which the lovers of the poet will not willingly let die ; the Alfoxden, the Hamburg, and above all the Grasmere Journal of Wordsworth's sister ; the two records of the Con- tinental Tour of 1820, written by Dorothy, and by Mrs Wordsworth respectively ; the Journals of other Tours in Scotland, in tlie Isle of Man, and on the Continent, written by the sister and the daughter of the poet; numerous letters of Wordsworth, to his wife and his sister, to Coleridge, Southey and Sir Walter Scott, to Landor and Talfourd, to Mrs Barrett Browning, to Richard Sharp and Barron Field and John Kenyon, to Scott (the editor of The Champion), to Lord Lonsdale and Viscount Lowther, to Henry Crabb Robinson, to Professor Reed of Philadelphia, and to the poet's publisher, Moxon ; letters also from Dorothy AVordsworth to Miss Pollard, afterwards Mrs Marshall, and to Crabb Robinson ; with others from Mrs Clarkson, and Mrs Arnold — all these are published for the first time. In addition, there are many letters from Wordsworth's correspondents on the question of copyright, — including Mr Gladstone, Sergeant Talfourd, and Lord Houghton, — and some extracts containing notices of the poet, and facts regarding him, from books written by contemporaries now almost forgotten. It is absurd at any time, and now-a-days it would be ludicrous, for a biographer to assume the role of eulogist. To be blind to the weaknesses of a great man is itself a weakness. To enlarge upon them is both foolish and useless ; but to conceal them is to be unfaithful to posterity. There is this advantage however in writing the PREFACE. Vll life of one who has been dead for well-nigh half a century, that there need be less scruple in mentioning character- istics which must also rank as weaknesses, allusion to which would have given pain to survivors, had it been made a generation earlier. There would have been some difficulty, for example, in printing those reminiscences of the Westmoreland peasantry, which Mr Rawnsley has brought together, immediately after the poet's death. The same remark applies to some of the jottings in Henry Crabb Eobinson's Diary, and in Barron Field's memoranda. Both the Diary and the Eeminiscences of Robinson are full, not only of his own literary judgments on the questions of the day — which were often as acute as his appreciation was catholic — but also of the opinions of the most eminent of his contemporaries ; and they contain some of the best critical estimates of Words- worth's poems, as they successively appeared. Through the kindness of the Trustees of the Williams Library, I have had access to the rich storehouse of materials which exists in the Crabb Robinson MSS., and have made many extracts from it. The poets and men of letters who belonged to the earlier years of the nineteenth century — that second spring-time in the literature of England — are so closely associated with each other, that it is impossible altogether to separate their works. To form an adequate estimate of one, we must take account of all the others. This is especially the case with Wordsworth and Coleridge — the two poets who may be said, without disparagement of the rest, to have been the leaders of the whole movement. I have therefore to refer frequently, not only to Coleridge, but also to Southey, Lamb, Scott, Landor, and many others ; and it will be seen that a noteworthy feature in Wordsworth's character was his appreciation of his contemporaries. VI 11 PREFACE. Tliis has often been denied to him. It used to be said that, in his okl age, lie cared only for his own poems. A more baseless calumny has seldom been uttered. Superabundant evidence of the opposite will be found in these volumes. It is true that he gave no poet a place among great writers, unless he was a Teacher as well as an author of verses, and unless the outcome of his teaching was to ennoble character. r>ut in Wordsworth there was the total absence of what has l)een said to be a prevailing weakness of literary men — although I suspect not specially confined to them — viz., jealousy of others. Not a trace of envy toward contem- poraries was ever seen in him. On the contrary, the gener- osity of his appreciation was conspicuous ; and, although he withdrew from the men who misconstrued and critically assailed him, he never quarrelled with them. As will be seen in these pages, his relationship to the dearest of his early friends — the one man with whom his name will be for ever associated in literature — was for a time overshadowed by a cloud, and somewhat severely strained ; but Words- worth bore with Coleridge's increasing weakness, with real magnanimity. He believed in him, as a friend and a poet, and felt the marvellous charm and fascination of his genius to the very last. Of Landor and Leigh Hunt, of Montagu, De Quincey, and Hazlitt, Wordsworth sometimes spoke forcibly enough ; and it was not his habit to extenuate faults, or to take a rose-water view of a defect in character; but he was never censorious, and he did not make enemies. I have purposely recorded some of his adverse judg- ments, because they exhibit him in the capacity of moral analyst, but there was no bitterness in the severest of them. To refer to a single instance. He spoke unfavourably of Sir Walter Scott as a poet, simply because he con- sidered that novels in verse — rhymed romances, or metri- cal tales — however admirable, were not poems, in his PREFACE. IX sense of the term. He never concealed his opinion that amongst The stars pre-eminent in magnitude, And they that from the zenith dart their beams, Scott had no place ; " for," he once said, " he has never in verse written anything addressed to the immortal part of man." But where is there a nobler tribute to genius than is to be found in the Abbotsford sonnet, composed before Scott's departure to Naples ? The might Of the whole world's good wishes with him goes ; Blessings and prayers, in nobler retinue Than sceptred king or laurelled conqueror knows, Follow this wondrous Potentate. A distinguished critic of our time once referred me to Wordsworth's letter to Scott on the publication of Marmion, which he characterised as " one of the most consummate speci- mens of frog-to-bull impertinence in the annals of literature." On receipt of his letter I turned, with some impatience as well as curiosity, to Wordsworth's letter to Scott ; and I found simply this, " Thank you for Marmion. I think your end has been attained. That it is not the end which I should wish you to propose to yourself, you will be well aware, from what you know of my notions of composition, both as to matter and manner. In the circle of my acquain- tance it seems as well liked as the Lay, though I have heard that in the world it is not so." The whole point of Words- worth's criticism was that he would have preferred ;the subject treated, not so much from the objective, or Homeric point of view. He would have wished it handled, as he had himself attempted to deal with a story of the past, in his White Doc of Rylstone. Wordsworth's appreciation of Scott was genuine from first to last. Toward Hazlitt and De Quincey his feelings gradually X PREFACE. cooled. If anyone should blame him for that coolness, future biographers may mention facts which explain and justify it. Although the subject is referred to in the introductory cliapter to the first of these volumes — written some years ago — I add a paragi\aph on the end which the biography of a great man may serve, when it is intentionally a store- house of facts and not a critical memoir. It may be called a quarry, rather than a building ; but of what use are our best criticisms, in comparison with an accurate record of what is known regarding those who ' have been the chief teachers of mankind ? The commentary of the biographer is speedily forgotten ; but, while our esti- mates pass away, the lives of the great remain, and remain to teach posterity. It appears to me that to add a running commentary on each incident recorded, instead of letting the incident speak for itself, lessens its influence instead of in- creasing it. The world is doubtless taught by the mature judgments of its great critics, as well as by the works of its chief thinkers and poets ; and to be a just appraiser of new literary products is a noble function. It is a func- tion however which appeals to the few, rather than to the many ; and what the many mostly need is tlie careful collection of all relevant data regarding the chief teachers of the world, the publication of what is helpful to the under- standing of these teachers, and the suppression of all that is irrelevant. One reason why extended critical commentary on Words- worth is less necessary than in the case of other poets is what may be called the homeliness of his genius, notwith- standing its depth. He had a profound grasp of the deep things of life and of the universe ; but he was more homely than any of his contemporaries, not only in manner — his rustic air — but in the type of his genius. " His verses," as PREFACE. XI an American author wrote to me, " bring all that is necessary for their own understanding ; and the best advice that we can give to his readers is to treat him like their own hearts, to commune with him, and be still." It is for this reason that I let Wordsworth — and his sister, wife, and daughter, as well as his numerous friends and correspondents — tell the story of his life whenever it is possible. Perhaps the best preparation for the study of "Wordsworth is the " wise passiveness " of which he speaks so often — the heart " at leisure from itself." Coleridge once said, " Poetry knocks at the door ; if there is no one at home, it goes straight away ; " and Goethe Wer den Dichter will verstehen Muss in Dichter Lands gelien. If the entrance is sympathetic, there is little need for criticism. These volumes then being for the most part a collection of facts, whenever the authority for those which are new, (and cannot be found elsewhere in published works), is not mentioned in the footnotes, they are invariably given on the authority of letters or documents to which I have had access, but with the statement of which I have not thought it desirable to encumber the pages. I may add that in this, as in most biographies, a mass of detail, interesting enough to specialists — and which would, in all probability, had it been expedient to continue the Wordsworth Society for a longer time, have found a place in its Transactions — is omitted from the Life. It is to be noted that while Wordsworth detested letter-writing, and wrote as little as he could, a great deal of his correspondence survives ; nearly thrice as much as is published in these volumes. It might have been desirable in all cases, perhaps, to have indicated where the letters are now preserved. This has been occasionally, but not always, mentioned. Xll PREFACE. One result of delay in the issue of a Biography, the materials for which accumulate slowly, is that new facts are sure to be discovered, as fresh sources of information open up, which must modify judgments already come to, and which in some instances may affect statements previously made. This is doubtless both an advantage and a disadvantage. There is no such thing as a Biography that could not have been improved by keeping, as there is no single instance of an immaculate literary text. Every author finds that his work could be improved as soon as it leaves his hands. With this he lays his account before- hand, but it is very mortifying in the course of the passage of a book through the press, to discover new facts which completely alter what has been already said. The most important fact of this kind that I have to record is, that long after the first volume was printed off, I discovered a serious mistake, in which I had followed tradition, and described Mrs Wordsworth as the poet's cousin. This I mention at p. 335 of volume one. It was not till I had the opportunity of examining the series of letters addressed by Wordswortli to ^Ir Moxon, that I found out my mistake. (See vol. III. p. 374.) Mr Hutchinson of Kimbolton, Mrs Wordsworth's nephew, wrote to me lately, assuring me that there was no truth in the tradition ; and as I write I receive the following from Mr Gordon Wordsworth, the poet's grandson. " The Stepping Stones, January 22, 1889, " I think I have solved the gi'and-parental cousinship question. My gi-andmother left some memoranda as to her family, which have enabled me to draw up a pedigree of them, for four generations back from herself, so complete that I do not think any connecting link can have escaped me. Throughout the eighteenth century, her ancestors were PREFACE. Xlll confined to Cumberland and Durham, and are unlikely to have married anyone from South Yorkshire before that; and they certainly did not after my great-great- grandfather came into Cumberland. The story arose in this way. My grandfather's uncle, Dr Cookson of Windsor, married a daughter of my grandmother's great aunt, which would enable someone to say that the families were already connected. Hence the myth. . . . One of my grandmother's few recollections of her mother is her weep- ing on her return from the funeral of the poet's mother." Two other things may be mentioned before I acknowledge my debt to those who have helped me in this work. I have elsewhere spoken of Wordsworth's profound appreciation of the results of Science, and his grasp of its principles. An- other important point is his insight into the great Questions of the Ages, those ultimate philosophical problems, which he never handled speculatively, but of which he had his own intuitive solution, a solution that was at once luminous and vital. A second feature of exceeding interest is the way in which a profoundly liberal instinct, and a genuine conservative tendency were so balanced in him, as to raise him, in all his deeper teachings, above party. He had un- bounded reverence for the past. That reverence, however, was consistent with antagonism to much that we inherit from it. He was conservative in the bent of his mind, and his habitual attitude toward the past ; but he was liberal in his revolt from its thraldom, its mannerism, and artificiality. He felt, as few have done, that the conservative instinct of Human Nature keeps it from disintegration and collapse ; while its liberal instinct keeps it from stagnation, and leads to forward movements and new developments. Tlie radicalism of his youth came out nowhere so explicitly as in his letter to the Bishop of Landaff, written shortly after he had left the University. The common opinion, however. XIV PREFACE. is that Wordsworth soon afterwards became a conservative of the most rigid type, and that he remained one to the close of his life. It is true that politically he was a con- servative, and his dread of the overthrow of our Institutions produced in him an unreasoning horror of Eeform. His dislike to change deepened, with the deepening of his love for our great inheritances, in Church and State. Sara Coleridge writes of a visit he paid to her father at Hamp- stead in 1834. "How well do I remember Mr Words- worth, with one leg upon the stair, delaying his ascent, till he had uttered, with an emphasis which seemed to proceed from the very profoundest recesses of his soul, ' I would lay down my life for the Church.* " * An anecdote, however, for which I am indebted to Lord Coleridge, shews the other side of the picture, and proves that while in party politics he was conservative, Wordsworth remained liberal in heart to the very end of his life. The story refers to his later years. The father of the present Cliief-Justice, while a judge in the Northern Circuit, spent some time at Ambleside ; and calling at Eydal Moimt, Wordsworth proposed that he should accompany him on a visit to Lord Lonsdale. He did so. They drove by Kirkston Pass, with the ladies of the household ; and after descending at Ullswater the poet proposed that Mr Coleridge and he should leave the carriage, and walk the remainder of the way through the woods to Lowther. Soon after they started on their walk they left the highway, and proceeded across a field by a disused track, towards a blank wall at the opposite side. Seeing there was no gate in view, and no apparent stile to cross, Mr Coleridge asked if they were on the right path, " Yes," said Wordsworth, " you will soon see ; " and approaching the loosely built wall, put his foot * See Memoir and Letters of Sara Coleridge, vol. i. p. 107. PKEFACE. XV against it, and made a breach sufficient to let them pass on their way. Wordsworth then resumed, " There used to be a right-of-way for the people here, time out of mind ; but the land has been recently bought by Lord , and he has closed this ancient footpath against the people. I am determined, however, to have it kept open, so far as I am able ; and I will walk no other way to Lowther. I wouldn't be surprised, now, if we met Lord to-night at the Castle, and if so, I shall probably let him know what I think of his action." And so it was. After dinner the new proprietor, who had shut up the foot- path, referred at considerable length to the Eadicals, who broke down his walls, and entered his grounds without per- mission. Wordsworth listened for some time, and then risino- said, " Yes, Lord , I am the person who broke down your wall, and I shall do it again ; for there is an ancient right-of-way through that field, a right of the people, and I am determined to maintain it. You bought your property with that right attached to it, and. Conservative as I am, scratch me thus, and you'll find the Eadical underneath." We may connect with this anecdote, what Wordsworth once said to Henry Crabb Robinson, " I have no respect whatever for the Whigs, but I have a great deal of the Chartist in me." Wordsworth had a genuine and clear insight into the principles and rights that underlie all change ; and though he deprecated innovation, and strangely saw destruction in every departure from established usage, his poetic teaching is no more conservative than it is liberal, because it is both the one and the other, and fits equally well into a new order of things as into the old. It is my strong conviction that what Matthew Arnold so happily called the " healing power " of Wordsworth — his tranquillising and restorative power — may be as profoundly felt by the masses, and by the most xvj PREFACE. advanced radicals (when they come to know it), as by the most conservative minds amongst us. My indebtedness to those who have helped me in this Biogi-aphy is almost too gi-eat to be mentioned in detail, and it extends to many who can no longer be thanked in person. First of all, I must thank the representatives of the Wordsworth family. To the great kindness of the late William Wordsworth, the poet's son — of Willow Bank, Kton, when I first knew him, and afterwards of the Stepping Stones, Ambleside — and of his wife, the late Mrs William Wordsworth, in placing at my disposal the Journals, the MSS. of the Poems, and the Letters, in the rich collection at the Stepping Stones, I owe more than to anything else in the preparation of this Life. To their son, Mr Gordon Wordsworth, I have a similar debt of friendship to acknow- ledge, for his sending me, and kindly allowing me to publish, so many letters and memoranda regarding his grandfather. From the late Bishop of Lincoln, the nephew and biographer of the poet, I learned many things about Wordsworth, and received a generous permission to make free use of the materials he had collected, both those incorporated in the Memoirs, and others which he supplied to me. To the Bishop of St Andrews my thanks are also due for much information regarding his uncle. By the late Dr Cradock, the Principal of Brasenose College, Oxford, I was informed of many facts, and directed to several sources of information. During walks and visits with him in the Lake Country, I learned more of the local iillusi(ins which the poems contain than from any one else. To Miss Quillinan at Loughrigg Holme, to Miss Arnold at Foxhowe, and to the late Matthew Arnold I acknowledge obligations manifold. Miss Quillinan supplied me with the PREFACE. xvu original MS. of the Fen wick notes to the poems, and with other memoranda. The late Lady Richardson of Lancrigg gave me many personal reminiscences of the poet, and Mrs Stanger of Fieldside, Keswick, has done the same. To Sir George and Lady Beaumont of Coleorton, Leicestershire, I am indebted for access to all the letters from Wordsworth, his wife and sister, to their ancestors — the Beaumonts with whose names those of Coleridge, Southey, Scott, and many others as well as the Wordsworths, are associated. Mention should also be made of the kindness of the Rev. W. Beaumont, at the Rec- tory, Coleorton. To Mr Ernest Coleridge — to whose biography of S. T. C. the lovers of English Literature are looking for- ward with rare expectancy — I am deeply grateful for permis- sion to use the letters of his grandfather to Wordsworth ;* to the late Rev. Cuthbert Southey for liberty to make use of any letters of his father that it might seem desirable to publish ; to the Hon. Mrs Maxwell Scott for a similar per- mission to examine and use the unpublished letters of Wordsworth to Sir Walter Scott at Abbotsford ; and to Mrs Sandford, Chester, and the Bishop of Gibraltar for the use of those written to Thomas Poole of Nether Stowey. To Mr Locker-Lampson I am obliged for permission to copy his large collection of one hundred and thirty-six letters by Wordsworth to Mr Moxon. I have further to express my cordial tlianks for access to the still larger store of letters now at Lowther Castle, addressed by Wordsworth to the late Lord Lonsdale, and to Viscount Lowther. Mr Mor- rison of Eonthill has also allowed me to copy several in his remarkable collection of autographs. To Lord Coleridge I am indebted for letters from Words- worth to his father, Mr Justice Coleridge, for access to the * Many of Wordsworth's letters will appear for the first time in the forthcoming Biography of Coleridge. I. h XVlll PREFACE, most valuable copy of the 1836 edition of Wordsworth's poems which exists — it being full of annotations, corrections, and various readings, made by the poet's own hand — for some unpublished fragments of verse, and for much general infor- mation; to the Rev. Thomas Hutchinson, Kimbolton (Mrs "Wordsworth's nephew), for MSS., letters, and poems both by Wordsworth and his sister ; and to him, and to Miss Hutchinson, West Malvern, for many facts regarding the Wordsworth family ; to the Eev. Mr Hill of Warwick, son- in-law of Southey, for some anecdotes of the poet ; to Mr Aubrey de Vere, for information on many points, and for free permission to use his papers on Wordsworth ; to Mr Henry Reed, Philadelphia, for copies of all of Wordsworth's letters to his father, the late Professor Eeed, and for details of his father's relations to the poet ; to Mr Ellis Yarnall of the same city, for his varied reminiscences of Wordsworth, and memoranda of his visits to the Lake District of Eng- land ; and to Mr F. C, Yarnall (of Wynndown, Overbrook, Montgomery Co., Pennsylvania), for his valuable paper on Wordsworth's influence in America. Mr Browning has kindly sent me the poet's letters to his wife, the late jMrs Barrett-Browning, and has given me information in reference to Wordsworth's friend and corre- spondent, John Kenyon, the cousin to whom Mrs Brown- ing dedicated Aurora Leigh. Mr Frederick Hutcluns sent me sixteen letters from the poet and his wife and sister, addressed to Kenyon. The late Mrs Proctor, widow of " Barry Cornwall," supplied me Avith many interesting facts in reference to Wordsworth, his sister, and Basil Montagu. To Mr Gladstone I am indebted for the letters of the poet written to him, and for permission to publish his own letters to Wordsworth, on the subject of copyright, and other matters. All the letters addressed to Wordsworth on the subject of copyright by his numerous correspondents — PREFACE. XIX such as Talfourd, Lord Malion, Monkton Milnes, and Mr Gladstone, were sent to me for inspection by their present owner, Mr Nicholson ; and, as the subject has more than a passing interest, extracts from them will be found in the third volume. To Lady Monteagle, and to her sister Mrs Myers, I am specially obliged for access to the large collection of letters wliich Dorothy Wordsworth wrote in her girlhood to Miss Jane Pollard, afterwards Mrs Marshall ; to Miss Field, sister of Mr Barron Field, for sending me the MSS. of her brother's Critical Memoirs of William Wordsworth, and permission to use the poet's own notes upon it. The late Sir Henry Taylor sent me letters about "Wordsworth, and Lady Taylor has given me permission to print others from Wordsworth to him, and his own notes and observations on his friend. My thanks are also due to Mrs Alexander Carlyle for the use of her uncle's reminiscences of the poet, and for some addenda to those previously published by Mr Froude ; to Miss Stuart, daughter of the editor of the London Courier, one of the poet's early friends, for the use of letters which Wordsworth addressed to her father ; to Mr J. T. Brown, for many which he wrote to John Scott of The Champion newspaper ; to Mr Sketchley, librarian of the Forster and Dyce collection at South Kensington, for Wordsworth's letters to Walter Savage Landor, and others ; to Mr Maunde Thomson, and to Mr Garnett, of the British Museum, both for access to MSS. and for information ; and to to Mr Scharf, the Director and Secretary of the National Portrait Gallery at South Kensington. The late Miss Gillies, the artist whose portraits of Wordsworth are referred to frequently, also supplied me with some anecdotes and letters, and information as to her cousin, who was a correspondent of Wordsworth's. Mrs Drummond of Fredley near Dorking, who, as Miss Kinnaird, was a great friend of XX PREFACE. Dora Wordsworth, the poet's daughter, has shown me several letters, and given me many delightfully vivid accounts of her early intercourse witli the family. Mr Eichard Sharp, Wordsworth's early friend, was Mrs Drummoud's guardian in youth. To those who have allowed me to make extracts from their published works, my thanks are also specially due ; to ^Ir Percival Graves for his generosity in reference to Wordsworth's letters to Sir W. Rowan Hamilton and his sister, to Mr Alaric Watts, to Mr Wiffen, to the represen- tatives of Miss Caroline Fox, and to many others. The late Lady Richardson was equally kind with reference to her AutohiograjjJiy of Mrs Fletcher. I have already referred to the permission of the trustees of the Williams Library, to examine the extensive volumes of Henry Crabb Robinson's MSS. at Grafton Street. Much had been previously extracted by Dr Sadler, both from the Diary and the Reminiscences, but 1 found additional material of exceeding interest, and of real importance, bearing more especially upon the cloud which for a time darkened the old and bright relationship of Wordsworth to Coleridge ; and I have to thank Dr Sadler more particularly, for his generosity in permitting me to examine those documents, after his own great labour on the same papers was ended. With the late Principal Shairp I often discussed the subject of this Life, in which he took the liveliest interest. He was one of the " best knowers " of Wordsworth (to use Charles Lamb's phrase) in this generation ; and it is a satisfaction to myself that the plan we often talked of, of writing the Life, by giving facts and letting criticism alone, approved itself to him. To many lisang writers and critics I have been greatly indebted; to Professor Dowden of Dublin, with whom, from first to last, I have had much correspondence bearing PREFACE. XXI on Wordsworth ; to Mr Rawnsley of Crosthwaite Vicarage, Keswick, to whose knowledge, and divining tact, and endless enthusiasm, and appreciation tempered by judgment, I owe much ; to the Hon. Roden Noel, for his papers and letters, and conversation ; to Canon Ainger, for what he has suggested, and what he has found out for me in various ways, by his wide acquaintance with the literary period, and its prominent writers ; to Professor Rowley of Uni- versity College, Bristol, for facts relating to the Somerset- shire period; to the Rev. W. L. Nichols of Woodlands, Bridgewater, for information about the Quantocks and Wordsworth's life at Alfoxden ; to the Rev. W. Heard of Westminster, for suggestions bearing more especially upon the Prelude and Excursion ; to Mr Herbert Rix, Secretary to the Royal Society, for his papers and local notes on the Duddon ; and, above all, to Mr J. Dykes Campbell, for obligations indefinitely great, especially in the way of information and suggestion as to Coleridge, and Wordsworth's relation to him. In reference to many points about Coleridge, Mr Dykes Campbell is probably the chief living authority. He has been kind enough to revise the proof sheets of part of these three volumes. Had the first volume passed under his critical eye before it was printed off, it would have been more accurate than it is. In the same connection I must thank Mr Archibald Constable, Edinburgh. I have to explain that owing to the way in which these volumes have been prepared, and sent to press, I have been compelled to insert at the close of the second of tliem what would have found a more appropriate place in the body of the third volume, or at its close. These appendices — which have been placed where they are with a view to equalise the size of the three volumes — do not, however, belong to the connected story of Wordsworth's life, and may be examined after the third volume is read. xxu PREFACE. The portrait prefixed to tlie first volume is taken from the picture by Haydon, which gave rise to Mrs Browning's sonnet, beginning — Wordsworth upon Helvellyn ! and ending — This is the poet and his poetry. It was engraved by Lupton, but by him completely idealized. Lupton's engraving has been often reproduced, but while it is an impressive portrait, it is utterly unlike the original. The original is in the possession of Mr Cornelius Nicolson, Isle of Wight, who kindly sent it down to Edinburgh to be etched for this work. For information regarding it, I refer to the fifth appendix lo the second volume. It was the original, and not Lupton's mezzotint, that suggested Mrs Browning's noble sonnet. I may add that the quotation from Hazlitt (pp. 149-152) was taken from Barron Field's MS., and that the text differs in some particulars from the printed version of Hazlitt's re- marks ; also, that Miss Meteyard's conjecture (p. 187), as to Wordsworth and Coleridge having received a subsidy from the Wedgwoods, when they visited Germany in 1798, is probably quite erroneous. The transactions between them during that winter were, in all likelihood, merely banking ones ; and there is no evidence to show that the Wedgwoods defrayed the cost of Coleridge's residence in Germany, over and above the annuity which they paid him regularly. WILLIAM KNIGHT. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. PAGE Introductory 1 CHAPTER II. COCKEUMOUTH 8 CHAPTER III. Hawkshead : School-Days 25 CHAPTER IV. Cambridge : University Life and Summer Holidays : Dorothy Wordsworth at Forncett 39 CHAPTER V. London : France : The Revolution 55 CHAPTER VI. Unsettlement : Wanderings in Wales and Cumberland, Etc 84 CHAPTER VII. First Home at Racedown 105 CHAPTER VIIL Alfoxden : Coleridge: The Lyrical Ballads. . . . 114 XXIV CONTENTS. CHAPTER IX. PAGE Dorothy Wordsworth's Journal, written at Alfoxden IN 1798 131 CHAPTER X. Last Days at Alfoxden : Visit to the Wye, Etc. . . 144 CHAPTER Xr. Hamburgh and Goslar 162 CHAPTER XTI. SOCKBURN 190 CHAPTER XIII. Grasmere. ... 208 CHAPTER XIV. The Recluse 231 CHAPTER XV. Dorothy Wordsworth's Grasmere Journal. . . , 255 CHAPTER XVI. Visit to Calais : Marriage to Mary Hutchinson : Return TO Grasmere 335 CHAPTER XVII. Tour in Scotland : John Wordsworth. .... 362 CHAPTER XVIII. Fragments of Verse : Correspondence. . . . . 331 LIFE OF WILLIAM WOEDSWORTH. CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTOKY. Woedsworth's life was given to the world in his Poems. His biography may be said to have been written when the Fen wick notes to the 1856 edition of his works were published, much more truly than that the lives of Shake- speare, or Milton, or any of his predecessors, were written in their works. And some who appreciate him much, would prefer that nothing more should be said about him, that he should remain, if possible, nominis itiiibra, or, to use his own happy phrase, but " a wandering voice." Nevertheless, the present generation desires — and posterity will probably desire much more — to know all it can regarding one whose function in the great hierarchy of genius is so distinctive and unique. His supremacy has been slowly but securely won, by the simple process of the survival of the fittest to live. By the sure verdict of time — despite the judgment of contemporary reviewers — the trivial is set aside, and only what is great remains ; and Wordsworth now ranks, in his own sphere, as one of the chief teachers of the modern world. The slender story of his life has been told, with more or less of accuracy, a score of times ; and there would be no justification in re-stating it, unless some things had to be added that were previously unknown. Words- IX. A 2 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. worth himself wished that there should be no extended record of his life, and some of his friends, who have given us their own admirable autobiographies (such as Sir Henry Taylor), have thought that the matter might be left as Wordsworth indicated. Sir Henry has said that the path of a great man to posterity runs the risk of being Mocked by the very accumulation of materials that go to form his biography. Our greatest men are not, however, the best judges of what posterity may wish to know in regard to themselves ; and, as time goes on, almost in exact proportion to the debt we owe to those who have had the chief in- fluence over us, we desire to find out all that is ascertainable regarding them — to learn the authentic story of their lives, fiction and inaccuracy being weeded out, irrelevancy set aside, and all trivial gossip buried in oblivion. There is one advantage in postponing the work of writing the life of a great man for some time after his death, viz., that the estimates of his contemporaries sink — or rise — by slow degrees to their proper level ; and it is almost impos- sible for any contemporary adequately to appraise the work of an original genius. In this respect, Ben Jonson's apprecia- tion of Shakespeare, and Coleridge's estimate of Wordsworth, are instances of far-reaching critical insight. In reference to the great teachers of the world, however, does it really matter what judgment their contemporaries passed, pro- vided we have a full and accurate knowledge of the ' manner of men ' these teachers were, and of how they lived ? I do not disparage criticism in its own place. Its function is great, and it rightly thrusts aside what does not deserve to live ; but it is the fate of by far the larger part of con- temporary criticism to be superseded in the next generation, wliile it is notorious that the reviews which carried most authority in their day, have in many instances been abso- lutely reversed by the judgment of posterity. When we INTRODUCTORY. 3 see liow the ex cathedra verdicts of Johnson, Jeffrey, and Macaulay have been set aside by the calmer insight of the future, we learn that literary estimates are as uncertain as political prophecy. The really important point is to hand down, before it is too late, a full and unbiassed picture of the life and character of our chief teachers, of what they were, and what they did — a plain unvarnished tale, conceal- ing nothing that is essential, and revealing nothing that is unnecessary. My aim, therefore, has been to make these volumes authentic, full, impartial, adequate ; and to let Wordsworth and his Sister for the most part speak for themselves — he in his poems, and especially in his autobiographical one, she in her journals, and both in their letters. No doubt the Poems teach, and will continue to teach mankind, independently of any record of Wordsworth's life ; but, on the other hand, many will appreciate his works all the more because of what they come to know of the man who wrote them. Coleridge has spoken wisely and well * of the " cravings of worthless curiosity," in reference to the lives of great men, as distinguished from " the thirst after useful know- ledge ; " and Tennyson has said, in lines that deserve re- publication,! that *' Now the poet cannot die, Nor leave his music as of old, But round him, ere he scarce be cold, Begin the scandal and the cry. " Ah ! shameless ! for he did but sing A song that pleased us for its worth ; No public life was his on earth, No blazoned statesman he, nor king. * See The Friend, vol. ii., No. 21. t It is to be hoped that he will not consider this republication an in- stance of the very evil he condemns. 4 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. " He gave the people of his best, His worst he kept, his best he gave, My curse upon the clown and knave Who will not let his ashes rest." All tliis is true; and the publication of unnecessary detail in reference to the lives of great men is a scandal, and a crime against human nature ; but, in proportion as tliis is under- stood and acted upon, our legitimate curiosity in reference to their lives and deeds is invariably whetted. It is of course no more possible, in the biography of a poet, to state the circumstances under which all his poems were composed,* tlian it is to estimate the place which each poem holds in literature ; and no biographer can unfold the full story of a life, and least of all of a literary life. To do so, he would require to estimate the antecedent influences which shaped it into form, and that would involve digres- sion at every turn. To be exhaustive in this way is impossible, and would be very undesirable. It is even possible that " critical reviews," as they are called, are, on the whole, misleading. Even a running biographical com- mentary, placed alongside of the biographical facts, is apt — with all its value, and all its charm, when deftly made — to distract the mind of the reader from the subject of the biography, and to put before him a possibly transient judgment, in place of what he ought to know, viz., the per- manent work of the poet. In these volumes, therefore, I shall for the most part give the facts, and leave commen- tary alone. It must also be remembered that we already possess much and very valuable criticism on Wordsworth. Scores of books, and many scores of magazine articles have been written, some of them so excellent that a new * The task has been attempted, so far, in the notes to this edition of his works. INTRODUCTORY. 5 writer may well pause before presuming to add another stone to the monumental cairn. The critical estimates by Coleridge and his daughter Sara, by Lamb, Southey, Scott, De Quincey, Landor, Wilson, and Hazlitt amongst contempo- raries, by Henry Taylor, Clough, Shairp, Arnold, Stopford Brooke, Aubrey De Vere, Leslie Stephen, Hutton, Henry Eeid, Mason, F. Myers, and Hudson amongst more recent writers, — in addition to what has been issued in the " Trans- actions of the Wordsworth Society," — form a mass of literary judgment by competent minds from opposite points of view, and may well disincline any novice from the task of additional criticism. It is true that, in the preface to the first volume of this edition of the poems, I was rash enough to promise a " critical essay " on the poet ; and I have the substance of such an essay almost ready for pub- lication, but materials far more valuable for an estimate of the poet's life have accumulated so much that I feel bound to postpone the essay still. My present function is a much humbler one, viz., to tie together with a slender biographic thread the narrative of the lives of Wordsworth and his sister, and of those who were inseparably connected with them in poetic labour, in such a way that nothing of import- ance is omitted from it, and thus to arrange the materials on which future critics may work. A second difficulty I have had to encounter is that many of the most important facts in reference to Words- worth are already before the world. These I cannot merely repeat, and yet to omit all mention of them would seriously mar the picture of the man. A new biographer is in this dilemma. If he includes all things worth mentioning that happen to be already recorded, readers may say, ' We have heard of this before.' If he omits them, and merely refers to the sources where they may be found, other readers will ask, ' Why have we not the full biography before us now ? ' Since, however, many of the notes to the t> LIFE OF WORDSWOKTH. poems in the previous volumes of this edition are biogra- phical — especially the notes to The Prelude — I have, at times, merely referred to what will be found by turning up these volumes. The mention of Tlic Prelude recalls the fact that no poet, and scarcely any other literary man, has given so re- markable a disclosure of his own character and personality, — of the very springs of liis life, and of the influences that moulded him, — as Wordsworth has done. That auto- biography stands quite alone amongst the lives of poets, as Descartes' treatise On Method, stands alone amongst the lives of philosophers, and perhaps the .Confessions of St Augustine amongst those of divines. I believe it will be increasingly appreciated with the lapse of time. It is singularly graphic and rich in detail, and for this reason frequent reference must be made to it in the chapters on Hawkshead and on France. The delineation of character is so vivid, so stereoscopic, that even in the most prosaic passages one forgets the medium through which it is pre- sented, in the light of the disclosure itself. The Fenwick notes, too, are full of biographic incident. It was a happy thought of Miss Fenwick to get the aged poet to dictate these memoranda to her. Some have said that his memory was not to be trusted at the age of seventy-five ; but the few inaccuracies which they contain are the merest trifles ; and the notes are not more garrulous or gossipy than every one wishes an old man of genius, a poet and a teacher, to be. The marvel is, that they are so full of minute detail, and yet so very accurate. How many men can recall even ten years of their life, and give an accurate report of it ? And then — how little is there usually worth recording ! As to the Memoirs of Wordsworth by his nephew, the late Bishop of Lincoln, it has been a fashion in some quarters to despise that book, either as heterogeneous, or as too eulogistic, or again as too diffuse. I cannot agree with the INTRODUCTORY. 7 censure it has received. It may be, in some respects, a dull book ; but, written as it was in the summer after the poet died, necessarily in haste, and without many of the detailed facts which we now possess, it is a remarkable book ; and, with the exception of the Grasmere Journals and the letters of Wordsworth and of his sister not then known, it remains the chief quarry whence the materials for any subsequent life of the poet must be obtained. In every respect it is absolutely indispensable to the student of Wordsworth. With all their desultoriness, it is to these Memoirs that we must go back, amid the miscellaneous mass of opinion, &c., for facts, elsewhere undiscoverable ; and, although I think that something has to be added to them, in order to a full and adequate knowledge of the poet as he was, it is more than a mistake to disparage these volumes. Posterity will tind this out. It has often been said, and sometimes given as a reason against rewriting the life of Wordsworth, that there were no remarkable incidents in his life, and that, therefore, it had no great public interest. Others are of opinion that no lives are so interesting as those of literary men of the highest order, of men who — not only by their thoughts, but the way in which these thoughts have been unfolded and embodied — have become the teachers of their own and of subsequent generations. It is of great interest, doubtless, to follow the career of a great statesman or an administrator, of the leader of a party, the discoverer of a hidden law of nature, or the inventor of some new contrivance for the benefit of mankind ; but the more silent lives of those who have enriched the world by the legacy of great thoughts, and who l)y opening up new channels of emotion, and quickening aspiration, have added to the sources of our joy, are quite as worthy of record, and quite as interesting to the race. It is not the lives that have been most crowded with incident or adventure that have necessarily the most to teach. CHAPTER 11. COCKERMOUTH. The ancestry of the Wordsworths may be traced back to the fourteenth century. In the reign of Edward III. a Words- worth family had settled at Penistone, in the south of the county of York, not far from Sheffield. "It is scarcely possible," says the author of the Genealogical Memoranda of the Family, " to refer to any deed of the period between the latter half of the fourteenth century and the beginning of the eighteenth, which related to property or to ecclesiasti- cal or civil matters in the parish of Penistone, without coming across the name of some member of the family of Words- worth, either as principal or witness. The name was variously spelt — Wurdesworth, Wadysworth, Wades worth, Wadisworth, Wordesworth, Wordisworth, Wordysworth, Wadsworth, Wordsworthe, Wodesworth, and Wordsworth. Some members of the family at the present time spell the name Wadsworth, and others Wordsworth. . . . The earliest deed in which the name occurs is dated 1392, when one Nicholas Wordesworth appears as one of the witnesses to the same."* In the reign of Henry VIII. a WiUiam Wordsworth of Penistone liit upon a novel but effective plan of recording his pedigree, by carving the names of four generations of his * Genealogical Memoranda of the Family of Wordsworth, by Edwin Jackson Bedford, privately printed, 1851. Compare Hunter's History of the Deanery of Doncaster, and Percy's Note to "The Dragon of Wantley " in his Reliques of Ancient Poetry, vol. iii., p. 296. COCKERMOUTH. 9 ancestors on an oaken chest, or (as he called it in his will) ■' a greate arke." This ancestral aumery, made in the year 1525, was brought from Penistone in the poet's lifetime, and used to stand in the dining-room of Eydal Mount, It is now in the possession of Mrs William Wordsworth, the poet's daughter-in-law, at the Stepping Stones, Ambleside.* The following is the inscription on it : — " Hoc op. fiebat A° D'ni m°ccccc°xxv° ex su'ptu Will'mi Wordesworth, filii W., fil. Joh., fil. W., fil. Nich., viri Elizabeth filice et hered. W. Proctor de Peniston q°ru ani'abus p'picietur De." t From the copious records of the family, collected by the industry of Mr Bedford, little need be extracted here. There was a William Wordsworth, vicar of Penistone, in 1458; another William Wordsworth had an inscription in his memory carved on the woodwork of a seat in Penistone Church, " Orate pro animabus Willmi Wordesworth et Johanna uxoris, ae pro anima Willmi Benson, qui hanc capellum fieri fecerunt in honorem sancti Erasmi et sancti Axthonii A° D'ni M D°xxv." t In the Churchwarden's Minute Book in Penistone Church, a donation is recorded, about the year 1640, by a Wordsworth of Water Hall, " yearly for ever to be dealt to six of the most needful poore within Penistone, on St Thomas' day." In 1731, a Josias Wordsworth (who had gone to London, and was of the parish of St Dunstan's in the east) entered in Ms will, " I * It is mentioned in the Publication of the S^ir lees Society, vol. iv., and is described in The Gentleman's Magazine, July 1850. t The Nicholas "Wordsworth mentioned in this inscription was probably the Nicholas who witnessed the deed of 1392. "From whatever place he came, he seems to have been the common ancestor of numerous families of the name settled in Penistone and the part adjacent, most of whom possessed lands, and some of whom were families of consideration." (Letter from Rev. Joseph Hunter to Wordsworth, Oct. 1831. See Memoirs, ii., p. 513.) t'See Hunter's South Yorkshire, vol. ii., p. 342. 10 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. give to Penistone, in Yorkshire, for teaching poor girls to read and write, two hundred Pounds." Mr Hunter sent to the poet, in the year 1827, a detailed genealogical record of six branches of the Wordsworth family tree, adding that he believed the poet had sprung from the second branch, which settled at Falthwaite, near Stainborough, in the middle of the seventeent*h century, and removed to Sockbridge, close to Penrith, in Westmoreland, in the eighteenth. Early in the eighteenth century Eichard Wordsworth, the poet's grandfather, in consequence of unfortunate specula- tions in coal mines, sold his Palthwaite property, and be- came superintendent of the estates of the Lowthers of Lowther. When he married he bought the estate of Sock- bridge, in the parish of Barton. At the time of the Eebel- lion of 1745, he was the receiver-general of the county. An extract from a letter of his great-grandson. Captain Charles Eobinson, R.N., to the late Bishop of Lincoln, may here be given, from its allusion to an incident in the '45. " Sockbridge was not far from the public road, and not wishing that the public money would fall into the hands of the rebels, he, both upon their advance and retreat, retired, attended by a trusty servant, with his money bags into some glen about Paterdale, leaving his wife in charge of the house, who was accustomed to prepare a plentiful table upon these occasions, thinking that a good repast was the surest way to secure good treatment from them. I may add that the house at Sockbridge was built by a yeoman, who is supposed to have found some treasure left upon the retreat of the rebels in the previous rebellion of 1715. At his death it was bought by our great-grandfather. He (Richard Wordsworth) died circa 1762, and was buried in Barton Church." * * See Memoirs of Wordsworth, vol. ii,, p. 523. COCKERMOUTH. 1 1 This Richard Wordsworth's second son, John, born at Sockbridge in 1741, became an attorney at Cockermouth. In 1766 he married Anne Cookson of Penrith. They were the father and mother of the poet. John Wordsworth was a man of great force of character, and real business capacity. An old clerk of his father's, John Eobinson of Appleby, had been appointed, in 1746, as principal law agent and land steward to Sir James Lowther, and was afterwards mayor of Appleby, and member of parliament for Westmoreland. In 1766 a difference arose between Sir James Lowther and Eobinson on the American question and Lord North's policy ; Eobinson resigned his agency, which Sir James at once conferred on John Words- worth. He lived in the town of Cockermouth, a respected local solicitor. The present agent of Lord Lonsdale writes : " From the books of the Court I find that John Wordsworth was steward of the manor and forest of Ennerdale from 1766 to 1786." He was cut off suddenly at the compara- tively early age of forty-two, by an attack of inflammation of the lungs, caught by exposure on the heights of Coldfell, where he had spent the night, having lost his way in re- turning from Broughton-in-rurness to Cockermouth. Of the poet's mother, Anne Cookson, we know little. She was born at Penrith in January 1747, was married at the age of nineteen in February 1766, and died in March 1778, being only thirty-one years of age,* and predeceasing her husband by nearly six years. Four of the children of John and Anne Wordsworth of Cockermovith were distinguished in after life ; two of them were illustrious. Their family consisted of Eichard Words- worth, born May 19, 1768, died May 19, 1816 ; William Wordsworth, born April 7, 1770, died April 23, 1850 ; * Details in reference to the poet's maternal grandmother will be found in his own autobiographical memoranda, p. 12. 12 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. Dorothy Wordsworth, born Christmas Day l77l, died January 25, 1855 ; John Wordsworth, born December 4, 1772, drowned February 5, 1805 ; Christopher Words- worth, born June 9, 1774, died February 2, 1846. To one of the brothers of the poet, and to their " sole sister," frequent reference will be made in the pages that follow. In November 1847 Wordsworth dictated certain ''auto- biographical memoranda " to his nephew, the late Bishop of Lincoln, These have now a significance that warrants their reproduction in full. They were composed at the age of seventy-seven, and revert (as was natural) to the early days at Cockermouth, Hawkshead, and Cambridge more than to the later years at Rydal, It is curious that there is scarcely a reference to anything that occurred after the poet's marriage in 1802. The cursory allusions in them to facts which call for further elucidation as we proceed, (and the restatement of a few already mentioned), will not make the insertion of Wordsworth's own memoranda unnecessary, or unwelcome. AutoUographical Memoranda dictated hj William Words- worth, P.L., at Rydal Mount, November 1847. " I was born at Cockermouth, in Cumberland, on April 7th, 1770, the second son of John Wordsworth, attorney- at-law, as lawyers of tliis class were then called, and law- agent to Sir James Lowther, afterwards Earl of Lonsdale. My mother was Anne, only daughter of William Cookson, mercer, of Penrith, and of Dorothy, born Crackanthorp, of the ancient family of that name, who from the times of Edward the Third had lived in Newbiggen Hall, Westmore- land. My grandfather was the first of the name of Wordsworth who came into Westmoreland, where he pur- COCKERMOUTH. 1 3 chased the small estate of Sockbridge. He was descended from a family who had been settled at Peniston in York- shire, near the sources of the Don, probably before the Norman Conquest. Their names appear on different occa- sions in all the transactions, personal and public, connected with that parish ; and I possess, through the kindness of Col. Beaumont, an aumery made in 1525, at the expense of a William Wordsworth, as is expressed in a Latin inscription carved upon it, which carries the pedigree of the family back four generations from himself. " The time of my infancy and early boyhood was passed partly at Cockermouth, and partly with my mother's parents at Penrith, where my mother, in the year 1778, died of a decline, brought on by a cold, the consequence of being put, at a friend's house in London, in what used to be called ' a best bedroom.' My father never recovered his usual cheer- fulness of mind after this loss, and died when I was in my fourteenth year, a schoolboy, just returned from Hawkshead, whither I had been sent with my elder brother Pdchard, in my ninth year. " I remember my mother only in some few situations, one of which was her pinning a nosegay to my breast when I was going to say the catechism in the church, as was customary before Easter. I remember also telling her on one week day that I had been at church, for our school stood in the churchyard, and we had frequent opportunities of seeing what was going on there. The occasion was, a woman doing penance in the church in a white sheet. My mother commended my having been present, expressing a hope that I should remember the circumstance for the rest of my life. ' But,' said I, ' Mama, they did not give me a penny, as I had been told they would.' ' Oh,'" said she, recanting her praises, ' if that was your motive, you were very properly disappointed.' 14 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. " My last impression was having a glimpse of her on passing the door of her bedroom during her last illness, when she was reclining in her easy chair. An intimate friend of hers, Miss Hamilton by name, who was used to visit her at Cockermouth, told me that she once said to her, that the only one of her five children about whose future life she was anxious, was William ; and he, she said, would be remarkable either for good or for evil. The cause of this was, that I was of a stiff, moody, and violent temper ; so much so that I remember going once into the attics of my grandfather's house at Penrith, upon some indignity having been put upon me, with an intention of destrojdng myself with one of the foils which I knew was kept there. I took the foil in hand, but my heart failed. Upon another occasion, while I was at my grandfather's house at Penrith, along with my eldest brother, Richard, we were whipping tops together in the large drawing-room, on which the carpet was only laid down upon particular occasions. The walls were hung round with family pictures, and I said to my brother, ' Dare you strike your whip through that old lady's petticoat ? ' He replied, ' Xo, I won't.' ' Then,' said I, ' Here goes ; ' and I struck my lash through her hooped petticoat, for which no doubt, though I have forgotten it, I was properly pvmished. But possibly, from some want of judgment in punishments inflicted, I had become perverse and obstinate in defying chastisement, and rather proud of it than otherwise. " Of my earliest days at school I have little to say, but that they were very happy ones, chiefly because I was left at liberty, then and in the vacations, to read whatever books I liked. For example, I read all Fielding's works, Don Quixote, Gil Bias, and any part of Swift that I liked ; Gulliver's Travels, and the Tale of the Tub, being both much to my taste. I was very much indebted to one of the ushers COCKERMOUTH. 1 5 of Hawkshead School, by name Shaw, who taught me more of Latin in a fortnight than I had learnt during two pre- ceding years at the School of Cockermouth. Unfortunately for me this excellent master left our school, and went to Stafford, where he taught for many years. It may be perhaps as well to mention, that the first verses which I wrote were a task imposed by my master; the subject, 'The Summer Vacation ; ' and of my own accord I added others upon 'Eeturn to School.' There was nothing remarkable in either poem ; but I was called upon, among other scholars, to write verses upon the completion of the second centenary from the foundation of the school in 1585, by Archbishop Sandys. The verses* were much admired, far more than they deserved, for they were but a tame imitation of Pope's versification, and a little in his style. This exercise, how- ever, put it into my head to compose verses from the impulse of my own mind, and I wrote, while yet a schoolboy, a long poem running upon my own adventures, and the scenery of the country in which I was brought up. The only part of that poem which has been preserved is the con- clusion of it, which stands at the beginning of my 'collected Poems, t "In the month of October, 1787, 1 was sent to St John's College, Cambridge, of which my uncle, Dr Cookson, had been a fellow. The master, Dr Chevallier, died very soon after ; t and, according to the custom of that time, his body, after being placed in the coffin, was removed to the hall of the college, and the pall, spread over the coffin, was stuck over by copies of verses, English or Latin, the composition of the students of St John's. My uncle seemed mortified when, upon inquiry, he learnt that none of these verses * See vol. i., p. 283. t See vol. i., 1 ; and vol. vi,, .365. X He was succeeded by Dr Craven in 1789. 16 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. were from my peu, ' because,' said he, ' it would have been a fair opportunity for distinguishing yourself.' I did not, however, regret that I had been silent on this occasion, as I felt no interest in the deceased person, with whom I had had no intercourse, and whom I had never seen but during his walks in the college grounds. " When at school, I, with the other boys of the same standing, was put upon reading the first six books of Euclid, with the exception of the fifth ; and also in algebra I learnt simple and quadratic equations ; and this was for me imlucky, because I had a full twelvemonth's start of the freshmen of my year, and accordingly got into rather an idle way, reading nothing but classic authors according to my fancy, and Italian poetry. My Italian master was named Isola,* and had been well acquainted with Gray the poet. As I took to these studies with much interest, he was proud of the progress I made. Under his correction I translated the Vision of Mirza, and two or three other papers of the Spectator, into Italian. In the month of August, 1790, I set off for the Continent, in companionship with Robert Jones, a Welshman, a fellow -collegian. We went staff in hand, without knapsacks, and carrying each his needments tied up in a pocket handkercliief, with about twenty pounds a-piece in our pockets. We crossed from Dover, and landed at Calais on the eve of the day when the king was to swear fidelity to the new constitution — an event which was solemnised with due pomp at Calais. On the afternoon of that day we started, and slept at Ardres. For what seemed best to me worth recording in this tour, see the Poem of my own Life.t * Agostino Isola, an Italian refugee, settled in Cambridge. His grand- daughter was adopted by the Lambs, and became Mrs Moxon, the wife of the publisher. t See The, Prelude, book vi. COCKERMOUTH. 17 "After taking my degree in January 1791, I went to London, stayed there some time, and then visited my friend Jones, who resided in the Vale of Clwydd, North Wales. Along with him I made a pedestrian tour through North Wales, for which also see the Poem.* " In the autumn of 1791 I went to Paris, where I stayed some little time, and then went to Orleans, with a view of being out of the way of my own countrymen, that I might learn to speak the language fluently. At Orleans, and Blois, and Paris, on my return, I passed fifteen or sixteen months, t It was a stirring time. The king was dethroned when I was at Blois, and the massacres of September took place when I was at Orleans. But for these matters see also the Poem. I came home before the execution of the king, and passed the subsequent time among my friends in London and elsewhere, till I settled with my only sister at Eacedown in Dorsetshire in the year 1796. " Here we were visited by Mr Coleridge, then residing at Bristol ; and for the sake of being near him when he had removed to Nether-Stowey, in Somersetshire, we removed to Alfoxden, three miles from that place. This was a very pleasant and productive time of my life. Coleridge, my sister, and I set off on a tour to Linton and other places in Devonshire ; and in order to defray his part of the ex- pense, Coleridge on the same afternoon commenced his poem of the Ancient Mariner, in which I was to have borne my part, and a few verses were written by me, and some assistance given in planning the poem ; but our styles agreed so little, that I withdrew from the concern, and he finished it himself. " In the course of that spring I composed many poems, * See The Prdiule, book xiv. t This is not quite accurate. He left England, November 1791, and returned in December 1792. IX. B 18 LIFE OF WORDSVVOETH. most of wliicli were printed at Bristol, in one volume, by my friend Joseph Cottle, along with Coleridge's Ancient Mariner, and two or three other of his pieces. "In the autumn of 1798, Mr Coleridge, a friend of his Mr Chester, my sister, and I, crossed from Yarmouth to Hamburgh, where we remained a few days, and saw, several times, Klopstock the poet. Mr Coleridge and his friend went to Ratzburg, in the north of Germany, and my sister and I preferred going southward ; and for the sake of cheapness, and the neighbourhood of the Hartz Mountains, we spent the winter at the old imperial city of Goslar. The winter was perishingly cold — the coldest of this cen- tury ; and the good people with whom we lodged told me one morning that they expected to find me frozen to death, my little sleeping-ronm being iminediately over an archway. However, neither my sister nor I took any harm. " We returned to England in the following spring, and went to visit our friends the Hutchinsons at Sockburn-on- Tees, in the county of Durham, with whom we remained till the 19th of December. We then came, on St Thomas's Day, the 21st, to a small cottage at Townend, Grasmere, which, in the course of a tour some months previously with Mr Coleridge, I had been pleased with, and had hired. This we furnished for about a hundred pounds, which sum had come to my sister by a legacy from her uncle Crackanthorp. " I fell to composition immechately, and published, in 1800, the second volume of the Lyrical Ballads. "In the year 1802 I married Mary Hutchinson, at Brompton, near Scarborough, to which part of the countrv the family had removed from Sockburn. We had known «ach other from cliildhood, and had j^ractised reading and spelling under the same old dame at Penrith, a remarkable personage, who had taught three generations, of the upper COCKERMOUTH. 1 9 classes principally, of the town of Penrith and its neighbour- hood. " After our marriage we dwelt, together with our sister, at Townend, where three of our children were born. In the spring of 1808 the increase of our family caused us to remove to a larger house, then just built, Allan Bank, in the same vale, where our two younger children were born, and who died at the Eectory, the house we afterwards occupied for two years. They died in 1812, and in 1813 we came to Eydal Mount, where we have since lived with no further sorrow till 1836,* when my sister became a confirmed invalid, and our sister Sarah Hutchinson died. She lived alternately with her brother and with us." We should like to know more of the poet's mother, but — as is seldom the case with men of marked originality — in his case it was from the father's side that the larger gift descended. It was to the Wordsworths, rather than to the Cooksons or the Crackanthorps, that he owed his inherit- ance of genius. The allusions to his mother in the poems are very tender. In the Ecclesiastical Sonnets t he recalls her act, already referred to, of pinning a nosegay to his breast when he was going to church to say his catechism before Easter, and mentions her presence there to hear how he said it. It is not one of his best sonnets, but its reference to his mother gives it interest. "Beloved Mother ! Thou whose happy hand Had bound the flowers I wore with faithful tie ; Sweet flower, at whose inaudible command Her countenance, phantom-like, doth reappear ; O lost too early for the frequent tear. And ill requited by this heartfelt sigh." More significant are the allusions to her in Tlie Prelude. In It was ia 1835. t Part iii. 2J. 20 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. the second book be traces, witli subtle power, the blessings of the babe, " Who with his soul Drinks in the feelings of his Mother's eye, For him, in one dear Presence, there exists A virtue which irradiates and exalts Objects through widest intercourse of sense." He speaks of the " poetic spirit of our liuniun life " as due to a maternal inheritance ; and he tells us how, " By intercourse of touch He held mute dialogues with his Mother's heart, Whereby this infant sensibility, Great birthright of our being, was in him Augmented and sustained." In the fifth book he tells us : — " Early died My honoured Mother, she who was the heart And hinge of all our learnings and our loves. Nor would I praise her but in perfect love." Nowhere is there a finer or more discriminative description of a mother's influence. He pictures her as fetching her goodness from times past, and as full of trust in the guiding uf filial instincts. She had no dread of the future, but lived in the present, without either unnatural fears or unwarrant- able hopes, — a serenely placid and a very patient spirit, unselfishly devoted to her children. But, as Mrs Words- worth died when her son was little more than eight years old, her personal influence in the development of his char- acter was but slight. For a couple of years before her death his education had been carried on partly at Cocker- mouth and partly at Penrith. Wlien at Cockermouth the Rev. Mr Eillbanks was his teacher; when at Penrith he lived with the Cooksons, and was taught in a dame's school by Mrs Anne Birkett. Of her he wrote, in 1828, to his friend Huuh James Rose : " The old dame taught us to read, COCKERMOUTH. 21 and practised the memory, often no doubt by rote, but still the faculty was improved." The chief interest connected with these years, spent by the boy Wordsworth at Penrith school, is the fact that there, at the same time, was another pupil, Mary Hutchinson, a school girl of his own age, his cousin, and afterwards his wife. Neither at Cockermouth, nor at Penrith, however, did he learn much. The work his father set him to, — viz., the committing to memory large passages of Shakespeare, Milton, and Spenser, — was of immeasurably greater use to him than any teaching he received at school. The house in which Wordsworth was born at Cocker- mouth remains very much as it was in his boyhood. It is a somewhat heavy but comfortable two-storied mansion, unpicturesque as it faces the main street of the town ; but, viewed from the north side of the river Derwent, it gains in attractiveness. The chief feature connected with it is the terrace-walk at the foot of the garden, with the river below it, whence the tower of the old castle of Cockermouth — " a shattered monument of feudal sway " — can be seen to the east. In The Freludc Wordsworth tells us that " One, the fairest of all rivers, loved To blend his murmurs with my nurse's song, And from his alder shades and rocky falls, And from his fords and shallows, sent a voice That flowed along my dreams." The ceaseless music of the stream composed his thoughts, he says, '' to more than infant softness." Even then, while the voice of the Derwent lulled liim, he had " A foretaste, a dim earnest, of the calm That Nature breathes among the hills and groves." He describes the " bright blue river," passing along " the margin of their terrace walk," 22 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. " A tempting ])]ayniate, whom we dearly loved. Oh ! many a time liave I, a five years' child, In a small mill-race severed from liis stream, Made one long bathing of a summer's day ; Basked in the sun, and plunged, and basked agaiu Alternate, all a summer's day, or scoured The sandy fields, leaping through flowery groves Of yellow ragwort." This " mill-race " may be guessed, and the " sandy fields " are at hand ; but it is in the garden, and on the terrace walk, that we can best realise the " five years' child," with his sister Dorothy — not a year his junior — in their favourite playground, visiting the " sparrow's nest " in the privet hedge, and the clematis bower, with roses intermingled — " She looked at it and seemed to fear it ; Dreading, though wishing to be near it : Such heart was iu her, being theu A little Prattler among men. The Blessing of my later years Was with me when a boy : She gave me eyes, she gave me ears ; And humble cares, and delicate fears ; A heart, the fountain of sweet tears ; And love, and thought, and joy." * Again he writes, iu liis fragment To a Butterfly, composed in the orchard at Grasmere — " Oh ! pleasant, pleasant were the days, The time, when, in our childish plays. My sister Emmeline and I Together chased the butterfly ! A very hunter did I rush Upon the pi-ey : — with leaps and springs I followed on from brake to bush ; But she, God love her ! feared to brush The dust from off its wings."t Let anyone go down the main street in Cockermouth, and passing Wordsworth's house to the west, cross the river a few hundred yards lower, by the two-arched Derwent * Vol. ii. p. 207. t Vol. ii. p. 254. COCKERMOUTH. 23 Bridge, and walk up by the meads — the " grassy holms " — to the smaller (new) bridge, and he will have a view of the back of the old house, with its terrace-walk at the foot of the garden, very much as Wordsworth would see it in his childhood. The sound of the lapsing river combines with the sight of the shattered castle towers, and the associations of a vanished past, to give a tinge of melancholy to the scene. In 1833 Wordsworth wrote two sonnets on his birth-place: one. Suggested in sight of the Toum of Cochermouth ivhere the Author was horn, and his Fathers remains are laid, and the other. The Address to the Spirit of Cockermouth Castle. Though a child, the boy Wordsworth had his occasional expeditions to the country round his birthplace. In the Pen wick note to the sixth of his ' Evening Voluntaries,' written in 1833, and entitled On a High Part of the Coast of Cumberland, he tells us : " With this coast I have been familiar from my earliest childhood, and remember being- struck for the first time by the town and port of White- haven, and the white waves breaking against its quays and piers, as the whole came into view from the top of the high ground, down which the road then descended abruptly. My sister, when she first heard the voice of the sea from this point, and beheld the scene before her, burst into tears. Our family then lived at Cockermouth.'" The last sentence makes it clear that the household went down to Whitehaven and St Bees in their childhood. The boys would doubtless wander up Lorton Vale ; and, in a very characteristic passage of The Prelude, Wordsworth tells us that the mere sight of the windings of a public way, crossing the naked summit of a hill, farther off than he had wandered, and there daily beheld by him as a dis- appearing and vanishing point, wrought upon his imagina- tion, and, " VVas like an invitation into s])ace Boundless, or guide into eternity." 24 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. This was the high road to the hamlet of Isel, over the Hay or Watch Hill, about three and a half miles from Cockermouth. Again in Tlic Prelude, we have the record of a ride which the boy took over the hills, when he could scarcely hold a bridle, accompanied Ijy an old servant of his father s. He parted from his guide, dismounted through fear, and led his horse over a rough and stony moor, till he came to a place where in former times a murderer had been hung in chains, and where the letters of his name were still visible, carved in the turf. He fled at once, and de- scribes in memorable words the " visionary dreariness " that invested the moorland waste, and all its accompanying sights. These are all the incidents he has himself recorded of his childhood, and no other family traditions regarding his early years survive. CHAPTER III. HAWKSHEAD : SCHOOL-DAYS. In 1788, the boy William Wordsworth — now nine years of age — was sent, with his elder brother Richard, to the grammar-school at Hawkshead, in Lancashire. The younger brothers, John and Christopher, followed to the same school subsequently. This school, one of the oldest and best of its kind in the North of England, was founded by Archbishop Sandys, of York, in the year 1588. His statutes ordained, amongst other things, " that there shall be a perpetual free school, to be called ' the free grammar school of Edwyne Sandys,' for teaching grammar and the principles of the Greek tongue, with other sciences necessary to be taught in a grammar school ; the same to be taught in the school freely, without taking any stipend, wage, or other exactions from the scholars resorting to the said school for learning ; that there shall be a head-master, and an usher ; that between the Annunciation of the Virgin Mary and St Michael the Archangel, the school shall begin at six in the morning, or at least half-past six, and continue till eleven, and begin again at one, and continue till five ; and that for the remainder of the year it begin at seven, continue till eleven, be resumed at one, and continue till four ; during all which time the schoolmaster and usher shall be present." '" Archbishop Sandys, the pious founder of this school, was a native of the district ; and, to his far-seeing wisdom it is due, that for three centuries the boys of the Hawkshead * Report of Tar centenary Commemoration of Hawkshead School, 1885. 26 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. village and neighbourhood liavc liad an excellent education free. As many as one hundred scholars have been in attendance at one time. The original constitution of the school remained unaltered till 1832. The antique simplicity and primitive usages of the Hawks- head village, its seclusion and old-world air, have had some- thing to do with the development of the pupils at its school. The teaching in AVordsworth's time was good, and during the nine years of his residence lie had experience of no less than four masters.* For one of them, William Taylor, who taught him for four years (1782 to 1786), he felt the warmest regard. In his Address to the ScJwlars of a Village School, he speaks of him as " our common Friend and Father ; " and it was the farewell which this Master took of his pupils on his deathbed (of whom Wordsworth was one) that suggested the Address. Other poems, written at Goslar in 1799, — Mcdlicio, Tlie Two A^ril Mornings, and The Fountain — refer to Taylor. t But far more important than the teaching Wordsworth re- ceived at school, was the teaching of the place where he was taught, the influence of his schoolmates, and, above all, the influence of Nature and the country round aliout Hawks- head. The sense of freedom and equality amongst the boys developed in him the seeds of an almost republican feeling. As compared with Christ's Hospital, — where his friend Cole- ridge endured the irrational floggings of the headmaster, and the bullyings of his comrades, — at Hawkshead School there was neither tyranny, nor rowdyism. It is probable that this had sometliing to do with the calm tenor of Wordsworth's * Their names were James Peake, who died in 1781 ; K J ward Christian, master for one year (1781) ; William Taylor (1782 to 1786) ; and Thomas Bowman (1786 to 1821). t He is alluded to in The Prelude more than once ; and his grave, in Cartmell Churchyard, which Wordsworth visited eight years after his death, is described in the tenth book. HAWKSHEAD : SCHOOL DAYS. 27 after life, as compared with that of Coleridge. At Hawks- head, the boys boarded in the houses of the village dames, a kindly, simple-hearted race. As will be seen by reference to the notes to The Prelude, Wordsworth lived in the cottage of Anne Tyson, whom he has immortalized in that poem. There it was that, in his ninth year, "the fomidations of his mind were laid," by direct and daily intercourse with Nature. Physically robust, full of life and vivacity, in abounding health, ready for every kind of sport which the seasons brought him, and for expeditions far or near in all sorts of weather, living on a very simple frugal even " Sabine fare," his school work over in the early afternoon, and with no evening pressure for " examinations " next day, the boy was free to " range the open heights," to walk round the little lake, and row across it, or saunter in the woods, and listen to their voices. He tells us how he would sometimes " set springes to catch woodcocks," and pursue them through half the autumn night ; how with his schoolmates in spring he would climb to high places to harry the raven's nest and when he hung, by knots of grass And half-inch fissures in the slippery rock But ill sustained, and almost (so it seemed) Suspended by the blast that blew amain, Shouldering the naked crag, oh, at that time While on the perilous ridge I hung alone, With what strange utterance did the loud dry wind Blow through mine ear ! the sky seemed not a sky Of earth — and with what motion moved the clouds ! He tells us how he would rise stealthily, long before a smoke- wreath was visible in the village, to watch the first gleams of dawn, " alone upon some jutting eminence." Again, he would stroll with a companion round Esthwaite water, the two repeating favourite verses of some poet " with one voice," — as happy as the birds that carolled around them. He would go angling by lonely brooks on rainy days, and bewildered in 28 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. the mist, see suddenly a shepherd, like a giant, glorified by the radiance of the sunset.* At nights he would take liis boat, and row alone in the moonlight across the lake ; and, while his elfin pinnace went heaving through the water like a swan, the huge peak of Wetherlam would rise up behind the horizon, " as if with voluntary power instinct." Such a spectacle would for many days work in liis brain, " with a dim aud undetermined sense Of unknown modes of being. " On winter evenings, skating on the Ipj'c^e, he would with his comrades imitate a woodland chase, and then part from them into a silent bay, and try to cut across the reflection of a star in the clear ice, that "flying still before him, gleamed upon the glassy plain," till — suddenly stopping — the whole mo\^ng panorama would seem to sweep by him on either side, as he stood motionless and still. On lialf-holidays the boys went to more distant places. They liad rival contests in rowing on Windermere, or visited Furness Abbey on horseback, and explored " The sands of Westmoreland, the creeks and bays Of Cumbria's rocky limits." They were a " noisy crew," and it was " a tempestuous time : " but he records how, even in his tenth year, while "He held unconscious intercourse with Beauty Old as creation, drinking in a pure Organic pleasure. even then I felt Gleams like the flashings of a shield ; — the earth And common face of Nature, spake to me Eememberable things." Addressing the " Wisdom and Spirit of the Universe," he says that from the first dawn of his childhood, the Soul of Nature intertwined for him the " passions that build up our * See The Prelude, vol. viii., p. 291. HAWKSHEAD : SCHOOL DAYS. 29 human soul," with " high objects and enduring things ; " and this it was that purified in him the very elements of feeling and of thought. The whole of Wordsworth's subsequent work — as poetic teacher and interpreter of Nature and of human life — arose out of these experiences of his boyhood at Hawkshead. He " loved whate'er he saw/' welcomed what Nature gave him, and craved no more. He notes the difficulty, in after life, of going back to our youthful consciousness, and analys- ing our inheritances — the familiar -difficulty of determining what " portion of the river of our minds " came from what fountain. But he believed that, as the child holds a mute unconscious dialogue with its mother's heart, so does the unsophisticated soul of man with Nature, — whether under the quiet stars, or while listening in storm to " notes, that are the ghostly language of the ancient earth." In all this he was mainly, and at first entirely, passive — receiving in- fluence from sources that were inexhaustible ; nevertheless, all the while, he says, a " plastic power abode within him," a " local spirit of his own " that was " at war with general tendency." He says that " Au auxiliar light Came from my mind, which, on the setting sun, Bestowed new splendour ; fountains that run on. Murmuring so sweetly in themselves, obeyed Alike dominion, and the midnight storm Grew darker in the presence of my eye : Hence my obeisance, my devotion hence, And hence my transport." ,. It was not that what he saw in Nature was illusively thrown into it by himself. He half perceived it, and half created it ; but he was only al^le to create, because of the pre-existing harmony between man and Nature. His inter- pretation was ideal, because it came from within, and necessi- tated his construing the universal life as quasi- human. And 30 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. so he took less interest in the passive " analystic industry " that splits up Nature into sections, and deals with each section apart, than in the active synthetic grasp that com- bines wliat seems remote, and detects affinities in " objects where no brotherhood exists to passive minds." Subse- quently lie traced all the blessings of his after-life, — his contentment with " modest pleasures," the absence of " little enmities and low desires," his continued faith in man and in liis destiny, — to this gift received from Nature, from the mountains, the lakes, the cataracts, the mists, and winds, " that dwelt among the hills where he was born," The passage in which this gift of nature is most definitely and grandly expressed is the following from Tlic Prelude : — " From Nature and her overflowing soul, I had received so much, that all my thoughts Were steeped in feeling ; I was only then Contented, when with bliss ineffable I felt the sentiment of Being spread O'er all that moves and all that seemeth still ; O'er all that, lost beyond the reach of thought And human knowledge, to the human eye Invisible, yet liveth to the heart ; O'er all that leaps and runs, and shouts and sings. Or beats the gladsome air ; o'er all that glides Beneath the wave, yea, in the wave itself, And mighty depth of waters. Wonder not If high the transport, great the joy I felt, Communing in this sort through earth and heaven With every form of creature, as it looked Towards the Uncreated with a countenance Of adoration, with an eye of love. One song they sang, and it was audible, Most audible then when the fleshly ear, O'ercome by humblest prelude of that strain, Forgot her functions, and slept undisturbed." One other paragraph from Tlie Excursion, unfolding the joy of the growing youth in the presence of Nature amongst the hills of Athole, may be put alongside of this, as it is, with- out doubt, descriptive of his own life. HAWKSHEAD : SCHOOL DAYS. 3 1 " Such was the Boy — but for the growing Youth What soul was his, when, from the naked top Of some bold headland, he beheld the sun Rise up, and bathe the world in light ! He looked — Ocean and earth, the solid frame of earth And ocean's liquid mass, in gladness lay- Beneath him : — Far and wide the clouds were toi;ched. And in their silent faces could he read Unutterable love. Sound needed none, Nor any voice of joy ; his spirit drank The spectacle : sensation, soul, and form. All melted into him : they swallowed up His animal being ; in them did he live. And by them did he live ; they were his life. In such access of mind, in such high hour Of visitation from the living God, Thought was not ; in enjoyment it expired. No thanks he breathed, he proffered no request ; Eapt into still communion that transcends The imperfect offices of prayer and praise, His mind was a thanksgiving to the power That made him ; it was blessedness and love ! " The Hawkshead school is a small two-storied building, and it remains at present very much what it was in the end of last century. The main schoolroom is on the ground floor ; one small chamber above was used by the head- master, in Wordsworth's time, for the advanced pupils. In another there is a library, formed for the most part l»y the donations of former pupils. Wordsworth's last teacher. Bowman, established a custom, which lasted for some time, that each scholar should pay live shillings per annum to the library, and on leaving school should present any book or books he chose. It may be interesting to know that, on leaving for Cambridge, Wordsworth and Eobert H. Green- wood together presented to the library Gillies's " History of Greece," in four volumes 8vo. In anotlier school custom the boy Wordsworth joined, viz., in carving liis name witli a penknife on one of the oaken desks. This memorial of his boyhood has been recently protected from injury by a piece 32 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. of glass let into the bench, through which the name — W. Wordsworth — may be easily read. Quite lately the following sentences from his poems have been drawn on scrolls, and put up around the walls of the chief class-room : — * " Small service is true service while it lasts." " The child is father to the man, Aud I could wish my days to be Bound each to each by natural piety." " We live by admiiation, hope, and love." " Books we know Are a substantial world, both pure and good." Like the school-house, Anne Tyson's cottage is externally very much as it was, in 1778 ; and it is little changed in the interior, although its surroundings are much altered. It is a humble dwelling of two storeys. The floor of the basement flat, paved with the blue flags of Coniston slate, is probably just as it was in Wordsworth's time. On the second flat there are two bedrooms to the front, one of which must have been Wordswortli's. The cottage faces south-west, and Wordsworth's room was probably that on the proper left, with the smaller of the two windows. He speaks of it thus : — " Ye lowly cottages wherein we dwelt, A ministration of your own was yours ; Can I forget you, being as you were So beautiful among the pleasant fields In which ye stood ] or can I here forget The plain and seemly countenance with which Ye dealt out your plain comforts '? Yet had ye Delights and exultations of your own." t Again : " That lowly bed whence I had heard the wind Eoar, and the rain beat hard ; where I so oft Had lain awake on summer nights to watch The moon in splendour couched among the leaves * The suggestion was due to Mr Rawnsley, then Vicar of Wray, now of Crosthwaite, Keswick, and the scrolls are the work of Mrs RaM'nsley. t See The Frtlude, book i., vol. iii., p. 147. HAWKSHEAD : SCHOOL DAYS. 33 Of a tall ash, that near our cottage stood ; Had watched her with fixed eyes while to and fro In the dark summit of the waving tree She rocked with every impulse of the breeze." * This ash tree is gone, but its locality is not difficult to trace. It grew on the proper right front of the cottage, where an outhouse is now built. Tyson's house has special interest in connection with the " fair seed-time of his soul"; and it is perhaps easier for us to realise the boy Wordsworth at Hawkshead as it is now, than it is to imagine the man Wordsworth at Dove Cottage or at Rydal, as they now are. Wordsworth's reference to Anne Tyson, the " old dame, so kind and motherly," her cottage, and the garden, are familiar to every reader of The Prelude. Perhaps the most in- teresting is his allusion to That unruly child of mountain birth, The famous brook, who soon as he was boxed Within our garden, found himself at once, As if by trick insidious and unkind, Stripped of his voice and left to dimple down (Without an effort and without a will) A channel framed by man's officious care. There has been doubt, and there still is controversy, as to the identity of this brook. Dr Cradock wrote thus of it; " Persons have visited the cottage without discovering it : and yet it is not forty yards distant, and is still exactly as described. On the opposite side of the lane already referred to, a few steps above the cottage, is a narrow passage through some new stone buildings. On emerging from this, you meet a garden, the farther side of which is bounded by the brook, confined on both sides by large flags, and also covered by flags of the same Coniston formation, through the interstices of which you may see and hear the stream running freely. The upper flags are now used as a footpath, and lead by * See The Prelude, book iv., vol. iii. p. 194. IX. C 34 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. auother passage back into the village. No doubt the garden has been reduced in size by the use of that part of it fronting the lane for building purposes. The stream, before it enters the area of buildings and garden, is open by the lane side, and seemingly comes from the hills to the westward. The large flags are extremely hard and durable, and it is probable that the very flags which paved the channel in Wordsworth's time may be doing the same duty still." There is another spot a few hundred yards above this one, in the course of the brook, at a place now called Walker Ground, where the streamlet is also " boxed within a garden " and " stripped of its voice " for some distance ; and it is said that boys attending the school in the end of the last century used to board there. But it seems more probable that the "garden" with its "crowd of things about its narrow precincts all beloved," was near Dame Tyson's house. Wordsworth's school holidays were spent either at Penrith, with his mother's family the Cooksons, or at Cockermouth. He gives us a most graphic picture of one holiday at Cockermouth, and of his joy at finding a " golden store " of books in his father's house ; how he took out one book — the " Arabian Nights " — with his rod when he went a-fishing ; and how, though the soft west wind was ruffling the water to the angler's heart, he lay amid the hot stones of the Derwent, and in the glaring sun, the whole long-live day, devouring these tales of delightful fiction. Wlien the school hoHdays were at Penrith, there was to William the great delight of occasional meetings with his sister Dorothy, and doubtless of seeing his old schoolfellow and cousin, Mary Hutchinson. Dorothy's cliildhood with her relations at Penrith seems to have been an unhappy one, and she poured out her sorrows in frequent letters to her friend Jane Pollard, afterwards Mrs John Marshall of Leeds and Hallsteads. In these letters, which have not been HAWKSHEAD : SCHOOL DAYS. 35 published,* there are the signs of a deep, strong, affectionate, lonely nature, longing for a fellowship that was denied to it. The Penrith relatives were ungenial people. The grandfather had not the best of tempers, and the grandmother had little affection to spare ; cold unsympathetic natures, both of them. Dorothy writes, at the age of sixteen, how bitterly she laments the loss of her parents, (she was an orphan at thirteen). She lived as a stranger in the house, and grew up grave and silent, wearied with the triviality of the work she was set to do, and with the stock topics of con- versation in the house. Incessantly lectured as to the duty of sedateness by a very artificial old lady, she took it meekly, but poured out her spirit the more earnestly in these letters to her friend. A subsequent chapter will contain many of them. The following may now be given, as it contains the earliest hint of Wordsworth's thoughts as to a profession in life, and shews that he at first wished to follow his father's. It was written from Penrith in 1787, but is undated : — " I do not now pass half my time alone. I can bear the ill-nature of all my relations, for the affection of my brothers consoles me in all my griefs ; but how soon shall I be deprived of this consolation. They are so affectionate. . . . William and Christopher are very clever. . . . John, who is to be the sailor, has a most affectionate heart. He is not so bright as either William or Christopher, but he has very good common sense. . . . Eichard, the eldest, is equally affectionate and good, but he is far from being as clever as William. . . . Many a time have W., J., C, and myself shed tears together, tears of the bitterest sorrow. We all of us feel each day the loss we sustained when we were deprived * One or two extracts are given in Mr Myers' volume on Wordsworth, in the English Men of Letters series. 36 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. of our parents ; and each day do we receive fresh insults of the most mortifying kind, the insults of servants." [The uncle would not send horses to bring the boys from school after the holidays had begun, but kept them a week at Hawkshead till W. hired a horse and rode over to Penrith. In the Penrith house they had evidently much to endure.] "' Uncle Kit (who is our guardian) cares little for us. . . . We have been told a thousand of times that we were liars. Mortifications to which we are continually subject. . . . W. has a wish to be a lawyer, if his health will permit." Another characteristic incident of the Hawkshead days is mentioned in The Prelude. Immediately before the Christmas holidays in 1783, and shortly before his father's death, William and liis brothers went out from the village to watch for the horses that were to be sent to take them over to Penrith. There was a crag that rose from " the meeting- point of two highways," and overlooked them both. Thither the boy went, " scout-like, and gained the summit," and he watched, on a dark tempestuous day, beside a naked wall and a blasted hawthorn tree, in an anxiety of hope, straining his eyes intensely for the first sight of the horses. Soon after they got to Penrith the father died, and the four orphan boys followed him to his grave at Cockermouth ; and then he tells us that the memory of that day of expectation on the crag came back to him. He bowed low in submission, but, " afterwards, the wind and sleety rain, And all the business of the elements ; The single sheep, and the one blasted tree, And the bleak music from that old stone wall, The noise of wind and water, and the mist That on the line of each of these two roads Advanced in such indisputable shapes ; All these were kindred spectacles and sounds, To which I oft repaired, and thence would drink, As at a fountain." HAWKSHEAD I SCHOOL DAYS. 37 There is no doubt that, iu these joyous Hawkshead days, the continuity of the life of the world, and the reciprocal influence of one object on another — all things being knit together in one vast hierarchy — was realised by Words- worth. But it must be remembered that his vision of Nature was in one sense the vision of a "light that never was on sea or land" — that the radiance which " bestowed new splendour" on external Nature " came from within ; " and, on the other hand, that it also really existed in the objects that surround us, while by the majority of men it is unperceived. We must connect the Ode on Immor- tality with these Hawkshead years, as well as with Cocker- mouth. The hour of the first "splendour in the grass," and " glory in the flower " — which had vanished when he wrote this Ode at Grasmere — survived at Hawkshead ; but it was being slowly changed, from the mere organic pleasure and delight of the earlier years, to a delight in Nature for what it taught or revealed of Man. When the boy went out to watch the light of dawn from some "jutting eminence" near Hawkshead, he tells us that in these moments " such a holy calm Would overspread his soul, that bodily eyes "Were utterly forgotten, and what he saw, Appeared like something in himself, a dream A prospect in the mind." This by degrees ripened still further into " these obstinate questionings Of sense, and outward things, Falling from us, vanishings," &c., of which the great Ode is the record. The process of idealisation — begun in early childhood — was matured only when he detached himself from Nature, and realised the separateness and the kindredness together. In all this experience at Hawkshead, however, he was 38 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. in a real sense, alone. He had companions, with whom he walked, and rode, and played, but none of them — neither Raincock, " the boy of Windermere," nor Greenwood, " the minstrel of the troop," nor Fleming, the companion of his walks round Esthwaite — really understood him. Of verses written by Wordsworth during his Hawkshead days, we have (perhaps fortunately) no surviving trace, ex- cept the extract "From the conclusion of a Poem, com- posed in anticipation of leaving school," and the other frag- ment (of greater promise) entitled, Written in very early Youth, and beginning "Calm is all Nature as a resting wheel." * That he did write verses was known to all his schoolfellows ; and I am indebted to a nephew of Southey's, the Rev. Mr Hill of Warwick, for the fact, told him by the poet, that one of his very prosaic schoolfellows at Hawkshead once addressed him thus : " I say, Bill, when you write poems, do you always invoke the Muse ? " -f* * It is worthy of note that this earliest fragment is in irregular sonnet form. 1 1 may here mention, though out of their chronological place, two other little anecdotes derived from the same source. One of the peasantry near Rydal hearing him often talking aloud and humming over his verses in all weathers out of doors, replied to the question of a stranger : " W^hat sort of a man is Mr Wordsworth ? " " Oh, sir, he goes bumming, and muffling, and talking to his sen ; but ichiles he's as sensible as you or I !" Once in the later years of his life (see vol. ii.) Wordsworth met with an accident in driving from Keswick to Ambleside. Just beyond Naddle Bridge, in the vale of St John, the coach from Grasmere to Keswick, through great carelessness on the part of the driver, came into violent col- Msion with Wordsworth's carriage, and upset it. The vehicle was smashed, but \\'ordsworth was not injured. In after years the driver seemed rather elated with the honour of having smashed the carriage of so distinguished a man, and used to say to the passengers on descending that hill, "Now here, here's the place where we spilt the Powet. " My informant asked him, "And what did he say to you?" "Well, sir," was the reply, "he got up, sir, and shook himself, and said, ' I intend, sir, I intend to make a thorough investigation into this here business ! ' " CHAPTER IV. CAMBRIDGE : UNIVERSITY LIFE AND SUMMER HOLIDAYS : DOROTHY WORDSWORTH AT FORNCETT. In October 1787 Wordsworth went up from Westmoreland to Cambridge by York (where he spent four days), and began life as an undergraduate at John's College. In Tlu Prelude he has described his first view of Cambridge from the top of the coach, whence he saw " the long-roofed chapel of King's College," its turrets and pinnacles ; his alighting at the Hoop Inn ; his earliest impression of the streets, the colleges and cloisters ; and the strange contrast in it all to what he had been accustomed to amongst the hills of the north. His rooms were in the first of the three courts of St John's, above the college kitchens. The clock of Trinity hung near him, and from the window of his bedroom he could look into the ante-chapel of that college. He received little influence from the teaching of the college tutors or lecturers, Their prelections were emi- nently dull, and so he read the poets and the novelists more than the classics, and studied Italian. It will surprise no one that his name did not appear on the list of wranglers. Other boys from Hawkshead school eclipsed him easily in mathematical honours (see vol. ii. p. 38). In fact he was out of his natural element during all the three years at Cambridge. He tells us that he felt "a strangeness in the mind, A feeling that I was not for that hour, Nor for that place." He would have felt the very same in boyhood had he •10 LIFE OF WOEDSWORTH. been sent to one of the larger English public schools instead of to the primitive simplicities of Hawkshead. At^ Cam- bridge he was most at his ease when he left his comrades and the college grounds, anil went out to the level fields around the city. There he solaced himself as he " perused the common countenance of earth and sky," or turned in- wards upon the mysteries of his own nature. Even in the level flats of the fen country, to " the loose stones that covered the highway " he " gave a moral life." Sensitive to every changing mood of Nature, as the surface of the water to the influence of the sky, all that he beheld, he tells us, "respired with inward meaning." His comrades thought him an eccentric youth, but he had his own world to live in. And so, as an undergraduate, he made few friends. It was a lonely, yet a joyous time. A spell seemed on him when he was alone ; and yet he was a social youth, and loved not merely companionship, but mirth. During these Cambridge years he boated in the river, rode into the country, read novels, and went to parties with the rest of his collegians. Once, he tells us, in the college room which had been Milton's, at a wine party, he poured out libations to the memory of the Bard till his brain grew dizzy. He left the room, and rushing out found he was too late for chapel. He adds, what we can well beKeve, that never before or since had he been excited by wine. Cambridge, however, did more for Wordsworth than he himself knew. It gave him little scholarship, but it disciplined Ms character. Instead of the free hand of Nature, the equally powerful hand of the Past was now upon him. It awakened a new, thougli almost unconscious, reverence for antiquity. He tells us that lie " Could not print Ground where the grass had yielded to the steps Of generations of illustrious men, Unmoved." CAMBRIDGE : SUMMER VACATIONS : ETC. 41 The simple fact that Milton and Newton had passed through the gateways, lived in the college, and were familiar with the quadrangles that he knew, stirred him — while it brought these great intellects nearer to him. He sauntered out to the village of Trompington with his Chaucer, and read the " Keve's Tale " under the hawthorns. So, too, with the other Poets. And the months passed on, in a somewhat desultory manner. Imagination slept, the heart reposed, the pulse of contemplation almost failed to beat. It was his own fault, he says ; but the free and open Hawkshead life had ill tutored him for the comparative stagnation and the " indoor study " of Cambridge. He regrets, and with good reason, that he did not study harder ; but, at the same time, he notes the passions, and academic jealousies, to which hard study and fierce competitions give rise. He tells us that he spent most of the first eight months at Cambridge in studying the characters of the College tutors, men somewhat grotesque in character, bookworms, and humourists of a type now obsolete. Wordsworth's first summer vacation from Cambridge, in 1788, was memorable to him in many ways. He went back to Westmoreland and Lancashire. Readers of The Prelude know well his description of his return to Hawks- head, his meeting with Dame Tyson, his return to his old room in her house, his saluting every familiar person and place — the tall ash tree, the garden, the brook, his old companion dog, his wanderings up the Vale, and round the Lake, to the old haunts of his boyhood. Everything was the same, and yet all was changed. There was now — partly the effect of temporary absence, and partly due to the enlargement of his own nature — a " human-heartedness " about his love for the objects of external nature. Trees, mountains, brooks, even the stars of heaven were now regarded, not with awe, but with a deep and an enthusiastic 42 LIFE OF WOEDSWOKTH. human love. He thinks he wasted some time by the pursnit of trivial pleasures during this first summer holiday. He would occasionally join his old companions in a rustic dance : and he records one of these, at a small mountain farm. Every one knows the memorable lines in which he describes his return in the morning to Hawkshead, when in the calm brightness of that new-born day, he " made no vows, but vows were made for him," and he realised that he must henceforward dedicate himself to the office of a Poet solely. The first fruits of this dedication was the Evening Walk, which he began to write during this first holiday in the north.* Before returning to Cambridge, he seems to have gone up to London for a few days, and " Paced her endless streets A transient visitant." He went, apparently, in some travelling cart or showman's waggon,! " with vulgar men about him ; " but, as soon as he had passed through the long labpdnth of suburban villages, it was almost as when first he saw the Alps, the " weight of ages " descended upon him, a sense of power in the vast city. He afterwards compared his experience of London to that of the curious traveller, in the grotto of Antiparos or the cave of Yordas, bewildered with the gloom, but gradually realizing the vastness and the many-sided interest of the place. When he returned to Cambridge, in October 1789, he seems first to have realised that he might be able to leave behind him some work, which "pure hearts would reverence." Over and over again he expresses his thankfulness that * Fragmentary passages, written at Hawkshead, were inwoven into the Evening Walk, when it was finally prepared for the press in 1793. t See Prelude, book viii., vol. iii. p. 301. CAMBEIDGE : SUMMER VACATIONS : ETC. 43 he was not compelled to read, in the formal lines of classical or mathematical scholarship, that he was left as free to range the " happy pastures " of Literature as in boyhood to range the woods and heights at Hawkshead. And it was well for him — although it would be the worst thing possible for the majority of us — that the academic " guides and wardens of our faculties " did not confine him to the work of reading for honours in any tripos. Left very much to himself, the awe of mighty names in past Literature, which had possessed him hitherto, was softened down, and the place of these Teachers of mankind seemed approachable. All that wirier at Cambridge, he tells us, he used to fre- quent the College grove and walks by night — usually alone — till the porter's bell summoned him to his room at nine. He used to be spell-bound by one particular tree, an ivy-clad ash, which, with its lightsome twigs, and sprays, and seeds, that hung in yellow tassels, fascinated him, especially as seen beneath a frosty moon. This ash tree is now gone. He did not entirely neglect his mathematical studies, and he has written in The Prelude, with rare appreciation, of geometric science, " and its high privilege of lasting life." He even felt the charms of mathematical synthesis, to a mind " beset with images, and haunted by itself." His next summer vacation was even more important to him than that of 1788, for it brought him again into contact with his sister Dorothy and Mary Hutchinson. He went north by Dovedale in Derbyshire, and, by the wilder Yorkshire dales, to Penrith. With his sister he wandered over the whole Penrith district, climbed the Border Beacon, explored the banks of the Emont, and lingered about the towers of Brougham Castle. They would go up the Emont to Sockbridge, the old home of their grandfather, down the same stream past Brougham Castle to the Countess' l^illar possibly out to the great druidical circle of Long Meg, and 44 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. certainly through the woods of Lowther Castle. The poem, which he had begun in his last autumn vacation at Hawkshead, was now continued ; and the belief that he must dedicate himself to song, " else sinning greatly" — which came upon him with such vivid force in liis morning-walk after the rustic dance a year ago — deepened in the course of these wanderings with his sister and Mary Hutchinson, in that long holiday at Penrith. Its first fruit was the Poem, — which he dedicated to his sister after his return to " Granta's Cloisters" in October 1789, — but did not publish till five years later, in 179)^. His last year at Cambridge — to the majority of studious men a year of intense labour at competitive examinations — was spent by Wordsworth pretty much as the two earlier ones had been. In his third summer holiday, instead of returning to the north, he started with a friend, a fellow collesrian in John's, on a pedestrian tour through France and Switzerland. They had discussed the Alps together, thought over Hannibal's achievements, and wished to see the mountains and the passes ; but another impulse moved them. It was a wondrous time in modern European history. Prance seemed to be " standing on the top of golden hours." A revolution was in the air, and with the promise of that revolution both these young spirits were in sympathy. The year before, the Bastille had fallen in Paris, and to many of the youth of England it seemed the dawn of a new era, an era of cosmopolitan freedom. Even in the conservative seats of learning sympathy with the new movement was expressed, as well as felt. The Vice-Chancellor of Cam- bridge had gone so far as to speak of the destruction of the Bastille as " a subject of triumph and congratulation." Wordsworth's friend was a Welshman, Robert Jones of Plas- yn-llan, in Denbighshire, afterwards Fellow of John's College, CAMBRIDGE I SUMMER VACATIONS : TC. 45 and parson in Oxfordshire. They took with them walking- sticks, but no knapsacks, each tying up " in a pocket- handkerchief ''" what they required for a three months' journey on foot, and " twenty pounds apiece in their pockets." In passing through London, Wordsworth did not tarry to call on his brother Richard (settled in business there), as he thought that their scheme of pedestrian travel would be regarded as " mad and impracticable." On the IStli July 1790 they left Dover for Calais, and were on the Continent till the month of October. They touched the French soil on the very day when King Louis XIV. swore fidelity to the new Constitution imposed on him. Calais was in high festival, and they saw " How bright a face is worn when joy of one Is joy for tens of millions." They cast no regretful thoughts back to England, when everywhere as they wandered, even in sequestered villages along their route, they seemed to see the signs of present joy, and of coming blessedness to the people. There was as yet no evidence that in these " dances of liberty " there was' the " pomp of a too credulous day." They avoided Paris, went on to Burgundy ; and, at Chalons embarked, and with a crowd of delegates returning from Paris, floated down the Ehone. At night they landed, supped with their fellow- voyagers, danced, and pledged the new republic with glee, resuming their voyage in the morning, till they reached Lyons. Thence they again started on foot, and in two days reached the Convent of Cliartreuse. In the first volume of this work will be found part of a long letter from Words- worth to his sister, written at Keswick on Sejitember (i, 1790, giving a detailed account of this journey, which was almost "a marvel of military speed." They went on from the Chartreuse to Villeneuve, thence to Martigny and 46 LIFE OF WORDSWOETH. to Chamouny, saw the great glaciers under Mont Blanc, its " dumb cataracts and streams of ice," returned to the Rhone valley, went up as far as Brieg, crossed over the Alps by the Simplon, heard at the summit with a pang of regret that the climb was over, and that they must thence descend to Como. Como seems to have impressed Wordsworth more than any other spot during this journey. He gives a minute account of it. They returned by the sources of the Ehine, went by Lucerne and Zurich to Schaffhausen, and after sundry minor excursions, floated down the Rhine to Cologne, and returned by Calais. Wordsworth's long letter to his sister must be referred to, as it cannot be reproduced ; and there it will be seen how much his thoughts turned to her while he was abroad, and how intense was his apj)recia- tion both of the magnificence of the Swiss scenery, and of the French and the Swiss character.* The two young pedestrians must have presented an odd appearance, and he. admits that they raised many a smile in the villages as they passed on, carrying their bundles on their heads ! A first visit to Switzerland usually opens the eye to certain aspects of the sublime in Nature never seen before. It was so with these Cambridge youths, and a poetical record of their travels, entitled Descriptive Sketches, was written by Wordsworth, and published in the same year as The Evening Walk, 1793. This journey, and all that it brought to Wordsworth, is also recorded, in much nobler verse, in the sixth book of The Prelude. There we learn that all he saw, and heard, and felt in that delightful journey, was a stream that flowed parallel to a kindred stream. It flowed " Confederate with the current of the soul." Wordsworth was more profoundly moved by the new * Wordsworth tells us they learned lessous of " genuine brotherhood." CAMBRIDGE I SUMMER VACATIONS : ETC. 47 revelations which Nature made to him, in the Alps and in Italy than by the political revolution that was going on, or by the European strife for freedom which was the great question of the hour. Speaking to Coleridge of the " glorious and happy time " of this tour, Wordsworth says, that though they " crossed the Brabant armies in the front, for battle in the cause of Liberty," he looked upon the event " as from a distance." He indeed " heard, and saw, and felt, but with no intimate concern." The glories of the ever-living uni- verse, opening up around him, and calling him to new delights, magnetised him, and he needed nothing more to satisfy him. When he came to write out the Descrijjtivc Sketches, and dedicate them to his fellow traveller, the European conflict had touched him more deeply ; and he concludes that poem by expressing sympathy with the struggle for Liberty, and a hope for its realisation. The Sketches, however, were com- posed for the most part in the year 1792, while he resided in France, and when his mind had undergone some new developments. His sister sent to her friend. Miss Pollard, an account of her brother's Swiss tour ; and as it may be best to give several of her letters together as illustrative of her life in Norfolk, and of the family movements of the brothers, espe- cially of William, John, and Christopher, we go back to the date of William's leaving the north for Cambridge in 1787. Dorothy was then at Penrith ; she went thence to Halifax, and from Halifax to her uncle Cookson's rectory at Forncett, in Norfolk. Each letter will explain itself. " Penrith, Monday/ Evening, 10 o'clock [1787]. " Yesterday morning I parted with the kindest and the most affectionate of brothers. I cannot paint to you my distress at their departure. For a few hours I was abso- lutely miserable, as a thousand tormenting fears rushed upon 48 LIFE OF WOKDSWORTH. me ; the approaching winter, the ill -nature of my grand- father and Uncle Chris., the little probability there is of my soon again seeing my youngest brother, the still less likeli- hood of my visiting my Halifax friends, in quick succession filled my mind. . . . You know not how forlorn and dull I find myself now that my brothers are gone, neither can you imagine how I enjoyed their company, when I could contrive to be alone with them. If the partial affection of a sister does not greatly magnify all their merits they are charming boys, particularly the three youngest (William, John, and Kit). ... I often say to myself I have the most affectionate brothers in the world. While I possess them can I ever be entirely miserable. ... It is indeed mortifying to my brothers and me that amongst all those who visited at my fatlier's house he had not one real friend. . . . Mr brother William goes to Cambridge in October. He wishes very much to be a lawyer, if his health will permit; but he. is troubled with violent headaches, . . , [She gives a catalogue of the books she had received from her brothers, including the Iliad, the Odyssey, Fielding's works, Gil Bias, Milton's works. Goldsmith's poems, with the promise of a Shakespeare. She tells her friend she is determined to pursue study in French and English though under difficulties, because she had work to do in the shop at Penrith, and it was only " by working particularly hard for one hour " that she could manage " to read the next without being discovered."] " I rise pretty early in the morning, so I hope in time to have perused them all. I am at present at the Iliad, and like it very much. My brother William read part of it. . . . I wear my hair curled about my face in light curls frizzled at the bottom." The following extracts, from three undated letters, seem to belong to the year 1787 : — CAMBRIDGE: SUMMER VACATIONS : ETC. 49 " I have heard from my brother William since his arrival at Cambridge. He spent three or four days at York on the road." " John will very likely be off to India in spring." [The next letter is one of ardent passionate friendship, written just after her grandfather's death, thankful that he was gone], " for he has for these two years been a burden to himself and friends." [Expresses a longing to go to Halifax to see her friend], " that dear place which I shall ever con- sider as my home. ..." We have no father to protect, no mother to guide us." ..." My brother John has set sail for Barbadoes. ... I hope, poor lad, that he will be successful and happy. He is much delighted with the pro- fession he has chosen. How we are squandered abroad ! " [Then she goes on to wish her correspondent were her sister], " how happy we should be ! Our fortunes would be very small, but sufficient for us to live comfortably, and on our brothers we would depend for everything." Dccemler 1th. — " Could I but see you. I really think that for an hour after our meeting there would nothing pass betwixt us but tears of joy, fits of laughter, and unconnected exclamations. ... I assure you I am a very skilful archi- tect. I have so many different plans of building our castle, so many contrivances ! Do you ever build castles ? . . . It is a very fine morning, most likely you are taking a walk up the bank. As for me, I never go out but on a Sunday." The next extract is from a letter, dated " Norwich, Decem- ber 6, 1788." "Norwich, December 6, 1788 ] [She praises her Uncle and Aunt Cookson. When it was told her that she was to go with them to Forncett, she was] " almost mad with joy. . . . After the wedding was over" [presumably tlie Cookson's wedding], " we set off on our IX. D 50 LIFE OF WOllDSWORTH. journey to Newcastle, and spent a fortnight there." [Thence to Cambridge, where she saw her brothers], " very well, and in excellent spirits." [Stayed only a day in Cambridge, thence to Norwich, and thence next day to Forncett.] " Forn- cett is a little village, entirely inhabited by farmers, who seem a very decent kind of people. My uncle's house is very comfortable, and the gardens will be charming. I intend to be a great gardener, and to take care of the poultry, which we have in great abundance." In the beginning of the following year, January 25, 1789, she writes : — "■JaniMry %bth, 1789. " My brother John, I imagine, sailed for India on Satur- day or Sunday in the Earl of Abergavenny. William is at Cambridge, Eichard at London, and Kit at Hawkshead. How we are squandered abroad. ... I have got a little school. ... I have only kept it six months. I have nine scholars. . . . Our hours in winter are, on Sunday morn- ings, from nine till church time ; at noon from half-past one to three; and at night from four till half-past five. Those who live near us come to me every Wednesday and Satur- day evening. I only instruct them in reading and spelling. ... I have one very bright scholar, some very tolerable, and one or two very bad. I intend in a little time to have a school on a more extensive plan. Mr Wilberforce has been with us for rather more than a month. He allows me two guineas a year to distribute in what manner I think best for the poor." ^^ Sunday, December 28^A, 1789. ..." We are happily situated at Forncett, and upon a near view my prospects appear even more delightful than upon a more distant one. On Christmas day we went in the morning to one of my uncle's churches, which is only a CAMBRIDGE: SUMMER VACATIONS : ETC. 51 stej) or two from the house, and in the afternoon to the other, which is about a mile from us." [Speaks of the "only neighbour within two miles," a Miss Dix, a rich maiden lady, and of her visits to her, of her merits, and of her censoriousness ; also of meetings with Dr Enfield of Norwich ; of " roivts, which are of all things in the world the most dis- agreeable."] ..." Did I ever tell you that my brother John is gone to Jamaica, and on his return is going to the West Indies. One of my amusements is feeding the robin red- breasts. There are at present two in the room, which are gone to rest. You may imagine how tame they are, when I tell you that they hop about the room where we sit, with- out the least appearance of fear." " FoRNCETT, Ap-il 30ih, 1790. ..." My brothers, I hope, are all well. I long to have an opportunity of introducing you to my dear William. I am very anxious about him just now, as he will shortly have to provide for himself. Next year he takes his degree. When he will go into Orders I do not know, nor how he will employ himself. He must, wlien he is three -and-twenty, either go into Orders or take pupils. He will be twenty in April. I do not know whether I mentioned my brother Kit to you. He intends to go to Cambridge. My uncle tells me he is a most amiable youth ; and I am told that, for his years, he is a most excellent scholar ; and from my own experience I know that he has the best of tempers." " FoRNCETT, October ()th, 1700. " If you have been informed that I have had so dear a friend as my brother William traversing (on foot, with only one companion) the mountains of Switzerland during the whole of this sunnuer, and that he has not yet returned, 1 52 LIFE OF WOUDSWORTH. flatter myself you will be anxious on my account to hear of his welfare. I received a very long letter from him a week ago, which was begun upon the Lake of Constance." [She gives a long account of the letter.] . . . "William is a perfect enthusiast in his admiration of nature in all her various forms." [She quotes from the letter in detail as printed in the Memoirs.] " I once saw the Miss Martineau you mention at Norwich. Mr and Mrs Martineau, her brother and sister, we are very well acquainted with. Last summer we spent two or three days at their house, and had an invitation from them this summer to the musical festival. . . . My school goes on as usual." . . . " December 7th, 1791. " Living quietly, though very happily, at Forncett, without having been at one ball, one play, one concert." [Miss Pollard having told her of a visit to Leeds ; she, D. W., indicates that she had been at Cambridge before this, because, referring to York Minster* of which her friend writes to her, she says :] " I have a pretty good idea of your feelings on entering the Minster at York, by my own when I visited King's College Chapel at Cambridge." [Tells about the Lonsdale law suit, and that her grandmother has had possession of a very handsome estate for about a year.] " She has shewn us great kindness, and has promised to give us five hundred pounds (c£100 a-piece) the first time she receives her rents. . . . Our several resources are these : the £500 which my grandmother is to give us, £500 which is due on account of my mother's fortune, about £200 which my uncle Kit owes us, and £1000 at present in the hands of our guardians, and about £150 which we are to receive out of the New- biggin estate, with what may be adjudged as due to us from Lord L. My brother Richard has about £100 per annum, and William has received his education, for which a reduc- CAMBRIDGE: SUMMER VACATIONS: ETC. 53 tion will be made ; so that I hope, unless we are treated in the most unjust manner possible, my three younger brothers and I will have £1000 a-piece, deducting in William's share the expense of his education. . . . John is to go out in the spring in the Tlictis, East Indiaman. . . . William is arrived, I hope, by this time at Orleans, where he means to pass the winter for the purpose of learning the French language, which will qualify him for the office of travelling companion to some young gentleman, if he can get recom- mended. . . . He is at the same time engaged in the study of the Spanish language, and if he settles in England on his return, he will begin the study of the Oriental languages. . . . We are going to establish a school of industry. My uncle is at present in treaty about a house for the purpose. The operations of my little school have been suspended ever since the birth of Christopher." Eeturning to England, and to Cambridge, Wordsworth took his B.A. degree in January 1791. He went immedi- ately afterwards to Eorncett Eectory, and spent six weeks with his sister. The following letter from Dorothy to Miss Pollard, though written four months later, may be given here, from its allusions to her brother's visit to the Rectory : — " FoRNCETT, May 23rd, 1791. " My brother William is now in Wales, where he intends making a pedestrian tour, along with his old friend and companion Jones, at whose house he is at present staying. . . . My aunt would tell you that she saw my brothers Richard and William in town. I hope John will arrive there in about a month. We are daily expecting tidings of the Ahergavcnny. I heard from my brother Kit lately. He tells me he has been upon a pedestrian tour amongst 54 LIFE OF AVORDSWORTH. the Lakes, with two of his schoolfellows. He is to come to Cambridge next October, . . . The idea of having him so near is, you will imagine, very agreeable to me. I hope we shall see much of each other. He is a most amiable young man." [Speaks of the prospect of a settlement "in about a year " of the Lonsdale claims.] " I have been three times at Norwich lately, which is something extraordinary, as we stir little from home. These three journeys produced three visits to the theatre. ... I rise about six every morning ; and, as I have no companion, walk with a book till half- past eight, if the weather permits ; if not, I read in the house. Sometimes we walk in the mornings, but seldom more than half-an-hour, just before dinner. After tea we all walk together till about eight, and I then walk alone, as long as I can, in the garden. I am particularly fond of a moonlight or twilight walk. It is at this time I think most of my absent friends. My brother William was with us six months * in the depth of winter. You may recollect that at that time the weather was exceedingly mild. We used to walk every morning about two hours ; and every evening we went into the garden, at four or half-past four, and used to pace backwards and forwards till six. Unless you have accustomed yourself to this kind of w^alking, you will have no idea that it can be pleasant ; but I assure you it is most delightful, and if you and I happened to be together in the country (as we probably may), we shall try liow you like my plan, if you are not afraid of the evening air." * So it is •written, but she must mean weeks, not months. Wordsworth graduated in .January, and went to London in February, 1791. CHAPTER V. LONDON : FKANCE : THE EEVOLUTION. In February 1791 Wordsworth went up from Cambridge to London, where he stayed for three months. For the par- ticulars of his residence there we are mainly indebted to his autobiographical poem. In it he apostrophises the city as a " Grave Teacher, stern Preceptress ! " In the seventh and eighth books he describes both his glimpse of the metropolis in 1788, when he was a "transient visitant," and his longer stay and fuller impressions in 1791. Still earlier, how- ever, in his Hawkshead schooldays, one of his companions, a cripple from birth, had been sent to London, and on his return to the north the boy Wordsworth scanned him curiously ; and was rather disappointed to find that he had not been changed in look and air from having been even for a day or two in that " fairy land " of his young imagination. The most mysterious thing to him — in that village where each was known to all — was to find that people in London could be next-door neighbours, and yet not know each other's names ! In the seventh book of TJte Prelude he describes the common sights of the metropolis in no commonplace fashion. He speaks of the characters he met with, the pantomimic scenes he witnessed, and the degradation as well as tlie gaiety of the town. It may surprise some to know that the theatre was " his dear delight." In seeking out and chronicling those links that " bind the perishable hours of life" together, he records some trivial things, and some 56 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. incidents, which belonged (as he puts it) to " the suburbs of the mind " ; although none were really trivial to his eye. He went to the Law Courts, to listen to the pleadings of the barristers ; to the Houses of Parliament, to hear the speeches of statesmen. Poor parents with sick children in their arms, blind beggars in the streets, mobs in the thoroughfares, the booths of strolling vendors, puppet shows at St Bartholomew's festival ; all had a new human interest to him. The motley picture might be wearisome to one wlio did not look at it steadily, and see it whole ; but to one wlio had, " amongst least things, an under-sense of greatest," who " saw the parts as parts, but with the feeling of the whole," it was far otherwise. The great lesson which Wordsworth bore away with him, from these few weeks' experience of London life was this : he realised more than ever before, and more than was possible elsewhere, " the unity of man." He saw one spirit predominant over the ignorance and vice of the city. This was, in fact, the same great and radical truth which he had learned before, amongst the silence of the liills — the sense of Unity, of Harmony, of Law, of Order, and of Love everywhere diffused, though often hidden under strange guises. The same idea now kept him at rest, in his jfirst experience of the real turmoil of city life, kept him anchored securely, while the vessel in which he sailed rocked temporarily upon the waters. The eighth book of Tlic Prelude is entitled " Retrospect : Love of Nature leading to love of Man " ; and it traces what he owed while in London to the influence that followed him from the place of his nativity and upbringing. In spite of all that had been done and suffered — and of what was then being done and then suffering in the great city — he felt that he could still converse with a hidden Majesty and Power. Neither the vice nor the misery he witnessed LONDON : FRANCE : THE REVOLUTION. 57 could shake his trust in what human nature might yet become. He had been taught amongst the hills to believe in man, and in man's destiny, in an Infinite Living Power, in a Providence that was world-wide, and that " rolled through all things," guiding every object in external Nature equally ; and how could he cease to believe in its sovereignty over man, notwithstanding the apparent chaos of our present life? On the 26th June Dorothy Wordsworth wrote to Miss Pollard :— " FoRNCETT, Sunday Morning, June 26, 1791. " I often hear from my brother William, who is now in Wales, where I think he seems so happy that it is probable he will remain there all the summer, or a great part of it. [She refers to her brother Kit, and says], " his disposition is of the same caste as William's, and his inclinations have taken the same turn, but he is much more likely to make his fortune. He is not so warm as WiUiam, but has a most affectionate heart. His abilities, though not so great perhaps as his brother's, may be of more use to him ; as he has not fixed his mind upon any particular species of reading, or conceived an aversion to any. He is not fond of mathematics, but has resolution sufficient to study them, because it will be impossible for him to obtain a fellowship without them. William, you may have heard, lost the chance (indeed the certainty) of a fellowship, by not com- bating his inclinations. He gave way to his natural dislike to study so dry as many parts of mathematics, consequently could not succeed at Cambridge. He reads Italian, Spanish, French, Greek, Latin, and English, but never opens a mathematical book. We promise ourselves much pleasure from reading Italian together at some time. He wishes that I was acquainted with the Italian poets. . . . William 58 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. has a great attachment to poetry ; so indeed has Kit, but William particularly, which is not the most likely thing to produce his advancement in the world. His pleasures are chiefly of the imagination. He is never so happy as when in a beautiful country. Do not think in what I have said that he reads not at all, for he does read a great deal ; and not only poetry, and other languages he is acquainted with, but history, &c., &c. Kit has made a very good proficiency in learning. He is just seventeen. At October '92 we shall lose him at Cambridge." . . . [Tells of riding a good deal. She had a horse of her uncle's.] "The country about, though not romantic or picturesque, is very pleasing ; the surface slowly varied ; and we have great plenty of wood, but a sad want of water." Leaving London in the end of May 1791, Wordsworth paid a visit to his friend Robert Jones at Plas-yn-llan, in the Vale of Clwydd. From his friend's house he wrote thus to another fellow-student at Cambridge, William Mathews : — " Plas-tn-llan, near Ruthin, " Denbighshire, June 17, 1791. " You will see by the date of this letter that I am in AVales, and whether you remember the place of Jones' residence or no, you will immediately conclude that I am with him. I quitted London about three weeks ago, where my time passed in a strange manner, sometimes whirled about by the vortex of its strcnua inertia, and sometimes thrown by the eddy into a corner of the stream. Think not, however, that I had not many pleasant hours. . . . My time has been spent since I reached Wales in a very agreeable manner, and Jones and I intend to make a tour through its northern counties, — on foot, as you will easily suppose." LONDON : FRANCE : THE REVOLUTION. 59 They did so : and, as Wordsworth puts it in the Dedica- tion of the Descriptive Sketches (inscribed to Jones), they saw " the sunsets wliich give such splendour to the Vale of Clwyd, Snowdon, the chair of Idris, the quiet village of Bethgelert, Menai and her druids, the Alpine steeps of the Conway, and the still more interesting windings of the wizard stream of the Dee." * Their ascent of Snowdon is described in the fourteenth Book of The Prelude. At the summit of the mountain at the dead of night, a sea of mist around, and a hundred hills seeming to rise out of it, the moonlight overhead, and the noise of waters, of torrents and streams innumerable, mounting to them, " roaring with one voice," became to Wordsworth the emblem of a mind that feeds upon infinity. A power within Nature, moving it, and yet one within its multitudinous voices and forces, seemed to be displaying itself through outward things. As creative minds build up the greatest things from least suggestions, not subdued but only stimulated by the impressions of sense, so it seemed to him that the Omnipresent Power within nature disclosed its presence, and yet attested its supremacy. We may connect with this a familiar passage in The Excursion, beginning " Within the soul a faculty abides." t On the 3rd August he again writes to Mathews from Plas-yn-llan : " I regret much not to have been made acquainted with your wish to have employed your vacation in a pedestrian tour, both on your own account, as it would have contributed greatly to exhilarate your spirits, and on mine, as we should have gained much from the addition of your society. Such an excursion would have served like an Aurora Borealis to gild your long Lapland night of melancholy." * See vol. i. p. 287. t See vol. v. p. 188. 60 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. These pedestrian tours and tentative efforts in poetic work were delightful ; but how was the young poet to maintain himself ? He thought of many things. He was urged by his friend Kobinson to take Orders, and it was a letter received from this friend, while he was staying at Plas-yn-Uan, that led him to leave the place abruptly. On the 23rd September we again find him at Cambridge. He writes to Mathews : " I quitted Wales on a summons from Mr Robinson, a gentleman you most likely have heard me speak of, respecting my going into Orders, and taking a curacy at Harwich, which curacy he considered as intro- ductory to the living. I thought it was best to pay my respects to him in person, to inform him that I am not of age for ordination." In the same letter he tells Mathews that he means to " remain at Cambridge till the University fills." On the 9th October 1791, Dorothy Wordsworth wrote to Miss Pollard from Forncett : — " My brother John is arrived in England, and, I am told, is grown a very tall handsome man. . . . Kit is entered at Trinity College, and I hope that we two meet by this time next year. William is at Cambridge ... I know not when my brother William will go into the north ; probably not so soon as he intended, as he is going to begin a new course of study, which he may perhaps not be able to go on with so well in that part of the world, as I conjecture he may find it difficult to meet with books. He is going, by the advice of my uncle William, to study the Oriental Languages." It being impossible for him to take Orders at his present age, he thought of writing for the Newspapers as a means of livelihood ; but, having enough of money for a year's sojourn abroad, and being now more interested in contemporary events in France than he w^as when he passed through it LONDON: FRANCE: THE REVOLUTION. 61 with Jones in 1790, he resolved to spend twelve months on the Continent. He wrote to Mathews from Brighton on the 23rd November that he was on "his way to Orleans, where he proposed to pass the winter." As we have seen, his sister wrote to Miss Pollard that his object was to acquire a knowledge of French and also of Spanish, which he might perhaps turn to'account subsequently as travelling tutor. The contrast between the course of Wordsworth's life hitherto, and what it became during that winter of 1791, was great. Carlyle has somewhere said, that from the silent glens of Nithsdale to the rattling whinstones of Piccadilly, is but a step. That contrast Wordsworth had already known ; but, from the quiet of the Lakes and the monotony of Cambridge, he was now transferred to the rapidly-shifting scenes and the wild excitements of Prance, in the most stirring period of its history. His aim in crossing the cha]inel was chiefly, as his sister tells us, to learn the language ; but in addition, there is no doubt that the state of the country, and sympathy with its aspirations after liberty, "lured him forth."* The readiest way to Orleans was through Paris, and there he stayed some days. He visited, in haste, " each spot of old or recent fame," the latter chiefly. He went to the National Assembly, and there heard the futile, weak, excited debates ; attended the Club of the Jacobins, and " saw the Revolutionary Power . Toss like a ship at anchor, rocked by storms." In the spot where the Bastille had stood (destroyed the previous year) he sat hi the sun, and gathered a stone from the rubbish, and " pocketed the relic." It was a stirring time for Prance : the Assembly of Senators, " effervescent, * ee Tlie Prelude, "book ix. , vol. iii. p. 308. 62 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. well-intentioned,"* divided against itself, to-day swearing fealty to the Constitution with enthusiastic " vivats," to- morrow quarrelling over it in hatred ; the king accepting the " rheumatic Constitution," t and yet unable to carry it out ; in the Jacobin amphitheatre, the wild harangues of the leaders of the new " mother-society " of the world ; Liberty only thought of in connection with Equality, and the levelling of all distinctions. It is somewhat curious that in the midst of these scenes Wordsworth was not much moved. He even tells us that he " affected "more emotion than he felt." This was perhaps partly due to his ignorance of the nature of the movement, partly also to a dim perception that there might be another side to it, and that there was something hollow in its aims. Certainly he was not stirred by it sufficiently to induce him to remain in Paris, He pushed on to Orleans, where he wintered. There he even likened himself to a plant under glass in a greenhouse, when every bush and tree in the country was shaking to the roots. At Orleans his chief associates were a band of military officers stationed in the city, men who had but one aim, \dz,, to undo the mischief already done to their country. They seem to have liked Wordsworth, and welcomed him in their society. He gives us a striking account of them, in that time of universal fer- ment and social earthquake, when the soil of common Kfe seemed almost " too hot to tread on," although he laughed ^t the bare idea of presenting an adequate picture of it to posterity, Wordsworth had never himself seen anything contrary to the order of Nature in certain men possessing rank above others. This was rather the order of ISTature. His only lament had been that the best persons in the world were not * See Carlyle's French Revolution. t Carlyle, LONDON : FRANCE : THE REVOLUTION. 63 the world's rulers, as they ought to be. But the easy, almost communal life at Hawkshead, and the fraternal equality of undergraduate life at Cambridge, prepared him for sym- pathising with the aspirations of France at this time ; and the sight of soldiers hastening along the roads near Orleans, to join the war in the frontier, in defence of what they deemed the cause of liberty, touched him to the quick. With one of this band of officers — the patriot Beaupuis — intimacy ripened into friendship. They walked many a mile in the woods around the city, and by the banks of the Loire, discussing the origin and end of government, 5nd its best forms, the personal and social virtues, the rights of man as man, his fundamental nature and destiny — " heart-bracing colloquies " Wordsworth called them. They traversed history for ancient parallels, and applied them to the events of the hour. One day they met a poor girl in a rural lane, languid, famished, leading a lean heifer by a cord tied to her arm, and herself busy knitting with thin hands. Beaupuis turned round and said, " It is against that that we are lighting." Wordsworth told Coleridge in after years that if it was a joy to them to discuss the state of man, and question of human liberty and destiny, by the banks of their favourite Cumbrian streams, it was doubly so to do this with one who had to te an actor in the great tragedy, and to put the doctrines which he held into living deeds. In Tlie Prelude, Wordsworth likens Beaupuis to Dion, and speaks of him as a man worthy to be associated with the noblest of ancient times. There is little doubt that it was these walks and talks with Beaupuis that stirred Wordsworth's soul so as to call out its latent republican feeling for a time. He returned to Paris much more of a radical than he left it. lie desired that every law should be abolished that legalised the exclu- sion of any class from political privilege. He wished to see the people having " a strong hand " in the framing of their 64 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. own laws, and from tliat lie anticipated "better days to all mankind." During this winter of 1791-2, he was also busy with the work of writing a " descriptive sketch" in verse of his tour in the Alps with Jones. The style of the poem is Pope's, and its form is that of Goldsmith ; yet the voice is the voice of Wordsworth. But a critical estimate of the poem must be postponed. Early in the spring of 1792, Wordsworth went from Orleans to Blois, and on the I7tli of May he wrote thus to his friend l&athews : — " The horrors excited by the relation of the events con- sequent upon the commencement of hostilities is general. Not but that there are some men who felt a gloomy satisfac- tion from a measure which seemed to put the patriot army out of a possibility of success. An ignominious flight, the massacre of their general, a dance performed with savage joy round his burning body, the murder of six prisoners, are events which would have arrested the attention of the reader of the annals of Morocco." He then expresses his fear that the patriot army would be routed by the invaders. But " suppose," he adds, " that the German army is at the gates of Paris, what will be the consequence ? It will be mipossible for it to make any material alterations in the constitution ; impossible to rein- state the clergy in its ancient guilty splendour ; impossible to restore an existence to the noblesse similar to that it before enjoyed ; impossible to add much to the authority of the king. Yet there are in France some (millions ?) — I speak without exaggeration — who expect that this will take place." * We do not know much of how Wordsworth spent his * See Memoira, vol. i. p. 75. LONDON: FRANCE: THE EEVOLUTION. 65 time at Blois. But there is a passage in The Prelude which refers to it, though not given in its chronological place in that poem. In the eighth book he tells us that for two and twenty summers Man had been subordinate to Nature in his regards : Nature " a passion, a rapture often," Man only " a delight occasional," " his hour being not yet come." Now Wordsworth's twenty-second summer was the one he spent at Blois ; and while there was less to attract him in the scenery of Blois than there had been in England, these late conversations with Beaupuis, and the fresh incidents of every day, were such as now to give Man the first place in his thoughts, — Man in his aspirations and struggles, in his individual nature, and his social destiny. The " September massacres " had taken place in the first week of that month, while Wordsworth was still at Blois. When he reached Paris, Louis the XVI. was dethroned, and in prison with his wife and children. The Eepublic had been decreed on the 22nd September, but Wordsworth thought that the " dire work of massacre " being over, and the " earth free of them for ever," France would at once reach the promised goal of universal brotherhood. He went to the prison where the king was in captivity, the Tuilleries, the Place du Carousal, where the dead had lain so lately, " upon the dying heaped." These things were mysteries to him. He likened them to the contents of a book, written in a tongue he could not read. He went back to his lodging, a high lonely room at the top of a large hotel, and all night kept watcli, reading by the light of a small taper, thinking of the massacres and their results. He remem- bered that the tides come again, that the earthquakes and the hurricanes return; "all things have second birth." Tlie place he was in appeared defenceless, as a wood wlierc wild beasts roam ; and, in tlie weird silence, he seemed to hear a voice crying out to the whole city of Paris, " Sleep no more." IX. E 66 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. Next day he had some experience of how rapidly the tides of revohition do turn. In the streets hawkers were bawHng, " Denunciation of the Crimes of Maximilian Eobespierre." He heard Louvet denounce him from the Tribune, but noted the failure of his charge. He saw that Liberty, and the issues of Life and Death, were again in the hands of those few men who ruled the metropolis. Here was tyranny coming back hydra-headed. His inmost soul was agitated. He not only grieved, but he thought of remedies, and would himself have willingly undertaken personal service in the cause. He thought how much depended in all great crises on the action of individuals, and how a true and strong soul, faithful to duty, can guide the unreasoning masses. But he remembered that those who have not been trained for action are unfit to mingle in the thick of social struggles. It would have been an utterly quixotic enterprise for him to have attempted to do so. He believed, however, that if "one paramount mind" had arisen, it could have ended the chaos, and " cleared a passage for just government." In this frame of mind he left Paris, and returned to England in December 1792. He had spent fully two months in the French capital. Had he not left it at the time he did, he would have been soon led to make common cause with the Brissotins, with many of whom he was inti- mate, and would doubtless have fallen a victim along with them to the rival Jacobin party in the following year. While Wordsworth was in France we do not hear much of his sister's life at Forncett ; but a letter addressed to Miss Pollard, on the 6th of May 1792, may be quoted, and the substance of another given. " Forncett, Tuesday, May 6ih, 1792. [She speaks of a prospect of going to Windsor in the autumn, but while pleased to go, was more pleased in prospect LONDON : FRANCE : THE REVOLUTION. 67 of returning to the quiet of Forncett. John had spent four months at Forncett ; was now in London, upon his road into Cumberland, and intended to sail from "Whitehaven for the West Indies.] " I promised to transcribe some of William's compositions. As I made the promise I will give you a little sonnet, but all the same I charge you, as you value our friendship, not to read it, or to show it to any one — to your sister, or any other person. ... I take the first that offers. It is only valuable to me because the lane which gave birth to it was the favourite evening walk of my dear William and me. " ' Sweet was the walk along the narrow lane At noon, the bank and hedgerows all the way Shagged with wild pale green tufts of fragrant hay, Caught by the hawthorns from the loaded wane Which Age, with many a slow stoop, strove to gain ; And Childhood seeming still more busy, took His little rake with cunning sidelong look. Sauntering to pluck the strawberries wild unseen. Now too, on melancholy's idle dream Musing, the lone spot with my soul agrees Quiet and dark ; for through the thick-wove trees Scarce peeps the curious star till solemn gleams The clouded moon, and calls me forth to stray Through tall green silent woods and ruins grey.' " [She adds] " I have not chosen this sonnet because of any particular beauty it has ; it was the first I laid my hands upon." Windsor, October I6th, 1792. [Left Forncett, July 31st. In London, August 1st. Did not like London at all ; was heartily rejoiced to quit it for Windsor, a week after arrival. Went to the top of St Paul's. Eeached Windsor on the 9 th August. Charmed with it. Met the Royal Family walking on the terrace every evening, and admired the King in his conversation with her uncle and aunt, and his interest (and that of the 68 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. Princesses) in the children of her nncle and aunt. From the terrace above watches the Queen driving a phaeton with four white ponies in the Lower Park, and is charmed witli the fairy-like scene ; is taken country drives, and to see races, and to several balls. Describes the Windsor cloisters.] In December 1792 Wordsworth had again reached London. He doubtless went to his eldest brother Richard's house, the solicitor. His sister writes from Forncett, December 22: "William is in London. He writes to me regularly." He seems to have gone down to Forncett almost immedi- ately, for Dorothy speaks in a letter (June 16, 1793)* of liis having spent Christmas there, and of their daily walks in the garden of the Eectory. Here doubtless it was that the publication of The Evening Walk, dedicated to his sister, was talked of and definitely decided. It is extremely likely that it was copied out for press by her ; and it must have been published early in 1793, for on February 16th she writes to Miss Pollard of a review of the book. Wordsworth's movements during the earlier months of 1793 are not easily traced. Probably the publication of The Evening Walk and Descriptive Sketches occupied him a good deal in London. Mr Myers, on the evidence of an MS. letter of Dorothy Wordsworth's, thinks that these poems were published in 1792; but this letter has no date appended to it by the writer, except " Forncett, February 16," and internal evidence shows that it was written in 1793. Besides, the first edition of the poems are dated, and speak for themselves. The work of seeing these earliest volumes through the press would take some time. But Wordsworth also says that, now a " patriot of the world," he could not at once return to his * See p. 8(). LONDON : FRANCE : THE REVOLUTION. 69 former " tuneful haunts." He found London excited over the question of negro emancipation ; but that seemed to him a small question, compared with the vast problem now being wrought out in France, and one that would easily solve itself, if the larger question was first disposed of. Of the political situation he wrote thus to his friend Mathews : " I disapprove of monarchical and aristocratical governments, however modified. Hereditary distinctions, and privileged orders of every species, I think, must neces- sarily counteract the progress of human improvement. Hence it follows, that I am not among the admirers of the British constitution. I conceive that a more excellent system of civil policy might be established among us ; yet in my ardour to attain the goal, I do not forget the nature of the ground where the race is to be run. The destruction of those institutions which I condemn, appears to me to be hastening on too rapidly. / recoil from the very idea of a revolution. I am a determined enemy to every species of violence. I see no connection, but what the obstinacy of pride and ignorance renders necessary, between justice and the sword, — between reason and bonds. I deplore the miserable condition of the French, and think that we can only be guarded from the same scourge by the undaunted efforts of good men. ... I severely condemn all inflamma- tory addresses to the passions of men. I know that the multitude walk in darkness. I would put into each man's hands a lantern, to guide him ; and not have him to set out upon his journey depending for illumination on abortive flashes of lightning, or the coruscations of transitory meteors." * A much more remarkable letter, however, was the one which he wrote when in London to the Bishop of Landaff, on the subject of the Eevolution in France, — an essay in the * See Memoirs, L, p. 71). 70 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. form of a letter. This letter is alluded to in the Bishop of Lincoln's Memoirs of his nncle, but it was not published till 1876, when Mr Grossart edited the Prose Works of the poet. It is so remarkable as to warrant a detailed reference to it. Bishop Waters, of the See of Landaff, had preached a sermon in 1785, which he published in January 1793, with an Appendix — issued also separately — entitled, " Strictures on the French Eevolution, and the British Constitution, &c., &c." The advertisement of such a work would naturally awaken the curiosity, and wliet the intellectual appetite of a youth of twenty-three, just returned from the stirring,' scenes in Paris. Its perusal stirred him to the very depths. It revived the intense republican feeling, awakened in tlie Orleans woods by Beaupuis, and led him to address the Bishop in a letter, which is equally remarkable for its insight, and its outspoken directness. The title of Wordsworth's reply is " A letter to the Bishop of Landaff on the extraordinary avowal of his Political Principles, contained in the appendix to his late sermon, by a Eepublican ! " The force of its reasoning is great, but its chief interest is a biographical one. It shows us how clearly, after he left France, Wordsworth grasped the higher but unconscious aims of the revolutionary movement, detaching them from the acts of the men who were its too enthusiastic leaders — "blind leaders of the blind," who accordingly " both fell into the ditch," — and how he could look beneath the frenzy and the horror that attended it. It is the best evidence we possess, not only ot^ the way in which the revolutionary movement fascinated Wordsworth, by its promise of " liberty, equality, fraternity," but also of his insight into the principle which underlay it, — a principle to wliich he clung to the last, even when borne back on the full tide of a healthy conservative re- LONDON : FRANCE : THE REVOLUTION. 7 1 action. In many things Wordsworth remained a radical to the end ; a conservative radical let us say, (or a radical-con- servative), but still an advocate for the inalienable rights of the people. We shall have abundant evidence of this, as we proceed. It would probably have been useless for Wordsworth to have signed, and published this "Letter," in 1793. We do not know — as in the case of Hume's celebrated letter written in boyhood to his " Physician," if he ever sent it to the Bishop ; or, if so, if it was signed ; and, if signed, if it received an acknowledgment in answer. Had he printed it, it would certainly have led him into distracting and un- profitable controversy. He begins Ms " Letter " by taunting the Bishop of Lan- daf!' for deserting the popular cause ; and referring to Addison's allegoric "Vision of Mirza " — which, by the way, the poet had been translating into Italian during his last year at Cambridge — he pictures the Bishop rather boldly, as falling through one of the trap doors in the bridge into the waters of oblivion. He speaks of the " idle cry of modish lamentation, which has resounded from the court to the cottage," over the late royal martyr (Louis XVI.) ; and regrets that, " at a period big with the fate of the human race," the Bishop should attach so much importance to the fate of the French king. " I flatter myself," he adds, " I am not alone, even in this Icingdom, when I wisli tliut it may please the Almighty, neither by the liands of his priests nor his nobles, to raise his posterity to the throne of his ancestors." He admits the horrors perpetrated in the name of Liberty ; but " have you so little knowledge of the nature of men as to be ignorant that a time of revolution is not tlio season of true Liberty ? Alas ! the obstinacy and perver- sion of man is such that she is too often obhged to borrow the very arms of despotism to overthrow liim ; and, in order to reign in peace, must establish herself by vioKnice. SIic 72 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. deplores such stern necessity, but the safety of the people, her supreme necessity, is her consolation. This apparent contradiction between the principles of Liberty and the march of Eevolutions ; this spirit of jealousy, of severity, of disquietude, of vexation, indispensable from a state of war between the oppressors and oppressed, must of necessity confuse the ideas of morality, and contract the best affec- tions of the human heart." Eef erring to the fate of the French priesthood, he says it is some consolation that " a part of their prodigious mass of riches is gone to preserve from famine some thousands of cures who were pining in villages unobserved by courts." He "proceeds to principles," and boldly defends the Republic. In adopting it, the French people only exercised " that right in which liberty essentially resides." He is surprised that the Bishop should think of " dictating to the world a servile adoption of the British constitution." He quotes, with scorn, the Bishop's own wise sentence : " In a Republic the bulk of the people are deceived with a show of liberty. They live in it under the most odious of all tyrannies — the tyranny of their equals." He proceeds to trace the root of human misery, and the evils which deso- late States, to the fact that the Governors have interests distinct from the governed ; and he infers that whatever tends " to identify the two must also, in the same degree, promote the general welfare." He advocates universal suffrage, and a brief tenure of office on the part of every legislator, because our best guarantee for the virtue of office exists when the private citizen knows that "to-morrow he may either smart under the oppression, or bless the justice of the law which he has enacted to-day." He defends the insight of the masses, and pleads for their extended education. He maintains that if the laws of a country proceeded from the general will of the people, much LONDON : FRANCE : THE REVOLUTION. 73 less force would be needed to secure obedience to them. He objects to regal government, from its instability ; and boldly affirms that from the " eternal nature of man " the office of King is a trial to which human virtue is not equal ; and, while admitting that the end of government cannot be secured without some members of society commanding, and others obeying, he thinks that nothing will check the abuses of power so much, as when " the person in whom authority has been lodged occasionally descends to the level of private citizen ; he will learn from it a wholesome lesson, and the people will be less liable to confound the person with the power." He admits that there are inequalities inseparable from civil society, but denounces the "unnatural monster of primogeniture," and objects to those " badges of fictitious superiority," such as stars, ribbons, garters, &c. Even titles are " outrages done to tlie dignity of our nature." " He who to-day merits the civic wreath may to-morrow deserve the Tarpeian rock ; " and, when titles descend, successors sometimes abuse them, while labour is dishonoured. The Bishop had said that the people of these islands were " in the possession of both liberty and equality." Wordsworth tells him that " acquiescence is not choice, obedience is not free- dom," and that every man denied the suffrage in Great Britain was a Helot. He quotes Burke's statement about the perpetual obligations of the Constitution, which he calls a " dead parchment," and tells the Bishop that he is " aiming an arrow at Liberty and Philosophy, the eyes of the human race." At the close of his letter, referring to the Bishop's defence of Liberty, and his silence about Parliamentary Reform, he writes : "In some parts of England it is ([uaiiitly said, when a drunken man is seen reeling towards his liome that he has business on both sides of the road. Observing your Lordship's tortuous path, the spectators will be far from 74 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. insinuating that you have partaken of Mr Burke's intoxicat- ing bowl. They will content themselves — shaking their heads as you stagger along — with remarking that you have business on both sides of the road." And yet Wordsworth himself had business, and very im- portant business, " on both sides of the road." He was already far more eclectic in politics, and in literary art, than he knew. This remarkable letter to the Bishop of Landaff casts a great deal of light, however, on the evolution of his character. I do not think it has received the attention it deserves, while its ability would almost warrant its revival by the advocates of "home rule" I It would not, however, by itself, be a true reflection of the oj)inion and sympathies of the writer. We have seen how much his life at Hawkshead was a com- munal life, how in Cambridge he lived in a sort of republic, how foreign travel with Jones, and subsequent residence alone in France, developed the socialistic side of his nature ; but it was by intuition that he grasped the meaning of the Eevolu- tion, and appreciated its significance, — piercing to what lay heneath it, and was elemental to man ; and, with all its ability and subtlety, its political eloquence and inward fire, there is a strain of " apology " in that letter to the Bishop that is prophetic of reaction about to be. There were two streams of tendency flowing side by side, and at work together, in that wondrous movement of 1792, the one a purely democratic movement, that turned for sup- port to the primal nature and the personal " rights of man," and could therefore ally itself easily with a stream of as pure and thorough conservatism as the world has ever known. The other was a spirit of reactionary uprise against order, of blind wrath and antagonism to those fundamental differ- ences in humanity, which had by time been evolved, and which are at all times radical and inevitable. With the former, Wordsworth liad the fullest sympathy ; with the LONDON : FKANCE : THE REVOLUTION. 75 latter, he had none. But when he tried to vindicate the Revolution in France, by the arguments advanced in this letter, he was drawn for a time unconsciously aside, by the magnetic spell of a tendency which he at heart abjured. A reaction soon set in, and this the subsequent course of events in France itself determined. It came at first as a shock, and then as a terrible blow to Wordsworth, that the promised " liberty, equality, and fraternity " of the movement should issue in tyranny, diversity, and hate. He seems to have endured the pain of this reaction to a large extent in silence. He did not write it down, as he recorded his sympathy with the former movement. But there is no doubt that, during the first year of his return to England, the great problems of the rights of man, of political freedom, of the moral government of the world, and of human destiny haunted him ; and he underwent a struggle in regard to them. We shall see how he emerged from this struggle, how his experience of " despondency " was followed by one of " despondency corrected," and how the influence of his sister especially helped him. Two things, however, are to be noted at this stage. The first may perhaps explain Wordsworth's outburst of indigna- tion in this letter to the Bishop of Landaff. It was the action of England, after the murder of the French King in January 1793, in preparing for war with France, that chiefly roused him. Tlie idea of his own country joining with others to suppress the now insurgent cry for liberty in Europe, and taking the side of the oppressor and the tyrant, fired him with indignation. The second is that it was the action of France, in the day of its newly found freedom, becom- ing unjust and oppressive towards Switzerland, — the old home and bulwark of the liberties of Europe, — that dis- illusionized him, shewing him that the very grossest tyranny might be practised under the specious name of liberty, and 76 LIFE OF WORDSWOKTH. that the very champions of democracy, in levelling all dis- tinctions, might be neither true sons of France, nor genuine citizens of the world, nor friends of the human race.* The disappointment he underwent was, in the truest sense, an education to him. It shewed him the intellectual and moral root of the illusion, that had blinded Ins eye for a time, when France seemed to be " Standing on the top of golden hours," and when he wrote of it — " Bliss was it in that dawn to be alive, But to be young, was heaven." To see the illusion that lay within the brilliant promise of that time, and yet to be made neither wildly reactionary in opinion, nor reckless in act, nor disconsolate and hopeless of the future, — in this Wordsworth stands in marked contrast with many of his contemporaries. One great lesson it taught him, more than it taught any of the rest, viz. this, how out of evil good may come, and be more signally evolved because of the disasters that have preceded it. It is one of the ideas with which his later poems are full, that the loftiest good, alike to the individual and to the race, is being constantly developed out of the most terrible disaster, by a process hidden to our eyes, yet veri- fiable both in personal and in national experience. We owe a great deal of this later teaching to the experience which Wordsworth passed through, in France in 1792, and in England in 1793. It must also be remembered that what Wordsworth sympatliized with — while in France, and on his return — was rather the wave of national enthusiasm, the glad uprise of the suppressed instinct of freedom, and its outcome, " Joy in widest commonalty spread," * Compare the ThanJcsfjiv'mg Odt, the Invocation to the Earth, &c., and all the sonnets dedicated to Liberty. LONDON : FRANCE : THE REVOLUTION. 77 tlian any intellectual doctrine as to " the rights of man," the formulated creed of the democracy. It was because he saw, (or thought he saw), by intuition, that the Central Heart of the universe beats in sympathy with the joy of each separate human heart, and reveals itself thus, that he sympathized with the movement to whicli he was a temporary convert ; and this remained with him — this faith in the destiny of the individual, and of the race — when his " defection " from republicanism was pronounced. The truth is, Wordsworth never sympathized with the formal or rational " system " of democratic thought. He seized the movement, or rather a fragment of it, by intuition ; and he partly idealized its other sides, with which — presented in prosaic literalness — he had no sympathy. And when, to attain an end with which he sympathized, dubious means, or means unrighteous, were adopted and defended, — when, e.g., the Revolution swept before it not only the evils of the past, but the barriers against evil in the present, and created new ones of its own, his vivid emotional sympathy with it received a check, and finally died away. The truth is, that Wordsworth became a radical at the most susceptible age, and ceased to be one at the age when conviction usually takes deepest root. The consequence is that, in his maturer poems, we have such a sympathy with democratic aspirations, as every wise con- servative will endorse ; tempered by such an aversion to its revolutionary outcome, as every wise liberal must hail. The " Sonnets dedicated to Liberty " are amongst his very finest, but it is easy to see how the author of these Sonnets could afterwards write the Thanksgiving Ode. Special interest attaches to the change in Wordsworth's attitude towards the French Eevolution, 'from the references made to it, first by a contemporary, and then by a subsequent poet, by Shelley and by Browning. Shelley addressed a Sonnet to Wordsvvortli, in which, 78 LIFE OF WOKDSWORTH. — referring to the lament in the Ode on Immortality that tilings pass away never to return — he applies it thus : — " Thou hast like to a rock -built refuge stood Above the blind and battling multitude, In honoured poverty thy voice did weave Songs consecrate to Truth and Liberty. Deserting them, thou leaveth me to grieve, Thus, having been, that thou shouldst cease to be." And Browning wrote, in his lyric on The Lost Leader : — " We that had loved him so, followed him, honoured him, Lived in his mild and magnificent eye, Learned his great language, caught his clear accents. Made him our pattern to live and to die ! Shakespeare was of us, Milton was for us, Burns, Shelley, were with us — they watch from their graves. He alone breaks from the van and the freedmen. He alone sinks to the rear and the slaves ! " He laments, in the second stanza, that this wonderful " sinking to the rear," and identifying himself with the radical interests and aspirations of mankind, had ceased — with this result that a new wrong had been done to the human race. Browning had been often asked who " the Lost Leader" was, and in a letter to the editor of the Prose Works of Wordsworth, he says that in his youth he did " use the great and venerated personality of Words- worth as a sort of painter's model ; one from which this or the other particular feature may be selected and turned to account; had I intended more, above all such a boldness as portraying the entire man, I should not have talked about ' handfuls of silver and bits of ribbon.' " Therefore he could not allow his picture of the " change of politics in the great poet " — while he considered that defection an event to be deplored — to be " the vera effigies of such a moral and intel- lectual superiority." The late Baron Field — in an unpublished sketch of LONDON : FRANCE : THE REVOLUTION. 79 Wordsworth's life, written iu 1836 — hazarded the remark: " Wordsworth's poetry is essentially democratic." The MS. was submitted to the poet, and he wrote in pencil opposite this sentence : " I am a lover of liberty, but know that liberty cannot exist apart from Order ; * and the opinions in favour of aristocracy found in my works, the latter ones especially, all arise out of the consciousness I have that, in the present state of human knowledge, and its probable state for some ages, order cannot, and therefore liberty cannot be maintained, without degrees. It is pride and presumption, and not a real love of liberty, which has made the French and the Americans so enamoured of what they call equality." ..." I am a Eeformer ; only my views of ' Eeform ' differ greatly from Mr Hazlitt's." Two letters from Dorothy to her friend cast light on her brother's movements, and her own, at this stage. "FoRNCETT, February 16^/<, 1/93. " Your letter found me happy in the society of one of my dear brothers. Christopher and I have been separated for nearly five years last Christmas. Judge then of my trans- ports at meeting him again. . . . He is like William. He has the same traits in his character, but less highly touched. He is not so ardent in any of his pursuits, but is yet more particularly attached to the same pursuits which have so irresistible an influence over William, which deprive him of the power of chaining his attention to others discordant to his feelings. Christopher is no despicable poet, but he can become a mathematician also. He is not insensible to the beauty of the Greek and Latin classics, or any of the charms of elegant literature ; but he can draw his mind from these * Compare Madame Eoland's words at the foot of the scaffold, looking toward the statue of Liberty: "0 Liberty, what things arc done in thy name ! " 80 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. fascinating studies, to others less alluring. He is steady and sincere in liis attachments. William has both these virtues in an eminent degree ; and a sort of violence of affection, if I may so term it, wliich demonstrates itself every moment of the day, when the objects of his affection are present with him, in a thousand almost imperceptible attentions to their wishes, in a sort of restless watchfulness which I know not how to describe, a tenderness that never sleeps, and at the same time such a delicacy of manners as I have observed in few men." . . , [She then expresses a hope that her friend will one day be better acquainted with W., and talks of plans for receiving her " in my little parsonage."] " I hope you will spend at least a year with me. I have laid the particular scheme of happiness for each season. When I think of winter, I hasten to furnish our little parlour. I close the shutters, set out the tea- table, brighten the lire. When our refreshment is ended, I produce our work, and William brings his book to our table, and contributes at once to our instruction and amusement ; and at intervals we lay aside the book, and each hazard our observations upon what has been read, without the fear of ridicule or censure. We talk over past days. We do not sigh for any pleasures beyond our humble habitation. With such romantic dreams as these I amuse my fancy. . . . My brother and I have been endeared to each other by early misfortune. We in the same moment lost a father, a mother, a home. We have been equally deprived of our patrimony. . . . These afflictions have all contributed to unite us closer by the bonds of affection, notwithstanding we have been compelled to spend our youth far asunder. ' We drag at each remove a lengthening chain.' This idea often strikes me very forcibly. Neither absence, nor dis- tance, nor time, can ever break the chain that links me to my brothers. ... By this time you have doubtless LONDON : FRANCE : THE REVOLUTION. 81 seen my brother "William's poems.* . . . The scenes which he describes have been viewed with a poet's eye, and are pourtrayed with a poet's pencil, and the poems contain many passages exquisitely beautiful ; but they also contain many faults, the chief of which is obscurity, and a too frequent use of some particular expressions and uncommon words, for instance moveless, which he applies in a sense if not new, at least different from its ordinary one. By moveless, when applied to the swan, he means that sort of motion which is smooth, without agitation ; it is a very beautiful epithet, but ought to have been cautiously used. He ought, at any rate, only to have hazarded it once, instead of which it occurs three or four times. The word vieivless also is introduced far too often. This, though not so uncommon a word as the former, ought not to have been made use of more than once or twice. I regret exceedingly that he did not submit these works to the inspection of some friend before their publica- tion, and he also joins with me in this regret. Their faults are such as a young poet was most likely to fall into, and least likely to discover, and what the suggestions of a friend would easily have made him see, and at once correct. It is, however, an error he will never fall into again. . . , My brother Kit and I, while he was at Forncett, amused our- selves by analysing every line, and prepared a very bulky criticism, which he was to transmit to William as soon as he could have added to it the remarks of a Cambridge friend. At the conclusion of The Evening Walk I think you would be pleased with these lines — " ' Thus Hope, first pouring,' " &c. [She refers to the picture of their small cottage on the horizon of hope, but realises the "dark and broad gulf of time " between.*] * See The Hveninj Walk: IX. F 82 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. " There are some very glaring faults, but I hope that you will discover many beauties, which could only have been created by the imagination of a ])oct" The following undated letter of Miss "Wordsworth's, addressed to the same friend. Miss Pollard, evidently belongs to the year 1793, and was written at Forncett. "The evening is a lovely one, and I have strolled into a neighbouring meadow, where I am enjoying the melody of birds, and the busy sounds of a fine summer's evening, while my eye is gratified by a smiling prospect of cultivated fields richly wooded, our own church, and the parsonage house." [She laments her solitude, but anticipates the time when she and her brother William will be together and have Miss Pollard for guest.] " He is now going upon a tour to the West of England, along with a gentleman who was formerly a schoolfellow,* a man of fortune, who is to bear all the expense of the journey, and only requests the favour of William's company." [She describes her brother's appearance]: "his person is not in his favour," " he is certainly rather plain ; otherwise has an extremely thoughtful coun- tenance." ..." My brother's tour will not be completed till October." ..." This favourite brother of mine happens to be no favourite with any of his near relations, except his brothers, by whom he is adored, I mean by John and Christopher." . . . She speaks of the prejudices " of my two uncles against my dear William ; tlie subject is an un- pleasant one." " He has been somewhat to blame, yet I think excuse might have been found in his natural dis- position. " ' lu truth he was a strange and wayward wight,' &c. That verse of Beattie's Minstrel always reminds me of him * William Calvert. LONDON : FRANCE : THE REVOLUTION. 83 and indeed the whole character of Edwin resembles much what William was when I first knew him, after leaving Halifax. " ' And oft he traced the uplands,' " &c., &c. [She quotes a part of a letter fiom her brother to herself, in which he speaks of " that sympathy which will almost identify us, when we have stolen to our little cottage."] In another letter Wordsworth speaks of accepting Cal- vert's offer,* and says to his sister, " Write, as I have written this letter, at twenty different sittings or standings, when- ever you find a moment to yourself." * I.e., the offer that he should defray all the expenses of the tour. OHAPTEK YI. UNSETTLEMENT : WANDERINGS IN AVALES AND CUMBEK- LAND ; ETC. WoEDSWOETH Went from London to the Isle of Wight for a month in the summer of 1793, with his friend, William Calvert. They saw the English fleet in the Solent, preparing for expected war. Every evening, as the sunset cannon was fired at Portsmouth, it roused in his mind visions of possible disaster, or of long-continued misery in store for the world. Leaving the Isle of Wight, — and (writing of it in 1842) he says it was "with melancholy forebodings" * that he did so, — he drove with Calvert through the New Forest to Salisbury. An accident occurring there, put a stop to their intended tour. Their carriage was wrecked in a ditch, Calvert went to the north on horseback, and Wordsworth walked, via Bristol, through South Wales, and thence onwards to the house of his other Welsh friend, Jones. Before leaving Salis- bury, however, he spent three days among " the wilds of Sarum's Plain." Hanging over the trackless pastoral downs, or along the bare white roads, he strove to realise the state of matters in the Druid time. He saw in imagination the ancestral past, the primitive Britons in wolf-skin vests striding across the wold, and sacrificial altars flaming in the darkness. He traced the circle of Stonehenge, and seemed to see the long - bearded Teachers with white wands, pointing alternately to the sky, and to the mighty * Sea tlie " Advertisement " to Gvilt and Sorrow, 1S42. UNSETTLEMENT : WANDERINGS : ETC. 85 Stones, arranged by them to represent their knowledge of the heavens. His Salisbury wanderings, during these three (lays, gave rise to the poem which he first called Tlie Female Vagrant, but afterwards Guilt and Soroviv, or Incidents on Sarwii Plain* From Salisbury he proceeded on foot to Bath, thence to Bristol, next to the Wye, to Tinteru Abbey, and on to Wales. This solitary visit to the Wye is referred to at the beginning of the Lines addressed to Tintern Abbey, in 1798. From Tintern he went up the river to Goodrich, and there, in the ruined courtyard of the old castle, he met the little girl, who persisted in reckoning her dead brothers as still in the family circle.! He went from Goodrich through South Wales, and thence to the house of his friend Jones, at Plas-yn-llan. The very practical question of his own future, which had often been before him, had now to be faced, and, if possible, settled. Being twenty-three years of age, he could now have taken orders, if he chose. But he felt no vocation to do so, and his sense of duty would not permit him to become a clergyman merely to obtain a means of livelihood, or with a view to some future preferment. His sister shared his anxieties, and wrote thus to Miss Pollard : — " FoRNCETT, June 16, Sunday Mormng, 1793. I cannot foresee the day of my felicity, the day on which I am once more to find a home under the same roo' as my brother. All is still obscure and dark. You remember the enthusiasm with which we used to be fired, when in the back kitchen, the croft, or in any of our favourite haunts, we built our little Tower of Joy. . . . * See the "Advertisement" to Guilt and Sorrow, 1842. t See We are Seven, 86 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. Let us never forget these days. ... I often hear from my dear brother William. I am very anxious "about him just now, as he has not yet got an employment. He is looking- out, and wishing for the opportunity of engaging himself as tutor to some young gentleman, an office for which he is peculiarly well qualified. ... I cannot describe his atten- tion to me. There was no pleasure that he would not have given up with joy for half an hour's conversation with me. It was in winter (at Christmas) that he was last at Forncett ; and every day, as soon as we rose from dinner, we used to pace the gravel walk in the garden till six o'clock, when we received a summons (which was always welcome) to tea. Nothing but rain or snow prevented our taking this walk. Often have I gone out, when the keenest north wind has been whistling amongst the trees over our head, and have paced that walk in the garden, which will always be dear to me — from the remembrance of those very long con- versations I have had upon it supported by my brother's arm. Ah ! I never thought of the cold when he was with me. I am as heretical as yourself in my opinions concerning love and friendship. I am very sure that love will never bind me closer to any human being than friendship binds me to you my earliest friends, and to William my earliest and my dearest male friend. . . ." The most of the autumn of 1793 was spent with Jones. With liini he renewed his wanderings on foot in North Wales, traversing much the same ground as Coleridge did with a friend in the following year on a pedestrian tour. At this time, Coleridge was at Cambridge, and the two men had not yet met. Coleridge's own account of his first knowledge of Words- worth's poems is given in the Biograpliia Literaria, chap. iv. " During the last year of my residence at Cambridge, 1794, I UNSETTLEMENT : WANDERINGS : ETC. 87 became acquainted with Mr Wordsworth's first publication * entitled DescriiJtive Shetches, and seldom, if ever, was the emergence of an original poetic genius above the literary- horizon more evidently announced," The earliest authentic notice of Coleridge's knowledge of Wordsworth occurs in the Cambridge Diary of Christopher Wordsworth, the poet's brother, afterwards master of Trinity, extracts from which are published by his grandson, in his Social Life at the English Universities in the eighteenth century. In that diary the following is recorded : — " Tuesday, Nov. 5, 1793. — Round about nine o'clock by Bilsbarrow and Le Grice, with a proposal to become member of a literary society : the members they mentioned as having already come into the plan, [S. T.] Coleridge, Jcs., Setter- thwiate. Rough, and themselves, Trin. Coll., and Franklin, Petribroke. . . . Was to have gone to Coleridge's to wine to consult on the plan. . . . Got all into a box, and (having met with the Monthly Review of my Brother's Poems) entered into a good deal of literary and critical conversation on Dr Darwin, Miss Seward, Mrs Smith, Bowles, and my Brother. Coleridge spoke of the esteem in which my Brother was holden by a society at Exeter, of which Down- man and Hole were members, as did Bilsbarrow (which he had before told me), of his repute with Dr Darwin, Miss Seward, &c., at Derby. . . . Saturday, 9. — . . . No author ought, I think, without he enters the world with considerable advantages, to begin with publishing a very elaborate work, however, not a work upon which tastes may very considerably vary, e.g., my * It may have been "first," — preceding The Evening Walk, — but ym have no evidence. The first (quarto edition of each poem, published in 1793, refers to the other as "by the same author." It is not unworthy of note that both tliese early quarto publications were by Johnson, the pub- lisher and friend of Cowper, who brought out the first edition of The Tank only nine years earlier, viz., in 1784. as LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. Br[other]'s Poems. If he had had his reputation raised by some less important and more popular poems, it would have insured from petty critics a different reception to his Descriptive Sketches, and Evening WcdTc." — (p. 590.) With Jones in Denbighshire he doubtless often dis- cussed his future prospects. In the beginning of the following year he left Wales, and we find him first as far north as Armathwaite, near Keswick, living with the Speddings. In February he went to the Rawsons, at Mill House, Hahfax. Mrs Rawson was the Miss Thelkeld, to whose care his sister Dorothy had been handed over after she left Penrith ; and it was partly to meet his sister, and discuss their prospects, that he went to Halifax, where he spent four weeks. While at Mill House he gave Mr Rawson's nephew lessons in French. In a letter to Mathews, February I7th, 1794, Words- worth says : " My sister is under the same roof with me ; indeed, it was to see her that I came into this country. I have been doing nothing, and still continue to do nothing. What is to become of me I know not." He adds that he has determined not to enter the Church ; and, " as for the Law, I have neither strength of mind, purse, or constitution, to engage in that pursuit." * In this state of suspense as to his future, the brother and sister started on one of those delightful walks, — so many of which they afterwards took together, — partly to talk over their future, partly to visit friends with whom they might further discuss it, partly to see if they could find a fit spot where they might settle down. Their mode of travelling was delightfully simple and unencumbered. They took coach, in the first instance, from Halifax to Kendal, there com- * See Memoirs, vol. i. p. 82. His three brothers had all made up their minds as to their future long before William could make up his. He was nuw twenty-tliree years of age. UNSETTLEMENT : WANDERINGS : ETC. 89 luenced their walk, and they went on foot to Grasmere, from Grasmere to Keswick, from Keswick to Cockermouth, and from Cockermouth to Whitehaven. Of this tour his sister wrote thus to a friend : " After having enjoyed the company of my brother William at Halifax, we set forward by coach towards Whitehaven, and thence to Kendal. I walked with my brother at my side, from Kendal to Grasmere, eighteen miles, and afterwards from Grasmere to Keswick, fifteen miles, through the most de- lightful country that was ever seen. We are now at a farm- house, about half a mile from Keswick. When I came, I intended to stay only a few days ; but the country is so de- lightful, and, above all, I have so full an enjoyment of my brother's company, that I have determined to stay a few weeks longer. After I leave Windybrow " (this is the name of the farm-house), " I shall proceed to Whitehaven." '"" Again to Miss Pollard, from the same place, she gives details of their life, and describes the Keswick scenery. William Calvert had evidently told them they might remain at Windybrow, till there appeared some definite prospect of remunerative work. Windybrow farm was on the flank of Latrigg, under Skiddaw. " Windy Brow, near Keswick [1794]. " Since I wrote to I walked from Grasmere to Keswick, 13 miles, and at Keswick I still remain. I liave been so mucli delighted with the people of this house, with its situation, with the cheapness of living, and above all with the opportunity which I have of enjoying my brother's company, that although on my arrival I only talked of staying a few days, I have already been here above a fortnight, and intend staying still a few weeks longer, perhaps three or four. You cannot conceive anything more delightful than the situation * See Memoim, vol. i. p. 82. 90 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. of tliis liouse. It stands upon the top of a very steep bank, which rises in a direction nearly perpendicular from a dashing stream below. From the window of the room where I write, I have a prospect of the wood winding along the opposite banks of this river, of a part of the Lake of Keswick and the town, and towering above the town a woody steep of a very considerable height, whose summit is a long range of silver rocks. This is the view from the house, but a hundred yards above it is impossible to describe its grandeur. There is a natural terrace along the side of the mountain, which shelters Windy brow, whence we com- mand a view of the whole vale of Keswick (the Vale of Elysium, as Mr Gray calls it). This vale is terminated at one end by a huge pile of grand mountains, in whose lap the lovely lake of Derwent is placed ; at the other end by the lake of Bassenthwaite, on one side of which Skiddaw towers sublime, and on the other a range of mountains, not of equal size, but of much grandeur ; and the middle part of the vale is of beautiful cultivated grounds, interspersed with cottages, and watered by a winding stream which runs between the Lakes of Derwent and Bassenthwaite. I have never been more delighted with the manners of any people than of the family under whose roof I am at present. They are the most honest, sensible people I ever saw in their rank of life, and I think I may safely affirm, happier than any- body I know. They are contented with a supply of the bare necessaries of life, are active and industrious, and declare with simple frankness, unmixed with ostentation, that they prefer their cottage at Windy Brow to any of the .showy edifices in the neighbourhood, and they believe that there is not to be found in the whole vale a happier family than they are. They are fond of reading, and reason not indifferently on what they read. We have a neat parlour to ourselves, which Mr Calvert has fitted up for his own UNSETTLEMENT : WANDERINGS : ETC. 9 1 use, and the lodging-rooms are very comfortable. Till my brother gets some employment he will lodge here. Mr Calvert is not now at "Windy Brow, as you will suppose. We please ourselves in calculating from our present expenses for how very small a sum we could live. We find our own food. Our breakfast and supper are of milk, and our dinner chiefly of potatoes, and we drink no tea. We have received great civilities from many very pleasant families, particularly from a Mr Spedding of Armathwaite, at whose house you may recollect my brother was staying before he went to Halifax. Mr Spedding has two daughters, who are in every respect charming women. . . . They live in the most delightful place that ever was beheld. We have been staying there three nights. . . . William is very intimate with the eldest son." Nothing being determined as to their future, they left Keswick in May, and went by Cockermouth to Wliitehaven, on a visit to their uncle, Eichard Wordsworth, There the idea of some conjoint literary labour with Mathews in London took definite shape, and Wordsworth proposed to him that they should start a Monthly Magazine, literary and political, in which " he would communicate critical remarks on poetry, the arts of painting, gardening, &c., besides essays on morals and politics." " I am at present," he adds, " nearly at leisure — I say nearly, for I am not quite so, as I am correcting, and considerably adding to, those poems which I published in your absence.* It was with great reluctance that I sent those two little works into the world in so im- perfect a state. But as I had done nothing by wliicli to distinguish myself at the university, I tliought tliese little things might show that I could do something. Tliey have been treated with unmerited contempt by some of the * The Eoening Walk and Descriptive Sketches. -'2 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. periodicals, and others have spoken in higher terms of them than they deserve." This letter is interesting as a sign of his own dissatis- faction with his youthful poems. Next month — June 1794 — writing from the same place, he forwarded to Mathews a prospectus of the proposed Magazine, which he suggested should be called " The Philan- THEOPIST, a monthly Miscellany." In politics it was to be republican, but not revolutionary.* This project failed, as well it might. Mathews was already a journalist ; but no wise publisher would have started a new Magazine, and entrusted it to the care of a couple of adventurers, one of them a raw recruit in journalism seeking a sphere, but wholly unpractised in the art of writing for tlie press. It is interesting, however, to note, that in the prospectus sent up to Mathews, Wordsworth proposed to popularize the magazine by criticisms on gardening, as well as poetry and art. He knew the principles of landscape garden- ing well ; as the groimds of Eydal, Foxhow, Hallsteads, and, above all, the winter garden at Coleorton abundantly attest. His relatives soon began to be more than disappointed that he could not find a sphere of work. They knew, and had daily evidence of his ability ; but they thought that he had been recently wasting his time. Before returning to William Calvert's house at Windy- brow, he must have wandered on foot alone, or with his sister, over other parts of Cumberland, Westmoreland, and Lanca- shire, during that autvmm of 1794. I think there is evi- dence that he crossed fi'om Whitehaven to the Isle of Man, and remained there for a month. " I was thy neighbour once, thou rugged Pile ! Four summer weeks I dwelt in sight of thee," t he says in the Stanzas suggested hj a picture of Peeh * See Memoirs, vol. i. p. 83. t See vol. iii. p. 45. UNSETTLEMENT : WANDERINGS : ETC. 93 Castle in a storm. There is no subsequent year in which that month can be placed so fittingly as this one. No record of these wanderings survives ; but in the tenth book of The Prelude, he tells us he was crossing the Ulverston sands when he heard the news of the fall of Eobespierre, Robespierre was guillotined on the 28th of July, and it must have been on one of the early days of August that he had gone, probably after a visit to Hawkshead, to see the grave of his old master in the grammar school, William Taylor, who had died eight years before, and was buried at Cartmell. At Ulverston, the tide being out, the customary crowd of travellers, on foot and in carriages, was crossing the sands ; and while Wordsworth paused in admiration of the sight, the foremost of the band advancing cried out, " Eobespierre is dead." So great was his joy, that he poured forth what he called a " hymn of triumph." It was during this autumn that a reaction set in, and developed itself, in Wordsworth's mind, against the demo- cratic movement in France with which, in 1792, he had been in fullest sympathy. The whole process is traced for us, with singular felicity of autobiographical analysis, in the eleventh book of The Prelude. It is done so well, that it is at least possible that future students of the period will have more interest — they will have some difficulty — in tracing out the numerous allusions, in those condensed pages of The Prelude, to the passing events of the time, than in searching for the facts in the journals of the day. He still believed that the fresh intuitions of his youth (which were in sympathy with the radical movement) were truer, or at least a more trustworthy guide to him, than the prosaic counsels of conservative tradition. He lamented the policy of the government of the day, inspired by a fear of revolu- tion in England.* But, pondering the large question of * See Note, vol. iii. p. 350. 9-1 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. " the rule and management of nations," — whether their pros- perity hinges altogether on their laws, — he saw cause modify some of the opinions he had embraced at the dawn of the revolutionary movement in France. Mathews gave him no encouragement in the notion of their starting a monthly Magazine together, but told his friend that if he came up to town he would easily get work on the metropolitan press. He seems to have made up his mind at last, that it would be the best thing for him to make such a venture; and, on the 7th November 1794, having returned to his friend Calvert's house at Windybrow, Keswick, he writes to Mathews : — " You say a newspaper would be glad of me. Do you think you could insure me employment in that way, on terms similar to your own ? I mean, also, in an Opposition Paper, for I cannot abet, in the smallest degree, the measures pursued by the present ministry. They are already so deeply advanced in iniquity? that, like Macbeth, they cannot retreat. When I express myself in this manner, I am far from reprobating those whose sentiments differ from my own ; I know that many good men are persuaded of the expediency of the present war. . . . You would probably see that my brother ^" has been honoured with two college declamation prizes. This goes towards a fellowship, which I hope he will obtain, and am sure he will merit. He is a lad of talents, and in- dustrious withal. This same industry is a good old Eoman quality, and nothing is to be done without it." t The notion that he might become a journalist was not seriously entertained by Wordsworth ; or, if the idea ever crossed the horizon of his mind as a possibility, a true instinct led him to abandon it, as soon as the means * Christopher, then au under-gradiiate of Trinity College, Cambridge, t See Memoirs, vol. i. p. So. UNSETTLEMENT : WANDERINGS : ETC. 9 5 of frugal livelihood were otherwise within his reach. He wrote slowly, and disliked the task of writing at all. How he afterwards came to write so many letters to so many friends — and some of them of such length and elaborateness — is a mystery to those who know his intense aversion to the physical labour of correspondence. To sit down before a writing desk was to him like taking a seat on a penance- stool. Then his prose style — though at times rising to heights of austere beauty, even of grandeur, and incisive power — was, as a rule, heavy and dull ; sometimes indeed it was exceedingly commonplace. It lacked the sparkle, the terseness, the verve, the light touch, and the humour that are the requisites of a good newspaper style. It is curious to speculate on the kind of Wordsworth the world would have had, if, by stress of circumstances, he had devoted himself, even for a few years, to the miscel- laneous vocation of a pressman, and toiled as Samuel Taylor Coleridge did. Poems, wrung with new intensity from the wine-press of experience, and with some wilder ethereal flights? Perhaps. It is impossible to say. In any case I believe he would have kept himself well in hand. We should have had nothing of Burns's experience, or of Byron's to record. The mention of Burns recalls a supposed meeting of the two bards, suggested by a poet and literary critic of our time, whose name need not be given. The tw^o men meet, at a time and place when conviviality was most natural, and pledge each other with enthusiasm, but with due sobriety, when Burns is supposed to rise, and ask the bard of Eydal to " Tak a cup o' kindness yet For auld langsyne." To whom Wordsworth, replying, says, " Mr Burns, don't you think we've had enough ! " Waiting on at Keswick for a reply from Mathews, ho 06 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. had a sad duty to discharge. Raisley Calvert, the brother of the friend with whom he had travelled in the Isle of Wight, and at whose house he and his sister were guests, had long been delicate. Symptoms of pulmonary disease now showed themselves. Even when writing to Mathews about going up to Town, Wordsworth had said, " I cannot think of quitting him in his present debilitated state." Two months later, writing from Penrith (January 7, 1795), he says: "I have been here for some time. I am still much engaged with my sick friend, and sorry am I to add that he worsens daily. . . . He is barely alive." Soon afterwards Raisley Calvert died. In his will it was found that he had left the sum of £900 to the friend who had nursed him in his illness. This he did, not only as a mark of personal friendship, but because he believed that, if Wordsworth were only free from the pressure of monetary cares, he would write something, in verse or prose, that would benefit the world. Wordsworth's gratitude to his friend prompted the sonnet beginning " Calvert ! it must not be unheard by tbem," * and a passage in the fourteenth book of The Prelude, beginning " A youth , — he bore The name of Calvert." t . . . It was William, not Eaisley Calvert, who was Words- worth's special friend. They were sons of R. Calvert, steward to the Duke of Norfolk. But Raisley knew the difficulty in which his brother's friend was placed, as to finding the means of livelihood. He had doubtless heard the question often discussed by his brother and sisters, and * See vol. iv., p. 40 and note. t See vol. iii., p. 400. UNSETTLEMENT : WANDERINGS: ETC. 97 by Dorothy Wordsworth ; and having the tact to appreciate the genius of his brother's friend, and feeling that his own tenure of life was to be a short one, he generously devised this legacy, on public as well as personal grounds. He had mentioned to Wordsworth himself — a month before the latter wrote to Mathews (asking liim to procure a post for him in the metropolitan press) — his intention to leave him a legacy, but he then spoke of £600. Wordsworth wrote to William Calvert, October 1, 1794, that Raisley meant to set out for the winter to Lisbon, and that he (Wordsworth) had a desire to accompany him, as he was too weak to go alone ; adding that he had bequeathed all his property to William, with the exception of this legacy of £600. The legacy was to be subject to one condition : that on enquiry into the state of the Wordsworth family affairs in London (doubtless corresponding with Eichard, the solicitor, and with Mr Cookson at Windsor), it should seem " advisable to do so." The result of Eaisley's enquiries must have been to shew him that it was specially advisable, for he left, not £600, but £900. He did not live to visit Lisbon. Those who are familiar with the Life of Spinoza, will remember that when Simon de Vries of Amsterdam was dying — of the same malady that carried off Eaisley Calvert — he offered his friend a gift of 2000 florins, just to mark the intellectual debt he owed him, and to add a little to his comfort. Spinoza, accustomed to the most frugal mode of life, declined what would have been a burden rather than a comfort to him. De Vri(!S then made a will, in which he left all liis fortune to Spinoza. Spinoza hearing of this, at once visited de Vries, and remonstrated, reminding him that he had a brother, to whom his fortune would, in course of nature, descend. De Vries consented, only stipulating that his brother should pay a small annuity to Spinoza. IX. G 98 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. This incident has a curious parallel in Calvert's gift to Wordsworth. Wordsworth's sonnet to the memory of Calvert records his own feelings, and is a tribute to his friend's character. In a letter to Sir George Beaumont in 1805, he gives an account of the gift, and of the use he made of it. The fol- lowing is part of that letter :- — " Grasmere, Feh. 20th, 1805. "My Deae Friend, — My father, who was an attorney of considerable eminence, died intestate, when we were chil- dren : and the chief part of his personal property after his decease was expended in an unsuccessful attempt to compel the late Lord Lonsdale to pay a debt of about £5000 to my father's estate. Enough, however, was scraped together to educate us all in different ways. I, the second son, was sent to college with a view to the profession of the church or law ; into one of which I should have been foiced by necessity, had not a friend left me £900. This bequest was from a young man with whom, though I call him friend, I had had but little connection ; and the act was done entirely from a confidence on his part that I had powers and attainments which might be of use to mankind. This I have mentioned, because it was his due, and I thought the fact would give you pleasure. Upon the interest of the £900, £400 being laid out in annuity, with £200 deducted from the principal, and £100 a legacy to my sister, and £100 more which the "Lyrical Ballads" have brought me, my sister and I contrived to live seven years, nearly eight. Lord Lonsdale then died, and the present Lord Lowther paid to my father's estate £8500. Of this sum I believe £1800 apiece will come to my sister and myself; at least, would have come: but £3000 was lent out to our poor UNSETTLEMENT : WANDERINGS: ETC. 99 brother* I mean taken from the whole sum, which was about £1200 more than his share, which £1200 belonged to my sister and me. This £1200 we freely lent him: wliether it was insured or no, I do not know ; but I dare say it will prove to be the case ; we did not however stipu- late for its being insured. But you shall faithfully know all particulars as soon as I have learned them." His course in life was now made clear to him. He gave up the search for a " profession." Calvert's legacy had cleared a passage for him, and now allowed the stream of his ambition to flow as natural instinct led it."j" By dint of strictest economy — to him, as to Spinoza, a luxury — and by joining his sister, and throwing their small means into a common fund, he had enough to live upon ; while he de- voted his future solely to that office to which he had been " dedicated " in his eighteenth year, during the Hawkshead "" morning walk." And now began what was certainly the most powerful influence over him, if not the most important event in his life — that fellowship with his Sister, which lasted, with scarcely an interval, for fifty-five years, till his death in 1850. Hitherto Wordsworth had lived much alone. He had companions, familiar ones ; but none of the Hawkshead boys, and neither Jones, nor Mathews, nor Beaupuis, nor Calvert were friends in an intimate sense. The ties to liis brothers and sister were not, as yet, specially close. " Home " had been a name to him, not an experience ; he speaks of having led " an undomestic wanderer's life." J And a somewhat stern element had developed in his character, as he himself * John Wordsworth. t See The Prelude, book xiv., vol. iii. p. 400. X The Prelude, book xiv,, vol. iii. p. 4U0. 100 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. confesses, and as his sister points out in her letters from Forncett. The effect of his sister's influence over liim, the education it was, and its " healing power," have been gratefully re- corded by himself. This " blessing of his later years," he tells us, was " with him wlien a boy." " She gave me eyes, she gave me ears, And humble cares, and delicate fears ; A heart — the fountain of sweet tears — And love, and thought, and joy." * But alone at Hawkshead, alone at Cambridge, alone in France, he was deprived of its steadying influence, its staying power ; and the result was — " I too exclusively esteemed that love. And sought that beauty, which (as Milton sings) Hath terror in it. Thou didst soften down This over-sternness." t He says that, but for the influence of his sister, the self- confidence of his nature would have kept him like " A rock with torrents roaring, with the clouds Familiar, and a favourite of the stars : But thou didst plant its crevices with flowers. Hang it with shrubs that twinkle in the breeze, And teach the little birds to build their nests And warble in its chambers." t More than this, in that autobiographic analysis of himself, and of the state of mind he passed through in France, and on his return to England, which is given in the eleventh book of The Prelude — in the period of unsettlement that ensued, when the scrutinising intellect was at work, and he lost all sense of conviction, and gave up moral problems in despair, and was on the verge of becoming like " the * See vol. ii., p. 207. t See The Prelude, book xiv. , vol. iii. p. 396. UNSETTLEMENT : WANDERINGS: ETC. 101 Solitary," whom he afterwards described in The Excursion — then it was that, travelling together on foot in the York- shire dales, and Cumbrian valleys, his sister brought him back from what was almost misanthropy, corrected his despondency, and, (as he put it,) " Maintained for me a saving intercourse With my true self ; She whispered still that brightness would return, She, in the midst of all, preserved me still A Poet, made me seek beneath that name. And that alone, my office upon earth." * Elsewhere he writes of her — " Her voice was like a hidden brook that sang ; The thought of her was like a flash of light, Or an unseen companionship." t Again — " Birds in the bower, and lambs in the green field, Could they have known her, would have loved ; methought Her very presence such a sweetness breathed. That flowers, and trees, and even the silent hills, And everything she looked on, shovild have had An intimation how she bore herself Towards them, and to all creatures." | It was a process of gradual development. Nothing in Wordsworth's life was sudden or abrupt. By degrees he learned that " peace settles where the intellect is meek," and the renewed influence of Nature's voice, along with that of his Sister " led him back through opening day To those sweet counsels between head and heart Whence grew that genuine knowledge, fraught with peace." § * The Prelude, book xi. See vol. iii. p. 359. t The liedme, book i. MS. J The Prelude, book xii. See vol. iii. p. ;{<)9. § The Prelude, book xi. See vol. iii. p. .SCO. 102 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. No poet was ever so happy in the unselfish ministry of a sister. From Chaucer downwards we meet with none in the records of English literature who was so fortunate in the devotion and the service of the women who surrounded him. This devotion, however, — with all its unselfish tender- ness, — would not have done so much for Wordsworth as it did, had it not been accompanied by that wonderful insight which Dorothy possessed. She had quite as clear and deli- cate a perception as her brother had of those rarer beauties of Nature which the common eye sees not. Abundant evidence will be found in the passages to be extracted from the Journals she wrote at Alfoxden and Grasmere of that intellectual second-sight — that knowledge born of love — which made both brother and sister poets. It was the insight and the service combined that made her so invalu- able to Wordsworth. The very service, however, had its hurtful side. We shall see signs of self-involution by-and-bye, which it fostered. Wordsworth had so much done for him, his reading, his writing, his copying, the sister working in every sort of way that could contribute to his ease, that a certain element, not of selfishness — he never showed signs of that — but of self-engrossedness and self-centredness arose, almost as a matter of course. Even this was akin to a virtue, but the rootedness it gave to his character took away something of the charm, and almost of necessity lessened the benignity and radiance, which we find in natures less robust and strong. For another thing, it led him to individualize a great deal in his writings, to occupy himself with minute objects, incidents, and themes, rather than to generalize, and deal with large questions and national interests. Wliere Wordsworth passed the summer of 1795 we do UNSETTLEMENT : WANDERINGS: ETC. 103 not exactly know. Part of his time would doubtless be spent at Penrith, but it is more than probable that he accom- panied his sister to Halifax, and then went up to town. He would wish to see William Calvert, and we know that Mr Basil Montagu, Q.C., had some personal communications with him during the autumn ; while his sister writes, in September, of William's " unsettled" life being unfavourable to mental work. Anothei' evidence that he spent this autumn in London is that the Mr Pinney of Bristol, who gave him his first home in Dorsetshire, was a friend of Basil Mon- tagu's. Most probably it was Montagu who introduced him to Pinney, and sent him down to Bristol to see if he could not there make a start in taking pupils. What led him to make Eacedown, in Dorsetshire, his home in the autumn of 1795, is detailed in one of his sister's letters to Miss Pollard, who had just been married to Mr Marshall of Leeds. Her brother had gone to Bristol, and was staying with Mr Pinney, a local merchant there, who had a country house at Racedown, Dorsetshire. Mr Pinney had given over this house to his son. The son offered it, furnished, with orchard, garden, &c., to Wordsworth, rent free, apparently on the sole con- dition that he (IMr Pinney, jr.) should occasionally come down and stay for a few weeks. Wordsworth at the same time had another important offer from Mr Montagu, viz., to take charge of his boy Basil, for which Montagu offered him £50 a year for board. He hoped to have the son of Mr Pinney, aged 13, as a second pupil, while Dorothy was asked to take charge of a cousin's child, a girl of three and a half years. The following is an extract from his sister's letter : — MiLLHOUSE, Septeynher 2nd, 1795. [On the back of the letter, in Lady Monteagle's hand- writing, the year is given as 1796 ; but it was 1795. 104 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. Miss Pollard was now Mrs Marshall. She speaks of a visit of Kit's before going up to Cambridge for his final term before graduating, and adds,] " He is very like me ! It is allowed by every one, and I myself think I never saw a stronger likeness. ... I am going to live in Dorsetshire. . . . You know the pleasure I have always attached to the idea of home, a blessing which I' have so early lost. ... I think I told you that Mr Montagu had a little boy, who, as you will perceive, could not be very well taken care of, either in his father's chambers, or under tlie uncertain management of various friends of Mr M., with whom he has frequently stayed. ... A daughter of Mr Tom Myers (a cousin of mine whom I daresay you have heard nie mention) is coming over to England by the first ship, which is expected in about a week, to be educated. She is, I believe, about three or four years old, and T. Myers' brother, who has charge of her, lias suggested that I should take her under my care. With these two children, and the produce of Eaisley Calvert's legacy, we shall have an income of at least £70 or £80 per annum. William finds that he can get nine per cent, for the money upon the best security. He means to sink half of it upon my life, which will make me always comfortable and independent. . . . Living in the unsettled way in which my brother has hitherto lived in London is altogether unfavourable to mental exertion. . . . He has had the offer of ten guineas for a work which has not taken up much time, and half the profits of a second edition if it should be called for. It is a little sum ; but it is one step. ... I am determined to work with resolution. ... It will greatly contribute to my happiness, and place me in such a situation that I shall be doing something. ... I shall have to join William at Bristol, and proceed thence in a chaise with Basil to Race- down. It is fiftv miles." CHAPTEE VII. FIRST HOME AT EACEDOWN. In this Racedown house, half way between Crewkerne in Somersetshire, and Lyme in Dorsetshire, Wordsworth began, what was to continue till his death, the one supreme object of his life. The following is a description of the house as seen in the summer of 18S7 : — " We approached the old farm-house over meadows bright with yellow iris and foxglove, and through lanes lined wit'h fern, and hung with honeysuckle and wild rose. Large beech trees shade the entrance gate ; the house and its clustering farm buildings stands on the slope of Black down; open grass fields surround it. From the terrace garden on the left hand side of the house, wide views of hill and valley are obtained. Below, amongst meadows famous for daffodils, winds Cindreford Brook. The hollow is well wooded, the remains of an avenue of Scotch firs being a prominent feature. On the opposite side of the valley rises Greggy, with quaint clumps of fir trees on the ridge of the hill ; beyond, a glimpse of Lambert's Castle is to be had, and of another hill locally known as Goldencap, from the brilliance of the gorse in bloom, which is said to serve as a beacon to ships. The sea itself is visible from the top of the house, and its reviving breezes may be felt in the garden. The house, built of dull red brick, covered in front with grey stucco and much weather-stained, is three stories high, and has no beauty beyond that of situation and association. A porch, added recently, opens into a fairly wide and airy hall, with 106 LIFE OF WORDSWOKTH. old-fashioned fleet staircase. The room on the right hand, looking out to the grass fields in front and to the large beeches at the entrance gate, is the one Wordsworth occupied. It is square and low, with two deep recesses and a high ornamented plaster ceiling ; a small room over the hall is said to have been used as a study by the poet." Here, in tliis farm-house, well stocked with books, William and Dorothy Wordsworth began their life of closely associated labour. They spent their time industriously in reading — " if reading," Wordsworth said to Mathews,* " can ever deserve the name of industry " — in writing, and in gardening. Wordsworth tells Mathews that he had begun to read Ariosto with his sister ; and she, writing to Mrs Marshall, says that her " brother handles the spade with great dex- terity." They had no society to distract them, and the post brought them letters only once a week. Four years later — after they had experience of Alfoxden, and of Germany — Dorothy spoke of Racedown as " the place dearest to my recollections upon the whole surface of the island ; it was the first home I had ; " and she writes of the " lovely meadows above the tops of the coombs, and the scenery on Pilsden, Lewisden, and Blackdown-hill, and the view of the sea from Lambert's Castle." i* Strange to say, the first thing Wordsworth seems to have done at Racedown was to make experimental essays at both Satire and Tragedy, the two kinds of poetical com- position in which he was least of all fitted to excel. He began by certain imitations of Juvenal, which he sent to his friend Wrangham, on the 20th November 1795. The two had thought of publishing a joint volume of satirical pieces, and Wordsworth worked at it till the spring of 1796. Perhaps it was to this that his sister refers in * In a letter dated March 21, 1796. t See Memoirs, vol. i. p. 94. FIRST HOME AT RACEDOWN. 107 lier letter to Mrs Marshall, September 21, 1795, as a work that " has not taken up much time," and for which a pecuniary offer had been made to him ; but he put it aside. He had the wisdom to see that it was not his function to become a satirist. And when asked, as late as November 7, 1806, to allow these effusions to be printed, he replied: — " I have long since come to a fixed resolution to steer clear of personal satire ; in fact, I never will have anything to do with it, as far as concerns the 'private vices of in- dividuals on any account. Witli respect to public delin- quents or offenders, I will not say tlie same ; though I should be slow to meddle even with these. This is a rule which I have laid down for myself, and shall rigidly adhere to ; though I do not in all cases blame those who think and act differently. " It will therefore follow, that I cannot lend any assistance to your proposed publication. The verses which you have of mine, I should wish to be destroyed ; I have no copy of them myself, at least none that I can find. I would most willingly give them up to you, fame, profit, and everything, if I thought either true> fame or profit could arise out of them." In the autumn of 1795 he began, and carried on through- out the whole of that winter at Kacedown, the composition of his one tragedy — The Borderers — completing it in the summer of 1796. Very likely, as his nepliew suggests,* the subject occurred to him during his residence in tlie Border district, — at Penrith, or at Keswick, — where so many of the ruined castles ha^'e traditions which carry us back to the period of the drama in question, viz., in tlie time of Henry III. ; and Wordsworth tells us himself that he had read Redpath's History of the Borders, that \w. rniglit know something of tlie local history.! * See Memoirs, vol. i. p. 96. f See the Fenwick note to Thf Bordf.rpm, vol. i. p. 108. 108 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. We shall return to the Tragedy, to see its fate in the year 1797. Meanwhile it is thus that Dorothy Wordsworth describes her life at Eacedown to Mrs Marshall : — " Eacedown, November 30th* ..." Basil is a charming boy. He affords us perpetual entertainment. Do not suppose from this that we make him our perpetual plaything. . . . We walk about two hours every morning. We have very pleasant walks about us ; and what is a great advantage, the roads are of a sandy kind, and are almost always dry. We can see the sea, 150 or 200 yards from the door; and at a little distance we have a very extensive view terminated by the sea, seen through different openings of the unequal hills. We have not the warmth and luxuriance of Devonshire, though there is no want either of wood, or of cultivation ; but the trees appear to suffer from the sea-blasts. We have hills which, seen from a distance, almost take the character of mountains, some cultivated nearly to their summits ; others in their wild state, covered with furze and broom. These delight me most, as they remind me of our native wilds. Our common parlour is the prettiest little room that can be." . . . [She mentions that they were seven miles from Crewkerne, and nearly equal distance from Axminster, Bridport, and Lyme.] " A little brook which runs at the distance of one field from us divides us from Devonshire." [She adds that the peasants were miserably poor ; their cottages " shapeless structures of wood and clay ; " " they are not at all beyond what might be expected in savage life."] * Lady Monteagle, in whose possession this, and all the other letters from Dorothy Wordsworth to ]\Irs Marshall are^ has written 1796 upon it, but I think it must belong to the year 1795. FIRST HOME AT RACEDOWN. 109 Again Miss Wordsworth writes to Mrs Marshall, as follows : — " Racedown, Sunday Night. " You ask to be informed of our system respecting Basil. It is a very simple one, so simple that, in this age of systems, you will hardly be likely to follow it. We teach him nothing at present, but what he learns from the evidence of his senses. He has an insatiable curiosity, which we are always careful to satisfy. It is directed to everything." . . . [At first disposed to be fretful, he was told that crying was not allowed in this house ; and that it must go on in a cer- tain room, if at all ; at first his visits to this room were very long, but he always came out perfectly good humoured. He found that this mode of treatment was never departed from ; and so there was little need to send him into this " apartment of tears."] " Mary Hutchinson is staying with us. She is one of the best girls in the world, and we are as happy as human beings can be, that is when William is at home ; for you cannot imagine how dull we feel when he is away. . . . He is the life of the whole house." Again she writes to Mrs Marshall, giving an account of the Pinneys' visit to Racedown, speaks of their being out walking, riding, hunting, clearing and carving wood, " which is a very desirable employment, and could be recommended to all." ..." William is going to publish a poem. The Pinneys have taken it to the bookseller. I am studying Italian very hard." The poem referred to may have been Guilt and Sorrow ; but more probably it was his tragedy. The Borderers. It was in the early spring of 179 G, I think, that Words- worth went in to Bristol ''to see Coleridge ; and there it was, 110 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. in No. 25 College Street (the house is at present numbered 51,) that these two remarkable men first met. Wordsworth wrote to his friend Mathews,* " I am going to Bristol to-morrow to see there two extraordinary youths, Coleridge and Southey." In March 1796, Coleridge notes that he had met Wordsworth, and in a list of authors with whom he was acquainted, which Coleridge drew up in March 1796, Wordsworth's name is to be found.! It is curious, however, that over the first meeting of these two men — whose relations to each other were afterwards so close and significant — there should be some obscurity. In October 1795 Coleridge was married, and went to the cottage at Clevedon. There, in the earliest months of his married life, he prepared for the press his first volume of Poems, which was published in April 1796. He then busied him- self with the editing of TJic Watchman, the first number of which appeared on 1st March, and the tenth (the final one) on May 14, 1796. His misunderstanding with Southey occurred in the beginning of 1796. He was full of the excitement of launching Tlie Watchman, when he first made Wordsworth's acquaintance, whose name occurs amongst those to whom he asked Cottle to send a copy of his poems in April 1796.| He afterwards went down to Eacedown to return Wordsworth's visit, but the precise date of his first arrival at Racedown is unknown. Probably, during that summer and autumn of 1796, there were several interchanges of visits. But in the followinsf * See Oilman's Life of Coleridge, p. 74. t But in aa MS. note to a copy of the second edition of his own Poems (1797) Coleridge says that the note " was written before I had ever seen Mr Wordsworth." I am inclined to doubt the accuracy of Coleridge's memory in this instance. The note, which is in a copy of the Poems belonging to Mr Locker Lampson, was probably written late in Coleridge's life. X vSee Bioiji-aphia Literaria, vol. ii. p. 363. FIRST HOME AT RACEDOWN. 1 1 1 June, Coleridge, who had gone to live at Nether Stowey in January of the same year,* went to Dorsetshire and stayed some time at Eacedown ; and the Wordsworths paid a return visit to Stowey in July. The following letter — written by Mrs Wordsworth to Sara Coleridge, in November 7, 1845, is a further illustra- tion of the difficulty of ' determining ' these dates : — " With my husband's tender love to you, he bids me say, in reply to a question you have put to him through Miss Fenwick, that he has not as distinct a remembrance as he could wish, of the time when he first saw your father and your uncle Southey, but the impression upon his mind is, that he first saw them both, and your aunt Edith at the same time, in a lodging in Bristol ; this must have been about the year 179 5.1 Your father, he says, came after- wards to see us at Racedown, where I was then living with my sister. We have both a distinct remembrance of his arrival. He did not keep to the high road, but 'leapt over a gate and bounded down the pathless field, by which he cut off' an angle. We both retain the liveliest possible image of his appearance at that moment. My poor sister has just been speaking of it to me with much feeling and tenderness. — Ever, dear Sara, most affectionately yours, " M. WORDSWOETH." Dorothy Wordsworth's description of Coleridge as she first met him is worthy of special notice, as is Coleridge's of her ; their friendship subsequently assuming such a tender edge and intensity. " You had a great loss," she writes to a friend,| who had * See Biofj. Lit., vol. ii. ; Biog. SuppL, jj. .S91. t It was evidently 1796. J See Memoirs, vol. i. p. 99. It is a pity tliat the Bishop of Lincoln withheld hor name. Was it Mary idutchiuson? 112 LIFE OF WORDSWOETH. left Racedown early in 1797, "in not seeing Coleridge. He is a wonderful man. His conversation teems with soul, mind, and spirit. Then he is so benevolent, so good- tempered and cheerful, and, like William, interests himself so much about every little trifle. At first I thought him very plain, that is, for about three minutes. He is pale, thin, has a wide mouth, thick lips, and not very good teeth, longish, loose-growing, half-curling, rough, black hair. But if you hear him speak for five minutes you think no more of them. His eye is large and full, and not very dark, but grey, such an eye as would receive from a heavy soul the dullest ex- pression ; but it speaks every emotion of his animated mind : it has more of ' the poet's eye in a fine frenzy roll- ing ' than I ever witnessed. He has fine dark eyebrows, and an overhanging forehead. "The first thing that was read after he came was William's new poem, ' The Ruined Cottage,' with which he was much, delighted ; and after tea he repeated to us two acts and a half of liis tragedy, ' Osorio.' The next morning William read his tragedy, ' The Borderers.' " In Cottles' Early Recollections * of Coleridge, an account of this visit will be found written by Coleridge to Cottle, in June 1797. "I am sojourning for a few days," he says, " at Racedown, Dorset, the mansion of our friend Words- worth. . . . Wordsworth admires my tragedy, which gives me great hopes. He has written a tragedy himself. I speak with heartfelt sincerity, and, I think, unbUnded judgment, when I tell you that I feel myself a little man by his side." Wlien the Wordsworths returned this visit and went to ]S!"ether Stowey in July, Coleridge wrote again to Cottle : " W. and his exquisite sister are with me. She is a woman * See vol. i. p. 250, &c. FIRST HOME AT RACEDOWN. 113 indeed ! in mind I mean, and heart ; for her person is sucli that if you expected to see a pretty woman, you would think her rather ordinary ; if you expected to see an ordi- nary woman, you would think her pretty ! but her manners are simple, ardent, impressive. In every motion her most innocent soul outbeams so brightly, that who saw would say — ' Guilt was a thing impossible with her.' Her information various. Her eye watchful in minutest observation of Nature ; and her taste a perfect electrometer. It bends, protrudes, and draws in at subtlest beauties and most recondite faults." * Odd stories linger in the gossip of the Dorsetshire farm folk about Wordsworth and Coleridge. They were reported to carry on chemical experiments, and were supposed to be in league with the devil ; and the Eacedown household was exposed in co-nsequence to some boycotting. There is a story too of Wordsworth borrowing a horse from a farmer near by. After riding to Lyme, and putting up the horse at the Three Cups Inn, he forgot all about it, and walked back to Racedown, about eight miles. Inquiry being made for the horse on his return, he stoutly protested that he Iiad had none ! This, liowever, may be mere local gossip. * See "Cottle's Early Recollections, vol. i., p. 252. IX. H CHAPTER YIII. ALFOXDEN : COLEEIDGE : THE LYKICAL BALLADS. On the 13th of July 1797, William and Dorothy Words- worth took up their residence at Alfoxden. During that month we already found them visiting the Coleridges in their cottage at Nether Stowey. They reached it on the evening of the 3rd July, and Dorothy, writing on the 4 th,* thus describes her first visit to the district of the Quantocks : — " There is everything here ; sea, woods wild as fancy ever painted, brooks clear and pebbly as in Cumberland, villages so romantic ; and William and I, in a wander by ourselves, found out a sequestered waterfall in a dell formed by steep hills covered with full-grown timber trees. The woods are as fine as those at Lowther, and the country more romantic ; it has the character of the less grand parts of the neighbourhood of the lakes." The waterfall referred to is the small cascade in the Alfoxden dell, a bowshot from the house, to which so many future visits were paid by themselves and Coleridge. They found that the mansion of Alfoxden, belonging to Mrs St Albyn, was to let. Wordsworth applied for it, and got it on lease. They do not seem to have returned to Racedown, but to have transferred themselves from Stowey to Alfoxden nine days after they first saw the old mansion-house. Miss Wordsworth gives the following account of their new abode, a month after they entered it : — * See Memoirs, vol. i., p. 102. ALFOXDEN: COLERIDGE: THE LYRICAL BALLADS. 115 "Alfoxden near Nether-Stowey, Somersetshire, August 14, 1797. " Here we are in a large mansion, in a large park, with seventy head of deer around us. But I must begin with the day of leaving Racedown to pay Coleridge a visit. You know how much we were delighted with the neighbourhood of Stowey. . . . The evening that I wrote to you,* William and I had rambled as far as this house, and pryed into the recesses of our little brook, but without any more fixed thoughts upon it than some dreams of happiness in a little cottage, and passing wishes that such a place might be found out. We spent a fortnight at Coleridge's : in the course of that time we heard that this house was to let, applied for it, and took it. Our principal inducement was Coleridge's society. It was a month yesterday since we came to Alfoxden. " The house is a large mansion, with furniture enough for a dozen families like ours. There is a very excellent garden, well stocked with vegetables and fruit. The garden is at the end of the house, and our favourite parlour, as at Racedown, looks that way. In front is a little court, with grass plot, gravel walk, and shrubs ; the moss roses were in full beauty a month ago. ^ The front of the house is to the south, but it is screened from the sun by a high hill which rises immediately from it. This hill is beautiful, scattered irregularly and abundantly with trees, and topped with fern, which spreads a considerable way down it. The deer dwell here, and sheep, so that we have a living prospect. From the end of the house we have a view of the sea, over a woody meadow-country ; and exactly opposite the window where I now sit is an immense wood, whose round top from this point has exactly the appearance of a mighty dome. In * July 4th. 116 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. some parts of this wood there is an under grove of hollies which are now very beautiful. In a glen at the bottom of the wood is the waterfall of which I spoke, a quarter of a mile from the house. We are three miles from Stowey, and not two miles from the sea. Wherever we turn we have woods, smooth downs, and valleys with small brooks run- ning down them, through green meadows, hardly ever inter- sected with hedgerows, but scattered over with trees. The hills that cradle these valleys are either covered with fern and bilberries, or oak woods, which are cut for charcoal. . . . Walks extend for miles over the hill-tops ; the great beauty of which is their wild simplicity : they are perfectly smooth, witliout rocks. " The Tor of Glastonbury is before our eyes during more than half of our walk to Stowey ; and in the park wherever we go, keeping about fifteen yards above the house, it makes a part of our prospect." Alfoxden has been somewhat enlarged since Wordsworth's time, but the view from it is still very much as it was described by Dorothy at the end of last century. The tall larch tree is gone, though its site is easily traced, about twenty yards to the south-east of the house. The glen is not much changed. The " dome " of wood, the hills " topped with fern," the grove of holly, are all as they were ; and the garden is the same as of old, surrounded by a lofty wall. There are some very large elms in the grounds, which must liave been standing in Wordsworth's time — one in parti- cular, to the north-east, as the ground slopes down to the public road. It was to be nearer Coleridge that Wordswortli left Eacedown ; but the circle into which his residence at Alfoxden introduced him, though small, was in many re- spects a distinguished one. In addition to Coleridge, it included Mr Thomas Poole of Nether Stowey, — a very ALFOXDEN: COLERIDGE: THE LYRICAL BALLADS. Il7 remarkable man, and one of the greatest friends Coleridge ever had. Bristol was so near that Southey, Cottle, and others could easily come down. Charles Lloyd lived much with Coleridge, and George Burnet, one of his Pantisocratic friends, was a frequent visitor. Macintosh (afterwards Sir James) used to come, and Bowles, and more important still, Charles Lamb was an occasional guest. In 1793 Bristol was the second city in England, with a popu- lation of 100,000 inhabitants, or more than double that of Liverpool. A famous democrat, John Thelwall, who had recently been tried for high treason, lived not far off. In the Fenwick note to the Anecdote for Fathers,^ Wordsworth says that Thelwall had renounced politics, and lived at Liswyn Farm, a beautiful spot on the Wye, where he had taken to agriculture, although with no greater success than he achieved in politics. He also tells us that he and his sister, along with Coleridge, had visited Thelwall at his place on the Wye. But, although the Fenwick note is ambiguous, it must have been before this visit to Liswyn that Wordsworth made Thelwall's acquaintance. Thelwall seems to have been a visitor at Stowey on the 18th July 1797, and from the following passage in a letter to his wife it will be seen that Coleridge went over to Alfoxden very soon after the Wordsworths settled there, on July 11, and that Thelwall, with Mrs Coleridge, followed him thither on the 18th. "Alfoxden, ISth July 1797.t " But profit and everything else but my Stella and my Babes are now banished from my mind by the enchanting retreat (the Academus of Stowey) from which I write this, * See vol. i., p. 203. t Mr Cosens's MSS. 118 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. and by tlie delightful society of Coleridge and of Words- worth — the present occupier of All fox Den. We have been having a delightful ramble to-day among the planta- tions, and along a wild romantic dell in these grounds, through which a foaming, rushing, murmuring torrent of water winds its long artless course. There have we — sometime sitting on a tree, sometime wading boot-top deep through the stream, and again stretched on some mossy stone or root of a decayed tree, a literary egotistical trium- virate — passed sentence on the productions and characters of the age — burst forth in poetical flights of enthusiasm, and philosophised our minds into a state of tranquillity which the leaders of nations might enjoy and the residents of cities can never know." [He goes on to say that when he arrived at the Stowey cottage on the preceding night he found that Coleridge was at Alfoxden, and that Sara and he joined them before breakfast next morning.] " Faith, we are a most philosophical party ! A large house, with grounds and plantations about it, which Words- worth has hired, I understand, for a trifle, merely that he might enjoy the society of Coleridge, contains the enthu- siastic group, consisting of C. and his Sara, W. and his sister, and myself, without any servant, male or female. An old woman who lives in an adjoining cottage does what is required for our simple wants. ' Delightful spot ! O were my Stella here ! ' " Thelwall was a man of great political talent, and a writer of verse, endowed with considerable poetic insight, withal a gentle soul, though a very outspoken radical. Coleridge writing to Mr Wade in 1797 said of him, "John Thelwall is a very warm-hearted honest man ; and, dis- ALFOXDEN: COLERIDGE: THE LYRICAL BALLADS. 119 agreeing as we do in almost every point of religion, of morals, of politics, and philosophy, we like each other uncommonly well." * It is of him that Wordsworth tells the story that, in the Alfoxden glen beside the waterfall, when Coleridge had remarked, " This is a place to reconcile one to all the jarrings and conflicts of the wide world," Thelwall replied, " Nay, to make one forget them altogether." (It may be noted in passing, however, that Coleridge's was the deeper saying of the two.) Thelwall was an honest democrat, but a perfervid and blind defender of the French Eevolution, and his visits to Stowey were not specially advantageous to either of the two poets. There can be little doubt that it was their friendship with this radical — the man who had narrowly escaped conviction for high treason, and whom Canning satirized in the Anti-Jacobi7i, "Thelwall! and ye that lecture as ye go"t. — that led to their own proceedings being watched, and to Mrs St Albyn refusing to let the Wordsworths remain at Alfoxden longer than one year. The best of Wordsworth's early Lyrics were written at Alfoxden — TJie Thorn, Tlic Mad Mother, The Night Piece, Simon Lee, The Last of the Flock ; above all, Expostulation and Reply, The Tables Turned, the Lines written in early spring, beginning — " I heard a thousand blended notes," and the Address to his Sister, beginning — ^ " It is the first mild day of March." The four last poems were composed in the very dawn of Wordsworth's lyrical genius. The Fenwick notes will be found to cast much light on the poet's life at this time. The old huntsman, Simon Lee, lived in the Park. * See Cottle's Early liecollectionn, vol. i., p. 254. t One of the " lecturers " was, doubtless, S. T. C. 120 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. Probably no district in Britain could have been more perfectly suited for the work that both Wordsworth and Coleridge had at this time to do, than the region of the Quantocks, and the two residences of Alfoxden and Nether Stowey. In an interesting work," privately printed by the Rev. W. L. Nichols, of Woodlands, Bridgewater (which arose out of a paper read to the Bath Literary Club in 1871), the range of the Quantocks is called "the Ober- land of Somersetshire." Mr Nichols says : — " The chief characteristic of Quantock scenery I venture to designate as Cheerful Beauty. ... Its breezy sum- mits rise in gentle and graceful undulations, and sink into woody combes of the most romantic beauty, thickly clothed, many of them with scrub oak, and each with its own little stream winding through it ; its slopes fringed with gorse and ferns of luxuriant growth, or purple with heather, and abounding everywhere with the whortleberry. . . . The prevalence of the yew and the holly may also be noted ; the former is found singly in the woods and hedgerows, or in the churchyards, of which few are without one or more specimens, often of majestic growth and venerable age. The holly is still more abundant, and the fine undergrowth of tliis tree, like that in the grove at Alfoxden, forms quite a speciality of these woods. . . ." A bright account of the group that used to gather at Stowey and Alfoxden is given by Cottle, in recording his earliest visit to Stowey in July 1797. T. Poole had driven him over from Bridgewater. Lamb had just left Coleridge's cottage, and gone back to London. Coleridge took Cottle through the house, garden, and orchard, and showed him the path by which he had contrived to connect Poole's grounds with his own. The sequel is best told in Cottle's own * The Quantocks and their Associations. ALFOXDEN: COLERIDGE: THE LYRICAL BALLADS. 121 words : " We approached the ' jasmine harbour,' where, to our gratifying surprise, we found the tripod table laden with delicious bread and cheese, surmounted by a brown mug of the true Taunton ale. We instinctively took our seats ; and there must have been some down- right witchery in the provision, which surpassed all of its kind ; nothing like it in the wide terrene, and one glass of the Taunton settled it to an axiom. While the dappled sunbeams played on our table, through the umbrageous canopy, the very birds seemed to participate in our felicities, and poured forth their selectest anthems. As we sat in our sylvan hall of splendour, a company of the happiest of mortals (T. Poole, C. Lloyd, S. T. Coleridge, and myself), the bright blue heavens, the sporting insects, the balmy zephyrs, the feathered choristers, the sympathy of friends, all augmented the pleasurable to the highest point this side the celestial ! Every interstice of our hearts being filled with happiness, as a consequence there was no room for sorrow, exorcised as it now was, and hovering around at un- approachable distance. With our spirits thus entranced, though we might weep at other moments, yet joyance so filled all within and without, that if, at this juncture, tidings liad been brought us that an irruption of the ocean had swallowed up all our dear brethren of Pekin, from the pre- occupation of our minds, ' poor things ' would have been our only reply, with anguish put off till the morrow." Before Wordsworth came to Alfoxden, Coleridge had familiarised himself with these water-headlands of Somer- setshire,! the Quantock hills. Some of his best poetic work had already been done before the arrival of his friend, while wandering amongst the coombes or in his cottage at Stowey. "He, as well as, perhaps at that time more than Words- * See Early Recollections, vol. i. , p. 27.5-6. t Quantock is tlio Keltic name for water-lieadland. 122 LIFE OF WOEDSWORTH. worth, felt that there was a Divine Life hidden beneath the raiment of the natural world. He had learned this from Plato, and Plotinus ; but he got it more especially through the intuition of his own soul in vital contact with external Xature ; and it was their community of thought on all the fundamental aspects of the universe— their common love of Nature as thus symbolically interpreted, and their conse- quent hidden agreement as to the root whence the noblest poetry springs — that brought the two men together more than anything else.* It is a curious circumstance that, while living at Stowey, and in almost daily intercourse with Wordsworth and his sister, Coleridge records the fact that he wished to write a Poem on Man, Nature, and Society — just as Wordsworth planned it out in The Recluse — under the symbol of a brook flowing from a liidden source in the up- lands to the sea. In addition to this radical tie, Coleridge and the Wordsworths had many other things in common, e.g., their sympathy with animal life, and especially with animal suffering. Coleridge, however, had not till now met with a literary aspirant, whom he could feel in any sense his superior ; and he met very few in the course of his life * Compare tlie lines of Coleridge in his yEolinn Harp, " And what, if all of animated Nature Be bnt organic harps diversely framed, That tremble into thought, as o'er them sweeps, Plastic and vast, one intellectual breeze. At once the soul of each and God of all," with the welI-kno\\n passage in Wordsworth's Tintrrn Abbey, " I have felt A presence that disturbs me with the joy Of elevated thoughts ; a sense sublime Of something far more deeply interfused, ^Vhose dwelling is the light of setting suns, And the round ocean and the living air, And the blue sky, and in the mind of man : A Motion and a Spirit, that impels All thinking things, all objects of all thought, And rolls tliiough all things." ALFOXDEN: COLEEIDGE: THE LYRICAL BALLADS. 123 who were at any single point his equal. He found more than an equal in Wordsworth, in point of insight into Nature, and above all in force of character, self-control, and power of will ; although Wordsworth was his inferior in versatility and brilliance. In a letter to Joseph Cottle,* March 8th, 1798, Coleridge says — "The Giant Words- worth — God love liim ! When I speak in the terms of admiration due to his intellect, I fear lest these terms should keep out of sight the amiableness of his manners. He has written near twelve hundred lines of blank verse, superior, I hesitate not to aver, to anything in our language which any way resembles it." Nine years afterwards, in 1807, Coleridge wrote similarly of Wordsworth to Cottle — " He is one whom, God knows, I love and honour as far beyond myself, as both morally and intellectually he is above me." The closeness of the tie that bound these three poets (Coleridge, William and Dorothy Wordsworth) together, has its best evidence in two things — first, in the Journal wliich Dorothy kept of their daily life, and of the way in which Nature reveals itself to one who " watches and receives ; " and secondly, in the joint work that Wordsworth and Cole- ridge planned and wrote in these days, viz.. The Lyrical Ballads. The origin of the Lyrical Ballads has been often told, and readers must refer to vol. i. of this edition, p. 198, for the Fenwick note to We arc Seven, in which Wordsworth himself tells the story in graphic detail. The first idea was simply to raise £5 to defray the expenses of the few days' tour, which the two poets took to the "Valley of Stones," — Dorothy Wordsworth accompanying them, — by writing a single poem jointly, and sending it to tlie New Monthly Magazine. Cole- * See Cottle's Early Recollections, vol. i., p. 252. 124 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. ridge suggested the Ancient Mariner, founding it on a dream of his friend, Cruikshank.* Wordsworth added a good deal. He had been recently reading about albatrosses, and he sug- gested that the crime of the " Old Mariner " should be the shooting of an albatross on entering the South Sea, and his being doomed in consequence by the tutelary spirits of the south to wander over the ocean. He also suggested " the navigation of the ship by the dead man." They "began the composition together," and Wordsworth wrote a few of the lines. But, as they went on, differences in their mode of working prevented their making the poem a joint one. The subject did not suit the genius of Wordsworth, nearly so well as it suited Coleridge ; and Wordsworth very wisely left to him the working of it out, believing that co-operation would only have been " a clog " to the imagination of his friend. Nothing but the " Ancient Mariner " was thought of during that walk to the Valley of Stones. But on returning to Alfoxden, they planned a joint vohime, to which each might contribute separately. It was to be a volume of poems, " chiefly on natural subjects taken from common life, but looked at, as much as might be, through an imaginative medium." Such is an epitome of Wordsworth's account of the origin of the Lyrical Ballads. Coleridge's account, in the Biographia Literaria,f coincides with it. He tells us that he and Wordsworth had often, during that winter at Alfoxden, discussed the essential prin- ciples of Poetry, which they thought w^ere an adhesion to the truth of Nature, while adding fresh interest by the work of the imaginaiton ; as the glow of sunset or as moonlight give an added charm to a familiar landscape. They thought that, * Doubtless the Cruikshank referred to in Dorothy Wordsworth's Journal. February 26th, 1798. See p. 139. + Vol. ii., eh. i. , ALFOXDEN: COLERIDGE: THE LYRICAL BALLADS. 125 in this fashion, poems might be composed, either when the incidents and agents were supernatural or romantic, or when they belonged to ordinary human life as it is found in every village. It was agreed that he should take the former class of subjects, and, by humanising the stories, give a life and charm to their imaginative setting ; while Wordsworth should take the latter, and try to invest the things of every- day life with the charm of novelty, and by breaking up the " lethargy of custom," disclose something of the loveliness of the world and its wonders , which the great majority of persons, from " the film of familiarity," could neither see nor understand. For this purpose he wrote The Ancient Mariner, and was preparing the Dai'k Ladie and Christahel ; but Wordsworth, having been much more industrious, and " the number of his poems so much greater," his (Coleridge's) contributions seemed out of keeping, and of less significance than his friend's. Wordsworth himself, in the Preface to the second edition of the Ballads, when a new volume was added, said that they were published as " an experiment," to ascertain how far the process of throwing into verse " the real language of men in a state of vivid sensation " would result in living poetic pleasure ; and it was his defence of this special theory — that all true poetry consists in the language of real life made vivid by imagination — that, in Coleridge's opinion, made the Ballads so long comparatively unpopular. The exposi- tion and defence of a questionable theory of poetry — a theory which was not, by any means, an explanation of the practice on which the poet himself worked — might well retard the sale, and keep back the influence of a wliolly new style of poetic production. And Coleridge was riglit. Had Words- worth omitted his " Preface," and pruned a few of the ballads of their more trivial phases and stanzas, tlic " new departure " in our English poetry — which the publication of 126 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. that small volume at Bristol in 1798 inaugurated — might have been rapid and continuous. Wordsworth's Tragedy was written during the winter of 1795-6, after he had settled at Eacedown. Coleridge's admiration of it, though sincere, was excessive ; and it is just possible that a tendency to " mutual admiration " found a partial outlet in the letter already printed (p. 112). The tragedy was read by many. Coleridge wrote to Poole to come and hear it read, under the trees at Nether Stowey. And he subsequently wrote a letter to Cottle,"**" making a formal offer of his own and Wordsworth's tragedy to the Bristol publisher. The following is Cole- ridge's letter : — " I am requested by Wordsworth to put to you the following question — what could you, conveniently and prudently, and what would you give for, first, our two tragedies, with small preface, containing an analysis of the principal characters ? (exclusive of the prefaces the tragedies are together five thousand lines, which in printing in the dialogue form, with directions respecting actors and scenery, are at least equal to six thousand). . . . Second, Words- worth's ' Salisbury Plain ' and ' Tale of a Woman,' t which two poems, with a few others which he will add, and the notes, will make a volume." Cottle says he replied to this, offering " Mr Coleridge and Mr Wordsworth thirty guineas each, as proposed, for their two tragedies; but this, after some hesitation, was declined, from the hope of introducing one or both upon the stage. The volume of poems was left for future arrangement." + As the weeks advanced, Coleridge managed, through one of the Messrs Poole, to get The Borderers brought under * See Early Recollections, vol. i. p. 298. Cottle gives 1798 as the date, but it evidently belongs to the previous year, t The Female Vagrant. J See Early Recollections, vol. i., p. 299. ALFOXDEN: COLERIDGE: THE LYRICAL BALLADS. 127 the notice of the authorities at Covent Garden Theatre. In an undated letter to Cottle, in 1797, he said, "I have procured for Wordsworth's tragedy an introduction to Harris, the manager of Covent Garden, who has promised to read it attentively, and give his answer immediately ; and, if he accepts it, to put it in preparation without an hour's delay."* " William's play," wrote Dorothy Wordsworth on the 20th November 1797, "is finished, and sent to the managers of the Covent Garden Theatre. We have not the faintest expectation that it will be accepted." An actor who read the play, joined in the praise of it, but suggested sundry changes, and asked the writer to come up to London, and adjust these on the spot. So the brother and sister went up, and spent three weeks in town, doubt- less staying at Eichard Wordsworth's house. Returning to Bristol, Dorothy wrote, on the 21st December, "We have been in London : our business was the play ; and the play is rejected. It was sent to one of the principal actors at Covent Garden, who expressed great approbation, and advised William strongly to go to London to make certain alterations. Coleridge's play is also rejected." For the rejec- tion of Coleridge's she expresses great sorrow and disappoint- ment. Neither his contemporaries nor successors have agreed with Coleridge's eulogy on his friend's drama, t The Borderers had no success, and it deserved none. From London Words- worth wrote to Cottle in Bristol, December 13th, "Mr Harris has pronounced it impossible that my play could succeed in the representation," and he admitted that it was by Mr Harris most "judiciously returned as not * .See Early Recollections, vol. i., p. 25L t Coleridge's own tragedy had better fortune. It was rejected as Oaorki in 1797, but in 1813 it was again brought forward as Remorse, and had a temporary run on the stage. 128 LIFE OF WORDSWOETH. calculated for the stage." Wordsworth had no dramatic faculty, not even that of the " dramatic lyric " writer ; his dramatis personam were not various enough ; and he had the good sense to perceive this, and to admit it. He said, when sending the work to the press in 1842 — on the whole it is a pity it was ever published — that, had he written it later in life, the plot would have been more com- plete, and there would have been " a greater variety in the characters, to relieve the mind from the pressure of incidents so mournful." But in issuing it to the public — after keeping it for forty-six years unprinted — while he revised it care- fully, Wordsworth made no alteration on the story, or on the characters, simply because he did not wish it to be thought that he was adapting it for dramatic performance. He had the sense to see that what failed in 1797 would fail in 1843, and therefore wished it simply to be read as an ex- hibition of the underlying tendencies of human nature ; and, (Oswald's character in particular), as casting some light on "the apparently motiveless actions of bad men." On his return to Alfoxden, Wordsworth continued to write fresh lyrical ballads. Coleridge had left ISTether Stowey, having undertaken the work of preaching in a Unitarian chapel at Shrewsbury. The brothers, Josiali and Thomas Wedgwood, however,- — -whose large philanthropy was as memorable as their artistic work in pottery, — recognising his rare genius, and seeing it dissipated by miscellaneous work, offered him an annuity of £150, to free hun from present embarrassment; and in January 1798, Coleridge wrote as follows to Wordsworth from Shrewsbury : " You know that I have accepted the magnificent liberality of Josiah and Thomas Wedgwood. I accepted it on the presumption that I had talents, honesty, and propensities to persevering effort. ... Of the pleasant ideas which accompanied this unex- pected event, it was not the least pleasant, that I should be ALFOXDEN: COLERIDGE: THE LYRICAL BALLADS. 129 able to trace the spring and early summer of Alfoxden with you, and that wherever your after residence may be, it is probable that you will be within the reach of my tether, lengthened as it now is." * By going back to Stowey, Coleridge could renew his intimacy with Wordsworth, and how often they met, how the lives and interests of tlie Wordsworth household were identified with his, during the next four months, Dorothy's Journal is the best evidence. Coleridge said of them, " We are three people, but only one soul." This Journal — which, from the end of January to the beginning of May will be printed almost in its entirety — requires little com- ment; and it renders any description of the district by another pen worse than useless. Some persons will doubt- less wish that Dorothy had written fewer trivial details, and given us instead an ampler record of the talk of the most brilliant conversationalist of the century, especially during that annus mirdbilis, in which he and her brother walked so much together, and planned and wrote the Lyrical Ballads in concert. But it must be remembered, first, that she jotted down these humble memoranda merely as aids to her memory, and without the faintest idea that they would ever see the light ; and secondly, that it was almost impos- sible to record Coleridge's talk. Wordsworth himself described it as " like a majestic river, the sound or sight of whose course you caught at intervals ; which was sometimes con- cealed by forests, sometimes lost in sand ; then came flash- ing out broad and distinct ; and even when it took a turn which your eye could not follow, yet you always felt and knew that there was a connection in its parts, and that it was the same river." It is not at all likely tliat the discus- sions of these two friends turned to the politics of the day, * iiee Memoirs, vol. i., p. IIG. IX. I 180 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. nearly so much as to Nature, and to the very things that Dorothy, in her own characteristic way, so directly, naively, and laconically sets down. Coleridge, in the Biographia Literaria, — speaking of his residence at Stowey, of what he gained from Wordsworth, and of his reverence for him as n poet, a philosopher, and a man, adds, — " his conversation ex- tended to almost all subjects, except physics and politics ; with the latter he never troubled himself." Besides, on politics the two men were slowly drifting asunder, while their poetic work still ran in parallel lines. Mr Nichol's remark on the difference between them is excellent — " No two men could be more unlike than the poets who now met beside the Quantocks. Coleridge, a student and recluse from his boyhood, of immense erudition, a heluo lihrorum ; all his life a valetudinarian, who scarcely knew what health was — ever 'planning mighty works — multa et pulcra minans — yet so irresolute and infirm of purpose, as never to realise his aspirations — the very Hamlet of literature ; Wordsworth, on the other hand, — as robust in body as one of the peasants of his native Cumberland, of indomitable purpose, keeping his way right onward when made the scorn of fools, till he became the glory of his age — was no reader of books, except of the great book of Nature, and his study was on the Quan- tock downs. ..." * In addition to its allusions to Coleridge, Dorothy Words- worth's Journal will be appreciated by many, from the very minuteness of its record, its notes on the gradual changes of the seasons as the months advanced, and even its homely domestic and economic jottings. * 7'Ae Quantocks, and their Associations. CHAPTER IX. DOKOTHY Wordsworth's journal, written at ALFOXDEN IN 1798. The following chapter contains the larger part of the Jour- nal which Dorothy Wordsworth kept, of her own and her brother's daily life at Alfoxden, during the first four months of 1798. Many trivial details are omitted, and if any that are recorded are thought too trivial for preservation, it will be seen that this Jourual brings out, in a way that nothing else could do, the closeness of the tie between Coleridge and the Wordsworth household. It is probable that during these Alfoxden days Dorothy Wordsworth " maintained," — for Coleridge as well as for her brother, — "a. saving intercourse with his true self." If she did not " give him eyes," and " give him ears," she kept him, — dur- ing their conversations in the woods and coombes of the Quantocks, and on the road to Stowey, — true to his vocation as a poet. Had it not been for Alfoxden, and the magnet that drew him thither in all weathers in 1798, Samuel Taylor Coleridge might have drifted away from "Lyrical Ballads," into popular preaching, and miscellaneous newspaper writing, for many a year to come. "Alfoxden, 20th January 1798. — The green paths down the hill-sides are channels for streams. The young wheat is streaked by silver lines of water running between the ridges, the sheep are gathered together on the slopes. After the wet dark days, the country seems more populous. It peoples itself in the sunbeams. Tlie garden, mimic of sj)ring, is gay with flowers. The purple-starred hepatica spreads 132 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. itself in the sun, and the chistering snow-drops put forth their white heads, at first upright, ribbed with green, and like a rosebud when completely opened, hanging their heads downwards, but slowly lengthening their slender stems. The slanting woods of an unvarying brown, showing the light through the thin net- work of their upper boughs. Upon the liighest ridge of that round hill covered with planted oaks, the shafts of the trees show in the light like the columns of a ruin. " 21st. — Walked on the hill-tops — a warm day. Sate under the firs in the park. The tops of the beeches of a brown-red or crimson ; those oaks fanned by the sea breeze thick with feathery sea-green moss, as a grove not stripped of its leaves. Moss cups more proper than acorns for fairy goblets. " 22nd. — Walked through the wood to Holford. The ivy twisting round the oaks like bristled serpents. The day cold — a warm shelter in the hollies, capriciously bearing berries. Query : Are the male and female flowers on separate trees ? " 2Srd. — Bright sunshine. I went out at three o'clock. The sea perfectly calm blue, streaked with deeper colour by the clouds, and tongues or points of sand ; on our return of a gloomy red. The sun gone down. The crescent moon, Jupiter, and Venus. Tbe sound of the sea distinctly heard on the tops of the hills, which we could never hear in summer. We attribute this partly to the bareness of the trees, but chiefly to the absence of the singing of birds, the hum of insects, that noiseless noise which lives in the summer air.* The villages marked out by beautiful beds of smoke. * Compare Keats — There crept A little noiseless noise amongst the leaves Born of the very sigh that silence heaves. — {Miscellaneous Poems. ) DOROTHY Wordsworth's alfoxden jourjsal. 133 The turf fadino; into the moimtam road. The scarlet flowers of the moss. "24^7i. — Walked between half-past three and half-past five. The evening cold and clear. The sea of a sober grey, streaked by the deeper grey clouds. The half dead sound of the near sheep-bell, in the hollow of the sloping coombe, exquisitely soothing. " 2Wi. — Went to Poole's after tea. The sky spread over with one continuous cloud, wliitened by the light of the moon, which, though her dim shape was seen, did not throw forth so strong a light as to chequer the earth with shadows. At once the clouds seemed to cleave asunder, and left her in the centre of a black-blue vault. She sailed along, followed by multitudes of stars, small, and bright, and sharp. Their brightness seemed concentrated. "26th. — Walked upon the hill-tops; followed the sheep tracks till we overlooked the larger coombe. Sat in the sunshine. The distant sheep-bells, the sound of the stream ; the woodman winding alono, the half-marked road with his laden pony ; locks of wool still spangled with the dew- drops ; the blue-grey sea shaded with immense masses of cloud, not streaked ; the sheep glittering in the sunshine. Returned through the wood. The trees skirting the wood, being exposed more directly to the action of the sea breeze, stripped of the net-work of their upper boughs, which are stiff and erect and like black skeletons ; the ground strewed with the red berries of the holly. Set forward before two o'clock. Eeturned a little after four. " 27th. — Walked from seven o'clock till half-past eight. Upon the whole an uninteresting evening. Only once while we were in the wood the moon burst through the And Coleridge — The stilly murmur of the distant sea Tells us of silence. — {The JEolian Ha7-ji.) 134 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. invisible veil which enveloped her, the shadows of the oaks blackened, and their lines became more strongly marked. The withered leaves were coloured with a deeper yellow, a brighter gloss spotted the hollies ; again her form became dimmer ; the sky flat, unmarked by distances. The manufacturer's dosj makes a strand, uncouth howl, which it continues many minutes after there is no noise near it but that of the brook. It howls at the murmur of the village stream. " 29^A. — A very stormy day. William walked to the top of the hill to see the sea. Nothing distinguishable but a heavy blackness. An immense bough riven from one of tlie fir trees. " Z^tli. — William called me into the garden to observe a singular appearance about the moon. A perfect rainbow, within the bow one star, only of colours more vivid. The semi-circle soon became a complete circle, and in the course of three or four minutes the whole faded away. Walked to the blacksmith's and the baker's. An uninteresting evening. " Z\st. — Set forward to Stowey at half -past five. A violent storm in the wood. Sheltered under the hollies. When we left home the moon immensely large, the sky scattered over with clouds. These soon closed in, contract- incr the dimensions of the moon without concealing her. The sound of the pattering shower, and the gusts of wind, very grand. Left the wood when nothing remained of the storm but the driving wind, and a few scattering drops of rain. Presently all clear, Venus first showing herself be- tween the struggling clouds ; afterwards Jupiter appeared. The hawthorn hedges black and pointed, glittering with millions of diamond drops. Tlie hollies shining with broader patches of light. The road to the village of Holford glittered like another stream. On our return, the DOROTHY Wordsworth's alfoxden journal. 135 wind high — a violent storm of hail and rain at the Castle of Comfort. All the heavens seemed in one perpetual motion when the rain ceased ; the moon appearing, now half veiled, and now retired behind heavy clouds, the stars still moving, the roads very dirty. " February 1st. — About two hours before dinner, set for- ward towards Mr Bartelmy's. The wind blew so keen in our faces that we felt ourselves inclined to seek the covert of the wood. There we had a warm shelter, gathered a burthen of large rotten boughs blown down by the wind of the pre- ceding night. The sun shone clear, but all at once a heavy blackness hung over the sea. The trees almost roared, and the ground seemed in motion with the multitudes of dancing leaves, which made a rustling sound distinct from that of the trees. Still the asses pastured in quietness under the hollies, undisturbed by these forerunners of the storm. The wind beat furiously against us as we returned. Full moon. She rose in uncommon majesty over the sea, slowly ascending through the clouds. Sat with the window open an hour in the moonlight. " 2nd. — Walked through the wood, and on to the Downs before dinner. A warm pleasant air. The sun shone, but was often obscured by straggling clouds. The redbreasts made a ceaseless song in the woods. The wind rose very high in the evening. The room smoked so that we were obliged to quit it. Young lambs in a green pasture in the Coombe, Thick legs, large heads, black staring eyes, gaunt as a new- dropped lamb. " ?>rd. — A mild morning, the windows open at breakfast, the redbreasts singing in the garden. Walked with Cole- ridge over the hills. The sea at first obscured by vapour ; that vapour afterwards slid in one mighty mass alon" the sea-shore ; the islands and one point of land clear beyond it. The distant country (which was purple in the clear dull 136 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. air), overhung by straggling clouds that sailed over it, appeared like the darker clouds, which are often seen at a great distance apparently motionless, while the nearer ones pass quickly over them, driven by the lower winds. I never saw such a union of earth, sky, and sea. The clouds be- neath our feet spread themselves to the water, and the clouds of the sky almost joined them. Gathered sticks in the wood ; a perfect stillness. The redbreasts sang upon the leafless boughs. Of a great number of sheep in the field, only one standing. Eeturned to dinner at five o'clock. The moonlight still and warm as a summer's night at nine o'clock. " ^tli. — Walked a great part of the way to Stowey with Coleridge. The morning warm and sunny. The young- lasses seen on the hill-tops, in the villages and roads, in their summer holiday clothes — pink petticoats and blue. Mothers with their children in arms, and the little ones that could just walk, tottering by their sides. Midges or small flies spinning in the sunshine ; the songs of the lark and redbreast, daisies upon the turf, the hazels in blossom, honeysuckles budding. I saw one solitary strawberry flower under a hedge. The furze gay with blossom. The moss rubbed from the pailings by the sheep, that leave locks of wool, and the red marks with which they are spotted, upon the wood. " bth. — Walked to Stowey with Coleridge, returned by Woodlands ; a very warm day. In the continued singing of birds distinguished the notes of a blackbird or thrush. The sea overshadowed by a thick dark mist, the land in sunshine. The sheltered oaks and beeches still retaining their brown leaves. Observed some trees putting out red shoots. Query : What trees they are ? " 8^^. — Went up the park, and over the tops of the hills, till we came to a new and very delicious pathway, which DOROTHY Wordsworth's alfoxden journal. 137 conducted us to the Coombe. Sat a considerable time upon the heath. Its surface restless and glittering with the motion of the piles of withered grass, and the waving of the spiders' threads. On our return the mist still hanging over the sea, but the opposite coast clear, and the rocky cliffs distinguishable. In the deep Coombe, as we stood upon the sunless hill, we saw the hills of grass, light and glitter- ing, and the insects passing. " 1 Qth. — Walked to Woodlands, and to the waterfall. The adders-tongue and the ferns green in the low damp dell. These plants now in perpetual motion from the current of the air. In summer only moved by the drippings of the rocks, A cloudy day. "11/A. — Walked with Coleridge near to Stowey. The day pleasant, but cloudy. "12tli. — Walked alone to Stowey. Eeturned in the evening with Coleridge. A mild, pleasant, cloudy day. " Vdth. — Walked with Coleridge through the wood. A mild and pleasant morning, the near prospect clear. The ridges of the hills fringed with wood, showing the sea through them like the white sky, and still beyond the dim horizon of the distant hills, hanging as it were in one undetermined line between sea and sky. " 1 Uh. — Gathered sticks with William in the wood, he being unwell and not able to go further. The young birch trees of a bright red, through which gleams a shade of purple. Sat down in a thick part of the wood. The near trees still, even to their topmost boughs, but a perpetual motion in those that skirt the wood. The breeze rose gently ; its path distinctly marked till it came to the very spot where we were. " \Uh. — Gathered sticks in the further wood. The dell green with moss and brambles, and the tall and slender pillars of the unbranching oaks. I crossed the water with 138 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. letters ; returned to William and Basil. A shower met us in the wood, and a ruffling breeze. « I'jth. — A deep snow upon the ground. William and Coleridge walked to Mr Bartelmy's, and to Stowey. William returned, and we walked through the wood into the Coombe to fetch some eggs. The sun shone bright and clear. A deep stillness in the thickest part of the wood, undisturbed except by the occasional dropping of the snow from the holly boughs ; no other sound but that of the water, and the slender notes of a redbreast, which sang at intervals on the outskirts of the southern side of the wood. There the bright green moss was bare at the roots of the trees, and the little birds were upon it. The whole appearance of the wood was en- chanting ; and each tree, taken singly, was beautiful. The branches of the hollies pendent with their white burden, but still showing their bright red berries, and their glossy green leaves. The bare branches of the oaks thickened by the snow. " ISth. — Walked after dinner beyond Woodlands. A sharp and very cold evening ; first observed the crescent moon, a silvery line and thready bow, attended by Jupiter and Venus in their palest hues. " 1 9 til. — I walked to Stowey before dinner; William un- able to go all the way. Eeturned alone ; a fine sunny, clear, frosty day. The sea still, and blue, and broad, and smooth. " 21st. — Coleridge came in the morning, which prevented our walking. William went through the wood with him towards Stowey ; a very stormy night. " 22nd. — Coleridge came in the morning to dinner. Wil- liam and I walked after dinner to Woodlands ; the moon and two planets ; sharp and frosty. Met a razor-grinder with a soldier's jacket on, a knapsack upon his back, and a boy to drag his wheel. The sea very black, and making a loud DOROTHY Wordsworth's alfoxden journal. 139 noise as we came through the wood, loud as if disturbed, and the wind was silent. " 2Srd. — William walked with Coleridge in the morning. I did not go out. " 24!th. — Went to the hill-top. Sat a considerable time overlooking the country towards the sea. The air blew pleasantly round us. The landscape mildly interesting- The Welsh hills capped by a huge range of tumultuous white clouds. The sea, spotted with white, of a bluish grey in general, and streaked with darker lines. The near shores clear ; scattered farm houses, half-concealed by green mossy orchards, fresh straw lying at the doors ; hay-stacks in the fields. Brown fallows, the springing wheat, like a shade of green over the brown earth, and the choice meadow plots, full of sheep and lambs, of a soft and vivid green ; a few wreaths of blue smoke, spreading along the ground ; the oaks and beeches in the hedges retaining their yellow leaves ; the distant prospect on the land side, islanded with sunshine ; the sea, like a basin full to the margin ; the fresh-ploughed fields dark ; the turnips of a lively rough green. Returned through the wood, " 26th. — Coleridge came in the morning, and Mr and Mrs Cruikshank ; walked with Coleridge nearly to Stowey after dinner. A very clear afternoon. We lay sidelong upon the turf, and gazed on the landscape till it melted into more than natural loveliness. The sea very uniform, of a pale greyish blue, only one distant bay, bright and blue as a sky ; had there been a vessel sailing up it, a perfect image of delight. Walked to the top of a high hill to see a fortifica- tion. Again sat down to feed upon the prospect ; a magnifi- cent scene, curiously spread out for even minute inspection, though so extensive that the mind is afraid to calculate its bounds. A winter prospect shows every cottage, every farm, and the forms of distant trees sucli as in summer have no 140 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. distinguishing mark. On our return, Jupiter and Venus before us. Wliile the twilight still overpowered the light of the moon, we were reminded that she was shining bright above our heads, by our faint shadows going before us. We had seen her on the tops of the hills, melting into the blue sky. Poole called while we were absent. " 21111. — I walked to Stowey in the evening. William and Basil went with me through the wood. The prospect bright, yet mildly beautiful. The sea big and white, swelled to the very shores, but round and high in the middle. Coleridge returned with me, as far as the wood. A very bright moon- light night. Venus almost like another moon. Lost to us at Alfoxden long before she goes down the large white sea. " March 1st. — We rose early. A thick fog obscured the distant prospect entirely, but the shapes of the near trees and the dome of the wood dimly seen and dilated. It cleared away between ten and eleven. The shapes of the mist, slowly moving along, exquisitely beautiful ; passing over the sheep they almost seemed to have more of life than those quiet creatures. The unseen birds singing in the mist. " '2^nd. — Went a part of the way home with Coleridge in the morning. Gathered fir apples afterwards under the trees. " Srd — I went to the shoemaker's. William lay under the trees till my return. Afterwards went to the secluded farm house in search of eggs, and returned over the hill. A very mild, cloudy evening. The rose trees in the hedges and the elders budding. " bth. — Gathered fir apples. A thick fog came on. Walked to the baker's and the shoemaker's, and through the fields towards Woodlands. On our return, found Tom Poole in the parlour. He drank tea with us. " Cith. — A pleasant morning, the sea white and bright, and full to the brim. I walked to see Coleridge in the DOROTHY Wordsworth's alfoxden journal. 141 evening. William went with me to the wood. Coleridge very ill. It was a mild, pleasant afternoon, but the evening became very foggy ; when 1 was near Woodlands, the fog overhead became thin, and I saw the shapes of the Central Stars. Again it closed, and the whole sky was the same. " ^th. — William and I drank tea at Coleridge's. A cloudy sky. Observed nothing particularly interesting — the distant prospect obscured. One only leaf upon the top of a tree — the sole remaining leaf — danced round and round like a rag blown by the wind. • " 10th. — Coleridge, William, and I walked in the evening to the top of the hill. We all passed the morning in sauntering about the park and gardens, the children play- ing about, the old man at the top of the hill gathering furze ; interesting groups of human creatures, [the young frisking and dancing in the sun, the elder quietly drinking in the life and soul of the sun and air. " l\tli. — A cold day. The children went^ down towards the sea. William and I walked to the top of the hills above Holford. Met the blacksmith. Pleasant to see the labourer on Sunday jump with the friskiness of a cow upon a sunny day. " l^th. — The Coleridges left us. A cold, windy morning. Walked with them half way. On our return, sheltered under the hollies during a hail-shower. The withered leaves danced with the hailstones. William wrote a description of the storm. " l^th. — William and Basil and I walked to the hill- tops, a very cold, bleak day. We were met on our return by a severe hailstorm. William wrote some lines describing a stunted thorn. " 21 si. — We drank tea at Coleridge's. A quiet shower of snow was in the air during more than half our walk. At our return the sky partially shaded with clouds. The 142 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. horned moon was set. Startled two night birds from the great elm tree. " 23rd — Coleridge dined vjith us. He brought his ballad finished. We walked with him to the miner's house. A beautiful evening, very starry, the horned moon. " 24i!A, — Coleridge, the Chesters, and Ellen Crewkshank called. We walked with them through the wood. Went in the evening into the Coombe to get eggs; returned through the wood, and walked in the park. A sort of white shade over the blue sky. The stars dim. The spring con- tinues to advance very slowly, no green trees, the hedges leafless ; notliing green but the brambles that still retain their old leaves, the evergreens and the palms, which indeed are not absolutely green. Some brambles I observed to-day budding afresh, and those have shed their old leaves. The crooked arm of the old oak tree points upwards to the moon. " 2bth. — Walked to Coleridge's after tea. Arrived at home at one o'clock. The night cloudy but not dark. " 2G^7i. — Went to meet Wedgwood at Coleridge's after dinner. Eeached home at half-past twelve, a fine moonlight night ; half moon. " llth. — Dined at Poole's. Arrived at home a little after twelve. " 29^/i. — Coleridge dined with us. " April 2nd. — A very high wind. Coleridge came to avoid the smoke ; stayed all night. We walked in the wood, and sat under the trees. The half of the wood perfectly still, while the wind was making a loud noise behind us. The still trees only bowed their heads, as if listening to the wind. The hollies in the thick wood unshaken by the blast ; only, when it came with a greater force, shaken by the rain drops falling from the bare oaks above. " ^rd. — Walked to Crookham, with Coleridge and William, DOROTHY WOEDSWORTH's ALFOXDEN JOURNAL. 143 to make the appeal. Left William there, and parted with Coleridge at the top of the hill. A very stormy afternoon. " 4:th. — Walked to the sea-side in the afternoon. A great commotion in the air, but the sea neither grand nor beauti- ful. A violent shower in returning. Sheltered under some fir trees at Potsdam. " loth. — Set forward after breakfast to Crookham, and returned to dinner at three o'clock. A fine cloudy morning. Walked about the squire's grounds. Quaint waterfalls about, where Nature was very successfully striving to make beautiful what art had deformed — ruins, hermitages, &c., &c. In spite of all these things, the dell romantic and beauti- ful, though everywhere planted with unnaturalised trees. Happily we cannot shape the huge hills, or carve out the valleys according to our fancy. " 2Qth. — Walked in the evening up the hill dividing the Coombes. Came home the Crookham way, by the thorn, and the little muddy pond. Nine o'clock at our return. William all the morning engaged in wearisome composition. The moon crescent ; " Peter Bell " begun. " 2Qth. — William went to have his picture taken. I walked with him. Dined at home. Coleridge and he drank tea. "May 6th, Sunday. — Expected the painter, and Coleridge. A rainy morning — very pleasant in the evening. Met Coleridge as we were walking out. Went with him to Stowey ; heard the nightingale ; saw a glow-worm. " Wednesday, 16th. — Coleridge, William, and myself set forward to the Chedder rocks ; slept at Bridge water." CHAPTEE X. LAST DAYS AT ALFOXDEN ; VISIT TO THE WYE, ETC. DUKING the early spring of 1798, Wordsworth saw that he must quit Alfoxden at no distant date. The original agreement or lease of the house, by Mrs St Albyn — now in possession of Mrs Sandford at Chester* — is signed by Thomas Poole of Nether Stowey, as witness ; and it was largely owing to Poole's kindness and tact that the Wordsworths were able to obtain entry into Alfoxden at all. The owner of the property was a minor, and the trustees — by whom it had been leased to Wordsworth — became alarmed about their tenant, and his many radical friends. In one of the notes which Wordsworth added to the Memoir of himself, compiled by the late Baron rield,t he wrote the following, opposite a statement of Hazlitt's to the effect that Alfoxden " was in the possession of a friend, who gave him the free use of it " : " A mistake. I rented the house, and had no personal knowledge of the trustees of its owner, then a minor." The local Conservatives imagined that there was a party danger — if there was no national risk — in the gatherings and conferences of men so little understood as William Words- worth and Samuel Taylor Coleridge. It was very possibly the long and late wanderings of the poets, and their habit of muttering their half-formed verses aloud — singing them into rhythmic shape — that awakened suspicion. But what- * Mrs Sandford has also a letter of Poole's to Mrs St Albyn, assuring her of Wordsworth's "respectability," in view of a further lease. t It is still in MS. LAST DAYS AT ALFOXDEN. 145 ever the reason, the Wordsworths were not only unpopular in the neighbourhood, they were suspected ; and a Sir Philip Hale of Cannington crave information to the Government that very suspicious persons were now in this Quantock country. Accordingly, a Spy was sent down to watch them all — Wordsworth, Coleridge, Poole, &c.* The story of this Spy has been deemed apocryphal by many persons ; but the following letter from Southey to his brother gives General Peachey's account of the affair : — " Keswick, August 22, 1805. " My Dear Tom, — . . . General Peachy . . . spoke of the relationship with us ; he said of me and Wordsworth that, however we might have got into good company, he might depend upon it we were still Jacobins at heart, and that he believed he had been instrumental in having us looked after in Somersetshire, This refers to a spy who was sent down to Stowey to look after Coleridge and Wordsworth. The fellow, after trying to tempt the country people to tell lies, could collect nothing more than that the gentlemen used to walk a good deal upon the coast, and that they were what they call ' poets.' He got drunk at the inn, and told his whole errand and history, but we did not till now know who was the main mover." . . . t In writing to Thelwall from Stowey, Coleridge did his best to dissuade him from carrying out a wish he entertained to come to settle there. He did this on the ground that Thelwall's coming would add a new burden to Poole. As Poole had brought much odium on himself amongst " the aristocrats," by first bringing Samuel Taylor Coleridge, and then William Wordsworth, the advent of so pronounced a radical as Thelwall would make the cup run over 1 T * Compare, A Group of Entjlishmeu, by Eliza Mctcyard, p. 78. t See The Life and Correspondence of Robert Southey, vol. ii., p. 343. IX. K 146 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. thinlv it was Thelwall's visit to Stowey on the 18th July 1797 (referred to at p. 117) that first awakened suspicion on the part of Mrs St Albyn; but Coleridge's expression that Wordsworth was " caballed against " is far too strong. He was merely suspected. In a poem of Thelwall's, called Lines written at Bridge- water in Somersetshire, on the 29th of July 1797, during a long Excursion, in quest of a peaceful Retreat, he expresses a wish to settle near " My Samuel," and " Alfoxden's musing tenant, and the maid Of ardent eye, who with fraternal love Sweetens his solitude. With those should join Arcadian Poole, swain of a happier age." * Neither " Samuel," however, nor the " musing tenant," nor " the maid," nor the " Arcadian " would hear of it. It is curious to think of the local excitement to wliich, in days of disturbance, a very mild conspirator may give rise ! The following letter from Wordsworth to James Losh, a friend at Carlisle, explains his relation to Alfoxden, and his project of spending the next winter in Germany. It will be seen that while Wordsworth remarks to Losh, " we are obliged to quit this place at midsummer," he says nothing about being refused a renewal of the lease. Any request for it — and it probably was made by Poole — would certainly come from others ; and Wordsworth writes the following, on the margin of Baron Field's MS., about the ' caballing long and loud ' against himself as ' occasioning his removal.' " A mistake. Not the occasion of my removal. Annoyances I had none. The facts mentioned by Coleridge of a spy, &c., came not to my knowledge till I had left the neighbourhood. I was not refused a continuance. I never applied for one." * See The Fairy of the Lake, etc., by J. Thelwall (1802), p. 1.30. LAST DAYS AT ALFOXDEN. 147 " My Dear Losh,* — I have wished much to hear from you. I suppose that your marriage has not yet taken place, or I shouki certainly have been apprised of it. I have had some fears about your health, but I have constantly banished them as soon as they came into my mind. Perhaps you have heard of the unexampled liberality of the Wedgewoods towards Coleridge; they have settled an annuity of £150 upon him, for life. We are obliged to quit this place at midsummer. I have already spoken to you of its enchant- ing beauty. Do contrive to come and see us before we go away. Coleridge is now writing by me at the same table. I need not say how ardently he joins with me in this wish, and how deeply interested he is in anything relating to you. We have a delightful scheme in agitation, which is ren- dered still more delightful by a probability which I cannot exclude from my mind that you may be induced to join in the party. We have come to a resolution — Coleridge, Mrs Coleridge, my sister, and myself — of going into Germany, where we purpose to pass the two ensuing years in order to acquire the German language, and to furnish ourselves with a tolerable stock of information in natural science. Our plan is to settle if possible in a village near a University, in a pleasant, and, if we can, a mountainous country. It will he desirable that the place should be as near as may be to Ham- burgh, on account of the expense of travelling. What do you say to this ? I know that Cecilia Baldwin has great activity and spirit ; may I venture to whisper a wish to her that she would consent to join this little colony ? I have not for- gotten your apprehensions from sea-sickness ; there may be many other obstacles wliich I cannot divine. I cannot, how- ever, suppress wishes wliich I have so ardently felt. Where is * From the Add. MSS. Brit. Museum, No. 18204, f. 19.3 :—" William Wordsworth, Alfoxden, March 11, 1798, to James Losli, Esq., Woodside, near Carlisle, Cumberland." 148 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. Tweddel ? Will you have the goodness to write to him, and to request that he would inform you what places he has seen in Germany, which he thinks eligible residences for persons with such views, either for accidental or permanent advan- tages ; also, if he could give any information respecting the prices of board, lodging, house rents, pro\dsions, &c., upon which we should be justified in proceeding, it would be highly useful. " I have not yet seen any numbers of the Economist, though I requested Cottle to transmit them to me. I have been tolerably industrious within the last few weeks. I have written 706 lines of a poem which I hope to make of considerable utility. Its title will be. The Eecluse, or Views of Nature, Man, and Society. Let me hear from you immediately. My sister begs her kind remembrances. — I am, dear Losh, your affectionate friend, "W. WORDSWOKTH." " Alfoxden, near Stowey-Bridgewater, Somersetshire, March 11." * A visit which William Hazlitt paid to Alfoxden in the spring of 1798 was recorded by him subsequently in TJie Liberal, t It is difficult to know when Hazlitt is to be regarded as a literal reporter, and when he is introducing some- thing of De Quincey's style of narrative. There may be some subjective colour in this, as in others of his picturesque delineations : but it is very vivid, and at times felicitous ; and, although it did not altogether please the subject delin- eated ! I only wish that Wordsworth had more frequently been photographed in the same way. * It will be seen from this letter that, during these Alfoxden days, Wordsworth had begun the composition of what he expected would be his magnum opus, viz., "The Recluse." tSeeVol. ii., p. 371. LAST DAYS AT ALFOXDEN. 149 " In the afternoon," says Hazlitt, " Coleridge took me to Alfoxden. . . , Wordsworth himself was from home, but his sister kept house, and set before us a frugal repast, and we had free access to her brother's poems, the Lyrical Ballads, which were still in manuscript. I dipt into a few of them, with great satisfaction, and with the faith of a novice. I slept that night in an old room with blue hangings, and covered with the round-faced family portraits of the age of Georges I. and II. ; and from the wooded declivity of the adjoining Park, that overlooked my window, at the dawn of day, could ' hear the loud stag speak.' * That morning as soon as breakfast was over, we strolled into the Park, and seat- ing ourselves on the branch of an old oak tree, Coleridge read aloud, with a sonorous and musical voice, the ballad of ' Betty Foy.' I was not critically or sceptically inclined. I saw touches of truth, and nature, and took the rest for granted. But in The Thorn, Tlic Mad Mother, and TJic Complaint of a Poor Indian Woman, I felt that deeper passion and pathos, which have since been acknowledged as the characteristics of the author ; and, the sense of a new style, and a new spirit in poetry came over me. It had to me something of the effect that arises from the turn- ing up of the fresh soil, or the first welcome breath of spring. . . . " Coleridge and I walked back to Stowey that evening ; and . . . as we passed through echoing grove, by fairy stream or waterfall in the summer moonlight, he lamented that Wordsworth was not prone enough to believe in the traditional superstitions of the place, and that there was a something corporeal, a matter-of-factness, a clinging to the palpable, and often to the petty, in his poetry, in conse- quence. His genius was not a spirit that descended to him * Ben Jonson. loO LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. through the air; it sprung out of the ground, like a flower, or unfolded itself from a green spray on which the goldfinch sang. He said, however, if I remember right, that this objection must be confined to his descriptive pieces — that his philosophical poetry had a grand and comprehensive spirit in it, so that his soul seemed to inhabit the Uidverse like a palace, and to discover truth by intuition rather than by deduction. " The next day, Wordsworth arrived from Bristol, at Cole- ridge's cottage. I think I see liim now. He answered in some degree to his friend's description of him, but was more gaunt and Don Quixote like. He was quaintly dressed in a brown fustian jacket, and striped pantaloons. There was something of a roll, a lounge in his gait, not unlike his own Peter Bell. There was a severe, worn presence of thought about his temples, a fire in his eye (as if he saw something in objects more than the outward appearance), an intense high narrow forehead,* a Eoman nose, cheeks furrowed by strong purpose and feeling, and a convulsive inclination to laughter about the mouth, a good deal at variance with the solemn stately expression of the rest of his face. Chantry's bust wants tlie marking traits, but he was teazed into making it regular and heavy.! Hay don's head of him, * Wordsworth writes a note on the MS. here : "Narrow forehead I I went through three large magazines of hats in Paris, before I could find one large enough, and yet my scull is almost cut away behind ! " + Baron Field's footnote here is : "Coleridge said of it that it was more like Wordsworth than Wordsworth himself was. He meant it was too much idealized, that it expresses the soul of the poetry, and not the counte- nance of the man. If so, Wordsworth agrees with him, and both he and Miss Wordsworth are satisfied that it is the best likeness extant — the happiest attitude of the face, just as Sir Thomas Lawrence used to achieve on the canvas. Wordsworth informed me that he prepared Sir Francis Santlford's mind for it, by repeating to him three stanzas of The Poet's Epitaph, beginning ' But who is he with modest looks?' &c. Wordsworth considered Mr Pickersgill's portraits of him earthy and lumpish compared with the great sculptor's ' animated bust.' " See a paper on " The portraits of Wordsworth," in the WordsworthSociety Transactions, No. iii., p. 20. LAST DAYS AT ALFOXDEN. 151 introduced in the ' Entrance of Christ into Jerusalem,' is the most like his drooping weight of thought and expres- sion.* He sat down, and talked very naturally and freely, with a mixture of clear gushing accents in his voice, a deep guttural intonation, and a strong tincture of the northern burr, like the crust in wine. He instantly began to make havoc of the half of a Cheshire cheese on the table, and said triumphantly that ' his marriage with experience had not been so unproductive as Mr Southey's, in teaching him a knowledge of the good things of this life !'t He had been to see the Castle Spectre by Monk Lewis, while at Bristol, and described it very well. He said, ' It fitted the taste of the audience like a glove.' This ad captandum merit was, however, by no means a recommendation of it, according to the severe principles of the new school, which reject rather than court popular effect. Wordsworth, looking out of the low-latticed window said, ' How beautifully the sun sits on that yellow hank.' I thought, with what eyes these poets see Nature ; and, ever after, when I have seen the sunset streaming on the objects facing it, conceived I had made a discovery, and thanked Mr Wordsworth for having made one for me. " We went over to Alfoxden again the following day, and Wordsworth read us the story of ' Peter Bell ' in the open air, and the comment made upon it by his face and voice was very different from that of some later critics ! Whatever might be thought of the poem, ' his face was as a book, where men might read strange matters ; ' | and he announced tlie fate of his hero in prophetic tones. There is a chant in the recitation, both of Coleridge and Wordsworth, * Painted in 1817. See Haydon's Autobiography, vol. i., p. 358. Also Transacllont of t]ie Wordsworlli Sociclji, No. iii., ]>. .'>!). t Here, I think, we have the hand of Hazlitt rather than that of Words- worth. X Shakespeare, Macbeth, act i., scene 5. 152 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. which acts as a spell upon the hearer, and disarms the judgment. Perhaps they have deceived themselves by making use of tliis ambiguous accompaniment. Coleridge's manner is more full, animated, and varied ; Wordsworth's more equable, sustained, and internal. The one might be termed dramatic, the other more lyrical. Coleridge has told me that he himself liked to compose in walking over uneven ground, or breaking through the straggling copses of a pine wood ; whereas Words wortli always wrote (if he could) walking up and down on a straight gravel walk, or in some spot where the continuity of his verse met with no collateral interruptions." For this, and for some other reminiscences, posterity is grateful to Mr Hazlitt. Cottle's account of the earliest transactions with Words- worth, in reference to the two tragedies, has been already given. While the offer for the tragedies was declined, Wordsworth says that " the volume of poems was left for future arrangement." This refers to the Lyrical Ballads; and Cottle's account of the negotiations which led to his publishing this volume is too interesting to omit. " A visit to Mr Coleridge at Stowey had been the means of my introduction to Mr Wordsworth, who read me many of his Lyrical Pieces, when I perceived in them a peculiar but decided merit. I advised him to publish them, ex- pressing a belief that they would be well received. I further said that he should be at no risk ; that I would give him the same sum which I had given Mr Coleridge and ]\Ir Southey, and that it would be a gratifying circum- stance to me to usher into the world, by becoming the publisher of, the first volumes of three such poets as Southey, Coleridge, and Wordsworth — a distinction that might never again occur to a provincial publisher. " To the idea of publishing he expressed a strong objec- LAST DAYS AT ALFOXDEN. 153 tion, and after several interviews I left him, with an earnest wish that he would reconsider his determination. " Soon after Mr Wordsworth sent me the following letter : — " ' Alfoxden, \Wi April 1798. " ' My deak Cottle, — . . . You will be pleased to hear that I have gone on very rapidly adding to my stock of poetry. Do come and let me read it to you, under the old trees in the Park. We have a little more than two months to stay in this place. Within these few days the season has advanced with greater rapidity than I ever remember, and the country becomes almost every hour more lovely. God bless you. — Your affectionate friend, " ' W. WOEDSWOKTH.' " A little after, I received an invitation from Mr Cole- ridge, to pay himself and Mr Wordsworth anotlier visit. At about the same time I received the following corrobora- tive invitation from Mr Wordsworth : — " ' Dear Cottle, — We look for you with great impatience. We will never forgive you if you do not come. I say nothing of the " Salisbury Plain," till I see you. I am determined to finish it, and equally so that you shall publish. " ' I have lately been busy about another plan, which I do not wish to mention till I see you. Let this be very, very soon, and stay a week if possible ; as much longer as you can. God bless you, dear Cottle. — Yours sincerely, '"W. Wordswokth. "'Alfoxden, 2th May 1798.' " The following letter, on the same subject, was received from Mr Coleridge : — " ' My DEAR Cottle, — Neither Wordsworth nor myself could have been otherwise than uncomfortable if any but 154 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. yourself had received from us the first offer of our tragedies and of the volume of Wordsworth's poems. At the same time we did not expect that you could, with prudence and propriety advance sucli a sum as we should wish at the time we specified. In short, we both regard the publication of our tragedies as an evil. It is not impossible but that on happier times they may be brought on the stage ; and to throw away this chance for a mere trifle would be to make the present moment act fraudulently and injuriously towards the future time. " My tragedy employed and strained all my thoughts and fancies for six or seven months ; Wordsworth consumed far more time, and far more thought, and far more genius. We consider the publication of them an e^dl on any terms ; but our thoughts were bent on a plan, for the accomplishment of which a certain sum of money was necessary (the whole at that particular time), and in order to that we resolved, although reluctantly, to part with our tragedies ; that is, if we could obtain thirty guineas for each, and at less than thirtjy guineas Wordsworth will not part with the copyright of his volume of poems. We shall offer the Tragedies to no one, for we have determined to procure the money some other way. If you chose the volume of Poems at the price mentioned, to be paid at the time specified, i.e., thirty guineas, to be paid sometime in the last fortnight of July, you may have them ; but remember, my dear fellow, I write to you now merely as a bookseller, and entreat you, in your answer, to consider yourself only. As to us, although money is necessary to our plan [that of visiting Germany], yet the plan is not necessary to our happiness ; and if it was, W. would sell his Poems to someone else, or we could procure the money without selling the Poems ; so I entreat you, again and again, in your answer, which must be immediate, consider yourself only. LAST DAYS AT ALFOXDEN. 155 "Wordsworth has been caballed against -so long and so loudly', that he has found it impossible to prevail on the tenant of the Alfoxden estate to let him the house after the tirst agreement is expired, so we.must quit it at Midsummer ; whether we shall be able to procure him a house and fur- niture near Stowey we know not, and yet we must ; for the lulls, and the woods, and the streams, and the sea, and the shores would break forth into reproaches against us if we did not strain every nerve to keep their Poet among them. Without joking, and in serious sadness, Poole and I cannot endure to think of losing him. " At all events, come down, Cottle, as soon as you can, but before Midsummer, and we will procure a horse easy as thy own soul, and we will go on to a roam to Linton and Linmouth, which, if thou comest in May, will be in all their pride of woods and waterfalls, not to speak of its august cliff, and the green ocean, and the vast Valley of Stones, all which live disdainful of the seasons, or accept new honours only from the winter's snow. At all events, come down soon, and cease not to believe me much and affectionately your friend, S. T. Coleridge." " In consequence of their conjoint invitation, I spent a week with Mr C. and Mr W. at Alfoxden House, and during this time (besides the reading of MS. poems) they took me to Linmouth, and Linton, and the Valley of Stones. . . . " At this interview it was determined that the volume would be published under the title of ' Lyrical Ballads,' on the terms stipulated in a former letter ; that this volume should not contain the poem of ' Salisbury I'lain,' but only an extract from it ; that it should not contain the poem of ' I'eter Bell,' but consist rather of sundry shorter poems, and, for the most part, of ijieces more recently written. I had recommended two volumes, but one was fixed on, and that to be published anonymously. It was to be begun imme- 156 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. diately, and with the ' Ancient Mariner,' which poem I brought with me to Bristol. A day or two after, I received the following : — " ' My dear Cottle, — " ' Wordsworth and I have duly weighed your proposal, and this is an answer. W. would not object to the pub- lishing of ' Peter Bell ' or tlie ' Salisbury Plain ' singly ; but to the publishing of his poems in two volumes he is de- cisively repugnant and oppugnant. " ' He deems that they would want variety, &c., &c. If this apply in his case, it applies with tenfold more force to mine. We deem that the volumes offered you are, to a certain degree, one work, in kind, though not in degree, as an ode is one work ; and that our different poems are as stanzas good, relatively rather than absolutely : mark you, I say in kind, though not in degree. . . . " ' The picture shall be sent.* . , . " ' Cottle, my dear Cottle, I meant to have written you an Ess«ry on the Metaphysics of Typography, but I have not time. Take a few hints, without the abstruse reasons for them, with wliich I mean to favour you. Eighteen lines in a page, the lines closely printed, certainly more closely printed than those of the ' Joan 't [' Oh, by all. means, closer, W. Wordsworth '], equal ink, and large margins ; that is beauty ; it may even, under your immediate care, mingle the sublime ! And now, my dear Cottle, may God love you and me, who am, with most unauthorish feelings, your true friend, S. T. Coleridge.' " yir W. had taken the Alfoxden House, near Stowey, for * This refers to the earliest portrait of Wordsworth, painted in 1797, by nil artist in Stowey, now the property of Mr George, BristoL . t Joan of Arc, 4to, first edition, had twenty lines in a page. LAST DAYS AT ALFOXDEN. 157 one year (during the minority of the heir), and the reason why he was refused a continuance, by the ignorant man who had the letting of it, arose (as Mr Coleridge informed me) from a whimsical cause, or rather, a series of causes. The wiseacres of the village had, it seemed, made Mr W, the subject of their serious conversation. One said that, ' He had seen him wander about by night, and look rather strangely at the moon ! and then, he roamed over the hills, like a partridge.' Another said, ' he had heard him mutter, as he walked, in some outlandish brogue, that nobody could understand !' Another said, ' It's useless to talk, Thomas, I think he is what people call a " wise man " [a conjuror ! ']. Another said, ' You are every one of you wrong. I know what he is. We have all met him, tramping away toward the sea. Would any man in his senses, take all that trouble to look at a parcel of water ! I think he carries on a snug business in the smuggling line, and, in these journeys, is on the look-out for some toet cargo ! ' Another very, signifi- cantly said, ' I know that he has got a private still in his cellar, for I once passed his house, at a little better tlmn a hundred yards distance, and I could smell the spirits, as plain as an ashen fagot at Christmas !' Another said, ' However that was, he is surely a desperate French jacobin, for he is so .silent and dark, that no body ever heard him say one word about politics ! ' And thus these ignoramuses drove from their village, a greater ornament than will ever again be found amongst them. . . . "A visit to Mr Coleridge, at Stowey, in the year 1797, liad been the means of my introduction to Mr Wordsworth. Soon after our acquaintance had commenced, Mr W. happene:! to be in Bristol, and asked me to spend a day or two with him at Alfoxden. I consented, and drove him down in a gig. We called for Mr Coleridge, Miss Wordsworth, and the servant, at Stowey ; and they walked, while we rode on 158 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. to Mr W.'s liouse, (distant two or three miles), where we purposed to dine. A London alderman would smile at our bill-of-fare. It consisted of philosophers' viands, namely, a bottle of brandy, a noble loaf, and a stout piece of cheese ; and as there were plenty of lettuces in the garden, with all these comforts we calculated on doing very well. " Our fond hopes, however, were somewhat damped, by finding that our ' stout piece of cheese ' had vanished ! A sturdy rat of a beggar, whom we had relieved on the road, with his olfactories all alive no doubt, smelt our cheese ; and, wliile we were gazing at the magnificent clouds, con- trived to abstract our treasure ! Cruel tramp ! An ill return for our pence ! We both wished the rind might not choke him ! The mournful fact was ascertained a little before we drove into the court-yard of tlie house. Mr Cole- ridge bore the loss with great fortitude, observing, that we should never starve with a loaf of bread and a bottle of brandy. He now, with the dexterity of an adept (admired by his friends around), unbuckled the liorse, and putting down the shafts with a jerk, as a triumphant conclusion of his work, lo ! the bottle of brandy, that had been placed most carefully behind us, on the seat, from the inevitable law of gravity, suddenly rolled down, and before we could arrest the spirituous avalanche, pitcliing right on the stones, was dashed to pieces ! We all beheld the spectacle, silent and petrified • We might have collected the broken frag- ments of glass, but, tlie brandy ! that was gone ! clean gone ! " One little untoward thing often follows another, and while the rest stood musing, chained to the place, regaling them- selves with the Cogniac effluvium, and all miserably cha- grined, I led the horse to the stable, when a fresh perplexity arose. I removed the harness without difficulty, but after many strenuous attempts, I could not get off the collar. In LAST DAYS AT ALFOXDEN. 159 despair, I called for assistance, when aid soon drew near. Mr W. first brought his ingenuity into exercise, but after several unsuccessful efforts, he relinquished the achievement, as altogether impracticable. Mr Coleridge ;iow tried his hand, but showed no more grooming skill than his predecessors ; for after twisting the poor liorse's neck, almost to strangula- tion, and to the great danger of his eyes, he gave up the useless task, pronouncing that 'the horse's head must have grown (gout or dropsy !) since the collar was put on, for,' he said, ' it was a downright impossibility for such a huge os frontis to pass through so narrow a collar ! ' Just at this instant the servant girl drew near, and understanding the cause of our consternation, ' La, master,' said she, ' you do not go about the work in the right way. You should do like this,' when, turning the collar completely upside down, she slipped it off in a moment, to our great humiliation and wonderment, each satisfied afresh that there were heights of knowledge in the world to which he had not attained. " We were now summoned to dinner, and a dinner it was, such as every blind and starving man in the three kingdoms would have rejoiced to behold. At the top of the table stood a superb l^rown loaf. The centre dish presented a pile of the true coss lettuces, and at the bottom appeared an empty plate, where the ' stout piece of cheese ' ought to have stood (cruel mendicant !) and though the brandy was ' clean gone,' yet its place was well, if not letter supplied by a superabundance of fine sparkling Castalian Champagne ! A happy thought at this time started into one of our minds, that some sauce would render the lettuces a little more acceptable, when an individual in the company recollected a question once propounded by the most patient of men, ' How can that which is unsavoury be eaten without salt ? ' and asked for a little of that valuable culinary article. * Indeed, sir,' Betty replied, ' I quite forgot to buy salt.' 160 LIFE OF WORDSWORTH. A general laugh followed the announcement, in which our host lieartily joined. This was nothing. We had plenty of other good things, and while crunching our succulents, and munching our crusts, we pitied the far worse condition of those, perchance as hungry as ourselves, who were forced to dine alone off aether. For our next meal, the mile-off village furnished all that could be desired, and these trifling incidents present the sum and the result of half the little passing disasters of life." * On the 26tli of June the Wordsworths left Alfoxden, spent a farewell week with Coleridge at Stowey, another week with Cottle in Bristol (arranging details about the forthcoming volume), and then left for that short ramble up the Wye, with which the Lines on Tintern Abhey are for ever associated. It is thus that Wordsworth narrates it : — " We left Alfoxden on Monday morning, the 26th of June, stayed with Coleridge till the Monday following, then set forth on foot towards Bristol. We were at Cottle's for a week, and thence we went toward the banks of the Wye. We crossed the Severn Ferry, and walked ten miles further to Tintern Abbey, a very beautiful ruin on the Wye. The next morning we walked along the river through Monmouth to Goodrich Castle, there slept, and returned the next day to Tintern, thence to Chepstow, and from Chepstow back again in a boat to Tintern, where we slept, and thence back in a small vessel to Bristol. " The Wye is a stately and majestic river from its width and depth, but never slow and sluggish ; you can always hear its murmur. It travels through a woody country, now varied with cottages and green meadows, and now with huge and fantastic rocks." t * See Cottle's Early RecoUfctions, vol. i., pp. 309-324. t See Memoirs, vol. i., pp. 116, 117. LAST DAYS AT ALFOXDEN. 161 His own account of the Lines on Tintern Abbey is as follows : — " No poem of mine was composed under circumstances more pleasant for me to remember than this. I began it upon leaving Tintern, after crossing the Wye, and concluded it just as I was entering Bristol in the evening, after a ramble of four or five days with my sister. Not a line of it was altered, and not any part of it written down till I reached Bristol. It was published almost immediately after, in the little volume of which so much has been said in these notes." * "After the Wye tour," Wordsworth and his sister took up their abode at Bristol, " in order," says the late Bishop of Lincoln,! "that he might be nearer the printer." His sister wrote, July 18th, 1798: "William's poems are now in the press ; they will be out in six weeks. They are in one small volume, without the name of the author ; their title is ' Lyrical Ballads, with other Poems.' " "On August 27," adds Bishop Wordsworth, "they" — i.e., the poet and his sister — " had arrived in London, having passed Oxford and Blenheim. In a few days the Lyrical Ballads appeared ; and on the 1 6th September, Wordsworth, his sister, and Mr Coleridge left Yarmouth for Hamburgh." * Compare the Fenwick note to the poem, t See Memoirs, vol. ii., p. 120. IX. CHAPTER XI. HAMBUEGH AND GOSLAE. The voyage from Yarmouth to Hamburgh is grapliically described by Coleridge in Satyrancs Letters. In his imaginary conversation witli the Dane, Coleridge's humour is at its best. His reference to the " single, solitary, wild duck," swimming in " that round, objectless desert of waters," and his description of the scenery during the sail from Cuxhaven up the Elbe to Altona, may be compared with Dorothy Wordsworth's shorter jottings in her Journal. Tliis Journal is only the record of the two days spent in crossing the North Sea, and sixteen days spent in Ham- burgh and its vicinity. A Journal would probably be kept of the winter at Goslar, but I have not seen it. The incidents of that winter were few, and may be stated in a paragraph ; but there are passages in the Journal which deserve a place by themselves. The party reached Hamburgh on the IStli September, spent eight or ten days in studying the people and the place, had introductions to Mr Klopstock, the brother of the poet, met the latter at his brother's house, and had long conversations with him — of which "Wordsworth afterwards wrote out extensive notes, wliich Coleridge reproduced in Tlie Friend, and in the Biograplda Literaria. After a week's residence in Hamburgh, Coleridge — whose chief aim in coming to Germany was the acquisition of the German language — went on to Eatzeburg, a small town on the road to Lubeck, about thirty-five miles to the north-east HAMBURGH AND GOSLAE. 163 of Hamburgh, a place recommended to him by Klopstock, who gave him an introduction to the Amtmann. He left Hamburgh, on Sunday the 23 rd, apparently alone, and being satisfied with Eatzeburg, and the pastor — to whom the Amtmann sent him — returned to Hamburgh on the 27th, to say good-bye to the Wordsworths, with whom his friend Chester had remained during his four days' absence. On the 1st October Coleridge and Chester went back to Eatzeburg, where they staid four months ; and on the 3rd, Wordsworth and his sister left Hamburgh, by the Brunswick coach for Goslar. Coleridge's account of the days spent at Hamburgh, and of his visit with Wordsworth to Klopstock's house beyond the city gates, is much more graphic than his friend's letter on the same subject to Thomas Poole, or his sister's Journal.* The beauty and singularity of one sunset in particular, which they saw together on leaving Klopstock's house — and its effect on the objects around — at once broke the thread of their talk on the old poet they had left. " There were woods in the distance. A rich sandy light (nay, of a much deeper colour than sandy) lay over these woods that blackened in the blaze. Over that part of the woods which lay immediately under the intenser light a Ijrassy mist floated. The trees on the ramparts, and the people moving to and fro between them, were cut or divided into equal segments of deep shade and brassy light. Had the trees, and the bodies of the men and women, been divided into equal segments by a rule or pair of compasses, the portions could not have been more regular. All else was obscure. It was a fairy scene," &c. t * Coleridge's description of the lakes of Ratzeburg in winter, and the skating there (see The Friend, Essay iii.), is one of the finest he ever wrote, and almost equal to the skating scene in The Prelude. + See Satyrane's Letters, Bio