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THE LIBRARY 
 
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 THE UNIVERSITY 
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THE 
 
 LIFB 
 
 OP 
 
 THOMAS JEFFERSON, 
 
 AUTHOR OF THE 
 
 DECLARATION OP INDEPENDENCE, 
 
 .AND 
 
 THIRD PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 li Let laurels, drench'd in pure Parnassian dews, 
 " Reward his mem'ry, dear to every muse, 
 " Who, with a courage of unshaken root, 
 " In honour's field advancing his firm foot, 
 " Plants it upon the line that Justice draws, 
 " And will prevail, or perish in her cause." 
 
 BY WILLIAM LINN. 
 
 ITHACA : 
 
 PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MACK & ANDRUS. 
 
 1834. 
 
Entered according to act of Congress, in the year 1834, by 
 MACK & ANDRUS, in the office of the Clerk of the Northern 
 District of the state of New York. 
 
TO 
 
 SIMEON DE WITT, ESO. 
 
 . 
 
 SURVEYOR GENERAL OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK, 
 
 This volume is inscribed, 
 
 as a testimonial of the gratitude and respect of the Compiler; 
 accompanied by the wish, that his age maybe as composed and 
 happy as his past life has been arduous, honourable, and useful. 
 
 
ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 THIS work is a compilation exclusively ; and the only merit 
 it can possibly claim, is in the collection and arrangement of 
 the materials, and in the authenticity and correctness of its 
 authorities. And where facts and truths alone are sought, this 
 acknowledgment cannot diminish the value of the production^ 
 or detract from its usefulness. Farther than what the writers 
 quoted afford, neither the splendour of fancy, nor the fascina- 
 tion of language, is to be expected from it; its. aim has been a 
 plain, unvarnished statement of the prominent incidents in the 
 life of its illustrious subject ; and if that is attained, the inten- 
 tion of the publishers is answered. The selections for this pur- 
 pose have oeen made from various authors ; and the memoirs 
 of Mr. Jefferson, composed by himself, and prefixed to the vol- 
 umes of his correspondence, has been the text-book by which 
 difficulties and discrepancies have been obviated or reconciled. 
 These memoirs, however, comprise but little of his lengthened 
 and eventful life, and his letters have enabled me, in some 
 measure, to supply the deficiency. Neither have I hesitated, 
 in many instances, to employ the very words of my authorities ; 
 conscious that any attempted amendment on my part, would not 
 only be futile, but, by misapplication of a phrase, might perplex 
 the meaning. On this account, a variety of style will be percep- 
 tible, but not having a tendency, it is imagined, to throw confu- 
 sion in the facts related, or shroud expression in obscurity. To 
 the " American Biography," more than any other, I have been 
 indebted for date and incident. 
 
 To present to the publick a candid and impartial history of 
 the life of THOMAS JEFFERSON, has been the anxious desire of 
 the compiler, though, in other respects, his ability may have 
 failed in the performance. This he hopes he has done ; and 
 he has given in a portable and economical form, what was be- 
 fore contained in, or appended to, books voluminous in bulk and 
 extravagant ia price. 
 
 "W. L 
 
OF 
 
 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 
 
 * . 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE LIFE of THOMAS JEFFERSON, author of the 
 Declaration of Independence, President of the United 
 States, and one of the most prominent actors in the 
 stirring scenes of the revolution, cannot, we presume, 
 be unacceptable to any American reader. The inci- 
 dents of his distinguished life, his talents, the exalted 
 stations which he filled, his intimate connexion with 
 those illustrious men whom we delight to honour, and 
 his association with the most important events in the 
 revolutionary struggle, must always afford him a con- 
 spicuous place in the history of our country. Shaken 
 as he has been by the storms of the time, and so furious- 
 ly assailed by political opponents, there was danger, 
 while they* contemplated nothing beyond the downfall 
 of the executive, that their weapons might pass through 
 his shield, and strike into the bosom of their country* 
 yet now, when the fury of the day has passed over, 
 candour will do justice to his talents, appreciate his 
 merits, and render gratitude for his services. The 
 2 
 
O LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 clouds are rolling off from the darkened landscape, 
 and the excellencies of his character can now be dis- 
 tinguished on the horizon in all their native brightness, 
 It has been remarked, that certain stated times and 
 periods have been prolifick of great men. Nature 
 seems then to have exerted herself with a more than 
 ordinary effort, and to have poured them forth with 
 unusual fertility. But at no time or period did any 
 country produce greater men, or those better qualified 
 to conduct affairs to a successful issue, than at the com- 
 mencement and during the progress of our combat for 
 independence. The commanders were ardent and 
 enterprising, and possessing an almost intuitive knowl- 
 edge of their profession ; our counsellors were firm, 
 prudent and sagacious ; and the continental Congress 
 possessed a collective body of wisdom which the world 
 has seldom witnessed. The people themselves, enthu- 
 siastick in the cause of liberty, deeply imbued with a 
 detestation of tyranny, and with all their wrongs and 
 remembrances about them, were brave and determined, 
 unrepining in the midst of hardships, and free from 
 cruelty and licentiousness. With such instruments, 
 under the direction of a benignant Providence, the re- 
 sult was glorious, and its effects and consequences have 
 been beneficially felt over a great part of the globe. 
 "History," said professor Silliman in 1820, "presents 
 no struggle for liberty which has in it more of the 
 moral sublime than that of the American revolution. 
 It has of late years been too much forgotten in the sharp 
 contentions of party, and he who endeavours to with- 
 draw the publick mind from these debasing conflicts, 
 and to fix it on the grandeur of that epoch, which, 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 7 
 
 magnificent in itself, begins now to wear the solemn 
 livery of antiquity as it is viewed through the deepen- 
 ing twilight of almost half a century, certainly per- 
 forms a meritorious service, and can scarcely need a 
 justification." But if a subject of interest when con- 
 templated in this view if to the philosopher it affords 
 a profound and gratifying theory in his annals of man 
 how vastly more important, and what a matter of ex- 
 ultation, must it be to those who reflect that it was their 
 fathers who exhibited this noble spectacle to the world, 
 and that the rights and privileges which they enjoy 
 are the splendid result of their exertions ! Their char- 
 acters must become not only the subjects of curiosity, 
 but their names of enduring gratitude, and the events 
 of their lives not only the theme of frequent conversa- 
 tion, but familiar as household terms. It is under 
 these impressions that these memoirs are presented to 
 the publick ; the memoirs of him whose name is one 
 of the brightest in the revolutionary galaxy. 
 
 Thomas Jefferson was descended from a family who 
 had long been settled in Virginia, the province of his 
 nativity. His ancestors, according to a late biographer, 
 had emigrated there at an early period ; and although 
 bringing with them, as far as is known, no fortune be- 
 yond that zeal and enterprise which are so useful and 
 necessary to adventurers in a new and unknown coun- 
 try, and no rank beyond a name which was free from 
 dishonour, they had a standing in the community high- 
 ly respectable, and lived in circumstances of consider- 
 able affluence. " The tradition in my father's family," 
 says the subject of this sketch, in his modest and in- 
 teresting memoirs, "was, that their ancestor came to 
 
8 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 this country from Wales, and from near the mountain 
 of Snowden, the highest in Great Britain. I noted 
 once a case from Wales in the law reports, where a 
 person of our name was either plaintiff or defendant, 
 and one of the same name was secretary to the Virgin- 
 ia Company. These are the only instances in which 
 I have met with the name in that country. I have 
 found it in our early records ; but the first particular 
 information I have of any ancestor, was of my grand- 
 father, who lived at the place in Chesterfield called 
 Ozborne's, and owned the lands afterwards the glebe of 
 the parish. He had three sons : Thomas, who died 
 young; Field, who settled on the waters -of Roanoke, 
 and left numerous descendants ; and Petejr 1 my father, 
 who settled on the lands I still own, called Shadwell, 
 adjoining my present residence. He was born Feb- 
 ruary 29, 1707-8, and mtermarried, 1739, with Jane 
 Randolph, of thejjgfijrf 19, daughter of Isliam Ran- 
 dolph, one of the seven sons of that name mul family, 
 settled at 'Dungeness, in Goochland. They trace their 
 pedigree far back in England and Scotland, to which 
 let every one ascribe the faith and merit he chooses." 
 
 Thomas Jefferson was born April 2, old style, 1743, 
 at Shadwell, in Albemarle county, Virginia, and was 
 the eldest of eight children. His father, though his 
 education had been entirely neglected in early life^ yet, 
 being a man of strong mind and sound judgement, he, 
 by subsequent study, acquired no inconsiderable knowl- 
 edge and information. His progress must have been 
 not only rapid but profound, since we find him appoint- 
 ed in the year 1747 one of the commissioners with 
 Joshua Fry, Professor of Mathematicks in William and 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 9 
 
 Mary College, for determining the division line between 
 Virginia and North Carolina ; an appointment no less 
 creditable to his talents than his integrity, a confidence 
 in the latter of which is peculiarly necessary in set- 
 tling the boundaries between jealous and independent 
 territories. After this service, he was again employed 
 with the same gentleman to make a map of Virginia, 
 the first which had ever been made, that of Captain 
 Smith being indebted more to fancy and conjecture 
 than to fact. The father of Thomas Jefferson died 
 August 17, 1757, leaving a widow, who lived until 
 1776, and six daughters and two sons. To the young- 
 est son he left his estate on James River ; to the eldest, 
 with whose life we are engaged, the lands on which 
 he was born, and lived, and died. 
 
 Young Jefferson was placed at an English school at 
 the age of five years ; and at a Latin one at the age of 
 nine, where he continued until the death of his father. 
 When that event happened, he was placed under the 
 tuition of the Reverend Mr. Maury, whom he represents 
 as a " correct classical scholar," and with whom he re- 
 mained two years; when in the spring of 1760 he en- 
 tered William and Mary College, and continued there 
 the space of two years more. At the latter place it 
 was his great good fortune, and what he considered as 
 fixing the destinies of his life, that Doctor William 
 Small, of Scotland, was then Professor of Mathemat- 
 icks in the institution; "a man," says his pupil, "pro- 
 found in most of the useful branches of science, with 
 a happy talent of communication, of correct and gen- 
 tlemanly manners, and with an enlarged and liberal 
 mind." An attachment was soon formed between these m 
 2* 
 
10 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 congenial spirits, and they became daily and insepara- 
 ble companions. From the conversations of this learn- 
 ed man, and true friend, Jefferson confesses that he first 
 imbibed his views of the expansion of science, and of 
 the system of things in which we are placed. 
 
 Doctor Small returned to Europe in 1762, having 
 first occupied the philosophical chair at the College, 
 and filled up the measure of goodness to his young- 
 friend by procuring for him a reception as a student at 
 law under the direction of the celebrated George 
 Wythe, the most distinguished man of his age, one of 
 the signers of the Declaration of Independence, and 
 afterwards Chancellor of the state of Virginia. With 
 this gentleman he was also united not merely by the 
 ties of professional connexion, but by a congeniality of 
 feeling and similarity of views alike honourable to 
 them both; the friendship formed in youth was cement- 
 ed and strengthened by age, and when the venerable 
 preceptor closed his life in 1806, he bequeathed his li- 
 brary and philosophical apparatus to a pupil and friend 
 who had already proved himself worthy of his instruc- 
 tion and regard. 
 
 In 1767 he was introduced to the practice of the law 
 at the bar of the General Court of the colony, and at 
 which he continued until the revolution. His legal 
 career was not only pursued with zeal, but attended 
 with overflowing success. In the short period he de- 
 voted himself to it, he acquired an enviable reputation : 
 and a monument of his professional labour and legal 
 research still exists in a volume of reports of adjudged 
 cases in the supreme courts of Virginia, compiled and 
 digested amid the engagements of active occupation. 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 11 
 
 But his energy and talents were demanded by his 
 fellow citizens for publick life, and his country would 
 not permit him to remain in a private station, or attend 
 to ordinary affairs; their hopes and desires already 
 pointed to him, and their interests directed his aim to 
 higher objects and more extensive usefulness. As early 
 as the year 1769 he was elected a member of the pro- 
 vincial legislature from the county where he resided, 
 and continued a member of that body until it was clos- 
 ed by the revolution. In consequence, he became as- 
 sociated with men who will always stand in bold relief 
 among the first, the most ardent, and most determined 
 champions of our rights. 
 
 While here, he made one strenuous but fruitless ef- 
 fort for the emancipation of the slaves : so early had a 
 love of liberty and a detestation of tyranny been im- 
 printed on his mind. His failure is ascribed to the 
 effect of the regal government, from which nothing 
 liberal, or that innovated on established errour, could 
 expect success. The minds of the generality were, 
 fettered and circumscribed within narrow limits by an 
 habitual belief that it was a duty to be subordinate to 
 the mother country in all matters of government, to 
 direct the colonial labours in subserviance to her inter- 
 ests, and even to observe a bigoted intolerance for all 
 religions but her own. " The difficulties with our 
 representatives," he writes, " were of habit and despair, 
 not of reflection and conviction." And thus this noble 
 attempt was considered as the attempt of rashness, and 
 met the fate of folly. And that which has since im- 
 mortalized its authors and promoters, was first con- 
 ceived by the mind and enforced by the eloquence of 
 
12 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 Jefferson, and adds no fluttering pinion to his deathless 
 renown. 
 
 Ever since the year 1763, a spirit of opposition to 
 the British government had been gradually arising in 
 the province of Virginia, and this spirit was rapidly in- 
 creasing, owing to the arbitrary measures of the mother 
 country, which seemed to be the result no less of mad- 
 ness than determined oppression. The attachment to 
 England was great in all the colonies, and in Virginia 
 it was more than usually strong; many of the princi- 
 pal families, according to a popular writer, were con- 
 nected with it by the closest ties of consanguinity ; the 
 young men of talent were sent thither to complete their 
 education in its colleges ; and by many, and those not 
 the least patriotick, it was fondly looked to as their 
 home. To sever so intimate a connexion could not be 
 an undertaking of ordinary facility ; yet such was the 
 rash course pursued by the British ministry, that a very 
 brief space was sufficient to dissolve in every breast 
 that glowed with national feeling, those ties which had 
 been formed by blood, by time, and by policy. A very 
 short experience and a slight converse with the politi- 
 cal history of the world were sufficient to convince ev- 
 ery mind that there were no hazards too great to be en- 
 countered for the establishment of institutions which 
 would secure the country from a repetition of insults 
 that could only end in abject slavery. It cannot be 
 doubted that Mr. Jefferson was among the first to per- 
 ceive and suggest the only course that could be adopted. 
 The convictions of his mind, and ardour of his feelings, 
 may, in some measure, be judged, from his recollections 
 of the powerful efforts of the celebrated Patrick Henry, 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 13 
 
 end of which he was a witness. " When the famous re- 
 solutions of 1765 against the stamp act were proposed, 
 I was yet a student of law in Williamsburgh. I attend- 
 ed the debate, however, at the door of the lobby of the 
 House of Burgesses, and heard the splendid display of 
 Mr. Henry's talents as a popular orator. They were 
 great indeed ; such as I never heard from any other 
 man. He appeared to me to speak as Homer wrote." 
 In Mr. Jefferson's opinion, Henry, one of the most em- 
 inent, but at the same time the most indolent of men, 
 was the first who gave impetus to the ball of the revo- 
 lution in the province of Virginia. Such are the effects 
 of oratorial eloquence I Its power is almost irresisti- 
 ble : it penetrates, says one who seems to have been un- 
 der the fascination of its influence, into the inmost re- 
 cesses of the soul. It is able to excite or to calm the 
 passions of men at will ; to drive the multitude forward 
 to acts of rashness, or to say to the contending passions, 
 " Peace, be still." It changes the whole current of our 
 ideas concerning the nature and importance of objects, 
 and of our obligations and advantages respecting them. , 
 It rouses from pernicious indolence, and renders the 
 sentiments and dispositions already formed most influ- 
 ential. In a word, it has made of the human species 
 both angels and monsters ; it has animated to the most 
 noble and generous exertions, and it has impelled to 
 deeds of horrour. 
 
 It is in allusion to the events of the- same period that 
 Mr. Jefferson writes : " The colonies were taxed inter- 
 nally and externally ; their essential interests sacrificed 
 to individuals in Great Britain ; their legislatures sus- 
 pended; charters annulled; trials by juries taken 
 
14 LIFE OF JEFFERSOFT. 
 
 away j their persons subjected to transportation across 
 the Atlantick, and to trial by foreign judicatories ; their 
 supplications for redress thought beneath answer; 
 themselves published as cowards in the councils of their 
 mother country, and courts of Europe; armed troops 
 sent amongst them to enforce submission to these violen- 
 ces ; and actual hostilities commenced against them. 
 No alternative was presented but resistance or uncon- 
 ditional submission. Between these, there could be no 
 hesitation. They closed in an appeal to arms." 
 
 In 1769, shortly after the election of Mr. Jefferson 
 to the provincial legislature, these discontents arrived 
 at their crisis. In May of that year, a meeting of the 
 General Assembly was called by the Governour, Lord 
 Botetourt. To that meeting was made known the joint 
 resolutions and address of the British Lords and Com- 
 mons of 1768-9, on the proceedings in Massachusetts, 
 Counter resolutions, and an address to the King, by 
 the House of Burgesses, were agreed to with little op- 
 position ; and a spirit manifestly displayed itself of con- 
 sidering the cause of Massachusetts as a common one. 
 The Governour dissolved the General Assembly in con- 
 sequence of the sympathy which was thus exhibited by 
 a majority of its members; but they met the next day 
 in the publick room of the Raleigh Tavern, formed 
 themselves into a convention, drew up articles of associ- 
 ation against the use of any merchandise from Great 
 Britain, and signed and recommended Ihem to the peo- 
 ple. They then repaired to their respective counties j 
 and were all re-elected except those few who had declin- 
 ed assenting to their proceedings. 
 
 On the first of January, 1772, Mr. Jefferson married 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 15 
 
 the daughter of Mr, John Wayles of Virginia, an alli- 
 ance by which he at once gained an accession of 
 strength and credit, and received, in the intervals of 
 publick business, that domestick happiness he was so 
 well fitted to partake and enjoy. Its duration, however, 
 was but short ; in little more than ten years, death de- 
 prived him of his wife, and left him the sole guardian 
 of two infant daughters ; to whose education he devo- 
 ted himself with a constancy and zeal, which might, in 
 some measure, compensate for the want of a mother's 
 care and instruction, Mr. Wayles was an eminent 
 lawyer of the province, and having by his great industry, 
 punctuality, and practical readiness, acquired a hand- 
 some fortune, he died in May, 177 3, leaving three daugh- 
 ters : the portion which came on that event to Mrs. Jef- 
 ferson was about equal to the patrimony of her husband, 
 and consequently doubled the ease of their circum- 
 stances. 
 
 After the dissolution of the Virginia legislature in 
 1769, nothing of particular excitement in the country 
 occurred for a considerable length of time ; the nation 
 appeared to have fallen into an apathy or insensibility 
 to their situation ; although the duty on tea was not yet 
 repealed, and the declaratory act of a right in the Bri- 
 tish parliament to bind them by their laws in all cases, 
 was still supended over them. But they at length 
 aroused from their stupor. A court of inquiry held in 
 Rhode Island in 1762, with a power to send persons to 
 England to be tried for offences committed here, was 
 thought to have aimed a deadly stab at the most sacred 
 rights of the citizen, and as demanding the attention of 
 the legislature of Virginia. The subject was taken. 
 
16 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 up and considered a,t the spring session of 1773. On 
 this occasion, Mr. Jefferson associated himself with 
 several of the boldest and most active of his com- 
 panions in the house, ("not thinking," as he says 
 himself, "the old and leading members up to the 
 point of forwardness and zeal which the times re- 
 quired,") and with them formed the system of Com- 
 mittees of Correspondence, in a private room, in the 
 same Raleigh Tavern. They were sensible that the 
 most urgent of all measures was that of coming to an 
 understanding with all the other colonies, to consider 
 the British claims as a common cause to all, and to pro- 
 duce a unity of action; and for this purpose, that a 
 committee of correspondence in each colony would be 
 the best instrument for intercommunication, and that 
 their first measure would probably be to propose a meet- 
 ing of deputies from every colony, at some central place, 
 who should be charged with the direction of the meas- 
 ures which should be taken by all. In furtherance of 
 these views, the following resolutions were drawn up, 
 and probably proceeded from his pen: 
 
 " Whereas the minds of his majesty's faithful subjects 
 in this colony have been much disturbed by various ru- 
 mours and reports of proceedings tending to deprive 
 them of their ancient legal and constitutional rights: 
 
 "And whereas the affairs of this colony are frequent- 
 ly connected with those of Great Britain, as well as the 
 neighbouring colonies, which renders a communication 
 of sentiments necessary; in order therefore to remove 
 the uneasiness and to quiet the minds of the people, as 
 well as for the other good purposes above mentioned : 
 
 " Be it resolved, that a standing committee of corres- 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 17 
 
 pondence and inquiry be appointed, to consist of eleven 
 persons, to wit: the Honourable Peyton Randolph, Esq. 
 Robert C. Nicholas, Richard Bland, Richard H. Lee, 
 Benjamin Harrison, Edmund Pendleton, Patrick Hen- 
 ry, Dudley Digges, Dabney Carr, Archibald Gary, 
 and Thomas Jefferson, Esquires ; any six of whom to 
 be a committee, whose business it shall be to obtain the 
 most early and authentick intelligence of all such acts 
 and resolutions of the British parliament, or proceedings 
 of administration, as may relate to or affect the British 
 colonies in America ; and to keep up and maintain a 
 correspondence and communication with our sister co- 
 lonies respecting those important considerations ; and 
 the result of such their proceedings, from time to time, 
 to lay before this house. 
 
 " Resolved, that it be an instruction to the said com- 
 mittee, that they do, without delay, inform themselves 
 particularly of the principles and authority on which 
 was constituted a Court of Inquiry said to have been 
 lately held in Rhode Island, with powers to transport 
 persons accused of offences committed in America to 
 places beyond the seas to be tried. 
 
 " The said resolutions being severally read a second 
 time, were, upon the question severally put thereupon, 
 agreed to by the house nemine contradicente. 
 
 " Resolved, that the Speaker of this house do trans- 
 mit to the Speakers of the different Assemblies of the 
 British colonies on this continent, copies of the said 
 resolutions, and desire that they will lay them before 
 their respective Assemblies, and request them to ap- 
 point some person or persons of their respective bodies 
 3 
 
18 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 to communicate from time to time with the said com- 
 mittee." 
 
 The consulting members proposed to Mr. Jefferson 
 to move these resolutions : but he urged that it should 
 be done by Mr. Carr, his friend and brother-in-law, 
 then a new member, and to whom he wished an oppor- 
 tunity should be given of making known to the house 
 his great worth and talents. It was so agreed : he 
 moved them, they were adopted without a dissenting 
 voice, and a committee of correspondence appointed, of 
 whom Peyton Randolph, the Speaker, was chairman. 
 The Governour (then Lord Dunmore) immediately 
 dissolved the house : but the committee met next day, 
 prepared a circular letter to the Speakers of the other 
 cdlonies, inclosing to each a copy of the resolutions, 
 and left it in charge with their chairman to forward 
 them by expresses. 
 
 We would step aside one moment, for the purpose of 
 introducing Mr. Wirt's description of the mind and 
 manners of the gentleman who first presented these res- 
 olutions to the house. "In supporting these resolu- 
 tions," says he, " Mr. Carr made his debut, and a noble 
 one it is said to have been. This gentleman, by pro- 
 fession a lawyer, had recently commenced his practice 
 at the same bars with Patrick Henry; and although 
 he had not yet reached the meridian of life, he was con- 
 sidered by far the most formidable rival in forensick el- 
 oquence that Mr. Henry had ever yet had to encounter. 
 He had the advantage of a person at once dignified and 
 engaging, and the manner and action of an accom- 
 plished gentleman. His education was a finished one, 
 his mind trained to correct thinking, his conceptions 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON, 19 
 
 quick, and clear, and strong ; he reasoned with great 
 cogency, and had an imagination which enlightened 
 beautifully, without interrupting or diverting the course 
 of his argument. His voice was finely toned ; his feel- 
 ings acute ; his style free, and rich, and various ; his 
 devotion to the cause of liberty verging on enthusiasm ; 
 and his spirit firm and undaunted, beyond the possibili- 
 ty of being shaken. With what delight the House of 
 Burgesses hailed this new champion, and felicitated 
 themselves on such an accession to their cause, it is easy 
 to imagine. But what are the hopes and expectations 
 of mortals ? In two months from the time at which 
 this gentleman stood before the House of Burgesses, in 
 all the pride of health, and genius, and eloquence, he 
 was no more ! Lost to his friends and his country, 
 and disappointed of standing in that noble triumph 
 which awaited the illustrious band ojf his compatriots." 
 We have similar testimony from a different pen. " I 
 well remember," says an eyewitness, "the pleasure 
 expressed in the countenances and conversation of the 
 members generally in this debut of Mr. Carr, and the 
 hopes they conceived, as well from the talents as the 
 patriotism it manifested. But he died within two 
 months after, and in him we lost a powerful fellow la- 
 bourer. His character was of a high order, a spotless 
 integrity, sound judgement, handsome imagination, en- 
 riched by education and reading ; quick and clear in 
 his conceptions ; of correct and ready elocution ; im- 
 pressing every hearer with the sincerity of the heart 
 from which it flowed. His firmness was inflexible in 
 whatever he thought right ; but when no moral princi- 
 ple was in the way, never had man more of the milk 
 
20 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 of human kindness, of indulgence, of softness, of pleas- 
 antry in conversation and conduct. The number of 
 his friends, and the warmth of their affections, were 
 proofs of his worth, and their estimate of it." This 
 was the first and only speech of Mr. Carr in the House 
 of Representatives. He died the 16th of May, 1773, 
 in the thirtieth year of his age. . 
 
 This system of corresponding committees between 
 the legislatures of the different colonies, which was 
 thus adopted as the best instrument for communication 
 between the respective colonies, and by which they 
 might be brought to a mutual understanding and a uni- 
 ty of action, has since been asserted to have arisen 
 in Massachusetts, and Judge Marshall, in his Life of 
 Washington, has fallen into the errour. But Mr. Jef- 
 ferson, and no doubt correctly, asserts the contrary. 
 He imagines the mistake to have arisen from confound- 
 ing together two distinct committees : adding, " Thus 
 in Massachusetts there were two committees of cor- 
 respondence, one chosen by the people, the other ap- 
 pointed by the House of Assembly ; in the former, Mas- 
 sachusetts preceded Virginia ; in the latter, Virginia 
 preceded Massachusetts. To the origination of com- 
 mittees for the interiour correspondence between the 
 counties and towns of a state, I know of no claim on 
 the part of Virginia, and certainly none was ever 
 made by myself." And the letter of Samuel A. Wells, 
 Esquire, to Mr. Jefferson, and the answer of the latter 
 of May 12th, 1829, show conclusively that Massachu- 
 setts did not adopt the measure, but on receipt of the? 
 proposition from Virginia, and which was delivered at 
 their next session. 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 21 
 
 On the twelfth of March, 1773, Mr. Jefferson was 
 chosen a member of the first committee of correspond- 
 ence established by the colonial legislatures, the act 
 already alluded to, as the most important of the revo- 
 lution in preparing the way for that union of sentiment 
 and action from whence arose the first effective resist- 
 ance, and on which depended the successful progress 
 and final triumph of the cause. 
 
 The year 1774 found Mr. Jefferson still actively en- 
 gaged in his duties as a member of the legislature of 
 Virginia. The passage by Parliament of the Boston 
 Port Bill, by which that port was to be shut up on the 
 first of June, 1774, was the next event which aroused 
 the indignation and excited the sympathies of the 
 house. It arrived while they were in session in the 
 spring of 1774. It was at this crisis that Mr. Jeffer- 
 son wrote, and the members, though not then adopting 
 as resolutions, afterwards published his "Summary 
 View of the Rights of British America;" and in which 
 he maintained what was then thought by many a bold 
 position, but which he considered as the only orthodox 
 and tenable one : that the relation between Great Brit- 
 ain and the colonies was exactly the same as that of 
 England and Scotland, after the accession of James, 
 and until the union, and the same as her present rela- 
 tion with Hanover, having the same executive chief, 
 but no other necessary political connexion ; and that 
 our emigration from England to this country gave her 
 no more rights over us, than the emigration of the 
 Danes and Saxons gave to the authorities of the mother 
 country over England. 
 
 " In this doctrine, however," says he, " I had nerei 
 3* 
 
22 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 been able to get any one to agree with me but Mr. 
 Wythe. He coincided in it from the first dawn of the 
 question, What was the political relation between us 
 and England? Our other patriots, Randolph, the 
 Lees, Nicholas and Pendleton, stopped at the half-way 
 house of John Dickinson, who admitted that England 
 had a right to regulate our commerce and to lay duties 
 on it for the purpose of regulation, but not of raising rev- 
 enue. But for this ground there was no foundation in 
 compact in any acknowledged principles of coloniza- 
 tion, nor in reason : expatriation being a national right, 
 and acted on as such by all nations, in all ages." 
 
 This pamphlet is addressed to the king, as the chief 
 officer of the people, appointed indeed by the laws, but 
 circumscribed by definitive power, to carry into effect 
 that institution of government erected by themselves 
 for their use and benefit, and consequently subject to 
 their superintendence. He reminded him that our an- 
 cestors had been British freemen ; that they had ac- 
 quired their settlements here at their own expense and 
 blood ; that it was for themselves they fought, for them- 
 selves they conquered ; and for themselves alone they 
 had a right to hold. That they had indeed thought 
 proper to adopt the same system of laws under which 
 they had hitherto lived, and to unite themselves under 
 a common sovereign ; but that no act of theirs had ever 
 given a title to that authority, which the British par- 
 liament arrogated; that the crown had unjustly com- 
 menced its encroachments, by distributing the settle- 
 ments among its favourites, and the followers of its for- 
 tunes ; that it then proceeded to abridge the free trade 
 which the colonies possessed as of natural right with all 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 23 
 
 parts of the world; and that afterwards offices were es- 
 tablished of little use but to accommodate the ministers 
 and sycophants of the crown. That during the reign of 
 the sovereign whom he immediately addressed, the vi- 
 olation of rights had increased in rapid and bold suc- 
 cession ; being no longer single acts of tyranny, that 
 might be ascribed to the accidental opinion of a day; 
 but a series of oppressions pursued so unalterably 
 through every change of ministers, as to prove too plain- 
 ly a deliberate and systematical plan of reducing the 
 colonies to slavery. He next proceeds, in a style of the 
 boldest invective, to point out the several acts by which 
 this plan has been enforced, and enters against them a 
 solemn and determined protest. He then considers the 
 conduct of the king as holding an executive authority 
 in the colonies, and points out, without hesitation, his 
 deviation from the line of duty ; he asserts that by the 
 unjust exercise of his negative power, he had rejected 
 laws of the most salutary tendency ; that he had defeat- 
 ed repeated attempts to stop the slave trade and abol- 
 ish tyranny ; thus preferring the immediate advantages 
 of a few African corsairs, to the lasting interests of 
 America, and to the rights of human nature, deeply 
 wounded- by this infamous practice. That, inattentive 
 to the necessities of his people, he had neglected for 
 years the laws which were sent for his inspection ; and 
 that, assuming a power, for advising the exercise of 
 which, the English judges, in a former reign, had 
 suffered death as traitors to their country, he had dissol- 
 ved the representative assemblies, and refused to call 
 others. That to enforce these, and other arbitrary 
 measures, he had from time to time sent over large 
 
24 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 bodies of armed men, not made up of the people here, 
 nor raised by the authority of their laws. That to ren- 
 der these proceedings still more criminal, instead of 
 subjecting the military to the civil powers, he had 
 expressly made the latter subordinate to the former. 
 That these grievances were thus laid before their 
 sovereign, with that freedom of language and senti- 
 ment which became a free people, whom flattery would 
 ill beseem, when asserting the rights of human nature. 
 
 In all this we perceive the germe of that national 
 declaration, which so shortly succeeded it ; many of 
 the same bold truths, and in the same bold language, 
 
 In these sentiments, however, bold as they were, his 
 political associates joined with him ; they considered 
 those acts of oppression directed against the colonies 
 of New England, acts in which all were concerned, 
 and an attack on the liberties and immunities of every 
 other province. They accordingly resolved, that the 
 first day of June, the day on which the Boston Port 
 Bill was to go into operation, should be set apart by 
 the members as a day of fasting, humiliation and 
 prayer, " devoutly to implore the divine interposition 
 for averting the heavy calamities which threatened 
 destruction to their civil rights, and the evils of a civil 
 war; and to give them one heart and one mind, to 
 oppose by all just and proper means every injury to 
 American rights." 
 
 Lord Dunmore, the royal Governour of the province, 
 tould not be otherwise than highly exasperated at such 
 proceedings. Mr. Jefferson, who had boldly avowed 
 himself the author of the obnoxious pamphlet, was 
 threatened with a prosecution by him for high treasun j 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 25 
 
 and the House of Burgesses was immediately dissolved 
 after their daring publication. Notwithstanding these 
 measures, the members met in their private capacities, 
 and mutually signed a spirited publication, setting forth 
 the unjust conduct of the Governour, who had left them 
 this, their only method, to point out to their countrymen 
 the measures they deemed the best calculated to secure 
 their liberties from destruction by the arbitrary hand 
 of power. They told them that they could no longer 
 resist the conviction, that a determined system had been 
 formed to reduce the inhabitants of British America to 
 slavery, by subjecting them to taxation without their 
 consent, by closing the port of Boston, and raising a 
 revenue on tea. They therefore strongly recommend- 
 ed a closer alliance with the sister colonies, the forma- 
 tion of committees of correspondence, and the annual 
 meeting of a General Congress ; and earnestly hoping 
 that a persistance in these principles would not compel 
 them to adopt measures of a more decisive character. 
 
 The pamphlet having found its way to England, it 
 was taken up by the opposition, and, with a few inter- 
 polations by the celebrated Edmund Burke, passed 
 through several editions. It procured for its author 
 considerable reputation, and likewise the dangerous 
 honour of having his name placed on a list of proscrip- 
 tions in a bill of attainder, which was commenced in 
 one of the houses of parliament, but was speedily sup- 
 pressed. In the same bill the names of Hancock, the 
 two Adamses, Peyton Randolph, and Patrick Henry, 
 were inserted. 
 
 We are now rapidly approaching the most important 
 
26 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 event in the life of Mr. Jefferson, and in the history of 
 his country. 
 
 The year 1775 opened, in England, with strenuous 
 attempts by the friends, and apparent ones by the ene- 
 mies of the colonies, to effect a reconciliation. The 
 certain intelligence which had been received of the 
 transactions of Congress, and the astonishing concord 
 which prevailed in America, made the ministers loath 
 to embrace extreme counsels, and inclined to relax 
 somewhat of their rigour, and to leave an opening for 
 accommodation. Lord North even intimated to the 
 American merchants then in London, that i'f they pre- 
 sented petitions, they should meet attention. But in 
 the midst of these glimmerings of peace, the news ar- 
 rived of the schism of New York ; an event of great 
 moment in itself, and promising consequences still more 
 important. The minister felt his pride revive: he 
 would no longer hear of petitions or accommodation. 
 Things turned anew to civil war and strife. All the 
 papers relating to the affairs of America, were laid be- 
 fore the two houses. The great Chatham, perceiving 
 the obstinacy of the ministers in their resolution to 
 persist in the course of measures they had adopted, and 
 fearing that it might result in the most disastrous ef- 
 fects, pronounced a long and most extremely eloquent 
 discourse in favour of the colonies, and was heard 
 with solemn and rapt attention. 
 
 After having repulsed with a sort of disdain the peti- 
 tions of the colonies, and those presented in their favour 
 by the islands of the West Indies, and even by Eng- 
 land herself; and after having rejected all the counsels 
 of the party in opposition, the ministers unveiled 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 27 
 
 their schemes, and announced in the presence of the 
 two houses the measures they intended to pursue, in or- 
 der to reduce the colonies to subjection. 
 
 They pronounced that the province of Massachu- 
 setts was found in a state of rebellion ; and it was 
 proposed that in the address of the king it should be 
 declared that rebellion existed in the province of Mas- 
 sachusetts, and that it was supported and fomented by 
 illegal' combinations and criminal compacts with the 
 other colonies, to the great detriment of many subjects 
 of his majesty. This proposition of the ministers was 
 put to vote, and carried by a majority of two thirds of 
 the house. 
 
 Lord North then proposed a new bill, the object of 
 which was to restrict the commerce of New England 
 to Great Britain, Ireland, and the West India islands, 
 and prohibit, at the same time, the fishery of Newfound- 
 land. This bill was also approved by a great majority. 
 The opposition protested; the ministers scarcely deign- 
 ed to perceive it. 
 
 But the counsels of the ministers ended not here. 
 Wishing to blend with rigour a certain clemency, and 
 also to prevent new occasions of insurrection in the 
 colonies, they brought forward the project of a law, 
 purporting that when in any province or colony, the 
 Governour, Council, Assembly, or General Court, 
 should propose to make provisions according to their re- 
 spective conditions, circumstances and faculties, for con- 
 tributing their proportion to the common defence; such 
 proportion to be raised under the authorities of the 
 General Court or Assembly in each province or colony, 
 and disposable by Parliament ; and should engage to 
 
28 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 make provision also for the support of the civil gov- 
 ernment, and the administration of justice in such prov- 
 ince or colony; it would be proper, if such proposal 
 should he approved by the King in his Parliament, 
 and for so long as such provision should be made ac- 
 cordingly, to forbear, in respect of such province or 
 colony, to impose any duties, taxes, or assessments, ex- 
 cept only such as might be thought necessary for the 
 regulation of commerce. This likewise received the 
 usual large majority in its favour, with directions to 
 lay it before the respective provincial legislatures. It 
 was at least hoped that if the scheme did not finally 
 succeed, it might produce disunion or discontent. 
 
 Accordingly, on the first of June, 1775, this resolu- 
 tion was presented by Lord Dunmore, the Governour, 
 to the legislature of Virginia ; and Mr. Jefferson was 
 selected by the committee, to whom it was referred, to 
 frame the reply. This was done with so much force 
 of argument, enlarged patriotism, and sound political 
 discretion, that it will ever be considered as a document 
 of the highest order. It concludes in these words : 
 
 * These, my Lord, are our sentiments on this impor- 
 tant subject, which we offer only as an individual part 
 of the whole empire. Final determination we leave 
 to the General Congress now sitting, before whom we 
 shall lay the papers your Lordship has communicated 
 to us. For ourselves, we have exhausted every mode 
 of application which our invention could suggest as 
 proper and promising. We have decently remonstra- 
 ted with Parliament: they have added new injuries to 
 the old. We have wearied our King with supplica- 
 tions : he has not deigned to answer us. We have 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 29 
 
 appealed to the native honour and justice of the British 
 nation : their efforts in our favour have hitherto been 
 ineffectual. What, then, remains to be done? That we 
 commit our injuries to the even-handed justice of that 
 Being- who doth no wrong, earnestly beseeching him 
 to illuminate the couici'.s, and prosper the endeavours 
 of those to whom America hath, confided her hopes ; 
 that, through their wise directions, we may again see 
 reunited the blessings of liberty, prosperity, and har- 
 mony with Great Britain." 
 
 When this address had been passed, Mr. Jefferson 
 immediately proceeded to Congress, which was then in 
 session, and gave them the first notice they had of it. 
 It was highly approved of by them. He had been 
 elected on the twenty-seventh of March, 1775, one of the 
 members to represent Virginia in the General Con- 
 gress already assembled at Philadelphia, but had de- 
 layed his departure until now at the request of Mr, 
 Randolph, who was fearfal the draughting of the ad- 
 dress alluded to would, in his absence, have fallen into 
 feebler hands. An elegant biographer asserts: " When 
 about to leave the colony, a circumstance , is stated to 
 have occurred to him, and to Mr. Harrison and Mr. Lee, 
 his fellow delegates, that conveyed a noble mark of the 
 unbounded confidence which their constituents reposed 
 in their integrity and virtue. A portion of the inhabit- 
 ants, who, far removed from the scenes of actual tyranny 
 which were acted in New England, and pursuing unin- 
 terruptedly their ordinary pursuits, could form no idea 
 of the slavery impending over them, waited on their 
 three representatives, just before their departure, and 
 addressed them in the following terms : 
 4 
 
30 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 11 You assert that there is a fixed design to invade 
 our rights and privileges ; we own that we do not see 
 this clearly, but since you assure us that it is so, we 
 believe the fact. We are about to take a very danger- 
 ous step ; but we confide in you, and are ready to sup- 
 port you in every measure you shall think proper to 
 adopt." On the twenty-first of June, 1775, Mr. Jef- 
 ferson appeared, and took his seat in the Continental 
 Congress. In this new capacity he persevered in the 
 decided tone which he had assumed, always maintain- 
 ing that no accommodation should be made between 
 the two countries, unless on the broadest and most lib- 
 eral principles ; and here, as elsewhere, he soon ren- 
 dered himself conspicuous among the most able and 
 distinguished men of the day. On the twenty-fourth 
 of the same month, a committee which had been ap- 
 pointed to prepare a declaration setting forth the causes 
 and necessity of resorting to arms, brought in their re- 
 port, (drawn up, as it was believed, by J. Rutledge,) 
 which, not being approved of, the house recommitted 
 it, and added Mr. Dickinson and Mr. Jefferson to the 
 committee. It is on this occasion that Mr. Jefferson 
 relates the following circumstance : " On the rising of 
 the house, the committee having not yet met, I happen- 
 ed to find myself near Governour W. Livingston, and 
 proposed to him to draw the paper, fie excused him- 
 self, and proposed that I should draw it. On my pres- 
 . sing him with urgency, ' We are as yet but new ac- 
 quaintances, sir,' said he, 'why are you so earnest for 
 my doing it ?' 'Because,' said I, ' I have been informed 
 that you drew the address to the people of Great Britain, 
 a production, certainly, of the finest pen in America.' 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 31 
 
 * On that,' says he, 'perhaps, sir, you may not have been 
 correctly informed.' I had received the information 
 in Virginia, from Colonel Harrison, on his return from 
 that Congress. Lee, Livingston, and Jay, had been, 
 the committee for the draught. The first, prepared by 
 Lee, had been disapproved and recommitted. The sec- 
 ond was drawn by Jay, but being presented by Gov- 
 ernour Livingston, had led Colonel Harrison into the 
 errour. The next morning, walking in the Hall of 
 Congress, many members being assembled, but the 
 house not yet formed, I observed Mr. Jay speaking to 
 R. H. Lee, and leading him by the button of his coat to 
 me. * I understand, sir,' said he to me, * that this gen- 
 tleman informed you, that Governour Livingston drew 
 the address to the people of Great Britain.' I assur- 
 ed him at once that I had not received that information 
 from Mr. Lee, and that not a word had ever passed on 
 the subject between Mr. Lee and myself; and after 
 some explanations, the subject was dropped. These 
 gentlemen had had some sparrings in debate before, 
 and continued ever very hostile to each other." 
 
 Mr. Jefferson prepared the draught of the declara- 
 tion committed to them. It was drawn with singular 
 ability, and exhibited his usual firmness and discretion; 
 but it was considered as too decided by Mr. Dickinson. 
 He still nourished the hope of a reconciliation with 
 Great Britain, and was unwilling it should be lessened 
 by what he considered as offensive statements. He 
 was so honest a man, says Mr. Jefferson, and so able a 
 one, that he was greatly indulged even by those who 
 could not feel his scruples. He was therefore request- 
 ed to take the paper and put it in a form he could ap- 
 
32 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 prove. He did so, preparing an entire new statement, 
 and preserving of the former only the last four para- 
 graphs and half of the preceding one. The committee 
 approved and reported it to Congress, who accepted it. 
 Congress, continues Mr. Jefferson, gave a signal proof 
 of their indulgence to Mr. Dickinson, and of their 
 great desire not to go too fast for any respectable part 
 of their hody in permitting him to draw their second 
 petition to the King, according to his own ideas, and 
 passing it with scarcely any amendment. The dis- 
 gust against its humility was general; and Mr. Dick- 
 inson's delig-ht at its passage, was the only circum- 
 stance which reconciled them to it. The vote being 
 passed, although further observation on it was out of 
 order, he could not refrain from rising and expressing 
 his satisfaction, ajid concluded by saying, l There is but 
 one word, Mr. President, in the paper, \vhich I disap- 
 prove, and that is the word Congress ;" on which 
 Mr. B. Harrison rose and replied, " There is but one 
 word in the paper, Mr. President, of which I approve, 
 and that is the word Congress." 
 
 Lord North's conciliatory resolution coming before 
 the house, Mr. Jefferson, as one of the committee, was 
 requested to prepare the report on the same. The an- 
 swer of the Virginia Assembly on the same subject 
 having been approved, will account for any similarity 
 between the two reports, they both having proceeded 
 from the same hand. 
 
 O the eleventh of August, Mr. Jefferson was again 
 elected a delegate from Virginia, to the third Congress. 
 Though constantly and actively engaged during the 
 winter in the various matters which engaged the atten- 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 33 
 
 tion of the house, yet he seems rather to have devoted 
 himself to objects of general policy, the arrangement of 
 general plans and systems of action, the investigation 
 of important documents, and objects of a similar na- 
 ture, than to the details of active business, for which 
 other members could probably be found equally well 
 qualified. 
 
 The eventful year of 1776 set in, and brought with 
 it a new aspect, one of more energy, and with motives 
 and objects more decided and apparent. "Eighteen, 
 months," says an able writer, " had passed away, since 
 the colonists had learned by the entrenchments at Bos- 
 ton, that a resort to arms was an event not beyond the 
 contemplation of the British ministry ; nearly a year 
 had elapsed, since the fields of Concord and Lexington 
 had been stained with hostile blood ; during this inter- 
 val armies had been raised, vessels of war had been 
 equipped, fortifications had been erected, gallant ex- 
 ploits had been performed, and eventful battles had 
 been lost and won ; yet still were the provinces bound 
 to their British brothers by the ties of a similar allegi- 
 ance ; still did they look upon themselves as members 
 of the same empire, subjects of the same sovereign, and 
 partners in the same constitution and laws. They ac- 
 knowledged, that the measures they had adopted were 
 not the result of choice, but the exercise of a right, if 
 not a duty, resulting from this very situation ; they 
 confessed that they were engaged in a controversy pe- 
 culiarly abhorrent to their affections, of which the only 
 object was to restore the harmony formerly existing be- 
 tween the two countries, and to establish it on so firm 
 a basis as to perpetuate its blessings uninterrupted by 
 4* 
 
34 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 any future dissensions to succeeding generations in 
 both nations." 
 
 But patience has its limits, though aggression and 
 abuse may know no end : and there is a period when 
 the duty which man owes not only to himself but his 
 posterity prohibits all further forbearance. Actuated 
 by such feelings and sentiments, the Convention of 
 Virginia, on the 15th of May, 1776, instructed their 
 delegates in Congress to propose to that body to declare 
 the colonies independent of Great Britain, and appoint- 
 ed a committee to prepare a declaration of rights and 
 plan of government. 
 
 Every thing relating to so important a document as 
 the Declaration of Independence must be of vital in- 
 terest : a document which assigns the reasons for the 
 separation of the colonies from Great Britain ; which 
 appeals to heaven for the justness of their cause ; which 
 bears the signatures of some of the firmest patriots that 
 ever existed ; and which resulted in giving a new and 
 mighty empire to the world. More particularly, in a 
 work of this kind, is such notice due to a production 
 which links inseparably the name of Jefferson to that 
 of his country. Of its discussion from its commence- 
 ment until its final adoption, we have for the first time 
 a correct account in actual notes of Mr. Jefferson, late- 
 ly published, and made at the time. From these notes 
 we propose to make liberal extracts of the most inter- 
 esting matters : the arguments of debate on each side 
 are peculiarly so: and that the publick may have the 
 information in a portable form. 
 
 In Congress, Friday, June 7, 1776. The delegates 
 from Virginia moved in obedience to instructions from 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 35 
 
 their constituents, that the Congress should declare 
 that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to 
 be, free and independent states ; that they are absolved 
 from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all 
 political connexion between them and the state of 
 Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; 
 that measures should be immediately taken for procur- 
 ing the assistance of foreign powers, and a confedera- 
 tion be formed to bind the colonies more closely together. 
 
 The house being obliged to attend at that time to 
 eome other business, the proposition was referred to the 
 next day, when the members \vere ordered to attend 
 punctually at ten o'clock. 
 
 Saturday, June 8th. They proceeded to take it into 
 consideration, and referred it to a committee of the 
 whole, into which they immediately resolved them- 
 selves, and passed that day and Monday the 10th, in de- 
 bating on the subject. 
 
 It was argued by Wilson, Robert R, Livingston, E. 
 Rutledge, Dickinson, and others 
 
 That though they were friends to the measures 
 themselves, and saw the impossibility that we should 
 ever again be united with Great Britain, yet they were, 
 against adopting them at this time: 
 
 That the conduct we had formerly observed waa 
 wise and proper now, of deferring tatake any capital 
 6tep till the voice of the people drove us into it : 
 
 That they were our power, and without them our 
 declarations could not be carried into effect : 
 
 That the people of the middle colonies (Maryland, 
 Delaware, Pennsylvania, the Jerseys, and New York) 
 were not yet ripe for bidding adieu to British, connex- 
 
36 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 ion, but that they were fast ripening, and in a short 
 time would join in the general voice of America : 
 
 That the resolution, entered into by this house on 
 the 15th of May, for suppressing the exercise of all 
 powers derived from the crown, had shown, by the fer- 
 ment into .which it had thrown these middle colonies, 
 that they had not yet accommodated their minds to a 
 separation from the mother country: 
 
 That some of them had expressly forbidden their 
 delegates to consent to such a declaration, and others 
 had given no instructions, and consequently no powers, 
 to give such consent: 
 
 That if the delegates of any particular colony had 
 no power to declare such colony independent, certain 
 they were, the others could not declare it for them ; 
 the colonies being as yet perfectly independent of 
 each other : 
 
 That the Assembly of Pennsylvania was now sitting 
 above stairs, their Convention would sit within a few 
 days, the Convention of New York was now sitting, 
 and those of the Jerseys and Delaware counties would 
 meet on the Monday following, and it was probable 
 these bodies would take up the question of indepen- 
 dence, and would declare to their delegates the voice 
 of their state: 
 
 That if such a declaration should now be agreed 
 to, these delegates must retire, and possibly their col- 
 onies might secede from the Union : 
 
 That such a secession would weaken us more than 
 could be compensated by any foreign alliance : 
 
 That in the event of such a division, foreign powers 
 would either refuse to join themselves to our fortunes, 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 37 
 
 or, having us so much in their power as that desperate 
 declaration would place us, they would insist on terms 
 proportionably more hard and prejudicial : 
 
 That we had little reason to expect an alliance with 
 those to whom alone, as yet, we had cast our eyes : 
 
 That France and Spain had reason to be jealous of 
 that rising power, which would one day certainly strip 
 them of all their American possessions: 
 
 That it was more likely they should form a connex- 
 ion with the British court, who, if they should find 
 themselves unable otherwise to extricate themselves 
 from their difficulties, would agree to a partition of our 
 territories, restoring Canada to France, and the Flori- 
 das to Spain, to a'ccomplish for themselves a recovery 
 of these colonies : 
 
 That it would not be long before we should receive 
 certain information of the disposition of the French 
 court, from the agent whom we had sent to Paris for 
 that purpose: 
 
 That if this disposition should be favourable, by wait- 
 ing the event of the present campaign, which we all 
 hoped Avould b successful, we should have reason to 
 expect an alliance on better terms: 
 
 That this would in fact work no delay of any effectu- 
 al aid from such ally, as, from the advance of the sea- 
 son and distance of our situation, it was impossible we 
 could receive any assistance during this campaign: 
 
 That it was prudent to fix among ourselves the terms 
 on which we would form alliance, before we declared 
 we would form one at all events : 
 
 And that if thes? were agreed on, and our declaration of 
 independence ready by the time our ambassador should 
 
38 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 be prepared to sail, it would be as well, as to go into that 
 declaration at this day. 
 
 On the other side, it was urged by J. Adams, Lee, 
 Wytheand others, that no gentleman had argued against 
 the policy or the right of separation from Britain, nor 
 had supposed it possible we should ever renew our 
 connexion ; that they had only opposed its being now 
 declared : 
 
 That the question was not whether, by a declaration 
 of independence, we should make ourselves what we 
 are not ; but whether we should declare a fact which 
 already exists : 
 
 That as to the people or parliament of England, we 
 had always. been independent of them, their restraints 
 on our trade deriving efficacy from our acquiescence 
 only, and not from any rights they possessed of impos- 
 ing them, and that so far our connexion had been fed- 
 eral only, and was now dissolved by the commencement 
 of hostilities: 
 
 That, as to the King, we had been bound to him by al- 
 legiance, but that this bond was now dissolved by his 
 assent to the late act of Parliament, by which he de- 
 clares us out of his protection, and by his levying war 
 on us, a fact which had long ago proved us out of his 
 protection ; it being a certain position in law, that allegi- 
 ance and protection are reciprocal, the one ceasing 
 when the other is withdrawn: 
 
 That James the II. never declared the people of 
 England out of his protection ; yet his actions proved 
 it, and the parliament declared it: 
 
 No delegates then can be denied, or ever want, a 
 power of declaring an existent truth; 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 39 
 
 That the delegates from the Delaware counties hav- 
 ing declared their constituents ready to join, there are 
 only two colonies, Pennsylvania and Maryland, whose 
 delegates are absolutely tied up, and that these had, by 
 their instructions, only reserved a right of confirming 
 or rejecting the measure: 
 
 That the instructions from Pennsylvania might be 
 accounted for from the times in which they were drawn, 
 near a twelvemonth ago, since which the face of affairs 
 has totally changed : 
 
 That within that time, it had become apparent that 
 Britain was determined to accept nothing less than a 
 carte-blanche, and that the King's answer to the Lord 
 Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council of London, 
 which had come to hand four days ago, must have sat- 
 isfied every one of this point: 
 
 That the people wait for us to lead the way: 
 
 That they are in favour of the measure, though 
 the instructions given by some of their representatives 
 are not : 
 
 That the voice of the representatives is not always 
 consonant with the voice of the people, and that this is 
 remarkably the case in these middle colonies : 
 
 That the effect of the resolution of the 15th of May 
 has proved this, which, raising the murmurs of some 
 in the colonies of Pennsylvania and Maryland, called 
 forth the opposing voice of the freer part of the people, 
 and proved them to be the majority even in these colo- 
 nies : 
 
 That the backwardness of these two colonies might 
 be ascribed partly to the influence of proprietary pow- 
 
40 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 er and connexions, and partly to their having not yet 
 been attacked by the enemy : 
 
 That these causes were not likely to be soon remov- 
 ed, as there seemed no probability that the enemy would 
 make either of these the seat of this summer's war : 
 
 That it would be vain to wait either weeks or months 
 for perfect unanimity, since it was impossible that all 
 men should ever become of one sentiment on any ques- 
 tion: 
 
 That the conduct of some colonies, from the begin- 
 ning of this contest, had given reason to suspect it was 
 their settled policy to keep in the rear of the confeder- 
 acy, that their particular prospect might be better, even 
 in the worst event; 
 
 That, therefore, it was necessary for those colonies 
 who had thrown themselves forward and hazarded all 
 from the beginning, to come forward now also, and put 
 all again to their own hazard : 
 
 That the history of the Dutch revolution, of whom 
 three states only confederated at first, proved that a se- 
 cession of some colonies would not be so dangerous as 
 some apprehended : 
 
 That a declaration of independence alone could ren- 
 der it consistent with European delicacy, fjr European 
 powers to treat with us, or even to receive an ambassa- 
 dor from us : 
 
 That till this, they wculd not receive our vessels in- 
 to their ports, nor acknowledge the adjudications of our 
 courts of admiralty to be legitimate, incases of capture 
 of British vessels : 
 
 That though France and Spain may be jealous of 
 our rising power, they must think it will be much more 
 

 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 41 
 
 formidable with the addition of Great Britain ; and will 
 therefore see it their interest to prevent a coalition ; but 
 should they refuse, we shall be but where we are ; 
 whereas, without trying, we shall never know wheth- 
 er they will aid us or not : 
 
 That the present campaign may be unsuccessful, and 
 therefore we had better propose an alliance while our 
 affairs wear a hopeful aspect : 
 
 That to wait the event of this campaign will certain- 
 ly work delay, because, during this summer, France 
 may assist us effectually, by cutting off those supplies 
 of provisions from England and Ireland, on which the 
 enemy's army here are to depend : or by setting in 
 motion the great power they have collected in the West 
 Indies, and calling our enemy to the defence of the 
 possessions they have there : 
 
 That it would be idle to lose time in settling the terms 
 of alliance, till we had first determined we should enter 
 into alliance: 
 
 That it is necessary to lose no time in opening a 
 trade for our people, who will want clothes ; and will 
 want money too, for the payment of taxes : 
 
 And that the only misfortune is, that we did not en- 
 ter into alliance with France six months sooner, as, be- 
 sides opening her ports for the vent of our last year's 
 produce, she might have marched an army into Ger- 
 many, and prevented the petty princes there from sell' 
 ing their unhappy subjects to subdue us. 
 
 It appearing, in the course of these debates, that the 
 
 colonies of New Ybrk, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, 
 
 Delaware, Maryland, and South Carolina, were not yet 
 
 matured for falling from the parent stem, but that they 
 
 5 
 
42 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 were fast advancing to that state, it was thought most 
 prudent to wait awhile for them, and to postpone the 
 final decision to July 1st: but, that this might occasion 
 as little delay as possible, a committee was appointed 
 to prepare a declaration of independence. The com- 
 mittee were John Adams, Dr. Franklin, Roger Sher- 
 man, Robert R. Livingston, and myself. Committees 
 were also appointed, at the same time, to prepare a plan 
 of confederation for the colonies, and to state the terms 
 proper to be proposed for foreign alliance. The com- 
 mittee for drawing the declaration of independence de- 
 sired me to do it. It was accordingly done, and being 
 approved by them, I reported it to the house on Friday 
 the 28th oif June, when it was read and ordered to lie on 
 the table. On Monday, the 1st of July, the House re- 
 solved itself into a committee of the whole, and resumed 
 the consideration of the original motion made by the 
 delegates of Virginia, which being again debated 
 through the day, was carried in the affirmative by the 
 votes of New Hampshire, Connecticut, Massachusetts, 
 Rhode Island, New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, North 
 Carolina, and Georgia. South Carolina and Penn- 
 sylvania voted against it. Delaware had but two 
 members present, and they were divided. The 
 delegates from New York declared they were for 
 it themselves, and were assured their constituents 
 were for it ; but that their instructions having 
 been drawn near a twelvemonth before, when re- 
 conciliation was still the general object, they were 
 enjoined by them to do nothing which 'should impede 
 that object. They therefore thought themselves not 
 justifiable in voting on either side, and asked leave to 
 

 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 43 
 
 withdraw from the question, which was given them. 
 The committee rose and reported their resolution to the 
 house. Mr. Edward Rutledge, of South Carolina, 
 then requested the determination might he put off to 
 the next day, as he believed his colleagues, though 
 they disapproved of the resolution, would then join in 
 it for the sake of unanimity. The ultimate question, 
 whether the house would agree to the resolution of the 
 committee, was accordingly postponed to the next day, 
 when it was again moved, and South Carolina concur- 
 red in voting for it. In the mean time, a third member 
 had come post from the Delaware counties, and turned 
 the vote of that colony in favour of the resolution. 
 Members of a different sentiment attending that morn- 
 ing from Pennsylvania also, her vote was changed, so 
 that the whole twelve colonies, who were authorized 
 to vote at all, gave their voices for it ; and within a few 
 days the Convention of New York approved of it, and 
 thus supplied the void occasioned by the withdrawing of 
 her delegates from the vote. 
 
 Congress proceeded the same day to consider the 
 Declaration of Independence, which had been reported 
 and laid on the table the Friday preceding, and on 
 Monday referred it to a committee of the whole. The 
 pusillanimous idea that we had friends in England 
 worth keeping terms with, still haunted the minds of 
 many. For this reason, those passages which convey- 
 ed censure on the people of England were struck out, 
 lest they should give them offence. The clause too, 
 reprobating the enslaving the inhabitants of Africa, 
 was struck out, in compliance to South Carolina and 
 Georgia, who had never attempted to restrain the in> 
 
44 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 * V "' 
 
 portation of slaves, and who, on the contrary, still wish- 
 ed to continue it. Our northern brethren also, I be- 
 lieve, felt a little tender under those censures ; for though 
 their people had very few slaves themselves, yet they 
 had been pretty considerable carriers of them to others. 
 The debates having taken up the greater part of the 
 2d, 3d, and 4th days of July, were, on the evening of 
 the last, closed ; the declaration was reported by the 
 committee, agreed to by the house, and signed by eve- 
 ry member present, except Mr. Dickinson. 
 
 The declaration as it was originally presented to 
 Congress, and as it was subsequently published to the 
 world, is here given, as peculiarly proper to be inserted 
 in a memoir of its illustrious author; marking in ital- 
 icksihe words which were erased by Congress, and in- 
 troducing between brackets the additions and substitu- 
 tions that were made before it received the sanction of 
 that body. It is as follows :: 
 
 " When, in the course of human events, it becomes 
 necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands 
 which have connected them with another, and to as- 
 sume among the powers of the earth the separate and 
 equal station to which the laws of nature and of na- 
 ture's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opin- 
 ions of mankind requires that they should declare the 
 causes which impel them to the separation. 
 
 " We hold these truths to be self-evident : that all 
 men are created oqual ; that they are endowed by their 
 Creator with [certain] inherent and inalienable rights ; 
 that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap- 
 
. , ' 
 
 ># '.'.. r- 
 
 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 45> 
 
 piness ; that to secure these rights, governments are 
 instituted among men, deriving their just powers from 
 the consent of the governed ; that whenever any form 
 of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is 
 the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to in- 
 stitute new government, laying its foundation on such 
 principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as 
 to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety 
 and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate, that 
 governments long established should not be changed 
 for light and transient causes and accordingly, all ex- 
 perience hath shown that mankind are more disposed 
 to suffer while evils are sufferable, than to right them- 
 selves by abolishing the forms to which they are ac- 
 customed. But when a long train of abuses and usur- 
 pations, begun at a distant period and pursuing 
 invariably the same object, evinces a design to re- 
 duce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, 
 it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to 
 provide new guards for their future security. Such 
 has been the patient sufferance of these colonies, and 
 such is now the necessity which constrains them to 
 [alter] expunge their former systems of government. 
 " The history of the present King of Great Britain 
 is a history o'f [repeated] unremitting injuries and 
 usurpations, among which appears no solitary fact 
 to contradict the uniform tenour of 'the rest ; but all 
 have [all having] in direct object, the establishment of 
 an absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this, 
 let facts be submitted to a candid world, for the truth 
 of which we pledge a faith yet unsullied by false- 
 hood. 
 
 5* 
 
46 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 "He has refused his assent to laws the most whole-- 
 some and necessary for the publick good. 
 
 " He has forbidden his Governours to pass laws of 
 immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended 
 in their operation till his assent should be obtained ; 
 and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to 
 attend to them. 
 
 " He has refused to pass other laws for the accom- 
 modation of large districts of people, unless those 
 people would relinquish the right of representation in 
 the legislature, a right inestimable to them, and formi- 
 dable to tyrants only. 
 
 " He has called together legislative bodies at places 
 unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository 
 of their publick records, for the sole purpose of fa- 
 tiguing them into compliance with his measures. 
 
 " He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly 
 and continually, for opposing with manly firmness 
 his invasions on the rights of the people- 
 
 " He has refused, for a long time after such dissolu- 
 tions, to cause others to be elected ; whereby the legis- 
 lative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned 
 to the people at large for their exercise ; the state re- 
 maining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of 
 invasion from without and convulsions within. 
 
 " He has endeavoured to prevent the population of 
 these states ; for that purpose obstructing the laws for 
 naturalization of foreigners, refusing to pass others to 
 encourage their migrations hither ; and raising the con- 
 ditions of new appropriations of lands. 
 
 11 He has suffered [obstructed] the administration of 
 justice totally to cease in some of these states, [byl 
 
OF JEFFERSON. 4T 
 
 refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary 
 powers. 
 
 " He has made our judges dependent on his will 
 alone for the tenure of their offices, and the amount 
 and payment of their salaries. 
 
 " He has erected a multitude of new offices, by a 
 self-assumed power, and sent hither swarms of officers 
 to harass our people, and eat out their substance. 
 
 " He has kept among us in times of peace, standing 
 armies and ships of war, without the consent of our 
 legislatures. 
 
 " He has affected to render the military independent 
 of and superiour to the civil power. 
 
 " He has combined with others to subject us to a 
 jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unac- 
 knowledged by our laws ; giving his assent to their 
 acts of pretended legislation : 
 
 " For quartering large bodies of armed troops 
 among us : 
 
 " For protecting them, by mock trial, from punish- 
 ment for any murders which they should commit on 
 the inhabitants of these states : 
 
 " For cutting off our trade with all parts of the 
 world : 
 
 " For^imposing taxes on us without our consent : 
 
 " For depriving us [in many cases} of the benefits- 
 of trial by jury : 
 
 " For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for 
 pretended offences : 
 
 " For abolishing the free system of English laws in, 
 a neighbouring province, establishing therein an ar- 
 bitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries, so> 
 
 I 
 
48 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 as to render it at once an example and fit instrument 
 for introducing the same absolute rule into these states 
 [colonies :] 
 
 " For taking away our charters, abolishing our 
 most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the 
 forms of our governments : 
 
 " For suspending our own legislatures, and declar- 
 ing themselves invested with power to legislate for us 
 in all cases whatsoever : 
 
 " He has abdicated government here, withdrawing 
 his Governours, and [by] declaring us out of his 
 allegiance and protection, [and waging war against 
 us :] 
 
 " He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, 
 burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our peo- 
 ple : 
 
 " He is at this time transporting large armies of 
 foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, 
 desolation, and tyranny, already begun with circum- 
 stances of cruelty and perfidy, [scarcely paralleled in . 
 the most barbarous ages, and totally] unworthy the 
 head of a civilized nation. 
 
 "He has constrained our fellow citizens taken captive 
 on the high seas to bear arms against their country, to- 
 become the executioners of their friends and brethren, 
 or to fall themselves by their hands. 
 
 " He has [excited domestick insurrections among us, 
 and has] endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of 
 our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose 
 known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruc- 
 tion of all ages, sexes, and conditions of existence. 
 
 " He has incited treasonable insurrections of our 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 49 s 
 
 fellow citizens, with the allurements of forfeiture 
 and confiscation of our property. 
 
 "He has waged cruel war against human nature 
 itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and 
 liberty in the persons of a distant people who never 
 offended him, captivating and carrying them into 
 slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur misera- 
 ble death in their transportation thither. This 
 piratical warfare, the opprobrium of INFIDEL pow- 
 ers, is the war fare of the CHRISTIAN King of Great 
 Britain. Determined to keep open a market where 
 MEN should be bought and sold, he has prostituted 
 his negative for suppressing every legislative at- 
 tempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable com- 
 merce. And that this assemblage of horrours might 
 want.no fact of distinguished die, he is now ex- 
 citing those very people to rise in arms among us, 
 and to purchase that liberty of which he has depri- 
 ved them, by murdering the people on whom he also 
 obtruded them : thus paying- of former crimes com- 
 mitted against the LIBERTIES of one people, with 
 crimes which he urges them to commit against the 
 LIVES of another. 
 
 " In every stage of these oppressions, we have peti- 
 tioned for redress in the most humble terms : our re- 
 peated petitions have been answered only by repeated 
 injuries. 
 
 " A prince whose character is thus marked by every 
 act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of 
 a [free] people who mean to be free. Future ages 
 will scarcely believe that the hardiness of one man 
 adventured, within the short compass of twelve 
 
50 ^IFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 years only, to lay a foundation so broad and so un- 
 disguised for tyranny over a people fostered and 
 fixed in principles of freedom. 
 
 " Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our 
 British brethren. We have warned them from time 
 to time of attempts by their legislature to extend [an 
 unwarrantable] a jurisdiction over [us] these our 
 states. We have reminded them of the circumstan- 
 ces of our emigration and settlement here, no one of 
 which could warrant so strange a pretension : that 
 these were effected at the expense of our own blood 
 and treasure, unassisted by the wealth or the 
 strength of Great Britain : that in constituting in- 
 deed our several forms of government, we had 
 adopted one common King, thereby laying a foun- 
 dation for perpetual league and amity with them:- 
 but that submission to their parliament was no part 
 of our constitution, nor ever in idea, if history may 
 be credited : and we [have] appealed to their native 
 justice and magnanimity as well as to [and we have 
 conjured them by] the ties of our common kindred, to 
 disavow these usurpations, which were likely to [would 
 inevitably] interrupt our connexion and correspond- 
 ence. They .too have been deaf to the voice of justice 
 and of consanguinity : and when occasions have been 
 given them, by the regular course of their laws, of 
 removing from their councils the disturbers of our 
 harmony, they have, by their free election, re-estab- 
 lished them in power. At this very time, too, they- 
 are permitting their chief magistrate to send over 
 not only soldiers of our common blood, but Scotch 
 and foreign mercenaries, to invade and destroy us^ 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 51 
 
 These facts have given the last stab to agonizing 
 affection, and manly spirit bids us to renounce for 
 ever these unfeeling brethren. We must endeavour 
 to for get our former love for them, and hold them as 
 we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war ; in 
 peace, friends. We might have been a free and a 
 great people together; but a communication of 
 grandeur and of freedom, it seems, is below their 
 dignity. Be it so, since they will have it. The 
 road to happiness and to glory is open to us too, 
 We will tread it apart from them, and [we must 
 therefore] acquiesce in the necessity which denounces 
 our eternal separation, [and hold them as we hold the 
 rest of mankind, enemies in war; in peace, friends!] 
 "We, therefore, the representatives of the United 
 States of America, in General Congress assembled, 
 [appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the 
 rectitude of our intentions,] do in the name and by the 
 authority of the good people of these states, [colonies,] 
 reject and renounce all allegiance and subjection 
 to the Kings of Great Britain, and all others who 
 may hereafter claim by, through, or under them ; 
 we utterly dissolve all political connexion which 
 may heretofore have subsisted between us and the 
 parliament of Great Britain ; and finally, we do 
 assert [solemnly publish arid declare] that these Uni- 
 ted Colonies are, [and of right ought to be,] free and 
 independent states ; [that they are absolved from all 
 allegiance to the British crown, and that all political 
 connexion between them and the state of Great Britain 
 is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ;] and that, as free 
 and independent states, they have full power to levy 
 
52 LIFE OF JEFFERSON, 
 
 war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish com- 
 merce, and to do all other acts and things which inde- 
 pendent states may of right do. 
 
 "And for the support of this declaration, [with a firm 
 reliance on the protection of Divine Providence,] we 
 mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, 
 and our sacred honour," 
 
 The Declaration thus signed on the 4th on paper, was 
 engrossed on parchment, and signed again on the 2d 
 of August. 
 
 Such was this famous declaration of the indepen- 
 dence of the United States of America, which, necessa- 
 ry as it appears to have been, says Botta, was not, how- 
 ever, exempt from peril : for although the greater part 
 of America perceived that the course of things must have 
 led to this extremity, there were still many who openly 
 manifested contrary sentiments. And they were, un- 
 fortunately, more numerous in the provinces menaced 
 by Great Britain than in any 'other. The American 
 armies were feeble, the treasury poor, foreign succours 
 uncertain, and the ardour of the people might abate all 
 at once. 
 
 It was known that England was determined to exert 
 all her forces for the reduction of the colonies, before 
 they should have time to become confirmed in their re- 
 bellion, or to form alliances with foreign powers. If 
 the American arms, as there was but too much reason 
 to fear, should prove unfortunate in the ensuing cam- 
 paign, it could not be disguised that the people would 
 lay it to the charge of independence; and that, accord- 
 ing to the ordinary operations of the human mind, they 
 
OT JEFFERSON. 5$ 
 
 would rapidly retrogade towards the opinions they had 
 abjured. When despair once begins, the prostration 
 of energy follows as its immediate consequence. But 
 the war was inevitable, all arrangement impossible, 
 and the Congress urged by necessity to take a decisive 
 resolution. On every side they saw dangers, but they 
 preferred to brave them for the attainment of a deter- 
 inmate object, rather than trust any longer to the un- 
 certain hope of the repeal of the laws against which 
 they were in arms. 
 
 For it was even difficult to designate which of these 
 laws were to be revoked. Some desired to have all 
 those repealed which had been passed since the year 
 1763; others only proscribed a part of them; and there 
 were still others whom a total abrogation would not 
 have satisfied, and who wished also for the abolition 
 xif some ancient statutes. In the heat of debates, pro- 
 positions had been advanced to which it was impossi- 
 ble that Great Britain should ever consent. Nor can 
 it be denied, that the declaration of independence was 
 conformable to the nature of things. Circumstances 
 would not have endured much longer, that a people 
 like that of America, numerous, wealthy, warlike, 
 and accustomed to liberty, should depend upon ano- 
 ther at a great distance, and little superiour in power. 
 The English ministry could not 'shut their eyes to it ; 
 and such, perhaps, was the secret reason of their ob- 
 duracy in attempting to load their colonies with heavier 
 chains. It is also certain, that foreign princes would 
 not have consented to succour, or to receive into their 
 alliance, a people who acknowledged themselves the 
 0ubjects ; whereas it might be expected that they would 
 6 
 
54 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 unite to those of a nation, determined, at all hazards, 
 to obtain the recognition of its liberty and independ- 
 ence. In the first case, even victory would not have 
 given allies to the Americans; in the second, they 
 were assured of them only by showing themselves re- 
 solved to sustain their cause with arms in hand. 
 
 And none were more sensible of the difficulties and 
 dangers which surrounded them than the heroick men 
 who had affixed their signatures, either to their coun- 
 try's success, or their own destruction. Dr. Thacher, 
 in his Military Journal, relates a circumstance which 
 may show the acuteness of their feelings, though dis- 
 guised under the sportive bitterness of raillery. " Mr. 
 Harrison, a delegate from Virginia," writes the doc- 
 tor,, " is a large portly man. Mr. Gerry, of Massachu- 
 setts, is slender and spare. A little time after the sol- 
 emn transaction of signing the instrument, Mr. Har- 
 rison said smilingly to Mr. Gerry ' when the hanging 
 ssene comes to be exhibited, I shall have the advantage 
 over you on account of my size : all will be over with 
 me in a moment, but you will be kicking in the air a 
 half an hour after I am gone.' " 
 
 But, as to the disposition of the people themselves, 
 die reception given to this celebrated paper on its pro- 
 mulgation, must have justified the hopes of the most 
 ardent, and dispelled the fears of the most timid. It 
 was every where hailed with joy, gladness, and enthu- 
 siasm ; and the most cautious, if they allowed the cer- 
 tainty of an impending struggle, admitted its necessity 
 and its great advantage. Nor were there any of those 
 publick demonstrations omitted which governments 
 ar# accustomed to employ on similar occasions, to con- 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSJDX. 55 
 
 eiliate the favour of the people to their determination. 
 Independence was proclaimed, with great solemnity, 
 at Philadelphia, the 8th of July. The artillery was 
 fired, bonfires were kindled; the people seemed actu- 
 ally delirious with exultation. On the 1 1th, the mani- 
 festo of Congress was published in New York, and 
 was read to each brigade of the American army, which, 
 at that time, was assembled in the vicinity of the city : 
 it was received with universal acclamations. The same 
 evening, the statue of King George III., which had 
 been erected in 1770, was taken down, and dragged 
 through the streets by the sons of liberty. It was 
 decided that the lead of which it was composed should 
 be converted into musket balls. These excesses, if 
 blameable in themselves, were not without utility if 
 considered politically; they excited the people, and 
 hurried them on to the object that Was desired. At 
 Baltimore, independence having been proclaimed in 
 the presence of cannoniers and militia, the people 
 could not remain their enthusiasm. The air resound- 
 ed with salutes of artillery, and the shouts that hailed 
 the freedom and happiness of the United States of 
 America. The effigy of the King became the sport of 
 the populace, and was afterwards burnt in the publick 
 square. 
 
 But, according to description, and the concurrent 
 testimony of Dr. Thacher, who was there at- the time, 
 the rejoicings at Boston were the greatest of all. In- 
 dependence was there proclaimed from the balcony of 
 the state house, in the presence of all the authorities, 
 civil and military, and of an immense concourse of 
 people, as well from the city itself, as from the country, 
 
r LIPX OF JEFFERSOHT. 
 
 The garrison was drawn up in order of battle in King" 
 street, which, from that moment, took the name of 
 State street: the troops formed in thirteen detach- 
 ments, to denote the thirteen United States. At a giver* 
 signal, a salute of thirteen cannon was fired upon Fort 
 Hill, which was immediately answered by an- equal 
 number from the batteries of the Castle, of the Neck, 
 of Nantasket, and of Pbint Alderton. The garrison, 
 in their turn, fired thirteen salutes of musketry, each 
 detachment firing in succession. The authorities and 
 most considerable inhabitants then convened at a ban- 
 quet prepared in the council chamber, where they 
 drank toasts to the perpetuity and prosperity of the 
 United States-, to the American Congress, to General 
 Washington, to the success of the arms of the con- 
 federacy, to the destruction of tyrants, to the propaga- 
 tion of civil and religious liberty, and to the friends of 
 the United States in all parts of the world. All tho 
 blU rung iu token of felicitation ; the joy was univer- 
 sal, and its demonstrations were incessantly renewed. 
 In the evening, all the ensigns of royalty, lions, scep- 
 tres or crowns, whether sculptured or painted, were 
 torn in pieces, and burnt in State street. 
 
 But in Virginia, according to a celebrated author, it 
 would be impossible to describe the exultation that was 
 manifested. 
 
 The Virginia Convention decreed that the name of 
 the King should be suppressed in all the publick pray- 
 ers. They ordained that the great seal of the com- 
 monwealth of Virginia should represent Virtue as the- 
 tutelary genius of the province, robed in the drapery of 
 an amazon, resting one hand upon her lance, and hold- 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 5T 
 
 ing with the other a sword, trampling upon tyranny, 
 under the figure of a prostrate man, having near him a 
 crown fallen from his heard, and bearing in one hand 
 a broken chain, and in the other a scourge. At the 
 foot was charactered the word " Virginia," and round 
 the effigy of Virtue, was inscribed, " Sic semper tyran- 
 nis" The reverse represented a group of figures ; 
 in the middle stood Liberty, with her wand and cap ; 
 on one side was Ceres, with the horn of plenty in the 
 right hand, and a sheaf of wheat in the left; upon the 
 other appeared Eternity, with the globe and the-phoe- 
 nix. At the foot were found these words, " Deus 
 nobis hcec otia fecit" 
 
 In the midst of these transports, nothing was forgotten 
 that might tend to inspire the people with affection for 
 the new order of things, and a violent hatred not only 
 towards tyranny, but also against monarchy ; the for- 
 mer being considered as the natural result from the 
 latter. 
 
 Thus, on the one hand, the American patriots, by 
 their secret combinations, and then by a daring resolu- 
 tion ; and on the other, the British ministers, at first by 
 oppressive laws, and afterwards by hesitating counsels, 
 gave origin to a crisis which eventually produced the 
 dismemberment of a splendid and powerful empire. 
 So constant are men in the pursuits of liberty, and so 
 obstinate in ambition. 
 
 Paul Allen, in his History of the Revolution, re- 
 marks : " The declaration of independence, once pub- 
 lished to the world with such solemnity, gave a new 
 character to the contest, not only in the colonies, but in 
 Europe. Before this decisive step, the American peo- 
 6* 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSOff. 
 
 pie were regarded by many able and good men as weft 
 as sound politicians, on both sides of the Atlantick, 
 rather as children struggling for doubtful privileges 
 with a parent, than as men contending with men for 
 their natural and undisputable rights. 
 
 But this deliberate appeal to the nations of the earth, 
 to posterity, and to the God of battles, gave a new po- 
 litical character, an immediate dignity and manhood, 
 to their cause. It was no longer the unholy struggle 
 of subjects against their monarch of children against 
 their parent of rash and turbulent men who never 
 measure nor weigh the consequences of their deeds : 
 it was no longer a contest for mere matters of opinion, 
 but for a national existence for life or death. It be- 
 came, under the awful sanction of that assembly, the 
 temperate and determined stand of men who had en- 
 trenched themselves within the certain and thoroughly 
 understood limits of their rights of men who had 
 counted the cost dispassionately, and measured the event 
 without shrinking of men who felt, deliberated, and 
 acted as the representatives of a whole people, conscious 
 of their infirmities and their responsibility, knowing the 
 might of their adversaries and the weakness o their 
 friends, but determined to do their duty to their children, 
 and leave them their inheritance undisturbed and unim- 
 paired. Or if that might not be, and the liberties of 
 Englishmen were no longer the protection of their 
 wives or the birthright of their children, to leave them 
 as widows and orphans to the charity of Heaven." 
 
 The declaration of independence was, of itself, a 
 rictory a victory over the passions, prejudices, and 
 fears of a multitude. It drew a line for ever, between 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON, 59 
 
 the friends and the foes of America. It left no neu- 
 trals. He who was not for independence, uncondition- 
 al independence, was an enemy. The efiect produ- 
 ced on the publick mind by the boldness and unanimity 
 manifested on this occasion by the delegates of the 
 several colonies, operated on the general confidence of 
 the people as much as a similar declaration would have 
 done, had it been adopted and signed by the whole pop- 
 ulation of the states. In the publick exultation at the 
 time, the murmurs of disapprobation were unheard* 
 and the opposition to be expected from the discontented 
 and factious, who were always a formidable minority, 
 and in the very bosom of the country, was entirely 
 overlooked. 
 
60 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 IT is one of the inconsistencies of human nature, that 
 the British parliament should claim that authority over, 
 and impress those burdens on the colonists, against 
 which, when applied to themselves, they had murmur- 
 ed, protested, and rebelled. There cannot be a more 
 striking parallel, than between the English revolution 
 of 1 688, and the North American revolution of 1776. In 
 both cases, previous discussion had fairly put the dispu- 
 ted question in issue ; each party to the dispute had ful- 
 ly weighed and settled its principles, its claims, and its 
 duties ; the people of England and the people of Amer- 
 ica were in both cases on the defensive ; not aiming at 
 establishing new rights, or setting up new pretensions 
 against old established despotism, but defending against 
 encroachment on liberties which they had always en- 
 joyed, and seeking new guarantees to secure them. 
 Broken charters, insulted legislatures, and violated ju- 
 diciaries, arbitrary acts defended by arbitrary princi- 
 ples, and injustice supported by violence, drove the 
 English nation in 1688, and the English colonies in 
 1776, to declare that the respective sovereigns had ab- 
 dicated the government. 
 
 The American revolution was complete 20 1776, but 
 it still remained to defend it by arms. 
 
LIFB OF JEFFERSON". 61 
 
 On Friday, July 12. 1776, the committee appointed to 
 draw the articles of confederation between the thirteen 
 states, reported them to Congress; and on the 22d, the 
 house resolved themselves into a committee to take them 
 into consideration. The institution of new govern- 
 ment by a people reeking from tyranny and oppression, 
 is a sight, which, whilst it engages the solicitous atten- 
 tion of the patriot and philanthropist, is no less calcu- 
 lated to alarm their fears. Smarting from their wrongs, 
 and still fresh in their indignation, it is to be apprehend- 
 ed that every curb of restraint will be removed, and 
 that liberty may degenerate into violence or licentious- 
 ness. The French revolution reads a most terrifick 
 lesson on this subject. It was not so with those hero- 
 ick men who had just placed their hands to the Decla- 
 ration of Independence ; and the articles of confedera- 
 tion, if they do not guard against every evil, or provide 
 for every future contingency, were yet the result of 
 virtue and wisdom, and calculated for the promotion 
 of rational freedom. The notes of Mr. Jefferson con- 
 tain the earlier debates on some of these articles ; and 
 as circumstances connected with the infant government 
 of the country, and as displaying the powers of the 
 most prominent men in it, to these notes we shall again 
 have reference.* 
 
 On the 30th and 31st of that month, (July,) and 1st 
 of the ensuing, those articles were debated which de~ 
 
 * The course of deliberation was conducted with profound 
 eecrecy, and no other record now remains of that wisdom and 
 intelligence, of that capacious and accurate view of political 
 science and ethical philosophy, which a discussion of the prin- 
 ciples of government must have drawn forth from the accom,* 
 plished civilians who were members of that Congress. 
 
62 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 termined the proportion, or quota, of money which each 
 state should furnish to the common treasury, and the 
 manner of voting in Congress. The first of these ar- 
 ticles was expressed in the original draught in these 
 words: "Art. XL All charges of war, and all other 
 expenses that shall be incurred for the common defence, 
 or general welfare, and allowed hy the United States 
 assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common treasury, 
 which shall be supplied by the several colonies in pro- 
 portion to the number of inhabitants of every age, sex, 
 and quality, except Indians not paying taxes in each 
 colony, a true account of which, distinguishing the 
 white inhabitants, shall be triennially taken and trans- 
 mitted to the Assembly of the United States." 
 
 Mr. Chase moved that the quotas should be fixed, 
 not by the number of inhabitants of every condition, 
 but by that of the white inhabitants. He admitted that 
 taxation should be always in proportion to property ; 
 that this was, in theory, the true-rule ; but that, from a 
 variety of difficulties, it was a rule which could never 
 be adopted in practice. The value of the property in 
 every state, could never be estimated justly and equally. 
 Some other measures for the wealth of the state must 
 therefore be devised, some standard referred to, which 
 would be more simple. He considered the number of 
 inhabitants as a tolerably good criterion of property, 
 and that this might always be obtained. He therefore 
 thought it the best mode which we could adopt, with 
 one exception only: he observed that negroes are prop- 
 erty, and, as such, cannot be distinguished from the 
 lands or personalities held in those states where there 
 are few slaves ; that the surplus of profit which a north- 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON, 63 
 
 era farmer is able to lay by, he invests in cattle, horses, 
 &c. : whereas a southern farmer lays out the same sur- 
 plus in slaves. There is no more reason, therefore, for 
 taxing the southern states on the farmer's head, and on 
 his slave's head, than the northern states on their farm- 
 ers' heads and the heads of their cattle ; that the method 
 proposed would, therefore, tax the southern states ac- 
 cording to their numbers and their wealth conjunctly, 
 while the northern would be taxed on numbers only j 
 that negroes, in fact, should not be considered as mem- 
 bers of the state more than cattle, and that they have no 
 more interest in it. 
 
 Mr. John Adams observed, that the numbers of peo- 
 ple were taken by this article as an index of the wealth 
 of the state, and not as subjects of taxation ; that, as to 
 this matter, it was of no consequence by what name 
 you called your people, whether by that of freemen or 
 of slaves ; that in some countries the labouring poor 
 were called freemen, in others they were called slaves ; 
 but that the difference as to the state was imaginary 
 only. What matters it whether a landlord employing 
 ten labourers on his farm, gives them annually as much 
 money as will buy them the necessaries of life, or 
 gives them those necessaries at shorthand. The ten 
 labourers add as much wealth annually to the state, 
 increase its exports as much, in the one case as the 
 other. Certainly five hundred freemen produce no 
 more profits, no greater surplus for the payment of tax- 
 es, than five hundred slaves. Therefore, the state in 
 which are the labourers called freemen, should be tax- 
 ed no more than that in which are those called slaves. 
 Suppose, by an extraordinary operation of nature or of 
 
64 LITE OT JEFFERSON. 
 
 law, one half the labourers of a state could, in the course 
 of one night, be transformed into slaves : would the state 
 be made the poorer, or the less able to pay taxes ? 
 That the condition of the labouring poor in most coun- 
 tries, that of the fishermen, particularly of the northern 
 States, is as abject as that of slaves. It is the number 
 of labourers which produces the surplus for taxation, and 
 numbers, therefore, indiscriminately, are the fair index 
 of wealth ; that it is the use of the word property here, 
 and its application to some of the people of the state, 
 which produces the fallacy. How does the southern 
 farmer procure slaves? Either by importation or by 
 purchase from his neighbour. If he imports a slave, 
 he adds one to the number of labourers in his country, 
 and proportionably to its profits and abilities to pay tax- 
 es ; if he buys from his neighbour, it is only a transfer 
 of a labourer from one farm to another, which does not 
 change the annual produce of the state, and therefore, 
 should not change its tax ; that if a northern farmer 
 works ten labourers on his farm, he can, it is true, in- 
 vest the surplus of ten men's labour in cattle ; but so 
 may the southern farmer, working ten slaves ; that a 
 state of one hundred thousand freemen can maintain 
 no more cattle than one of one hundred thousand 
 slaves : therefore, they have no more of that kind of 
 property that a slave may, indeed, from the custom of 
 speech, be more properly called the wealth of his mas- 
 ter, (than the free labourer might be called the wealth 
 of his employer ; but as to the state, both were equally 
 its wealth, and should, therefore, equally add to the quo- 
 ta of its tax. 
 
 Mr. Harrison proposed, as a compromise, that two 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 65 
 
 slaves should be counted as one freeman. He affirm* 
 ed that slaves did not do as much work as freemen^ 
 and doubted if two effected more than one; that this 
 was proved by the price of labour : the hire of a la- 
 bourer in the southern colonies being from 8 to 12, 
 while in the northern it was generally 24. 
 
 Mr. Wilson said, that if this amendment should take 
 place, the southern colonies would have all the bene- 
 fit of slaves, whilst the northern ones would bear the 
 burden ; that slaves increase the profits of a state, which 
 the southern states mean to take to themselves ; that 
 they also increase the burden of defence, which would 
 of course fall so much the heavier on the northern; that 
 slaves occupy the places of freemen and eat their food. 
 Dismiss your slaves, and freemen will take their places. 
 It is our duty to lay every discouragement on the im- 
 portation of slaves; but this amendment would give the 
 jus trium liber or um to him who would import slaves ; 
 that other kinds of property were pretty equally dis- 
 tributed through all the colonies : there were as many 
 cattle, horses, and sheep, in the north as the south, and 
 south as the north, but not so as to slaves ; that expe- 
 rience has shown that those colonies have been always 
 able to pay most, which have the most inhabitants, 
 whether they be black or white: and the practice of 
 the southern colonies has always been to make every 
 farmer pay poll taxes upon all his labourers, whether 
 they be black or white. He acknowledges, indeed, 
 that freemen work the onost; but they consume the 
 most also. They do not produce a greater surplus for 
 taxation. The slave is neither fed nor clothed so ex- 
 pensively as a freeman. Again ; white women are ex- 
 7 
 
66 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 empted from labour generally, but negro women are not, 
 In this, then, the southern states have an advantage, as 
 the article now stands. It has sometimes been said 
 that slavery is necessary, because the commodities they 
 raise would be too dear for market if cultivated by free- 
 men : but now it is said that the labour of the slave 
 is the dearest. 
 
 Mr. Payne urged the original resolution of Con- 
 gress, to proportion the quotas of the states to the num- 
 ber of souls. 
 
 Dr. Witherspoon was of opinion, that the value of 
 lands and houses was the best estimate of the wealth of 
 a nation, and that it was practicable to obtain such a 
 valuation. This is the true barometer of wealth. The 
 one now proposed is imperfect in itself and unequal 
 between the states. It has been objected that negroes 
 eat the food of freemen, and therefore should be taxed ; 
 horses also eat the food of freemen : therefore they 
 also should be taxed. It has been said, too, that in 
 carrying slaves into the estimate of the taxes the state 
 is to pay, we do no more than those states themselves 
 do, who always take slaves into the estimate of the 
 taxes the individual is to pay. But the cases are not 
 parallel. In the southern colonies, slaves pervade the 
 whole colony ; but they do not pervade the whole 
 continent. That as to the original resolution of Con- 
 gress, to proportion the quotas according to the souls, 
 it was temporary only, and related to the moneys here- 
 tofore emitted ; whereas we are now entering into a 
 new compact, and therefore stand on original ground. 
 
 August 1. The question being put, the amendment 
 proposed was rejected by the votes of New Hampshire, 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 67 
 
 Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York. 
 New Jersey, and Pennsylvania ; against those of Del- 
 aware, Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina. 
 Georgia was divided. 
 
 The other article was in these words : " Art. XVII. 
 In determining questions, each colony shall have one 
 vote." 
 
 July 30, 31, August 1. Present, forty-one members. 
 Mr. Chase observed, that this article was the most 
 likely to divide us, of any one proposed in the draught 
 then under consideration ; that the larger colonies had 
 threatened they would not confederate at all, if their 
 weight in Congress should not be equal to the numbers 
 of people they added to the confederacy; while the 
 smaller ones declared against a union, if they did not 
 retain an equal vote for the protection of their rights. 
 That it was of the utmost consequence to bring the 
 parties together, as, should we sever from each other, 
 either no foreign power will ally with us at all, or the 
 different states will form different alliances, and thus 
 increase the horrours of those scenes of civil war and 
 bloodshed, which, in such a state of separation and 
 independence, would render us a miserable people. 
 That our importance, our interests, our peace, required 
 that we should confederate, and that mutual sacrifices 
 should be made to effect a compromise of this difficult 
 question. He was of opinion, the smaller colonies 
 would lose their rights, if they were not, in some in- 
 stances, allowed an equal vote ; and therefore that a 
 discrimination should take place among the questions 
 which would come before Congress. That the smaller 
 states should be secured in all questions concerning 
 
68 LIFE OF JEFfERSON". 
 
 life or liberty, and the greater ones in all respecting 
 property. He therefore proposed, that in votes relating 
 to money, the voice of each colony should be propor- 
 tioned to the number of its inhabitants." 
 
 Dr. Franklin thought, that the votes should be so 
 proportioned in all cases. He took notice that the 
 Delaware counties had bound up their delegates to dis- 
 agree to this article. He thought it a very extraordi- 
 nary language to be held by any state, that they would 
 not confederate with us unless we would let them dis- 
 pose of our money. Certainly, if we vote equally, we 
 ought to pay equally; but the smaller states will hard- 
 ly purchase the privilege at this price. That had he 
 lived in a state where the representation, originally 
 equal, had become unequal by time and accident, he 
 might have submitted rather than disturb govern- 
 ment ; but that w^e should be very wrong to set out in 
 this practice, when it is in our power to establish what 
 is right. That at the time of the union between Eng- 
 land and Scotland, the latter had made- the objection 
 which the smaller states now do ; but experience had 
 proved that no unfairness had ever been shown them ; 
 that their advocates had prognosticated that it would 
 again happen, as in times of old, that the whale would 
 swallow Jonas, but he thought the prediction reversed 
 in event, and that Jonas had swallowed the whale ; for 
 the Scotch had in fact got possession of the govern- 
 ment, and gave laws to the English. H-e reprobated 
 the original agreement of Congress to vote by colonies, 
 and, therefore, was for their voting, in all cases, accord- 
 ing to the number of taxables. 
 
 Dr. Witherspoon opposed every alteration of the 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 69 
 
 article. All men admit that a confederacy is necessary. 
 Should the idea get abroad that there is likely to be 
 no union among us, it will damp the minds of the 
 people, diminish the glory of our struggle, and lessen 
 its importance; because it will open to our view future 
 prospects of war and dissension among ourselves. If 
 an equal vote be refused, the smaller states will be- 
 come vassals to the larger; and all experience has 
 shown, that the vassals and subjects of free states are 
 the most enslaved. He instanced the Helots of Sparta 
 and the provinces of Rome. He observed that foreign 
 powers, discovering this blemish, would make it a han- 
 dle for disengaging the smaller states from so unequal 
 a confederacy. That the colonies should, in fact, be 
 considered as individuals; and that, as such, in all 
 disputes, they should have an equal vote ; that they are 
 now collected as individuals making a bargain with 
 each other, and, of course, had a right to vote as indi- 
 viduals. That in the East India Company they voted 
 by persons, and not by their proportion of stock. That 
 the Belgick confederacy voted by provinces. That in 
 questions of war, the smaller states were as much 
 interested as the larger, and therefore should vote 
 equally ; and indeed, that the larger states were more 
 likely to bring war on the confederacy in proportion as 
 their frontiers were more extensive. He admitted that 
 equality of representation was an excellent principle, 
 but then it must be of things which are co-ordinate ; 
 that is, of things similar, and of the same nature : that 
 nothing relating to individuals could ever come before 
 Congress : nothing but what would respect colonies. 
 He distinguished between an incorporating and a 
 7* 
 
70 LIFE OF JEFFERSOST. 
 
 federal union. The union of England was an incor- 
 porating one : yet Scotland had suffered by that union, 
 for that its inhabitants were drawn from it by the; 
 hopes of places and employments ; nor was it an in- 
 stance of equality of representation : because, while 
 Scotland was allowed nearly a thirteenth of representa- 
 tion, they were to pay only one fortieth of the land tax. 
 He expressed his hopes, that in the present enlight- 
 ened state of men's minds, we might expect a lasting 
 confederacy, if it was founded on fair principles. 
 
 John Adams advocated the voting in proportion to 
 numbers. He said, that we stand here as the repre- 
 sentatives of the people ; that in some states the people 
 are many, in others they are few; that, therefore, their 
 vote here should be proportioned to the numbers from 
 whom it comes. Reason, justice, and equity, never 
 had weight enough on the face of the earth to govern 
 the councils of men. It is interest alone which doe 
 it, and it is interest alone which can be trusted ; that, 
 therefore, the interests within doors should be the 
 mathematical representatives of the interests without 
 doors; that the individuality of the colonies is a mere 
 sound. Does the individuality of a colony increase 
 its wealth or numbers ? If it does, pay equally. If 
 it does not add weight in the scale of the confederacy, 
 it cannot add to their rights nor weigh in argument, 
 A. has 50, B. 500, and C. 1000 in partnership. 
 Is it just they should equally dispose of the moneys of 
 the partnership ? It has been said we are independent 
 individuals, making a bargain together : the question 
 is not, what we are now, but what we ought to be 
 when our bargain shall be made. The confederacy ia 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSOK, 71 
 
 to make us one individual only : it is to form us, like 
 separate parcels of metal, into one common mass. W& 
 shall no longer retain our separate individuality, but 
 become a single individual as to all questions submit- 
 ted to the confederacy. Therefore, all those reasons 
 which prove the justice and expediency of equal repre- 
 sentation in other assemblies, hold good here. It has 
 been* objected, that a proportionable vote will endanger 
 the smaller states. We answer, that an equal vote will 
 endanger the larger. Virginia, Pennsylvania, and 
 Massachusetts, are the three greater colonies. Con- 
 sider their distance, their difference of produce, of in- 
 terests, and of manners, and it is apparent they can 
 never have an interest or inclination to combine for 
 the oppression of the smaller ; that the smaller will 
 naturally divide on all questions with the larger. 
 Rhode Island, from its relation, similarity, and inter- 
 course, will generally pursue the same objects with 
 Massachusetts ; Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland, with 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 Dr. Rush took notice, that the decay of the liberties 
 of the Dutch republick proceeded from three causes : 
 
 1. the perfect unanimity requisite on all occasions; 
 
 2. their obligation to consult their constituents; 3.. 
 their voting by provinces. This last destroyed the 
 equality of representation, and the liberties of Great 
 Britain also are sinking from the same defect. That 
 a part of our rights is deposited in the hands of our 
 legislatures. There, it was admitted, there should be 
 an equality of representation. Another part of our 
 rights is deposited in the hands of Congress ; why is it 
 not equally necessary, there should be an equal repre- 
 
72 LIFE JEFFERSON. 
 
 sentation there ? Were it possible to collect the whole 
 body of the people together, they would determine the 
 questions submitted to them by their majority. Why 
 should not the same majority decide when voting here, 
 by their representatives ? The larger colonies are so 
 providentially divided in situation, as to render every 
 fear of their combining visionary. Their interests 
 are different, and their circumstances dissimilar. It is 
 more probable they will become rivals, and leave it in 
 the power of the smaller states to give preponderance 
 to any scale they please. The voting by the number 
 of free inhabitants, will have one excellent effect, that 
 of inducing the colonies to discourage slavery, and to 
 encourage the increase of their free inhabitants. 
 
 Mr. Hopkins observed, that there were four larger, 
 four smaller, and four middle-sized colonies. That 
 the four largest would contain more than half the 
 inhabitants of the confederating states, and therefore 
 would govern the others as they should please. That 
 history affords no instance of such a thing as equal 
 representation. The Germanick body votes by states. 
 The Helvetick body does the same ; and so does the 
 Belgick confederacy. That too little is known of the 
 ancient confederations, to say what was their practice. 
 
 Mr. Wilson thought, that taxation should be in pro- 
 portion to wealth, but that representation should accord 
 with the number of freemen. That government is a 
 collection or result of the wills of all ; that if any 
 government could speak the will of all, it would be 
 perfect ; and that so far as it departs from this, it be- 
 omes imperfect. It has been said, that Congress is a 
 representation of states, not of individuals. I say, that 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 73 
 
 the objects of its care are all the individuals of the 
 states. It is strange, that annexing the name of 'state' 
 to ten thousand men, should give them an equal right 
 with forty thousand. This must be the effect of ma- 
 gick, not of reason. As to those matters which are 
 referred to Congress, we are not so many states; we 
 are one large state. We lay aside our individuality 
 whenever we come here. The Germanick body is a 
 burlesque on government : and their practice on any 
 point, is a sufficient authority and proof that it is wrong. 
 The greatest imperfection in the constitution of the 
 Belgick confederacy is their voting by provinces. 
 The interest of the whole is constantly sacrificed to 
 that of the small states. The history of the war in the 
 reign of Queen Ann, sufficiently proves this. It is 
 asked, shall nine colonies put it into the power of four 
 to govern them as they please ? I invert, the question, 
 and ask, shall two millions of people put it into the 
 power of one million to govern them as they please? 
 It is pretended, too, that the smaller colonies will be in 
 danger from the greater. Speak in honest language 
 and say, the minority will be in danger from the ma- 
 jority. And is there an assembly on earth, where this 
 danger may not be equally pretended ? The truth is, 
 that our proceedings will then be consentaneous with the 
 interests of the majority, and so they ought to be. 
 The probability is much greater, that the larger states 
 will disagree, than that they will combine. I defy 
 the wit of man to invent a possible case, or to suggest 
 any one thing on earth, which shall be for the interests 
 of Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Massachusetts, and 
 
74 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 which will not also be for the interests of the other 
 states. 
 
 These articles, reported July 12, '76, were debated 
 from day to day and time to time, for two years, and were 
 ratified July 9, '78, by ten states, by New Jersey on 
 the 26th of November of the same year, and by Del- 
 aware on the 23d of February following. Maryland 
 alone held off two years more, acceding to them March 
 1, '81, and thus closing the obligation. 
 
 Our delegation, says Mr. Jefferson, had been renew- 
 ed for the ensuing year, commencing August 11; but 
 the new government was now organized, a meeting of 
 the legislature was to be held in October, and I had 
 been elected a member by my county. I knew that 
 our legislation under the regal government had many 
 very vicious points which urgently required reforma- 
 tion, and I thought I could be of more use in forward- 
 ing that work. I therefore retired from my seat in 
 Congress on the 2d of September, resigned it, and 
 took my place in the legislature of my state on the 
 7th of October. 
 
 In this situation he was indefatigable in his labours 
 to improve the imperfect constitution of the state, which 
 had been recently and hastily adopted before a draught 
 of one, which he had formed on the purest principles 
 of republicanism, had reached the Convention, which 
 was deliberating at Richmond. This Convention was 
 no sooner assembled than they had immediately pro- 
 ceeded to the formation of a new plan of government; 
 and, with a haste which abandoned all discretion, a 
 constitution was adopted in the succeeding month. 
 Mr. Jefferson was at this time absent in Philadelphia, 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSOX. 75 
 
 as a delegate to Congress ; but he had, for a long time 
 previous, devoted unmitigated reflection and research 
 to maturing a plan for a new government, and had 
 already formed one well adapted to all the wants and 
 privileges of democratick freemen. This draught was 
 transmitted by him to the Convention; but unfortu- 
 nately, the one that they had framed, had received a 
 final vote in its favour on the day Mr. Jefferson's reach- 
 ed its destination. The debate had already been ardent 
 and protracted, the members were wearied and exhaust- 
 ed, and after making a few alterations, and adopting 
 entire the masterly preamble which Mr. Jefferson had 
 prefixed, it was thought expedient, for the present, to 
 adhere to the original plan, imperfect as on all hands 
 it was acknowledged to be. 
 
 The extremes of right and wrong are said very 
 closely to approach each other; and, according to a 
 discriminating writer, an incident in the political his- 
 tory of Virginia does not invalidate the maxim. In 
 June, a constitution had been adopted, breathing in 
 every article the most vehement spirit of equal rights, 
 and established on the downfall of arbitrary rule. No 
 later than the following December, a serious proposi- 
 tion was made to establish a Dictator, " invested with 
 every power, legislative, executive, and judiciary, civil 
 and military, of life and of death, over our persons 
 and over our properties." To the wise and good of 
 every party, to the patriot and philanthropist, such a 
 scheme could not but appear as absurd as its success 
 would be tyrannical and awfully dangerous. In Mr. 
 Jefferson it found a ready and efficient opponent at the 
 
76 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 lime, and he has devoted to its consideration and cen- 
 sure, a few pages of his later works. 
 
 But the chief service which Mr. Jefferson performed 
 as a member of the legislature, was as one of a com- 
 mission for revising the laws, consisting, besides him- 
 self, of Edmund Pendleton, George Wythe, George 
 Mason, and Thomas Ludwell Lee, by whom no less 
 than one hundred and twenty-six bills were prepared, 
 from which are derived all the most liberal features of 
 the existing laws of the commonwealth. The share 
 of Mr. Jefferson in this great task was prominent and 
 laborious. To him Virginia is indebted for the laws 
 prohibiting the future importation of slaves ; convert- 
 ing estates tail into fee simple ; annulling the rights 
 of primogeniture ; establishing schools for general-ed- 
 ucation ; sanctioning the right of expatriation, and 
 confirming the rights of freedom in religious opinion ; 
 which were all introduced by him, and were adopted at 
 the time they were first proposed, or at a subsequent pe- 
 riod ; and in addition to these, he brought forward a 
 law proportioning crimes and punishments, which was 
 afler wards passed under a different modification. 
 
 His own account of the passage of some of these 
 laws, the evils they were intended to remedy, and the 
 opposition they overcame, must be gratifying to those 
 who are concerned in the fame of their author. We 
 have his own description. First, in relation to the law 
 declaring tenants in tail to hold in fee simple. "In 
 the earlier times of the colony," he informs us, " when 
 lands were to be obtained for little or nothing, some 
 provident individuals procured large grants; and de- 
 sirous of founding great families for themselves, settled 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 7Y 
 
 on their descendants in fee tail. The transmis- 
 sion of this property from generation to generation, in 
 ihe same name, raised up a distinct set of families, who, 
 being privileged by law in the perpetuation of their 
 wealth, were thus formed into a Patrician order, dis- 
 tinguished by the splendour and luxury of their estab- 
 lishments. From this order, too, the King habitually 
 selected his counsellors of state; the hope of which 
 distinction devoted the whole corps to the interests and 
 will of the crown. To annul this privilege, and in- 
 stead of an aristocracy of wealth, of more har-m and 
 danger than benefit to society, to make an opening for 
 the aristocracy of virtue and talent, which nature has 
 wisely provided for the direction of the interests of so- 
 ciety, and scattered with equal hand through all its con- 
 ditions, was deemed essential to a well ordered repub- 
 lick. To effect it, no violence was necessary, no de- 
 privation of natural right, but rather an enlargement 
 of it by a repeal of the law. For this would author- 
 ize the present holder to divide the property among 
 his children equally, as his affections were divided; 
 and would place them, by natural generation, on the 
 level of their fellow citizens. But this repeal was 
 strongly opposed by Mr. Pendleton, who was zealous- 
 ly attached to ancient establishments ; and who, taken 
 all in all, was the ablest man in debate 1 have ever 
 met with. He had not, indeed, the poetical fancy 
 of Mr. Henry, his sublime imagination, his lofty and 
 overwhelming diction ; but he was cool, smooth, and 
 persuasive ; his language flowing, chaste, and embel- 
 lished; his conceptions quick, acute, and full of re- 
 source ; never vanquished ; for if he lost the main bat- 
 8 
 
78 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 tie, he returned upon you, and regained so much of it 
 as to make it a drawn one, by dexterous manoeuvres, 
 skirmishes in detail, and the recovery of small advan- 
 tages, which, little singly, were important all together. 
 You never knew when you were clear of him, but were 
 harassed by his perseverance, until the patience was 
 worn down of all who had less of it than himself. 
 Add to this, that he was one of the most virtuous and 
 benevolent of men, the kindest friend, the most amiable 
 and pleasant of companions, which ensured a favoura- 
 ble reception to whatever came from him. Finding 
 that the general principle of entails could not be main- 
 tained, he took his stand on an amendment which he 
 proposed, instead of an absolute abolition, to permit the 
 tenant in tail to convey in fee simple, if he chose it : 
 and he was within a few votes of saving so much of 
 the old law. But the bill passed finally for entire aboli- 
 tion. 
 
 " In that one of the bills for organizing our judiciary 
 system which proposed a court of chancery, I had pro- 
 vided for a trial by jury of all matters of fact, in that as 
 well as in the courts of law. He defeated it by the in- 
 troduction of four words only if either party choose j 
 The consequence has been, that as no suitor will say 
 to his judge Sir, I distrust you, give me a jury 
 juries are rarely, I might say perhaps never, seen in 
 that court, but when called for by the Chancellor of 
 his own accord." 
 
 As it respects the prohibiting the future importation 
 
 of slaves, he continues : " The first establishment in 
 
 Virginia, which became permanent, was made in 1607. 
 
 have found no mention of negroes in the colony un- 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 79 
 
 til about 1650. The first brought here as slaves, were 
 by a Dutch ship ; after which, the English commenced 
 the trade, and continued it until the revolutionary war. 
 That suspended, ipso facto, their further importation 
 for the present, and the business of the war pressing 
 constantly on the legislature, this subject was not acted 
 on finally until the year '78, when I brought in a bill 
 to prevent their further importation. This passed 
 without opposition, and stopped the increase of the 
 evil by importation, leaving to future efforts its final 
 eradication." 
 
 As it regards the free exercise of opinion in matters 
 of religion, he remarks : " The first settlers of this 
 colony were Englishmen, loyal subjects to their King 
 and church ; and the grant to Sir Walter Raleigh con- 
 tained an express proviso, that their laws should not be 
 against the true Christian faith, now professed in the 
 church of England. As soon as the state of the colo- 
 ny admitted, it was divided into parishes, in each of 
 which was established a minister of the Anglican 
 church, endowed with a fixed salary, in tobacco, a 
 glebe house and land, with the other necessary appen- 
 dages. To meet these expenses, all the inhabitants of 
 the parishes were assessed, whether they were or not 
 members of the established church. Towards Qua- 
 kers, who came here, they were most cruelly intole- 
 rant, driving them from the colony by the severest 
 penalties. In process of time, however, other secta- 
 risms were introduced, chiefly of the Presbyterian fam- 
 ily; and the established clergy, secure for life in their 
 glebes and salaries, adding to these, generally, the 
 emoluments of a classical school, found employment 
 
80 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 enough in their farms and school-rooms for the rest of 
 the week, and devoted Sunday only to the edification of 
 their flock, by service, and a sermon at their parish 
 hurch. Their other pastoral functions were little at- 
 tended to. Against this inactivity, the zeal and indus- 
 try of sectarian preachers had an open and undisputed 
 field ; and by the time of the revolution, a majority of 
 the inhabitants had become dissenters from the estab- 
 lished church, but were still obliged to pay contribu- 
 tions to support the pastors of the minority. This un- 
 righteous compulsion to maintain teachers of what they 
 deemed religious errours, was grievously felt dtiring 
 the regal government, and without a hope of relief. 
 But the first republican legislature, which met in '76, 
 was crowded with petitions to abolish this spiritual tyr- 
 anny. These brought on the severest contests in 
 which I have ever been engaged. Our great oppo- 
 nents were Mr. Pendleton and Robert Carter Nicho- 
 las : honest men, but zealous churchmen. The peti- 
 tions were referjed to the committee of the whole house 
 on the state of the country ; and, after desperate con- 
 tests in that committee,, almost daily, from the 1 1th of 
 October to the 5th of December, we prevailed so far 
 only as to repeal the laws which rendered criminal the 
 maintenance of any religious opinions, the forbearance 
 of repairing to church, or the exercise of any mode of 
 worship : and further, to exempt dissenters from con- 
 tributions to the support of the established church ; and 
 to suspend, only until the next session, levies on the 
 members of the church for the salaries of their own 
 incumbents. For although the majority of our cit- 
 izens were dissenters, as has been observed, a majority 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 81 
 
 of the legislature were churchmen. Among these, 
 however, were some reasonable and liberal men, who 
 enabled us, on some points, to obtain feeble majorities. 
 But our opponents carried, in the general resolutions of 
 the committee of November 19, a declaration, that re- 
 ligious assemblies ought to be regulated, and that pro- 
 vision ought to be made for continuing the succession 
 of the clergy, and superintending their conduct. And 
 in the bill now passed, was inserted an express reser- 
 vation of the question, Whether a general assessment 
 should not be established by law, on every one, to the 
 support of the pastor of his choice ; or whether all 
 should be left to voluntary contributions : and on this 
 question, debated at every session from '76 to 79, (some 
 of our dissenting allies, having now secured their par- 
 ticular object, going over to the advocates of a general 
 assessment,) we could only obtain a suspension from 
 session to session until '79, when the question against 
 a general assessment was finally carried, and the es- 
 tablishment of the Anglican church entirely put down. 
 In justice to the two honest but zealous opponents 
 whom I have named, I must add, that although, from 
 their natural temperaments, they were more disposed 
 generally to acquiesce in things as they are, than to risk 
 innovations ; yet, whenever the publick will had once 
 decided, none were more faithful or exact in their obedi- 
 ence to it." 
 
 Early in the session of May, '79, Mr. Jefferson pre- 
 pared and obtained leave to bring in a bill, declaring 
 who should be deemed citizens, asserting the natural 
 right of expatriation, and prescribing the mode of ex- 
 ercising it. This, when he withdrew from the house 
 8* 
 
_,: 
 
 8 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 on the 1st of June following, he left in the hands of 
 George Mason, and it was passed on the 26th of that 
 month. 
 
 Of this gentleman Mr. Jefferson speaks in the high- 
 est terms ; describing him as " a man of the first order 
 of wisdom among those who acted on the theatre of 
 the revolution, of expansive mind, profound judgement, 
 cogent in argument, learned in the lore of our former 
 constitution, and earnest for the republican change, 
 on dernocratick principles. His elocution was neither 
 flowing nor smooth ; but his language was strong, his 
 manner most impressive, and strengthened by a dash 
 of biting cynicism, when provocation made it season- 
 able." 
 
 After reading the above, let it be decided whether 
 Jefferson deserved the epithets bestowed upon him in 
 days of party bitterness, as being a visionary enthusi- 
 ast, or whether he is more worthy of being considered 
 ag an ardent friend of rational freedom, and an able 
 and enlightened legislator. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson's estimate of the powers of Mr. Mad- 
 ison, and his opinion of his character, are also so just, 
 so true, and so honourable to both, that we present them 
 to the reader. " Mr. Madison," says his friend and 
 admirer, "came into the House in 1776, a new mem- 
 ber, and young ; which circumstances, concurring with 
 his extreme modesty, prevented his venturing himself 
 in debate before his removal to the Council of State, 
 in November, '77. From thence he went to Congress, 
 then consisting of few members. Trained in these 
 nccessive schools, he acquired a habit of self-posses- 
 sion, which placed at ready command the rich resour- 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 81 
 
 ces of his luminous and discriminating mind, and of 
 his extensive information, and rendered him the first 
 of every assembly afterwards of which he became a 
 member. Never wandering from his subject into vain 
 declamation, but pursuing it closely, in language pure, 
 classical, and copious, soothing always the feelings of 
 his adversaries by civilities and softness of expression, 
 he rose to the eminent station which he. held in the great 
 National Convention of 1787 ; and in that of Virgin- 
 ia, which followed, he sustained the new constitution 
 in all its parts, bearing off the palm against the logick 
 of George Mason, and the fervid declamation of Mr. 
 Henry. With these consummate powers, was united 
 a pure and spotless virtue, which no calumny has ever 
 attempted to sully. Of the powers and polish of his 
 pen, and of the wisdom of his administration in the 
 highest office of the nation, I need say nothing. They 
 have spoken, and will for ever speak for themselves." 
 Certainly, such eulogy, and from such a pen, is suffi- 
 cient recompense for a life well spent. 
 
 While on this subject, and as the opinion of Mr. Jef- 
 ferson is of so great weight as to guide the faith of 
 thousands, we subjoin his account of three others, not 
 only prominent men in Congress, but the most zealous 
 and active supporters of the rights of their country, 
 both before and during the revolutionary struggle. 
 His sentiments are the result of personal and frequent 
 observation, and are delivered with a candour which, 
 could " bear a rival near the throne." 
 
 " Dr. FRANKLIN had many political enemies, as 
 every character must, which, with decision enough to 
 have opinions, has energy and talent to give them e- 
 
84 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 feet on the feelings of those of the adversary opinion. 
 These enmities were chiefly in Pennsylvania and Mas- 
 sachusetts. In the former, they were merely of the 
 proprietary party; in the latter, they did not commence 
 till the revolution, and then sprung chiefly from per- 
 sonal animosities, which spreading by little and little, 
 became, at length, of some extent. As to the charge 
 of subservience to France, besides the evidence of his 
 friendly colleagues, two years of my own service with 
 him at Paris, daily visits, and the most friehdly and 
 confidential communications, convince me it had not 
 a shadow of foundation. He possessed the confidence 
 of that government in the^ highest degree, insomuch, 
 that it may truly be said, that they were more under 
 his influence, than he under theirs. The fact is, that 
 his temper was so amiable and conciliatory, his con- 
 duct so rational, never urging impossibilities or even 
 things unreasonably inconvenient to them; in short, 
 so moderate and attentive to their difficulties as well 
 as our own, that what his enemies call subserviency, 
 I saw was only that reasonable disposition, which, sen- 
 sible that advantages are not all to be on one side, 
 yielding what is just and reasonable, is the more cer- 
 tain of obtaining liberality and justice. Mutual confi- 
 dence produces, of course, mutual influence ; and this 
 was all which subsisted between Dr. Franklin and the 
 government of France. 
 
 "Of SAMUEL ADAMS, I can say that he was truly a 
 great man ; wise in council, fertile in resources, im- 
 moveable in his purposes, and had, I think, a greater 
 share than any other member in advising and direct- 
 ing our measures in the northern war. As a speaker, 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 85> 
 
 he could not be compared with his living colleague and 
 namesake, whose deep conceptions, nervous style, and 
 undaunted firmness, made him truly our bulwark in 
 debate. But Mr. Samuel Adams, although not ef 
 fluent elocution, was so rigorously logical, so clear in 
 his views, abundant in good sense, and master always 
 of his subject, that he commanded the most profound 
 attention whenever he rose in an assembly, by which 
 the froth of declamation was heard with the most sove- 
 reign contempt. 
 
 "You know the opinion I formerly entertained of my 
 friend, Mr. JOHN ADAMS. I afterwards saw proofs 
 which convicted him of a degree of vanity and of a 
 blindness to it of which no germe then appeared. He 
 is vain, irritable, and a bad calculator of the force and 
 probable effect of the motives which govern men. 
 This is all the ill which can possibly be said of him. 
 He is as disinterested as the Being who made him ; he 
 is profound in his views, and accurate in his judgement, 
 except where knowledge of the world is necessary to 
 form a judgement. He is so amiable, that I pronounce 
 you will love him if ever you become acquainted with 
 him. He would be, as he was, a great man in Con- 
 gress." 
 
 But it was not to the revision of the laws of his 
 state, or other laborious publick duties, that Mr. Jef- 
 ferson entirely devoted himself. He at this time, in a 
 noble manner, displayed the sternness of his justice, the 
 purity of his heart, and the softness of his feelings, by 
 deprecating all cruelty to a fallen foe, and by extend- 
 ing a hand of charity to the foiled ravagers of his coun- 
 try, ^is sympathies were excited by proposed 
 
86 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 to the unfortunate, and he gave his indignant, power^ 
 ful, and successful pen to their assistance. 
 
 Congress, it will be recollected, had resolved to re- 
 tain in America the troops who had surrendered at Sar- 
 atoga, until the terms of capitulation, which had been 
 entered into by the British general, were duly ratified 
 by, and obtained from, his government. Until this was 
 done and received, it was thought expedient to remove 
 them into the interiour of the country; and the neigh- 
 bourhood of Charlottesville, in Virginia, was selected 
 as the place of their residence. 
 
 " There they arrived early in the year 1779. The 
 winter was uncommonly severe; the barracks unfinish- 
 ed for want of labourers ; no sufficient stores of bread 
 laid in ; and the roads rendered impassable by the in- 
 clemency of the weather and the number of wagons 
 which had lately traversed them." Mr. Jefferson, aid-, 
 ed by Mr. Hawkins, the commissary general, and the 
 benevolent disposition of his fellow citizens, adopted 
 every plan to alleviate the distresses of the troops, and 
 to soften, as much as possible, the hardships of captiv- 
 ity. Their efforts were attended with success. The 
 officers who were able to command money rented 
 houses and small farms in the neighbourhood, while the 
 soldiers enlarged the barracks and improved their ac- 
 commodations, so as in a short time to form a little 
 community, flourishing and happy. These arrange- 
 ments had scarcely been completed, when, in conse- 
 quence of a power lodged in them by Congress, the 
 Governour and Council of Virginia determined to re-^ 
 move the prisoners to another state, or to another part 
 of the same state. This intention was heard by the 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 8% 
 
 captives with distress. Mr. Jefferson immediately ad- 
 dressed a letter to Governour Henry, in which he 
 stated the impolicy, impropriety, and cruelty of such a 
 measure. 
 
 But we will give this admirable letter to the reader, 
 It speaks so well for the writer, is so illustrative of the 
 more amiable traits of his character, is so correct in 
 sentiment and glowing in language, and was finally 
 so powerful in effect, that it would be an inexcusable 
 omission in the memoirs of his life. Its incidents will 
 repay perusal, while no tedium can affect the patience, 
 
 lO HIS EXCELLENCY PATRICK HENRY. 
 
 Albemarle, March 27, 1779. 
 SIR, 
 
 A report prevailing here, that in consequence of 
 some powers from Congress, the Governour and Coun- 
 cil have it in contemplation to remove the Convention 
 troops, either wholly or in part, from their present sit- 
 uation, I take the liberty of troubling you with some 
 observations on that subject. The reputation and in- 
 terest of our country, in general, may be affected by 
 such a measure ; it would, therefore, hardly be deemed 
 an indecent liberty in the most private citizen, to offer 
 his thoughts to the consideration of the Executive. 
 The locality of my situation, particularly in the neigh- 
 bourhood of the present barracks, and the publick 
 relation in which I stand to the people among whom 
 they are situated, together with a confidence, which a 
 personal knowledge of the members of the Executive 
 gives me, that they will be glad of information from 
 any quarter, on a subject interesting to the publickj 
 
$8 LITE X)F JEFFERSON^, 
 
 induct me to hope that they will acquit me of impf o 4 - 
 priety in the present representation. 
 
 By an article in the Convention of Saratoga, it is 
 stipulated, on the part of the United States, that the 
 officers shall not be separated from their men. I sup- 
 pose the term officers, includes general as well as re- 
 gimental officers. As there are general officers who 
 command all the troops, no part of them can be sepa- 
 rated from these officers without a violation of the 
 article r they cannot, of course, be separated from one 
 another, unless the same general officer could be in 
 different places at the same time. It is true, the article 
 adds the words, " as far as circumstances will admit." 
 This was a necessary qualification ; because, in no 
 place in America, I suppose, could there have been 
 found quarters for both officers and men together; 
 those for the officers to be according to their rank. 
 So far, then, as the circumstances of the place where 
 they should be quartered, should render a separation 
 necessary, in order to procure quarters for the officers, 
 according to their rank, the article admits that separa- 
 tion. And these are the circumstances which must 
 have been under the contemplation of the parties ; both 
 of whom, and all the world beside, (who are ultimate 
 judges in the case,) would still understand that they 
 were to be as near in the environs of the camp as con- 
 venient quarters could be procured : and not that the 
 qualification of the article destroyed the article itself, 
 and laid it wholly at our discretion. Congress, indeed, 
 have admitted of this separation ; but are they so far 
 lords of right and wrong as that our consciences may 
 be quiet with their dispensation? Or is the case 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 89 
 
 attnended by saying 1 they leave ft optional in the Gov- 
 ernour and Council to separate the troops or not ? At 
 the same time that it exculpates not them, it is draw- 
 ing the Governour and Council into a participation in 
 the breach of faith. If, indeed, it is only proposed, that 
 a separation of the troops shall be referred to the con* 
 sent of their officers ; that is a very different matter. 
 Having carefully avoided conversation with them on 
 publick subjects, I cannot say, of my own knowledge, 
 how they would relish such a proposition. I have 
 heard from others, that they will choose to undergo any 
 thing together, rather than to be separated, and that 
 they will remonstrate against it in the strongest terms. 
 The Executive, therefore, if voluntary agents in this 
 measure, must be drawn into a paper war with them, 
 the more disagreeable, as it seems that faith and reason 
 will be on the other side. As an American, I cannot 
 help feeling a thorough mortification, that our Con- 
 gress should have permitted an infraction of our pub- 
 lick honour ; as a citizen of Virginia, I cannot help 
 hoping and confiding, that our supreme Executive, 
 whose acts will be considered as the acts of the com- 
 monwealth, estimate that honour too highly to make 
 its infraction their own act. I may be permitted to 
 hope, then, that if any removal takes place, it will be 
 a general one : and as it is said to be left to the Gov- 
 etnour and Council to determine on this, I am satisfi- 
 ed that, suppressing every other consideration, and 
 weighing the matter dispassionately, they will deter- 
 mine upon this sole question, Is it for the benefit of 
 those for whom they act, that the Convention troops 
 should be removed from among them? Under the 
 9 
 
90 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 head of interest, these circumstances, viz. the expense 
 of building barracks, said to have been 25,000, and of 
 removing the troops backwards and forwards, amount- 
 ing to I know not how much, are not to be pretermit- 
 ted, merely because they are continental expenses : for 
 we are a part of the continent ; we must pay a shilling 
 of every dollar wasted. But the sums of money 
 which, by these troops or on their account, are brought 
 into and expended in this state, are a great and local 
 advantage. This can require no proof. If, at the 
 conclusion of the war, for instance, our share of the 
 continental debt should be twenty millions of dollars, 
 or say that we are called on to furnish an annual quo- 
 ta of two millions four hundred thousand dollars, to 
 Congress, to be raised by tax, it is obvious that we 
 should raise these given sums with greater or less ease,' 
 in proportion to the greater or less quantity of money 
 found in circulation among us. I. expect that our cir- 
 culating money is, by the presence of these troops, at 
 the rate of $30,000 a week at the least. I have heard, 
 indeed, that an objection arises to their being kept 
 within this state, from the information of the commis- 
 sary that they cannot be subsisted here. In attending 
 to the information of that officer, it should be borne in 
 mind that the county of King William and its vicini- 
 ties are one thing, the territory of Virginia another. 
 If the troops could be fed upon long letters, I believe 
 the gentleman at the head of that department in this 
 eountry would be the best commissary upon earth. 
 But till I see him determined to aet, not to write to 
 sacrifice his domestick ease to the duties of his ap- 
 pointment, and apply to the resources of this tountry, 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 91 
 
 wheresoever they are to be had, I must entertain a 
 different opinion of him. I am mistaken if, for the 
 animal subsistence of the troops hitherto, we are not 
 principally indebted to the genius and exertions of 
 Hawkins, during the very short time he lived after his 
 appointment to that department by your board. His 
 eye immediately pervaded the whole state ; it was re- 
 duced at once to a regular machine, to a system, and 
 the whole put into movement and animation by the jto 
 of a comprehensive mind. If the commonwealth of 
 Virginia cannot furnish these troops with bread, I 
 would ask of the commissariat, which of the thirteen 
 is now become the grain colony? If we are in dan- 
 ger of famine from the addition of four thousand 
 mouths, what is become of that surplus of bread, the 
 exportation of which used to feed the West Indies and 
 eastern states, and fill the colony with hard money? 
 When I urge the sufficiency of this state, however, to 
 subsist these troops, I beg to be understood as having 
 in contemplation the quantity of provisions necessary for 
 their real use, and not as calculating what is to be lost 
 by the wanton waste, mismanagement and carelessness 
 of those employed about it. If magazines of beef and 
 pork are suffered to rot by slovenly butchering, or for 
 want of timely provision and sale ; if quantities of 
 flour are exposed by the commissaries intrusted with 
 the keeping it, to pillage and destruction ; and if, when 
 laid up in the continental stores, it is still to be em- 
 bezzled and sold, the land of Egypt itself would be 
 insufficient for their supply, and their removal would 
 be necessary, not to a more plentiful country, but to 
 more able and honest commissaries. Perhaps, the 
 
92 LIFE OP XEFFERSOff. 
 
 magnitude of this question, and its relation to th# 
 whole state, may render it worth while to await the 
 opinion of the National Council, which is now to meet 
 within a few weeks. There is no danger of distress 
 in the mean time, as the commissaries affirm they 
 have a great sufficiency of provisions for some time to 
 come. Should the measure of removing them into 
 another state be adopted and carried into execution be- 
 fore the meeting of the Assembly, no disapprobation 
 of theirs will bring them back, because they will then be 
 in the power of others, who will hardly give them up. 
 Want of information as to what may be the precise 
 measure proposed by the Governour and Council, 
 obliges me to shift my ground, and take up the subject 
 in every possible form. Perhaps they have not thought 
 to remove the troops out of this state altogether, but to 
 some other part of it. Here, the objections arising- 
 from the expenses of removal, and of building new 
 barracks, recur. As to animal food, it may be driven 
 to one part of the country as easily as to another: that 
 circumstance, therefore, may be thrown- out of ques- 
 tion. As to bread, I suppose they will require about 
 forty or forty-five thousand bushels of grain a year. The 
 place to which it is to be brought to them, is about the 
 centre of the state. Besides that the country round 
 about is fertile, all the grain made in the counties ad- 
 jacent to any, kind of navigation, may be brought by 
 water to within twelve miles of the spot. For these 
 twelve miles, wagons must be employed ; I suppose 
 half a dozen will be a plenty. Perhaps this part of 
 the expense might have been saved, had the barracks 
 been built on the water ; but it is not sufficient to justi- 
 
LIFE OP JEFFERSON. 93 
 
 fy their being abandoned now they are built. Wagon- 
 age, indeed, seems to the commissariat an article not 
 worth economizing. The most wanton and studied 
 eircuity of transportation has been practised ; to men- 
 tion only one act, they have bought quantities of flour 
 for these troops in Cumberland, have ordered il to be 
 wagoned down to Manchester, and wagoned thence up 
 to the barracks. This fact happened to fall within my 
 own knowledge. I doubt not there are many more 
 such, in order either to produce their total removal, or 
 to run up the expenses of the present situation, and 
 satisfy Congress that the nearer they are brought to 
 the commissary's own bed, the cheaper they will be 
 subsisted. The grain made in the western counties 
 may be brought partly in wagons as conveniently to 
 this as to any other place ; perhaps more so, on account 
 of its vicinity to one of the best passes through the 
 Blue Ridge ; and partly by water, as it is near to 
 James river, to the navigation of which, ten counties 
 are adjacent above the falls. When I said that the 
 grain might be brought hither from all the counties of 
 the state adjacent to navigation, I did not mean to say 
 it would be proper to bring it from all. On the contra- 
 ry, I think the commissary should be instructed, after 
 the next harvest, not to send one bushel of grain to the 
 barracks from below the falls of the river, or from the 
 northern counties. The counties on tide water are 
 accessible to the calls for our own army. Their supplies 
 ought therefore to be husbanded for them. The coun- 
 ties in the northwestern parts of the state are not only 
 within reach for our own grand army, but peculiarly 
 necessary for the support of Mackintosh's army ; or 
 9* 
 
94 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 for the support of any other northwestern expedition 5 ,, 
 which the uncertain conduct of the Indians should 
 render necessary; insomuch that if the supplies of that 
 quarter should be misapplied to any other purpose, it 
 would destroy in embryo every exertion, either for 
 particular or general safety there. The counties above 
 tide water, in the middle, southern and western parts of 
 the country, are not accessible to calls for either of those 
 purposes, but at such an expense of transportation as 
 the article would not bear. Here, then, is a great field, 
 whose supplies of bread cannot be carried to our army, 
 or rather, which will raise no supplies of bread, because 
 there is nobody to eat them. Was it not, then, wise in 
 Congress to remove to that field four thousand idle 
 mouths, who must otherwise have interfered \vith the 
 pasture of our own troops ? And, if they are removed 
 to any other part of the country, will it not defeat this 
 wise purpose ? The mills on the waters of James 
 river, above the falls, open to canoe navigation, are 
 very many. Some of them are of great note, as man- 
 ufacturers. The barracks are surrounded by mills. 
 There are five or six round about Charlottesville. 
 Any two or three of the whole might, in the course of 
 the winter, manufacture flour sufficient for the year. 
 To say the worst, then, of this situation, it is but twelve 
 miles wrong. The safe custody of these troops is 
 another circumstance worthy consideration. Equally 
 removed from the access of an eastern or western en- 
 emy, central to the whole state, so that, should they 
 attempt an irruption in any direction, they must pass 
 through a great extent of hostile country ; in a neigh- 
 bourhood thickly inhabited by a robust and hardy peo- 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 95 
 
 pie, zealous in the American cause, acquainted with 
 the use of arms, and the defiles and passes by which 
 they must issue : it would seem that, in this point of 
 view, no place could have been better chosen. 
 
 Their health is also of importance. I would not 
 endeavour to show that their lives are valuable to us, 
 'because it would suppose a possibility, that humanity 
 was kicked out of doors in America, and interest only 
 attended to. The barracks occupy the top and brow 
 of a very high hill ; (you have been untruly told they 
 were in a bottom ;) they are free from fog, have four 
 springs which seem to be plentiful, one within twenty 
 yards of the picket, two within fifty yards, and another 
 within two hundred and fifty, and they propose to sink 
 wells within the picket. Of four thousand people, it 
 should be expected, according to the ordinary calcu- 
 lations, that one should die every day : yet in the space 
 of near three months, there have been but four deaths 
 among them ; two infants under three weeks old, and 
 two others by apoplexy. The officers tell me, the 
 troops were, never before so healthy since they were 
 embodied. 
 
 But is an enemy so execrable, that, though in captiv- 
 ity, his wishes and comforts are to be disregarded and 
 even crossed? I think not. It is for the benefit of 
 mankind to mitigate the horrours of war as much as 
 possible. The practice, therefore, of modern nations, of 
 treating captive enemies with politeness and generos- 
 ity, is not only delightful in contemplation, but really 
 interesting to all the world, friends, foes, and neutrals. 
 Let us apply this : the officers, after considerable hard" 
 ships, have all procured quarters comfortable and sat- 
 
96 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 isfactory to them. In order to do this, they were obli- 
 ged, in many instances, to hire houses for a year cer- 
 tain, and at such exorbitant rents, as were sufficient 
 to tempt independent owners to go out of them, and 
 shift as they could. These houses, in most cases, 
 were much out of repair. They have repaired them 
 at a considerable expense. One of the general officers 
 has taken a place for two years, advanced the rent for 
 the whole time, anc^ been obliged, moreover, to erect 
 additional buildings for the accommodation of part of 
 his family, for which there was not room in the house 
 rented. Independent of the brick work, for the car- 
 pentry of these additional buildings, I know he is to 
 pay fifteen hundred dollars. The same gentleman, to 
 my knowledge, has paid to one person, three thousand 
 six hundred and seventy dollars, for different articles to 
 fix himself commodiously. They have generally laid 
 in their stocks of grain and other provisions, for it is 
 well known that officers do not live on their rations. 
 They have purchased cows, sheep, &c., set in to farm- 
 ing, prepared their gardens, and have a prospect of 
 comfort and quiet before them. To turn to the sol- 
 diers : the environs of the barracks are delightful, the 
 ground cleared, laid off in hundreds of gardens, each 
 enclosed in its separate paling: these well prepared, 
 and exhibiting a fine appearance. General Riedesel, 
 alone, laid out upwards of two hundred pounds in garden 
 aeeds, for the German troops only. Judge what an 
 extent of ground these seeds would cover. There in 
 little doubt that their own gardens will furnish them a 
 great abundance of vegetables through the year. 
 Their poultry, pigeons, and other preparations of that 
 
LIFE OP JEFFERSON. 97 
 
 kind, present to the mind the idea of a company of 
 farmers, rather than a camp of soldiers. In addition 
 to the barracks built for them by the publick, and now 
 very comfortable, they have built great numbers for 
 themselves, in such messes as fancied each other : and 
 the whole corps, both officers and men, seem now hap- 
 py and satisfied with their situation. Having thus 
 found the art of rendering captivity itself comfortable, 
 and carried it into execution, at their own great ex- 
 pense and labour, their spirit sustained by the prospect 
 of gratifications rising before their eyes, does not eve- 
 ry sentiment of humanity revolt against the proposi- 
 tion of stripping them of all this, and removing them 
 into new situations, where, from the advanced season of 
 the year, no preparations can be made for carrying 
 th'emselves comfortably through the heats of summer ; 
 and when it is known that the necessary advances for 
 the conveniences already provided, have exhausted 
 their funds and left them unable to make the like exer- 
 tions anew? Again; review this matter as it may re- 
 gard appearances. A body of troops, after staying a 
 twelvemonth at Boston, are ordered to take a march of 
 seven hundred miles to Virginia, where, it is said, they 
 may be plentifully subsisted. As soon as they are 
 there, they are ordered on some other march, because, 
 in Virginia, it is said, they cannot be subsisted. Indif- 
 ferent nations will charge this either to ignorance or 
 to whim and caprice ; the parties interested, to cruelty. 
 They now view the ^proposition in that light, and it is 
 said, there is a general and firm persuasion among 
 them, that they were marched from Boston with no 
 other purpose than to harass and destroy them with 
 
98 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 eternal marches. Perseverance in object, though not 
 by the most direct way, is often more laudable than 
 perpetual changes, as often as the object shifts light. 
 A character of steadiness in our councils is worth 
 more than the subsistence of four thousand people. 
 
 There could not have been a more unlucky concur- 
 rence of circumstances than when these troops first 
 eame. The barracks were unfinished for want of la- 
 bourers, the spell of weather the worst ever known 
 within the memory of man, no stores of bread laid 
 in, the roads, by the weather and number of wagons, 
 soon rendered impassable: not only the troops them- 
 selves were greatly disappointed, but the people in the 
 neighbourhood were alarmed at the consequences 
 which a total failure of provisions might produce. In 
 this worst state of things, their situation was seen by 
 many and disseminated through the country, so as to 
 occasion a general dissatisfaction, which even seized 
 the minds of reasonable men, who, if not infected with 
 the contagion, must have foreseen that the prospeci 
 must brighten, and that great advantages to the people 
 must necessarily arise. It has, accordingly, so hap- 
 pened. The planters, being more generally sellers 
 than buyers, have felt the benefit of their presence in 
 the most vital part about them, their purses, and are 
 now sensible of its source. I have too good an opin- 
 ion of their love of order, to believe that a removal of 
 these troops would produce arsy irregular proofs of 
 their disapprobation, but I am well assured it would b 
 extremely odious to them. 
 
 To conclude. The separation of these troops would 
 be a breach of publick faith : therefore I suppose it im- 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 99 
 
 possible. If they are removed to another state, it is 
 the fault of the commissaries ; if they are removed to 
 any other part of the state, it is the fault of the com- 
 missaries ; and in both cases, the publick interest and 
 publick security suffer, the comfortable and plentiful 
 subsistence of our own army is lessened, the health of 
 tha troops neglected, their wishes crossed, and their 
 comforts torn from them, the character of whim and 
 caprice, or, what is worse, of cruelty, fixed on us as a 
 nation, and, to crown the whole, our own people dis- 
 gusted with such a proceeding. 
 
 I have thus taken the liberty of representing to you 
 the facts and the reasons which seem to militate against 
 the separation or removal of these troops. I am sen- 
 sible, however, that the same subject may appear to 
 different persons in very different lights. What I 
 have urged as reasons, may, to sounder minds, be ap- 
 parent fallacies. I hope they will appear, at least, so 
 plausible, as to excuse the interposition of 
 your Excellency's 
 
 most obedient 
 
 and most humble servant, 
 
 TH: JEFFERSON. 
 
 |. It needs no assurance from us to our readers that this 
 appeal was entirely successful; nor was it ever for- 
 gotten by those unfortunate captives from whom it 
 averted tyranny, and for \vhose security and comfort 
 it was penned. They duly appreciated his kindness 
 and generosity, and their attachment and gratitude 
 were lasting ; and in his subsequent travels through 
 Europe, when chance again threw him in their socie- 
 
100 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 ty, they loaded him with civility and kindness, and 
 spoke to their countrymen in warm terms of the hos- 
 pitality of Virginia. When about to leave Charlottes- 
 ville, the principal officers wrote to him, to renew their 
 thanks, and to bid him adieu; the answer of Mr. Jef- 
 ferson to one of them has been preserved. " The 
 little attentions," he says, "you are pleased to magnify 
 so much, never deserved a mention or a thought. Op- 
 posed as we happen to be in our sentiments of duty 
 and honour, and anxious for contrary events, I shall, 
 nevertheless, sincerely rejoice in every circumstance 
 of happiness and safety which may attend you per- 
 sonally:' 
 
 To another of them he thus wrote : 
 
 " The very small amusements which it has been in 
 my power to furnish, in order to lighten your heavy 
 hours, by no means merited the acknowledgments you 
 make. Their impression must be ascribed to your 
 extreme sensibility, rather than to their own weight. 
 When the course of events shall have removed you to 
 distant scenes of action, where laurels not moistened 
 with the blood of my country, may be gathered. I 
 shall urge my sincere prayers for your obtaining eve- 
 ry honour and preferment which may gladden the 
 heart of a soldier. On the other hand, should y6tir fond- 
 ness for philosophy resume its merited ascendency, is it 
 impossible to hope that this unexplored country may 
 tempt your residence, by holding out materials where- 
 with to build a fame, founded on the happiness, and 
 not on the calamities of human nature ? Be this as it 
 may, a philosopher or a soldier, I wish you personal- 
 ly many felicities." 
 
OF JEFFERSON. 101 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 ON the first of June, 1779, Mr. Jefferson was ap- 
 pointed Governour of the commonwealth of Virginia, 
 and retired from the legislature. Being elected also 
 one of the Visiters of William and Mary College, a 
 self-electing body, he effected during his residence in 
 Williamsburgh that year, a change in the organization 
 of that institution, by abolishing the grammar school, 
 and the two professorships of Divinity and Oriental 
 Languages, and substituting a professorship of Law 
 and Police ; one of Anatomy, Medicine, and Chymis- 
 try ; and one of Modern Languages ; and the charter 
 being confined to six professorships, the Visiters added 
 the Law of Nature anjd Nations and the Fine Arts to 
 the duties of the Moral professor, and Natural History 
 to those of the professor of Mathematicks and Natural 
 Philosophy. 
 
 " Being now," says he, " as it were identified with 
 the commonwealth itself, to write my own history, 
 during the two years of my administration, would be 
 to write the publick history of that portion of the revo- 
 lution within this state." We must, therefore, rely 
 upon cotemporary history, and his own letters, for a 
 relation of those events in which he was more person- 
 ally concerned, and which occurred during his admin- 
 istration of the government. 
 10 
 
102 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 Mr, Jefferson was the second republican Governour 
 of Virginia, he having been chosen to succeed the 
 celebrated Patrick Henry, whose term of service had 
 expired. The time of his accession was one at which 
 its duties were no less trying than arduous and diffi- 
 cult; it was at that period of the war when the Brit- 
 ish government, exasperated by the long protraction of 
 hostilities, and goaded by their continual defeats, in- 
 creased the usual horrours of warfare, by the persecu- 
 tion of the wretched prisoners who fell into their 
 hands. The Governour of Virginia, among others, 
 promptly expressed his determination to adopt, as the 
 only resource against a system of warfare so barba- 
 rous and unheard of, a retaliation on the British pris- 
 oners in his power. 
 
 Among the persons most conspicuous in these infa- 
 mous transactions, was Henry Hamilton, Esq. who 
 acted as Lieutenant Governour of the settlement at 
 and about Detroit, and commandant of the British 
 garrison there, under Sir Guy Carleton as Govern- 
 our in chief. He had not only induced and instigated 
 the Indians to their butcheries on the frontiers, but 
 had treated all prisoners in his power with unprece- 
 dented severity. This gentleman, on the fifth of De- 
 cember, 1778, had possessed himself of post St. Vin- 
 cenne, with the intention of attacking Kaskaskia in 
 Illinois, and which there was no doubt of his carrying. 
 There he expected to be joined by two hundred Indians 
 from Michilimackinack, and five hundred Cherokees, 
 Chickasaws, and other nations.] With this body he 
 was to penetrate up the Ohio to Fort Pitt, sweeping 
 Kentucky on his way, having light brass cannon for 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 103 
 
 the purpose, and expecting to be joined on the march 
 by numerous bodies of Indians. With this force, he 
 made no doubt that he could force all West Augusta. 
 " Colonel Clarke, a brave and able officer of Virginia, 
 was then in Kaskaskia with a small body of men, and 
 made every preparation for resisting the expected at- 
 tack. However, there was no hope of his holding out, 
 and his destruction^ seemed inevitable. In the gloom 
 of this despair, a Spanish merchant, who had been at 
 St. Vincenne, arrived, and gave the following intelli- 
 gence: That Mr. Hamilton had weakened himself by 
 sending his Indians against the frontiers, and to block 
 up the Ohio ; that he had not more than eighty men 
 in garrison, three pieces of cannon, and some swivels 
 mounted; and that he intended to attack Kaskaskia 
 as soon as the winter opened, and made no doubt of 
 clearing the western waters by the fall. On this in- 
 formation, Colonel Clarke, with a promptitude that did 
 him honour, and which his situation and circumstances 
 justified, resolved upon becoming the assailant, and to 
 attack him before he could collect his Indians again. 
 The resolution was as desperate as his situation, but 
 there was no other probability of securing the coun- 
 try. He accordingly despatched a small galley which 
 he had fitted up, mounting two four-pounders and four 
 swivels, with a company of men and necessary stores 
 on board, with orders to force her way, if possible, 
 and station herself a few miles below the enemy, suf- 
 fering nothing to pass her, and wait for further orders. 
 In the mean time, he himself marched across the 
 country with one hundred and thirty men, being all he 
 could raise, and leaving Kaskaskia garrisoned by the 
 
104 LIFE} OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 militia. He marched on the 7th of February, and 
 was sixteen days on the route ; while the inclemency 
 of the season, high waters, &c. seemed to threaten 
 the loss of the expedition. When within three leagues 
 of the enemy, in a direct line, it took them five days to 
 cross the drowned lands of the Wabash river, having- 
 to wade often upwards of two leagues to their breast in 
 water. Had not -the weather been warm, they must 
 have perished. But on the evening of the 23d, they 
 got on dry land, in sight of the enemy ; and at seven 
 o'clock made an attack, as totally unforeseen by them 
 as it must have been unexpected. The town immedi- 
 ately surrendered with joy, and assisted in the siege, 
 *There wa a continual fire on both sides for eighteen 
 hours. The moon setting about one o'clock, the Col- 
 onel had an entrenchment thrown up within rifle shot 
 of their strongest battery, and poured such incessant 
 showers of well-directed balls into their ports, that they 
 silenced two pieces of cannon in fifteen minutes, with- 
 out getting a man hurt. 
 
 *' Governour Hamilton and Colonel Clarke had, on 
 the following day, several, conferences, but did not 
 agree until the evening, when the former agreed to 
 surrender the garrison (seventy-nine in number) pris- 
 oners of war, with considerable stores. Clarke had 
 only one man wounded, "for," says the Cojonel with 
 no little naivette, " not being able to lose many, I made 
 them secure themselves well." 
 
 " On the reception of these prisoners, the Governour 
 of Virginia in Council determined, that Hamilton and 
 two of his coadjutors should be ironed and confined in 
 the dungeon of the publick jail, as, in some measure, ^ 
 
llFE OF JEFFERSON. 105 
 
 retaliation for the treatment American prisoners had 
 deceived and were daily receiving at the hands of the 
 enemy. 
 
 An enumeration of the offences of this Hamilton, as 
 exhibited by the Council, will give some faint idea of 
 the manner in which the war was then carried on, and 
 will be an ample justification of Mr. Jefferson for the 
 apparent harshness of his proceedings. 
 
 " In Council, June 18th, 1779. 
 
 " The board proceeded to the consideration of the let- 
 ters of Colonel Clarke, and other papers relating to 
 Henry Hamilton, Esq. who has acted for some years 
 past as Lieutenant Governour of the settlement at and 
 about Detroit, and commandant of the British garri- 
 son there, under Sir Guy Carleton as Governour in 
 chief; Philip Dejean, justice of the peace for Detroit, 
 and William Lamothe, captain of volunteers, prison- 
 ers of war, taken in the county of Illinois. 
 
 '* They find that Governour Hamilton has executed 
 the task of inciting the Indians to perpetrate thir ac- 
 customed cruelties on the citizens of the United States, 
 without distinction of age, sex, or condition, with an 
 eagerness and avidity which evince, that the general 
 nature of his charge harmonized with his particular 
 disposition. They should have been satisfied, from 
 the other testimony adduced, that these enormities 
 were committed by savages acting under his commis- 
 sion; but the number of proclamations which, at differ- 
 ent times, were left in houses, the inhabitants of which 
 were killed or carried away by the Indians, one of 
 which proclamations is in possession of the board, un- 
 10* 
 
106 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 der the hand and seal of Governour Hamilton, puts 
 this fact beyond a doubt. At the time of his captivity, 
 it appears, he had sent considerable bodies of Indians 
 against the frontier settlements of these states, and had 
 actually appointed a great council of Indians, to meet 
 him at Tennessee, to concert the operations of this 
 present campaign. They find that his treatment of 
 our citizens and soldiers, taken and carried within the 
 limits of his command, has been cruel and inhuman; 
 that in the case of John Dodge, a citizen of these states, 
 which has been particularly stated to this board, he 
 loaded him with irons, threw him into a dungeon, with- 
 out bedding, without straw, without fire, in the dead of 
 winter, and severe climate of Detroit; that in that 
 State, he wasted him with incessant expectations of 
 death; that when the rigours of his situation had 
 brpught him so low that death seemed likely to with- 
 draw him from their power, he was taken out and 
 somewhat attended to, until a little mended, and before 
 he had recovered ability to walk, was again returned 
 to his dungeon, in which a hole was cut seven inches 
 square only for the admission of air, and the same load 
 of irons again put on him; that appearing, a second 
 time, in imminent danger of being lost to them, he was 
 again taken from his dungeon, in which he had lain 
 from January till June, with the intermission of a ff w 
 weeks only, before mentioned. That Governour Ham- 
 ilton gave standing rewards for scalps, but offered none 
 for prisoners, which induced the Indians, after making 
 their captives carry their baggage into the neighbour- 
 hood of the fort, there to put them to"<fcath, and carry 
 in their scalps to the Governour, who welcomed their 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 107, 
 
 /eturn and success by. a discharge of cannon. That 
 when a prisoner, brought alive, and destined to death 
 by the Indians, the fire already kindled, and himself 
 bound to the stake, was dexterously withdrawn, and 
 secreted from them by the humanity of a fellow pris- 
 oner, a large reward was offered for the recovery of, 
 the victim, which having tempted a servant to betray 
 his concealment, the present prisoner Dejean, being 
 sent with a party of soldiers, surrounded the house, . 
 took and threw into jail the unhappy victim and his de- 
 liverer, where the former soon expired, under the per- 
 petual assurances of Dejean that he was to be again 
 restored into the hands of the savages : and the latter, .. 
 when enlarged, was bitterly reprimanded by Governour 
 Hamilton. 
 
 " It appears to them that the prisoner Dejean was, on 
 all occasions, the willing and cordial instrument of 
 Governour Hamilton, acting both as judge and keeper 
 of the jails, and instigating and urging him, by mali- 
 cious insinuations and untruths, to increase rather 
 than to relax his seventies, heightening the cruelty of 
 his orders by his manner of executing them, offering 
 at one time a reward to one man to be hangman for 
 another, threatening his life on refusal, and taking from 
 his prisoners their little property their opportunities 
 enabled them to acquire. 
 
 " It appears that the prisoner Lamothe was a captain 
 of the volunteer scalping parties of Indians and whites, 
 who went, from time to time, under general orders to 
 spare neither men, women, nor children. From this 
 detail of circumstances, which arose in a few cases 
 only, coming accidentally to the knowledge of the 
 
108 LIFE OF JEFFERSO*. 
 
 board, th'ey think themselves authorized, by fair de- 
 duction, to presume what would be the horrid history 
 of the sufferings of the many who have expired under 
 their miseries, (which therefore will remain for ever 
 untold,) or who have escaped from them, and are yet 
 too remote and too much dispersed to bring together 
 their well-founded accusations against the prisoners. 
 
 "They have seen that the conduct of the British offi- 
 cers, civil and military, has, in the whole course of this 
 war, been savage, and unprecedented arnong civilized 
 nations: that OUT officers taken, by them have been 
 confined in crowded jails, loathsome dungeons, and 
 prison-ships, loaded with irons, supplied often with no 
 food, generally with too little for the sustenance of 
 nature, and that little sometimes unsound and unwhole- 
 some, whereby such numbers have perished, that cap- 
 tivity and death have with them been almost synony- 
 mous ; that they have been transported beyond seas, 
 where their fate is out of the reach of our inquiry, have 
 been compelled to take up arms against their country, 
 and by a refinement in cruelty, to- become murderers 
 of their own brethren. 
 
 " Their prisoners with us have, on the other hand : , 
 been treated with humanity and moderation ; they have 
 been fed, on all occasions, with wholesome and plenti- 
 ful food, suffered to go at large within extensive tracts 
 of country, treated with liberal hospitality, permitted to 
 live in the families of our citizens, to labour for them*- 
 selves, to acquire and' enjoy profits, a"nd, finally, to par- 
 ticipate of the principal benefits of society, privileged 
 jrom all burdens. 
 
 * Reviewing this contrast, which cannot be denied by 
 
 j 
 
UFE OF JEfFERSOW, 
 
 eur enemies themselves in a single point, and which 
 has now been kept up during four years of unremitting 
 war, a term long enough to produce well founded de- 
 spair that our moderation may ever lead them to the 
 practice of humanity : called on by that justice we owe 
 to those who are fighting the battles of our country, to 
 deal out, at length, miseries to their enemies, measure 
 for measure, and to distress the feelings of mankind by 
 exhibiting to them spectacles of severe retaliation,, 
 where we had long and vainly endeavoured to intro- 
 duce an emulation in kindness ; happily possessed, by 
 the fortune of war, of some of those very individuals 
 who, having distinguished themselves personally in 
 this line of criwl conduct, are 'fit subjects to begin on, 
 with the work of retaliation ; this board; has resolved 
 to advise the Governour, that the said Henry Hamil- 
 ton, Philip Dejean, and William Lamothe, prisoners 
 of war, be put in irons, confined in the dungeon of the 
 publick jail, debarred the use of pen, ink, and paper,, 
 and excluded all converse except with their keeper. 
 And the Governour orders accordingly." 
 
 These orders were carried into rigorous and well- 
 deserved execution, and against which, as will appear 
 from the following letter, General Phillips, tho British 
 commanding officer in Virginia, -most earnestly remon- 
 strated : 
 
 TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON. 
 
 Williamsburgh, July 17, 1779. 
 SIR, 
 
 I some time ago enclosed to you a printed copy 
 $n order of Council, by which Governour 
 
110 LIFE OF JEFFERSO*. 
 
 Was to be confined in irons, in close jail, which has o<}- 
 casioned a letter from General Phillips, of which the 
 enclosed is a copy. The General seems to think that 
 a prisoner on capitulation cannot be put in close con- 
 finement, though his capitulation should not have pro- 
 vided against it. My idea was, that all persons taken in 
 war, were to be deemed prisoners of war. That those 
 who surrender on capitulation (or convention) are pris- 
 oners of war also, subject to the same treatment with 
 those who surrender at discretion, except only so far 
 as the terms of their capitulation or convention shall 
 have guarded them. In the capitulation of Governour 
 Hamilton, no stipulation is made as to the treatment 
 of himself, or those taken with him. The Governour, 
 indeed, when he signs, adds a nourish of reasons indu- 
 cing him to capitulate, one of which is the generosity of 
 his enemy. Generosity, on a large and comprehensive 
 scale, seems to dictate the making a signal example of 
 this gentleman ; but waiving that, these are only the pri- 
 vate motives inducing him to surrender, and do not en- 
 ter into the contract of Colonel Clarke. 1 have the high- 
 est idea of those contracts which take place between na- 
 tion and nation, at war, and would be the last on earth 
 to do any thing in violation of them. I can find noth- 
 ing in those books usually recurred to as testimonials 
 of the laws and usages of nature and nations, which 
 convicts the opinions I have above expressed of errour. 
 Yet there may be such an usage as General Phillips- 
 seems to suppose, though not taken notice of by these 
 writers. I am obliged to trouble your Excellency on 
 this occasion, by asking of you information on this 
 point. There is no other person,: whose decision wfll 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON, 111 
 
 SO authoritatively decide this doubt in the publick 
 inind, and none with which I am disposed so implicitly 
 to comply. If you shall be of opinion that the bare 
 existence of a capitulation, in the case of Governour 
 Hamilton, privileges him from confinement, though 
 there be no article to that effect in the capitulation, jus- 
 tice shall most assuredly be done him. The impor- 
 tance of this point, in a publick view, and my own 
 anxiety under a charge of violation of national faith 
 by the Executive of this Commonwealth, will, I hope, 
 apologize for my adding this to the many troubles with 
 which I know you to be burdened. 
 
 I have the honour, &c. 
 
 TH: JEFFERSON. 
 
 The three following letters, to the same exalted per- 
 sonage, dismisses the fate of Governour Hamilton, and 
 all connexion of Mr. Jefferson with him. 
 
 TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON. 
 
 "Williamsburgh, Oct. 1, 1779. 
 SIR, 
 
 On receipt of your letter of August 6th, during my 
 absence, the Council had the irons taken off the prison- 
 ers of war. When your advice was asked, we meant 
 it should decide with us ; and upon my return to Wil 
 liamsburgh, the matter was taken up and the enclosed 
 advice given, A parole was formed of which the en- 
 closed is a copy, and tendered to the prisoners. They 
 objected to that part of it which restrained them from 
 'saying any thing to the prejudice of the United States, 
 and insisted on " freedom of speech." They were, in 
 
112 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 consequence, remanded to their confinement in the jail, 
 which must be considered as a voluntary one, until they 
 can determine with themselves to be inoffensive in 
 word as well as deed. A flag sails hence to-morrow 
 to New York, to negotiate the exchange of some pri- 
 soners. By her I have written to General Phillips on 
 this subject, and enclosed to him copies of the within ; 
 intending it as an answer to a letter I received from 
 him on the subject of Governour Hamilton. 
 I have the honour, &c. 
 
 TH: JEFFERSON. 
 
 5PO THE SAME. 
 
 Williamsburgh, Oct. 2, 1779. 
 SIR, 
 Just as the letter accompanying this was going offj 
 
 ^Colonel Mathews arrived on parole from New York 
 by the way of head quarters, bringing your Excellen* 
 cy's letter on this subject, with that of the British com- 
 missary of prisoners. The subject is of great impor- 
 tance, and I must, therefore, reserve myself to answer 
 after further consideration. Were I to speak from pre- 
 sent impressions, I should say it was happy for Gov- 
 ernour Hamilton that a final determination of his fate 
 was formed before this new information. As the ene- 
 my have released Captain Willing from his irons, the 
 Executive of this state will be induced perhaps not to 
 alter their former opinion. But it is impossible they 
 can be serious in attempting to bully us in this manner. 
 We have too many of their subjects in our power, 
 and too much iron to clothe them with, and, I will add, 
 too much resolution to avail ourselves of both, to fear 
 
1IFE OF JEFFERSON. 113 
 
 their pretended retaliation. However, I will do myself 
 the honour of forwarding to your Excellency the ulti- 
 mate result of Council on this subject. 
 
 In consequence of the information in the letter from 
 the British commissary of prisoners, that no officers of 
 the Virginia line should be exchanged till Governour 
 Hamilton's affair should be settled, we have stopped 
 our flag, which was just hoisting anchor with a load of 
 privates for New York. I must, therefore, ask the 
 favour of your Excellency to forward the enclosed by 
 flag, when" an opportunity offers, as I suppose General 
 Phillips will be in New York before it reaches you. 
 I have the honour, &c. 
 
 TH : JEFFERSON. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 TO THE SAME. 
 
 In Council, Oct. 8, 1779. 
 
 In mine of the second of the present month, written 
 in the instant of Colonel Mathews' delivery of your 
 letter, I informed you what had been done on the sub- 
 ject of Governour Hamilton and his companions previ- 
 ous to that moment. I now enclose you an advice of 
 Council, in consequence of the letter you were pleased 
 to enclose me, from the British commissary of prison- 
 ers, with one from Lord Rawdon; also a copy of my 
 letter to Colonel Mathews, enclosing, also, the papers 
 therein named. The advice of Council to allow the 
 enlargement of prisoners, on their giving a proper pa- 
 role, has not been recalled, nor will it be, I suppose, un- 
 less something on the part of the enemy should render 
 it necessary. I rather expect, however, that they will 
 11 
 
114 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 see it their interest to discontinue this kind of conduct, 
 I am afraid 1 shall hereafter, perhaps, be obliged to 
 give your Excellency some trouble in aiding me to ob- 
 tain information of the future usage of our prisoners. 
 I shall give immediate orders for having in readiness 
 every engine which the enemy have contrived for the 
 destruction of our unhappy citizens, captivated by 
 them. The presentiment of these operations is shock- 
 ing beyond expression. I pray Heaven to avert them : 
 but nothing in this world will do it but a proper con- 
 duct in the enemy. In every event, I shall resign 
 myself to the hard necessity under which I shall act. 
 I have the honour, &c. 
 
 TH: JEFFERSON. 
 
 These measures of retaliation resulted with the 
 happiest effects, and the enemy soon became convinced 
 that we had "too many of their subjects in our power, 
 and too much iron to clothe them with." Thus, when 
 neither the dictates of humanity nor the usages of ci- 
 vilized society could claim attention, distressing expe- 
 rience forced itself into notice and obtained considera- 
 tion. But the Governour was still vigilant, and stood 
 prepared to adopt again the same system, when the 
 British government should resort to their former prac- 
 tices. In a letter to the commander in chief, dated 
 November 28th, 1779, he remarks: "Lamothe and 
 Dejean have given their paroles, and are at Hanover 
 Court House. Hamilton, Hay, and others, are still 
 obstinate ; therefore, still in close confinement, though 
 their irons have never been on since your second letter 
 on the subject. I wrote full information of this matter 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 115 
 
 to General Phillips also, from whom I had received 
 letters on the subject. I cannot, in reason, believe that 
 the enemy, on receiving this information, either from 
 yourself or General Phillips, will venture to impose 
 any new cruelties on our officers in captivity with 
 them. Yet their conduct, hitherto, has been most suc- 
 cessfully prognosticated by reversing the conclusions 
 of right reason. It is, therefore, my duty, as well as 
 it was my promise to the Virginia captives, to take 
 measures for discovering any change which may be 
 made in their situation. For this purpose, I must apply 
 for your Excellency's interposition. I doubt not but 
 you have an established mode of knowing, at all times, 
 through your commissary of prisoners, the precise 
 state of those in the power of the enemy. I must, 
 therefore, pray you to put into motion any such means 
 you have, for obtaining knowledge of the situation of 
 Virginia officers in captivity. If you should think 
 proper, as I could wish, to take upon yourself to retali- 
 ate any new sufferings which may be imposed on 
 them, it will be more likely to have due weight, and 
 to restore the unhappy on both sides, to that benevolent 
 treatment for which all should wish." 
 
 The intermediate situation of Virginia had, hither- 
 to, in a great measure, saved her interiour from the rava- 
 ges of invasion. The storm of war had spent its force 
 on the more northern states, and was now beginning to 
 burst with all its horrours upon the south, wjiile Vir- 
 ginia was left to throw its aids in whatever quarter it 
 was required. 
 
 In tracing these military operations, especially so far 
 as the subject of these memoirs is connected with them, 
 
116 LIFE OF JEFFERSON, 
 
 we must derive much of our information from the lu.- 
 cid and happy detail contained in the "Biography of 
 the Signers to the Declaration of Independence," a 
 work to which we acknowledge previous obligations. 
 This, with the correspondence of Mr. Jefferson him- 
 self, will be sufficient guides to every important event 
 which occurred during his administration of the af- 
 fairs of Virginia. More acceptable companions. we 
 could not present to the reader, and any thing we 
 might offer, would be dull and uninteresting to the in- 
 struction and entertainment they afford. 
 
 In the spring of 1780, says the biographical annal- 
 ist, the ferocious Tarleton had made his appearance 
 on the southern borders of Virginia, marking his path 
 with unusual barbarity. Immediately after him, fol- 
 lowed the main army and Lord Cornwallis. It was 
 then time for this devoted state to exert herself. Troops 
 were rapidly raised and sent off to the south, lines of 
 communication established, and every preparation 
 made to meet the enemy. It is needless to remark, 
 that all the former habits and pursuits of the Gover- 
 nour, had been of a kind little likely to fit him for 
 military command; but aware of the importance of 
 energy and exertion, at such a crisis, he bent his mind 
 to the new task which fortune had thrown upon him, 
 with alacrity and ardour. " Our intelligence from the 
 southward," writes Mr. Jefferson to General Wash- ' 
 ington on the eleventh June, " is most lamentably de- 
 fective. 'Though Charleston has now been in the 
 hands of the enemy a month, we hear nothing of their 
 movements, which can be relied on. Rumours say 
 that they are penetrating northward. To remedy this 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSOK. 117 
 
 defect, I shall immediately establish a line of expresses 
 from hence to the neighbourhood of their army, and 
 send thither a sensible, judicious person, to give us in- 
 for^Hiation of their movements. This intelligence will, 
 I hope, be conveyed at the rate of one hundred and 
 twenty miles in the twenty-four hours. They set out 
 to their stations to-morrow. I wish it were possible 
 that a like speedy line of communication could be 
 formed, from hence to your Excellency's head quarters. 
 Perfect and speedy information of what is passing in 
 the south, might put it in your power, perhaps, to frame 
 your measures by theirs. There is really nothing to 
 oppose the progress of the enemy northward, but the 
 cautious principle of the military art. North Carolina 
 is without arms. They do not abound with us. Those 
 we have are freely imparted to them ; but such is the 
 state of their resources, that they have not been able to 
 move a single musket from this state to theirs. All 
 the wagons we can collect here have been furnished 
 to the Baron De Kalb, and are assembled for the 
 march of two thousand five hundred men under Gen- 
 eral Stevens, of Culpepper, who will move on the 
 nineteenth instant. I have written to Congress to has- 
 ten supplies of arms and military stores for the south- 
 ern states, and particularly to aid us with cartridge pa- 
 per and boxes, the want of which articles, small as 
 they are, renders our stores useless. The want of mo- 
 ney cramps every effort. This will be supplied by 
 the most unpalatable of all substitutes, force. Your 
 Excellency will readily conceive, that after the loss of 
 our army, our eyes are turned towards the other, and 
 that we comfort ourselves with the hope, that if any 
 11* 
 
118 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 aids can be furnished by you, without defeating op- 
 erations more beneficial to the Union, they will b 
 furnished. At the same time, I am happy to find that 
 the wishes of the people go no further, as far as I 
 have an opportunity of learning their sentiments. 
 Could arms be furnished, I think this state and North 
 Carolina would embody from ten to fifteen thousand 
 militia immediately, and more, if necessary, I hope 
 ere long to be able to give you a more certain state- 
 ment of the enemy's as well as our own situation," 
 On July 2d, in a letter to the same, he writes : "I have 
 received from the committee of Congress, at head 
 quarters, three letters calling for aids of men and pro- 
 visions. I beg leave to refer you to my letter to them, 
 of this date, on those subjects. I thought it necessary, 
 however, to suggest to you the preparing an arrange- 
 ment of officers for the men ; for though they are to 
 supply our battalions, yet, as our whole line officers, 
 almost, are in captivity, I suppose some temporary pro- 
 vision must be made. We cheerfully transfer to you 
 every power which the Executive might exercise on 
 this occasion. As it is possible you may cast your eye 
 on the unemployed officers now within the state, I 
 write to General Muhlenburg to send you a return of 
 them. I think the men will be rendezvoused within 
 the present month. The bill, indeed, for raising them 
 is not actually passed, but it is in its last stage, and no 
 opposition to any essential parts of it. I will take care 
 to notify you of its passsge. I have, with great pain, 
 perceived your situation; and the more so, as, being 
 situated between two fires, a division of sentiment has, 
 arisen both in Congress and here, as to which the re* 
 

 Lin or JEJTERSOK, 119 
 
 iources of this country should be sent The removal 
 0f General Clinton to the northward must, of course^ 
 have great influence on the determination of this ques- 
 tion ; and I have no douht but considerable aids may 
 be drawn hence for your army, unless a larger one 
 should be embodied in the south, than the force of the 
 enemy there seems to call for." 
 
 The legislature had become fully aware of their 
 danger, and adopted the most vigorous measures for 
 the increase and support of the southern army. They 
 conferred on the Governour new and extraordinary 
 powers; and that officer exerted himself 'in every 
 mode which ingenuity could suggest, to ward off the 
 approaching danger. 
 
 While, however, all eyes were turned to the south, 
 and the anxiety of expectation rested there, a sudden 
 attack in another quarter was the more disastrous, as 
 it was totally unforeseen. 
 
 Arnold, whose treachery seems to have increased 
 the natural daring and recklessness of his temper, aware 
 of the unprotected situation of Virginia on the sea- 
 board, formed a plan for an attack on that quarter. 
 He set sail from New York, with sixteen 'hundred 
 men, and, supported by a number of armed vessels, 
 ascended James river, and landed about fifteen miles 
 below Richmond. All the militia of the state that 
 could be supplied with arms, had been already called 
 out, and placed in the neighbourhood of Williamsburgh, 
 under the orders of General Nelson, This event 
 seemed to leave the Governour almost without re- 
 source; he saw the enemy within a few miles of the 
 capital of the state, which was entirely undefended; 
 
120 LIFE OF JEFFERSON". 
 
 he collected hastily about two hundred half-armed 
 militia, whom he placed under the command of Baron 
 Steuben, for the purpose of protecting the removal of 
 the records and military stores across James river; he 
 superintended their movements in person, with the ut- 
 most zeal, courage, and prudence; and he was seen 
 coolly issuing his orders until the enemy had actually 
 entered the loAver part of the town, and began to flank 
 it with their light horse. " As the order for drawing 
 militia here," writes the Governour to General Wash- 
 ington, " had been given but two days, no opposi- 
 tion was in readiness. Every effort was therefore ne- 
 cessary to withdraw the arms and other military stores, 
 records, &c, from this place. Every effort was accord- 
 ingly exerted to convey them to the foundry, five miles, 
 and to a laboratory, six miles above this place, till 
 about sunset -of that day, when^ we learned that the 
 enemy had come to an anchor at Westover that 
 morning. We then knew that this, and not Pe- 
 tersburgh, was their object, and began to carry across 
 the river every thing remaining here, and to remove 
 what had been transported to the foundry and labora- 
 tory, to Westham, the nearest crossing, seven miles 
 above this place, which operation was continued till 
 they had approached very near. They marched from 
 Westover at two o'clock in the afternoon of the 4th, 
 and entered Richmond at one o'clock in the afternoon 
 of the 5th, A regiment of infantry and about thirty 
 horse continued on, without halting, to the foundry. 
 They burnt that, the boring mill, the magazine, and 
 two other houses, and proceeded to Westham; but noth- 
 ing being in their power there, they retired to Rich- 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 121 
 
 mond. The next morning they burnt some buildings 
 of publick and private property, with what stores re- 
 mained in them, destroyed a great quantity of private 
 stores, and about twelve o'clock retired towards West- 
 over, where they encamped within the Neck the nexi 
 day. The loss sustained is not yet accurately known, 
 As far as I have been able to discover, it consisted, at 
 this place, of about three hundred muskets, some sol- 
 diers' clothing to a small amount, some quarter-mas- 
 ter's stores, of which one hundred and twenty sides of 
 leather was the principal article, part of the artificers' 
 tools, and three wagons. Besides which, fire brass 
 four-pounders, which we had sunk in the river, were 
 discovered to them, raised and carried off At the 
 foundry, we lost the greater part of the papers belong- 
 ing to the Auditor's office, and of the books and pa- 
 pers of the Council office. About five or six tons of 
 powder, as we conjecture, was thrown into the canal, 
 of which there will be a considerable saving by re- 
 manufacturing it. The roof of the foundry was 
 burned, but the stacks of chimneys and furnaces not 
 at all injured. The boring mill was consumed. . 
 Within less than forty-eight hours from the time of 
 their landing, and nineteen from our knowing their 
 destination, they had penetrated thirty-three miles, 
 done the whole injury, and retired. Their numbers,, 
 from the best intelligence I have had, are about fifteen 
 hundred infantry, and as to their cavalry, accounts vary 
 from fifty to one hundred and twenty ; and the whole 
 commanded by the parricide Arnold. Should they 
 loiter a little longer, I still flatter myself they will not 
 escape with total impunity. To what place they will 
 
122 LIFE OJ JEFFERSON. 
 
 point their next exertions we cannot even conjecture. 
 The whole country on the tide waters and some dis- 
 tance from them, is equally open to similar insults." 
 
 Major General Steuben, assisted by General Nel- 
 son, having by this time collected a considerable force, 
 marched in pursuit of Arnold. But the movements of 
 the latter were too rapid to be interrupted by the tardy 
 advances of undisciplined militia. They were, how- 
 ever, able to prevent similar incursions, and by re- 
 maining in the vicinity of Portsmouth, they confined 
 the enemy to their intrenchments. 
 
 Although Arnold had thus succeeded in plundering 
 and ravaging the country, the Governour determined 
 that, if possible, the traitor should not eventually es- 
 cape. He had no doubt of his capture, if a plan were 
 prudently formed, and boldly carried into execution. 
 The scheme which suggested itself for this purpose is 
 best explained by a letter from him to General Muh- 
 lenburg, and dated on the 31st of January : 
 
 " Sir Acquainted as you are with the treasons of 
 Arnold, I need say nothing for your information, or to 
 give you a proper sentiment of them. You will read- 
 ily suppose that it is above all things desirable to drag 
 him from those under whose wing he is now sheltered. 
 On his march to and from this place, I am certain it \ 
 might have been done with facility, by men of enter- 
 prise and firmness. I think it may still be done, though 
 perhaps not quite so easily. Having peculiar confi- 
 dence in the men from the western side of the moui> 
 tains, I meant, as soon as they should come down, to 
 get the enterprise proposed to a chosen number of 
 them* such whose courage and whose fidelity would be 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 128 
 
 above all doubt. Your perfect knowledge of those 
 men personally, and my confidence in your discretion, 
 induce me to ask you to pick from among them proper 
 characters, in such numbers as you think best, to re- 
 .veal to them our desire, and engage them to undertake 
 to seize and bring off this greatest of all traitors. 
 Whether this may be best effected by their going in as 
 friends, and awaiting their opportunity, or otherwise, 
 is left to themselves. The smaller the number the 
 better, so that they may be sufficient to manage him, 
 Every necessary caution must be used on their part, to 
 prevent a discovery of their design by the enemy. I 
 will undertake, if they are successful in bringing him. 
 off alive, that they shall receive five thousand guineas 
 reward among them ; and to men formed for such an 
 'enterprise, it must be a great incitement to know that 
 their names will be recorded with glory in history, 
 ,with those of Van Wart, Paulding, and Williams. 
 The enclosed order from Baron Steuben will authorize 
 you to call for and to dispose of any force you may 
 think necessary to place in readiness for covering the 
 enterprise, and securing the retreat of the party. Mr. 
 Newton, the bearer of this, and to whom its contents 
 are communicated in confidence, will provide men of 
 trust to go as guides. These may be associated in the 
 enterprise or not, as you please; but let the point be 
 previously settled, that no difficulty may arise as to 
 the parties entitled to participate in the reward. You 
 know how necessary profound secrecy is in this busi- 
 ness, even if it be not undertaken." 
 
 There was no difficulty in finding men bold enough 
 and ready enough to undertake this, or any other 
 
124 'llFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 , 
 
 hazard'; but the attempt was rendered unavailing by 
 the timely prudence of Arnold, who avoided every ex- 
 posure to such a danger. 
 
 Frustrated in this plan, the Governour turned his 
 attention to another and bolder scale, in which he was 
 to be aided by General Washington, and the French 
 fleet. The latter, then at Rhode Island, were to sail 
 immediately for James river, to prevent the escape of 
 the enemy by sea, while a large body of troops should 
 be collected on shore, for the purpose of blockading 
 them, and ultimately compelling a surrender. On the 
 eighth of March, Mr. Jefferson thus writes to the com- 
 mander in chief. " We have made on our part, every 
 preparation which we were able to make. The mili- 
 tia proposed to operate willJbe upwards of four thou- 
 sand from this state, and one thousand or twelve hun- 
 dred from Carolina, said to be under General Gregory, 
 The enemy are at this time, in a great measure, 
 blockaded by land, there being a force on the east side 
 of Elizabeth river. They suffer for provisions, as 
 they are afraid to venture far, lest the French squadron 
 should be in the neighbourhood, and come upon them. 
 Were it possible to block up the river, a little time 
 would suffice to reduce them by want and desertions j 
 and would be more sure in its event than any attempt 
 by storm." The French fleet, however, encountered, 
 on their arrival at the Chesapeake, a British squadron 
 of equal, if not superiour force, by which they were 
 driven back; by these means the plan was defeated, 
 and Arnold again escaped. 
 
 But Virginia was not yet redeemed from disasters, 
 and new difficulties were to be encountered by the tal- 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 125 
 
 ' ignis and activity of her Governour. Arnold had 
 scarcely left the coast, when Cornwallis entered the 
 state on the southern frontier. " I make no doubt you 
 will have heard," writes Mr. Jefferson in a communi- 
 cation of May 28, shortly after the invasion, to Gen- 
 eral Washington, " before this shall have the honour 
 of being presented to your Excellency, of the junction 
 of Lord Gornwallis with the force at Petersburgh un- 
 der Arnold, who had succeeded to the command on 
 the death of Major General Phillips. I am now ad- 
 vised : that 'they have evacuated Petersburgh, joined at 
 Westover a reinforcement of two thousand men just 
 arrived from New York, crossed James river, and on 
 the 26th instant, were three miles advanced on their 
 way towards Richmond ; at which place Major Gene- 
 ral the Marquis Lafayette lay with three thousand men, 
 regulars and militia ; these being the whole number 
 we could arm until the arrival of the eleven hundred 
 arms from Rhode Island, which are, about this time, 
 at the place where our publick stores are deposited. 
 The whole force of the enemy within this state, from 
 the best intelligence I have been able to get, is, I think, 
 about seven thousand men, infantry and cavalry, inclu- 
 ding, also, the small garrison left at Portsmouth. A 
 number of privateers, which are constantly ravaging 
 the shores of our rivers, prevent us from receiving any 
 aid from the counties lying on navigable waters; and 
 powerful operations meditated against our western 
 frontier, by a joint force of British and Indian sava- 
 ges, have, as your Excellency before knew, obliged us 
 to imbody between two and three thousand men in that 
 quarter. Your Excellency will judge from this state 
 12 
 
126 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 of things and from what you know of our country, 
 what it may probably suffer during the present cam- 
 paign. Should the enemy be able to produce no op- 
 portunity of annihilating the Marquis' army, a small 
 proportion of their force may yet restrain his move- 
 ments effectually, while the greater part are employed, 
 in detachment, to waste an unarmed country, and lead 
 the minds of the people to acquiesce under those 
 events, which they see no human power prepared to 
 ward off. We are too far removed from the other 
 scenes of war, to say whether the main force of the 
 enemy be within this state. But I suppose they can- 
 not any where spare so great an army for the opera- 
 tions of the field. Were it possible for this circum- 
 stance to justify in your Excellency a determination to 
 lend us your personal aid, it is evident from the uni- 
 versal voice, that the presence of their beloved country- 
 man, whose talents have so long been successfully 
 employed in establishing the freedom of kindred states, 
 to whose person they have still flattered themselves 
 they retain some right, and have ever looked up, as 
 their dernier resort in distress, would restore full confi- 
 dence of salvation to our citizens, and would render 
 them equal to whatever is not impossible. I cannot 
 undertake to foresee and obviate the difficulties which 
 lie in the way of such a resolution. The whole sub- 
 ject is before you, of which I see only detached parts ; 
 and your judgement will be formed on a view of the 
 whole. Should the danger of this state, and its conse- 
 quence to the Union, be such as to render it best for 
 the whole that you should repair to its assistance, the 
 difficulty would then be, how to keep men out of the 
 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 127 
 
 field. I have undertaken to hint this matter to your 
 Excellency, not only on my own sense of its impor- 
 tance to us, but at the solicitations of many members 
 of weight in our legislature, which has not yet as- 
 sembled to speak their own desires. 
 
 A few days will bring me that relief which the con- 
 stitution has prepared for those oppressed with the la- 
 bours of my office, and a long declared resolution of 
 relinquishing it to abler hands, has prepared my way 
 for retirement to a private station : still, as an individu- 
 al, I should feel the comfortable effects of your pres- 
 ence, and have (what I thought could not have been) 
 an additional motive for that gratitude, esteem, and re- 
 spect, with which I have the honour to be," &c. 
 
 No country, certainly, was ever worse prepared for 
 defence than was Virginia at the time of this hostile 
 irruption ; her troops had been drawn off to distant 
 quarters, her resources had been exhausted to supply 
 other states, and she was alike destitute of military 
 stores and of funds to obtain them. The whole bur- 
 den of affairs, too, had been thrown on the Governour; 
 the legislature had hastily adjourned on the invasion 
 of Arnold in January, to meet again at Charlottesville 
 on the 24th of May ; in the mean time he had no re- 
 source' but to make the best of the means which Prov- 
 idence had given him, and to depend on that good for- 
 tune which had already so often befriended his coun- 
 try, at moments the most gloomy and unpromising. 
 To resist invasion, the militia was his only force ; and 
 the resort even to this, was limited by the deficiency of 
 arms. He used every effort, however, to increase its 
 efficacy. When it was sent, into the field, he called 
 
128 LIFE O* JEFFERSON. 
 
 into service a number of officers who had resigned, or 
 been thrown out of publick employment by reductions 
 of continental, regiments for want of men, and gave 
 them commands ; an expedient which, together with 
 the aid of the old soldiers scattered in the ranks, pro- 
 duced a sudden and highly useful degree of skill, dis- 
 cipline, and subordination. Men were drafted for the 
 regular regiments, and considerable detachments of 
 the militia were sent to the south, and a number of 
 horses, essentially necessary, were rapidly obtained by 
 an expedient of Mr. Jefferson's. Instead of using a 
 mercenary agency, he wrote to an individual, general- 
 ly a member of Assembly, in each of the counties 
 where they were to be had, to purchase a specified 
 number with the then expiring paper money. This 
 expedient met with a success highly important to the 
 common cause. Nor was it sufficient to protect his 
 own state alone ; aid was demanded for the Carolines, 
 and this, though increasing the destitution and distress 
 at home, was furnished to a considerable extent. At 
 length, however, exhausted by her efforts to aid her 
 sister states, almost stripped of arms, without money, 
 and harassed on the east and on the west with formi- 
 dable invasions, Virginia appeared at last without re- 
 sources. 
 
 In this state of things, the 24th of May arrived, but 
 it was not 'until the 28th that the legislature was form- 
 ed at Charlottesville, to proceed to business. On that 
 day, the Governour addressed that letter to the com- 
 mander in chief which we have last inserted. On the 
 2d of June, the term for which Mr. Jefferson had beea 
 elected, expired, and he returned to the situation of. a. 
 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 129 
 
 private citizen, after having conducted the affairs of 
 his state through a period of difficulty and danger, 
 without any parallel in its preceding or subsequent 
 history, and with a prudence and energy that might 
 Jiave gained him more fame, had the times been less 
 unpropitious, but which, from that very reason, have 
 been, and will be, more appreciated and honoured in 
 succeeding times. " I resigned," says he, "from a be- 
 lief that, under the pressure of the invasion under 
 which we were then labouring, the publick would have 
 more confidence in a military chief, and that, the mili- 
 tary commander being invested with the civil power 
 also, both might be wielded with more energy, promp- 
 titude and effect, for the defence of the state." 
 
 Two days after his retirement from the government, 
 says the biographer who has already afforded us our 
 information of the military events during his adminis- 
 tration, and when on his estate at Monticello, intelli- 
 gence was suddenly brought that Tarleton, at the head 
 of two hundred and fifty horse, had left the main army 
 for the purpose of surprising and capturing the mem- 
 bers of Assembly at Charlottesville. The house had 
 just met, and was about to commence business, when 
 the alarm was given : they had scarcely taken time to 
 adjourn informally to meet at Staunton on the seventh, 
 when the enemy entered the village, in the confident 
 expectation of an easy prey. . The escape was indeed 
 narrow, but no one was taken. In pursuing the legis- 
 lature, however, the Governour was not forgotten ; a 
 troop of horse under a Captain M'Leod had been de- 
 spatched to Monticello, fortunately with no better suc- 
 cess. The intelligence received at Charlottesville was 
 12* 
 
150 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 soon conveyed thither, the distance between the two 
 places being very short. Mr. Jefferson immediately 
 ordered a carriage to be in readiness to carry off his 
 family, who, however, breakfasted at leisure with some 
 guests. Soon after breakfast, and when the visiters 
 had left the house, a neighbour rode up in full speed, 
 with the intelligence that p. troop of horse was then 
 ascending the hill. Mr. Jefferson now sent off his 
 family, and after a short delay for some indispensable 
 arrangements, mounted his horse, and taking a course 
 through the woods, joined them at the house of a friend, 
 where they dined. It would scarcely be believed by 
 those not acquainted with the fact, that this flight of a 
 single and unarmed man from a troop of cavalry, whose 
 whole legion, too, was within supporting distance, and 
 whose main object was his capture, has been the subt 
 ject of volumes of reproach, in prose and poetry, serious 
 and sarcastick. 
 
 In answer to some inquiries from Dr. Gordon, Mr, 
 Jefferson gives the following account of the treatment 
 his property received, both from Tarleton and Lord 
 Cornwallis : " You ask in your letter of April the 
 24th, details of my sufferings by Colonel Tarleton. I 
 did not suffer by him. On the contrary, he behaved 
 very genteelly with me. On his approach to Char- 
 lottesville, which is within three miles of my house at 
 Monticello, he despatched a troop of his horse, under 
 Captain M'Leod, with the double object of taking me 
 prisoner, with the two Speakers of the Senate and Del 1 
 egates, who then lodged with me, and of remaining 
 there in vidette, my house commanding a view of ten 
 or twelve miles round about. He gave strict orders to 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 131? 
 
 Captain M'Leod to suffer nothing to be injured. The 
 troop failed in one of their objects, as we had notice of 
 their coming, so that the two Speakers had gone off 
 about two hours before their arrival at Monticello, and 
 myself, with my family, about five minutes. But Cap- 
 tain M'Leod preserved every thing with sacred care, 
 during about eighteen hours that he remained there. 
 Colonel Tarleton was just so long at Charlottesville,, 
 being hurried from thence by the news of the rising of 
 the militia, and by a sudden fall of rain, which threat- 
 ened to swell the river and intercept his return. In 
 general, he did little injury to the inhabitants on that 
 short and hasty excursion, which was of about sixty, 
 miles from their main army, then in Spottsylvania, , 
 and ours in Orange, It was early in June, 1781. Lord 
 Cornwallis then proceeded to the point of Fork, and 
 encamped his army from thence all along the main 
 James river, to a seat of mine called Elk Hill, opposite 
 to Elk Island, and a little below the mouth of the Byrd 
 Creek. He remained in this position ten days, hia 
 own head quarters being in my house at that plac. I 
 had time to remove most of the effects out of the house, 
 He destroyed all my growing crops of corn and tobac- 
 co ; he burned all my barns, containing the same arti- 
 cles of the last year, having first taken what corn he 
 wanted ; he used, as was to be expected, all my stock 
 of cattle, sheep and hogs, for the sustenance of his 
 army, and carried off all the horses capable of service j 
 of those too young for service, he cut the throats ; and 
 he burned all the fences on the plantation, so as to leave 
 it an absolute waste. He carried off also about, thirty 
 slaves. Had. this been to give them freedom, he would. 
 
. 
 
 132 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 have done right : but it was to consign them to inevi- 
 table death from the smallpox and putrid fever, then 
 raging in his camp. This I knew afterwards to be the 
 fate of twenty-seven of them. I never had news of the 
 remaining three, but presume they shared the same 
 fate. When I say that Lord Cornwallis did all this, I 
 do not mean that he carried about the torch with his 
 own hands, but that it was all done under his own eye : 
 the situation of the house in which he was, command- 
 ing a view of every part of the plantation, so that he 
 must have seen every fire. I relate these things on my 
 own knowledge, in a great degree, as I was on the 
 ground soon after he left it. He treated the rest of the 
 neighbourhood somewhat in the same style, but not 
 with that spirit of total extermination with which he 
 seemed to rage over my plantation. Whereever he 
 went, the dwelling houses were plundered of every 
 thing which could be carried off. Lord Cornwallis's 
 character in England would forbid the belief that he 
 shared in the plunder ; but that his table was served 
 with the plate thus pillaged from private houses, can 
 be proved by many hundred eye-witnesses. From an 
 estimate I made at that time, on the best information I 
 could collect, I suppose the state of Virginia lost under 
 Lord Cornwallis's hands, that year, about thirty thou- 
 sand slaves ; and that of these, about twenty-seven 
 thousand died of, the smallpox and camp fever, and the 
 rest were partly sent to the West Indies, and exchanged 
 for rum, sugar, coffee, and fruit, and partly sent to 
 New York, from whence they went at the peace, either 
 to Nova Scotia or England. From this last place, I 
 believe they have lately been sent to Africa. History 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 will never relate the horrours committed by the BritisV 
 army in the southern states of America. They raged 
 in Virginia six months only, from the middle of April 
 to the middle of October, 1781, when they were all 
 taken prisoners : and I give you a faithful specimen of 
 their transactions for ten days of that tim^, and on one 
 spot only. Ex pede Herculem. I suppose their whole 
 'devastations during those six months amounted to 
 about three millions sterling." 
 
 In times of difficulty and danger, it is seldom that 
 the actions of the wisest and the best can escape with- 
 out censure. Where they are not the marks of ma- 
 levolence, they are yet dwelt on with morbid distrust 
 by the discontented and the timid ; they are contrasted 
 by every speculative reasoner with the fanciful schemes 
 which his own imagination has suggested; and if they 
 do not chance to be crowned with unexpected success, 
 the failure is attributed to intrinsick weakness, rather 
 than to unavoidable accident. In the preceding pages 
 a rapid sketch has been recorded of the publick acts of 
 Mr. Jefferson during the singularly eventful period in 
 which he was placed at the head of the government in 
 Virginia. The truth of those facts may be relied on. 
 From them, a reader of the present day, far removed 
 from the bustle and feelings of the times, may form a 
 calm judgement of the principles and talents of the man, 
 when placed in this station of unexpected difficulty. 
 There is little danger in asserting, that such a judge- 
 ment will be as favourable to the zeal and talents of the 
 statesman, as it will be honourable to the feelings and 
 patriotism of the man. It would, therefore, seem almost, 
 useless to record imputed errours and unfounded cha^ 
 
134 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 ges with regard to him, which have passed into oblivion 
 by the lapse of years, were it not in some degree a 
 duty, not to pass unnoticed, events which, in their own 
 day at least, excited considerable attention. 
 
 The meeting of the legislature at Staunton was at- 
 tended by several members who had not been present 
 at Richmond at the period of Arnold's incursion. One 
 of these, Mr. George Nicholas, actuated, it is said, by 
 no unkind feelings, yet, it must be acknowledged, with 
 a patriotism somewhat too ardent, accused the late Gov- 
 ernour of great remissness in his measures on that oc- 
 casion, and moved for an inquiry relative to them. To 
 this Mr. Jefferson nor his friends had the least objec- 
 Jion, nor did they make the slightest opposition. The 
 ensuing session of the legislature was the period fixed 
 ibr the investigation, but before it arrived, Mr. Nicho- 
 las, convinced that the charges were unfounded, in the 
 most honourable and candid manner declined the far- 
 ther prosecution of the affair. In the mean time, that 
 he might be placed on equal grounds for meeting the 
 inquiry, one of the representatives of his county re- 
 signed his seat, and Mr. Jefferson was unanimously 
 elected in his place. When the house assembled, no 
 one appeared to bring forward the investigation ; he, 
 however, rose in his place, and recapitulating the char- 
 ges which had been made, stated in brief terms his own 
 justification. His remarks were no sooner concluded, 
 than the house passed unanimously the following 
 resolution : 
 
 " Resolved, That the sincere thanks of the General 
 Assembly be given to our former Governour, Thom- 
 $s Jefferson, for his impartial, upright, and attentive ad- 
 
1IFE OF JEFFERSON. 13$ 
 
 ministration whilst in office. The Assembly wish, in 
 the strongest manner, to declare the high opinion they 
 entertain of Mr. Jefferson's ability, rectitude, and in- 
 tegrity, as chief magistrate of this commonwealth, and 
 mean, by thus publickly avowing their opinion, to ob- 
 viate and to remove all unmerited censures." 
 
 It is due to Mr. Nicholas to state, that in a publica- 
 tion some time afterwards, he made an honourable ac- 
 knowledgment of the erroneous views he had enter- 
 tained on the subject. The same candour has not mark- 
 ed all the opponents of Mr. Jefferson ; but we are not, 
 however, now to learn, that in the violence of politi- 
 cal asperity, circumstances long proved, and generally 
 acknowledged to be incorrect, are brought forward 
 with no inconsiderable effrontery, and the mild and 
 virtuous must be content to wait until time has swept 
 away the fabrications and assertions of faction, and con- 
 firmed that which is founded in honesty and truth. 
 
 On the 15th June, 1781, Mr. Jefferson was appoint- 
 ed, with Mr. Adams, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Jay, and 
 Mr. Laurens, a Minister Plenipotentiary for negotia- 
 ting peace, then expected to be effected through the me- 
 diation of the Empress of Russia; but such was the state 
 of his family, that he could neither leave it nor expose 
 it to the dangers of the sea, and was consequently obli- 
 ged to decline. In the autumn of the next year, Con- 
 gress having received assurances that a general peace 
 would be concluded in the winter and spring, renewed 
 his appointment on the 13th November of that year. 
 Two months before the last appointment, he had lost 
 the cherished companion of his life, in whose affec- 
 tions, unabated on both sides, he had lived the last ten 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 years in unchequered happiness. With the publick in- 
 terests, the state of his mind concurred in recommend- 
 ing the change of scene proposed; he accordingly ae* 
 ceptedthe appointment, and left Monticello on the 19th 
 of December, 1 782, for Philadelphia, where he arrived 
 on the 27th. The minister of France, Luzerne, offer- 
 ed him a passsage in the Romulus frigate, and which 
 was accepted ; but she was then lying a few miles be- 
 low Baltimore, blocked up in the ice. Mr. Jefferson 
 remained, therefore, a month in Philadelphia, looking 
 over the papers in the office of state, and possessing 
 himself of the general situation of our foreign relations, 
 and then went to Baltimore, to await the liberation of 
 the frigate -from the ice. After waiting there nearly 
 a -month, ^information was received, that a provisional 
 treaty of peace had been signed by our Commission- 
 ers on the 3d of September, 1782, to become absolute 
 on the conclusion of peace between France and Great 
 Britain. Considering his proceeding to Europe as now 
 of no utility to the publick, he returned immediately to 
 Philadelphia, to take the orders of Congress, and was 
 excused by them from further proceeding. He there- 
 fore returned home, and arrived there on the 15th of 
 May, 1783. 
 
 On the sixth of June, 1783, Mr. Jefferson was again 
 elected a delegate to Congress, the appointment to take 
 place on the 1st of November ensuing, when that of 
 the existing delegation would expire. He according- 
 ly left home on the 16th of October, arrived at Tren- 
 ton, where Congress was sitting, on the 3d November, 
 and took his seat on the 4th, on which day Congress 
 adjourned, to meet at Annapolis on the 26th. 
 
LfFE OF JEFFERSON. 137 
 
 '"Congress," says he, "had now become a very 
 ^small body, and the members very remiss in their at- 
 tendance on its duties, insomuch that a majority of tho 
 states, necessary by the Confederation to constitutes 
 house, even for minor business, did not assemble until 
 the 13th of December. 
 
 In this body, Mr. Jefferson, as was to be expected, 
 took a prominent station, and became, at once, engaged 
 in all the principal measures that occupied the publick 
 attention. Among other services rendered by him, was 
 that of establishing a standard of value for the country, 
 and the adoption of a money unit. "They," (Con- 
 gress,) says Mr. Jefferson, "as early as January 7, 1782, 
 had turned their attention to the moneys current in T the 
 several states, and had directed the Financier, Robert 
 Morris, to report to them a table of rates, at which the 
 foreign coins should be received at the treasury. That 
 officer, or rather his assistant, Gouverneur Morris, 
 answered them on the 15th, in an able and elaborate 
 statement of the denominations of money current in the 
 several states, and of the comparative value of the 
 foreign coins chiefly in circulation with us. He went 
 into the consideration of the necessity of establishing 
 a standard of value with us, and of the adoption of a 
 money unit. He proposed for that unit, such a fraction 
 of pure silver as would be a common measure of the 
 penny of every state, without leaving a fraction. This 
 common divisor he found to be y^ of a dollar, or T1 \ o 
 of the crown sterling. The value of a dollar was, 
 therefore, to be expressed by 1440 units, and of a crown 
 by 1600; each unit containing a quarter of a grain of 
 fine silver. Congress turning again their attention to 
 13 
 
138 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 this subject the following year, the Financier, by a 
 letter of April 30, 1783, further explained and urged 
 the unit he had proposed, but nothing more was done 
 on it until the ensuing year, when it was again taken 
 up, and referred to a committee, of which I was a 
 member. The general views of the Financier were 
 sound, and the principle was ingenious oh which he 
 proposed to found his unit ; but it was too minute for 
 ordinary use, too laborious for computation, either by 
 the head or in figures. The price of a loaf of bread, 
 j\ of a dollar, would be 72 units. A pound of butter, 
 j of a dollar, 288 units. A horse, or bullock, of eighty 
 dollars' value, would require a notation of six figures, 
 to wit, 115,200; and the publick debt, suppose of 
 eighty millions, would require twelve figures, to wit, 
 115,200,000,000 units. Such a system of money- 
 arithmetick would be entirely unmanageable for the 
 common purposes of society. I proposed, therefore, 
 instead of this, to adopt the dollar as our unit of account 
 and payment, and that its divisions and subdivisions 
 should be in the decimal ratio. I wrote some notes on 
 the subject, which I submitted to the consideration of 
 the Financier. I received his answer, and adherence 
 to his general system, only agreeing to take for his 
 unit one hundred of those he first proposed, so that a 
 dollar should be 14 T \o> an d a crown 16 units. I re- 
 plied to this, and printed my Notes and Reply on a 
 flying sheet, which I put into the hands of the members 
 of Congress for consideration, and the committee agreed 
 to report on my principle. This was adopted the en- 
 suing year, and is the system which now prevails. 
 The division into dimes, cents, and mills, is now so 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 139 
 
 well understood, that it would be easy of introduction 
 into the kindred branches of weights and measures. 
 I use, when I travel, an Odometer of Ckrke's inven- 
 tion, which divides the mile into cents, and I find every 
 one comprehends a distance readily, when stated to 
 him in miles and cents ; so he would in feet and cents, 
 pounds and cents, &c." 
 
 I will again extract, from the memoirs of Mr. Jef- 
 ferson, what follows below, for the sake of introducing 
 a practical anecdote from Dr. Franklin : " The re- 
 missness of Congress, and their permanent session, 
 began to be a subject of uneasiness ; and even some of 
 the legislatures had recommended to them intermis- 
 sions, and periodical sessions. As the Confederation 
 had made no provision for a visible head of the gov- 
 ernment during vacations of Congress, and such a one 
 was necessary to superintend the executive business, 
 to receive and communicate with foreign ministers and 
 nations, and to assemble Congress on sudden and ex- 
 traordinary emergencies, I proposed, early in April, 
 the appointment of a committee to be called the " Com- 
 mittee of the States," to consist of a member from each 
 state, who should remain in session during the recess 
 of Congress ; that the functions of Congress should be 
 divided into executive and legislative, the latter to be 
 reserved, and the former, by a general resolution, to be 
 delegated to that committee. This proposition was 
 afterwards agreed to ; a committee appointed, who af- 
 terwards entered on duty on the subsequent adjourn- 
 ment of Congress, quarrelled very soon, split into two 
 parties, abandoned their post, and left the government 
 without any visible head, until the next meeting of 
 
HO LIFE Or JEFFERSON. 
 
 Congress. We have since seen the same thing take 
 place in the Directory of France ; and I believe it will 
 for ever take place in any Executive consisting of a 
 plurality. Our plan best, I believe, combines wisdom 
 and practicability, by providing a plurality of counsel- 
 lors, but a single arbiter for ultimate decision. I was 
 in France when we heard of this schism and separation 
 of our committee, and speaking with Dr. Franklin of 
 this singular disposition of men to quarrel, and divide 
 into parties, he gave his sentiments, as usual, by way 
 of apologue. He mentioned the Eddystone lighthouse; 
 in the British channel, as being built on a rock, in the 
 mid-channel, totally inaccessible in winter, from the 
 boisterous character of that sea, in that season ; that, 
 therefore, for the two keepers, and there are only two, 
 employed to keep up the lights, all provisions for the 
 winter were necessarily carried to them in autumn, as 
 they could never be visited again till the return of the 
 milder season ; that on the first practicable day in the 
 spring, a boat puts off to them with fresh supplies. 
 The boatmen met at the door one of the keepers, and 
 accosted him with a ' How goes it, friend?' 'Very 
 well. 1 ' How is your companion?' 'I do not know. 1 
 'Don't know? is he not here ?' 'I can't tell.' 'Have 
 you not seen him to-day?' 'No.' 'When did you 
 see him ?' ' Not since last fall.' ' You have killed 
 him.' * Not I, indeed.' They were about to lay hold 
 of him, as having certainly murdered his companion ; 
 but he desired them to go up stairs and examine for 
 themselves. They went up, and there found the other 
 keeper. They had quarrelled, it seems, soon after being- 
 left there, had divided into two parties, assigned the 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 141 
 
 ares below to one, and those above to the other, and 
 had never spoken to, or seen, one another since." 
 
 The following advice is good, and even at the pre- 
 sent day is not totally inapplicable : " Our body was 
 little numerous, but very contentious. Day after day 
 was wasted on the most unimportant questions. A 
 member, one of those afflicted with the morbid rage of 
 debate, of an ardent mind, prompt imagination, and co- 
 pious flow of words, who heard with impatience any 
 logick which was not his own, sitting near me on some 
 occasion of a trifling but wordy debate, asked me how 
 1 could sit in silence, hearing so much false reasoning 
 which a word should refute? I observed to him, that 
 to refute indeed was easy, but to silence impossible; 
 that in measures brought forward by myself, I took the 
 labouring oar, as was incumbent on me ; but that in 
 general, I was willing to listen ; that if every sound 
 argument or objection was used by some one or other 
 of the numerous debaters, it was enough; if not, I 
 thought it sufficient to suggest the omission, without 
 going into a repetition of what had been already said 
 by others : that this was a waste and abuse of the time 
 and patience of the house, which could not be justified. 
 And I believe, that if the members of deliberative bo- 
 dies were to observe this course generally, they would 
 do in a day, what takes them a week; and it is really 
 more questionable, than may at first be thought, wheth- 
 er Bonaparte's dumb legislature, which said nothing, 
 and did much, may not be preferable to one which talks 
 much, and does nothing. I served with General 
 Washington in the legislature of Virginia, before the 
 revolution, and during it, with Dr. Franklin in Con- 
 13* 
 
142 LIFE OF JEFFERSOHT. 
 
 gress. I never heard either of them speak ten min- 
 utes at a time, nor to any but the main point which 
 was to decide the question. They laid their shoulders 
 to the great points, knowing that the little ones would 
 follow of themselves. If the present Congress errs in 
 too much talking, how can it be otherwise, in a body to 
 which the people send one hundred and fifty lawyers, 
 whose trade it is to question every thing, yield noth- 
 ing, and talk by the hour? That one hundred and 
 fifty lawyers should do business together, ought not to- 
 be expected." 
 
 Early in December, letters were received from the 
 commissioners in France, accompanied with the de- 
 finitive treaty between the United States and Great 
 Britain, which had been signed at Paris on the third 
 of September. They were immediately referred to a 
 committee, of which Mr. Jefferson was chairman. 
 On the fourteenth of January, 1784, on the report of 
 this committee, the treaty was unanimously ratified; 
 thus putting an end to the eventful struggle between 
 the two countries, and confirming the independence 
 which had already been gained. 
 
 About this period an opportunity was offered to Mr. 
 Jefferson, of expressing again, as he had already so 
 frequently done, his earnest desire to provide for the 
 emancipation of the negroes, and the entire abolition 
 of slavery in the United States. Being appointed 
 chairman of a committee to which was assigned the 
 task of forming a plan for the temporary government 
 of the Western Territory, he introduced into it the fol- 
 lowing clause: "That after the year 1800 of the 
 ehristian era, there shall be neither slavery, nor invol^ 
 
OP JEFFERSOW. 
 
 untary servitude in any of the said states, otherwise 
 than in punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall* 
 hare heen convicted to have been personally guilty." 
 When the report of the committee was presented to 
 Congress, these words were, however, struck out. 
 
 On the 7th of May, Congress resolved that a Min- 
 ister Plenipotentiary should be appointed, in addition 
 to Mr. Adams and Dr. Franklin, for negotiating trea- 
 ties of commerce with foreign nations, and Mr. Jeffer- 
 son was elected to that duty. He accordingly left An- 
 napolis on the llth, taking with him his eldest daugh- 
 ter, then at Philadelphia, and proceeded to Boston in 
 quest of a passage. While passing through the differ- 
 ent states, he informed himself of the condition of the 
 commerce of each, went on to New Hampshire with 
 the same view, and returned to Boston. Thence he 
 sailed on the 5th of July in a merchant ship bound to 
 Cowes : which, after a pleasant voyage of nineteen 
 days, reached the place of her destination on the 26th, 
 After being detained there a few days by the indispo- 
 sition of his daughter, he embarked on the 30th for 
 Havre, arrived there on the 31st, left it on the 3d of 
 August, and arrived at Paris on the 6th. He called 
 immediately on Dr. Franklin, at Passy, communicated 
 to him their charge, and wrote to Mr. Adams, then at 
 the Hague, to join them at Paris. 
 
 " Before I had left America," states Mr. Jefferson in 
 his memoirs, " that is to say, in the year 1781, I had 
 received a letter from M. de Marbois, of the French 
 legation in Philadelphia, informing me, he had been 
 instructed by his government to obtain such statistical 
 accounts of the different states of our Union, as might. 
 
144 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 be useful for their information ; and addressing to m^ 
 a number of queries relative to the state of Virginia. 
 I had always made it a practice, whenever an oppor- 
 tunity occurred of obtaining any information of our 
 country, which might be of use to me in any station, 
 publick or private, to commit it to writing. These 
 memoranda were on loose papers, bundled up without 
 order, and difficult of recurrence, when I had occasion 
 for a particular one. I thought this a good occasion 
 to imbody their substance, which I did in the order of 
 Mr. Marbois' queries, so as to answer his wish, and to 
 arrange them for my own use. Some friends, to whom 
 they were occasionally communicated, wished for co- 
 pies ; but their volume rendering this too laborious by 
 hand, I proposed to get a few printed for their gratifica- 
 tion. I was asked such a price, however, as exceeded 
 the importance of the object. On my arrival at Paris, 
 I found it could be done for a fourth of what I had 
 been asked here. I therefore corrected and enlarged 
 them, and had two hundred copies printed, under the 
 title of ' Notes on Virginia.' I gave a very few copies 
 to some particular friends in Europe, and sent the rest 
 to my friends in America. An European copy, by 
 the death of the owner, got into the hands of a book- 
 seller, who engaged its translation, and when ready 
 for the press, communicated his intentions and manu- 
 script to me, suggesting that 1 should correct it, without 
 asking any other permission for the publication. I 
 never had seen so wretched an attempt at translation. 
 Interverted, abridged, mutilated, and often reversing 
 the sense of the original, I found it a blotch of errours 
 from beginning to end, I corrected some of the most 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 14& 
 
 material, and in that form it was printed in French. 
 A London bookseller, on seeing the translation, re- 
 quested me to permit him to print the English original. 
 I thought it best to do so, to let the world see that it 
 I was not really so bad as the French translation had 
 made it appear." Such was the origin and history of 
 the celebrated " Notes on Virginia." 
 
 This work comes recommended to us by its bland 
 philosophy, the variety of its information, and the 
 charming simplicity of. its style. In it, the fanciful 
 and absurd theories of BufFon receive a gentle but 
 most convincing refutation j and the greatest philoso- 
 pher of his day is prostrated by a citizen of a then 
 almost unknown and despised country. And when 
 demanded, Mr. Jefferson can rise with his subject, and 
 touch the pinnacle of loftiness in thought and sublimity 
 of conception. But, as has been truly remarked, it is 
 " in the interesting picture of Indian habits and man- 
 ners ; the records of their untutored eloquence; the 
 vindication of their bravery, their generosity, and their 
 virtue ; in the delineation of the character, the fidelity, 
 the kindly feelings of the enslaved negro race, whose 
 champion he ever was, alike in- the times of colonial 
 subjection, and of established freedom ; in his investi- 
 gations relative to religious *and political liberty; in 
 his researches in science, philosophy, and antiquity 
 that every reader will find much to instruct and amuse. 
 He will not perhaps regret that he chose publick life 
 as the great theatre of his ambition, but he will ac- 
 knowledge, that his fame would probably have been as, 
 great in the more peaceful pursuits of science." 
 
 In this work is also contained the famous speech c| 
 
146 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 Logan, the Mingo chief, which seems to be no less 
 gratifying to the nobility of intellect, than attractive 
 as the theme of schoolboy declamation. Whether 
 this speech, delivered to Lord Dunmore, be really the 
 speech of this implacable warriour, or whether it was 
 coined for him by the poetick fancy of his messenger, 
 it would be difficult to decide. It is certainly charac- 
 terized by the laconick and figurative style of the In- 
 dians. It would require, however, a keen vision to 
 perceive in it that "tender sentiment" and "sublime 
 morality," which some of the historians of Virginia say 
 it possesses. Is there any thing either tender or sub- 
 lime in the declaration of savage vengeance, and the 
 confession of having glutted himself with the blood of 
 his enemies ? The end of this cormorant chieftain cor- 
 responded with his life. After "having killed many, 
 and glutted his vengeance with blood," he went to De- 
 troit, on his return from which place he was murdered. 
 After the return of peace had compelled Logan to for- 
 bear the use of the tomahawk and scalping knife, he be- 
 came addicted to the Indian's besetting sin, to that de- 
 grading and debasing vice which paralyzes the phy- 
 sical powers of man, which bows his intellect to im- 
 becility, and brings destruction on his temporal for-* 
 tunes and future prospects he became a confirmed 
 and abandoned sot. The immoderate use of brandy 
 had stupified his mental powers, and mingled- with the 
 demoniack ferocity of the savage, the delirious ravings 
 of the drunkard. 
 
 But to return from this digression. Full powers 
 were given by Congress to Mr. Jefferson and the other 
 commissioners appointed by them, to form alliances of 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 147 
 
 amity and commerce with foreign states, and on the 
 most liberal principles. Their efforts, however, do 
 not appear to have been very successful, and indeed, 
 after some reflection, and experience, it was thought 
 better not to urge them too strongly, but to leave such 
 regulations to flow voluntarily from the amicable dispo- 
 sitions and the evident interests of the several nations. 
 This necessity is not perhaps so much to be regretted 
 from any loss sustained in consequence of it to the 
 United States, as from the circumstance that it suffer- 
 ed to pass unimproved so fortunate an opportunity of 
 introducing into the law of nations, those honourable, 
 humane, and just stipulations with regard to privateer- 
 ing, blockades, contraband, and freedom of fisheries, 
 which, at the suggestion of Dr. Franklin, the commis- 
 sioners had been instructed to introduce, if possible, 
 into all the conventions they might form. 
 
 Since the treaty of peace, the English government 
 had been particularly distant and unaccommodating in 
 its relations with the United States ; but at one period 
 of Mr. Jefferson's residence abroad, it was supposed 
 that there were some symptoms of better disposition 
 shown towards us. On this account he left Paris, and 
 on his arrival at London, agreed with Mr. Adams on 
 a very summary form of treaty, proposing " an ex- 
 change of citizenship for our citizens, our ships, and 
 our productions generally, except as to office." At the 
 usual presentation, however, to the King and Queen, 
 both Mr. Adams and himself were received in the 
 most ungracious manner, and they at once discovered, 
 that the ulcerations of mind in that quarter, left noth- 
 ing to be expected on the particular subject of the visit. 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 A few vague and ineffectual conferences followed, 
 after which he returned to Paris. He did not, howev- 
 er, cease to keep a watchful eye on the proceedings 
 and conduct of the British nation, and his letters to the 
 department of foreign affairs contain many facts in re- 
 gard to it, and many instances of the jealous and un- 
 friendly feeling which sprung from and long survived 
 the misfortunes of her colonial conflict. 
 
 Of the personal character of the monarch, Mr. Jef- 
 ferson's estimate is certainly not very high, and the 
 account he gives of the conduct and dispositions of his 
 son, the late King, as it agrees in the main with other 
 accounts as it was written solely for private and con- 
 fidential information and as it could be founded on 
 no party or local views may serve to confirm the 
 similar relations current in those times. 
 
 "As the character of the Prince of Wales is becom- 
 ing interesting, I have endeavoured to learn what it 
 truly is. This is less difficult in his case, than in that 
 of other persons of his rank, because he has taken no 
 pains to hide himself from the world. The informa- 
 tion I most rely on, is from a person here with whom 
 I am intimate, vyho divides his time between Paris and 
 London, an Englishman by birth, of truth, sagacity, 
 and science. He is of a circle, when in London, which 
 has good opportunities of knowing the Prince: but he 
 has also himself had special occasions of verifying 
 their information by his own personal observation. 
 He happened, when last in London, to be invited to a 
 dinner of three persons. The Prince came by chance, 
 and made the fourth. He ate half a leg of mutton ; 
 did not taste of small dishes, because small; drank 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 140 
 
 C/hampaign and Burgundy as small beer during din- 
 ner, and Bordeaux after dinner, as the rest of the com- 
 pany. Upon the whole, he ate as much as the other 
 three, and drank about two bottles of wine, without 
 seeming to feel it. My informant sat next him, and 
 being till then Unknown to the Prince, personally, 
 (though not by character,) and lately from France, the 
 Prince confined his conversation almost entirely to 
 him. Observing to the Prince that he spoke French 
 without the least foreign accent, the Prince told him, 
 that, when very young, his father had put only French 
 servants about him, and that it was to that circum- 
 stance he owed his pronunciation. He led him from 
 this to give an account of his education, the total of 
 which was the learning a little Latin. He has not a 
 single element of mathematicks, of natural or moral 
 philosophy, or of any other science on earth, nor, has 
 the society he has kept been such as to supply the void 
 of education. It has been that of the lowest, the most 
 illiterate and profligate persons of the kingdom, with- 
 out choice of rank or mind, and with wliom the sub- 
 jects of conversation are only horses, Or drinking 
 matches, and in terms the most vulgar. The young 
 nobility who begin by associating with him, soon 
 leave him, disgusted with the insupportable profligacy 
 of his society j and Mr. Fox, who has been supposed 
 his favourite, and not over-nice in the choice of com- 
 pany, would never keep his company habitually. In 
 fact, he never associated with a man of sense. He has 
 not a single idea of justice, morality, religion, or of the 
 rights of men, nor any anxiety for the opinion of the 
 world. He carries that indifference for fame so far, 
 14 
 
; 
 
 150 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 that he would probably not be hurt were he to lose his 
 throne, provided he could be assured of having al- 
 ways meat, drink, horses, and women. In the article 
 of women, nevertheless, he is become more correct, 
 since his connexion with Mrs. Fitzherbert, who is an 
 honest and wqrthy woman : he is even less crapulous 
 than he was. He had a fine person, but it is becoming 
 more coarse. He possesses good native common 
 sense; is affable, polite, and very good humoured. 
 Saying to my informant, on another occasion, 'your 
 friend, such a one, dined with me yesterday, and I 
 made him damned drunk;' he replied, 'I am sorry for 
 it; I had heard that your royal highness had left off 
 drinking:' the Prince laughed, tapped him on the 
 shoulder very good naturedly, without saying a word, 
 or ever after showing any displeasure. The Duke of 
 York, who was for some time cried up as the prodigy 
 of the family, is as profligate, and of less understand- 
 ing. To these particular traits, from a man of sense 
 and truth, it would be superfluous to add the general 
 terms of praise or blame in which he is spoken of by 
 other persons, in whose impartiality and penetration I 
 have less confidence, ' A sample is better than a de- 
 scription. For the peace of Europe, it is best that the 
 King should give such gleamings of recovery, as would 
 prevent the regent or his ministry from thinking them- 
 selves firm, and yet, that he should not recover." 
 
 The commissioners succeeded in their negotiations 
 only with the governments of Morocco and Prussia, 
 The treaty with the latter power is so remarkable for 
 some of the provisions it contains, thai it stands solitary 
 in diplomacy and national law. Blockades arising 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 151 
 
 from all causes, and of every description, were abolish- 
 ed by it ; the flag, in every case, covered the property, 
 and contrabands were exempted from confiscation, 
 though they might be employed for the use of the cap- 
 tor, on payment of their full value. This, it is said, is 
 the only convention ever made by America in which 
 the last stipulation is introduced, nor is it known to ex- 
 ist in any other modern treaty. 
 
 On the tenth of March, 1785, Mr. Jefferson was 
 unanimously appointed }>y Congress to succeed Dr. 
 Franklin as minister plenipotentiary at the court of 
 Versailles ; and on the expiration of his commission 
 in October, 1787, he was again elected to the same 
 honourable situation. He remained in France until 
 October, 1789. 
 
 While in France, Mr. JefTerson was engaged in 
 many diplomatick negotiations of considerable impor- 
 tance to this country, though not of sufficient interest 
 to arrest the attention of the general reader, " The 
 great questions which had so long occupied the pub- 
 lick mind, were fitted to arrest the attention of the 
 most thoughtless, affecting as they did the policy of 
 nations and the fate of empires ; but the details which 
 arise out of the interpretation of treaties, or the meas- 
 ures which are necessary to increase their effect, and 
 to remedy their deficiencies, are interesting only to 
 him who studies the minute points of political history. 
 These only were the objects which could claim the 
 attention of the minister to France, at this period ; they 
 did not call forth any prominent display of his great 
 and various talents, but they required no ordinary ad- 
 dress, involved as they were by the skilful intrigues of 
 
152 LIFE OF JEFFERS01C. 
 
 such ministers as Vergennes and Calonne, and op- 
 posed, for the most part, by all the men of influence wha 
 thought that their interests might be compromised or 
 endangered. Among the principal benefits then ob- 
 tained, and continued to the United States until the pe- 
 riod of the French revolution, were the abolition of 
 several monopolies, and the free admission into France 
 of tobacco, rice, whale oil, salted fish, and flour ; and 
 of the two latter articles into the French West India 
 islands. 
 
 During his residence in Europe, Mr. Jefferson also 
 visited Holland, and his Memoir embraces a brief but 
 clear account of the fatal revolution, by which the 
 Prince of Orange made himself sovereign of that re- 
 publick, so long and honourably independent. He also 
 crossed the Alps, and travelled through Lombardy, 
 though he did not extend his journey to the southern 
 part of the peninsula. In returning to Paris, he visited 
 all the principal seaports of the southern and western 
 coasts of France, and made many and interesting ob- 
 servations with regard to the culture of the vine, olive, 
 and rice, which were carefully communicated to his 
 friends across the Ailantick ; and he had reason to be- 
 lieve, afterwards, that they had not failed to produce 
 benefits, which^in time, will be of wide-extended utility. 
 
 When Mr. Jefferson reached Paris, he found that 
 city in high fermentation from the early events of the 
 revolution ; and during the remainder of his stay in 
 Europe, his attention was well and fully occupied in 
 observing, as an eyewitness, the progress of, the extra- 
 ordinary occurrences which from that time took place 
 in rapid succession. 
 
L1F9 OF JEFFERSON. 153 
 
 Simply as the representative of a foreign people, he 
 might be expected to do this ; but his situation as the 
 minister of a nation which was supposed to have given 
 the example, and by many, even in this very example, 
 to have lain a train for the subsequent changes, not 
 only caused him to be more curious and anxious him- 
 self, but made him an object of interest and attention to 
 the actors in these new scenes. He was, from circum- 
 stances, much acquainted with the leading patriots of 
 the National Assembly ; and as he came from a country 
 which had passed successfully through a similar refor- 
 mation, they were naturally disposed to seek his advice 
 and place confidence in his opinions. It would have 
 been affectation to deny that he looked with pleasure 
 on a successful and beneficial change of the French 
 government, not merely from the advantages it would 
 bring to an oppressed nation, but as ensuring a general 
 improvement in the condition of the people of Europe, 
 ground to the dust as they w r ere by the tyranny of their 
 rulers. But beyond these wishes he did not deem it 
 just or proper to go: and on receiving, upon one occa- 
 sion, an official invitation of the Archbishop of Bor- 
 deaux to attend and assist at the deliberations of an 
 important committee, he excused himself immediately, 
 for the obvious reason, that his duties, as a publick 
 functionary, forbade him to interfere in the internal 
 transartions of the country. He did not, however, 
 consider himself restrained from urging upon his friends 
 of the patriotick party, and especially upon his intimate 
 and influential companion, Lafayette, the propriety, on 
 repeated occasions, of immediate and seasonable com- 
 promise of securing what was offered by the govern- 
 14* 
 
154 LIFE OF JEFFERSON, 
 
 merit and thus, by degrees, gaining peaceably, what 
 might be lost by grasping too much at once, or be won, 
 as proved to be the case, if as much ever was after- 
 wards won, at sacrifices dreadful beyond calculation. 
 The following anecdote is a striking instance taken in 
 Mr. Jefferson's opinions, to which we have alluded. 
 
 " I received one morning," he says, " a note from the 
 Marquis de Lafayette, informing me, that he should 
 bring a party of six or eight friends, to ask a dinner of. 
 me the next day. I assured them of their welcome. 
 When they arrived, they were Lafayette himself, Du- 
 port, Barnave, Alexander Lameth, Blacori, Mounier, 
 Maubourg, and Dagout. These were leading patriots, . 
 of honest but differing opinions, sensible of the neces- 
 sity of effecting a coalition by mutual sacrifices, know- 
 ing each other, and not afraid, therefore, to unbosom 
 themselves mutually. This last was a material principle 
 in the selection. With this \iew, the Marquis had 
 invited the conference, and had fixed the time and place 
 inadvertently, as to the embarrassment under which it. 
 might place one. The cloth being removed, and wine 
 set on the table, after the American manner, the Mar- 
 quis introduced the objects of the conference, by sum- 
 marily reminding them of the state of things in the 
 Assembly, the course which the principles of the con- 
 stitution were taking, and the inevitable result, unless 
 checked by more concord among the patriots them- 
 selves. He observed, that although he also had his opin- 
 ion, he was ready to sacrifice it to that of his brethren of 
 the same cause; but that a common opinion must now 
 be formed, or the aristocracy would carry every thing r 
 and that, whatever they should now agree on, he, at 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSOlfr 155 
 
 &e head of the national force, would maintain. The 
 discussions began at the hour of four, and were contin- 
 ued till ten o'clock in the evening; during which time, 
 I was a silent witness to a coolness and candour of ar- 
 gument, unusual in the conflicts of political opinions; 
 to a logical reasoning, and chaste eloquence, disfigur- 
 ed by no gaudy tinsel of rhetorick or declamation, and 
 truly worthy of being placed in parallel with the finest 
 dialogues of antiquity as handed to us by Xenophon, 
 by Plato,- and Cicero. But duties of exculpation were 
 now incumbent on me. I waited on Count Montmo- 
 rin the next morning, and explained to him, with truth 
 and candour, how it had happened that my house had 
 been made the scene of conferences of such a charac- 
 ter. He told me, he aj ready knew every thing which 
 had passed, that so far from taking umbrage at the use 
 made of my house on that occasion, he earnestly wished 
 I would habitually assist at such conferences, being sure 
 I should be useful in moderating the warmer spirits, 
 and promoting a wholesome and practicable reforma- 
 tion only. I told him, I knew too well the duties I 
 owed to the King, the nation, and to my own country, 
 to take any part in councils concerning their internal 
 government, and that I should persevere, with care, in 
 the character of a neutral and passive spectator, with 
 wishes only, and very sincere ones, that those meas- 
 ures might prevail which would be for the greatest good 
 of the nation. I have no doubt, indeed, that this con- 
 ference was previously known and approved by this 
 honest minister, who was in confidence and communi- 
 cation with the patriots, and wished for a reasonable, re- 
 fprm of the constitution, 
 
t55 LTFK OP JEFFERSOlf. 
 
 On Mr. Jefferson's first arrival in France, (says ff 
 discerning writer,) he had not failed to perceive, in the 
 situation of the government, and the conduct of the 
 thinking part of the community, strong indications of 
 the necessity of a change, and a desire to arouse the 
 nation from the sleep of despotism into which it was 
 sunk. Through the medium of the press ; in conversa- 
 tion and the intercourse of fashionable life: by the 
 power and singular influence of men of letters then 
 prevailing ; these sentiments were disseminated with 
 new and unheard of freedom. In all societies, male 
 and female, politicks had become the universal theme ; 
 the witty, the rich, the noble, and the gay, indulged in 
 them, perhaps, as much from fashion as reflection ; the 
 young women joined the patriotick party as the mode; 
 the young men naturally followed in their train. The 
 excessive dissipation of the Queen and the court, the 
 corrupt and exclusive power of a small portion of the 
 nobility who controlled it, the abuses of the pension 
 list, the incredible confusion of the finances, the ex- 
 hausted treasury amid a load of taxes, had so alarmed 
 and paralyzed the ministers, that they had no resource, 
 but themselves to make the first step in the revolution, 
 by calling in at once the assistance of a popular assem- 
 bly. From this period, the tide swelled on irresistibly, 
 bringing by degrees one improvement after another, 
 and washing away successively the long established 
 mounds, which ages of submission on one hand, and 
 tyranny on the other, had erected against liberty and 
 right; but at last, unfortunately, overwhelming, for a 
 lime, the landmarks which justice and reason had 
 formed,, as the necessary protection of human and so 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 157 
 
 ial institutions. Nothing, indeed, is more extraordi- 
 nary in the history of the French revolution, than the 
 rapid and total subversion which was effected in the 
 institutions of the country. In such events, it happens, 
 for the most part, that there is rather a removal of indi- 
 viduals, a modification of existing systems, a return to 
 previous rights claimed or ascertained, which have 
 been infringed : but here it* was a violent exchange 
 from one extreme to the other the total destruction in 
 theory and in practice, of the existing state of things 
 the building up of a new form of government from the 
 very foundations- the establishment of the wildest re- 
 publicanism on the ruins of the strictest despotism. 
 Perhaps this 'arose from the fact, (continues the same 
 writer,) that there existed, in truth, but two classes of 
 society, in regard, at least, to political institutions; the 
 one very small in number, and in actual power, who> 
 were the oppressors ; the other embracing the strength, 
 sinews, and resources of the nation, vast in numbers, 
 but utterly trampled. There was, indeed, no interme- 
 diate body no true aristocracy ; that which existed, 
 was merely such in name, and by its titles: but it pos- 
 sessed no real influence or control. This circum- 
 stance placed, at the commencement of the struggle, 
 the right to frame a new government, not in. the hands 
 of those who would merely have changed the form of 
 oppression, but of the entire mass of the people them- 
 selves, who had never been accustomed, in fact, to the 
 existence of any large, intermediate, and powerful class K 
 between them and the legal power ; and who, conse- 
 quently, in subverting or modifying that, looked only 
 to a corresponding augmentation and security of their 
 
!58 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 own rights. In this respect, the revolution of France 
 is strongly contrasted with that of England, which 
 was really a revolution of the nobility and landed ar- 
 istocracy alone, bringing with it no great improvement 
 in the popular institutions or privileges, and certainly 
 leaving untouched, an immense mass of antiquated ab- 
 surdity in laws and institutions, which a convulsion of 
 more popular character could not have failed to demol- 
 ish, but which now seems to be regarded either as a 
 vital or desirable part of the constitution, or as so 
 closely interwoven with it by time, that the abolition 
 might endanger the destruction of what it is deemed 
 best to preserve at all hazards. 
 
 The residence of Mr. Jefferson in France did not 
 extend to that fatal period of the French revolution, 
 when its atrocities drew down upon it the execrations 
 even of those who rejoiced at the rising of the day-star 
 of liberty ; and the copious details which his letters 
 embrace, render them, therefore, never-failing sources 
 of interest and pleasure. It will not be uninteresting 
 to extract from these the account he has given of several 
 of the well known historical personages of the period. 
 They have at least the merit of having been sketched 
 at the time, under circumstances of observation pecu- 
 liarly favourable. 
 
 " The Marquis de Lafayette" he writes, "is a most 
 valuable auxiliary to me. His zeal is unbounded, and 
 his weight with those in power, great. His education 
 having been merely military, commerce was an un- 
 known field to him. But his good sense enabling him 
 to comprehend perfectly whatever is explained to him, 
 his agency has been very efficacious. He has a great 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 159 
 
 deal of sound genius, is well remarked by the King, 
 and is rising in popularity. He > has nothing against 
 him but the suspicion of republican principles. I think 
 he will one day be of the ministry. The Count de 
 Vergennes is ill The possibility of his recovery, 
 renders it dangerous for us to express a doubt of it; 
 but he is in danger. He is a great minister in Euro- 
 pean affairs, but has very imperfect ideas of our insti- 
 tutions, and no confidence in them. His devotion to 
 the principles of pure despotism, renders him unaffec- 
 tionate to our governments. But his fear of England 
 makes him value us as a make-weight. He is cool, 
 reserved in political conversations, but free and famil- 
 iar on other subjects, and a very attentive, agreeable 
 person to do business with. It is impossible to have 
 a clearer or better organized head; but age has chilled 
 his heart." " The Count de Vergennes," he remarks, 
 in another place, "had the reputation, with the diplb- 
 matick corps, of being wary and slippery in his diplo- 
 matick intercourse: and he might be, with those whom 
 he knew to be slippery and double-faced themselves. 
 As he saw that I had no indirect views, practised no 
 subtleties, meddled in no intrigues, pursued no con- 
 cealed object, I found him as frank, as honourable, as 
 easy of access to reason, as any man with whom I had 
 ever done business; and I must say the same of his 
 sucessor, Montmorin, one of the most honest and 
 worthy of human beings." 
 
 " It is a tremendous cloud, indeed, which hovers 
 over this nation,, and he at the helm ^Necker) has 
 neither the courage nor skill necessary to weather it. 
 Eloquence in. a high degree, knowledge in matters of 
 
160 LIFE 'OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 account and order, are distinguishing traits in. his 
 character. Ambition is his first passion, virtue his 
 second. He has not discovered that sublime truth, 
 that a bold, unequivocal virtue is the best handmaid 
 even to ambition, and would carry him farther, in the 
 end, than the temporizing, wavering policy he pursues. 
 His judgement is not of the first order, scarcely even 
 of the second ; his resolution frail ; and upon the 
 whole, it is rare to meet an instance of a person so 
 much below the reputation he has obtained." 
 
 " The King (Louis XVI.) loves business, economy, 
 order, and justice, and wishes sincerely the good of 
 his people ; but he is irascible, rude, very limited in 
 his understanding, and religious, bordering on bigotry. 
 He has no mistress, loves his Queen, and is too much 
 governed by her." 
 
 Mr. Jefferson's opinion of Maria Antoinette, the un- 
 fortunate Queen of France, is thought to have been 
 harsh and exaggerated, and not made with a due al- 
 lowance for the peculiarity of her situation. " Her 
 political opinions, conduct, and influence," it is said, 
 " are not, perhaps, exaggerated, and to them, unfortu- 
 nately, are to be attributed, with too much justice, the 
 rapid, unimpeded, and, to herself, most lamentable 
 course of events, which a spirit less obdurate might 
 have restrained, or turned to unmingled good. But 
 there were traits of virtuous and lofty firmness, as well 
 as of tenderness and affection in her character, which 
 were more fully displayed in later scenes of her life, 
 and which are confirmed in all the relations since 
 given to the world by those who saw her intimately 
 and familiarly, that do not seem altogether compatible 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 161 
 
 with the picture presented by Mr. Jefferson. And it 
 should not be forgotten, that at the time of his residence 
 in France, the party opposed to Austria, which had 
 arisen under the administration ofChoiseul, and which 
 had become more strong in that opposition from its 
 connexion with Frederick and with Prussia, comprised 
 the great proportion of the men of letters, and many of 
 the patriotick leaders, with whom the most agreeable 
 and natural associations of Mr. Jefferson were formed." 
 But Mr. Jefferson's opinion, it must also be recollected, 
 is that of & cool, calm, and temperate observer, unpre- 
 judiced by passion, and uninfluenced by interest, and 
 of one whose faith was not often pinned upon the un- 
 supported assertions of others. As such, we give it to 
 the reader: 
 
 " Louis XVI. had a Queen" of absolute sway over 
 his weak mind, and timid virtue, and of a character 
 the reverse of his in all points. This angel, as gaudily 
 painted in the rhapsodies of Burke, with some smart- 
 ness of fancy, but no sound sense, was proud, disdain- 
 ful of restraint, indignant at all obstacles to her will, 
 eager in the pursuit of pleasure, and firm enough to 
 hold to her desires or perish in the wreck. Her in- 
 ordinate gambling and dissipations, with those of the 
 Count d'Artois, and others of her clique, h d been a 
 sensible item in the exhaustion of the treasury, which 
 called into action the reforming hand of the nation ; 
 and her opposition to it, her inflexible perverseness, 
 and dauntless spirit, led herself to the guillotine, drew 
 the King on with her, and plunged the world into crimes 
 and calamities which will for ever stain the pages of 
 modern history. I have ever believed, that had there 
 15 
 
162 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 been no Queen, there would have been no revolution. 
 No force would have been provoked, nor exercised. 
 The King would have gone hand in hand with the 
 wisdom of his sounder counsellors, who, guided by 
 the increased lights of the age, wished only, with the 
 same pace, to advance the principles of their social 
 constitution. The deed which closed the mortal course 
 of these sovereigns, I shall neither approve nor con- 
 demn. I am not prepared to say, that the first magis- 
 trate of a nation cannot commit treason against his 
 country, or is unamenable to its punishment : nor yet, 
 that there is no written law, no regulated tribunal, 
 there is not a law in our hearts, and a power in our 
 hands, given for righteous employment in maintaining 
 right, and redressing wrong. Of those who judged the 
 King, many thought him wilfully criminal : many that 
 his existence would keep the nation in perpetual con- 
 flict with the horde of Kings, who would war against 
 a regeneration which might come home to* themselves, 
 and that it were better that one should die than all. I 
 should not have voted with this portion of the legisla- 
 ture. I should have shut up the Q,ueen in a convent, 
 putting harm out of her power, and placed the King in 
 his station, investing him with limited powers, which, 
 I verily believe, he would have honestly exercised, 
 according to the measure of his understanding. In 
 this way, no void would have been created, courting the 
 usurpation of a military adventurer, nor occasion given 
 for those enormities which demoralized the nations of 
 the world, and destroyed, and is yet to destroy, millions 
 and millions of its inhabitants. There are three epochs 
 in history, signalized by the total extinction of national 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 163 
 
 morality. The first was of the successors of Alexander, 
 not omitting himself: the next, the successors of the 
 first Ca3sar : the third, our own age. r l his was begun 
 by the partition of Poland, followed by the treaty of 
 Pilnitz ; next the conflagration of Copenhagen ; then 
 the enormities of Bonaparte, partitioning the earth at 
 his will, and devastating it with fire and sword ; now 
 the conspiracy of Kings, the successors of Bonaparte, 
 blasphemously calling themselves the Holy Alliance, 
 and treading in the-footsteps of their incarcerated lead- 
 er ; not yet, indeed, usurping the government of other 
 nations, avowedly and in detail, but controlling by their 
 armies the forms in which they will permit them to be 
 governed ; and reserving in petto the order and extent 
 of the usurpations further meditated." 
 
 Thus regarding the situation and governments of 
 Europe, it may be well supposed that he formed no 
 very advantageous opinion of the political condition of 
 the old world, and that he looked upon the general fate 
 of humanity there, as truly deplorable in comparison 
 with that of his own more fortunate country. " He 
 saw all around him the truth of Voltaire's observation, 
 that every man must be either the hammer or the an- 
 vil. The great mass of the people were suffering under 
 physical and moral oppression, while those whom for- 
 tune had placed in a loftier sphere, sought in the con- 
 stant restlessness and tumult of ambition, dissipation, 
 pomp, vanity, and unceasing intrigues of politicks and 
 love, that excitement which formed a poor substitute 
 for higher aims and more lasting pleasures. In litera- 
 ture and science, indeed, the learned, the witty, and the 
 eloquent men who will ever make that age remarkable, 
 
164 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 left far behind them the few scholars of the infant re- 
 publicks ; but this was more than compensated by the 
 wide diffusion of general knowledge through the whole 
 mass in one community, while in the other, all but a 
 small and favoured circle were immersed in deep and 
 general ignorance." 
 
 Of fashionable life in Paris, we have his own pleasant 
 and playful account, in his letter of February 7, 1787, 
 to Mrs. Bingham : " I know, madam, that the twelve- 
 month is not yet expired, but it will be, nearly, before 
 this will have the honour of being put into your hands. 
 You are then engaged to tell me, truly and honestly, 
 whether you do not find the tranquil pleasures of 
 America preferable to the empty bustle of Paris. For 
 to what does that bustle tend? At eleven o'clock, it is 
 day, ckez madame. The curtains are drawn. Propped 
 on bolsters and pillows^ and her head scratched into a 
 little order, the bulletins of the sick are read, and the 
 billets of the well. She writes to some of her acquaint- 
 ance, and receives the visits of others. If the morning 
 is not very thronged, she is able to get out and hobble 
 round the cage of the Palais Royal; but she must 
 hobble quickly, for the coiffeur's turn is come and a 
 tremendous turn it is ! Happy, if he does not make her 
 arrive when dinner is half over ! The torpitude of 
 digestion a little passed, she flutters half an hour through 
 the streets, by way of paying visits, and then to the 
 spectacles. These finished, another- half hour is devoted 
 to dodging in and out of the doors of her very sincere 
 friends, and away to supper. After supper, cards; and 
 after cards, bed ; to rise at noon the next day, and ta 
 tread, like a mill-horse, the same trodden circle 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 165 
 
 Thus the days of life are consumed, one by one, without 
 an object beyond the present moment ; ever flying from 
 the ennui of that, yet carrying it with us ; eternally in 
 pursuit of happiness, which keeps eternally before us. 
 If death or bankruptcy happen to trip us out of the 
 circle, it is matter for the buzz of the evening, and is 
 completely forgotten by the next morning. In America, 
 on the other hand, the society of your husband, the fond 
 cares for the children, the arrangements for the house, 
 the improvements of the grounds, fill every moment 
 with a healthy and an useful activity. Every exertion 
 is encouraging, because to present amusement it joins 
 the promise of some future good. The intervals of 
 leisure are filled by the society of real friends, whose 
 affections are not thinned to cobweb, by being spread 
 over a thousand objects. This is the picture, in tho 
 light it is presented to my mind ; now let me have it 
 in yours." 
 
 Yet, as has been truly remarked, Mr. Jefferson was 
 not insensible to those traits in the character of the 
 French, which have thrown a charm over their nation 
 its manners, its society, its institutions, and its peo- 
 ple ; which have long made its cities the resort alike 
 of those who seek for amusement or for wisdom ; 
 which have placed it first in the scale of refinement, 
 if not of intellect; which have given to its exploits all 
 the brilliant tints of gallantry and romance; which 
 have made it the chosen abode, in modern times, of 
 taste, of science, and of art ; and imparted to the luxu- 
 ries of life, that elegance and zest, which, if to be de- 
 sired, are yet unattained by the other nations of the 
 world. Though the low and sullen murmurs of tho 
 15 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 approaching storm were heard while he yet remained 
 there, the bursting of the tempest was delayed the 
 steps of palaces were still trodden by gallant nobles, 
 who, in personal intercourse, seemed to forget the pride 
 of place and of birth, in the suavity and kindness of their 
 manners the gilded drawing rooms, the glittering 
 theatres, the gardens eoolcd by fountains and adorned 
 by statues, were still frequented by women, whose 
 beauty and wit might seem to claim some pardon for 
 their intrigues and crimes, and some hopes that they 
 might escape impending desolation the bureaux were 
 still filled by statesmen, who so tempered and arranged 
 the details of diplomatick intercourse, so displayed, 
 when occasion offered, a candid and even a generous 
 spirit, that those at least who were removed from the 
 sphere of their designs, might look with less distrust 
 or anxiety on vast schemes of political ambition, which 
 were meant to embrace all the destinies of the age 
 the institutions of learning were still occupied by that 
 large and singular body of literary triflers, whose spec- 
 ulations and researches are now seldom extricated from, 
 the long series of volumes which contain their labours 
 and their dreams, but whose conversation varied and 
 amused the society when it was eagerly welcomed 
 and widely diffused. 
 
 From these scenes Mr. Jefferson did not part with- 
 out regret: on these scenes he often looked back in the 
 subsequent and different portion of his earthly journey ; 
 and to them he referred not long before its termination, 
 in language which betrays an impression vividly made, 
 and still uneffaced. '"I cannot leave this great and 
 good country," he says, after speaking cf his residence 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 16% 
 
 in France, " without expressing my sense of its preemi- 
 nence of character, among the nations of the earth. A 
 more benevolent people I have never kno\vn, nor greater 
 warmth and devotedness in their select friendships. 
 Their kindness and accommodation to strangers is un- 
 paralleled, and the hospitality of Paris is beyond any 
 thing I had conceived to be practicable in a large city. 
 Their eminence, too, in science, the communicative 
 dispositions of their scientifick men, the politeness of 
 the general manners, the ease and vivacity of their 
 conversation, give a charm to their society to be found 
 no where else. In a comparison of this with other 
 countries, we have the proof of primacy, which was 
 given to Themistocles after the battle of Salamis. 
 Every general voted to himself the first reward of va- 
 lour, and the second to Themistocles. So, ask the trav- 
 elled inhabitant of any nation, in what country on 
 earth would you rather live? Certainly, in my own, 
 where are all my friends, my relations, and the earli- 
 est and sweetest affections and recollections of my life. 
 Which would be your second choice ? France." 
 
 As Mr. Jefferson was absent from America both 
 during the session of the convention which formed the 
 constitution, and while that act was under discussion 
 in the several states, he had no opportunity to take 
 part in its formation. The want of a general govern- 
 ment had been severely felt, and the difficulties of the 
 country were greatly increased, by the failure of treaties 
 abroad, which might have given a system to our for- 
 eign relations, that could scarcely be expecte ', While 
 the states presented a social form so feebly connected ; 
 the federal constitution, therefore, had been framed 
 
f68 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 from a general conviction of its necjA|jty. No one 
 rejoiced more than Mr. Jefferson tPme formation of 
 the new constitution, and its ratification by the states. 
 Of the great mass of it, also, he entirely approved: 
 the consolidation of the government ; the organization 
 in their branches ; the subdivision of the legislative 
 branch; the happy compromise of interests between 
 the large and small states, by the different manner of 
 voting in the two houses : the voting by persons in- 
 stead of states ; the qualified negative on the laws giv- 
 n-to the Executive; and the direct power of taxation. 
 There were points, however, to which he had objec- 
 tions, some less strong and some insuperable. But it 
 is proper that the objections of so profound and popu- 
 lar a statesman as Mr. Jefferson, and to so important 
 an instrument, should be given in detail. In a letter to 
 Mr. Madison, dated Paris, December 20, 1787, he thus 
 writes: "I like much the general idea of framing a 
 government, which should go on of itself, peaceably, 
 without needing continual recurrence to the state leg- 
 islatures. I like the organization of the government 
 into legislative, judiciary, and executive. I like the 
 power given the legislature to levy taxes, and for that 
 reason solely, I approve of the greater house being 
 chosen by the people directly. For though I think a 
 house, so chosen, will be very far inferiour to the pre- 
 ent Congress, it will be very illy qualified to legislate 
 for the Union, for foreign nations, &c. ; yet this evil doe* 
 not weigh against the good of preserving inviolate the 
 fundamental principle, that the people are not to be 
 taxed but by representatives chosen immediately by 
 tfeemseires. I am captivated by the compromise 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 169 
 
 opposite claims of the great and little states, of the 
 latter to equal, and the former to proportional influence. 
 I am much pleased, too, with the substitution of the 
 method of voting by persons, instead of that of Acting 
 by states: and I like the negative given to the Execu- 
 tive, conjointly with a third of either house; though 
 I .should have liked it better, had the judiciary been 
 associated for that purpose, or invested separately with 
 a similar power. There are other good things of less 
 moment. 
 
 " I will now tell yen what I do not like. First, the 
 omission of a bill of rights, providing clearly, and 
 without the aid of sophism, for freedom of religion, 
 freedom of the presj- protection against standing ar- 
 mies, restriction of monopolies, the eternal and unre- 
 mitting force of the habeas corpus laws, and trials by 
 jury in all matters of fact triable by the laws of the 
 land, and not by the laws of nations. To say, as Mr % 
 Wilson does, that a bill of rights was not necessary, 
 because all is reserved in the care of the geneial gov- 
 ernment which is not given, Avhile in the particular 
 ones', a!l is given which is not reserved, rriitht to for 
 the audience, to which it was addressed : but it is sure- 
 ly a gratis dictum, the reverse of which might just as 
 well be said ; and it is opposed by strong inferences 
 from the body of the instrument, as well as frcm the 
 omission of the clause of our present Confederation, 
 which had made the reservation in express terms. It 
 was hard to conclude, because there has been a want 
 of uniformity among the states as to the cases triable 
 by jury, because some have been so incautious as ta 
 dispense with this mode of trial in certain cases, there" 
 
170 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 fore the more prudent states shall be reduced, to the 
 same level of calamity. It would have been much 
 more just and wise to have concluded the other way, 
 that as most of the states had preserved with jealousy 
 this sacr j d palladium of liberty, those who had wan- 
 dered should be brought back to it : and to have estab- 
 lished general right rather than general wrong. For 
 I consider all the ill as established, which may be es- 
 tablished. I have a right to nothing, which another 
 has a right to take away ; and Congress will have a 
 right to take away trials by jury in all civil cases. 
 Let me add, that a bill of rights is what the people are 
 entitled to against every government on earth, general 
 or particular; and what no just government should re- 
 fuse, or rest on inference. 
 
 "The second feature I dislike, and strongly dislike, 
 is the abandonment, in every instance, of the principle 
 of rotation in office, and most particularly in the case of 
 the President. Reason and experience tell us, that the 
 first magistrate will always be re-elected, if he may be 
 re-elected. He is then an officer for life. This once 
 observed, it becomes of so much consequence to certain 
 nations, to have a friend or a foe at the head of our 
 affairs, that they will interfere with money and with 
 arms. A Galloman, or an Angloman, will be supported 
 by the nation he befriends. If once elected, and at a 
 Second or third election outvoted by one or two votes, 
 he will pretend false votes, foul play, hold possession 
 pf the reins of government, be supported by the states 
 Toting for him, especially if they be the central ones, 
 lying in a compact body by themselves, and separating 
 their opponents ; .and they will be aided by one nation 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 171 
 
 in Europe, while the majority are aided by another. 
 The election of a President of America, some years 
 hence, will be much more interesting to certain nations 
 of Europe than ever the election of a King of Poland 
 was. Reflect on all the instances in history, ancient and 
 modern, of elective monarchies, and say, if they do not 
 give foundation for my fears ; the Roman Emperours, 
 the Popes while they were of any importance, the Ger- 
 man Emperours till they became hereditary in practice, 
 the Kings of Poland, the Deys of the Ottoman depen- 
 dencies. It may be said, that if elections are to be 
 attended with these disorders, the less frequently they 
 are repeated, the better. But experience says, that to 
 free thsm from disorder, they must be rendered less 
 interesting by a necessity of change. No foreign 
 power, nor domestick party, will waste their blood and 
 money to elect a person who must go out at the end of 
 a short period. The power of removing every fourth 
 year by the vote of the people, is a power which they 
 will not exercise, and if they were disposed to exercise 
 it, they would not be permitted. The King of Poland 
 is removable every day by the Diet, but they never 
 remove him : nor would Russia, the Emperour, &c. 
 permit them to do it. Smaller objections are, the appeals 
 on matter of fact as well as law ; and the binding all 
 persons, legislative, executive, and judiciary, by oath, 
 to maintain the constitution. I do not pretend to decide 
 what would be the best method of procuring the estab- 
 lishment of the manifold good things in this constitu- 
 tion, and of getting rid of the bad. Whether by adopt- 
 ing it, in hopes of future amendment, or after it shall 
 have been, duly weighed and canvassed by the people, 
 
172 LIFE OF JEFFERSON, 
 
 after seeing the parts they generally dislike, and those 
 they generally approve, to say to them, * We see now 
 \vhat you wish : you are willing to give up to your 
 federal government such and such powers ; but you 
 wish, at the same time, to have such and such funda- 
 mental rights secured to you, and certain sources of 
 convulsion taken away. Be it so. Send together your 
 deputies again. Let them establish your fundamental 
 rights by a sacrosanct declaration, and let them pass 
 ihe parts of the constitution you have approved. These 
 will give. powers to your federal government sufficient 
 for your happiness.' 
 
 '* This is what might be said, and would probably 
 produce a speedy, more perfect, and more permanent 
 form of government. At all events, I hope, you will 
 not be discouraged from making other trials, if the 
 present one should fail. We are never permitted to 
 'despair of the commonwealth. 1 have thus told you 
 freely what I like, and what 1 dislike, merely as a mat- 
 ter of curiosity : for I know it is not in my power to 
 offer matter of information to your judgement, which 
 has been formed after hearing and weighing every 
 thing which the wisdom of man could offer on these 
 subjects. I own, I am not a friend to a very energetick 
 government. It is always oppressive. It places the 
 Gpvernouis, indeed, more at their ease, at the expense 
 of the people. The late rebellion in Massachusetts has 
 given more alarm than I think it should have done. 
 Calculate that one rebellion in thirteen states in the 
 course of eleven years, is but one for each state in a 
 century and a half. No country should be so long 
 without one. Nor will any degree of power in the 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 173 
 
 hands of government prevent insurrections. In Eng- 
 land, where the hand of power is heavier than with 
 us, there are seldom half a dozen years without an 
 insurrection. In France, where it is still heavier, but 
 less despotick, as Montesquieu supposes, than in some 
 other countries, and where there are always two or three 
 hundred thousand men ready to crush insurrections, 
 there have been three in the course of the three years 
 I have been here, in every one of which greater num- 
 bers were engaged than in Massachusetts, and a great 
 deal more blood was spilt. In Turkey, where the sole 
 nod of the despot is death, insurrections are the events 
 of every day. Compare again the ferocious depreda- 
 tions of their insurgents with the order, the moderation, 
 and the almost self-extinguishment of ours. And say, 
 finally, whether peace is best preserved by giving 
 energy to the government, or information to the people. 
 This last is the most certain and the most legitimate 
 engine of government. Educate and inform the whole 
 mass of the people. Enable them to see that it is their 
 interest to preserve peace and order, and they will 
 preserve them. And it requires no very high degree 
 of education to convince them of this. They are the 
 only sure reliance for the preservation of our liberty. 
 After all, it is my principle that the will of the majority 
 should prevail. If they approve the proposed consti- 
 tution in all its parts, I shall concur in it cheerfully, in 
 hopes they will, amend it, whenever they shall find that 
 it works wrong. This reliance cannot deceive us, as 
 long as we remain virtuous ; and I think we shall be 
 so, as long as agriculture is our principal object, which 
 will be the case while there remain vacant lands in 
 16 
 
174 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 any part of America. When we get piled upon on0 
 another in large cities, as in Europe, we shall become 
 corrupt, as in Europe, and go to eating one another as 
 they do there." 
 
 In another letter, to the same distinguished person- 
 age, dated July 31, 1788, he remarks: " I sincerely 
 rejoice at the acceptance of our new constitution by 
 nine states. It is a good canvass, on which some strokes 
 only want retouching. What these are, I think are 
 sufficiently manifested by the general voice from north 
 to south, which calls for a bill of rights. It seems 
 pretty generally understood, that this should go to 
 juries, habeas corpus, standing armies, printing, reli- 
 gion, and monopolies. I conceive there may be diffi- 
 culty in finding general modifications of these, suited 
 to the habits of all the states. But if such cannot be 
 found, then it is better to establish trials by jury, the 
 right of habeas corpus, freedom of the press, and free- 
 dom of religion, in all cases, and to abolish standing 
 armies in time of peace, and monopolies in all cases, 
 than not to do it in any. The few cases wherein these 
 things may do evil, cannot be weighed against the 
 multitude wherein the want of them will do evil. In 
 disputes between a foreigner and a nation, a trial by 
 jury may be improper. But if this exception cannot 
 be agreed to, the remedy will be to model the jury, by 
 giving the medietas lingua, in civil as well as crim- 
 inal cases. Why suspend the habeas corpus in insur- 
 rections and rebellions ? The parties who may be 
 arrested, may be charged instantly with a well-defined 
 crime ; of course, the judge will remand them. If the 
 publick -safety requires that the government should 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 175 
 
 have a man imprisoned on less probable testimony in 
 those than in other emergencies, let him be taken and 
 tried, re-taken and re -tried, while the necessity con- 
 tinues, only giving him redress against the government 
 for damages. Examine the history of England. See 
 how few of the cases of the suspension of the habeas 
 corpus law have been worthy of that suspension. They 
 have been either real treason, wherein the parties 
 might as well have been charged at once, or sham 
 plots, where it was shameful they should ever have 
 been suspected. Yet for the few cases wherein the 
 suspension of the habeas corpus has done real good, 
 that operation is now become habitual, and the minds 
 of the nation almost prepared to live under its constant 
 suspension. A declaration, that the federal government 
 will never restrain the presses from printing any thing 
 they please, will not take away the liability of the 
 printers for false facts printed. The declaration, that 
 religious faith shall be unpunished, does not give im- 
 punity to criminal acts dictated by religious errour. 
 The saying there shall be no monopolies, lessens the 
 incitements to ingenuity, which is spurred on by the 
 hope of a monopoly for a limited time, as of fourteen 
 years : but the benefit of even limited monopolies is too 
 doubtful to be opposed to that of their general suppres- 
 sion. If no check can be found to keep the number of 
 standing troops within safe bounds, while they are 
 tolerated as far as necessary, abandon them altogether, 
 discipline well the militia, and guard the magazines 
 with them. More than magazine guards will be use- 
 less, if few ; and dangerous, if many. No European 
 nation can ever send against us such a regular army 
 
176 LIFE OF JEFFERSON, 
 
 as we need fear, and it is hard, if our militia are not 
 equal to those of Canada or Florida. My idea, then, 
 is, that though proper exceptions to these general rules 
 are desirable, and probably practicable, yet if the ex- 
 ceptions cannot be agreed on, the establishment of the 
 rules, in all cases, will do ill in very few. I hope, 
 therefore, a bill of rights will be formed, to guard the 
 people against the federal government, as they are 
 already guarded against their state governments, in 
 most instances. The abandoning the principle of ne- 
 cessary rotation in the Senate, has, I see, been disap- 
 proved by many : in the case of the President, by none. 
 I readily, therefore, suppose my opinion wrong, when 
 opposed by the majority, as in the former instance, and 
 the totality, as in the latter. In this, however, I should 
 have done it with more complete satisfaction, had we 
 all judged from the same position." 
 
 Many of these objections of Mr. Jefferson were 
 afterwards obviated, by amencfrnents to the constitu- 
 tion. It was deemed best to leave the right of habeas 
 corpus to the discretion of Congress ; and the question 
 of the re-eligibility of the President, though not pro- 
 posed or acted on formally, has received from the ex- 
 ample of the officers in that high station, and the pro- 
 gress of publick opinion, a decision, which may be al* 
 most considered as an established principle, any de- 
 viation from which would probably be opposed as a 
 demonstration of ambitious views. 
 
 There was another amendment, however, not made 
 or apparently thought of at the time, the omission of 
 which Mr. Jefferson deemed of fatal consequence, as 
 leaving uncrushed the g'erme that was to destroy the 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 177 
 
 wise combination of national powers. The evil he so 
 much feared, was the entire irresponsibility of the 
 judges, and their independence of the nation. He thus 
 refers to this subject in his memoirs: "But there was 
 another amendment, of which none of us thought at the 
 time, and in the omission of which, lurks the germe 
 that is to destroy this happy combination of national 
 powers, in the general government, for matters of na- 
 tional concern, and independent powers in the states, 
 for what concerns the states severally. In England, it 
 was a great point gained at the revolution, that the 
 commissions of the judges, which had hitherto been 
 during pleasure, should thenceforth be made during 
 good behaviour. A judiciary, dependent on the will of 
 the King, had proved itself the most oppressive of all 
 tools in the hand of that magistrate. Nothing, then, 
 could be more salutary, than a change there, to the 
 tenour of good behaviour ; and the question of good 
 behaviour, left to the vote of a simple majority in the 
 two houses of Parliament. Before the revolution, we 
 were all good English whigs, cordial in their free 
 principles, and in their jealousies of their Executive 
 magistrate. These jealousies are very apparent, in all 
 our state constitutions; and, in the general govern- 
 ment in this instance, we fiave gone even beyond the 
 English caution, by requiring a vote of two thirds in 
 one of the houses, for removing a judge : a vote so 
 impossible, where any defence is made, before men of 
 ordinary prejudices and passions, that our judges are 
 effectually independent of the nation. But this ought 
 not to be. I would not, indeed, make them dependent 
 on the Executive authority, as they formerly were in 
 16* 
 
178 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 England ; but I deem it indispensable to the continu- 
 ance of this government, that they should be submit- 
 ted to some practical and impartial control ; and thai 
 this, to be impartial, must be compounded of a mixture 
 of state and federal authorities. It is not enough, that 
 honest men are appointed judges. All know the influ- 
 ence of interest on the mind of man, and how uncon- 
 sciously his judgement is warped by that influence. 
 To this bias add that of the esprit de corps, of their pe- 
 culiar maxim and creed, * that it is the office of a good 
 judge to enlarge his jurisdiction,' and the absence of 
 responsibility ; and how can we expect impartial de- 
 cision between the general government, of which they 
 are themselves so eminent a part, and an individual 
 state, from which they have nothing to hope or fear ? 
 We have seen, too, that, contrary to all correct exam- 
 ple, they are in the habit of going out of the question 
 before them, to throw an anchor ahead, and grapple 
 further hold for future advances of power. They are 
 then, in fact, the corps of sappers and miners, steadily 
 working to undermine the independent rights of the 
 states, and to consolidate all power in the hands of that 
 government, in which they have so important a freehold 
 estate. But it is not by the consolidation or concentra* 
 tion of powers, but by their distribution, that good gov- 
 ernment is effected. Were not this great country al- 
 ready divided into states, the division must be made, 
 that each might do for itself what concerns itself di- 
 rectly, and what it can so much better do than a dis- 
 tant authority. Every state again is divided into coun- 
 ties, each to take care of what lies within its local 
 bounds ; each county again into townships or wards. 
 
' 
 
 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 179 
 
 to manage minuter details ; and every ward into farms, 
 to be governed each by its individual proprietor. 
 Were we directed from Washington when to sow and 
 when to reap, we should soon want bread. It is by 
 this partition of cares, descending in gradation from 
 general to particular, that the mass of human affairs 
 may be best managed, for the good and prosperity of all. 
 I repeat, that I do not charge the judges with wilful 
 and ill-intentioned errour ; but honest errour must be 
 arrested, where its toleration leads to publick ruin. 
 As, for the safety of society, we commit honest mani- 
 acks to Bedlam, so judges should be withdrawn from 
 their bench, whose erroneous biases are leading us to 
 dissolution. It may, indeed, injure them in fame or in 
 fortune ; but it saves the republick, which is the first 
 and supreme law." 
 
 Neither, while abroad, was Mr. Jefferson a little 
 efficient in redeeming the credit of his government. 
 " Among the debilities of the government of the Con- 
 federation," says he, " no one was more distinguished or 
 more distressing, than the utter impossibility of obtain- 
 ing from the states, the moneys necessary for the pay- 
 ment of debts, or even for the ordinary expenses of 
 the government. Some contributed a little, some less, 
 and some nothing; and the last, furnished at length an 
 excuse for the first, to do nothing also. Mr. Adams, 
 while residing at the Hague, had a general authority to 
 borrow what sums might be requisite for ordinary and 
 necessary expenses. Interest on the publick debt, and 
 the maintenance of the diplomatick establishment in 
 Europe, had been habitually provided in this way. 
 He was now elected Vice President of the United 
 
180 LIFE Of JEFJFJERSON. 
 
 States, was soon to return to America, and had referred 
 our bankers to me for future counsel, on our affairs in 
 their hands. But I had no powers, no instructions, 
 no means, and no familiarity with the subject. It had 
 alw r ays been exclusively under his management, except 
 as to occasional and partial deposites in the hands of 
 Mr. Grand, banker in Paris, for special and local pur- 
 poses. These last had been exhausted for some time, 
 and I had fervently pressed the Treasury Board to 
 replenish this particular deposite, as Mr. Grand now 
 refused to make further advances. They answered 
 candidly, that no funds could be obtained until the new 
 government should get into action, and have time to 
 make its arrangements. Mr. Adams had received his 
 appointment to the court of London, while engaged at 
 Paris with Dr. Franklin and myself, in the negotia- 
 tions under our joint commissions. He had repaired 
 thence to London, without returning to the Hague, to 
 take leave of that government. He thought it neces- 
 sary, however, to do so now, before he should leave 
 Europe, and accordingly went there. 1 learned his 
 departure fronx London, by a letter from Mrs. Adams, 
 received on the very day on which he would arrive at 
 the Hague. A consultation with him, and some pro- 
 vision for the future, was indispensable, while we 
 could yet avail ourselves of his powers ; for when 
 they would be gone, we should be without resource. 
 I was daily dunned by a company who had formerly 
 made a small loan to the United States, the principal 
 of which was now become due ; and our bankers in 
 Amsterdam had notified me, that the interest on our 
 general debt would be expected in June ; that if wo 
 
LIFE 07 JEiTERSON. 181 
 
 failed to pay it, it would be deemed an act of bank- 
 ruptcy, and would effectually destroy the credit of the 
 United States, and all future prospects of obtaining 
 money there ; that the loan they had been authorized 
 to open, of which a third only was filled, had now ceased 
 to get forward, and rendered desperate that hope of 
 resource. I saw that there was not a moment to lose, 
 and set out for the Hague on the second morning after 
 receiving the information of Mr. Adams' journey. I 
 went the direct road by Louvres, Senlis, Roye, Pont 
 St. Maxence, Bois le Due, Gournay, Peronne, Cambray, 
 Bouchain, Valenciennes, Mons, Bruxelles, Malines, 
 Antwerp, Mordick, and Rotterdam, to the Hague, 
 where I happily found Mr. Adams. He concurred 
 with me at once in opinion, that something must be 
 done, and that we ought to risk ourselves on doing it, 
 without waiting for instructions, to save the credit of 
 the United States. We foresaw, i that before the new 
 government could be adopted, assembled, establish its 
 financial system, get the money into the treasury, and 
 place it in Europe, considerable time would elapse ; 
 that, therefore, we had better provide at once for the 
 years '88, '89 and '90, in order to place our govern-- 
 ment at its ease, and our credit in security, during that 
 trying interval. We set out, therefore, by the way 
 of Leyden for Amsterdam, where we arrived on the 
 10th. Mr. Adams executed 1,000 bonds, for 1,000 
 florins each, and deposited them in the hands of our 
 bankers, with instructions, however, not to issue them 
 until Congress should ratify the measure. This done, 
 lie returned to London, and 1 set out for Pari," 
 
182 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE remaining portion of Mr. Jefferson's publick 
 life, is embraced in a period of nineteen years, during 
 which he held successively, in the government of his 
 own country, the high and honourable offices of Secre- 
 tary of State, Vice President, and President of the Uni- 
 ted States. The history of this is so familiar, and, indeed, 
 so many now living have been eye witnesses of its 
 events, that it is unnecessary, and would be far too 
 prolix, to pursue the narrative of them in regular de- 
 tail ; and neither could this be done without writing 
 the history of the United States for a certain period. 
 It would, therefore, come within our prescribed limits, 
 and be more agreeable to the reader, when we select 
 such prominent topicks as are connected with the sub- 
 ject of these memoirs, and more likely to excite a gen- 
 eral interest. 
 
 The national legislature, under the new system of 
 government, convened at New York on the fourth day 
 of March, 1789, and consisted of senators and repre- 
 sentatives from eleven states. A quorum of both 
 houses did not attend until the sixth of April, when, on 
 counting the electoral votes, it appeared that George 
 Washington was unanimously chosen President, and 
 that John Adams was elected Vice President. 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 183 
 
 Whatever difference of opinion existed among the 
 people of the United States with respect to the govern- 
 ment itself, there was none as to the person who, as 
 their first chief magistrate, was to be selected to ad- 
 minister it. All eyes, from the beginning, were turned 
 to General Washington, as the first President : and he 
 received what perhaps no individual, in so high a sta- 
 tion, in any age, ever before received, the unanimous 
 and voluntary suffrages of a whole nation. 
 
 Informed of his election by a special message, the 
 President immediately left his beloved retreat, and set 
 out for the seat of government. He was received on 
 his way by the sincere congratulations of numerous 
 publick bodies as well as individuals. 
 
 He was met at Elizabethtown by a committee from 
 both houses of Congress, and escorted into the city of 
 New York amidst the acclamations of thousands. 
 
 On the 30th of April, the oath of office was admin- 
 istered to him by the Chancellor of the state of New 
 York, in the gallery in front of the Senate chamber, 
 in the presence of the members of the Senate and House 
 of Representatives, and a vast concourse of citizens ; 
 and he was proclaimed President of the United States. 
 Every countenance beamed with inexpressible joy at 
 the sight of the venerated chief, to whom, under God, 
 they were so much indebted, not only for their inde- 
 pendence, but that form of government, in the admin- 
 istration of which he had consented to take a share, 
 and which he had in their presence solemnly sworn 
 to support. 
 
 Shortly after this impressive investment, Mr. Jeffer- 
 son returned to the United States, having, for this pui- 
 
184 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 pose, obtained leave of absence for a short time. In 
 filling the executive offices, the President had, with 
 that wisdom which marked all the acts of his publick 
 life, carefully selected those whose talents or previous 
 employments rendered them peculiarly fit for the du- 
 ties of the stations to which they were appointed. Mr. 
 Jefferson landed on November 23d at Norfolk, and 
 whilst on his way home, received a letter from Presi- 
 dent Washington, covering the appointment of Secre- 
 tary of State, under the new constitution, which was just 
 commencing its operations. To this the following re- 
 ply was returned : " I have received, at this place, 
 (Chesterfield,) the honour of your letters of October 
 the 13th and November 30th, and am truly flattered 
 by your nomination of me to the very dignified office 
 of Secretary of State ; for which permit me here to 
 return you my humble thanks. Could any circum- 
 stances seduce me to overlook the disproportion be- 
 tween its duties and my talents, it would be the en- 
 couragement of your choice. But when I contem- 
 plate the extent of that office, embracing as it does the 
 principal mass of domestick administration, together 
 with the foreign, I cannot be insensible of my ine- 
 quality to it ; and I should enter on it with gloomy 
 forebodings from the criticisms and censures of a pub- 
 lick, just, indeed, in their intentions, but sometimes 
 misinformed and misled, and always too respectable 
 t be neglected. I cannot but foresee the possibility 
 that this may end disagreeably for me, who, having no 
 motive to publick service but the publick satisfaction, 
 would certainly retire the moment that satisfaction 
 should appear to languish. On the other hand, I feel 
 
LIFE OF JEFFETISON. 185 
 
 <a degree of familiarity with the duties of my present 
 office, as far, at least, as I am capable of understanding 
 its duties. The ground I have already passed over, 
 enables me to see my way into that which is before me. 
 The change of government, too, taking place in the 
 country where it is exercised, seems to open a possi- 
 bility of procuring from the new rulers some new ad- 
 vantages in commerce, which may be agreeable to our 
 countrymen. So that, as far as my fears, my hopes, 
 or my inclination might enter into this question, I 
 confess they would not leave me to prefer a change. 
 But it is not for an individual to choose his post. You 
 are to marshal us as may best be for the publick good; 
 and it is only in the case of its being indifferent to 
 you, that I would avail myself of the option you have 
 so kindly offered in your letter. If you think it better 
 to transfer me to another post, my inclination must be 
 no obstacle ; nor shall it be, if there is any desire to 
 suppress the office I now hold, or to reduce its grade. 
 In either of these cases, be so good only as to signify 
 to me by another line your ultimate wish, and I shall 
 conform to it cordially. If it should be to remain at 
 New York, my chief comfort will be to work under 
 your eye, my only shelter the authority of your name, 
 and the wisdom of measures to be dictated by you, and 
 implicitly executed by me. Whatever you may be 
 pleased to decide, I do not see that the matters which 
 have called me hither will permit me to shorten the 
 stay I originally asked : that is to say, to set out on my 
 journey northward till the month of March. As early 
 as possible in that month, I shall have the honour of 
 paying my respects to you in New York." 
 17 
 
186 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson arrived at Monticello on the 23d of 
 December, where he received a second letter from the 
 President, expressing his continued wish that he should 
 take his station with him at New York, but leaving 
 him still at liberty to continue in his former office, if 
 he could not reconcile himself to that now proposed. 
 This silenced all reluctance, and the appointment was 
 accepted. He left Monticello on xthe first of March, 
 1790, for New York. At Philadelphia, he called on 
 the venerable Dr. Franklin, who was then on that bed 
 of sickness from which he never rose. The recent 
 return of Mr. Jefferson from a country in which the 
 doctor had left so many friends, and the perilous con- 
 vulsions to which they had been exposed, revived all 
 his anxieties to know what part they had taken, what 
 had been their course, and what their fate. He went 
 over all in succession, with a rapidity and animation 
 almost too much for his strength. A circumstance took 
 place during this interview which we cannot avoid re- 
 lating. " When all his inquiries," continues Mr. Jef- 
 ferson, " were satisfied, and a pause took place, I told 
 him I had learned with much pleasure, that since his 
 return to America, he had been occupied in preparing 
 for the world the history of his own life. ' I cannot 
 say much of that,' said he ; ' but I will give you a 
 sample of what I shall leave it :' and he directed his 
 little grandson, (William Bache,) who was standing 
 by the bed side, to hand him a paper from the table, to 
 which he pointed. He did so ; and the doctor, putting it 
 into my hands, desired me to take it, and read it at my 
 leisure. It was about a quire of folio paper, written in 
 a large and running hand, very like his own. I looked 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON, 187 
 
 into it slightly, then shut it, and said I would accept 
 his permission to read it, and would carefully return 
 it. He said, ' No, keep it.' Not certain of his mean- 
 ing, I again looked into it, folded it for my pocket, and 
 said again, I would certainly return it. ' No,' said he, 
 ' kep it.' 1 put it into my pocket, and, shortly after, 
 took leave of him. He died on the 17th of the ensuing 
 month of April ; and as I understood that he had be- 
 queathed all his papers to his grandson, William Tem- 
 ple Franklin, I immediately wrote to Mr. Franklin, to 
 inform him I possessed this paper, which I should 
 consider as his property, and would deliver to his 
 order. He came on immediately to New York, and 
 called on me for it, and I delivered it to him. As he 
 put it into his pocket, he said carelessly, he had either 
 the original or another copy of it, I do not recollect 
 which. This last expression struck my attention for- 
 cibly, and for the first time suggested to me the thought 
 that Dr. Franklin had meant it as a confidential depos- 
 ite in my hands, and that I had done wrong in parting 
 from it. I have not yet seen the collection he published 
 of Dr. Franklin's works, and therefore know not if this 
 is among them. I have been told it is not. It contained 
 a narrative of the negotiations between Dr. Franklin 
 and the British ministry when he was endeavouring 
 to prevent the contest of arms which followed. The 
 negotiation was brought about by the intervention of 
 Lord Howe and his sister, who, I believe, was called 
 Lady Howe, but I may misremember her title. Lord 
 Howe seems to have been friendly to America, and 
 exceedingly anxious to prevent a rupture. His inti- 
 macy with Dr. Franklin, and his position with the 
 
188 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 ministry, induced him to undertake a mediation be- 
 tween them, in which his sister seemed to have been 
 associated. They carried from one to the other, back- 
 wards and forwards, the several propositions and an- 
 swers which passed, and seconded with their own 
 intercessions, the importance of mutual sacrifices, to 
 preserve the peace and connexion of the two countries. 
 I remember that Lord North's answers were dry, un- 
 yielding, in the spirit of unconditional submission, and 
 betrayed an absolute indifference to the occurrences of 
 a rupture ; and he said to the mediators distinctly, at 
 last, that ' a rebellion was not to be deprecated on the 
 part of Great Britain ; that the confiscations it would 
 produce, would provide for many of their friends.' 
 This expression was reported by the mediators to Dr. 
 Franklin, and indicated so cool and calculative a pur- 
 pose in the ministry, as to render compromise hopeless, 
 and the negotiation was discontinued. If this is not 
 among the papers published, we ask, what has become 
 of it ? I delivered it with my own hands into those of 
 Temple Franklin. It certainly established views so 
 atrocious in the British government, that its suppres- 
 sion would, to them, be worth a great price. But could 
 the grandson of Dr. Franklin be,' in such degree, an 
 accomplice in the parricide of the memory of his im- 
 mortal grandfather ? The suspension, for more than 
 twenty years, of the general publication, bequeathed 
 and confided to him, produced for a while hard suspi- 
 cions against him ; and if, at last, all are not published, 
 a part of these suspicions may remain with some." 
 
 Mr. Jefferson arrived at New York on the 21st of 
 March, where Congress was in session. 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 189 
 
 Mr. Jefferson was thus placed at the head of th 
 department of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Hamilton at the 
 head of the Treasury, and Mr. Knox was made Secre- 
 tary of the War Department ; John Jay was appointed 
 Chief Justice; John Rutledge, James Wilson, William 
 Gushing, Robert H. Harrison, and John Blair, Associ- 
 ate Judges of the Supreme Court: and Edmund Ran- 
 dolph, Attorney General. Nicholas Eveleigh was ap- 
 pointed Comptroller ; Oliver Wolcott, Auditor j and Jo- 
 seph Nourse, Register. 
 
 Of all the offices under the government of the Uni- 
 ted States, says one well qualified to give an opinion, 
 there is no one which calls for the exercise of such va- 
 rious abilities, such extensive knowledge of laws and 
 facts, such prompt decision on questions involving 
 principles of the highest political import, as the depart- 
 ment of state : and in proportion to the infancy of the 
 office itself, and the new and peculiar situation of the 
 government, was the difficulty of the tas*k assumed by 
 Mr. Jefferson. The subsequent events of his political 
 life have been tinged by the hue of party, and perhaps 
 the time has not arrived when we can view them with 
 strict impartiality, and weigh the policy of his meas- 
 ures, without dwelling too much on circumstances 
 merely temporary or local. But all unite in the can- 
 did acknowledgment that the duties of this station 
 were performed with a prudence, intelligence, and zeal 
 honourable to himself, and useful to his country. In 
 the intercourse with foreign nations, the laws of a strict 
 neutrality, at a period of peculiar difficulty, were main- 
 tained with unyielding firmness and consummate abil- 
 ity; the dignity of the nation was remembered' and; 
 17* 
 
1:96 LIFE OF JEFFERSON'. 
 
 supported ; and the interests of the citizens were cher- 
 ished and protected. At home, he turned his attention 
 to objects of a minuter character, but of equal impor- 
 tance ; he laid before Congress, from time to time, re- 
 ports on various branches of domestick policy, which 
 displayed at orice the extent and variety of his genius, 
 the depth of his information, and the zeal with which 
 he applied them both to the peculiar duties of his situ- 
 ation' It has been observed, that these papers evince 
 not only the feelings of a patriot, and the judgement of 
 an accomplished statesman, but display at the same 
 time, uncommon talents and knowledge as- a mathe- 
 matician and natural philosopher, the deepest research 
 as a historian, and an enlarged and intimate acquaint- 
 ance with the business and concerns of a merchant. 
 
 The national legislature, during its first session, was 
 principally occupied in providing revenues for the long 
 exhausted treasury, in establishing a judiciary, in or- 
 ganizing the executive departments in detail, and in 
 framing amendments to the constitution, agreeably to 
 the suggestion of the President. The members imme- 
 diately entered upon the exercise of those powers so 
 long refused under the old system of general govern- 
 ment. They imposed a tunnage duty, as well as du- 
 ties on various imported articles. In the exercise of 
 these powers, they did not lose sight of the navigating 
 interest of their country, which had so long been at the 
 mercy of other nations. 
 
 We have always deemed it the peculiar charity of 
 Heaven, is the remark of a distinguished writer, that, 
 at this time, such a man as George Washington was 
 given to fill the high and novel station of first magis- 
 
11TE OF JEFFERSOIT. 19 f 
 
 frafe of the Union. One of different talents, one less 
 endowed with exalted and uncommon qualities, one 
 who was merely respected as a citizen, or knowu 
 merely as a statesman of routine, in short, one who 
 was not venerated as a father, would have brought to 
 the first operations of this new and complicated gov- 
 ernment, nothing to enforce it beyond its own intrin- 
 sick merits. It would have been less impressive and 
 efficient ; and although republican principles and nab* 
 its would undoubtedly have carried it through, yet it 
 would have been coldly, and sometimes reluctantly 
 adopted. The slow progress which it would then 
 have made, the opposition which, at times, would prob- 
 ably have been presented by state administrations, feel- 
 ing themselves somewhat shorn of their power, were 
 prevented by the overbearing but unassuming influence 
 of a name which memory ever found prominent irv 
 military recollections, and always safe in civil and do-i 
 mestick action. 
 
 Nor is it at all inconsistent with republicanism, that 
 among men all politically equal, publick preference 
 should accompany those who are the most meritorious. 
 There cannot be an -agrarian law of the mind. Tal- 
 ent and virtue must ascend, and must acquire the con- 
 fidence and trust of the community. But is there no 
 danger? May not confidence and trust be carried too 
 far? The answer is found in a written constitution, 
 full of checks and balances ; and we may confidently 
 throw into the scale the moderation and good sense of 
 our citizens. Compare this country with all we know 
 of other countries the North American republick 
 with every other republick the petty, rancorous de^ 
 
192 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 mocracies of ancient Greece the disjointed, venal 
 Romans the aristocracies of Venice and Genoa, and 
 others of modern times the ephemeral republick of 
 France the southern part of our own continent in 
 its present awful convulsions do we not pjerceive that 
 we have a natural character distinct from all of them ? 
 Here it would be impossible for a Julius Caesar to ar- 
 ray a military force against the liberties of his coun- 
 try ; it would be unnecessary to expel an Aristides by 
 ostracism. We adhere to the letter of the constitution ; 
 it is the safest rule. No publick instrument ever was 
 so cautiously, so accurately framed. There is in it 
 nothing superfluous, nothing defective. The letter is 
 itself the spirit of it. 
 
 "Mr. Jefferson had scarcely entered on the duties of 
 his office, when Congress .referred to him a subject 
 whose nature and importance called for the exercise of 
 a mature judgement, while its intricacy was such, as 
 to require in the investigation more than ordinary sci- 
 entifick knowledge. They directed him to prepare 
 and report a plan for establishing a uniform system of 
 currency, weights and measures. This was a subject, 
 admitted on all hands, which demanded very se- 
 rious attention. It had already attracted the notice of 
 the most enlightened European nations ; and a partial 
 experiment in one branch, that of the publick curren- 
 cy, had been received throughout the United States 
 with general approbation and unexpected success. 
 The established system of weights and measures was 
 alike inconvenient and absurd. In the ages of feudal 
 ignorance, when the sallies of passion, the dictates of 
 unrestrained ambition,, or the gratification of each 
 
IIFE OF JEFFERSON. 19$ 
 
 changing caprice, were all that a monarch asked as 
 the foundation of his laws,' it was at least not incon- 
 sistent, that the length of his arm or foot should regu- 
 late the measures of the nation. But the necessities of 
 modern commercial intercourse, seem to demand a 
 scale more certain and convenient ; while the improve- 
 ments of modern science offered standards of unerring 
 correctness and uniformity. The first object that pre- 
 sents itself in such an inquiry, is the discovery of some 
 measure of invariable length. For this purpose, Mr.. 
 Jefferson proposed to select a pendulum vibrating se- 
 conds; and, after answering the various objections 
 which may be made to such a standard, he submits to 
 Congress two alternative plans for its adoption. By 
 the first he proposes, that if, in the opinion of Con- 
 gress, the difficulty of changing the established habits 
 of the nation, renders it expedient to retain the present 
 weights and measures, yet that they should be render- 
 ed uniform and invariable, by bringing them to the 
 same invariable standard. With this view, he enters 
 minutely into the details of the present system, its his- 
 tory, the remarkable coincidence to be discovered in 
 some of its varieties, its useless inconsistencies, and 
 the extreme ease, and trifling variation, with which it 
 may be rendered uniform and, stable." 
 
 In the second alternative he proceeds to say, " If it 
 be thought that either now or at any future time, the 
 citizens of the United States may be induced to under- 
 take a thorough reformation of the whole system of 
 measures, weights, and coins, reducing every branch 
 to the same decimal ratio already established in their 
 coins, and thus bringing the calculation of the princi* 
 
194 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 pal affairs of life within the arithmetick of every man 
 who can multiply and divide plain numbers, greater 
 changes will be necessary." 
 
 These changes he points out briefly and distinctly, 
 as being such as are easy of introduction, and useful 
 both to the citizens of our own and foreign countries. 
 " A gradual introduction, 77 he concludes, " would lessen 
 the inconveniences which might attend too sudden a 
 substitution, even of an easier for a more difficult sys- 
 tem. After a given term, for instance, it might begin 
 in the custom-houses, where the merchants would be- 
 come familiarized with it. After a further term, it 
 might be introduced into all legal proceedings : and 
 merchants and traders in foreign commodities might 
 be required to use it in their dealings with one another. 
 After a still further term, all other descriptions of peo- 
 ple might receive it into common use. Too long a 
 postponement, on the other hand, would increase the 
 difficulties of its reception with the increase of our 
 population." 
 
 Notwithstanding this able report of Mr. Jefferson, 
 the system recommended by him was not adopted ; and 
 there has as yet been no change in the existing laws. 
 But it is to be hoped, that the views of Mr. Jefferson 
 will not be lost sight of among his countrymen, and 
 that an important improvement will not be relinquished 
 from a fear that their habits are so firmly fixed as to 
 preclude its introduction. 
 
 " On the 18th of January, 1791, Mr. Jefferson made 
 a report, as Secretary of State, on the subject of tun- 
 nage duties payable by France. Very soon after the 
 meeting of the first Congress, the same subject had 
 
tj 
 
 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 195 
 
 Ibeen discussed in that body with considerable anima- 
 tion, and an act had passed the House of Representa- 
 tives, embracing a discrimination in these duties highly * 
 favourable to France. The principle thus adopted, co- 
 incided with the general sentiments of the nation, and 
 appeared to be called for, not by this circumstance only, 
 hut by the strongest dictates of national gratitude, as 
 well as those of sound policy. This discrimination 
 was rejected, however, by the Senate, and the House 
 of Representatives were obliged, reluctantly, to" yield. 
 What it was thus deemed inexpedient to grant, even as 
 a matter of favour or policy, the French government 
 demanded as a right under the treaty of amity and com- 
 merce of 1778. The demand was referred to Mr. Jef- 
 ferson, by the President, and elicited from him the able 
 report to which we have alluded. In this he clearly 
 proved, that the article of the treaty on which the 
 French government founded their claim, was evident- 
 ly meant to extend no further than to the exemption of 
 the United States from a duty from which other favour- 
 ed nations were also exempted, and that, in return, 
 France could claim of our government no greater ad- 
 vantages than favoured nations also received of us. 
 That if the article in question had a more extended 
 relation, it applied reciprocally to each government, 
 and would lead to the mutual abolition of duties 
 highly useful to both, and to consequences in which 
 it was hardly conceivable that either party could see 
 its interest. But he appears to incline to the opin- 
 ion, that if France persisted in claiming this ex- 
 emption, there were extrinsick causes which might 
 justify, and even .render advisable, some relaxation 
 
LIFE OX JEFFERSON* 
 
 in her favour ; not on the grounds on which it was 
 demanded, but from the effect it would have on the 
 finances, revenue, and commerce of our own country. 
 This report the President immediately submitted to 
 the Senate of the United States. 
 
 To aid in the management of the national finances, 
 the Secretary of the Treasury had previously recom- 
 mended the establishment of a bank ; and in February, 
 1791, an act passed for that purpose. The preamble 
 disclosed the principal reasons for its adoption, declar- 
 ing " that it would be conducive to the successful con- 
 ducting of the national finances, give facility to the 
 obtaining of loans for the use of the government in 
 sudden emergencies," and would also be " productive 
 of considerable advantage to trade and industry in 
 general." 
 
 The capital stock of the bank was ten millions of 
 dollars ; two millions to be subscribed for the benefit of 
 the United States, and the residue by individuals. One 
 fourth of the sums subscribed by individuals was to be 
 paid in. gold and silver, and three fourths in the publick 
 debt. By the act of incorporation, it was to be a bank 
 of discount as well as deposite, and its bills, which 
 were payable in gold and silver on demand, were made 
 receivable in all payments to the United States. The 
 bank was located at Philadelphia, with power in the 
 directors to establish offices of discount and deposite 
 only, whereever they should think fit within the 
 United States. The duration of the charter was limited 
 to the fourth of March, 1811; and the faith of the 
 United States was pledged, that during that period no 
 other bank should be established under their authority. 
 
LIFE Or JttFFEKSON. T97 
 
 One of the fundamental articles of the incorporation 
 was, that no loan should be made to the United States 
 for more than one hundred thousand dollars, or to any 
 particular state for more than fifty thousand, or to any 
 foreign Prince or state, unless previously authorized 
 by a law of the United States. The books wet e open- 
 ed for subscriptions in July, 1791, and a much larger 
 sum subscribed than was allowed by the charter; and 
 the bank went into successful operation. This measure 
 l was not adopted without warm and violent debates. 
 
 It was said in opposition, in the first place, that Con- 
 gress had no power, under the constitution, to create 
 this or any other corporation ; in the second place, that 
 so large a moneyed institution would, in its effects, be 
 highly injurious to the community. Its advocates, on 
 the other hand, contended, generally, that the establish- 
 ment of an institution of this kind, though not within 
 the express words of the constitution, was among the 
 incidental powers contemplated by that part of the in- 
 strument which enabled Congress to make all laws 
 necessary and proper for carrying into execution the 
 powers expressly granted. 
 
 The President, before approving the bill, requested 
 the opinions of the members of his cabinet, in writing, 
 as to its constitutionality. The Secretary of State, and 
 Attorney General, were of opinion, that the bill was 
 unconstitutional, while the Secretaries of the Treasury, 
 and War, were of a different opinion, and concurred 
 with the majority in Congress. Mr. Jefferson was de- 
 cidedly and warmly opposed to this institution, not only 
 on account of its unconstitutionality, but on account of 
 the danger to be apprehended to government from the 
 18 
 
198 LIFE OP JEFFERSON. 
 
 exorbitancy of its power, and the injury which it might 
 inflict on community. The following is his official 
 opinion on the constitutional question : 
 
 " The bill for establishing a national bank, under- 
 takes, among other things, 
 
 1. To form the subscribers into a corporation. 
 
 2. To enable them, in their corporate capacities, to 
 receive grants of land; and so far, is against the laws 
 of Mortmain. 
 
 3. To make alien subscribers capable of holding 
 lands; and so far, is against the laws of Alienage. 
 
 4. To transmit these lands, on the death of a pro- 
 prietor, to a certain line of successors ; and so far, 
 changes the course of Descents. 
 
 5. To put the lands out of the reach of forfeiture and 
 escheat: and so far, is against the laws of Forfeiture 
 and Escheat. 
 
 6. To transmit personal chattels to successors in a 
 certain line ; and so far, is against the laws of Distri- 
 bution. 
 
 7. To give them the sole and exclusive right of 
 banking under the national authority; and so far, is 
 against the laws of Monopoly. 
 
 8. To communicate to them a power to make laws 
 paramount to the laws of the states: for so they must 
 be construed, to protect the institution from the control 
 of the state legislatures ; and so, probably, they will be 
 construed. 
 
 I consider the foundation of the constitution as laid 
 on this ground, that ' all powers not delegated to the 
 United States by the constitution, nor prohibited by it 
 to the states, are reserved to the states or to the people.' 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 199 
 
 (Twelfth amendment.) To take a single step beyond 
 the boundaries thus specially drawn around the powers 
 of Congress, is to take possession of a boundless field 
 of power, no longer susceptible of any def nition. 
 
 The incorporation of a bank, and the powers as- 
 sumed by this bill, have not, in my opinion, been 
 delegated to the United States by the constitution. 
 
 I. They are not among the powers specially enu- 
 merated. For these are, 
 
 1. A power to lay taxes for the purpose of paying 
 the debts of the United States. But no debt is paid by 
 this bill, nor any tax laid. Were it a bill to raise 
 money, its origination in the Senate would condemn, it 
 by the constitution. 
 
 2. To ' borrow money.' But this bill neither bor- 
 rows money, nor ensures the borrowing it. The pro- 
 prietors of the bank will be just as free as any other 
 money-holders, to lend or not to lend their money to 
 the publick. The operation proposed in the bill, first 
 to lend them two millions, and then borrow them back 
 again, cannot change the nature of the latter act, which 
 will still be a payment and not a loan, call it by what 
 name you please. 
 
 3. ' To regulate commerce with foreign nations, 
 and among the states, and with the Indian tribes.' To 
 enact a bank, and to regulate commerce, are two very 
 different acts. He who erects a bank creates a subject 
 of commerce in its bills ; so does he who makes a 
 bushel of wheat, or digs a dollar out of the mines. 
 Yet neither of these persons regulates commerce there- 
 by. To make a thing which may be bought and sold, 
 is not to prescribe regulations for buying and selling. 
 
200 EIFE OF JBFFERSOJT. 
 
 Besides, if this were an exercise of the power of reg- 
 ulating commerce, it would be void, as extending as 
 much to the internal commerce of every state, as to its 
 external. For the power given to Congress by the 
 constitution, does not extend to the internal regulation 
 of the commerce of a state, (that is to say, of the com* 
 merce between citizen and citizen,) which remains ex- 
 clusively within its own legislature ; but to its external 
 commerce only, that is to say, its commerce with anoth- 
 er state, or with foreign nations, or with the Indian 
 tribes. Accordingly, the bill does not propose the 
 measure as a ' regulation of trade,' but as ' productive 
 of considerable advantage to trade.' 
 
 Still less are these powers covered by any other of 
 the special enumerations. 
 
 II. Nor are they within either of the general phra- 
 ses, which are the two following. 
 
 1, * To lay taxes to provide for the general welfare 
 of the United States ;' that is to say, * to lay taxes for 
 the purpose of providing for the general welfare.' 
 For the laying of taxes is the power, and the general 
 welfare the purpose for which the power is to be ex- 
 ercised. Congress are not to lay taxes, ad libitum, for 
 any purpose they please ; but only to pay the debts, 
 or provide for the welfare of the Union. In like 
 manner, they are not to do any thing" they please to 
 provide for the general welfare, but only to lay taxes 
 for that purpose. To consider the latter phrase, not as 
 Describing the purpose of the first, but as giving a dis- 
 tinct and independent power to do any act they please 
 which might be for the good of the Union, would ren- 
 ter all the preceding and subsequent enumerations of 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 201 
 
 power completely useless. It would reduce the whol 
 instrument to a single phrase, that of instituting- a Con- 
 gress with the power to do whatever would be fou the 
 good of the United States: aid as they would be the 
 sole ju.lges of the good or evil, it would be also a pow- 
 er to do whatever evil they pleased. It is an establish- 
 ed rule of construction, when a phrase will bear either 
 of two meanings, to give it that which \vill allow some 
 meaning to the other parts of the instrument, and not 
 that which \vill render all the others useless. Certain- 
 ly, no sucli universal power was meant to be given 
 them. It was intended to lace them up straitly within the 
 enumerated powers, and those without which, as means, 
 these powers could not be carried into effect. It is 
 known that the very power now proposed as a means, 
 was rejected as an end by the convention which form- 
 ed the. constitution. A proposition was made to them, 
 to authorize Congress to open canals, and an amenda- 
 tory one, to empower them to incorporate. But the 
 whole was rejected : and one of the reasons of rejec- 
 tion urgvd in the debate was, that they then would 
 hav*3 a power to erect a bank, which would render the 
 great cities, wher? there were prejudices an i jealousies 
 on that subject, adverse to the reception of the consti- 
 tution. 
 
 2. The s.\:on i general phrase is, 'to make all laws 
 necessary a-iJ proper for carrying into execution the 
 enumerated j>o\vrs.' B it they can all be carried into 
 execution with oit a b-in'c. A bank, therefore, is not 
 s.?j? try, and cons^'unlly, not authorized by this 
 phrase. 
 
 It his been mu^h urgei, tint a bank will give great 
 18* 
 
202 EWE OF JEFFERSOff* 
 
 facility or convenience to the collection of taxes. Strp*- 
 pose this were true; yet the constitution allows only 
 the means which are 'necessary,' not those which are 
 merely 'convenient,' for effecting the enumerated pow- 
 ers. If such a latitude of construction be allowed to this, 
 phrase, as to give any non-enumerated power, it will go 
 to every one ; for there is no one which ingenuity may 
 not torture into a convenience, in- some way or other, 
 to some one of so long a list of enumerated powers. . 
 It would swallow up all the delegated powers, and 
 reduce the whole to one phrase, as before observed. 
 Therefore, it was, that the constitution restrained them 
 to the necessary means, that is to say, to those means 
 without which the grant of the power would be nuga- 
 tory. 
 
 But let us examine this 'convenience', and see what 
 it is. The report on this subject states the only gene- 
 ral convenience to be, the preventing the transpor- 
 tation and re-transportation of money between the 
 States and the treasury. (For I pass over the increase 
 of circulating medium ascribed to it as a merit, and 
 which, according to my ideas of paper money, is clearly 
 a demerit.) Every state will have to pay a sum of, 
 tax money into the treasury ; and the treasury will 
 have to pay in every state a part of the interest on the 
 publick debt, and salaries to the officers of govern- 
 ment resident in that state. In most of the states, 
 there will be still a surplus of tax money, to come up 
 to the seat of government, for the officers residing there. 
 The payments of interest and salary in each state, may 
 be made by treasury orders on the state collector. 
 This will take up the greater part of the money he 
 
LIFE OF JEFFEBtfOH 1 . 205 
 
 5as collected in his state, and consequently, prevent the 
 great mass of it from being drawn out of the state. 
 If there be a balance of commerce in favour of that state, 
 against the one in which the government resides, the 
 surplus of taxes will be remitted by the bills of ex- 
 change drawn for that commercial balance. And so 
 it must be if there were a bank. But if there be no 
 balance of commerce, either direct or circuitous, all 
 the banks in the world could not bring us the surplus 
 of taxes but in the form of money. Treasury orders, then, 
 and bills of exchange, may prevent the displacement 
 of the main mass of the money collected, without the 
 aid of any bank; and where these fall, it cannot be 
 prevented, even with that' aid. 
 
 Perhaps, indeed, bank bills may be a more conve- 
 nient vehicle than treasury orders. But a little dif~ ' 
 ference in the degree of convenience, cannot constitute 
 the necessity which the constitution makes the ground 
 for assuming any non-enumerated power. 
 
 Besides, the existing banks will, without doubt, en- 
 ter into arrangements for lending their agency, and the 
 more favourable, as there will be a competition among 
 them for it ; whereas this bill delivers us up bound to 
 the national bank, who are free to refuse all arrange- 
 ments but on their own terms, and the publick not free, 
 on such refusal, to employ any other bank. That of ^ 
 Philadelphia, I believe, now does this business by their 
 post notes, which, by an arrangement with the treasu- 
 ry, are paid by any state collector to whom they are 
 presented. This expedient alone, suffices to prevent 
 the existence of that necessity which may justify 'the 
 tssumptiocuof anontemimeratedppwepj<asa means fop 
 
204 LIFE Of JEFFERSOtf. 
 
 carrying into effect an enumerated one. The thing 
 may be done, and has been done, and well done, w'th- 
 out'this assumption; therefore, it does not stand on that 
 degree of necessity which can honestly justify it. 
 
 It may be said, that a bank, whose bills would have 
 a currency all over the states, would be more conve- 
 nient than one whose currency is limited to a single 
 state. So it would be still more convenient, that there 
 should be a bank whose bills should have a currency 
 all over the world. But it does not follow from this 
 superiour conveniency, that there exists any where a 
 power to establish such a bank, or that the world may 
 not go on very well without it. 
 
 Can it be thought that the constitution intended, that 
 for a shade or two of convenience, more or less, Con- 
 gress should be authorized to break down the most 
 ancient and fundamental laws of the several states, 
 such as those against mortmain, the laws of alienage, 
 the rules of descant, the acts of distribution, the laws 
 of escheat and forfeiture, and the laws of monopoly? 
 Nothing but a necessity invincible hy any ether means, 
 can justify such a prostration of laws, which constitute 
 the pillars of our whole system of jurisprudence. Will 
 Congress be too strait-laced to carry the constitution 
 into honest effect, unless they may pass over the foun- 
 dation laws of the state governments, for the slightest 
 convenience to them ? 
 
 The negative of the President is the shield provided 
 by the constitution to protect against the invasions of 
 the legislature, 1, the rights of the Executive: 2, of 
 the judiciary ; 3, of the state and state legislatures. 
 The present is the case of a right remaining exeli* 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 205 
 
 Bively with the states, and is, consequently, one of those 
 intended by the constitution to be placed under his 
 protection. 
 
 It must be added, however, that unless the President's 
 mind, on a view of every thing which is urged for and 
 against this bill, is tolerably clear that it is unauthor- 
 ized by the constitution, if the pro and the con hang so 
 even as to balance his judgement, a just respect for the 
 wisdom of the legislature would naturally decide the 
 balance in favour of their opinion. It is chiefly for 
 cases where they are clearly misled by errour, ambition 
 or interest, that the constitution has placed a check in 
 the negative of the President." 
 
 The opinions thus expressed, Mr. Jefferson, ever 
 after, invariably maintained. In a letter to Mr. Gal- 
 latin, dated December 13, 1803, he thus expresses his 
 fears of the overpowering influence of this monopoly : 
 " This institution is one of the most deadly hostility 
 existing against the principles and form of our constitu- 
 tion. The nation is, at this time, so strong and united in 
 its sentiments, that it cannot be shaken at this moment. 
 But suppose a series of untoward events should occur, 
 sufficient to bring into doubt the competency of a re- 
 publican government to meet a crisis of great danger, 
 or to unhinge the confidence of the people in the publick 
 functionaries ; an institution like this, penetrating by 
 its branches every part of the Union, acting by com- 
 mand and in phalanx, may, in a critical moment, upset 
 the government. I deem no government safe which is 
 under the vassalage of any self-constituted authorities, 
 or any other authority than that of the nation, or its 
 regular functionaries. What an obstruction could nol 
 
206 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 this bank of the United States, with all its branch 
 banks, be in time of war? It might dictate to us the 
 peace we should accept, or withdraw its aids. Ought 
 we then to give further growth to an institution so 
 powerful, so hostile ? That it is so hostile we know, 
 first, from a knowledge of the principles of the persons 
 composing the body of the directors in every bank, 
 principal or branch; and those of most of the stock- 
 holders ; second, from their opposition to the measures 
 and principles of the government, and to the election 
 of those friendly to them : and, third, from the senti- 
 ments of the newspapers they support. Now, while 
 we are strong, it is the greatest duty we o\ve to the 
 safety 'of our constitution, to bring this powerful enemy 
 to a perfect subordination under its authorities. The 
 first measure would be to reduce them to an equal foot- 
 ing only with other banks, as to the favours of the 
 government. But in order to be able to meet a general 
 combination of the banks against us in a critical emer- 
 gency, coul(J we not make a beginning towards an in- 
 dependent use of our own money, towards holding our 
 own bank in all the deposites where it is received, and 
 letting the Treasurer give his draft or note for payment 
 at any particular place, which, in a well conducted 
 government, ought to have as much credit as any pri- 
 vate draft, or bank note, or bill, and would give us the 
 $ame facilities which we derive from the banks? I 
 pray you to turn this subject in your mind, and to give 
 it the benefit of your knowledge of details ; whereas I 
 have only very general views of the subject." 
 
 The views of the Secretary of the Treasury (Mr. 
 Hamilton} were equally decided in favour of the estab- 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 207 
 
 lishment. The President, after receiving their opinions, 
 weighing their reasons, and examining the subject, 
 deliberately made up his mind in favour of the consti- 
 tutionality of the law, and gave it the sanction of his 
 name. This question, for many years afterwards, agi- 
 tated the publick mind, and divided the national coun- 
 cils; yet the Subsequent establishment of a national 
 bank, with a capital of thirty-five millions, with the 
 approbation and consent of those heretofore opposed to 
 it on constitutional grounds, must rescue the names of 
 the authors of the first bank from the reproach then 
 cast upon them for a violation of the constitution. Yet 
 none will regret that it was adopted with so much 
 hesitation, and that it led to so serious a discussion of 
 the fundamental principles of our government. 
 
 In this year, 1791, Mr. Hammond arrived in the 
 United States as minister from Great Britain. Soon 
 after his arrival, a correspondence commenced between 
 him and Mr. Jefferson, as Secretary of State, on the 
 subjects in controversy between the two countries, par- 
 ticularly concerning the inexecution of the treaty of 
 peace The British minister having no authority to 
 conclude a commercial treaty, the consideration of that 
 subject was postponed. 
 
 In answer to the question put by the American Sec- 
 retary ts to the intentions of the British government 
 in relation to the non -fulfilment of that article of the 
 treaty of peace concerning the surrender of the western 
 posts, the British minister said, that the execution of 
 this article was suspended, in consequence of a breach 
 of the fourth, fifth, and sixth articles, on the part of tho 
 United States ; and that in all their discussions and 
 
208 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 subsequent arrangements, these subjects could not be 
 separated. It was agreed that each should state the 
 particular acts done by the other, supposed to be in 
 contravention of the treaty. Mr. Jefferson commenced 
 on the part of the 'American government, in December, 
 1791, by repeating, that the garrisons had not been 
 withdrawn from the western posts, according to the 
 stipulations in the seventh article ; that British officers 
 had exercised jurisdiction over the country and inhab- 
 itants belonging to the United States in the vicinity of 
 these posts: that American citizens 'had been excluded 
 from the navigation of the great lakes ; and that, con- 
 trary to the same article, a great number of negroes, 
 the property of the citizens of the United States, had 
 been carried away at the time of the evacuation of the 
 ^city of New York. 
 
 The supposed infractions on the part of the United 
 States, complained of by the British minister, were, 
 1. Impediments to the collection of debts contracted 
 before the date of the treaty, by the acts and proceed- 
 ings of the several states. 2. The non-restitution of 
 the estates of the royalists, confiscated during the war. 
 3. The prosecution of the royalists, and the confiscation 
 of their property, subsequent to the peace. 
 
 A statement of these infractions was made by the 
 British minister, in March, 1792, with a reference to 
 the various acts of the states on these subjects. In 
 May following, an answer to this was given by the 
 American Secretary showing that, with respect to 
 property confiscated by the individual states, the fifth 
 article merely stipulated that Congress should recom- 
 mend, to the legislatures of the several states, to provide 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 209 
 
 for its restitution. That Congress had done all in their 
 power, and all they were bound by treaty to do, by 
 recommending a compliance on the part of the states ; 
 but that, it was left with the states themselves to com- 
 ply or not, as they might think proper, and that this 
 was so understood by the British negotiators, and by 
 the British ministry, at the time the treaty was comple- 
 ted. He stated that no confiscations had taken place 
 subsequent to the peace. He also claimed, that the 
 first infractions were on the part of the British govern- 
 ment, by withholding the western posts, and by the 
 transportation of negroes ; and that the delays and im- 
 pediments which had taken place in the collection of 
 British debts, were justifiable on that account. With 
 respect to the allowance of interest on the debts, during 
 the time the two countries were engaged in war, this, 
 he said, was a point much litigated in the courts, and 
 in some states were allowed, and in others disallowed. 
 
 This answer of the British Secretary was transmitted 
 to the British court by Mr. Hammond; and the new 
 state of things which soon after arose in Europe, pre- 
 vented a reply, or a renewal of the negotiations in 
 America. 
 
 The arrival of citizen Genet in this country as min- 
 ister from France his contumacious behaviour while 
 here his arming vessels in our ports, and enlisting 
 American citizens to cruise against nations with whom 
 the United States were at peace and in amity his 
 claiming a general admiralty jurisdiction, and assum- 
 ing to try the validity of prizes within, our territo- 
 ry his exercising other acts of the highest sovereign- 
 ty within the same his projecting a hostile expedi- 
 19 
 
10 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 tion from South Carolina and Georgia against the 
 Floridas, and another against New Orleans and Lou- 
 isiana from the state of Kentucky his insulting and 
 insolent communication to the President his threaten- 
 ed appeal to the publick the solicitation for his dis- 
 missal, and his final recall: are facts too notorious for 
 detail, and belong rather to the political history of the 
 United States than to this brief biography. Those 
 desirous of full and explicit information on these inter- 
 esting subjects, can be gratified by consulting the 
 "American State Papers" published under the inspec- 
 tion of Congress. Suffice it for us to say, that in all 
 these transactions, Mr. Jefferson maintained the digni- 
 ty of government with firmness and discretion; repel- 
 led the sophistry of the Frenchman with success :' and 
 the language and conduct he had used in his inter- 
 course wjth the American government, and the un- 
 warrantable expressions in which he had indulged 
 when speaking of the illustrious man at its head, were 
 treated with indignation or contempt. The spirit of 
 friendship for the nation was carefully preserved, 
 while the unauthorized aggressions of its agent were 
 resisted, and his insinuations repelled and denied. 
 
 It may not be improper here to add, that Mr. Genet 
 being recalled, his place was supplied by a successor, 
 Mr. Fauchet, who arrived in the United States in Feb- 
 ruary, 1794. - ; 
 
 The Brissotine party in France, which sent Mr, 
 Genet to America, had been supplanted by that of 
 Robespierre : many of the Brissotines were sent to the 
 guillotine; and there can be no doubt, that Genet him- 
 self was doomed to the same fate. His successor had 
 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 211 
 
 special orders to send him back to France, and for 
 this purpose to use force, if necessary. 
 
 Fauchet, therefore, immediately after his arrival, 
 finding that Mr. Genet did not intend to return, but 
 was rather inclined to stay where he was, requested 
 liberty to arrest and send him back, agreeably to his in- 
 structions. This was .refused by the President. Still 
 desirous of effecting his objsct, he inquired whether the 
 Executive would oppqs? his decoying him on board of 
 a French vessel, under the pretence of honouring him 
 with an entertainment, and then sailing with him for 
 Fiance. The President not only refused to wink at 
 this clandestine mode of proceeding, but declared he 
 would resist it, if necessary, by. force. By this up- 
 right and impartial conduct, the president, no doubt, 
 saved Mr. Genet from the guillotine.* 
 
 In January, 1/94; Mr. Jefferson resigned the office 
 of Secretary of State, and was succeeded by Mr. Ran- 
 dolph. Hz resigned, with an intention of never again 
 resuming any publick office. "For as to myself," says 
 he, in a letter to Mr. Madison, "the subject has teen 
 thoroughly weighed and decided on, and my retire- 
 ment from office has been meant from all office, high 
 or low, without exception. My health is entirely bro- 
 ken down within the last eight months: my age re- 
 quires that. I should place my affairs in a clear state; 
 these are sound if taken care of, but capable of con- 
 siderable dangers if longer neglected: and above all 
 things, the delights I feel in the society of my family, 
 and in the agricultural pursuits in which I am so ea- 
 
 * Pitkin's United States, 2d vol. 417. 
 
12 LIFE OF JfcFFERSOtf. 
 
 gerly engaged. The little spice of ambition which I 
 had in my younger days has long since evaporated, 
 and I set still less store by a posthumous than present 
 name. In stating to you the heads of reasons which 
 have produced my determination, I do not mean an 
 opening for future discussion, or that I may be reason- 
 ed out of it. The question is for ever closed with me." 
 The whole time of Mr. Jefferson was now devoted 
 to the education of his family, the cultivation of his 
 estate, the intercourse of friendship, and the pursuit of 
 those philosophical studies which he had so long aban- 
 doned, but to which he now returned with revived ardour. 
 In the retirement of his closet, and amid such employ- 
 ments, the biographer has but little to relate, and detail 
 would be monotonous to the reader; yet. perhaps, we 
 will be pardoned for introducing the remarks of two 
 distinguished French travellers, who visited him at 
 different times, and enjoyed his privacy. " His con- 
 versation," says the Duke de Liancourt, who visited 
 Monticeljo in ? 94, " is of the most agreeable kind, and 
 he possesses a stock of information not inferiour to that 
 of any other man. In Europe he would hold a dis- 
 tinguished rank among men of letters, and as such he 
 has already appeared there. At present he is employ- 
 ed with activity in the management of his farms and 
 buildings, and he orders, directs, and pursues, in the 
 minutest detail, every branch of business relating to 
 them. The author of this sketch found him in the 
 midst of harvest, from which the scorching heat of 
 the sun does not prevent his attendance. His negroes 
 are nourished, clothed, and treated as well as white 
 servants could be, As he cannot expect any assistance 
 
LIFE OP JEFFERSON. 213 
 
 from the two small neighbouring towns, every article 
 is made on his farm ; his negroes ar^ cabinet makers, 
 carpenters, masons, bricklayers, &c. The children he 
 employs in a nail manufactory, which yields already 
 a considerable profit. The young and old negresses 
 spin for the clothing of the rest. He* animates them 
 by rewards and distinctions: in fine, his superiour 
 mind directs the management of his domestick con- 
 cerns with the same ability, activity, and regularity, 
 which hq evinced in the conduct of publick affairs, and 
 which he is calculated to display in every situation 
 of life/' 
 
 Twelve years before this, he had made the same im- 
 pression on the Marquis de Chastellux, a Major General 
 in the -French army, and who had come to this country 
 with Lieutenant General Count Rochambeau. " The 
 conversation," writes the Marquis, " continued, and 
 brought us insensibly to the foot of the mountains. On 
 the summit of one of them we discovered the house of 
 Mr. Jefferson, which stands preeminent in these retire- 
 ments : it was himself who built it, and preferred this 
 situation ; for although lie possessed considerable prop- 
 erty in the neighbourhood, there was nothing to pre- 
 vent him from fixing his residence whereever he 
 thought proper. But it was a debt nature owed to 'a 
 philosopher and a man of taste, that in his own posses- 
 sions he should find a spot where he might best study 
 and enjoy her. He calls his house Monticello, (in 
 Italian, Little Mountain,) a very modest title, for it is 
 situated upon a very lofty one, but which announces 
 the owner's attachment to the language of Italy ; and, 
 above all, to the fine arts, of which that country was, 
 19* 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSOJT. 
 
 the cradle, and is still the asylum. After ascending by 
 a tolerably commodious road for more than half an 
 hour, we arrived at Monticello. This house, of which 
 Mr. Jefferson was the architect, and often one of the 
 workmen, is rather elegant, and in the Italian taste, 
 though not without a fault : it consists of one large 
 square pavilion, the entrance of which is by two porti- 
 coes ornamented with pillars. The ground floor con- 
 sists chiefly of a very large lofty saloon, which is to be 
 decorated entirely in the antique style ; above it is a 
 library of the same form ; two small wings, \vith only 
 a ground floor, and attick story, are joined to this pa- 
 vilion, and communicate with the kitchen, offices, &c. 
 which will form a kind of basement story, over which 
 runs a terrace. My object in this short description is 
 only to show the difference between this and the other 
 houses of the country ; for we may safely aver, that 
 Mr. Jefferson is the first American who- has courted 
 the fine arts to know how he should shelter himself 
 from the weather. But it is on himself alone I ought 
 to bestow my time. Let me describe to you a man, 
 not yet forty, tall, and with a mild and pleasing coun- 
 tenance, but whose mind and understanding are ample 
 substitutes for every exteriour grace. An American, 
 who, without ever having -quitted his own country, is 
 at once a musician,. skilled in drawing, a geometrician, 
 an astronomer, a natural philosopher, legislator, and 
 statesman. A Senator of America, who sat for two 
 years in that famous Congress which brought about 
 the revolution; a Governour of Virginia, who filled 
 this difficult station during the invasions of Arnold, 
 of Phillips, and of Cornwallis ; a philosopher, in vol- 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 215 
 
 tintary retirement from the world and publick business, 
 inasmuch only as he can flatter himself with being 
 useful to mankind. A mild and amiable wife, charm- 
 ing children, of whose education he himself takes 
 charge, a house to embellish, great provisions to im- 
 prove, and the arts and sciences to cultivate, these are 
 what remain to Mr. Jefferson, after having played a 
 principal character on the theatre of the new world, 
 and which he preferred to the honourable commission 
 of Minister Plenipotentiary in Europe. The visit 
 which I made him was not unexpected, for he had long 
 since invited me to come and pass a few clays with 
 him, in the centre of the mountains : notwithstanding 
 which, I found his first appearance serious, nay, even 
 cold ; but before I had been two hours with him, wo 
 were as intimate as if we had passed our whole lives 
 together: walking, books, but above all, a conversation 
 always varied and interesting, made four, days pass 
 away like so many minutes. Sometimes natural phi- 
 losophy, at others politicks, or the arts, were the topicks 
 of our conversation, for no object had escaped Mr. 
 Jefferson ; and it seemed as if from his youth he had 
 placed his mind, as he had done his house, on an ele- 
 vated situation, from which he might contemplate the 
 universe." 
 
 From this retirement, Mr. Jefferson writes to Mr. 
 Giles, April 27, 1795, " I shalljje rendered very happy 
 by the visit you promise me. The only thing wanting 
 to make me completely so, is the more frequent society 
 of my friends. It is the more wanting, as I am become 
 the more firmly fixed to the glebe. If you visit me as 
 a farmer, it must be as a condisciple, for I am but a 
 
216 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 : 
 
 learner ; an eager one, indeed, but yet desperate, being 
 too old now to learn a new art. However, I am as 
 much delighted and occupied with it as if 1 was the 
 greatest adept. I shall talk with you about it from 
 morning till night, and put you on very short allow- 
 ance as to political aliment. Now and then a pious 
 ejaculation for the French and Dutch republicans, re- 
 turning with due despatch to clover, N potatoes, wheat, 
 &c." 
 
 But the situation of the country and the desires of 
 many, warmly expressed, did not permit Mr. Jefferson 
 long to enjoy the pleasures of a private life; and he 
 was drawn most reluctantly from his retirement. Gen- 
 eral Washington had, for some time, contemplated a 
 retirement from office, and in his farewell address to 
 the people of the' United States, he had. in the month 
 of September, 1796, declined being considered any 
 longer a candidate for it. The person in whom alone 
 the voice of the whole nation could be united, having 
 thus withdrawn, the two great parties, in which the 
 country was then divided, respectively brought forward 
 'their chiefs. Mr. Jefferson ,was supported by the one, 
 Mr. Adams by the other. " The first wish of my 
 heart," says the former, in a letter to Mr. Madison, 
 " was, that you should have been proposed for the ad- 
 ministration of the government. On your declining 
 it, I wish any body rathgr than myself: and there is 
 nothing that I so anxiously hope, as that my name 
 may come out either second or third. These would 
 be indifferent to me ; as the last would leave me at 
 home the whole year, and the other two thirds of it. 
 Jt eeems also possible, that the Representatives may 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSOX. 217 
 
 be divided. This is a difficulty from which the constitu- 
 tion has provided no issue. It is both my duty and incli- 
 nation, therefore, to relieve the embarrassment, should 
 it happen; and In that case, I pray you and authorize 
 you fully, to solicit on my behalf, that Mr. Adams may 
 be preferred. He has always been my senior, from 
 the commencement of our publick life, and the expres- 
 sion of the publick will being equal, this circumstance 
 ought to give him the preference. And when so many 
 motives will be operating to induce some of the mem- 
 bers to change their vote, the addition of my wish 
 may have some effect to preponderate the scale." 
 
 In February, the votes for the first and second 
 magistrates of the Union were opened and counted in 
 the presence of both houses: and the highest number 
 appearing in favour of Mr. Adams, and the second in 
 favour of Mr. Jefferson, the first was declared to be 
 President, and the second the Vice President of the 
 United States for four years, to commence on the fourth 
 day of the ensuing March. 
 
 Most of the four succeeding years was passed tran- 
 quilly by Mr. Jefferson, in his favourite retreat at Mon- 
 ticello. During this period, we find but little notice of 
 him among the publick records of the day, and conse- 
 quently not much to communicate to the reader. 
 
 The following extract from one of his letters written 
 at this time, and in which he frankly and explicitly 
 exhibits his political principles, feelings, and attach- 
 ments, may not be entirely uninteresting : " I do, then, 
 with sincere zeal, wish an inviolable preservation of 
 our present federal constitution, according to the tru 
 sense in which it was adopted by the states, that in 
 
218 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 which it was advocated by its friends, and not that 
 which its enemies apprehended, who, therefore, became 
 its enemies : and I am opposed to the monarchizing its 
 features by the forms of its administration, with a 
 view to conciliate a first transition to a President and 
 Senate for life, and from that to a hereditary tenure of 
 these offices, and thus to worm out the elective princi- 
 ple. I am for preserving to the states the powers not 
 yielded by them to the Union ; and to the legislature of 
 the Union its constitutional share in the division of 
 powers ; and I am not for transferring all the powers of 
 the states to the general government, and all those of that 
 government to the Executive branch. I am for a gov- 
 ernment rigorously frugal and simple, applying all the 
 possible savings of the publick revenue to the discharge 
 of the national debt; and not for a multiplication of offi- 
 cers and salaries merely to make partisans, and for in- 
 creasing, by every device, the publick debt, on the 
 principle of its being a publick blessing. I am for re- 
 lying, for internal defence, on our militia solely, till 
 actual invasion, and for such a naval force only as may 
 protect our coast and harbours from such depredations 
 as we have experienced ; and not for a standing army 
 in time of peace, which may overawe the publick sen- 
 timent; nor for a navy which, by its own expense, and 
 the eternal wars into which it will implicate us, will 
 grind us with publick burdens, and sink us under them. 
 I am for free commerce with all nations : political con- 
 nexion with none ; and little or no diplomatick estab- 
 lishment: and I am not for linking ourselves by new 
 treaties with the quarrels of Europe ; entering that field 
 of slaughter to preserve their balance, or joining in 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON, 219 
 
 the confederacy of kings to war against the principles 
 of liberty. I am for freedom of religion, and against 
 all manoeuvres to bring about a legal ascendency of 
 one sect over another; for freedom of the press, 
 and against all violations of the constitution to silence 
 by force, and not by reason,, the complaints of criti- 
 cisms, just or unjust, of our citizens against the con- 
 duct of their agents. And I am for encouraging the 
 progress of science in all its branches ; and not for 
 raising a hue and cry against the sacred name of phi- 
 losophy ; for awing the human mind by stories of raw- 
 head and bloody-bones to a distrust of its own vision, 
 and to repose implicitly on that of others; to go back- 
 wards instead of forwards to look for improvement j 
 to believe that government, religion, morality, and eve- 
 ry other science were in their highest perfection in the 
 ages of the darkest ignorance, and that nothing can ever 
 be devised more perfect than what was established by 
 our forefathers. To these I will add, that I was a sin- 
 cere well wisher to the success of the French revolu- 
 tion, and still wish it may end in the establishment of 
 a free and well-ordered republick; but I have not been 
 insensible under the atrocious depredations they have 
 committed on our commerce. The first object of my 
 heart is my own country. In that is embarked my 
 family, my fortune, and my own existence. I have 
 not one farthing of interest, nor one fibre of attachment 
 out of it, nor a single motive of preference of any one 
 nation to another, but in proportion as they are more 
 or less friendly to us." 
 
 But a new election was now approaching, and the 
 hopes and wishes of the republican party were again 
 
220 
 
 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 fixed upon Mr. Jefferson. At this time party divisions 
 were drawn to a strong and inseparable line, and were 
 particularly distinguished by virulence and acrimony. 
 They rested, in a great measure, upon points of foreign 
 policy, and on foreign predilections or aversions. Mr. 
 Adams had been rendered unpopular by his apparent 
 apathy towards the French revolution, and by the 
 charges repeatedly made, that himself and party were 
 favourably inclined towards Great Britain. The ex- 
 penditure of money under his administration, for build- 
 ing a navy, and for other purposes, was thought by 
 many to have been impolitick, or useless ; and the 
 enactment of an alien law, by which the President was 
 authorized to compel suspected foreigners to leave the 
 'Country ; and of the sedition law, which provided that 
 the authors and publishers of false and malicious ac- 
 cusations against the President and members of Con- 
 gress should be prosecuted and criminally punished, 
 was loudly and vehemently condemned. Under the 
 sedition law, several persons, and those of considerable 
 notoriety on the political arena, had already been im- 
 prisoned. The sympathies of the people were awa- 
 kened in their behalf, and inflammatory writers had 
 aroused their passions and incited their indignation 
 against those at whose instance they were confined. 
 The federalists supported Mr. Adams and General 
 JPinckney ; the republicans, Mr. Jefferson and Colonel 
 Burr: and both parties being animated by the prospect- 
 of success, the contest was maintained with uncommon 
 'ardour. 
 
 But a most untoward and unlooked-for event now oc- 
 curred. By the constitution, as it existed at that period, 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 221 
 
 each elector voted for two men without designating 
 which was to be President ; and he who obtained the 
 greatest number of votes was to be President, and the 
 nearest to him Vice President. Mr. Jefferson and Col- 
 onel Burr had an equal number of votes, and the elec- 
 tion, according to the constitution, was to be decided 
 by the House of Representatives. Here it also most 
 singularly occurred, that the states were, for a long 
 time, equally divided ; and hopes were expressed by 
 his friends, and fears reluctantly admitted by his op- 
 ponents, that Mr. Burr would be elected to the office of 
 President. Week after week were the people kept in 
 intense solicitude, while the contest was thus main- 
 tained; again and again the voting went round, and 
 the result continued the same; and every exertion was 
 made to raise to the highest office of the nation, a man 
 who had not received for that purpose a solitary vote 
 of the people. The time limited by the constitution 
 for the election of a President had nearly arrived, and 
 there was danger that government must come to a 
 pause, or be resolved into its original elements. At 
 length, after thirty-five ineffectual ballots, one of the 
 lepresentatives of the state of Maryland made publick 
 the contents of a letter to himself, written by Mr. Burr, 
 in which he declined all pretensions to the Presidency, 
 and authorized him to disclaim, in his name, any com- 
 petition with Mr. Jefferson. On this specifick decla- 
 ration, two federal members, who represented the 
 elates which had heretofore voted blank, withdrew, and 
 permitted the republican members from ih^se states to 
 become a majority. Consequently, on the thirty-sixth 
 20 
 
222 LIFE OP JEFFERSON. 
 
 balloting, Mr. Jefferson was elected President, and 
 Colonel Burr became, of course, Vice President. 
 
 On the fourth of March, 1801, he took the oath of 
 office and was inaugurated President of the United 
 States. In December ensuing, he sent his first message 
 to the national legislature. On this occasion, he depart- 
 ed from the practice which had hitherto prevailed, 
 and instead of personally delivering a speech to the 
 two houses of Congress, he transmitted to them a 
 written message, which was first read by the Senate, 
 and then sent to the House of Representatives. The 
 example thus set, has since been followed by every 
 successive Executive. This message increased the 
 reputation of Mr. Jefferson, and was worthy of the 
 pen which drafted the Declaration of Independence. 
 It has often been referred to as containing the manual 
 of democracy, and the theoretical outlines of a free 
 government. We shall here introduce it, not only as 
 a specimen of composition which does honour to the 
 writer, but as exhibiting the liberal and patriotick prin- 
 ciples of the man. 
 
 FRIENDS AND FELLOW CITIZENS, 
 
 Called upon to undertake the duties of the first executive 
 office of our country, I avail myself of the presence of that 
 portion of my fellow citizens which is here assembled, to ex- 
 press my grateful thanks for the favour with which they have 
 been pleased to look towards me; to declare a sincere con- 
 sciousness, that the task is above my talents, and that t ap- 
 proach it with those anxious and awful presentiments which 
 the greatness of the charge, and the weakness of my powers, so 
 justly inspire. A rising nation, spread over a wide and fruitful 
 land traversing all the seas with the rich productions of their 
 industry engaged in commerce with nations who feel power 
 and forget right advancing rapidly to destinies beyond the 
 reach of mortal eye when I contemplate these transcendent 
 objects, and see the honour, the happiness, and the hopes of 
 this beloved country, committed to the issue and the auspices of 
 
LIFE OP JEFFERSON, 223 
 
 (his day, I shrink from the contemplation, and humble myself 
 before the magnitude of the undertaking. Utterly, indeed, 
 should I despair, did not the presence of many, whom I here 
 see, remind me, that in the other high authorities provided by 
 our constitution, I shall find resources of wisdom, of virtue, 
 and of zeal, on which to rely under all difficulties. To you, 
 then, gentlemen, who are charged with the sovereign functions 
 of legislation, and to those associated with you, I look with 
 encouragement for that guidance and supp'ort which may 
 enable us to steer with safety the vessel in which we are all 
 embarked, amidst the conflicting elements of a troubled world. 
 
 During the contest of opinion through which we have past, 
 the animation of discussions and of exertions has sometimes 
 worn an aspect which might impose on strangers, unused to 
 think freely, and to speak and to write what they think ; but this 
 being now" decided by the voice of the nation, announced ac- 
 cording to the rules of the constitution, all will, of course, ar- 
 range themselves under the will of the law, and unite in com- 
 mon efforts for the common good. All, too, will bear in mind 
 this sacred principle, that though the will of the majority is, in 
 all cases, to prevail, that will, to be rightful, must be reasonable 
 that the minority possess their equal rights, which equal laws 
 must protect, and to violate would be oppression. Let us then, 
 fellow citizens, unite with one heart, and one mind. Let us 
 restore to social intercourse, that harmony and affection, with- 
 out which liberty, and even life itself, are but dreary tilings ; 
 and let us reflect, that, having banished from our land that reli- 
 gious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suf- 
 fered, we have yet gained little, if we countenance a political 
 intolerance, as despotick, as wicked, and capable of as bitter 
 and bloody persecutions. 
 
 During the throes and convulsions of the ancient world 
 during the agonizing spasms of infuriated man, seeking, 
 through blood and slaughter, his long lost liberty it was not 
 wonderful that the agitation of the billows should reach even 
 this distant and peaceful shore that this should be . more felt 
 and feared by some, and less by others and should divide 
 opinions as to measures of safety. But every difference of opin- 
 ion is not a difference of principle. We have called by differ- 
 ent names, brethren of the same principle. WE ARE ALL R&- 
 POBLICANS ; WE ARE ALL FEDERALISTS. If there be any among us 
 who would wish to dissolve this Union, or to change its repub- 
 lican form, let them stand undisturbed, as monuments of the 
 safety with which errour of opinion may be tolerated, where 
 reason is left free to combat it. I know, indeed, that some 
 honest men fear that a republican government cannot be 
 strong that this government is not strong enough. But would 
 the honest patriot, in the full tide of successful experiment, 
 abandon a government which has so far kept us free and firm, 
 on the theoretick and visionary fear, that this government, the 
 world's best hope, may, by possibility, want energy to preserve 
 
224 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 itself 1 I trust not. I believe this, on the contrary, the strong^ 
 est government on earth : I believe it the only one, where every 
 man, at the call of the law, would fly to the standard of the law r 
 and would meet invasions of the ptiblick order as his own per- 
 sonal concern. Sometimes it is said, that man cannot be trusted 
 with the government of himself: can he then be trusted with 
 the government of others 1 or have we found angels, in the form, 
 of kings, to govern him 7 Let histoiy answer this question. 
 
 Let us, then, with courage and confidence, pursue our own 
 federal and republican principles our attachment to union 
 and representative government. Kindly separated, by nature 
 and a wide ocean, from the exterminating havock of one quar- 
 ter of the globe too high-inindcd to endure the degradations of 
 the others possessing a chosen country, with room enough for 
 our descendants to the thousandth and thousandth generation 
 entertaining a due sense of our equal right to the use of our 
 own faculties to the acquisitions of our own industry to 
 honour and confidence from our fellow citizens ; resulting not 
 from birth, but from our actions, and their sense of them en- 
 lightened by a benign religion, professed, indeed, and practi- 
 sed in various forms, yet all of them inculcating honesty, truth, 
 temperance, gratitude, and the love of man acknowledging 
 and adoring an overruling Providence, which, by all its dis- 
 pensations, proves that it delights in the happiness of man 
 here, and his greater happiness hereafter with all these bles- 
 sings, what more is necessary to make us a happy and prosper- 
 ous people ? Still one thing more,, fellow citizens, a wise and 
 frugal government, which shall restrain men from injuring- 
 one another; shall leave them otherwise free to regulate 
 their own pursuits of industry and improvement ; and shall 
 not take from the mouth of labour the bread it has earned. 
 This is the sum of good government ; and this is necessary to 
 close the circle of our felicities. 
 
 About to enter, fellow citizens, on the exercise of duties, 
 which comprehend every thing dear and valuable to you, it is 
 proper you should understand what I deem the essential prin- 
 ciples of our government, and consequently those which ought 
 to shape its administration. I will compress them within the nar- 
 rowest compass they will bear, stating the general principle, 
 but not all its limitations. Equal and exact justice to all men 
 of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political peace, 
 commerce, and honest friendship with all nations entangling 
 alliances with none the support of the state governments in 
 all their rights, as' the most competent administrations for our 
 domestick concerns, and the surest bulwarks against anti-repub- 
 lican tendencies the preservation of the general government 
 in its whole constitutional vigour, as the sheet anchor of our 
 peace at home, and safety abroad a jealous care of the right 
 of election by the people a mild and safe corrective of abu- 
 ses, which are lopped by the sword, of revolution, where peace- 
 able remedies are unprovided absolute acquiescence in the 
 
LIFE OP JEFFERSON', 235 
 
 decisions of the majority, the vital principle of repuhlicks. 
 from which is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and 
 immediate parent of despotism a well-disciplined militia, our 
 best reliance in peace, and for the first moments of war, till 
 regulars may relieve them the supremacy of the civil over 
 the military authority economy in the publick expense, that 
 labour may be lightly burdened the honest payment of our 
 debts, and sacred preservation of publick faith encourage- 
 ment of agriculture, and of commerce, as its handmaid the 
 diffusion of information, and arrangement of all abuses at the 
 bar of the publick reason freedom of religion freedom of 
 the press and freedom ot person, under the protection of the 
 habeas corpus, and trials by juries impartially selected. These 
 principles form the bright constellation, which has gone before 
 us, and guided our steps through an. age of revolution and re- 
 formation. The wisdom of our sages, and blood of our he- 
 roes, have been devoted to their attainment. They should be 
 the creed of our political faith the text of civick" instruction 
 the touchstone by which to try the services of those we trust ; 
 and should we wander from them, in moments of errour or 
 alarm, let us hasten to.retrace our steps, and to regain the road 
 which alone leads to peace, liberty, and safety. 
 
 I repair, then, fellow citizens, to the post you have assigned 
 me. With qxpsrience enough, in subordinate offices, to have 
 seen the difficulties of this, the greatest of all, I have learned to 
 expect, that it will rarely fall to the lot of imperfect man, to 
 retire from this station with the reputation, and the favour, 
 which bring him into it. Without pretensions to that high 
 confidence you reposed in our first and greatest revolutionary 
 character, whosepreeminent services had entitled him to the first 
 place in his country's love, and destined for him the fairest page 
 in the volume of faithful history, I ask so much confidence only, 
 as may give firmness and effect to the legal administration of 
 your affairs. I shall often go wrong, through defect of judge- 
 ment. When right, I shall often be thought wrong, by those 
 whose positions will not command a view of the whole ground. 
 I. ask your indulgence for my own errours, which will never 
 be intentional ; and your support against the errours of others, 
 who may condemn what they would not, if seen in all its parts. 
 The approbation implied by your suffrage, is a great consola- 
 tion to m3 for the past ; and my future solicitude will be, to 
 retain the good opinion of those who have bestowed it in ad- 
 vance, to conciliate that of others by doing them all the good in 
 my power, and to be instrumental to the happiness and freedom 
 of all. 
 
 Relying, then, on the patronage of your good will, I advance 
 with obedience to the work, ready to retire from it whenever 
 you become sensible how much better choices it is in your 
 power to make. And may that infinite power, which rules the 
 destinies of tha universe, lead our councils to what is best, and 
 give them a favourable issue for our peace and prosperity. 
 
 TH: JEFFERSON, 
 20* 
 
226 LIFE OF JEFFERSON, 
 
 It would not be consistent with the brevity of these 
 memoirs, nor interesting to the reader, to enter into the 
 details of Mr. Jefferson's administration. All the facts 
 are recent, and the principal ones well known. Neither, 
 perhaps, would it be proper. The transactions of his 
 administration, which excited so much feeling, have 
 not yet reached the moment when they may become 
 subjects for dispassionate investigation. They hare 
 not yet parted with the heat which the excited spirit of 
 the period gave them. 
 
 The greatest measure of Mr. Jefferson's first admin- 
 istration was the acquisition of Louisiana. He early 
 became convinced of the absolute necessity of obtain- 
 ing this territory. " Whilst the prosperity and sove- 
 reignty of the Mississippi and its waters"- 1 we use his 
 own language" secured an independent outlet for the 
 produce of the western states, and an uncontrolled navi- 
 gation through their whole course, free from collision 
 with other powers, and the dangers to our peace from 
 that source, the fertility of the country, its climate and 
 extenf, promise, in due season, important aids to our 
 treasury, an ample provision for our posterity, and a 
 wide spread for the blessings of freedom and equal 
 laws."" This was the most important acquisition ever 
 made by our country. The territory acquired inclu- 
 ded all the waters of the Missouri and Mississippi, and 
 more than doubled the area of the United States ; while 
 the new part was not inferiour to the old in soil, cli- 
 mate, productions, and important communications. 
 And while the Canadas have been haunting the Bri- 
 tish Parliament for seventy years, like a wrathful 
 ghost, constantly harassed with a legislation that neve* 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 227 
 
 satisfies them, overwhelmed with favours that do not 
 propitiate, and taunted with concessions which are as 
 grateful to a proud colony, as alms-oread is to a proud 
 man, Louisiana has sprung up at once into an affec- 
 tionate, congenial member of the confederacy. The 
 sum of fifteen millions of dollars was the price paid 
 for this acquisition ; and on the twentieth of Decem- 
 ber, 1803, it was formally surrendered to the United 
 States by the commissioner of France. 
 
 The period for a new election was now approaching, 
 and so much had Mr. Jefferson's popularity increased 
 during his administration, that he was elevated a second 
 time to the Presidency, by a majority which had risen, 
 from eight votes to one hundred and forty-eight. The 
 venerable George Clinton of the state of New York 
 was, at the same time, chosen Vice President; and 
 both, according to custom, were sworn into office on 
 the fourth of March, 1805. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson entered upon the arduous duties of his 
 lofty station, deeply impressed with the confidence re- 
 posed in him by his fellow citizens ; and he asserted 
 his determination, as he believed it to be his duty, to 
 be guided solely by those principles which had thus 
 been sanctioned by the unequivocal approbation of his 
 country. " I do not fear," he said, "that any motives 
 of- interest may lead me astray ; I am sensible of no 
 passion which would seduce me knowingly from the 
 path of justice: but the weaknesses of human nature, and 
 the limits of my own understanding, will produce er- 
 rours of judgement, sometimes injurious to your inter- 
 ests ; I shall need, therefore, all the indulgence I have 
 heretofore experienced the want of it will certainly not 
 
228 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 lessen with increasing years. I shall need, too, the 
 favour of that Being in whose hands we are, who led 
 our forefathers, as Israel of old, from their native land, 
 and planted them in a country flowing with all the 
 necessaries and comforts of life; who has covered our 
 infancy with his providence, and our riper years with 
 his wisdom and power." 
 
 Almost immediately after the election of Mr. Jeffer- 
 son, the conduct of Colonel Burr began to attract the 
 rigilant eye of the chief magistrate. This gentleman, 
 notwithstanding his former services, and his undoubted 
 talents, had subjected himself to merited obloquy. He 
 had long been discarded by the republicans, and a 
 duel with General Hamilton, which terminated fatally 
 to ths latter, had rendered him an object of abhorrence 
 to the federalists, and degraded him in the eyes of the 
 Union. Thus situated, soured by disappointments, 
 and denied the confidence of his fellow citizens, he had 
 retired into the western states, a stricken, and, as he 
 conceived, an injured man. In the autumn of 1806, 
 his mysterious movements attracted the attention of 
 government. He had purchased and was building 
 boats on the Ohio, and engaging men to descend that 
 river. His declared purpose was to form a settlement 
 on the banks of the Wachita, in Louisiana * But the 
 character of the man, the nature of his preparations, 
 and the incautious disclosures of his associates, led to 
 the suspicion that his true object was either to gain pos- 
 session of New Orleans, and erect into a separate gov- 
 ernment the country watered by the Mississippi and 
 its branches, or to invade, from the territories of the 
 United States, the rich Spanish province of Mexico. 
 
LIFE OP JEFFERSON. 229 
 
 But whatever may have been the ultimate object of 
 his plans, no sooner had Mr. Jefferson received infor- 
 mation that a number of private individuals were com- 
 bining together, arming and organizing themselves 
 contrary to law, with the avowed object of carrying on 
 some military expedition against the territories of 
 Spain, than he took immediate measures to arrest and 
 bring to justice its authors and abettors. Colonel Burr, 
 finding his scheme thus discovered and defeated, and 
 hearing, at the same time, that several persons suspect- 
 ed of being his accomplices had been arrested, fled ia 
 disguise from Natchez, and was apprehended on the 
 Tombigbee. Two indictments were found against him, 
 one charging him with treason against the United 
 States, the other with preparing and commencing an 
 expedition against the dominions of Spain. He was 
 bound over to take his trial on the last charge alone, 
 the Chief Justice thinking there was not sufficient evi- 
 dence of an overt act in the former. On the 17th of 
 August, 1807, he was brought to trial before Judge 
 Marshall, Chief Justice of the United States, The 
 assemblage of individuals was fully proved ; but there 
 was not sufficient legal evidence to establish the pres- 
 ence of Colonel Burr, or the use of any force against 
 the authority of the United States, and the consequence 
 was, an acquittal by the jury. The people, however, 
 believed him guilty, and in this opinion the President 
 largely shared. 
 
 The wars produced by the French revolution still 
 continued to agitate and convulse the whole of Eu- 
 rope. While, on the one hand, the kings of the earth, 
 were repelled from the soil of France, and forced, by 
 
230 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 the genius of one man, to summon every resource, and 
 exert every skill, for the preservation of their own do- 
 minions ; on the other, the navy of England traversed 
 the ocean unrestrained, and rode triumphant on every 
 sea. In the fierce animosity of these two great belli- 
 gerents, the rights of the unoffending neutral were but 
 little respected. And few ships were found on the 
 ocean except those of the United States and Great 
 Britain. " The latter," says a clear, comprehensive, 
 nd classical writer, "having always found it impossible 
 to man her numerous fleets by volunteer enlistments, 
 had been accustomed to resort to impressment, or seiz- 
 ing by force her subjects, and compelling them to serve 
 as sailors on board her ships of war. Soon after the 
 peace of 1783, she claimed a right to search for and 
 seize them, even on board of neutral vessels while 
 traversing the ocean. In the exercise of this pretended 
 right, citizens of the United States, sometimes by mis- 
 take and sometimes by design, were seized, dragged 
 from their friends, transported to distant parts of the 
 world, compelled to perform the degrading duty of 
 British sailors, and to fight with nations at peace with 
 their own. Against this outrage upon personal liberty, 
 and the rights of American citizens, Washington, 
 Adams, and Jefferson had remonstrated in vain. The 
 abuse continued, and every year added to its enormity, 
 until a feeling of resentment was aroused worthy the 
 best period of the Roman republick. But not in this 
 mode only were the rights of the United States invaded 
 and their interest sacrificed on the ocean. The carry- 
 ing trade afforded a harvest too rich and too tempting 
 |o British cupidity to be long enjoyed unmolested. 
 
LIFE 0V JEFFERION. 231 
 
 American ships carrying to Europe the produce of 
 French colonies, were, in an early stage of the war, 
 captured by British cruisers, and condemned by their 
 courts as lawful prize. Several European ports under 
 the control of France were declared by British orders 
 in council, dated in May, 1806, to be in a state of block- 
 ade, although not invested with a ^British fleet, and 
 American vessels attempting to enter those ports, were 
 also captured and condemned. France and her allies 
 suffered, as well as the United States, from these trans- 
 gressions against the laws of nations. And her ven- 
 geance fell, not so much upon the belligerent inflicting 
 the injury, as upon the neutral enduring without re- 
 senting and repelling it. By a decree issued at Berlin, 
 in November, 1806, the French Emperour declared 
 the British islands in a state of blockade, and of course 
 authorized the capture of all neutral vessels attempting 
 to trade with those islands. From these measures of 
 both nations, the commerce of the United States suffered 
 severely, and their merchants loudly demanded redress 
 and protection. 
 
 " Bonaparte having declared his purpose of enforcing 
 with rigour the Berlin decree, and the British govern- 
 ment having solemnly asserted the right of search and 
 impressment, and having intimated their intention to 
 adopt measures in retaliation of the French decree, 
 Mr. Jefferson recommended to Congress that the sea- 
 men, ships and merchandise should be detained in port 
 to preserve them from the dangers which threatened 
 them on the ocean. A law laying an indefinite embargo 
 was in consequence enacted. A hope to coerce the 
 belligerent powers to return to the observance of the 
 
232 LIFE OP JEFFERSON. 
 
 laws of nations, by depriving them of the benefits de- 
 rived from the. trade of America, was doubtless a con- 
 curring (and perhaps the strongest) motive for passing 1 
 the law." 
 
 This enactment, at the time of its passage, was receiv- 
 ed by many with clamour and discontent, and the distress 
 which the people endured from its operation was un- 
 mitigated and severe. But the wisdom of the measure 
 was shortly manifested, and before a year had expired, 
 overtures were made by the British government which 
 indicated a disposition to recede from or meliorate their 
 tyrannical edicts. These overtures were succeeded by 
 negotiations, which finally terminated in a repeal of 
 the most objectionable features of the orders in council. 
 
 The period had now arrived, when Mr. Jefferson 
 was to enjoy that retirement and philosophick ease 
 which he had so long coveted, and to which he was 
 so ardently attached. Publick employment, and office, 
 had never been his choice, and nothing but duty to his 
 country had ever drawn him from the retreats of Mon- 
 ticello. Believing that no person should hold the 
 office of chief magistrate longer than eight years, he 
 had previously announced his intention that, when his 
 service had completed the stipulated term, he should 
 retire to private life. He had now reached the age of 
 sixty -five years, forty of which had been employed in 
 the arduous duties of publick life. No one had served 
 the country with more industry, zeal, and benefit, and 
 no one had sacrificed more personal comfort for that 
 purpose ; and he now retired from the " scene of his 
 glory," before age had dimmed his eye, or impaired his 
 usefulness. He relinquished his high and honourable 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 233 
 
 station, carrying with him the best wishes of all, and 
 knowing at the same time that his name was associated 
 with the most interesting events in the history of his 
 country, and there was awarded to him unsullied fame 
 and distinguished reputation. His parting language 
 to Congress was as follows : 
 
 " Availing myself of this, the last occasion which 
 will occur of addressing the two houses of the legisla- 
 ture at their meeting, I cannot omit the expression of 
 my sincere gratitude, for the repeated proofs of confi- 
 dence manifested to me by themselves and their prede- 
 cessors, since my call to the administration, and the 
 many indulgences experienced at their hands. The 
 same grateful acknowledgments are due to my fellow 
 citizens generally, whose support has been my great 
 encouragement under all embarrassments. In the 
 transaction of their business, 1 cannot have escaped er- 
 rour. It is incident to our imperfect nature; But I 
 may say with truth, my errours have been of the un- 
 derstanding, not of intention* and that the advancement 
 of their rights and interests has been the constant 
 motive of every measure. On these considerations, I 
 solicit their indulgence. Looking forward with anxiety 
 to their future destinies, I trust, that in their steady 
 character, unshaken by difficulties, in their love of 
 liberty, obedience to law, and support of publick au- 
 thorities, I see a sure guarantee of the permanence of 
 our republick ; and retiring from the charge of their 
 affairs, I carry with me the consolation of a firm per- 
 suasion, that Heaven has in store for our beloved 
 country, long ages to come of prosperity and happi- 
 
 21 
 
234 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 CHAPTER T. 
 
 FROM this period, with the exception of excursions 
 which business required, Mr. Jefferson passed the rest 
 of his life altogether at Monticello ; which was a con- 
 tinued scene of the blandest and most liberal hospital- 
 ity. Into this retirement of his domestick life we can- 
 not penetrate, unless through the medium of his cor- 
 respondence. Of this, fortunately, we are left in pos- 
 session, and there is a charm and interest thrown about 
 his letters written at this time, which amply compensate 
 for their perusal. There is in them, said a competent 
 judge, after their perusal, so much remembrance of 
 the labours and excitements of earlier days ; so much, 
 living over past times in the pleasant and somewhat 
 pensive garrulity of age; so much clinging after old 
 affections not yet chilled, and gathering again around 
 him what had been casually dropped in the bustling 
 journey of life; such ardent desires to retain the attach- 
 ments which yet remained, to renew those that had 
 been weakened by accident and time, and to weave 
 more strongly in his heart the affections which were 
 rapidly becoming more few ; that we have turned to 
 them again and again, and have entered fully into the 
 feeling with which he contended, even to the last, to 
 take up his pen in affectionate communion with his 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 235 
 
 friends, though suffering severely from the infirmities 
 of age. " While writing- to you," he says to Mr. 
 Adams, " I lose the sense of these things in the recol- 
 lection of ancient times, when youth and health made 
 happiness out of every thing. I forget for a while the 
 hoary winter of age, when we can think of nothing 
 but how to keep ourselves warm, and how to get rid 
 of our heavy hours, until the friendly hand of death 
 shall rid us of all at once." 
 
 And of this correspondence, the most interesting 
 portion is that which Mr. Jefferson, towards the close 
 of his life, held with Mr. Adams. They had, says 
 another writer, been coadjutors in former days of trial 
 and danger. They had laboured side by side in the 
 same field. At length the separation of parties estran- 
 ged them from each other. Each retired from the helm 
 of state to his farm, his family, and his books. Their 
 early companions had almost all disappeared ; and 
 they left alone among a new generation. The jealousies 
 inseparable from their late rivalry, neither of them 
 wished any longer to feel or acknowledge, and what- 
 ever remained gradually gave place to the recollec- 
 tions of their ancient friendship. The infirmity of 
 advanced age, which shows itself in the forgetfulness 
 of recent events, while those of former days are still 
 fresh in the mind, came in aid of their good feelings. 
 They more readily forgot the recent estrangement, 
 and more easily returned to their former attachment. 
 There was only wanting something to give occasion 
 to the renewal of their correspondence. It thus occur-, 
 red. Two of Mr. Jefferson's neighbours having, by 
 the invitation of Mr. Adams, passed the day with him 
 
236 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 at Braintree, he remarked upon the injustice done by 
 the licentiousness of the press to Mr. Jefferson, adding, 
 " I always loved Jefferson, and still love him." Mr. 
 Jefferson, in relating this anecdote, subjoins, " This is 
 enough for me. I only needed this acknowledgment 
 to revive towards him ail the affections of the most 
 cordial moments of our lives." The ensuing remarks 
 do honour to his candour and liberality. 
 
 " Changing a single word only in Dr. Franklin's 
 character of him, I knew him to be always an honest 
 man, often a great one, but sometimes incorrect and 
 precipitate in his judgements; and it is known to those 
 who have ever heard me speak of Mr. Adams, that I 
 have ever done him justice myself, and defended him 
 when assailed by others, with the single exception as 
 to his political opinions. But with a man possessing 
 so many other estimable qualities, why should we be 
 dissocialized by mere differences of opinion in poli- 
 ticks, in religion, in philosophy, or in any thing else. 
 His opinions are as honestly formed as my own. Our 
 different views of the same subject are the result of 
 d difference in our organization and experience. I 
 neVer withdrew from the society of any man on this 
 account, although many have done it from me ; much 
 less should I do it from one with whom I had gone 
 through with hand and heart so many trying scenes. 
 I wish, therefore, but for an appropriate occasion to ex- 
 press to Mr. Adams my unchanged affections for him." 
 
 Their former friendship thus revived, they continued 
 to communicate to each other their opinions on gov- 
 ernment, morals, and religion. They amused their 
 leisure by reviewing the speculations of Pythagoras 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 237 
 
 and Plato, of Epicurus and Cicero, and derived a new 
 pleasure from the studies of their youth, by applying 
 to them the results of their long experience. The 
 armour which, like old soldiers after their dismission 
 from honourable service, they could no longer use, it 
 was their pride to keep polished, and retain in their 
 sight. While the busy world around them was engaged 
 in the contentions of party, or of business, they were 
 peacefully interchanging their reminiscences of early 
 life ; inquiring after their surviving and departed com- 
 panions; correcting inaccurate relations of their own 
 history ; or comparing their reflections on the books 
 which had become their resource and solace. Their 
 strongest and latest feelings were in favour of the lib- 
 erty of men and of nations: and it is a most inter- 
 esting fact, that the last words of Mr. Adams were 
 those of patriotick ejaculation, responsive to the bell 
 which then rung in celebration of the anniversary of 
 our independence ; and the last letter of Mr. Jefferson 
 was an expression of a hopeless wish " to participate 
 with his friends in the rejoicings on that day." The 
 same day which had marked the most honourable 
 epoch of their lives, was that in which Providence 
 gave them the privilege to die. 
 
 It is from this portion of his works, too, as has been 
 observed, that we obtain the best view of his general 
 character and sentiments, which are poured out in his 
 letters with full and unaffected freedom ; and it is from 
 these that we shall make such extracts as may impress 
 on our readers more correctly and clearly his peculiar 
 personal traits. His habits and occupations, after 
 his retirement from office enabled him to arrange 
 21* 
 
238 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 them with more satisfaction and regularity, are best 
 described in his own words, which we select from dif- 
 ferent parts of his correspondence. 
 
 " I live so much like other people, that I might refer 
 to ordinary life as the history of my own. Like my 
 friend Dr. Rush, I have lived temperately, eating little 
 animal food, and that not as an aliment so much as a 
 condiment for the vegetables, which constitute my prin- 
 cipal diet. I double, however, the doctor's glass and 
 a half of wine, and even treble it with a friend ; but 
 halve its effects by drinking the weak wines only. 
 The ardent wines I cannot drink, nor do I use ardent 
 spirits in any form. Malt liquors and cider are my 
 table drinks, and my breakfast, like that also of my 
 friend, is of tea and coffee. I have been blest with 
 organs of digestion which accept and concoct, without 
 ever murmuring, whatever the palate chooses to con- 
 sign to them, and I have not yet lost a tooth by age. 
 I was a hard student until I entered on the business of 
 life, the duties of which leave no idle time to those dis- 
 posed to fulfil them; and now retired, and at the age 
 of seventy-six, I am again a hard student. Indeed, 
 my fondness for reading and study revolts me from 
 the drudgery of letter writing: and a stiff wrist, the 
 consequence of an early dislocation, makes writing 
 both slow and painful. I am not so regular in my 
 sleep as the doctor says he was, devoting to it from 
 five to eight hours, according as my company or the 
 books I am reading interests me ; and I never go to 
 bed without an hour or half hour's previous reading of 
 something moral, whereon to ruminate in the intervals 
 of sleep. But whether I retire to bed early or late, I rise 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 239 
 
 with the sun. I use spectacles at night, but not necessari- 
 ly in the day, unless in reading small print. My hear- 
 ing is distinct in particular conversation, but confused 
 when several voices cross each other, which unfits me 
 for the society of the table. I have been more fortu- 
 nate than my friend in the article of health. So free 
 from catarrhs, that I have not had one (in the breast, I 
 mean) on an average of eight or ten years through 
 life, I ascribe this exemption partly to the habit of 
 bathing my feet in cold water every morning, for sixty 
 years past. A fever of more than twenty-four hours I 
 have not had above two or three times in my life. 
 A periodical headache has afflicted me occasionally, 
 once, perhaps, in six or eight years, for two or three 
 weeks at a time, which seems now to have left me. 
 Retired at Monticello, in the bosom of my family, 
 and surrounded by my books, I enjoy a repose to 
 which I was long a stranger. My mornings are de- 
 voted to correspondence. From breakfast to dinner, I 
 am in my shops, my garden, or on horseback among 
 my farms: from dinner to dark, I give to society and 
 recreation with my neighbours and friends ; and from 
 candle light to early bed time, I read. My health is 
 perfect; and my strength considerably reinforced by 
 the activity of the course I pursue ; perhaps it is as 
 great as usually falls to the lot of one of my age. I 
 talk of ploughs and harrows, seeding and harvesting, 
 with my neighbours, and of politicks, too, if they 
 choose, with as little reserve as the rest of my fellow 
 citizens, and feel at length the blessing of being free 
 to say and do what I please, without being responsible 
 for it to any mortal. A part of my occupation, and by 
 
240 LIFE 01 JEFFERSON. 
 
 no means the least pleasing, is the direction of the 
 studies of such young men as ask it. They place 
 themselves in the neighbouring village, and have the 
 use of my library and counsel, and make a part of my 
 society. In advising the course of their reading, I 
 endeavour to keep their attention fixed on the main 
 objects of all science, the freedom and happiness of 
 man. So that coming to bear a share in the councils 
 and -government of their country, they will ever keep 
 in view the sole objects of all legitimate government. 
 As to politicks, of which I have taken final leave, I 
 think little of them, and say less. I have given up 
 newspapers in exchange for Tacitus and Thucydides, 
 for Newton and Euclid, and I find myself much the 
 happier. Sometimes, indeed, I look back to former 
 occurrences, in remembrance of our old friends and 
 fellow labourers who have fallen before us. Of the 
 signers of the Declaration of Independence, I see now 
 living, not more than half a dozen north of the Poto- 
 mack, and on this side, myself alone. You (Mr. 
 Adams) and I have been wonderfully spared, and my- 
 self with remarkable health, and a considerable activ- 
 ity of body and mind. I am on horseback three' or 
 four hours of every day; visit three or four times a 
 year a possession I have ninety miles distant, perform- 
 ing the winter journey on horseback. I walk little, 
 however; a single mile being too much for me; and 
 I live in the midst of my grandchildren, one of whom 
 has lately promoted me to be a great grandfather. I 
 have heard with pleasure that you also retain good 
 health, and a greater power of exercise in walking 
 than- 1 do. But I would rather have heard this from 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 241 
 
 yourself, and that, writing- a letter like mine r full of 
 egotisms, and of details of your health, your habits, 
 occupations, and enjoyments, I should have the pleas- 
 ure of knowing-, that in the. race of life, you do not 
 keep, in its physical decline, the same distance ahead 
 of me, which you have done in political honours and 
 achievements. No circumstances have lessened the in- 
 terest I feel in these particulars respecting yourself; 
 none have suspended for one moment my sincere es- 
 teem for you, and I now salute you with unchanged 
 affection and respect." 
 
 The Duke of Saxe Weimar, who was in this coun- 
 try in 1 825 and 1826, thus, at this late period, describes 
 the appearance of the sage of Monticello, who had in- 
 vited him to dine. 
 
 "Our long walk caused such a delay, that we found 
 the company at table when we entered ; but Mr. Jef- 
 ferson came very kindly to meet us. forced us to our 
 seats, and ordered dinner to be served up anew. He 
 was an old man of eighty-two years of age, of tall sta- 
 ture, plain appearance, and long white hair. 
 
 " In conversation he was very lively, and his spirits, 
 as also his hearing and sight, seemed not to have de- 
 creased at all with his advancing age. I found him a 
 man who retained his faculties remarkably well in his 
 old age, and- one would have taken him for a man of 
 sixty." 
 
 The following letter of Mr. Jefferson to his young 
 relative, though long, is so full of good sense and 
 sound advice, that we cannot avoid inserting it. It 
 was written somewhat before the period to which we 
 have now arrived. 
 
242 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 " Your situation, thrown at such a distance from us 
 and alone, cannot but give us all great anxieties for you. 
 As much has been secured for you by your particular 
 position and acquaintance to which you have been re- 
 commended, as could be done towards shielding you 
 from the dangers which surround you. But thrown on 
 a wide world, among entire strangers, without a friend 
 or guardian to advise, so young, too, and with so little 
 experience of mankind, your dangers are great, and 
 still your safety must rest on yourself. A determina- 
 tion never to do what is wrong, prudence, and good 
 tumour, will go far towards securing to you the esti- 
 mation of the world. When I recollect, that at fourteen 
 years of age, the whole care and direction of myself 
 was thrown on myself entirely, without a relation or 
 friend qualified to advise or guide me, and recollect 
 the various sorts of bad company with which I asso- 
 ciated from time to time, I am astonished I did not turn 
 off with some of them, and become as worthless to 
 society as they were. I had the good fortune to become 
 acquainted very early with some characters of very 
 high standing, and to feel the incessant wish that I 
 could ever become what they were. Under temptations 
 and difficulties, I would ask myself what would Dr. 
 Small, Mr. Wythe, Peyton Randolph do in this situa- 
 tion ? What course in it will ensure me their appro- 
 bation ? I am certain that this mode of deciding on 
 my conduct tended more to its correctness than any 
 reasoning powers I possessed. Knowing the even and 
 dignified line they pursued, I could never doubt for a 
 moment which of two courses would be in character 
 for them. Whereas, seeking the same object through 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 243- 
 
 a process of moral reasoning, and with the jaundiced 
 eye of youth, I should oftea have erred. From the 
 circumstances of my position, I was often thrown into 
 the society of horse-racers, card-players, fox-hunters, 
 scientifick and professional men, and of dignified men ; 
 and many a time have I asked myself, in the enthusi- 
 astick moment of the death of a fox, the victory of a 
 favourite horse, the issue of a question eloquently ar- 
 gued at the bar, or in the great council of the nation, 
 well, which of these kinds of reputation should I pre- 
 fer ? That of a horse-jockey ? a fox-hunter? an orator? 
 or the honest advocate of my country's rights ? Be 
 assured, my dear Jefferson, that these little returns- 
 into ourselves, this self-catechizing habit, is not trifling, 
 nor useless, but leads to the prudent selection and 
 steady pursuit of what is right. 
 
 " I have mentioned good humour as one of the pre- 
 servatives of our peace and tranquillity. It is among 
 the most effectual, and its effect is so well imitated 
 and aided, artificially, by politeness, that this also be- 
 comes an acquisition of first-rate value. In truth, polite- 
 ness is artificial good humour ; it covers the natural 
 want of it, and ends by rendering habitual a substitute 
 nearly equivalent to the real virtue. It is the practice 
 of sacrificing to those whom we meet in society, all the 
 little conveniences and preferences which will gratify 
 them, and deprive us of nothing worth a moment's 
 consideration ; it is the giving a pleasing and flattering 
 turn to our expressions, which will conciliate others, 
 and make them pleased with us as well as them- 
 selves. How cheap a price for the good will of an- 
 other! When this is in return for a rude thing said 
 
244 * LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 by another, it brings him to his senses, it mortifies and 
 corrects him in the most salutary way, and places him 
 at the feet of your goodnature, in the eyes of the com- 
 pany. But in stating prudential rules for our govern- 
 ment in society, I ftfost not omit the important one of 
 never entering into dispute or argument with another. 
 1 never yet saw an instance of one of two disputants 
 convincing the other by argument. I have seen majiy, 
 of their getting warm, becoming rude, and shooting 
 one another. Conviction is the effect of our own dis- 
 passionate reasoning, either in solitude, or weighing 
 within ourselves, dispassionately, what we hear from 
 others, standing uncommitted in argument ourselves. 
 It was one of the rules, which, above all others, made 
 Doctor Franklin the most amiable of men in society, 
 'never to contradict any body.' If he was urged to 
 announce an opinion, he did it rather by asking ques- 
 tions, as if for information, or by suggesting doubts. 
 When I hear another express an opinion which is not 
 mine, I say to myself, he has a right to his opinion, as 
 I to mine; why should I question it? His errour 
 does me no injury: and shall I become a Don Quixote, 
 to bring all men by force of argument to one opinion ? 
 If a fact be misstated, it is probable he is gratified by a 
 belief of it, and I have no right to deprive him of the 
 gratification. If he \vants information, he will ask it, 
 and then I will give it in measured terms ; but if he 
 still believes his own story, and shows a desire to dis- 
 pute the fact with me, I hear him, and say nothing. 
 It is his affair, not mine, if he prefers eirour. There 
 are two classes of disputants most frequently to be met 
 with among us. The first is of young students, just 
 
'XIFE 0* JEFFEfeSON. 45 
 
 ^ntered the threshold of science, with a first view of its 
 outlines, not yet filled up with the details and modifica 
 tions which a further progress would bring to their 
 knowledge. The other consists of the ill tempered 
 and rude men in society, who have taken up a passion 
 for politicks. .(Good humour and politeness never in- 
 troduce into mixed society a question on which they 
 foresee there will be a difference of opinion.) From 
 both of those classes of disputants, my dear Jefferson, 
 keep aloof, as you would from the infected subjects 
 of yellow fever or pestilence. Consider yourself, 
 when with them, as among the patients of Bedlam, 
 needing medical more than moral counsel. Be a lis- 
 tener only, keep within yourself, and endeavour to es- 
 tablish with yourself the habit of silence, especially 
 on politicks. In the fevered state of our country, no 
 good can ever result from any attempt to set one of 
 these fiery zealots to rights, either in fact or principle. 
 They are determined as to the facts they will believe, 
 and the opinions on which they will act. Get by them, 
 therefore, as you would by an angry bull : it is not for a 
 man of sense to dispute the road with such an animal. 
 You will be more exposed than others to have these 
 animals shaking their horns at you, because of the re- 
 lation in which you stand with me. Full of political 
 venom, and willing to see me and to hate me as a chitff 
 m the antagonist party, your presence will be to them 
 what the vomit-grass is to a sick dog, a nostrum for 
 producing ejaculation. Look upon them exactly with 
 that eye, and pity them as objects to whom you can 
 administer only occasional ease. My character is not 
 within their '.power. It is in the hands of my fellow 
 
246 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 citizens at large, and will be consigned to honour of 
 infamy by the verdict of the republican mass of our 
 country, according to what themselves will have seen, 
 not what their enemies and mine shall have said." 
 
 The following touching letter to a friend, was occa- 
 sioned by the loss of one of his two children. 
 
 " My loss is great indeed. Others may lose of their 
 abundance, but I, of my want, have lost even the half 
 of all that I had. My evening prospects now hang 
 on the slender thread of a single life. Perhaps I may 
 be destined to see even this last cord of parental affec- 
 tion broken. The hope with which I had looked for- 
 ward to the moment, when, resigning publick cares to 
 younger hands, I was to retire to that domestick com- 
 fort from which the last great step is to be taken, is 
 fearfully blighted. When you and I look back at the 
 country over which we have passed, what a field of 
 slaughter does it exhibit ! Where are all the friends 
 who entered it with us, under all the inspiring ener- 
 gies of health and hope? As if pursued by the hav- 
 ock of war, they are strewed by the way, some earli- 
 er, some later, and scarce a few stragglers remain to 
 count the numbers fallen, and to mark yet by their own 
 fall, the last footsteps of their party. Is it a desirable 
 thing to bear up through the heat of the action, to 
 witness the death of all our companions, and merely 
 be the last victim? I doubt it. We have, however, 
 the traveller's consolation : every step shortens the 
 distance we have to go ; the end of our journey is in 
 sight, the bed wherein we are to rest, and to rise in the 
 midst of the friends we have lost. ' We sorrow not, 
 ,then, as others who hare no hope,' but look forward to 
 
tlFE OF JEFFERSON. 24T 
 
 the day which 'joins us to the. great majority.' But 
 whatever is to be our destiny, Avisdom, as well as duty, 
 dictates that we should acquiesce in the will of Him 
 whose it is to give and take away, and be contented in 
 the enjoyment of those who are still permitted to be 
 with us. Of those connected by blood, the number 
 does not depend on us. But friends we have, if we 
 have merited them. Those of our earliest years stand 
 nearest in our affections. But in this, too, you and I 
 have been unlucky. Of our college friends (and they 
 are the dearest) how few have stood with us in the great 
 political questions which have agitated our country : 
 and these were of a nature to justify agitation. I did 
 not believe the Lilliputian fetters of that day strong 
 enough to have bound so many." 
 f One of the last of Mr. Jefferson's letters, was writ- 
 fen near the close of his life. It is addressed to a 
 young person for whom he appears to have had an af- 
 fectionate regard, and is summed up in these solemn 
 and impressive terms: 
 
 " This letter will, as to you, be as one from the 
 dead. The writer will be in the grave before you can 
 weigh its counsels. Your affectionate and excellent 
 father, has requested that I would address to you 
 something which might possibly have a favourable in- 
 fluence on the course of life you have to run, and I, 
 too, as a namesake, feel an interest in that course. 
 Few words will be necessary with good dispositions 
 on your part. Adore God. Reverence and cherish 
 your parents. Love your neighbour as yourself, and, 
 your country more than yourself. Be just. Be true. 
 Murmur not at the ways of Providence. So shall the 
 
248- LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 life into which you have entered, be the portal to one of 
 eternal and ineffable bliss. And if to the dead it is 
 permitted to care for the things of this world, every 
 action of yout life will be under my regard. Farewell.'* 
 Shortly after Mr. Jefferson's return to Monticello, it 
 having been proposed to form a college in his neigh- 
 bourhood, he addressed a letter to the trustees, in which 
 he sketched a plan for the establishment of a general 
 system of education in Virginia. This appears to have 
 led the way to an act of the legislature in the year 
 1818, by which commissioners were appointed with 
 authority to select a site and form a plan for a univer- 
 sity on a large scale. Of these commissioners, Mr. 
 Jefferson was unanimously chosen the chairman, and 
 on the fourth day of August, 1818, he framed a report,, 
 embracing the principles on which it was proposed 
 the institution should be formed. The situation select- 
 ed for it was at Charlottesville, a town at the foot of the: 
 mountain on which Mr, Jefferson resided. The plan 
 was such as to combine elegance and utility, with the 
 power of enlarging it to any extent which its future 
 prosperity may require ; the instruction extended to 
 the various branches of learning which a citizen will 
 require in his intercourse between man and man, in 
 the improvement of his morals and faculties, and in 
 the knowledge and exercise of his social rights. Such 
 an education, Mr. Jefferson observes, " generates hab- 
 its of application and the love of virtue; and con- 
 trols, by the force of habit, any innate obliquities in 
 our moral organization. We should be far, too, from dis- 
 couraging the persuasion, that man is fixed, by the law 
 of his nature, at , a given point ; that his imnrovemeiUi 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 249 
 
 is a chimera, and the hope delusive of rendering our- 
 selves wiser, happier, or better than our forefathers 
 were. We need look back only half a century, to 
 times which many no\v living remember well, and see 
 the wonderful advances in the sciences and arts which 
 have been made within that period. Some of these 
 have rendered the elements themselves subservient to 
 the purposes of man, have harnessed them to the yoke 
 of his labours, and effected the great blessings of mod- 
 erating his own, of accomplishing what was beyond 
 his feeble force, and of extending the comforts of life 
 to a much enlarged circle, to those who had before 
 known its necessaries only. That these are not the 
 vain dreams of sanguine hope, we have before our 
 eyes real and living examples. What but education 
 has advanced us beyond the condition of our indige- 
 nous neighbours ? and what chains them to their pres- 
 ent state of barbarism and wretchedness, but a bigoted 
 veneration for the supposed superlative wisdom of 
 their fathers, and the preposterous idea that they are 
 to look backward for better things, and not forward, 
 longing, as it should seem, to return to the days of eat- 
 ing acorns and roots, rather than indulge in the degen- 
 eracies of civilization? And how much more encour- 
 aging to the achievements of science and improvement 
 is this, than the desponding view that the condition of 
 man cannot be meliorated, that what has been must 
 ever be, and that to secure ourselves where we are, 
 we must tread, with awful reverence, in the footsteps 
 of our fathers. This doctrine is the genuine fruit of 
 the alliance between church and state, the tenants of 
 vrhich, finding-themselves but too well in their present, 
 22* 
 
250 LIFE OF JEFFER30W 1 . 
 
 position, oppose all advances which migkt unmask 
 their usurpations, and monopolies of honours, wealth, 
 and power, and fear every change, as endangering th* 
 comforts they now hold." 
 
 The report then proceeds to state the various ar- 
 rangements which should be adopted, for the conduct 
 of so extensive an institution ; and concludes with a 
 statement of its financial situation. The plan thus? 
 proposed was adopted by the legislature. " Mr. Jeffer- 
 son was elected the rector of the new institution, and 
 from that period he devoted himself with unceasing 
 ardour to carry it into effect. Nothing, indeed, could 
 exceed his fond desire for its success. It appeared to 
 be the object of all his hopes and thoughts in the de- 
 clining years of his life. He rode every morning, 
 when the weather would permit, to inspect its pro- 
 gress. He prepared with his own hands trie drawings 
 and plans for the workmen. He stood over them as 
 they proceeded with a sort of parental care and anxie- 
 ty; and when the inclemency of the season, or the in- 
 firmity of age, prevented his visits, a telescope was 
 placed on a terrace near his house, by means of which 
 he could inspect the progress of the work. After its 
 completion, he might often be seen pacing slowly along 
 the porticoes or cloisters which extend in front of the 
 dormitories of the students, occasionally conversing 
 with them, arid viewing the establishment with a natur- 
 al and honourable pride. In the library is carefully pre- 
 served the catalogue written by himself, in which he 
 has collected the names, best editions, and value of all 
 works of whatever language in literature and science, 
 mthich he thought necessary to form a complete library; 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 25! 
 
 and in examining it, one is really less struck with the- 
 research and various knowledge required for its com- 
 pilation, than the additional proof of that anxious care 
 which seemed to search out all the means of fostering 
 and improving the institution he had formed." 
 
 But from these pleasant occupations he was roused 
 to the scenes of worldly suffering which now sur- 
 rounded him. With thoughtless generosity, he had 
 devoted the zeal of his youth and the experience of his 
 maturer years to the service of his fellow citizens, and 
 now, in his old age, he found himself doomed to that 
 poverty which he had no longer the ability to repel. 
 It was, however, an honourable poverty, incurred 
 in the performance of publick duties, or private gen- 
 erosity, unsullied by extravagance and unattended by 
 crime. And it is difficult to imagine how, in his case, 
 it could have been avoided. For more than fifty years 
 he had been actively engaged in publick office, gener- 
 ally at a distance from his own estate: and though his 
 patrimony was originally large, it could not but be 
 impaired by this unavoidable neglect. In retiring 
 from the exalted station he had enjoyed, he did not en- 
 ter on a less conspicuous scene; he had become iden- 
 tified with the greatness and glory of his country, he 
 was the object of attraction to crowds of anxious and 
 admiring guests, and, unless by coldly closing his 
 doors, it was impossible to limit the expenses he was 
 thus obliged to occur. 
 
 In this emergency, he applied to the legislature of 
 Virginia, who, in the spring of 1826, partially relieved 
 him from his embarrassment, by authorizing him to 
 dispose of his estates by lottery, in order that a fair 
 
252 LIFE Or JEFFERSON. 
 
 price for them might he obtained. When soliciting 
 this permission, and after enumerating his many and' 
 important services, he concludes: "And what remu 
 neration do I ask? Money from the treasury ? Not a 
 eent. I ask nothing from the earnings or labours of 
 my fellow citizens. I wish no man's comforts to be 
 abridged for the enlargement of mine. For the ser- 
 vices rendered on all occasions, I have been always 
 paid to my full satisfaction. I never wished a dollar 
 more than what the law had fixed on. My request is, 
 only to be permitted to sell my own property freely to 
 pay my own debts. To sell it, I say, and not to sacri- 
 fice it ; not to have it gobbled up by speculators to 
 make fortunes for themselves, leaving unpaid those 
 who have trusted to my good faith, and myself without 
 resource in the last and most helpless stage of life. If 
 permitted to sell it in a way which will bring me a fair 
 price, all will be honourably and honestly paid, and a 
 competence left for myself, and for those who look to 
 me for subsistence. To sell it in a way which will 
 offend no moral principle, and expose none to risk but 
 the willing, and those wishing to take the chance of 
 gain. To give me, in short, that permission which you 
 often allow to others for purposes not more moral." It 
 was on this occasion that he produced his " Thoughts 
 on Lotteries;" in which the arguments are at least 
 specious, if not sound; and in which he endeavours to 
 show, with what success we will enable the reader to 
 judge, that the objections urged against lotteries equally 
 militate' against other speculations which have never 
 been thought opposed to morality or propriety. A, 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSO*. 253 
 
 short extract may not be uninteresting, and will prore 
 the still unsubdued vigour of his pen : 
 
 " It is a common idea, that games of chance are immoral. 
 But what is chance? Nothing happens in this world without 
 a cause. If we know the cause, we do not call it chance; but 
 if we do not know it, we say it was produced by chance. If 
 we see a loaded die turn its lightest side up, we know the cause, 
 and that it is not an effect of chance ; but whatever side an 
 unloaded die turns up, nut knowing the cause, we say it is the 
 effect of chance. Vet the morality of a thing cannot depend 
 on our knowledge or ignorance of its cause. Not knowing 
 why a particular side of an unloaded die turns up, cannot make 
 the act of throwing it, or of betting on it. immoral. If we 
 consider games of chance immoral, then every pursuit of hu- 
 man industry is immoral, for there is not a single one that is 
 not subject to chance ; not one wherein you do not risk a loss 
 for the chance of some gain. The navigator, for example, 
 risks his ship in the hope (if she is not lost in the voyage) of 
 gaining an advantageous freight. The merchant risks his 
 cargo to gain a better price for i'. A landholder builds a house 
 on the risk of indemnifying himself by a rent. The hunter 
 hazards his time and trouble in the hope of killing game. In 
 all these pursuits, you stake some one thing against another 
 which you hope io win. But the greatest of all gamblers is 
 the farmer. He risks the seed he puts into the ground, the 
 rent he pays for the ground itself, the year's labour on it, and, 
 the wear and tear of his cattle and gear, to win a crop, which 
 the chances of too much or too little rain, and general uncer- 
 tainties of weather, insects, waste, &c. often make a total* 
 or partial loss. These, ihen, are games of chance. Yet so 
 far Irom being immoral, they are indispensable to the exist- 
 ence of man, and every one has a natural right to choose for 
 his pursuit such one of them as he thinks most likely t'o furnish 
 him subsistence. Almost all these pursuits of chance produce 
 something useful to society. But there are some which pro- 
 duce nothing, and endanger the well-being of the individuals 
 engaged in them, or of others depending on them. Such are 
 games with cards, dice, billiards, &c. And although the pur- 
 suit of them is a matter of natural right, yet society, perceiv- 
 ing the irresistible bent of some of its members to pursue them, 
 and the ruin produced by them to the families depending on 
 these individuals, consider it as a case of insanity, quoad hoc, 
 step in to protect the family and the parly himself, as in other 
 cases of insanity, infancy, imbecility, &c., and suppress the 
 pursuit altogether, and the natural right of following it. There 
 are some other games of chance, useful on certain occasions, 
 and injurious only when carried beyond their useful bounds. 
 Such are ensurances, lotteries, raffles, &c. These they do not 
 suppress, but take their regulation under their own discretion,. 
 
254 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 The ensurance of ships on voyages is a vocation of chance r 
 yet useful, and the right to exercise it, therefore, is left free. 
 So of houses against fire, doubtful debts, the continuance of a 
 particular life, and similar cases. Money is wanting for a 
 useful undertaking, as a school, &c., for which a direct tax 
 would be disapproved. It is raised, therefore, by a lottery, 
 wherein the tax is laid on the willing only, that is to say, on 
 those who can risk the price of a ticket without sensible injury, 
 for the possibility of a higher prize. An article of property, 
 insusceptible of division at all, or not without great diminution 
 of its worth, is sometimes of so large value as that no purchas- 
 er can be found while the owner owes debts, has no other 
 means of payment, and his creditors no other chance of ob- 
 taining it but by its sale at a full and fair price. The lottery 
 is here a salutary instrument for disposing of it, where many 
 run small risks for the chance of obtaining a high prize. In this 
 way, the great estate of the late Colonel Byrd (in 175G) was 
 made competent to pay his debts, which, had the whole been 
 brought into the market at once, would have overdone the de- 
 mand, would have sold at half or quarter the value, and sacri- 
 ficed the creditors, half or three fourths of whom would have 
 lost their debts. This method of selling was formerly very 
 much resoned to, until it was thought to nourish too much a 
 spirit of hazard. The legislature were therefore induced, not 
 to suppress it altogether, but to take it under their own special 
 /regulation. This they did, for the first time, by their act of 
 1769, c. 17., before which time, every person exercised the 
 right freely; and since which time, "it is made unlawful but 
 when approved and authorized by a special act of the legisla- 
 ture. 
 
 " We have seen, then, that every vocation in life is subject 
 to the influence of chance ; that, so far from being rendered 
 immoral by the admixture of that ingredient, were they aban- 
 doned on 'that account, man could no longer subsist ; that, 
 among them, every one has a natural right to choose that which 
 he thinks most likely to give him comfortable subsistence; but 
 that while the greater number of these pursuits are productive 
 of something which adds to the necessaries and comforts of 
 life, others again, such as cards, dice, &c. are entirely unpro- 
 ductive, doing good to none, injury to many, yet so easy, and 
 so seducing in practice to men of a certain constitution of mirrd, 
 that they cannot resist the temptation, be the consequences what 
 they may; that in this case, as in those of insanity, idiocy, 
 infancy, &c. it is the duty of society to take them under its 
 protection, even against their own acts, and to restrain their 
 right of choice of these pursuits, by suppressing them, entirely; 
 that there are others, as lotteries particularly, which although 
 liable to chance also, are useful for many purposes, and are 
 therefore retained and placed under the discretion of the legis- 
 lature, to be permitted or refused according to the circumstanr 
 
. LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 255 
 
 -es of every special case, of which they are to judge ; that be- 
 tween the years 1782 and 1820, a space of thirty-eight years 
 only, we have observed seventy cases, where the permission 
 of them has been found useful by the legislature, some of which 
 are in progress at this time. These cases relate to the emolu- 
 ment of the whole state, to local benefits of education, of navi- 
 gation, of roads, of counties, towns, religious assemblies, private v - 
 societies, and of individuals under particular circumstances 
 which may claim indulgence or favour. The latter is the case 
 now submitted to the legislature, and the question is, whether 
 the individual soliciting their attention, or his situation, may 
 merit that degree of consideration which will justify the legis- 
 lature in permitting him to avail himself of the mode of sellin j 
 by lottery, for the purpose of paying his debte." 
 
 But few more incidents belong to the eventful life of 
 Mr. Jefferson. The full vigour of his mind, indeed,' 
 remained unimpaired until a very short period before 
 he fell into the grave. The few remaining circum- 
 stances attending the close of his life, we give in the 
 words of the " American Biography," a work to which 
 we have already acknowledged our obligations. No 
 language more appropriate could be employed, and no 
 one seems better qualified than this author to portray 
 the final scene of departing greatness. 
 
 "The year 1826 being the fiftieth since the estab- 
 lishment of our independence, it was determined uni- 
 versally throughout the United States, to celebrate it as a 
 jubilee, with unusual rejoicing; preparations to this 
 end were made in every part of the country 5 and all 
 means were taken to impart to the celebration the dig- 
 nity which was worthy of the country and the erent. 
 The citizens of Washington, the metropolis of the na- 
 tion, among other things invited Mr. Jefferson, as one 
 of the surviving signers of the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence, to unite with them in their festivities; this 
 .request he was obliged to decline ; but the letter in 
 
256 tlFfc OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 which he signified his regret, is left to us as a monfr 
 ment of his expiring greatness. On the twenty-fourth 
 of June, when the hand of death was already upon 
 him, he expressed in this letter all those characteristic!*: 
 sentiments which through life had so strongly marked 
 him the delight with which he looked back to the pe- 
 Tiod, when his country had made its glorious election 
 between submission and the sword the joy he felt in 
 its consequent prosperity the hope he indulged, that 
 the time would yet come when civil and religious free- 
 dom should bless all the world his ardent wish, that the 
 return of that day should keep fresh in us the recollec- 
 tion of our rights, and increase our devotion to them, 
 and the affectionate remembrance with which he dwelt 
 on the kindness he had experienced from his fellow 
 citizens. He thus addresses the mayor of Washing- 
 ton : 
 
 * Respected sir The kind invitation I received from 
 you, on the part of the citizens of the city of Wash- 
 ington, to be present with them at their celebration of 
 the fiftieth anniversary of American independence, as 
 one of the surviving signers of an instrument, pregnant 
 with our own, and the fate of the world, is most flatter- 
 ing to myself, and heightened by the honourable ac- 
 companiment proposed for the comfort of such a jour* 
 ney. It adds sensibly to the sufferings of sickness, to 
 be deprived by it of a personal participation in the re- 
 joicings of that day ; but acquiescence under circum- 
 stances is a duty not placed among those we are per- 
 mitted to control. I should, indeed, with peculiar de- 
 light, have met and exchanged there, congratulations, 
 persjr.ally, with the small band, the remnant of the 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 257 
 
 host of worthies who joined with us, on that day, in the 
 bold and doubtful election we were to make for our 
 country, between submission and the sword; and to 
 have enjoyed with them the consolatory fact, that our 
 fellow citizens, after half a century of experience and 
 prosperity, continue to approve the choice we made. 
 May it be to the world, what I believe it will be, (to 
 some parts sooner, to others later, but finally to all,) 
 the signal of a; ousing men to burst the chains, under 
 which monkish ignorance and superstition had per- 
 suaded them to bind themselves, and to assume the 
 blessings and security of self-government. The form 
 which we have substituted, restores the free right to 
 the unbounded exercise of reason and freedom of opin- 
 ion. All eyes are opened, or opening, to the rights of 
 man. The general spread of the lights of science, 
 has already laid open to every view the palpable truth, 
 that the mass of mankind has not been born with sad- 
 dles on their backs, nor a favoured few, booted and 
 spurred, ready to ride Ihem legitimately, by the grace 
 of God. These are grounds of hope for others ; for 
 ourselves, let the annual return of this day for ever 
 refresh our recollections of these rights, and an undi- 
 minished devotion to them. I will ask permission 
 here, to express the pleasure with which I should have 
 met my ancient neighbours of the city of Washington 
 and its vicinities, with whom I passed so many years 
 of a pleasing social intercourse an intercourse which 
 so much relieved the anxieties of the publick cares, 
 and left impressions so deeply engraved in my affec- 
 tions, as never to be forgotten. With my regret that 
 ill health forbids me the gratification of an acceptance, 
 23 
 
258 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 be pleased to receive for yourself, and those for whom 
 you write, the assurance of my highest respect and 
 friendly attachments.' 
 
 "Soon after this letter was written, the indisposition 
 of Mr. Jefferson assumed a more serious character. 
 He had been for some time ill, though it was not un- 
 til the twenty-sixth of June that he was obliged to con- 
 fine himself to his bed. The strength of his constitu- 
 tion, and freedom from bodily pain, for a short time 
 encouraged the hope that his illness was merely tem- 
 porary. He himself, however, felt the conviction that 
 his last hour was approaching. He had already lived 
 beyond the limits ordinarily assigned to human exist- 
 ence, and for some months past, the whole tone of his 
 conversation showed that he was looking forward to 
 its termination, with a calmness and equanimity worthy 
 of his past life. * I do not wish to die,' he was in the 
 habit of saying to the intimate friends around him, 
 * but I do not fear to die. Acquiescence under cir- 
 cumstances is a duty we are ' permitted to control. 3 
 He declared, that could he but leave his family un- 
 embarrassed, and see the child of his old age, the uni- 
 versity, fairly flourishing, he was ready to depart 
 nunc dimittis Domine, the beautiful ejaculation of the 
 Hebrew prophet, was his favourite quotation. May 
 God and his country grant the fulfilment of his dying 
 wishes. On the second of July, the complaint with 
 which he was afflicted left him ; but his physician ex- 
 pressed his fears that his strength might not prove suf- 
 ficient to restore him from the debility to which it had 
 reduced him ; conscious himself that he could not re- 
 cover, and free from all bodily and apparently from all 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 259 
 
 mental pain, he calmly gave directions relative to his 
 coffin and his interment, which he requested might be 
 at Monticello, without parade or pomp ; he then called 
 his family around him, and conversed separately with 
 each of them ; to his beloved daughter, Mrs. Ran- 
 dolph, he presented a small morocco case, which he 
 requested her not to open until after his death ; when 
 the sad limitation had expired, it was found to contain 
 an elegant and affectionate strain of poetry, on the 
 virtues of her from whom he was thus torn away. 
 On Monday, the following day, he inquired of those 
 around him with much solicitude, what was the day of 
 the month ; they told him it was the third of July ; he 
 then eagerly expressed his desire that he might be per- 
 mitted to live yet a little while, to breathe the air of the 
 fiftieth annirersary. The wish was granted the Al- 
 mighty hand sustained him up to the very moment 
 when his wish was complete ; and then bore him to 
 that world, where the pure in heart meet their God." 
 Mr. Jefferson expired at Monticello, at ten minutes be- 
 fore one o'clock on the fourth of July, 1826; within 
 the same hour at which, fifty years before, the declara- 
 tion of independence had been promulgated. At this 
 time he had reached the age of eighty-three years, two 
 months, and twenty-one days. 
 
 Thus ripe in years, and rich in fame and good ac- 
 tions, departed this venerable father of the republick. 
 His services commenced with the freedom and happi- 
 ness of his country, and terminated only at her unbound- 
 ed' prosperity and greatness. But his influence rests 
 not here, and the name and opinions of Jefferson are 
 jet to be the guides through many generations. His 
 
260 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 laurels were hardly earned and will wear well, and as 
 long as " truth is left free to combat errour," must 
 remain untarnished and unsullied. 
 
 The reader may form and justly appreciate the 
 publick character of Mr. Jefferson, from the memoirs 
 which he has perused. In that character will, we 
 think, be distinguished, independence of mind, firmness 
 and frankness of conduct, undaunted resolution, and 
 indefatigable perseverance. And all these, aided by 
 an intellect no less powerful than acute, no less com- 
 prehensive in its grasp than minute in its discernment. 
 But perhaps the most distinguishing trait in his publick 
 character, was firm and undeviating consistency. He 
 was swayed by the purity of democracy throughout. He 
 has stood before two generations ; and the same politi- 
 cal doctrines which he first espoused, he advocated 
 with persevering consistency unto the end. Forming 
 his judgements after the best reflections that he could 
 bestow, and after the fullest information he could col- 
 lect, he ever after adhered to them. This may some- 
 times have been the cause of errour, but it was also 
 the foundation of that political and moral firmness 
 which may be traced from the very first moment of 
 his entering upon life, until its close. 
 
 It has been well observed, that Mr. Jefferson's mind 
 partook of the character which he wished to commu- 
 nicate to society. His speculations all manifest a feel- 
 ing of independence, which allowed no authority to 
 restrain him in the indulgence of his thoughts. It is 
 remarkable that he never quotes the opinion of any 
 other as the foundation or motive of his own. In 
 whatever respect he held the reputation of the great 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 261 
 
 or learned, he did not pay them the deference of re- 
 ceiving their belief or their doctrines without investi- 
 gation ; for there are few fancies so extravagant in 
 morals or philosophy, as not to have received, at some 
 period or other, the countenance of great names, and 
 to have been allowed by their sanction to pass current 
 in society. 
 
 As we have already seen, the principal attempt in 
 which his philanthropick efforts were unsuccessful, was 
 the gradual emancipation of slaves, and the immedi- 
 ate inhibition of the traffick ; and it will also be per- 
 ceived that, in his draft of the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence, one of the grievances, charged upon the 
 abjured sovereign, was the constant negative which he 
 put upon all laws passed in the colonies for the abo- 
 lition of the slave trade. His advocacy of the cause 
 of slaves is a proof, if any were wanting, that his 
 motive for reform was not the desire of popularity, 
 and that he was not disposed to flatter publick opinion 
 in order to obtain its support. On the contrary, he 
 dared to attack it in a point where it was the most 
 sensitive and intractable. In espousing the cause 
 of the slaves, he excited for the most part the jealousy 
 of their masters. He could have no motive but the 
 honour of his country and the impulse of humanity. 
 
 " Mr. Jefferson resembled Dr. Franklin in the char- 
 acter of his mind, and in his fortunes. Neither of 
 them had a predilection for political concerns. The 
 studies most congenial to their minds were the specu- 
 lations of philosophy, the discoveries of science, and 
 the pursuits of natural history. They each ^ had a 
 fondness for the mechanick arts. Engaged in similar 
 23* 
 
262 LIFE OF JEFFERSOJT, 
 
 objects, they enjoyed abroad the same scientific!*: cor- 
 respondence, and arrived at the same classical hon- 
 ours; and the traveller sees with pride their names 
 associated and inscribed on the contributions which 
 America has made to the learned cabinets of Europe. 
 
 " Dr. Franklin, also, is more known as a writer 
 than an orator. Some of his speeches are reported. 
 Though they are distinguished by the peculiar and 
 extraordinary features of his mind, and were always 
 delivered with effect, yet it is remarked, that he never 
 spoke longer than ten minutes. Mr. Jefferson too, 
 wanting strength of voice, relied altogether up'on his 
 power of writing; and as nature is observed to com- 
 pensate the loss of one sense by giving more force to 
 another, so Mr. Jefferson's disuse of public k speaking 
 seems to have thrown additional energies in his writ- 
 ten composition." 
 
 Mr. Jefferson was the acknowledged head of the 
 republican party, from the period of its organization 
 down to that of his retirement from publick life. The 
 unbounded praise and blame which he received as a 
 politician, must be left for the judgemept of the histo- 
 rian and posterity. 
 
 In person, Mr. Jefferson was tall, erect, and well 
 formed, though thin ; his countenance was bland and 
 expressive ; his conversation fluent, imaginative, vari- 
 ous, and eloquent. Few men equalled him in the fac- 
 ulty of pleasing in persona] intercourse and acquiring 
 ascendency in political connexion. 'His complexion 
 was fair, and his features remarkably expressive ; his 
 forehead broad, the nose not larger than the common 
 size, and the whole face square, and expressive of deep 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 265 
 
 thinking". In his conversation he was cheerful and en- 
 thusiastick ; and his language was singularly correct 
 and vivacious. His manners were simple and unaf- 
 fected, mingled, however, with much native but unob- 
 trusive dignity. 
 
 In disposition, Mr. Jefferson was full of liberality 
 and benevolence. His charity was unostentatious, but 
 bountiful ; a certain portion of his revenue was regu- 
 larly applied to maintain and extend it ; and it has been 
 remarked, that those who, since his death, have travel- 
 led in that part of Virginia where he resided, could not 
 fail to be struck with the repeated, the grateful, and 
 the unpremeditated tributes which are every where 
 paid to his memory the constant appeal to his opin- 
 ions, the careful remembrance and relation of every 
 anecdote affecting his person and his actions. In his 
 family he was hospitable to a degree which caused 
 poverty to throw some dark shadows over the evening 
 of his life ; he was kind to his domesticks, by whom it 
 was remarked, that no instance had ever occurred in 
 which he had lost his temper ; he was warmly attached 
 and devoted to his children and relatives, whom he 
 loved to assemble around him; and we have seen how 
 bitterly he felt the blow which deprived him of one of 
 his two children a. calamity which seems to have 
 shaken his affectionate nature to its centre. The sim- 
 plicity of the domestick habits of Mr. Jefferson, have 
 been already discovered in our extracts from his cor- 
 respondence. 
 
 The correspondence of Mr. Jefferson was varied 
 and extensive, to a degree that became extremely irk- 
 some in his latter years. On this subject, in the year 
 
264 LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 
 
 1822, he thus expressed himself to Mr. Adams : " I 
 do not know how far you may suffer, as I do, under 
 the persecution of letters, of which every mail brings 
 a fresh load. They are letters of inquiry, for the most 
 part, always of good will, sometimes from friends 
 whom I esteem, but much oftener from persons whose 
 names are unknown to me, but written kindly and 
 civilly, and to which, therefore, eivility requires an- 
 swers. I happened to turn to my letter list some time 
 ago, and a curiosity was excited to count those received 
 in a single year. I found the number to be one thou- 
 sand two hundred and^sixty-seven, many of them re- 
 quiri ig answers of elaborate research, arid all to be 
 answered with due attention and consideration." 
 
 A few words respecting the religious opinions of 
 Mr. Jefferson, and we close the volume. He has been 
 represented as it suited party rancour : at one time, as 
 the atheistical desperado, warring against the God of 
 heaven; at another, as the ribald scoffer, throwing 
 malignant sneers upon the declarations of His word. 
 But he was far, very far, from being either of these. 
 However opposed Mr. Jefferson may have been to 
 what he considered the corruptions or abuses of Chris- 
 tianity, yet to the spirit and precepts of the gospel he 
 was strongly attached ; and of the character of our 
 Saviour he was a warm and professed admirer. His 
 correspondence is full of declarations to this effect, and 
 they are given as the frank and undisguised sentiments 
 of his heart. In a letter to his friend, Dr. Rush, he 
 thus gives him his views of the Christian religion : 
 " They are," says he, " the result of a life of inquiry and 
 reflection, and very different from that anti-Christian^ 
 
LIFE OP JEFFERSON. 265 
 
 system imputed to me by those who know nothing of 
 my opinions. To the corruptions of Christianity, I 
 am, indeed, opposed ; but not to the genuine precepts 
 of Jesus himself. I am a Christian in the only sense 
 in which he wished any one to be ; sincerely attached 
 to his doctrines in preference of all others ; ascribing 
 to himself every human excellence ; and believing he 
 never claimed any other." Accompanying this letter 
 was a syllabus of an estimate of the merit of the doc- 
 trines of Jesus, in which, among other reasons, he as- 
 signs the following for the intrinsick superiority of 
 the divine lawgiver : 
 
 " 1. He corrected the Deism of the Jews, confirming 
 them in the belief of one only God, and giving them 
 juster notions of his attributes and government. 
 
 "2. His moral doctrines, relating to kindred and 
 friends, were more pure and perfect than those of the 
 most correct of the philosophers, and greatly more so 
 than those of the Jews ; and they went far beyond both 
 in inculcating universal philanthropy, not only to kin- 
 dred and friends, to neighbours and countrymen, but 
 to all mankind, gathering all into one family, under 
 the bonds of love, charity, peace, common wants, and 
 common aids. A developement of this head will 
 evince the peculiar superiority of the system of Jesus 
 over all others. 
 
 " 3. The precepts of philosophy, and of the Hebrew 
 code, laid hold of actions only. He pushed his scruti- 
 nies into the heart of man ; erected his tribunal in the 
 region of his thoughts, and purified the waters at the 
 fountain head. 
 
 " 4. He taught, emphatically, the doctrine of a future 
 
266 LIFE OF JEFFERSOJT. 
 
 state, which was either doubted or disbelieved by the 
 Jews ; and wielding it with efficacy, as an important 
 incentive, supplementary to the other motives to moral 
 conduct." 
 
 In a letter to John Adams are these words : " If by 
 religion we are to understand sectarian dogmas, in 
 which no two of them agree, then your exclamation on 
 that hypothesis is just, ' that this would be the best of 
 all possible worlds, if there were no religion in it.' 
 But if the moral precepts innate in man, and made a 
 part of his physical constitution, as necessary for a 
 social being if the sublime doctrines of philanthropism 
 and Deism taught us by Jesus of Nazareth, in which 
 all agree, constitute true religion, then, without it, this 
 would be, as you again say, ' something not fit to be 
 named, even indeed, a hell.'- " 
 
 In another letter to Dr. Waterhouse, he thus express- 
 es himself: " The doctrines of Jesus are simple, and 
 tend all to the happiness of man. 
 
 " 1. That there is one only God, and he all perfect. 
 
 " 2. That there is a future state of rewards and pun- 
 ishments. 
 
 " 3. That to love God with all thy heart, and thy 
 neighbour as thyself, is the sum of religion." 
 
 Certainly all this is not the language of an enemy 
 to Christianity. It would be a forced service to en- 
 rol under the banners of atheism him who has ex- 
 pressed such an unhesitating reliance on the controlling 
 energies of a superintending Providence; and one 
 would suppose the man who declares that ' this earth 
 would be a hell without the religion of Jesus,' would 
 
LIFE OF JEFFERSON. 267 
 
 be more apt to share with the Bible in the hatred of the 
 scoffer, than be considered his coadjutor in profanity. 
 
 But though Mr. Jefferson's opinion on certain religious 
 points should be hostile to our own, how is he more 
 culpable than the thousands who have embraced differ- 
 ent forms of belief? In what respect do his religious 
 tenets differ from those of his venerable predecessor, 
 or from those of his equally celebrated son ? In dis- 
 senting from the opinion of others, whose piety and 
 wisdom are entitled to veneration, he has not underta- 
 ken to advance his own with pride or bitterness. He 
 has not condescended to disguise his sentiments for 
 fear of provoking opposition, nor has he been ambi- 
 tious to obtrude them on the publick in the conceit of 
 making converts. 
 
 His death tested the sincerity of his faith, and he 
 died with that calmness, serenity, and full reliance on 
 the mercy of his Maker, which both philosophy and 
 religion desire. 
 
 THE END. 
 

 
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